Indian Antiquary Vol 15

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032507/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E..
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
CAPTAIN, BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XV.-1886.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY - DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COM
PARATIVE STUDY OF ASIATIC STXBOLISM :Introduction ... No. 1. Sun and Moon (or Cup) Symbols No. 2. Sun-Worship ... ... * ** No. 3. The Svastika... No. 4. Sacred Stones... ... No. 8. Some Ideas about the Future Life No. 6. Sacred Trees ... ... No. 7. Snake-Worship ... No. 8. The Evil Eye and Allied Notions
... 821 Some Hints on looking for Megalithic Mond
ments and Stone-Implements in India ... ... 316 REV. S. BEAL - THE ANS AND WRITINGS OF NAGARJUNA-BODRISATTYA ... ...
. ... ... ... 853 A Note on the History and Date of Mihirakula ... 345 Por. G. BUHLER, C.I.E., Pa.D., Vienna :VALABHI INSCRIPTION :
No. 18. A new grant of Dharasena IV. ... ... 885 Beruni's Indica ... ..
** ... - 31 G. X. C. :Dr. Peterson's Editiop of the Subhashitavali of
Vallabhadeva ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 M. LONGWORTH DAMES, Esq., B.C.8., M.R.A.S., eto. :
OLD SEALS YOUND AT HARAPPA ... ... ... 1 SnR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.8.1., F.B.8. :A TORTAER NOTICE OF TEE ANCIENT BUDDHIST
STRUCTURA AT NEGAPATAX ... ... ... 234 ANCIENT TENURES OF LAND IN THE SOUTHERN
MARATHA COUNTRY... Egerton's Mustrated Handbook of Indian Arms... 84
Notes on the Early History of Pegu .. .. 817 J. P. FLEET, Esq., Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E., eto. :SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS :No. 160. Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of the Maha-
raja Mahendrapala; (Harsha)-Samvat 155 ... 105 No. 161. Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the
Maharaja Vinayakapala; (Haraha)-Samvat 188. 188 No. 162. Mandasor Inscription of Kumar
gupta and Bandhuvarman; the Malava
years 493 and 529 ... ... ... ... ... 194 No. 168. Mandasor Inscription of Yasodharman
and Vishnuvardhans; the Malavs year 589 ... 222 No. 164 Mandasor Pillar Inscription of Yo
dharman .. . ... ... ... ... 263'
PAGE No. 165. Mandasor Duplicate Pillar inscription
of Yasodharman ... ... ... ... ... No. 166. Bodh Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman; the year 269 ... ...
.. ... ... 350 No. 167. Bodh Gaya Image Inscription of Maha:
naman... ... THE EPOCE OF THE GUPTA EBA ... ... ... THE HISTORY AND DATE OF MIKIRAKULA... ... THE MEANING OF BAPPA AND BAVA ... ... 272 A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS ; No. 2:
The Inoome Tax ... .. ... ... ... 349 SOME FANTASTIC CHARACTERS
*
... ... ... 364 Note on a passage in the Jain Harivamss relating to the Guptas ...
... ... 141 Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic
Society ... ... ... Gardner and Poole's Coins of the Greek and
Scythio Kings of Bactria and India in the
Ladian Museum ... ... ... ... ..153 Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit M88. in Private
Libraries in Southern India ... ... ... 154 Note on the Coins of the Hindu Kings of Kabul... 184 A new grant of Dharagena II. of Valabhi ... ... 187 Two passages from the Acharatika ... ... ... 188 Sripatha, the ancient Sanskrit name of Byana ... 239 Note on Prof. Peterson's Subhashitavali of Valla- bhadeva... ... ... ... ... ... ... 240 Note on the origin of the Gupta Ers ... ... 278 Bendall's Journey in Nepal and Northern India... 288 Note on the Bodh-Gaya Inscription of Maha
naman ... .. ... .. ... ... .. 347 Note on the Hathaani Inscription of the Mehara
Chief Thepaka... ... ... ... ... ... 361 G. A. GRIERSON, Esq., B.O.S., M.R.A.S., ete:
(See also Mrs. G. A. GRIERSON) Curiosities of Indian Literature. ... 281, 318, 348
Progress of European Scholarship, No. 1 ... ... 342 Mrs. G. A. GRIERSON :AN ENGLISH GIPSY INDEX .............14, 19, 84, 113.
143, 178, 236, 277, 310, 340 HENRY H. HOWORTH, Esq., F.S.A. :
CHINGHI KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORB, Ch. XXXII. 128 DR. B. HULTZSCH GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161. 20) TA BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA ... Note on the Kasmiri Portable Brazier ...
The Vijayanagara Genealogy ... ... ... ... 147 LIXUT.-COL. G. A. JACOB :
N RISTMHATAPANTTA-UPANISHAD ... ... The Upanishads and their latest translation ... 279
.
.
... 288

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
PAGE PROF. F. KIELHORN, GOTTINGEN :
S. M. NATESA SASTRI :Two COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF JAYACHCHANDRA FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. No. 13. The OF KANAUJ . ..
" * ***
Four Good sisters ... ... ... ... ... THE SABBARU TEXPLE INSCRIPTTON OY MAHI
Samanyacharana and Brihacharana ... ... PALA, OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1150...
The Verses of Lakhima Thakurani ... ... NoTER ON THE MAHABHABHYA;
V. A. SMITH, Esq.,.C.S., M.R.A.S., eto. No. 1. Acharyad siya ..
Gen. Cunningham's Archeological Reports No. 2. Gonikaputra and Gonardiya No. 3. On some doubtful Varttikas ... ... 203
Gen. Cunningham's Book of Indian Eras...
A Note on the Date of Mihirakula ... ... No. 4. Some Suggestions regarding the verses
... 346 (Karikaa) in the Mahabhashya ... ... ... 228
D. AUREL STEIN, Buda-Pesth:IN DRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS... ... 181 Afghanistan in Avestio Geography ... ... ... 21 THE CHANDRA VYAKARANA AND THE KABIKA- CAPTAIN R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S., VRITTI... .. .. ..
... ... 183
F.R.G.S., etc. - Whitney's Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary
Note on Prof. Weber's translation of the British Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language ... 86
National Anthem into Sanskrit The Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi ... ... ... 156
Note on the Svastika ... ... ... Rev. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. Pope's Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar Narayanar. 212 ete.
Note on the Archeological Survey of India GULLALA SHAH
Vol. XV. ...
... ... ...
... ... 74, 96
.. ... ... ... ... 283 PRIDE ABASED ... ... ... ... ... ... 157 | EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S., the late :
THE FOUR PRINCES ... .. ... ... 299, 328 EXTRACTS FROM CHINESE AUTHORS CONCERNING PRAMADADASA MITRA, BENARES :
THE HISTORY OF TAX KUSHANS ..................... 19 Tax BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED VAJESHANKAR GAURISHANKAR, BHAW.
INTO SANSKRIT ... ... ... ... .... 363. NAGAR: K. B. PATHAK, B.A.:
HATRASNI INSCRIPTION OF THE MERARA CHTET A PABBAGE IN THE JAIN HARIVAMSA RELATING
THEPARA TO THE GUPTAS ... ... ... ... ... 141 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :SIR ARTHUR PHAYRE, K.C.S.I., THE LATE :
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :Notes on the Early History of Pegu ... ... 317
No. 2. The Two Thage and the Ravariya
No. 3. The Black-Headed Man ... ... E. REHATSEK, E8Q.
No. 4. Vemai and the Thieves .. .. THE LAST YEARS OP SHAH SHUJAA ... 162, 261, 289
No. 5. The Unfortunate Merchant ... The Iyar-i-Danish ... ... ... ... ... 319 No. 6. Supabai Jai .. ... .. LEWIS RICE, Esq., C.I.E., M.R.A.S :
Prof. A. WEBER, Berlin :MUDYANUR PLATE. OF SAKA 261 OF THE BANA The BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED
KING MALLADEVA-NANDIVARMAN . ... 172 INTO SANSKRIT ... ... ... .. ... .. 47
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. Afghanistan in Avestic Geography, by Aurel Stein... 21 Samanyacharana and Brihacharana, by 8. M. Natess A Note on the Kasmiri Portable Brazier ... ... 57 Sastri ... ... ... ... ... ... .... 281 Protap Chandrs Roy's Mahabharata ... ...
Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson . 281 The Retirement of General Cunningham ... ... 116 The Religion of the Arabs ... ... ... ... 312 The Vijayanagara Genealogy, by E. Hultzsch ... 147 Some Hints on looking for Megalithio Monuments General Cunningham's Archæological Reports, by and Stone-Implements in India, by H. G. M. MurV A. Smith ... ... ..
ray.Aynsley ... ... ... ... .. ... 316 Note on the Coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul, Notes on the Early History of Pegu by the late by J. F. Fleet ... .. ...
... 185 Sir Arthur Phayro, by Sir Walter Elliot ... ... 317 A new grant of Dharagena II. of Valabhi, by Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson . 318 J. F. Fleet... ... . ... ... 187 The Iyar-i-Danish, by E. E. ... ...
... 319 Two peanges from the Acharatika, by J. F. Fleet... 188 Protap Chandra Roy's Mahabharata ... ... 819 Sripaths, the ancient Sanskrit name of Byada, by
Progress of European Scholarship, by G. A.
Grienon ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 342 Dr. Peterson's Edition of the Subhashitavali of. A Note on the History and Date of Mihirkula, by
Vallabhadeva, by G. M: C. ... ... ... ... 239 8. Beal ... ... .. . ... ... ... 845 Note on the Origin of the Gupta Era, by J. F. Fleet 278 A Note on the Date of Mihirakula, by V. A. Smith.. 346 The Upanishads and their latest Translation, by Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson. 348 G. A. Jacob . ...
The Verses of Lakhima Thakurani ... ... ... 382
J.F. Fleet...
.
...
..
..
..
... 2239
270

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CONTENTS
*-. 234
BOOK NOTICES. PAGE
PAGE Egerton's Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms, by Scott's Burma, as it was, as it is, and as it will be .. 216 Sir Walter Elliot
Protap Chandra Roy's Translation of the MahnBeruni's Indica, by G. Bühler ... ... ... ... 31 bharata ... ... ... . .. .. .. 216 Growse's Indian Architecture of To-day ... ... 57 Asiatic Researches; Caloutta reprint... Burton's Book of the Thousand nights and a Night. 58 Peterson's Subhashitavali of Vallabhadova... ... 240 Knowles' Dictionary of Kaemiri Proverbs and Pope's Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar Narayanar... 242 Sayings ... ... ... ... ... .. .
Kitts' Compendium of the Castes and Tribes of Grierson's Bihar Peasant Life ... ... .
India ... .... ... .. ... Whitney's Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary Deriva
Man's Andaman Islandora ... ... ... ... 244 tives of the Sanskrit Language
Hillebrandt's Vedachrestomathio ... ... ... 244 Arnold's Light of Asia ..
... . . .. . 87
Grierson's Soven Grainmars of the Dialects and
Grierson's Seven Ger Muir': Extracts from the Coran in the Original, with ---
Subdialects of the Bihari Languago... ... ... 244 English Rendering
... ... ... 88 Burnell's and Hopkins' Ordinapoos of Manu... ... Wherry's Comprehensive Commentary on the Quran. 88 Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, Vol. The Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic
XXI... ... Society, by J. F. Fleet ... ..
... .. 148 Cunningham's Archæological Survoy of India, Gardner and Poole's Coins of the Greek and Scythic
XXII. ... ... Kings of Bactria and India in thó British Museum, Weber's Indische Studien
... 205 by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... ... ... 153
Asiatic Quarterly Review Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Private Wright's Empire of the Hittites
... ... 287 Libraries of Southern India, by J. F. Fleet ... 154 Rost's Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China The Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi with the Commentary Pischel's Rudrata's Cringaratilaka and Ruyaka'a
of Mallinatha, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... 156 Sahridayalila ... ... ... Cunningham's Book of Indian Erns, by V. A. Smith. 211 Bendoll's Journey in Nepal and Northorn India, by Solf's Dio Kagmir-Recension Der Pancasika... ... 213
J. F. Fleet... ... ... .. . .. The Taprobanian ... ... ... .. .. ... 21
The Camelot Classics ... ... ... ... ... Smith's Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia ... 213 Sheldon's translation of Flaubert's Balammbo ... 319 Wright's History of Nepal ...
... 214 Fiske's Myths and Myth-makers Hughes' Dictionary of Islam ... ... ... 214 Gray's Ancient Proverbs and Maxima from Burmese Torr's Rhodes in Ancient Times
... 215 Sources, or the Niti literature of Burma ... ... 348
67
ILLUSTRATIONS. Indian Arms
... ... 28 The Tolven: the Men-An Tol ... ... ... .. 123 Sasbahu Temple Inscription of Mahipala. Vikrama Stone Celts from India ... ... Samvat 1150 ... ... ..
Stone Celta from Guernsey The Air of Har Phulan Di, in the European Style ... 48 Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the Maharaja Sun and Fire Symbols of the Earlier and Later Vinayakapala-The year 188 ... ... ... ... Bronze Age ...
66 Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhu. Wizard's Drum from Lapland ...
varman.-The Malava years 498 and 529 ... ... 196 Sun and Cap Symbols
Mandasor Inscription of Yaaodharman and VishnuSun and Cup Symbols ...
vardhana. The Malave your 589 ... ... ... 224 The Svastika ...
Mandasör Pillar Inscription of Yasodharman Some Sun and Fire Symbols ...
Mandasor Duplicate Pillar Inscription of Yasodhar. Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of Mahendrapala.-The
man ... ... . ..
" 155 ... ... ... .
Snake Worship ... ... ... ... Monoliths ... ... ...
... 118 The Evil Eye and Allied Notions ... ... Sculptured Stones ... ...
... 119
Kanarese Ballads, the Income Tax; Air of the Churus 350 Russian Monolith ...
... 120 Bodh-Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman.- l'he your La Venus de Quinipily
... 121 289 ... ...
... ... .. ... 358 Monolith in Brittany
128 Rodh-Gaya Iuage Inseription of Mahanaman ... 358
Year
112

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XV.-1886.
OLD SEALS FOUND AT HARAPPA.
BY M. LONGWORTH DAMES, B.C.S., &c. TN Vol. V. page 108, of the Archeological Multan. This seal is of a drab-coloured 1 Survey of India, General Cunningham de- smooth stone, perfectly flat on the engraved scribes a seal found at Harappå, in the Mont- side and rounded at the back. The inscription gomery District, one of the enormous mounds is composed of five characters. It is here given which mark the sites of deserted towns in side by side with Major Clark's seal as drawn the plains of the Pañjab.
by General Cunningham (Fig. 1, attached The seal is described by General Cunning- hereto). Mr. Harvey's seal (Fig. 2) is a full-size ham as follows:-"The seal belonging to reproduction of the original in the possession Major Clark is a smooth black stone without of that gentleman. polish. On it is engraved very deeply a bull
Fig. 1
Fig. 2 without hump, looking to the right, with two stars under the neck. Above the ball is an inscription in six characters which are un. known to me. They are certainly not Indian letters, and as the bull, which accompanies them, is without a hump, I conclude that the seal is foreign to India."
In the Academy for May 2nd, 1885, M. Terrien de la Couperie, in an article on the meaning of the word Tin-Yút, refers to "the M. Terrien de la Couperie is of opinion that stone seal of Setchuen or Shuh writing which these seals were brought to India in the course was found a few years ago in the ruins of of trade through Baktria. Possibly they may Harappa, near Lahor." "This," he adds, “is have belonged to Buddhist pilgrims, who attributed by General Cunningham on archwo- certainly must have visited Harappa. Seals in logical evidence to the fourth century B.C., an unknown language are scarcely likely to and is the oldest fragment of writing found in have been articles of trade. It would be inIndia."
teresting to know the meaning of the inscripAnother seal, apparently in the same writing, tions; and perhaps M. Terrien de la Couperie was obtained at Harappa on November 21st, or some other scholar will publish a translation 1884, by Mr. J. Harvey, Inspector of Schools, of them.
LA
(He does not, however, say Bo at the place above cited nor in his Ancient Geography of India. D. 210.
where he again describes Harappa. -ED.]
Plate XXXIII. Fig. 1, in Arch, Suru. Ind. Vol. V.

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2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
II.-The Two Thags and the Ravariya. There were two thage who had spent a great part of their lives in robbing and cheating their simple neighbours, but at last there came a time when they found that there was no more scope for the exercise of their talents in their native village, so they resolved upon going out to seek fresh fields and pastures new. They set out at once, and after a long journey came to a city, on the outskirts of which they saw a poor Råvarlyà, sitting near a wretched hut weaving his patti.
"Tell us, brother," said they, approaching him with a look of pity, "how it is that you do not live in the city, and prefer a wretched hovel in this solitary place to the fine houses there ?"
"I am too poor," replied the man, " to afford to rent a house in the city, and there is no one there that is generous enough to accommodate me for nothing; so I sit here all day doing my work, and when night comes I go and sleep under the roof I have made myself." "And," he added, "I make my living out of an and or two that I manage to earn by selling the two or three yards of patti I weave every day."
"We really pity your lot, my man," said the thage, "and henceforward shall be your best friends. Come now, get up and follow us to the river-side, where we shall give you a suit of clothes to put on in place of the wretched garments you now wear."
The Ravariya got up and followed them, rejoicing greatly at so much notice being taken of a poor man like himself by persons so much above him in life, as he thought the thags to be, for they were decently dressed and looked quite respectable. When they arrived at the river-side the thags bade the weaver get his head and his overgrown beard shaved and wash himself in the stream. After he had done all this they gave him a suit of clothes to wear, which he joyfully put on, while the two men said to him:-" Go now and attend to your work, but be always ready to render us whatever service we may require of you."
A weaver of the broad tape used for bedsteads. See ante, Vol. IX. p. 205. The tape woven by Ravarly&s.
[JANUARY, 1886.
"Very well, Má báp," answered the poor man and returned towards his hut, while the two thags went on towards the city. Entering it they wandered about for some time, watching for an opportunity of practising their vile art upon some poor victim, when they heard that the king of the country, who had a beautiful daughter, was looking out for some great prince as a husband for her. This put an idea into the heads of the thags, and they instantly retraced their steps to the hut of the Råvariyâ, whom they found hard at work at his patts. They bade him get up and follow them immediately, and the poor weaver, true to his promise, obeyed them.
When they came to a secluded place the two men dressed the Râvariyâ in gold embroidered garments and jewels, and getting a litter from the city made him lie in it in the position of a sick man, bidding him neither to stir out of it, nor to utter a single syllable without their permission. They then ordered the bearers to carry the litter towards the city, and they themselves walked one on each side of it waving chamris. They also hired every man and animal they could pick up on the road, till they had a respectable following of attendants, horses, and ponies.
They went on thus with a great show of pomp and parade till they reached one of the palaces of the king, when in a peremptory tone they ordered the gate-keeper to open the gate and give them ingress. The gate-keeper, however, refused to obey them, whereupon one of the thags, making a great show of authority, cried out:-"What! Is our Râjâ Sahib to wait till this wretched gate-keeper makes up his mind to open the gate? Not for worlds! So, fall on my men, and break open the gates that we may get in." The men made towards the gate with what sticks and staves they had for arms, and the poor gate-keeper, thinking them to be in earnest, opened the gates wide in great fright. The thags and their followers entered the palace with a great deal of noise and bustle, while the poor gate-keeper ran fall speed to apprise
lit., father and mother, but really an expression of respect: patron or protector.
Whisks made of yake' tails: a universal sign of royalty in India.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
JANUARY, 1886.]
the king, his master, of the advent of some great prince, with a formidable retinue, in the city, and to tell him how his men had taken forcible possession of the palace. The king forthwith sent his minister to inquire of the new comers who they were, and what had pleased the great prince to visit his territories.
The minister went accordingly, and begged admittance at the palace gates, but they refused to let him in. After making him wait outside for some time, one of the thags came out to meet him, whom the minister requested to usher him into the presence of the prince; but the thag, assuming an air of dignity, replied:"No, no, we are not going to trouble our great Raja by taking you into his presence, for he is ill and requires quiet and rest. Go you, therefore on your way."
The minister thereupon inquired of the thag whose son the prince was, and what was the object of his visit to the country.
"Oh! he is the son of that great monarch," he replied, "who levies tribute on your master, and is come here for a change of air, in order to recruit his health, and does not, therefore, care to be disturbed either by you or by your master."
The minister had therefore no alternative but to leave the palace, and he straightway returned to his master and acquainted him with the very cold reception he had met with at the hands of the strange prince's attendants. The king attributed this to his having omitted to send the prince presents worthy of him, and so he got ready five trays full of asharfis and bade the minister go once more to the prince and present them to him with his compliments, after instituting inquiries after his health. The king also instructed his minister to learn from the prince whether he was unmarried, and if he would do him the honour to accept the hand of his daughter in marriage.
The minister obeyed his royal master, and repaired to the residence of the strange Râjâ, accompanied by five men bearing the presents. This time, however, he obtained admittance into the palace without much trouble, so, going up to the thags he asked them to present him to their prince that he might lay at His High
A gold coin, value about 30 shillings.
8
ness's feet the presents his master had sent for him. The eyes of the thags glistened when the treasures were displayed to them, but thinking that if they held out a little longer they would get more out of the credulous king, they said to the minister, "Return home with your treasures, brother, the Raja Sahib is too ill to see you, besides, he wants none of your presents, and would never accept them. For what lacks he in his father's treasury ?"
The minister, however, begged so hard to be presented to the prince,-promising that if it did not please His Highness to accept the presents he would withdraw with them,-that the thags yielded to his entreaties and told him to wait a while till they went and obtained their royal master's permission. Going to the Râvariya they instructed him how to act when they brought the minister into the room. "Mind you do not answer a single question of his," said they, "but after he has put a great many to you, utter only à long han' in response. And when he begs of you to accept the gifts he has brought do not make any reply to him. If, however, he still goes on imploring you to accept them, and will not withdraw from your presence, you can cry out as if tired of his importunities, 'Away with them!' and immediately make a pretence of going to sleep."
They then ushered the minister into the mock king's presence, who commenced inquiring after his health, but the sham Raja Sâhib did not condescend to utter a single syllable in reply. He then begged the prince's acceptance of the presents his tributary had sent him, but even then the great man made no reply. At last, however, as if his patience had been completely exhausted, he cried out, Away with them!" and in a moment the two thags turned the minister and the bearers of presents out of the room. The minister returned homewards, greatly disappointed at not having had an opportunity of mentioning to the foreign prince the proposal of marriage.
When the king found that his presents had not been accepted he began to fear that the great prince would slip through his fingers, and baulk him of his expectations of having him as his son-in-law, so he despatched the minister to him once more with still costlier presents. The
4.6.' yea.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
eyes of the two thags sparkled with delight at sight of the treasure, but being consummate hypocrites they still made a pretence of not caring for them. At the minister's request, they went to the Ravariyâ under pretext of asking his permission for the minister to enter his presence, and said to him, "When the minister speaks to you behave yourself as you did the other day, and when he has begged very hard of you to accept the presents simply say, 'Now keep them and have done with it.'"
Having thus tutored the mock king, they took the minister and his presents into the room where he lay in bed, and right well did he act his part, and when, at the conclusion of it, he said, "Now keep them and have done with it," the thags ordered the bearers to put down their costly loads at His Highness's feet and withdraw. Taking leave of the prince with a low bow the minister went out of the room with one of the thags, while the other stood waving a chamri over the Ravariya's
person.
"Is His Highness unmarried ?" inquired the minister of his companion when out of hearing of the Râvarîyê.
"Yes," replied he.
"Can you then persuade him to honour my master by marrying his daughter? He will give her a large dowry and"
"No, no," interrupted the thag, "do not entertain such an idea for a moment; he is too great a man to marry your master's daughter, and, besides, he is ill and not likely to think of matrimony at present."
"But there is no harm in asking his will," argued the minister, and he pressed the thag so hard that at last he got that worthy to promise to broach the subject to the prince at the first opportunity and to let him know His Highness's will as early as possible.
In a few days the king received intimation through the minister that the great prince had been pleased to accept the offer of the hand of his daughter, and would be glad if the nuptials were solemnized at an early date. At this there were great rejoicings in the city and preparations for the approaching wedding went on for some days. The king placed a large palace at the disposal of his son-in-law, and soon
A game played by moving men on a kind of chess board according to the throws of a kind of dice. In all
[JANUARY, 1886. after celebrated the wedding of the Râvariya and the princess with great pomp.
After the weaver was fairly installed in the palace with his royal wife, the two thags, fearing the chances of exposure, thought it high time that they should take their departure from the city. So they dismissed all their attendants, and under pretence of returning to the court of the bridegroom's father, they took their leave of the princess and her Râvariyâ husband, and left the city, taking care, however, to carry away with them all the costly presents, &c. they had received for the mock king, from the bride's father. When parting they did not forget to impress upon the Ravariyâ the necessity of his keeping himself well on his guard, so that there might be no exposure of the terrible swindle they had practised upon the king.
Some time after they had departed, it so happened that one evening, when the princess was sitting on an open balcony with her lord, she expressed her desire to play a game of chaupurs with him by the light of the moon that was shining brightly at the time, but the Ravariya who had never played the game in his life, exclaimed, "What! play a game of chaupur, you foolish woman? I would rather weave a few yards of patți, sitting here under such a bright moon."
The poor woman was struck dumb at these words which revealed to her what her husband was, and could not utter a word in reply. She instantly withdrew into the palace, and from that moment ceased to have any intercourse with him. She remained thus estranged from him so long that life in the palace became insupportable to him, and one night he quietly slipped away, and, betaking himself to his hut in the jungle, resumed his old profession of weaving pattis.
After the lapse of a few years, the two thags began to be curious to know how the Rivariyâ was enjoying his high estate, and whether he was living or dead. So they journeyed once more to the city in which they had left him. When they came to the place where they had first found him they were greatly surprised to see him sitting there working away at his pattis as of old. On their inquiring of him the reason of his leaving the palace, he related in
folklore this is a 'royal' game. The whole process is detailed in Legends of the Pañjab, Vol. I. p. 243.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
you."
detail the conversation he had with his wife on to which she replied that he was her husthat bright moonlight night; how it had led band. to his real position in life being known; how "That loathsome leper your husband P" she had discarded him ever afterwards; and sneered the princess, with her nose in the air, how, fearing for his head in case the king came "and you are nursing him P" to hear of it, he had run away from his wife, "Oh! despise not my poor husband," cried and had once more taken to his old profession the transformed thag, pretending to be hurt by of pati weaving.
the words of the princess," where does a woman "Never mind what has happened, but come seek for happiness but in her husband, her lord, with us once more to where we take yon," said her master? He has been suffering ever so the thags, "and we shall make it all right for long from this foul disease and I have been
travelling about with him from country to So saying they took him to the river-side and country, vainly hoping that he would profit by gave him a string of beads, bidding him to change of climate; and at last, finding this continue sitting there telling his beads till place cool and pleasant, I have halted here and he was sent for by his wife. They then left by your kind permission, shall stay here for a him, and, purchasing some ghi and gu!' from week or so. Is a woman to desert her husband the bázár, mixed them together. One of the because he is a leper ? Oh no, not for worlds! Ihags covered his body with this composition, I have always thought it my duty to serve and and the other got a litter and placed his be- nurse my sick husband, however wearisome the smeared companion in it. He then dressed task might be." himself in woman's clothes, and, adorning his When the princess heard all this it brought person with rich jewels, transformed himself thonghts of her own husband into her mind, into a very good-looking young woman. Or. and she began to reflect upon her conduct in dering the litter to be carried towards the city, deserting him merely because he happened to he walked alongside of it, chamrí in hand, ward- be a Rivariya by trade, whilst that rich and ing off the flies that sought to reach the beautiful woman, as she took the thag to be, ghi and gu! with which his companion was nursed and ministered to the wants of her covered. On the way he hired three or four husband although he was a filthy leper. The men as attendants, and thus they all walked on more the princess pondered over this incident until they came in sight of the palace the the more she felt how heartless had been her RÂvariya had deserted. Ordering the litter to conduct towards her husband, till at last she be set down on a spot well overlooked by one despatched her horsemen to find him out and of the windows of the palace, he set some of
to exhort him to return to her immediately. the hirelings to cook their food and do such In the meantime she intimated to the thags other work for them.
that she had no objection to their staying where By-and-by, the princess, on coming to know they were as long as they pleased. The horsethat a woman, with an invalid in a litter, had men found the Råvariyå sitting by the river. put up near ber palace, went up to the window side telling his beads, just as the thags had left to have a look at them. Seeing a beautiful him, and succeeded in persuading him to return woman well dressed, and decked with ornaments, to his wife. attending to the wants of the occupant of the A day or two later the fhag who played the litter, she naturally inquired of the mock wo- part of a woman requested the princess to lond man who she was, and what ailed the person him some ten thousand rupees, promising to she was nursing. The disguised thag re- return them when remittances arrived from plied, as though he were & woman, that his country. In her great joy at the restorsshe was a traveller who had broken her tion of her husband to her, and knowing that journey there, and the person she nursed was she was in some measure indebted to the suffering from leprosy. The lady further leper's wife for the happy event, the princess inquired what relation the leper was to her, I hesitated not to give the loan asked for. That
. Ghi is boiled butter : gul is a coarso unrefined engar.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
very night the thags quietly decamped from the city, and washed off their assumed forms at the first river that came in their way.
The Råvariya and his wife henceforward lived in peace and happiness, and the thags also turned over a new leaf and were reformed characters ever afterwards!
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN; GOTTINGEN. At the request of the Editors I have prepared when A. was issued Jay ach chandra was the following transcripts and translations of two Yuvarája, his father Vijayachandra copper-plate grants of Jayachchandra- being then alive, whereas in B. he is described de va of Kana aj from photolithographs as ruling sovereign. Of the six ancestors of supplied to me. A short aod very inaccurate Jayachchandra who are enumerated here as elseabstract of the contents of one of these grants where (Yaśðvigraha, Mahichandra, Chandra(marked by me A) will be found in Cole dôva, Madanapala, Govindachandra, and Vijayabrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 286; and the chandra), nothing specific is mentioned beyond other grant (marked B) has been edited and this, that Chandradê va acquired the translated in a most careless manner in the sovereignity over Kanyakubja and that his Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. X. Part I. p. 98 ff. kingdom included Benares, Ayodhya and After finishing my own transcripts, I have another Tirtha, which probably was ancient compared the following grants of Jayach- Delhi; and that Vijayachandra conquered chandra and his predecessors :
one Hammira, " the abode of wanton destruction A grant of Madana på la, of Samvat to the earth." Attention may also be drawn 1154, edited and translated by Dr. F. E. Hall in to the fact that the sovereignty over KanyaJour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXVII. p. 220 :- kabja is described as having been newly
A grant of Govinda chandra, of Samvat acquired, even when Govinda chandra, 1161, edited and translated by Dr. Rajendralal the grandson of Chandradêva, was reigning. Mitra in Jour, Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. The grant recorded in A. was made on the Part I. p. 321; and re-edited by Mr. Fleet, full-moon day of the month Mágha in the ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103:
(Vikrama) year 1225 by the Yuvardja JayachA grant of the same, of Samvat 1174, chandra, who was then somewhere on the edited and translated by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra banks of the Yamunt, and who by this grant in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. Part I. made over the village of Nagalit in the
Dê ya hali Pattald to the two brothers, the A grant of the same, of Samvat 1177, partly Rauta Anate barman and the Rauta edited by Dr. F. E. Hall, id. Vol. XXXI. Dåd sarman, Brâhmans of the Kasyapa p. 123:
gôtra. The grant was written by Jayap Ala. A grant of the same, of Samvat 1182, The grant B. is dated Sunday, the 7th lunar edited and translated by Dr. F. E. Hall, it. day of the bright half of Ashadha of the Vol. XXVII. p. 242:
(Vikrama) year 1243, angwering it appears to And a grant of Jayachchandra (wrong. Sunday the 14th June A.D. 1187. The king ly called Jaya Chandra) of Samvat 1234, trans- Jayachchandra, when making the grant, lated by Captain E. Fell in Asiatic Researches, was at Benares; the donee was the Doda- Rauta Vol. XV. p. 447.'
Apa iga of the Bharadvaja gotra; and the Both inscriptions are composed in Sanskrit object granted was the village of Kam 011" and written in Devanagari characters. The in the Asurê sa Pattala. historical information afforded by them is the | I am not able to identify the places mentioned game in both grants, with this difference, that in either grant.
p. 324 :
See also F. E. Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 8. Compare also Centenary Review, Beng. As. doc. Part II. p. 120f.
This grant deserves particular attention, because the wording of it entirely differs from that of all the
st of all the I
other grants enumerated above.
Other grants are mentioned by Captain Fell in the article mentioned above.
See note 15 below. See note 80 below.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
A.-ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA AND THE YUVARAJA JAYACHCHANDRA.
-SAMVAT 1225, This inscription is from a copper-plate which is now in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London. No information is forthcoming as to where it was originally found.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side
only, measures about 1' 6" by 1'1'. It is quite smooth, the edges being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. The inscription has suffered a good deal from corrosion; but the following inscription B. renders it easy to supply most of the damaged letters. There is a ring-hole in the top of the plate; but the ring and seal are not forthcoming. The weight of the plate is 9 lbs. 87 oz.
TEXT.
[1] स्वस्ति [1] अकुंडोत्कंठवैकुंठकंपीउलुउत्करः। संरंभः सुरतारं स श्रि[य]: श्रेयसेस्तु वः।। [१] भा.
सीदशीतद्युतिवंशजातक्ष्मापालमालासु दिवं ग[P] तास [1] साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाना ना(मा) यशोविग्रह इत्युशरः ।। [२] तत्सुतोभून्महीचंद्रचंद्रधाम
निभं निजं । येनापारमकूपारपारे व्यापारितं यशः [1] [३] [२] तस्याभूत्तनयो नयैकरशिक:' क्रान्तद्विषन्मंडलो विध्वस्तोद्धत(in marg. वीर)योधतिमिरः श्रीचंद्रदेवो नृपः।
येनोवारतरप्रतापशमि(ता)शेषप्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमझा[*] धिपुराधिराज्य)मसमं दोबिक्रमेणाजितं ।। [५] तीर्थानि काशिशिकोत्तरकौशलेन्द्रस्थानीयकानि परि
पालवताधिगम्य [0] हेमात्मतुल्यमनिशं ददता [*] बिजेभ्यो ये(नां)किता वसुमती (श)तशस्तुलाभिः ॥[५] तस्यास्मशो मदनपाल इति क्षितीन्द्रचूडामणिविजयते
निजगोवचंद्र।। यस्याभिषे)कक[*] लसोल्लसितैः पयोभिः प्रक्षालितं कलिरजःपटल धरित्र्याः॥ [1] तस्मादजायत निजायतवाहवल्लिवधा'वरुद्धनव
राज्यगजो नरेंद्रः [1] सांद्रामृतद्रवमुचां ['] प्रभवो गवां यो गोविंदचंद्र इति चंद्र इवांबुरासेः' ।। [७] न कथमप्यलभ(न्त) रणक्षमांस्तिषु विक्षु गजानथ
वजिणः। ककुभि (व)भ्रमुर(भ)मुवनप्रतिभटा ["] व यस्य पटागजाः ।। [4] अजनि विजयचंद्रो नाम तस्मानरेंद्रः "सरपतिरिव भूभृत्पक्षविच्छेववक्षः। भुव.
नदलनहेलाहर्म्यहम्मीरनारीनय[*] नजलधाराधीतभूलोकतापः ।। [९] यस्मिंश्चलत्युदधिनेमिमहीजयाय मायकरीन्द्रगुरुभारनिपीडितेव। बाति
प्रजापतिपदं शरणार्थिनी ["] भूस्वंगनुरंगनिवहोत्थरजइछलेन । [१०] सोयं समस्तराजच(क)संसेवितचरणः स च परमभहारकमहाराजाधि
राजपरमंन्वरपरममाहेश्वर[1] निजभुजोपार्जितकन्यकुब्जा"धिपत्यश्रीचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीम
वनपालदेव["] पादानुध्वातपरमभहारकमहाराधिराज परमेश्वर(प)रममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजवयाधिपतिविविधविचा
विचारवाचस्प["] तिश्रीगोविन्दचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजववा
धिपतिविविध ["] विचविचार"(वा)चस्पतिश्रीमद्विजयचंद्रदेवो विजयी।" देव(होलीपत्तलायां ना(ग)लीपाम"निवासिनो निषि
ल"जनपदानुपगतानपि च राजराज्ञी युव["] राजमांबपुरोहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभाण्डागारिकारि(का)"पटलिकभिषक्नैमित्ति"कान्त पुरिकबूतकरितुरगप
तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधि["] कारिपुरुषानाज्ञापयति बोधयत्यादिशति च यथा। विदितमस्तु भवतां यथोपरिलिखितमामःसजल(स्थ)लः"
सलाहलवणाकर[] सगभेषरः
• Indian Inscriptions, No. 12. - Read नयैकरसिक. • Read 'बाहुवनिबंधा. • Read इवांबुराशेः. 0 Rend बभ्रमु. ॥ This aign in ruperfluous, " Read 'कन्यकुब्जा . " Read °महाराजाधिराज'. " Read "विपाविचार'.
" Thinsign is superfinous. "Or नामलीग्राम (2) 1 Road निखिल. " Rend °भाण्डागारिकाक्षी. " Rend भिषनैमित्ति. - Rond बोधय. 3This sign is superfluous.

Page #14

THE - INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JAN UARY, 1886.
["] सा(ब)मधूकःव(नः)" समस्याकर(स्तृण यूतिगेचर सहितः (स्व)सीमासहितश्चनुराघाटविशुद्धः । * पंचविंश
त्वधिकहादशत"संवत्सरेंकेपि सं १२२५ माघीपौर्ण["] मास्यां विशिष्ठ] घटे यमुनायां स्नात्वा विधिवन्मंत्रदेवमु.नेमनुजभूतपिटगणांस्तर्पयित्वा तिमिरपटलपाटनपटुमहस
मुष्णरोचिपमुपस्थायौषधिपति[M] शकलशेषर" समभ्यय) त्रिभुवनवातुर्भगवतो वासुदेवस्य पूजां विधाय मातापिबोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोविवि(ख)
ये" ऽस्मत्सम्मत्या समस्त[10] राज(स्व"क्रियोपेतयौवराज्याभिषिक्तमहाराजपुत्रश्रीजयचंद्ररेवेन गोकर्ण कुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वमाचंद्रा
(क) यावत् कास्य[1] पगोत्रभ्यां कास्यपावसारन(धु)वविःप्रवराभ्याम्(?) ठन्कुर तिह(ल)पौवाभ्यां ठन्कुरा(ल्हे)पौवाभ्यां राउत
गोठपुवाभ्यां राउतश्रीअणते । राउत["] श्री(वा)प्सर्म-यां"ब्राह्मगाभ्यां (शुद्ध)प्रसा(द) प्रत्तो म(स्वा) य(था)डीयनानभागभो(ग)क(रम)वणिकरगोक
र(जात)करतुरुष्करंडक्षमार(ग)दिआण[M]["] प्रभृतिसमस्तनियता(निय)ताशयानाज्ञावि(धेयीभूय) दास्थथ ॥ भवन्ति चान धर्मा(नु)साशनः" पौराणिकभोकाः।
भूमि यः प्रतिगृ(ला)ति यश्च भू["] मि प्रयछति" [] (उभौ) तौ पुण्यकाणी नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ ।। संख"भ(द्रा)सनं छत्रं वराश्वा वरवारणा[1]
भूमिदानस्य चिहानि फल(मे)तस्पुरंदर ।। [] पर्टि वर्षसह(खा)गि स्वर्गे वसति भूमिदः [1] आछेत्ता" चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ।। स्वदत्ता परदत्तां
वा यो हरेव"सुंधरां। स विष्ठायां कृमिर्भूत्वा पितृ["] भिः सह मज्जति ॥ गानेको स्वर्णमे(क) च भूमेर धेकमंगुलं । हरबरकमा(मोति) यावाहूनसं(प्ल)" | वाता
भविभ्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमाव["] मधुरा विषयोपभोगाः [1] प्राणास्तृगामजलविद्सना नराणां धर्मः सखा परमही परलोकयाने ॥ सर्वानेतान्भा
विन: पार्थिवंन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते राम["] भद्रः [0] सामान्योय धर्म(से)तर्नपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्धिः॥ लिखितं ताम्रकमिदं श्रीजयपालेन । TRANSLATION
| (and) scattered the haughty brave warriors as Om! May it be well !-(V.1.) May the (the moon does the darkness. By the valour of agitation of Lakshmi during the amorous dal. his arm he acquired the matchless sovereignty liance, when her hands wander over the neck over the glorious G Adhipura, when an end of Vaikuntha filled with eager longing, bring was put to all distress of the people by his you happiness!
most noble prowess." (V. 2.)--After the lines of the protectors of (V.5.)-Protecting the holy bathing-places of the earth born in the solar race had gone to | Kisi, Kusika, Uttarakosall, and the city of heaven, there came a noble (personage) Yaś ô. Indra, after he had obtained them, (and) incesvigraha by name, (who) by his plentiful santly bestowing on the twice-born gold equal splendour (was) as it were the Sun incarnate." | (in weight) to his body, he hundreds of times
(V.3.)-His son was Mahichandra who marked the earth with the scales (on which he spread his boundless fame, resembling the moon's | had himself weighed)." splendour, (even) to the boundary of the ocean. | (V.6.)-Victoriousis his son Madanapala,
(V.4.)-His son was the king, the illustrious | the crest-jewel of the rulers of the earth, the Chandradeva, whose one delight was in | moon of his family. By the sparkling waters statesmanship, who attacked the hostile hosts from his coronation-jars the coating of impurity
# Read साममधूकवनः 13 Read 17. "This sign is superfluous. - Read द्वादशशत. 0 This reading is doubtfal. " Read शेखर. * Read यशोविवद्धये. " This akshara may be स्थ. nor गोकर्ण (2) - Read काश्यपगोत्राभ्यां काश्य. * Read त्रिप्रवराभ्यां.
13 The spelling of this word appears to be * (aot ठकुर) here and below. * This sign is suparfuous. " Read शर्मभ्यां प्रा.
I am doubtfal about the last akshara of this line; it may beण ord or or कु.
Read धानुशासिनः. Read प्रयच्छति.
३. Read शंख. Read छत्र.. - Read आच्छेना. " Read हरेत व.
See B. & R. Dictionary, ... संप्रव. * Metre : Indravajra.
* Metre: Sardlavikridita. Gadhipura, "Gadhi's town,' is Kanyakubja; see below. __40 Motra : Vasantatilaks.-The reading अधिगम्य (not
अभिगन्य is certain in both insoriptions. On the Tirthan named see Hall, Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 224; Kasi and UttarakösalAare Benares and Ayodhy; the town of Indra is very probably Indraprastha (ancient Delhi): the Kalika-tirthaltake to be Gidhipura, i... Kanyakabja itself.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1886.)
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
of the Kaliyuga was washed off from the earth."
(V. 7.)- As the moon, whose rays diffuse in abundance liquid nectar, from the ocean, so was born from him the ruler of men Govindachandra, who bestowed cows giving abundant milk. As one restrains an (untrained) elephant, so he secured by his croeper-like long arms the new (i.e. newly acquired) kingdom.“
(V. 8.)-When his war-elephants had in three quarters in no wise found elephants their equals for combat, they roamed about in the region of the wielder of the thunderbolt, like rivals of the mate of Abhramu."
(V. 9.)-From him was born the ruler of men, Vijayachandra by name, expert in destroying the hosts of (hostile) princes, as the lord of the gods (was) in clipping the wings of the mountains. He swept away the affliction of the globe by the streams (of water flowing as) from clouds from the eyes of the wives of Hammira, the abode of wanton destruction to the earth.50
(V.10.)-When he goes out to conquer the earth girt by the ocean, the earth, distressed as it were by the heavy weight of his rutty royal elephants, goes seeking protection up to the throne of Prajapati, in the guise of the dust rising from the multitude of his prancing horses."
(L. 10.)-He it is who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rájas. And he, the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the lord over the three Rijas, (vis.) the lord of horses (Advapati), the lord of elephants (Gajapatı) and the lord
of men (Narapati)," (like) Bțihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Vijayachandradê va,-who meditates on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahúrájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Govinda chandrade va, who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahdšvara, the illustrious Madana påladeva, - who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrious Chandraddva, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja :
(L. 14.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs, and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the village of NÂg a 11" (?) in the Dé va hali Pattuld, and also to the Rájas, Rájnis, Yuvardjas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, uud to the officers having authority as regards elephants, horses, towns, mines (?), Sthanas and Gélulas," as follows
(L. 16.)-Be it known to you that the son of the Mahúrája, the illustrious Jayach. chandradê va, installed as Yuvarája, and as such by our consent empowered to act in all matters like the king himself, -after having bathed in the Yamunâ at the Vašishtha (?)
1
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. * Metre : Vantatilaka. The compound orga... Tor: has been translated by Captain Fell" by the grasp of his mighty arm he was able to restrain an elephant of the kingdom of Navarnshtra": by F. E. Hall, “by whom, with his far-rosohing oroopers of arms, elephantlike upstart governments were seized and coorood"; similarly by Dr. Rajendralal, his long arms, extending like creépera, tied and cheoked all elephant-like upatart kingdoms"; better in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. X. P. I, p. 102, “who by his arms, long and like the creeping plant, kept the newly soquired kingdom-stubborn the elephant in oonfinement. The third pida has been translated by F. E. Hall and who wou a fountain of eloquence sopiously distilling the essence of rhetorical Deotar"; and by Rajendralal either and he was the source of thick fluid-nectar-sprinkling eloquence" or *the source (whence mon obtained) kine which gave thick, sweet milk"; the double meaning suggested in the words of the original has not been noticed.
Metre: Drutavilambito.-Abhramu is the female
elephant of the East (the region of Indra), the mate of AirAvata.
Metre: Malint. •1 Metre : Vasantatilak A.
- The Gajapati is enumerated with other regal ofhoors, such as the Mantrin and the sinpati. 6.9. Ind. Studien, Vol. XV. p. 899, noto; compare also ante, Vol. IIL. P. 152. Honoo it would appear that the Afvapate and Narapati also were high offioers of state. The three terms have also been titles of dynasties and even proper names: see e.g. ante, Vol. V. p. 76: Vol. VIIL. P. 19, 95; Vol. XII. p. 51, 52; Beal's Buddh. Rac. West. World, Vol. I. p. 18. Compare also Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 947; Vol. XXXI. p. 119, and Rajendralel, Vol. XLII. Part I. p. 327; also ante, Yol. XIV. p. 167, 1. 29, hastya-fu Jahtranavvalavyápritika.
See note 15 above. . *4 The exact meaning of the three last terms is not quite clear to me. On Manu VII. 62, dkara is explained by suvarnddyutpattinthan. GJkula usually is 's herd of kine' or ''scattlo-station.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
ghat, after having duly satisfied the sacred (L. 23.)-And there are ancient-verses which texts, divinities," saints, men, beings and teach the law on-this (subject, as follows) :the group of ancestors, after having wor [Here follow seven of the castomary benedictive shipped the sun whose splendour is potent in and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary rending the veil of darkness, after having to translate.] praised him whose crest is a portion of the (L. 28.)-This copper-plate grant has been moon, after having performed adoration of the written by the illustrious Jaya pala. holy Vasudeva, the protector of the three B.-FAIZABAD PLATE OF JAYACHCHANDBA.worlds,-bas, in order to increase the (spiritual)
SAMVAT 1243. merit and the fame of his parents and himself, This inscription" is from a copper-plate on the day of full-moon of Mágha in the twelve which was found near Faizabad in Oude, hundred and twenty-fifth year, in figures too." and is now in the Library of the Royal Asiatic 1225, out of pure grace given the above written Society in London. village with its water and dry land, with its 1 The plate, which is inscribed on one side only mines of iron and salt, with its ravines and measures about l'8 by 1'4". It is quite saline wastes, with its groves of mango and smooth, the edges being neither fashioned thicker madhúka trees, with its fisheries, with its grass nor raised into rims; but the inscription is in and pasture land, up to its boundaries (and) perfect order throughout. The seal is circular, defined as to its four abattals, to the two about 21" in diameter; it has, in relief ons Brahmaņs the Rauta the illustrious A nate. countersunk surface,-across the centre, the (-sarman) and the Rauta the illustrious legend Sr[]maj-Jayachcha (1A*]drad[€]vah il : DAdésarman, sons of the Ráuta Gotha, grand- - in the upper part, Garuda, half man and half sons of the Thakkura Tihula (?) (and) grand. bird, kneeling and facing to the proper right;Bons of the Thakkura Alhê (?), of the Kaśyapa and in the lower part, a sankha-shell. The göra, (and) whose three Pravaras are Kaśyapa, seal slides by its socket-ring, which is about Avatsåra and Naidhruva,-(confirming his thick and 1 in diameter, on a plain ring about gift) with the pouring out) from the palm of " thick and 4" in diameter, which passes his hand (of) water purified with knea grass through the ring-hole in the top of the plate; ......" (and to be theirs) as long as this latter ring had been cut before the grant moon and sun (endure). Aware (of this), you, came under Mr. Fleet's notice for preparing being ready to obey (his) commands, will make the lithograph. The weight of the plate is over (to them) every kind of income, fixed and 6 lbs. 5 oz.; and of the seal with its own ring not fixed, the due share of the produce,...1 and the other, 2 lbs. 61 oz. ; total weight, ............... and so forth." 8 lbs. 114 oz.
TEXT. ['] [#] Fapta 11 F T F uster:I #TECT FATT: AUTETTII ]
भासीरशीतयुतिवंशजातक्ष्मापाल[१] मालास दिवं गतास । साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाना नामा यशोविग्रह इत्युदारः ॥ तस्मतोभून्महीचंद्र
अंधामनिभं निजं | बेनापारमकूपार** Mantradla has by others been translated by V. p. 198, by quotation from a sikah, but there that divinities of the Vedas, but I believe that mantra-dara- shape is given to it only for the denotation of the Accents. manuja-
bata-pitrigans has reference to the five Mahi. w I am unable to explain pravanikara and the remainyajha, to which the worship of the Munia has here been ing terms up to the end of the line. Prepanikara takes Added as is elsewhere that of the Rishia; see e.g. ante, both here and elsewhere the place of the usual Miranya Vol. XIV. p. 103, 1. 9...
(compare e.g. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 232) For the locative anke in place of the more usual and would therefore appear to mean money rent'; ankatah compare e.g. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103, 1. 8.
F. E. Hall has translated it by.. quadrivial tolls,' and M I am not certain about the exact meaning of Rajendralal by 'toll on qandrivials.' But the place gåkarna, cow's ear,' before kulalatpdty. F. E. Hall whoro four roads meet ispravana, not prarani. Golani in Jour. Bong. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 232 translated would seem to be cattle-tax, and jat kira 'tax on " having taken water in his palm, purified by incurving things crown. Turushkadunda, which together with other it into the form of cow's ear, and by kuja gruas," but unintelligible terms occurs algo e.g. unte Vol. XIV. p. 103, passages in other inscriptions would seem to show that 1. 12, has by F. E. Hall been taken to mean Muhammadan kupalatopata onght to be taken an adjective qualify- ameroements and by Rajendralal royalty on aromatio ing the word udala of karatalldaks; compare e.g. ante, reeds (Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 244, and Vol. XIV. p. 108, L 16 kulopatom hastsdalena. That XLIT. Part I. p. 821). Kehambragadidnand (if this be at the recitation of Vedio texts the right hand should be so the right reading) I have not met with anywhere else. held me to look like a cow's ear, I have shown, ante, Vol.

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JANUARY, 1886.)
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
11
[*] पारे व्यापारितं यशः॥ [३] तस्याभूत्तनबो नयैक(र)सिकः कान्तद्विषन्मण्डलो विध्वस्तोद्धतवीरयोधतिमिर
श्रीचंद्रदेवो नृपः। येनोवारतरप्रतापशमिताशेष[*] प्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमहाधिपुराधिराज्यमसम दोविक्रमेणाजितं ।। [१] तीर्थानि काशिकुशिकोत्तरकोशलेन्द्रस्था
नीयकानि परिपालयताधिगम्य । हेमात्मतु[*] ल्यमनिसं ददता द्विजेभ्यो येनाड़िता वसुमती शतसस्नु लाभिः॥ [२] तस्यास्मजो मदनपाल इति क्षितीन्द्रचू.
डामणिविजयते निजगो(व)चंद्रः। यस्याभिषेक[°] कलशोल्लशि(): पयोभिः प्रक्षालितं कलिरजःपठलं धरिज्याः॥ [६] यस्यासीविजयप्रयाणसमये तुनाचलो
चैश्चलन्माद्यत्कुम्भिपदक्रमासमभर(भ्र)श्य['] न्महीमण्डले । चूडारत्नविभिन्नता(लु)गलितस्त्यानासग(ड्रा)शितः (ो)षः शेषवसादिव क्षणमसौ क्रोडे
नि(ली)नाननः ॥ [७] तस्मादजायत निजायतवाहु[*] वल्लिवन्धा'वरुद्धनवराज्यगजो नरेन्द्रः। सांद्रामृत (द्र)वमुचां प्रभवो गवां यो गोविन्दचन्द्र इति चंद्र
हवाम्खुरासे || [८] न कथमप्यलभन्त रणक्षमास्ति[*] सुषु दिक्षु गजानथ वजिणः। ककुभि व(भ्र)मु (रभ्रोमुवल्लभप्रतिभटा इव यस्य घडागजाः ॥ [९] अजनि
विजयचंद्रो नाम तस्मानरेन्द्र, सुरपतिरि[""] व भूभृत्पक्षविच्छेददक्षः] । भुवनदलनहेलाहर्म्यह(म्मी)रनारीनयनजलधाराधौतभूलोकतापः॥ [१०] (लो)
कलयाक्रमणकलिविशृंखलानि प्र.. ["] ख्यातकीतिकविधार्गणतवैभवानि । यस्य (त्रिविक्रमपदक्रमभांजि भांति प्रो(बयो)तय(न्ति) बलि राजभयं यशा
सि ॥ [११] यस्मिश्चलत्युदधिनेमिमहीज["] यार्थ मायस्करीन्द्र(गु)रुभारनिपीडितेव । याति प्रजापतिपदं सरणार्थिनी" भूस्त्वत्तुरङ्गनिवहोत्थरजइछ.
लेन॥ [१२] तस्माबद्भुतविक्रमादथ जयचं[१] द्राभिधानः पतिर्भूपानामवतीर्ण एष भवनोद्धाराय नारायणः। (वैधी)भावमपास्य विप्रहरु(चिं) धिकृत्य सान्ता
शया सेवन्ते यमुदप्रवन्धन["] भय(ध्व)न्सा(यि)न: पार्थिवाः ।। [१३] गच्छेन्मूर्छामतुच्छां न यदि कवलयेकूर्मपृष्ठाभिघात" प्रत्यावृत्तश्र.
मातॊ नमदखिलकणस्वासवास्यासहश्र । उद्योगे ["] यस्य धावद्धरणिधरधुनीनिर्झरस्फारधारभ्रश्यहानद्विपालीदहल"भरगल (छै)र्थमुद्रः फणींद्रः॥ [१४] सोयं समस्तरा
जचक्रसंसवितचरण: । ["] स चं परमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरनिजभुजोपाजितश्रीकन्यकुब्जा"धिपत्यश्रीचंद्रदेवपादानु
ध्यातपरमभहारक["] महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीमदनपालदेवपाशनु (ध्या )तपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्व
राश्वपतिगजप["] तिनरपतिराज (ब)याधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीगोविन्दचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिरा
जपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वराच["] पतिगजपतिनरपतिराज(व)याधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीविजयचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहारा
जाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममा(हे)[*] श्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजवयाधिपतिविविधवियाविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीमजयचंद्रदेवो विजयी ।। ।।" असुरेस
पत्तलायां कमोली मामनि["] वासिनो निखिलजनपदानुपगतानपि च राजराज्ञीयुवराजमंत्रिपुरोहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभांडागारिकासपटालक
भिषग्नैमित्तिकान्तःपुरिक["] दूतकरितु(र)गपत्तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधिकारिपुरुषानाज्ञापयति वोधय"त्यादिशति च विदितमस्तु भवतां यथो
परिलिखितमामः सजलस्थल: ["] सलोहलपनाकरः समस्या)करः सगौपरः सगिरिगहननिधानः सम(धू)का(म्रोवन"वाटिकाविटपणयूति
गोचरपर्यन्तः सोधिश्चतुरापाटवि
• Rend तिमिरः. . Read °निर्श. - Rend शतशस्त.
Rend °सितैः. • Read °पटलं. " Read सिनः. • Rend दोषवशादिव. o Read 'बाहुबनिबन्धा. - Rend इवाम्बुराश:. . Read बभ्रम. 10 Rend घटागजाः. A Read बाल . " Read शरणार्थिनी. Read शान्ताशयाः. - Read °बन्धनभयसाथिनः, 1 Or भिघाते प्रत्या(). I
Read °श्वासवात्यासहलं. " Read °बहुल° (2). - Read कन्यकुब्जा. ** These signs are superfluous.
600r केमोली (?). In the original there is a rertical stroke before , bnt & is in this inscription alwaye denoted by the stroke abore the consonant. Read बोधय.
- Or समकाम्लवन).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
["] मुद्धः स्वसीमापर्यन्तः। विचत्वारिसरधिक वारशतसंवरसरे आषाढ मासि मह"पक्षे सप्तम्यां तिथी रविदिने
___ अत्तोप सम्बत् १२४३ आषाढसुदिर. ["] पो भयेह श्रीमहाराणस्थां गंगायां सात्वा विधिवन्मवदेवमुनिमनुजभूतपितृगणांस्तप्पयित्वा तिमिरपटल गदनप
दुमहसमुष्णरोचिषमुपस्थायौषधि["] पतिपालशेखर" समभ्यर्व विभुवनत्रातु(भ)गवतो (वास)देवस्य पूजां विधाय प्रचु(र)पायसेन हविषा हवि (ज)
-हत्वा मातापित्रोरास्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्ध["] वे भस्माभिगोकर्णकुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वकं भारद्वाजगोत्राय भारद्वाजांगिरसवाहस्स"त्येतित्रिप्रवराय रा. .
उतश्रीमाढले(?)पौवाय राउतश्रीदूंटा["] पुवाय डोडराउतश्रीभणंगाय चंद्रा यापच्छासनीकृस्य प्रदत्तो मत्वा यथाहीयमानभागभोगकर(प्र)वणिकरप्रभृ.
तिनियतानियतसमस्तादायानाज्ञाविधे["] बीभूब दास्यथेति ।। ।। भवन्ति चाव (ओ)काः। भूमि यः प्रतिगृ(का)ति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति। उभौ तौ पुण्य
काणी निब(स) स्वर्गगामिनी॥ संख" भद्रासन छ()" वराचा वरवार[30] णाः। भूमिदानस्य चिहानि फलमेतत्पुरंदर ।। षष्ठि वर्षसहश्राणि (स्वर्गे) वसति भू(मि)दः । भाच्छेत्ता चानु
मन्ता च ताम्येव नरके वसेत् ।। वह"निर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सग["] रादिभिः। यस्य यस्य या भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल ।। स्वदत्तां परबत्तां वा यो ह(२)त व(सं)धरां। स
विष्ठायां कमिभूत्वा पिभिःसह मज्जति ॥ तडागा(नां) सहश्रेण" वाजपेयशतेन च [0] ["] गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सुध्यति ॥ वारिहीनेष्वरण्येषु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः। कृष्ण(स)श्चि जायन्ते
देवव्रह्म (स्वहारिणः॥ नविषं विषमित्याहुब्रह्म(स्व)" विषमुच्य["] | विषमेकाकिन हन्ति ब्रह्मस्वं"पुषपौत्रिक। वाताधवि(ध)ममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमाबमधुरा विषयोप
भोगाः । प्राणास्तृणा(प्र)ज(लोविंदुसमा नराणां धर्मः सखापर["] महो परलोकयाने ॥ यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरैनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावदीत । TRANSLATION.
I no check in its playfal course through the three Om! May it be well!-(Verses 1 to6 = verses |
worlds, (and) whose glory was sung by poets 1 to 6 of the preceding.)
of known renown, made intense the fear of king (V. 7.)-When he went forth to victory, the Bali when it strode along like Trivikrama." orb of the earth bent down beneath the excessive (Verse 12 = Verse 10 of the preceding). weight of the footsteps of his rutty elephants (V. 13.)-After him (i.e. Vijayachandra) marching along, tall as towering mountains : | possessed of wonderful valour, (comes) the lord then, as if suffering from cold, Sêsha, radiant of princes named Jayachchandra; he is with the clotted blood that trickled from his Nariyaņa, having become incarnate for the palate pierced by the crest-jewel, hid his face salvation of the earth. Having put aside (all) - for a moment in his bosom."
dissension (and) cursing (their own) liking for (Verses 8 to 10 = verges 7 to 9 of the pre- war, peacefully-disposed princes pay homage to ceding.)
him, seeking to rid themselves of the intense (V. 11.)-His bright fame which met with dread of the punishment (inflicted by him)." • Rand विशुद्धः स्वप्सीमापर्यन्तस्त्रिचत्वारिंशदधिक. nctual rending then is बैषवसादिव. My reasons tor pro" Rend . " Bond संवत्. " Bend °शकलशेखर. poning r e are: Sestra who carries the earth has " Read 'बार्हस्प. " Read शंख. - Rend उचं. his head actually hurt by the weight he has to bear, and
hides it therefore in his bosom; but the writer of the Rend पर्टि वर्षसहस्राणि. I Rend बी.
verse, wishing to employ the rhetorical figure Utprikas • Rond सहलेण. " Read शुध्यति.
(which is indicated by इब), assigna adifferent resson for ." Rend देवब्रह्म " Read प्रेमस्व. Read नमस्वं.
Sesha's action, vis. this, that Sesha is suffering from
cald. If we were to read पेषवशादिव, इव would have m "Motrs: Sardilavikrtaita. For the words which I have translated by "as if suffering from old" the editor
sense. It should be observed that in the present in
soription the two sibilants and at any rate are in Jour. Beng.asBoo., Vol. x. ha स्पर्शशादिव (whioh, I
several times confounded; and that शेषःशेष in just suppose, is meant tor स्पर्शवशादिव); Captain Fell trang- what one would expoot in a document the writers of lates "foraing him from the trituration." F. E. Hall
which delight in plays upon words. TT is given ma and Rajendralal rend पेषशादिव; the former translates "as it were, in consequence of being crashed," and
synonym of ET STT by Hêmachandra. the latter "crushed as it were, but Dr. Hall suggests ___n Metre: Vasantatilaks.-Bali became afraid lost he the reading d enize which would mean "for fear it should be deprived by the king even of that portion of were of being crushed." In the photolithograph before his dominions whiob had been left to him by Trivikrum me the first consonant is certainly (not) and above
1.e. Vishnu.-The original has the present tense. it the two strokes for ai seem to me clearly visible; the Metro: Sardalavikridita.

Page #19

JANUARY, 1886.]
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
(V. 14.)-When he puts forth his might, the lord of serpents has his reputed strength failing under the great weight of the lines of elephants whose rutting-juice flows down in broad streams resembling torrents rushing down from moving mountains; distressed by the exertion of turning up again when pressed down upon the back of the tortoise, he would completely faint away if he did not inhale the thousand strong breezes from all his bending hoods.100
(L. 15.)-He it is who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rájas. And he, the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Jayachchandradeva,-who meditates on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Vijayachandradê va,-who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (vis.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Govindachandradeva,who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maḥárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrious Madanapåladê va,-who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrions Chandradeva, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over the glorious Kanyakubja :
(L. 20.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the village of Ka môli (?) in the Asurêsa Pattalá, and also to the Rajas, Rájms, Yuvarajas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of
100 Metre: Sragdhara.-In the last pada the Editor in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. X. reads and Captain Fell translates "by the firm weight." In the photolithograph the three aksharas before T are
13
records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, and to the officers having authority as regards, elephants, horses, towns, mines (P), Sthánas and Gokulas:
(L. 22.)-Be it known to you that, after having bathed here to-day in the Ganges at the glorious Vârânasi, after having duly satisfied the sacred texts, divinities, saints, men, beings and the group of ancestors, after having worshipped the sun whose splendour is potent in rending the veil of darkness, after having praised him whose crest is a portion of the moon, after having performed adoration of the holy Vasudeva the protector of the three worlds, after having sacrificed to fire an oblation with abundant milk, rice and sugar, we have, in order to increase the (spiritual) merit and the fame of our parents and ourself, on Sunday, the seventh lunar day in the bright half of the month Ashâḍha in the twelve-hundred-andforty-third year,-in figures too, on Sunday the 7th Sudi Ashadha 1243,-given the abovewritten village with its water and dry land, with its mines of iron and salt, with its fisheries, with its ravines and saline wastes, with the treasure in its hills and forests, with and including its groves of madhuka and mango trees, enclosed gardens, bushes, grass and pasture land, with what is above and below, defined as to its four abuttals, up to its proper boundaries, to the Doda". Rauta the illustrious Ananga, son of the Rauta the illustrious Dumta, grandson of the Rauta the illustrious Adhale (P), of the Bharadvaja gotra (and) whose three Pravaras are Bharadvaja Angirasa and Barhaspatya,-(confirming our gift) with (the pouring out) from the palm of our hand (of) water purified with kusa-grass..... 108 (and) ordaining (that it shall be his) as long as moon and sun (endure). Aware (of this), you, being ready to obey (our) commands, will make over (to him) every kind of income, fixed and not fixed, the due share of the produce, the pravanikara, and so forth.
(L. 30.)-And on this (subject) there are (the following) verses :-[Here follow ten of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate.]
for which I suggest बहल or बहुल; compare 1. 6 असमभर and 1. 12 गुरुभार. 101 See note 80 above. 103 See Elliot, Suppl. Glossary, Vol. I. p. 81. 103 See notes on the preceding grant.

Page #20

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
The only apology offered for this Index is no other similar work is available, we think it the want of anything better. There is no right to place it at the service of our fellowEnglish-Gipsy vocabulary in existence, except students. Perhaps some more thorough staa short one in Paspati's excellent Memoir dent, such as Mr. Leland, may be moved by its on the Language of the Gypsies as now used in example to give us a really scientific English the Turkish Empire, published in 1869 in the Gipsy Dictionary. Journal of the American Oriental Society.
We have thought it best to give the Gipsy For reasons which will be subsequently words, generally, exactly as they have been understood, the want of such a work was much spelt by the authors above named. This has felt by Dr. Hoernle and myself, when writing been rendered necessary by the very unscienthe comparative portion of our Dictionary of | tific spelling adopted by Borrow in the Lavothe Bihari Language. There was plenty of Lil. Not being familiar with the pronunciation materials available in various languages, and adopted by English Gipsies, we have been accordingly the contents of the following works compelled to adhere to his spelling. Only in a were indexed out:
few cases, in which there was no room for 1. Romano Lavo-Lil: Word Book of the doubt, have we attempted to adopt a uniform
Romany, or English-Gypsy Language, system. Thus Borrow gives the root dic, and by George Borrow. London: John immediately afterwards dickimengro, 'an over. Murray, 1874.
seer,' and 'dikkipen,' 'look,"aspect. In all 2. Études sur Les Tchinghianés ou these cases we have spelt the root uniformly dile.
Bohémiens de l'Empire Ottoman, par So also elsewhere, when Borrow has given a ole Alexandre G. Paspati, D. M., Cong- or a hard c, we have written k. Again, where tantinople : Imprimerie Antoine Koro- Borrow has written oo, we have written ti. mela, 1870.
Thus Borrow's poov, earth' appears as pav. 3. Ueber die Mundarten und die Wander- Paspati represents the hard palatal by toh, ungen der Zigeuner Europa's. Theil and the soft palatal by dj. We have followed V. Märchen und Lieder der Zigeuner the English method of writing ch and j re. der Bukowina. Zweiter Theil. Glossar, spectively. von Dr. Franz Miklosich. Theile VII. Miklosich complicates matters by using the VIII. Vergleichung der Zigeunermun- Russian letter yere. For this we have substi. darten. Wien, in Commission bei Karl tuted throughout ě, as its nearest English equi. Gerold's Sohn, 1875.
valent. His ct', d' and l' we have left onIt is believed that the Index following con- changed. His c, , and we have written ch, tains all the words in the above-mentioned sh, and xh respectively, and his ch (which works. The first of them contains a Gipsy- equals the Persian 2) we have written ļh. His English Vocabulary. The second a very full da, and his g' we have written alike as j, his French-Gipsy and Gipsy. French one. Part V. ly as g, and his j as y. In this way his spelling of the third consists of a Bukowina-Gipsy- will nearly approximate the system used in German Glossary and Parts VII. and VIII. of transliterating Indian vernaculars. a magnificent comparative glossary of selected | With regard to the infinitive termination Gipsy words. Out of them, the Index, which ava, Paspati spells it with a long d, thus, dva ; may be taken as a rough draft of an English- but Borrow ava. We have used ava throughout Gipsy Vocabulary, has been compiled.
to secure uniformity. Miklosich gives verbs Our knowledge of the Gipsy Language being in their root forms. To these we have added only superficial, and only derived from the study the infinitive sign áva for a similar reason. of the above and similar books, we cannot hope Part V.of Miklosich contains many Rumunian that the Index is entirely free from blunders; words, which have been borrowed by the local but as we have found it extremely aseful for Gipsies, and which do not form a portion of the the purposes of comparative philology, and as genuine vocabulary of the whole Gipsy tribe.

Page #21

JANUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
15
.
Pending the formation of a complete Gipsy- care abortion, they keep fowls (which no orEnglish Vocabulary, it has been thought best thodox Hindû will do), and are said to eat to include these words in the Index.
carrion. They are also great musicians and In every case we have given a reference to horsemen. the book whence the word has been taken, so Mr. Fleet has drawn my attention to a Souththat no difficulty will be experienced in find Indian inscription given in the Ind. Ant. Vol. ing it.
XI. p. 9ff, in line 50 of which a certain Dômma Mr. Leland has made a happy suggestion is mentioned. On p. 10 of the same volume, Mr. that the original Gipsies may have been Dôms Fleet says with reference to him, "in connection of India. He points out that Romany is with him (Rudradêva), the first record in almost letter for letter the same as Ta, the
this inscription is that he subdued a certain
Dômma, whose strength evidently lay in his plural of डोम. डोमनि is the plural form in
cavalry. No clue is given as to who Dômma the Bhôj'pêri dialect of the Bihari Language.
was; but as dima, domba, or dama, is the name It was originally a genitive plural; so that Ro
of 'a despised mixed caste,' he may have been many-Rye, 'a gipay gentleman,' may be well
the leader of some aboriginal tribe, which had compared with the Bhöj'puri T T4, (Skr. not then lost all its power." If this conjec31419 TT), 'a king of the D 8 ms. The ture is true, it would show that the Dôme extenBhôj'puri-speaking Dôms are a famous race, ded over the greater part of India, and in some and they have many points of resemblance with places possessed considerable power. the Gipsies of Europe. Thus, they are darker But the resemblance of the Bhỏj'pûrt and in complexion than the surrounding Biharis, Gipsy dialects is not confined to a similarity are great thieves, live by hunting, dancing, and of name. The Gipsy grammar is closely telling fortunes, their women have a reputation connected with Bhồi'püri, or with its original for making love-philtres and medicines to pro- | Apabhramśa Magadhi Praksit, thus:Gipsy.
Bhojpuri. Magadhi Prdkrit. Nom. Rom
डोम Obl. Sing. Romês
डोम (gen.) डोमस्स or डोमास
डोमन or (gen.) डामण्णं Obl. Plur. Romên
डोमनि Nom. kalo, .black'
काला Obl. kalê
काले Genitive Termina- koro
tion of nouns and pronouns 3rd sing. pres. lêla, 'he takes' 3rd sing. past. lêlas, he was taking' ME, 'he took. 1st sing. fut. jav, 'I will go
जाब Past part.
gelo, 'gone' 1st sing. fut. kama keräva, 'I will do , 'I will do.' Infinitive keråva, 'to do'
pa, 'to do.' These examples might be continued at great evident to any orie studying the accompanying length; but the above is sufficient to show the Index. The following mongrel, half-Gipsy, close grammatical connection between the two half-English, rhyme, taken from Borrow, will languages. The vocabularies possess even more shew the extraordinary similarity of the two numerons points of resemblance, which will be vocabularies :Gipsy The Rye
he mores adrey the wesh. English squire hunts within
wood. Bhoj'port राय
अण्डल
TT (Prs. ) Gipsy kaun-engro .
and chiriclo. English ear-fellow (hare)
bird. Bhojpuri कान-वाला
चिड़ई
कर
लेला
मारे

Page #22

16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
Gipsy
And rigs
English
the
ET
www.me
Are
Tuley
Below to
Are
You BOVE with
leste 'drey the wesh. English
sleep him within
wood. Bhöj'part सोए
अण्डल
बेश Gipsy
for
leste the gono. carries
him
sack (game-bag). Bhoj'part
गोन Gipsy Oprey
rukh adrey the wesh. English Above tree within
Wood. Bhoj'part उपरि
अण्डल Gipsy
chiriclo and
chiricli. English
male-bird
female-bird. Bhoj'part
चिड़ई Gipsy
the rukh adrey the wesh. English
tree within
wood. Bhoj'part
रुख Gipsy
pireno and
pireni. English
lover and
lady-lovs. Bhôiport
पियारा
पियारी In the above it must be remembered that the AccOUNT-Moskoro, (Tch.): såma, (M.) verbal terminations of the Gipsy text are Accuse, to,-Phukaviva, (M. 8) English, and not Gipsy.
ACOUSTOM, to,-Sekavava, (M.) I propose to deal with this subject at greater
ACHE, to,-Dukkerkva, (Eng.)
ACID,-Shutl8. (Tch.) length on a future occasion. In reading the Gipsy words, it should be
ACQUAINTED, to be, with, -pinchardva, pinjariva,
(Tch.) noted that the mark over a vowel refers to
ACBO88,-Padlo, pawdel, (Eng.) accent, and not necessarily to prosodial length. ADJUDGE, to-Sudisaráva, (M.)
The following abbreviations are used in the ADVISE, 40,-Zhudikidra, zhudikisarkva, (M.) succeeding pages :-Eng. = Borrow's Lavo Lil. ADVANTAGE, -Koshtipen, (Eng.) Toh. Paspati's Études. M. Miklosich, ADVISER,-Fênichi, (M.) Theil V. M. 7= Miklosich, Theil VII. M. APAR, Dar, (Tch.) 8= Miklosich, Theil VIII. Gip. = Special APTECTION,-Dakaibê, dukanibê, (Tch.) Gipsy words given by Borrow; e.g. Span.
AFFLICTED, -Tug, tagno, (Eng.) Gip. = Spanish Gipsy. As. = Asiatic words
AFFLICTION, -Tugnipen, kurapen, (Eng.); greu,
(M.) given by Paspati; e.g. As. Tch. = Asiatic
AFRAID, -Atraish (Eng.) Gipsy. Psp. M. = Paspati's Memoir, referred APRAID, to be, -Trashániováva, (Tch.) to above.
AFTER,-Palal, (Eng.); penchya, peochi, pethoi, ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
(As. Toh.)
AFTERWARDS.- Anápalal, nåpalal, (Toh.) ABANDON, to,-Mukava, (Tch.)
AGAIN, -Pali, spopli, (Eng.); dah, (Tch.); apala, ABDOMINAL,-Peregkoro, (Teh.)
(Span. Gip.); yâre, (M.) ABLE, -HArniko, hårniku, (M.)
AGE,--Phurimáta, (M.) ABLE, to be, -Ashti&va, ashtisarda, shayáva," AGREE, to,-Envoisard'ováva, (M.) shtikva, (M.)
AGUE,-Bisheni, (Eng.) ABOVE-Opral, opre, (Eng.); opre, (Toh.); opral, Arx-Skôpa, (M.) (M.)
AIR,-Bavol, (Eng.); dokhoe, dokho, (Tch.); ABova, trom-Opról, (Teb.)
dukhoe, (M. 7) ABROAD,--Abri, (Eng.)
ALI.-Levinor, (Eng.); lovina, (M. 8) ABSCESS,-Pakni, phuknt, (Tch.)
ALRHOUSE,-Levinor-ker, kichema, (Eng.); kõrchACCOMPANY, to,-Petrichiava, petrichisaráva, (M.)
ma, kézhma, (M., M. 7) ACCOMPANIED, -MalAlo, (Tch.)
ALIKR.-Simen, (Eng.) ACCOMPLISH, to, -Isprévisaráva (M.)
ALIVE, to be, --Zhud'ováva, (M.)

Page #23

JANUARY, 1886.7
AN ENGLISH GIPSY INDEX.
ALL-Sore, soro, (Eng.) ; barro, sarvilê, sâvore, | APPREHENDED, Linnow, (Eng.)
såore, sarrorê, sarinê, sa', (Tch.); sü, sa, APPROACH, to,-Påshiováva, (Tch.); pashováva, (As. Tch.); eaorð, saŭro, såūro, sorô, se,
(M.) (M.); savoro, (M. 8)
APRIL,- Aprir, (M.) ALMIGHTY,-Soro-ruslo, (Eng.)
APRON,- Joddakaye, Eng.) ALMs.-Lachipê, (Tch.); pomâně, (M.)
ARM,(pl.) Murces, mursior, (Eng.); musi, (dim.), ALONE,-Kokoro, kokoros, bik unyie, (Eng.); kór.
musori, (Tch.); murciales, (Span. Gip.) ; koro, kolkoro('Cch.); körkoro, korkoro, M.,
musi, (M. 8) M. 7)
ARMFUL,- Angali, (Tch.); angali, (M. 7) AL80,-- Asa, asan, (Eng.); ěnkě, (M.); vi, (M. 8) ARMPIT,-Kak, (Tch.) ALWAYS, --Sar far,(Tch.) (Paspati's Memoir gives ARMY,--Oste, ôaste, (M.) ghêles).
AROUND, mprezhår, (M.), truyal, (M. 8) AMONG, he who is,- Maskarutnô, maskaritno, ARREST,-Arishte, (M.) (Tch.)
ARRIVE, to,Resava, (Tch.); arosáva, (M.) AMONGST,-Maskarê, (Tch.)
ARRIVE, to cause to,-Resavava, (Toh.) ANCIENT,-Pureno, (Eng.)
ARROW,- Okia, (Tch.); sejyata, (M.) AND,-TA, (Eng.); ta, te, u, (Tch.); a. hay, he, ARROW, to shoot with,-Sejyetesariva, (M.) tha, thay (M.); ta, u, (M. 8)
As-Sar, (Eng.); an, ani, in, eni, (Tch.); vari, ANGLE-Kôtu, (M.)
(As. Tch.); k&na, kana, sar, (M.); sar, ANGEL, -Enjeru, ēnjeros, (M.)
(M. 8) ANGER,-Kholin, (Tch.); ķholi, (M.); kholin, A8 YET,-Ojai, atgh&i, (Tch.) (M. 7)
ASHAMED, --Aladge, (Eng.); lajano, lajavô, (Tch.) ANGRY,Roshto, (Eng.); kholinAkoro, kholinis- ASHAMED, to be,-Lajáva, (Tch.) koro, (Tch.); ķhol'êrniku, (M.)
A8FE8,-prihos, (Tch.); char, (As. Tch.); shar, ANGRY, to be,-Kholiterava, kholastilotarkva,
(M.); praktios, (M. 8) jungaliováva, (Tch.); ķhol'aráva, rushava, Asx, to,-Pucháva, (Eng.); puchêva, pachiva, (M.)
mangfra, (Tch.); mangfva, push&va, ANGRY, to become, hol'ard'ováva, (M.)
(M.); mangåva, phuchåva, (M. 8) ANNIHILATION - Arvani gårvani, (Tch.)
A88,-Mailla, (Eng); kher, kter, fer, (dim.) kherANNUAL-Berghêskoro, (Tch.)
oro, (pl.) khelel, (Tch.); kar, (As. Tch.), ANOTHER,-Wafo, (Eng.); avêr, (M.)
magkiri, (M.); kher, (M. 7) ANSWER, to-Pukkeráva, (Eng.); pukanar, Ass, female,-Kherni, (Tch.); magarica, (M.) (Span. Gip.); angl4l dåva, (Tch.)
ABS AND FOAL, -Mailla and posh, (Eng.) ANT, (pl.) Krior, (Eng.); kiri (Tch.); t'irë, tire, Abs, of or belonging to,-Kherand, (fem.) kher(M.); kiri, (M. 7).
ntakoro, (TCH.) ANTHILL-Mushunoy, (M.)
A88-DRIVER,-Kherdskoro, (Toh.) ANVIL-Amunt, (Tch.); loh, (As. Tch.); vazneli, ABBA88IN, -Manushfari, (Tch.) (M.); amuni, (M. 7)
ASSASSINATR, to,Chinava, murdardva, (Tch.); le ANXIETY,--Tasks, (Tch.)
mar, (As. Tch.) ANXIOUS-Tasalo, (Tch.)
ASSEMBLE, to,--Ghêdava, (Tch.); t'idava, (M.); ANXIETY, to be in,-Taskliovgva, (Tch.)
gediva, (M. 7) ANY ONE,-Kanek, kanêk, kânek jenô, (Toh.); ABSENT, to.-Pristinisarkva, ěnvoiava, (M.) kanek, (M. 7)
ASSISTANCE,-Nanåsh, nanåshu, (M.) APR,--Maïmona, shebêka, (Tch.); maimon, (As. AT,-Pasha, pashě, (M.) Tch.); maimuna, (M. 8)
AT ALL.-Asarlas, (Eng.) Apes, those who carry in fairs,-Maïmunakoro, ATTAIN, to-Restva, (Tch.); arēsAva, (M.)
ATTORNBY,-Mondětári, (M.) APOTHECARY,-Drab-engro, drav-engro, (Eng.) AUDIENCE, -Shanaben, (Eng.) APPLE,-Paub, paubi, pauvi, (Eng.); paboy, (Hun. AUGER,Boldini, pripôi, pripdi, (Tch.)
Gip.); pabai, khapai, papai, (Tch.); AUNT.-Bebf. (Eng.); bibi, bibo, kakijalt, (Tch.); phab&y, (M.); sev, sivi, (A.s. Toh.);
biblo, (As. Tch.); bibi, (M. 7) phabay, (M. 8)
AUTUMN.-Pahtz, (As. Tch.) APPLE, of or belonging to,-Pabôngoro, (Tch.) AVIARY,--Chirikleskey tan, (Eng.) APPLE, dried, -Hucal, (M.)
AWAKE, to, ---Jongaráva, (Eng.); trixisard'ováva, APPLE-TREE-Papalin, (Tch.); phabelin, (M.)
trezosard'ováva, (M.) APPLE, wild, -Pădury&ca, padurioă, păduréoě, AWAKEN, to,Jangåva, (Tch.); usht'avaya, (M.);
jang&va, (M. 7)
(Teh.)

Page #24

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
AWAKEN, to cause to,-Jangavåva, (Tch.) AWAKENED, to be,-Janganiováva, (Tch.) AXE,-China-mengro, (Eng); tovêr, tovel, (Tch.); tovêr, tověr, (M.)
AXE-SELLER, Toverêskoro, (Tch.) AXLES, Butachi, (M.)
B.
BACK, (adv.)-Pali, (Eng.); palál, palpalé, palpali, (M.)
BACK, (sub.)-Dumô, (dim.) dumorô, (Teh.); piishto, (As. Tch.); dumo, (M. 7) BACK-GROUND,-Fandu, (M.) BACKWARDS,-Palál, palpalê, palpali, (M.) BACK AGAIN,-Palal, (Eng.) BACON,-Ballivas, (Eng.); baliba, (Span. Gip.) BAD,-Vassavo, vassavi, wafodu, wafudo, (Eng.); gorko, (Tch.); kharabi, (As. Tch.); zhungalô, (M.); phuy, (M. 8) BAD PLACE,-Wafudo-tan, (Eng.) BADLY,-Nasal, zhungales, (M.) BADNESS,-Wafudo-pen, (Eng.); nasulimas, nasulipt, (M.)
BAG,-Gono, (Eng.); gono, (Toh.); burdahu, galav, (M.); gono, (M. 7) BAG-MAKER,-Gonêskoro, kaliardo, (Toh.) BAG-PIPE,-Gaida, (Tch.)
BAKER, Morro-mengro, (Eng.); bovêskoro, manrêskoro, chamêskoro, (Tch.) BALD,-Pako, (Tch.); pako, (M. 8) BALL,-Bal, (M.)
BAND,-Dori, plâna, bandipê, banloipê, (Tch.) BANK, (elevated ground)-Chumba, (Eng.) BANK, (counting-house)--Luvva-mengro-ker,
(Eng.)
BANK UP, to,-Pashli kerava, (Tch.) BANKER,-Luvvo-mengro, (Eng.)
BANKER'S HOUSE,-Luvvo-mengro-ker, (Eng.) BAPTISM,-Bolipê, (Tch.)
BAPTIZE, to, Bollava, (Eng.); bolåva, (Tch.); bolava, (M.)
BAPTIZE, to cause to,-Bolaváva, (Tch.)
BAPTIZED, to be,-Bolghiovava, raptizava, (Tch.) bold'ováva (M.)
BAPTIZED, child who is,-Shinu, finu, nanash, nanâshu, (M.) BARE-FOOTED,-Nanghêpinrêngoro, pirnangô, pin
ango, (Tch.)
[JANUARY, 1886.
BASKET,-Kipsi, kuesni, kushni, kusni, (Eng.); quicia (Span. Gip.); kôshnika, sevli, (dim.) sevlort, (Tch.); sevli, (M. 8) BASKET-MAKING,-Hosdopa, (M.) BASKETS, one who makes or sells,-Sevliêngoro, (Tch.)
BASTARD,-Bostaris, (Eng.) BATH,-Bagnia, tatto (Tch.); nayeripi, skeldishka, skaldushka, (M.)
BARK, to,-Bashâva, (M.)
BARLEY, Jov, (Tch.); jev, (As. Tch.); zhou, (M.); jov, (M. 7)
BARLEY, one who sells,-Jovêskoro, (Tch.) BARN.-Gran, (Eng.); shtra, (M.) BARN-DOOR,-Gran-wuddur, (Eng.) BARN-DOOR FOWL,-Gran-wuddur-chiriclo, (Eng.) BARREL,-Polubôku, (dim.) balaka, (M.) BASHFULNESS,-Laj, lach, lajaibê, (Tch.)
BATH-SERVANT,-Bagni koro, (Tch.) BATHE, to,-Nayaråva, (M.); nandava, (M. 8) BATHE ONESELF, to,-Nayard'ováva, (M.) BATTLE,-Maribê, (Tch.); maript, (M.).
BE, to,-Isóm (I am), (Tch.); asti (he is) (As. Tch.); avåva, is&va, (M.) BEADLE,-Gav-engro, (Eng.) BEAM,-Kasht, (M.)
BEAN,-Bob, (Eng.); bôbi, bôpi, (dim. pl.) bobôlia, (Tch:); bobi, (M. 7)
BEAR,-Richint, (Tch.); hirch, (As. Tch.); rishô, (fem.) rizhni, (pl.) trshi, (M.); (fem.) richini, (M. 8)
BEAE, one who leads, in fairs,-Richiniêngoro, (Tch.)
BEAR, to,-Rigguråva, (Eng.)
BEAR CHILDREN, to,-Benava, (M. 7)
BEAR IN MIND, to,-Rigåva in yi, (Eng.) BEARD,-Jor, chor, (Tch.); shor, (M.); chor, (M. 7); pahuni, (M. 8). BEARDED, Jorêngoro, (Tch.) BEAST, Vita, (M.)
BEAT, to,-Netavåva, (Eng.); marâva, (Tch.); maráva, (M.)
BEAT, to cause to,-Maravavá, mardaráva, (Tch.) BEATING,-Karapen, (Eng.)
BEAUTIFUL,-Sukár, shukår, (Tch.); bakyz, pakêzi, (As. Tch.); (dim.) sukarôro, chordo, (Tch.); shukar, měndru, (M.); shukar, (M. 8) BEAUTY,-Sukaribê, chordipê, (Tch.) BECAUSE,-Sostar, (Tch.); kě, (M.) BECAUSE OF, Vash, (M.)
BECOME, to,-Uváva, (Tch.); avava, kĕrd'ováva, (M.); uvava, (M. 8)
BED,-Woddrus, wuddras, (Eng.); troni, (Tch.); likhev, (As. Tch.); patos, (Hun. Gip.); charipê, (Span. Gip.); lashka, pâto, pâtu, than, (M.); chiben, (M. 7); vodro, (M. 8)
BED, in-Pashlô, (Tch.)
BEE, Gudlo-pishen, bata, (Eng.); burli, berali, (Tch.); biruli, (M.); burli, (M. 7) BEECH,-Fagu, (M.)
BEEE,-Lovina, (M. 8) BEET-BOOT,-Dip, (As. Tch.) BEFORE.-Anglo, (Eng.); vegur, (As. Tch.); ang
141, (M.); angle, (M. 7)

Page #25

JANUARY, 1886.)
HISTORY OF THE KUSHANS.
19
BEG, to-Mangåva, (Eng.); mangåva, (Tch.);
mangava, rudiâva, rudisaráva, rudisard'o.
váva, (M.) BEGET, to,-Ben&va, (Tch.) BEGGAR,-Manga-mengro, tororo, (Eng.) BEGGING, the trade of,-Mangipen, (Eng.) BEGIN, to-Arkhevâva, (Tch.); urziava, urzose
riva, (M.) BEHIND,-Palal, (Eng.); palo, pålpale (Tch.);
penchy'a, pechôi, pethoi, (As. Tch.);
palá, påla, (M.); pale, (M. 8) BEHIND, from, --Palal, (Teb.) BELCH-Kockarida, (M. 7) BELIEVE, to,-Pakiâva, (Tch.); pat'alva, M.,
M. 8) BELIEVED, to be,Pakiiniováva, (Tch.) BELIEVE, I,-Apasavello, (Eng.) BELL,-Klopotu, klopotu, (M.) BELLOWS--Pude-mengri, (Eng.); pishôt, (Teb.
M. 8) BELLY,-Per, pur, (Eng.); bor, por, per, (Toh.);
por, pěr, (M.); per, (M. 8) BELOW,-Tule, tuley, (Eng.); teló, fele, (adj.)
telalutno, telaluno, (Tch.); telê, tili, teli,
(M.) Below, from,-tel&l, (Tch.) BELT,-Kidstik, (Tch.) Bench,-LAică, lâyca, oslonu, (pl.) skåmena, (M.)
BEND, to-Band'aráva, (M.) BENEATH,- See BELOW. BERRY,-Durril, (pl.) durrilau, durilyor, (Eng.) BESIDES, -Tulom, (Tch.). BESPRINKLE, to-Stropikva, stropisarkva, (M.) BETRAYER,-Khokhamnô, (M.) BETBOTHAL,-Logodna, (M.); biav, (M. 7) BETTER,-Ferreder, fetêr, (Eng.); fetêr, (Span.
Gip.); feder, (M. 7) BETWEEN,-maskarê, (Tch.) BEVERAGE ---Pibê, (Tch.); (pl.) pimåta, (M.) BEWARE, to,-Geriva (Gare in orig.), rakkva,(Eng.) BEWITCH, to,-Chovahânâva, dukáva, dukkeráva,
(Eng.) BEY,-Gh'alti, (As. Tch.) BEYOND,-Ent'Al, (M.) BIG-Boro, (Eng.) ; tulo, (Tch.) BIG, to become-Tulioviva, (Tch.) BIG WITH CHILD,-Bori, (Eng.); kabni, kamni,
(Tch.); see PREGNANT. BIND, to-Pandáva, (Eng.); phandava, (M., M. 8). BIRD,-Chericlo, chiriclo, (Eng.); chiriclo, (dim.)
chiricloro, (Tch.); tayer, (A.s. Tch.); che
rikli, (M.); chiriclo, (M.7) BIRD-CAGE, -Chiricleskey tan, (Eng.); koshka,
klitka, (M.) BIRTH,-Ben, (Tch.) BITE-Dantilipê, (Tch.)
EXTRACTS FROM CHINESE AUTHORS CONCERNING THE HISTORY OF THE
KUSHANS.
BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S. In this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 6 ff. there appeared whence Ma-twan-lin and others derived their a paper of mine on "Indo-Scythian Coins with information. Hindi legends." During the course of the colla- I have, therefore, copied out the subjoined ex. teral investigations, I had occasion to refer to tracts, concerning the history of the Kushana, for the obscure history of the Kushans, in regard to the pages of the Indian Antiquary-retaining which I was able to glean but little information. them, however, intentionally, in their French Singular to say, in the latter part of the same garb, in order to preserve the integrity of the year, an article was published in the Journal
proper names. Asiatique containing very important contributions M. Specht, in his introductory remarks, is to our knowledge of the migratory movements careful to get rid of the confusion, existing in of Central Asian tribes, the new materials for some quarters, as to the identity of the Kushans which were contributed by hitherto unexamined and the Ephthalites. He observes-- texts of the Chinese chroniclers.
"M. Vivien de Saint-Martin avait cru trouver In the article in question, M. Ed. Specht, dans les articles de l'encyclopédie de Ma-touanwhile carefully recognizing and regarding the lin concernant les Yué-t'chi et les Yé-tha, la labours of De Guignes and other learned French- preuve positive que ces deux peuples ne différaient men, who led the way to the study of the Chinese entre eux ni par le nom, ni par les meurs et les authors, endeavours to base his new transla. habitudes; qu'en un mot, les Indo-Scythes et les tions upon a general disregard of what he Ephthalites ne faisaient qu'une seule et même calls the "Compilateurs Chinois," and to have re. nation. Cette opinion est péremptoirement récourse to the more authentic documents of the futée par l'inspection des documents que nous Tching-sse which was the original source from donnons. D'abord, le nom de Yé-tha n'existe
Studes sur l'Asie Centrale, d'après les historiens Chinois (M. Edouard Specht), p. 117, 1883 [October,
November, December.).
Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, pp. 12-19.

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20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
même pas ; c'est une abréviation à l'usage des rapport aux Hioung-nou. Ils comptaient au Chinois du nom complet Ye-ta-i-li-to, qui corre- moins 100,000 archers; si bien que se fiant à leurs spond à Ephthalites. Par là tombe l'identification forces, ils méprisaient les Hioung-nou. Ils hadu nom des Yé-tha avec celui des Yué-tchi bitaient primitivement entre le pays de Thund'une part, et de l'autre avec celui des Djats du Hoang: (Koua-tcheou) et le mont Ki-lian (les nord-ouest de l'Inde; deux résultats qui avaient monts célestes). été admis par plusieurs indianistes éminente, Après que le tchen-yu-Mao-thun eut attaqué Lassen en tête. Ensuite les Indo-Scythes, nom- les Yué-tchi et que le tchen-yu Lao-chang ayant més par les Chinois Yué-tchi ou Kouei-chouang, tué leur roi, eut fait de son crane un coupe & étaient un peuple primitivement nomade, qui est boire, les Yué-tchi s'en allèrent au loin, passèrent devenu sédentaire, et s'est assimilé, au moins en au delà de Ta-Ouan, battirent les Ta-Hia dans partie, la civilisation indo-hellénique, comme le l'ouest, et les soumirent. Leur chef établit alors prouvent ses monuments, ses médailles, et ses in sa résidence au nord de la rivière Ouel (Oxus).* scriptions. Les Ephthalites, d'après le témoign- Une petite partie de ceux qui n'avaient pu age des récits contemporains, sont restés nomades, 1 s'éloigner avec eux se mirent sous la protection ils n'avaient pas de monnaies, et enfin eux seule, et des Khiang des montagnes du midi, et prirent le non leurs prédécesseurs, les Yué-tchi, pratiquaient nom Petits Yué-tchi. la polyandrie. Bref, ces deux peuples sont ab. Primitivement les Ta-hia n'avaient pas un solument distincta, non-seulement par l'époque à souverain ou un magistrat principal; chaque laquelle ils ont apparu dans l'histoire, mais par ville, chaque bourgade était gouvernée par son leurs moeurs et leur civilisation
magistrat. La population était faible et craig. Ce résultat vient donc confirmer l'hypothèse, nait la guerre. Lorsque les Yué-tchi arrivèrent émise par M. Nöldeke, que les Kouchans et les ils les soumirent." Ephthalites devaient être deux peuples différents Il y a cinq principautés : qui ont habité suooessivement les mêmes con- 1. La principauté Hieou-mi, ayant pour capitale trées."-(Tabari, Geschichte der Sasaniden, la ville de Ho-me, à 2,841 li de la résidence du p. 115, No. 2.)
gouverneur général et à 7,802 li de Yang-kouan. Extracts from Chinese Authors.
2. La principauté Chouang-mo, capitale la ville
du même nom, à 3,741 li de la résidence du gouver. Yué-tchi ou Kouchans. L'histoire des premiers
neur général et à 7,782 li de Yang-kouan. Han (206 ans avant Jésus-Christ à 24 ans après)
3. La principauté Kouei-chouang (Kouchans), contient, au chapitre xcvi. une description de
capitale la ville Hou-teao à 5,940 li de la résidence l'Asie occidentale, dont nous extrayons le passage
du gouverneur général et à 7,982 li de Yang. suivant:
kouan. Le royaume des Ta-Yué-tchi a pour capitale la
4. La principauté Hi-thun a pour capitale la ville de Kien-chi," A 11,600 li de Tchang-ngan;
ville Po-mao (Bámián) à 5,962 li de la résidence du il ne dépend pas du gouverneur général (Tou
gouverneur général et à 8,202 li du Yang-kouan. hou); on y compte 100,000 familles, 400,000
5. La principauté Kao-fou (Kábul) a pour habitants, une armée de 100,000 hommes. A
capitale la ville du même nom, à 6,041 li de la l'est, jusqu'à la résidence du gouverneur général, il y a 4,740 li; à l'ouest, jusqu'aux A-si (les
résidence du gouverneur général et à 9,283 li de
Yang-Louan. Arsacides), 49 jours de marche, et il est limi. trophe au sud avec le Ki-pin (Cophène). [Le pays,
Ces cinq principautés dépendent de Ta-Yub-tchi. le climat, les productions ainsi que les m urs de Entract from Chapter 118 of the History of the habitants, les monnaies et les marchandises qu'
Second Han (A.D. 25 to 220). on en tire, sont les mêmes que chez les A-si . .] Le royaume de Ta-Yué-tchi. Le roi demeure Originairement les Ta-Yué tohi étaient no
dans la ville de Lan-chi #
# # mades. Ils stuivaient leurs troupeaux et chan. Lorsque les Yué-tohi furent vaincus par les geaient de place avec eux, ressemblant sous ce Hioung-nou, ils passèrent chez les Ta-hía, parta
* Lan-chi: selon Mr. Kingemill, JR. 4. 8. xiv. p. 82, cette ville serait Daraspa, Aápaya de Strabon. On pourrait aussi bien identifier Lan-chi avea Za-riaapo, un nom de Bactres. Les auteurs chinois seraient alors d'accord avec les Arméniens, qui donnent Balkh comme la capitale des Koushang. Lebeau (Paris Edition of 1825 iii. p. 880. Moses of Khoreno, presim).
. C'est dans ontte contre que Tchang-kian trouva les TS-Yue-tehi établis en l'an 126 avant notre ère ; il les amitte pour aller chez les Ta-bia qui etaient au sud
de l'Oxus: la capitale de ces derniers etait Kien-chi on Lan-chi, conquise plus tard par les TA-Yue-chi."
From the history of the Wei (220 to 280 A.D.) Le royaume Kien-tun, qui est l'ancienne principauto Kouei-chouang (Kouchans), & pour capital la ville de Hou-taao l'ouest de Tche-dei-mo-sun, 13,560 li de Tai. Les habitants demeurent au milieu des montagnes et des vallées.
Le royaume Fo-ti-cha, qui est l'ancienne principauté Hi-thon, a pour capitale la ville de Po-mao (Bamian, l'ouest de Kien-tun, 13.600 li don ,

Page #27

MISCELLANEA.
JANUARY, 1886.]
gèrent leur royaume en cinq principautés qui étaient Hieou-mi, Chouang-mo, Kouei-chouangHi-thun, Tou-mi (Kao-fou P).
Environ cent ans après, le prince de Koueichouang, Kieou-tsieou-khio, attaqua et subjugua les quatre autres principautés, et se constitua roi d'un royaume qui fut appelé Kouei-chouang (Kouchans).
Ce prince envahit le pays des A-si; il s'empara du territoire de Kao-fou (Kábul), détruisit aussi Po-ta et le Ki-pin (Cophène) et devint complètement maître de ces contrées. Kieou-tsieonkhio mourut à quatre-vingts ans environ; son fils Yen-kao-tchin-tai monta sur le trône, il conquit le Thien-tchou (l'Inde) et y établit des généraux qui gouvernaient au nom des Yué-tchi.
Depuis cette époque cette nation fut riche et puissante.
Tous les pays en parlant du souverain l'appellent roi des Kouei-chouang (Kouchans). Les Han (les Chinois), selon leur ancienne dénomination, les nomment toujours les Ta-Yué tchi."
The French translator enters into a critical examination of the exact date implied in the term "environ cent ans après"-and considers that it must be held to refer to the complete conquest of the Ta-hia, and not, as might be supposed from the words of Ma-twan-lin, to 100 years" after the journey of Tchang-kian, towards 126 B.C."8 This inference is further confirmed by the nonmention of this conquest in the work just cited, which dates from 25 A.D. The French commentator would therefore place this event in 24 A.D., up to which time the Second Han continued to reign. However, with so loose an expression as about 100 years, we need not seek to be very precise in our speculative results.
Indeed, M. E. Specht in his final summary contents himself with saying, "Le fils de Kieoutsieou-khio conquit l'Inde, et cette empire dura depuis le milieu du premier siècle de notre ère jusque vers le commencement du cinquième siècle."
Subsequent extraets give us some information of the decadence of the Kushans, which may as well be reproduced here.
Le compendium des Wei composé par In-houan nous apprend qu'à l'époque des trois royaumes
AFGHANISTAN IN AVESTIC GEOGRAPHY. At the present time, when the mountain regions of the Paropamissus will, in all probability,
Cf. Lassen, 2nd Edit. Vol. II. p. 806; General Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 66; Vol. V. p. 61. Lebeau, History of the Lower Empire, Paris 1825. (Edition de M. de S. Martin). Tome III. p. 886; Tabari,
(220 à 280) "le royaume de Ki-pin (Cophène), ainsi que ceux de Ta-hia, de Kao-fou (Kábul) et de Thien-tchou (l'Inde), étaient sous la domination des Ta-Yué-tchi." Quoique l'histoire du Tsin (265 à 419) ne donne pas de notice sur les Kouchans, les Ta-Yué-tchi sont cités comme étant au sud des Ta-Ouan.
Dans l'histoire des Wei (386 à 556) nous trouvons sur ce peuple les deux notices suivantes, qui nous parlent de la fin de leur empire dans la Bactriane.
21
Le royaume des Ta-Yué-tchi a pour capitale la ville de Lou-kien-chi à l'ouest de Fo-ti-cha Ils passerent alors à l'occident et s'établirent dans la ville de Po-lo, à 2,100 li de Fo-ti-cha. Leur roi, Ki-to-lo, prince brave et guerrier, leva une armée, passa au midi des grands montagnes, fit un invasion dans l'Inde du nord, et les cinq royaumes au nord de Kan-tho-lo se soumirent à lui.
In conclusion, I have to advert to the casual mention of the change in the government of the country, brought about by the conquest of the Kushans-in the substitution of the military chiefs for local Rajas. What direct effect this may have had on the population at large we have no means of knowing, but it looks like the mere centralisation of a tribal empire, and the entrusting of subordinate power to responsible members of their own body, in supercession of the irregular and often conflicting interests of the old
Hindu rulers.
MISCELLANEA.
And this is the exact state of things our coins bear testimony to-we have no Rujas or Maharajas -as noticed in my previous paper,-the legends, written in a downward Chinese fashion, give us all told eleven names of generals with more or less Scythic designations, while their sectional tribal sept is always carefully added, as their quasi title to rule.
The multitude of these gold coins extant, and the range of the localities where they are found, testifies to the ample power and long sway of this exotic dynasty, and fully explains the frequent reference by the home "conquerors of the Scythians," which got to be a brag-word with the pretending Vikramadityas' of India in these later times.
have once more to play their accustomed part in history as a bulwark against Turanian aggression the earliest geographical records of the country,
Nöldeke, p. 7.
Vivien de Saint Martin, p. 42.
Ma-twan-lin-quoted in the Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, Vol. VI. p. 65.

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22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
as preserved in the Avesta, may attract the atten- tion of the student of Eastern history. The Avesta, like other religious books of the East, deals generally with mythical localities rather than with details of real topography. An exception to this rule with regard to the rivers of Afghanistan will, therefore, be all the more entitled to our interest.
Within the limits of Afghanistan and its former dependencies we recognise the powerful, faithful MÔurva" as the modern Merv, little deserving these epithets, the beautiful Bakhdhi" as Balkh, Hara êva as Hirst, the mountain Vitiga ê é a as the Badghiz of recent notoriety. The Harahv. aiti (etymologically corresponding to Sansksit Sarasvati) has been known in successive ages as 'Apáxwtos and Arghand&b (near Qandahår); but more important for Avestic geography is the large stream of which it is a tributary, the "bountiful, glorious H aêtumast," the 'ETúpavopos and Her mandus of classic authors, the modern Helmand. It waters the country of Sistån (Sakaurávn) where, since time immemorial, the epic tradition of Irån has localised its greatest national heroes, and where, even in our days, one of the indigenous families proudly claims, as Kayânians, to be descended from the legendary kings of Iren. Long indeed have such reminiscences of heroic times lingered about the river. We receive an unusually detailed account of its origin and course just in that Yasht which is mainly devoted to the praise of "kingly glory," as connected with lawful rule over Irån. There we read (Yasht zis. 66; conf. Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXIII. p. 302) of its counterpart, "which is attached to the river Haộtumalt, as it runs inoreasing towards the lake (xray) Kása va, from where the mountain Ushid&o stands, round about whose foot mountain streams gather in abundance.
A glance at the map ahuws the lake Kåsava (or Kåsaya, according to some MSS.) to be the great lagune in the depression of Sistan, which its present neighbours simply call the Zirra (derived from Zand wrayo; i.e. lake'). Similarly, the name Ushidao, althongh it cannot be traced to a more recent period, must apply to the lofty mountain range formed by the Koh-i-B&b & and its continuation towards the west, the Siah Koh, from whence the Helmand itself, with all its northern tributaries, takes its beginning.
For a fuller description of this river system, clearly alluded to in the above-quoted text, we should naturally look first to the passages
immediately following; but here we stumble on difficulties which have puzzled in no small degree interpreters of the Avesta. They are considerably aggravated by the unfortunate circumstances that Pârst scholarship has left us entirely destitute of any traditional help for this particular Yasht. The passage in question, simple in its structure, contains a comparatively large number of what apparently are adjectives. Their etymology and their position in the context suggest their being appropriate epithets to something like a river. But just this noun so eagerly looked for cannot be found. It was the new editor of the Avesta, Professor Geldner (Drei Yasht, Stuttgart, 1884), to whom the happy thought first occurred of looking among these apparent adjectives for the indispenbable complement implied by their presence-real river names. He advanced this explanation for the last four of those mentioned below; but the difficulty of identifying any of these four names on the map seems to have induced, subsequently, this distinguished Zand scholar to restrict his hypothesis to only two of them. I shall endeavour to produce in the following remarks such evidence as may justify the addition of eight new river names to the geographical index of the Avesta. Our version of the interesting passage which follows immediately on the one translated above, must, for the present, take for granted what has still to be proved.
"At ita foot (the Mountain Ushidao) gushes and flows forth the Hrastra and the Hvaspa, the Fradatha and the beautiful Hvaren. a haiti, and Ustavaiti, the mighty, and Urvadha, rich of pastures, and the Erezi and Zareny maiti. At ita foot omahea and flows forth the bountiful, glorious Helmand, swelling its white waves (?), rolling down its copi. Jus floods."
As we have no means for identifying these rivers besides their names, which, if they remained in use for a longer period, must have undergone considerable phonetic changes, it will be safest to turn first to those sources of geographical information which rank in respect to their age nearest to the Avesta--the reports of classic authors. Fortunately, as far as Ariana is con. cerned, they are based to a great extent on a very exact survey made under the Seleukidan rule.
Pliny, speaking of the districts to the south of Aria (Hirat); mentions the rivers Pharnacotis and Ophradus (i.e. ó opádos of the Greek original), which Tomaschek, in his exhaustive
· The name of the Helmand is introduced in the dence. The words describing the course of the river above version in accordance with e most convincing are not clear in detail, but there is no doubt about their emendation of Professor Geldner's, based on MS. oví. general purport.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
treatise on the corresponding portion of the Tabula Peutingerana (Proceedings of the Viennese Academy, 1883), has recognised as the modern Harrat Rad and Farah Rad. They both flow from the western part of the Si&h Köh into the lake of Sistin. The form Farnahrati, which is suggested by Tomaschek as the original and native one for Pharnacotis, represents exactly our Zand Hvarenanhaiti in Persian pronunciation. The substantive hvarenah " 'glory," as contained in Harenanhaiti (hvarenan + suffix vaiti), assumes in the Old Persian dialect the form of farna. Thus the Old Persian Vindafarnu, Καταφέρνης, is the exact equivalent of the Zand Vinda-h'arenah "winning glory." A striking parallel to the doublet Hvarenanhaiti-Pharmacotis is furnished by the indifferent use of the names Ζαραγγιάνη and Δραγγιάνη, Ζαράγγαι and Δράγγα, for the neighbouring district and its inhabitants, the change of initial Z into D being a well-known characteristic of Persian pronunciation, as compared with Zand.
MISCELLANEA.
For proving the identity of the Fradatha of our Zand text with (O)Phradus, Farâh Rad, we can utilise the additional evidence of those names by which the old town Farah on the left bank of the Farah Rad was known in the Makedonian epoch. In the itinerary of Isidôros of Kharax this πόλις μεγίστη is called by the modern name pá; but Stephanos Byzantios has preserved a more ancient form in the following excerpt: Φράδα πόλις ἐν Δράγγαις ἦν ̓Αλέξανδρος Προφθασίαν μετωνόμασιν. Προφθασία is, in fact, a literal rendering of Zand fradatha, which, in common use as neuter, means (literally "proficiency"), "progress," "increase."
The Farah Rad is the next independent affluent of the Haman or Zirra to the east of the Harrût Rad; on the other hand, the Fradatha is placed in our list immediately before the Hvarenanhaiti. We are, therefore, inclined to look towards the east for rivers, with which the preceding two-the Hvaspa and Hvâstra-may be identified. We find on the map of South Afghanistan two main rivers in a corresponding position, whose names must remind us of the Avestic forms-the Khus pås Rad and the Kh&sh Rad. Coming from the southern slope of the Sith Kôh they both reach the eastern basin of the lagune, where the lower course of the Helmand is lost. In Khuspas, a place on the upper course of the Khuspås Rad, we may recognise the town Khoas pa, mentioned by Ptolemy in Arakhosia. The name Hvaspa means "having good horses," and seems to have been a favourite designation for rivets in Irån. Besides the famous Khoa spês near Susa,
23
whose water was supplied to the "Great King" wherever he moved (Herod. i. 188), we hear of another Khoaspês, a tributary of the Kâbul river. The station Cos at a, given by the Anonymous Ravennas, but missing in the Tabula Peutingerana, refers evidently to the town Khash, mentioned already by older Arab geographers, on the bank of the Khâsh Rûd, and supplies a welcome link between the Zand form Hvâstra and the modern name of the river. Whether the water of the Hvâstra Khâsh is in reality what a probable etymology of the name (conf. Sanskrit svattrá, svad) seems to imply,-" well tasting," -may be decided by those who have traversed the arid plains, stretching on both sides of the lower river course.
There is, as yet, no indication to aid us in identifying the remaining river names. But fortunately we find at least one of them recognised in its true character by traditional authority. We read in the Bundahish (as translated by Mr. West, chap. xx. 34; Sacred Books of the East, Vol. V. p. 82) the following interesting passage:
"Regarding Frâsiyav, they say that a thousand springs were conducted away by him into the sea Kyânsih (the Kasava of the Avesta)... ; and he conducted the spring Zarinmand, which is the Hêtamand river they say, into the same sea; and he conducted the seven navigable waters of the source of the Vachaêni river into the same sea, and made men settle there."
The connexion with the Hêtamand shows clearly that the Zarinmand of the Bundahish is the Zarenumaiti of our text. But no further light can be gained at present from this isolated statement. Whether the "seven navigable waters of the source Vachaêni," mentioned besides the Zarinmand, bear any relation to the seven rivers whose names appear in the Yasht passage discussed above, besides the Zarenumaiti, must likewise remain uncertain.
The resemblance of the names and the identity of the epithet pauruvdéra-" rich in pastures," suggest some relation between the river Urvada, and the land (P) Urva, named as the eighth creation of Ahura Mazda in the first chapter of the Vendidad; but Urva itself still remains a most obscure point in Avestic Geography. In spite of the scantiness of historical evidence for the last four rivers, we need not yet renounce all hope of identifying them on some future map of Afghanistan, the present ones shewing a conspicuous blank in quarters where a further exploration of the Paropamissus will, perhaps, reveal some distinct traces of our river names." AUREL STEIN.
The Academy, May 16th, 1885.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
BOOK NOTICES.
AN ILLUSTRATED HANDBOOK OF INDIAN ARMS; Being roads of Mahmod of Ghazni (1001.1030 A.D.) and
a Classified and Descriptive Catalogue of the Arms Exhibited at the India Museum : with an Introduc
the raids of 'Alau'd-din Khilji (1294.1312 AD.) tory Sketch of the Military History of India, by the The next period treats of changes consequent Hon. WILBRAHAM EGERTON, M.A., M.P. London: Allen and Co., 13, Waterloo Place, 1880. R. 8vo.
on the more frequent intercourse between India Some time ago I received, through the kindness
and Europe, following the discovery of the Cape of the author, a copy of the above work. It was
of Good Hope, and extends from the reign of quite new to me at the time, and does not appear,
Babar to the death of the Emperor Aurangzeb. even yet, to be known so well as it deserves; few The third chapter deals with the transactions or none of my Indian friends to whom I have which occurred from the death of Aurangzeb to mentioned it having been it.
the fall of the Mughal Empire, which led to the The readers of the Indian Antiquary will there- introduction of a great variety of arms, and the fore, I hope, be glad to have their attention called
more general use of artillery. During this period to it.
occurred the invasion of the Afghans and the rise When Mr. Egerton, M.P. for Cheshire, visited of the Markthâs, followed by the establishment of India about the year 1855, his attention was drawn
various European factories on the coast; the to the great variety of arms and military weapons struggle between the French and the English, and he there saw. The diffculty of obtaining accurate
their relations with the Native powers, more parti. information regarding the names and origin of
cularly with the recently established Muham. many of these led to the collection, by him, of the madan kingdom of Maisar. The last part (Chapter materials which form the basis of the present
IV.) relates to the period of comparative tranpublication.
quillity under the supremacy of the English rule, It was undertaken in the first instance, as one
during which the subordinate native princes were of a series of Handbooks descriptive of the differ- gradually bronght under subjection to the para. ent sections of the India Museum, but on the mount power, and, instead of contending with each transfer of that.collection, by the India Office, other, amused themselves by drilling their fol. to the Kensington Museum, the design was in lowers on the model of the disciplined troops of terrupted, and the Illustrated Handbook of Indian their conquerors, for purposes of pageantry and Arms was the only one of the series which saw show, while the military operations of the latter the light.
were directed against more distant localities on The subject has been treated by Mr. (now Lord) the North-Eust, and West, and the chapter closes Egerton in a very full and exhaustive manner. with the end of the first Burmese war in 1826. Pramining that he might have arranged the arms After these preliminaries the author pages to on an ethnological, historical or artistic basis, he the more immediate subject of his treatise, and decides, we think rightly, in favour of the first, describes first the embellishments employed in on the ground that "identity of arms often the ornamentation of Indian Arms, which ho denotes identity of race to greater extent than treats under the three forms of Hindi, Iranian language or religion, long after the more import. (Persian) and Turanian art. These be illustrates ant characteristics of language and religion have at length, with appropriate examples and figures, disappeared," in illustration of which he refers to into the details of which we need not follow him, Mr. Ouat's example of the Hindi dialect adopted neither need we enter into an examination of the by the Bhils instead of their original Ko- processes employed in the manufacture of many larian tongue. A similar instance is afforded of the weapons, an interesting description of by the Nairs on the Malabar coast, the descen- which will be found in the second part of the dants, according to Mr. Hodgson, of the Himálayan chapter, but proceed at once to the more Newars, whose normal speech has given place to practical portion which treats of the weapons the vernacular Malay&ļim.
themselves. This is founded on the India Office The treatise opens with a rapid sketch of the Collection as it originally stood, with further Military History of India, commencing with the illustrations from the Royal Collection at earliest arms in use after the pre-historic period to Windsor Castle, that of the Prince of Wales the invasion of the Mughal Emperor B&bar (1494- made during his Indian Tour, the Tower, the 1530 A.D.) Adverting first to the legendary and British Museum, &c., as well as on that formed heroic epoch comprising the age of the great epios, by himself. The whole affords a very completo and the earliest notices of the Greek writers, he description of the warlike implements indigenous passes to the first appearance of the Muhammadans to India, and also of those introduced into it by in the time of the Caliphs (or Khalffas) the in. I the frequent conquests to which it has been

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JANUARY, 1886.)
BOOK NOTICES.
25
subjected, and by the numerous military adventurers who flocked thither for service, or were invited by prospects of advancement or more ambitious aspirations. The first groups of arms described are those of the Aboriginal and Non. Aryan Races, comprising the bows and arrows, clubs and axes, found amongst the earliest inhabitants of the Mainland and the Islands. Leaving the latter he takes a rapid glance at the pre-Aryan races of the Mainland, our information regarding which is too imperfect to admit of an accurate classification. We can point, however, to some of the most characteristic groups, such as the pastoral races represented by the Santâls, Ahirs, and Kurambars; the more warlike and predatory classes like the Bhils, Gdjars, Kolis, Râmosis, Bedars and Marawârs; and the people of the north-eastern tracts who have been described by Colonel Dalton, and to whom the general term of Kolarians has been given. These distinctions again are all more or less fused by the influence of language, as they are connected on the one hand with the Hindi, and on the other with the Dravidian tongues. The weapons in use among all these will be found to exhibit considerable uniformity arising out of the earliest requirements of civilized man. Its normal form is that of the staff or club which supports him in his walk, and acts as his lever for removing obstacles, or repels the assault of an opponent, whether man or beast. A flint inserted at the end becomes a battle-axe or hatchet, and the sharpened edge is the prototype of the eword. With a shorter piece in his left hand he warde off the blows of an assailant, and by increasing its breadth it becomes a shield, and protects him from a hostile arrow. When thick and heavy it serves as a missile; with a slender slip or more convenient reed propelled from a bow he strikes the more distant game beyond reach of the throwing stick.
Among the earliest of these primitive expedients is that represented in the author's illustrations by Nos. 1 and 4 of Group I. at p. 73. It appears to be the primitive weapon of the hill tribes of
The pre-Aryan population has been variously classified by different writers. In the uncertainty that prevails as to origin the simplest groups appear to be those of the pastoral, predatory, and agricultural. Underneath these lie a widely diffused servile class, probably the oldest of all, and represented by the MhArs, Mångs, MAlas, Pariahs, Palayars and various wild tribes, all of which still retain marked peculiarities of language. In Southern India where the Dravidian tongue has effaced all earlier dialects, these remnants of the older races have failed to acquire some of its most remarkable phonetic sounds. Berghaus pute the insignificant group of the Todas of the Nilgiris in the second place of his enumeration. Their numbers never exceeded a thoumand, and they are now much fewer. They belong clearly to the pastoral division, and speak a very rude Dravidian dialect, and will be seen to fall naturally
India, Gonds, Kolis, &c.; as well as of the native inhabitants of Australia. It is made of heavy wood of extreme hardness, rarely of metal, from 18 inches to 2 feet long, and from 2 to 3 inches broad, more or less curved, generally flat: some are hooped with iron and with three or four spikes of the same metal at the extremity to make them more deadly. The hest specimens exactly resemble the Australian Bomerang, and differ in no respect from the weapon used by the ancient Egyptian sportsmen as depicted in the tombs of the kinga at Thebes, an example of which, found in a mummy pit, is preserved in the British Museum. The form differs somewhat in different parts of India, that of the southern predatory tribes, as the Marawârs and Krallars, becomes narrower at one end, terminating in a knob or pommel to give a firmer grip in throwing. These are of different sizes, some in my possession being only 22 inches, but a specimen at Sandringham (sce Plate, fig. 2) measures 234 inches round the curve. They are of a very heavy dark-coloured wood. The collection of the Prince of Wales contains one of fine steel (Plate, fig. 2a) 19 inches long, and 2) broad at the broadest part, not much thicker than a sword blade, with a foliage pattern of silver running along the centre, a very formidable wea. pon; and also one of ivory about the same size, probably intended more for show than use. Not improbably it may be an instance of the radana. kulisa mentioned in the Nagamangala copper plates, which Prof. Eggeling has translated "ivory weapons," and which Prof. Dowson sug. gests were kept as trophies of victory by great princes.. The name given to this missile by the Kolis of Gujarat is katariya (see Plate, fig. 1) but in the Dravidian dialects it is called valai or valai, tadi bent stick) by the Kallars and Marawirs. Some specimens from Tinnevelly in the India Museum are labelled katárt." In some parts of the country the wooden throw-stick has given place to a small sharp hazchet which is thrown with great precision. The Gonds are described by Captain Forsyth as killing pea-fowls, bares, and small deer, by throwing the little axe, which they under Prof. Huxley's Physical Distribution noticed further on.
In the list at p. 78, Group I. No. 4, said to be from Gujarat, is of this form.
3 The wood mort preferred is that called acht maram in Tamil (Hardwickia binata), but they are also made of & species of Diospyros or ebony tree.
ante, Vol. III. p. 152. • Handbook, p. 8i, Groupa II. II. I have never met with this name, but it nearly resembles the term katariya,.word, however, not found in the Gujarati or Marathi Diotionarios, used for the bomerang in GujarAt. and is nearly identical with the name katar or határt given to the dagker with the H-shaped handle worn in the girdle by the military classes throughout India, said to be derived from Sanskrit. See Shakespeare's Hind. Dict. &. v.
of this theme bien, and reprand varieties of lan hann erfaced

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
invariably carry, at them, in doing which they are very expert. Similar testimony is borne by another writer to the accuracy with which they use their little hatchets "knocking over a hare at full speed with astonishing celerity and certainty of aim." "The Baigå Gonds in the Pachmarhi Hills use a hatchet which they throw with great skill at deer and even at tigers. They always carry it in their hand." In the Southern Marâtha Country, and also in the hill tracts of the Madras Presidency, several varieties of clubs and sticks are in use as missiles. Some of these are merely short clubs from 2 to 3 feet long, heavy at the extremity, and go by the name of kuruntaḍi (See Plate, fig. 3). Others are simply sticks of various lengths strengthened by iron bands to give them weight. Two specimens from the Dhârwär district, from 2 feet 7 inches to 2 feet 10 inches, long, heavy, and becoming gradually more curved and wider towards the extremity, and with a steel ring at either end (see Plate, fig. 4) are said to be favourite weapons of the Bedar caste. All these varieties of the throw-stick continue in use to the present day. In the wilder tracts, on the festival of the Ugâdi, which occurs on the first day of the soli-lunar year, early in March, the whole village turns out armed with every available weapon, the great proportion being throw-sticks, the Kanarese term for which is yese-gólu, and beats across the whole area of the village lands, sparing neither bird nor beast, but not venturing across the line of their own boundary. The pursuit of a wounded hare beyond these limits has led to violent affrays with the people of the neighbouring township, similarly engaged, sometimes ending in bloodshed, which has brought them under the cognizance of the magistrate.
Prof. Huxley, in a paper on The Geographical Distribution of the Chief Modifications of Mankind, observes that "the indigenous population of Australia presents one of the best marked of all the types or principal forms of the human race," a description of which he gives, founded on their
Highlands of Central India, p. 118.
Seonee in the Satpura Range, by Robert A. Sterndale,
p. 52.
Handbook, p. 76.
Journal, Ethnological Society, Vol. II. p. 404.
10 The men of the Hadendoa tribe, of whom so many fell in the actions at El-Teb and Tamai, are described by an eye-witness as tall and athletic, with dark skins, the hair divided horizontally round the head above the ears, the upper portion drawn up to the crown, the lower hanging down to the neck, all features of the Australoid type..
[JANUARY, 1886.
physical characters alone, and goes on to state that this group, to which he gives the name of Australoid, is not confined to that continent only, but includes the "so-called hill-tribes who inhabit the interior of the Dakhan in Hindostân." To 'these he adds the Ancient Egyptians and their modern descendants. "For although the Egyptian has been much modified by civilization and probably by admixture, he still retains the dark skin, the black silky wavy hair, the long skull, the fleshy lips, and broadish ale of the nose which we know distinguished his remote ancestors, and which cause both him and them to approach the Australian and the Daśyu more nearly than they do any other form of mankind."
11 Schweinfurth in his Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 9, says, "The principal weapons of the Niam-Niam are their lances and trumbashes. The word trumbash, which has been incorporated into the Arabic of the Soudan, is the term employed to denote generally all the varieties of missiles that are used by the Negro races. It should, however, properly be applied solely to that
Now it is very remarkable that it is to these three groups that the use of the bomerang is exclusively confined, thus adding a further confirmation to the principle of an ethnological classification adopted by the author for the arrangement of the multifarious arms he was about to describe. It is true that the use of the throw-stick had disappeared from the debased inhabitants of Egypt proper, under the grinding influence of centuries of oppression. It is still, however, the national weapon of the brave and unsubdued people of the Soudan, improperly called Arabs, with whom they have nothing in common except their religion, and with whom we have recently come into much to be lamented collision.10 In all the recent conflicts, armed only with their throw-sticks and short spears, they rushed, regardless of the withering fire, upon the serried ranks of their opponents, hurling their wooden missiles and endeavouring to close in with their spears. Several of these sticks, picked up at random by an officer of the Black Watch after the action at El-Teb, are now before me. They are called kolai by the Soudanese, assai in Arabic, and in Central Africa trumbash.11
The best formed are from 30 to 30 inches long and curved only at one end (see Plate, fig. 5) a peculiarity noticed by Wilkinson" and also
sharp flat projectile of wood, a kind of bomerang, which is used for killing birds or hares or any small game. When the weapon is made of iron it is called kulbeda."
13 The use of the throw-stick was very general, every amateur chasseur priding himself on the dexterity displayed with this missile, and being made of heavy wood, flat, and offering little surface to the air in the direction of its flight, the distance to which an expert arm could throw it was considerable; though they always endeavoured to approach the birds as near as possible under cover of the bushes or reeds. It was from one foot and a quarter to two feet in length, and about one inch and a half in breadth, slightly curved at the upper end. Its general form may be inferred from one found at Thebes by Mr. Burton, from those of the Berlin Museum, and from the sculptures." Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, Vol. III. pp. 38, 39, (1837) particu-.. larly fig. 837 on p. 42.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
27
found in the Dakhan, while others resemble the kuruntadi or short club. The affinity of these tribes to the ancient Egyptians, is further de. ducible from their language which belongs to the Hamitic stock. This consists of several groups, one of which under the general name of Bishari (the Bishareen of late newspaper correspondents) is found occupying the extensive tract between Abyssinia and Suskin, and the Red Sea and the Nile. It is described as a language of great historical interest, and is supposed to be that used in the Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of Nubia. The different dialects of which it is composed are now spoken by the Hadendoa, Ababde, Boja, and other tribes, known collectively to the Romans as the Blemmyes, and in the Middle Ages as the Beja."
The bow is very much the same among all the tribes which retain its use. It is about 5 feet long, generally of bamboo, and strung by means of a slip of cane or bamboo bark. The arrows, which are from 2 to 3 feet long, are variously pointed. On one occasion I met with a peculiarity which, as far as I am aware, has not been noticed before. When exploring the Godavari in 1848 we landed to communicate with some natives in a foreat on the bank, and examining their arms Colonel (now Sir Arthur) Cotton, who was of the party, observed that the feathering of their arrows was adjusted spirally.15 On in. quiring the reason they said they had inherited the practice from their forefathers, and that it gave the arrow a more accurate flight.
The above description applies to all the bows in use among the Non-Aryan tribes, but a more elaborate sort, like those numbered 80 and 457 (Handbook, pp. 81, 114) from Travancore and Gwalior, seem to hare been intended rather for show than use. Others of a composite character are alluded to in a note at the same place, but are now seldom, if ever, seen. Examples of the kamdn or curved Tåtar bow, made of horn, are occasionally met with, but being of foreign origin
and belonging to a much later period do not call for more notice here.16
From these ruder weapons we pass to the arms with a cutting edge, which came into uso at a more advanced stage of society, when the art of smelting metal became known. One of the earli. est forms was that in use among the Khonds, Kols, and Sauras known by the name of tångí, a Hindi word of Sansksit origin. It is a sort of axe with wooden handle from 2 to 3 feet long and upwards. They are shod with brass, the blades being of various shapes, each distinctive of the different sections of the tribe. Several of these are figured at p. 73 of the Handbook, where they are entered under the name of tabar," a name I have never heard as being in use among the Khonds, and being a Persian word it is not likely it should be. Other specimens mentioned in the Handbook are said to come from the Malabar Coast. 18
After the bomerang the most characteristic Hindu weapon is a sort of bill or chopper which under various forms and names is found throughout the whole of India from the Himalayas to Capu Comorin. It is the kora (a) of Naipal, the kukri (6) of the Gurkhâs, the ayudha (c) katti of the Nairs and Moplas, and the korgatti of Coorg, Maisar, &c. They are often carried slung to the back equally ready for attack or defence, or for clearing a path through the forest. Parasurima, the leader of the Turanian colony which invaded the western coast, is represented as carrying a parasu (Sanskrit bill or battle-axe), which, though generally figured and translated as a battle-axe, must have been the Nair war-knife or ayudha katti still carried by his tribe. It is the prototype to the eastward of the dd or ddo' which according to Captain Lewin is in general use among the wild tribes. It is a blade about 18 inches long, narrow at the haft, square at the top, pointless, and sharpened on one side only. Speaking of the Karena, Major Tickell says, "In the hand is generally carried the dd (an awkward implement, half-knife, half
13 Specimens of this description were not wanting in the India Museum, as appears by the mention in Mr. Egerton's noto at pp. 78, 81, where he refers to * Cudgels or sticks used by watchmen, robbers, and others, plain and iron-bound. Some of them are 4 and 4 feet long, with which may be associated the clubs called kanda 4 or 5 feet long carried by the Todas (well. marked typical representatives of the Australoid group), which are entirely of wood, neatly shaped, and seem to be the only weapon in use among them.
Cuat's Modern Languages of Africa, Vol. I. pp. 125-26; Conf. also pp. 89, 40.
Since this was written Colonel Clay, late of the Madras Survey, has told me that he brought homo a number of arrows feathered in this way from Gumsur which are now in the posession of Sir Robert Sinclair. Achversdale Lodge, Caithness.
26 Descriptions of these, the mode in which they are
strung, and the agate ring sihghir (from the Porn. siha bowstring and gir taking or catching), or sofan (from the Arabic rootscraping) for protecting the thumb when dincharging the arrow (p. 114) two of which we possess, will be found in the lists. See Nos. 366, 457-59, 592-98.
11 Group I. Nos. 30-32, 35, 37, 30, 40-42, 51, 56. 1 Groups II. III. p. 79, Nos. 89, 90. 19 (a) Group VII. p. 100, Nos. 322, 323.
(6) Group VII. p. 100, No. 314, 315, 318, 319.
(c) ayudha-katti, literally war-knife, is from the Sanskrit Oyudha, A weapon, or arms of any kind, which is derived from the root yudh to fight. It is the aydıtkatti of the Handbook, Groups II. II. p. 79, figs. 111, 119, 128. 90 Group IV. p. 84, Nos. 192, 194, 195, 202, 209, 213.
Group V. Pp. 84-95, Nos. 241, 242, 250, 252.. *1 Wild Races of Southern India.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
chopper), which, like the Lepchas of Sikhim, the Newårs of Nepal, and the Bhotifs of Tibet, they apply to all imaginable uses." It is not in. tended to follow Mr. Egerton through the minute description he gives of the rude tribes to the eastward, and I merely remark in passing that the Burmese sword appears to be derived directly from the bomerang, retaining its curved form, onehalf serving as a handle to the metal blade of the other.
In early Dravidian poems, especially the war songs of the Marawârs, as a weapon is found under the name of val, often translated, but erroneously, a sword. There is little doubt it refers to a form of the bill. The name still lingers in part, in the term applied to the broad sacrificial knife used in some of the temples of Kali, with which the heads of the sheep, goats, and other victims are struck off at a single blow, a feat sometimes accomplished even on a buffalo. The word is used by the Todas, and is found in the iruvalli or axe of the Badagas.
The remaining portion of the work is devoted to the notice of arms not characteristic of any parti. cular race or country, which have been introduced by foreigners, and that chiefly since the earlier Muhammadan conquests. Among these I propose to touch only upon such as have a special Hinda character, and have been more particularly adopted by the natives in that part of India with which I am best acquainted.
The general Hindd term for a sharp-edged instrument is katti, a word which will be seen in combination with some of the names before quoted. This I at first thought might be a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit kdstha=wood, and so deriving it from the wooden throw-stick. But this etymology is not clear. Ite Dravidian parent. age rests on better grounds. Dr. Caldwell,
under the root kadi to cut, inserts katti, a knife, a sword, and refers to the Sanskrit kerit to cut and its many derivatives. Then again we have the Tamil kattai=trunk of a tree or block of wood. The most characteristic weapon of this description that I have seen is the patd. In the Handbook it is called the gauntlet sword of the Maratha Cavalry, in which the arm to the elbow is protected by a steel gauntlet fixed to the blade of the weapon (Nos. 403, 404). I do not remember a single instance in which it formed part of the equipment of the Maratha trooper in the risdlas of Irregular Cavalry in the Dakhan or Gujarat. Indeed it appears to be a weapon unsuitable for use on horseback. I have only seen it carried by men on foot, especially athletes, who declare that with it a single warrior may defend himself against a host. The mode of doing so is shown by an exercise in which the swordsman, holding his weapon horizontally, whirls about with rapid gyrations making sweeping cute and giving point on every side. A skilful feat performed in this exhibition is described on p. 149.
The khanda is the national sword of Orissa, and especially of a class of military landholders in that province known as Khanddits who, like the Minkdvalgdrs of the South were bound to protect the inhabitants of the plains from the attacks of marauders. The khandd is a straight two-edged sword about 3 or 34 feet long, becoming broader at the extremity which is rounded (Hand. book, No. 521.) The term sosanpațd is applied in the Dakhan to a weapon of somewhat remarkable form, probably peculiar to that locality. It varies in length from 2 to 3 feet, becoming broader to wards the end near which it curves outward, terminating in a sharp point. On the back, about 4 or 5 inches from the hilt is a round button. like knob, the use of which is not apparent.
# Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
* These poems, which possess much ethnological interest, relate generally to plundering raids for driving off the cattle of neighbouring villages, and led to fierce encounters. Many of the vergals or monumental stones represent these onttle fights. Specimens of the poems are preserved in old Tamil grammars like the Nannul, and are well deserving of being made more generally known in an English drese, with a critical examination of their contents.
3. The similarity of all the forms above enumerated to those found among other people of Turanian descent, seem to point to a common origin in Central Asia. Ol this we have an example in the Iberian kopia (Korris) a specimen of which, obtained from Spain, is in the Collection of General Pitt-Rivers. It exactly resembles the val. Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon, 8. v., render it "a chopper, cleaver, kitchen knife," also "a broad curved knife like our bill used by the Thessalians, Euripides, Electra, 837) and by eastern nations (Xenophon, Cyropadia, 2, 1, 9, 6, 2, 10). Cl. Sagaris (cráyapís) a weapon used by the Scythian tribes; also by the Per. siana, Amazon, &0.; a single-edged axe or bill." The ancient Egyptians seem to have had a somewhat similar weapon represented in the paintings of the tomba,
and it survives among those of some of the Negro triben figured by Schweinfurth. In the Records of the Past king Amenemhat of the XIIth dynasty, is represented as saving to his son Osirtisen, "I brought men armed with the khopesh, being myself armed with the khopesh." The late George Smith in the second of his three lectures on Assyrian History delivered at the Royal Institution, April 1875, exhibited an "antique bronze weapon of the exact type of the Egyptian khopesh, such as is in no other instance represented among the Assyrian mona. mental stones. It is the property of Mr. Robert Hanbury, the inscription and device on which were formerly ez. plained by Mr. Smith. The beautifully engraved devicean antelope on a pedestal was, it seems, the standard of one of the divisions of the Assyrian army, and the inscription designs it to the reign of Vul-nirnri I., 1330-1300 B.O., of the age of 83 centuries. It is probably the oldest gword in the world."-Times, 20th April 1875.
15 Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 477.
Chiefs of the predatory tribes of the Kallars and Marawars, who protect the villages of the plains from plunder by placing one of their followers in each Villago as kdvalger or watchman, in return for the payment of blackmail.

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ARTIMIN
NAM
WELL
2a.
OS
000)
LE
INDIAN ARMS.
1. Katartys of Gujarft.
4 Vali tadi, variety. 2. Vefal tadi of the Karnatak.
8. Throw-stiok of the Soudan. Pn. Steel ditto.
6. Imaginary sketch of Sounapate Blade. 8. Kuruntidi or Club.
7. Monumental Stone at Guntar. 8. Figure on the Kadambê war Temple in the Fort at Rotihalli, Kod Mluke, Dharwad, 8.M.O.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
29
This addition is also found on some of the broad sacrificial od! blades. 'A weapon of the same name is mentioned in the Handbook (p. 104, No. 578 T); but neither the figure nor the description"A short, broad, heavy sword, slightly bent, point inclining upwards; worn by all ranks in Hindastan,"-agrees with the examples I have seen. The kind more particularly referred to is now very rare. The best of those that have come under my observation was in the collection of the Nawab of the Karnatic at Chepâk, a figure of which is not available, but a rough outline is given from memory (see Plate, fig. 6). A specimen specially obtained from Haidarâbâd proved on receipt to be like No. 578 T. The blade is 2 feet long, some what more curved, and wants the knob on the back. It is seen, therefore, to belong to the Hinddstan group, and that the sword known by the same name in the Dakhan is very different. The accom panying rough sketch of a virgal (see Plate, fig. 7) or morlument about 3 feet high, near Guntur, exhibits the Dakhan sosanpatd in a very rude and somewhat exaggerated form. A fourth kind of sword peculiar to the south has a long, straight, sharp-pointed two-edged blade, 3 feet 7 inches long, with a handle so small that it will only admit half the hand, and a broad hilt sloping outwards. In a statue of the founder of the Yadava dynasty of Dvarasamudra, which forms part of a remarkable group, more than once repeated in the Kod Taluka of the Southern Marath country, the hero is shown in the act of piereing a tiger, and holding & sword of this description with his two first fingers outside the hilt, and the rest of his hand within (see Plate, fig. 8). Believing the hilt was intended to protect the hand from the weapon of an opponent, it seemed doubtful whether the sculptor had not been careless in thus representing the grasp of the hand, but the following extract from the work of an old master-at-arms clears up the difficulty, and vindicates the accuracy of the sculptor. "An Englishman cannot thrust straight with the sword because the hilt will not suffer him to put the forefinger over the crosse, nor to put the thumbe upon the blade, nor to hold the pum. mell in the hand; whereby we are of necessitie to hold fast the handle in the hand; by reason whereof we are driven to thrust both compasse and short (sic), whereas with the rapier they can thrust both straight and much farther than we can with the sword because of the hilt, and these be the reasons they make against the sword." This weapon is very uncommon. I have only once met with what I deemed to be an exemplar of it. The long, straight cut-and-thrust blade found
among the local militia known as Shetsanadis and Kataks,called farangtor farhang((No.523 and p.56 note 1) is of European manufacture, and was largely introduced by the Portuguese after the establishment of their trade in Malabar. They are often stamped with what appear to be single letters far apart, but not legible, as if impressed by workmen copying marks they did not understand. It is still commonly met with among all classes in the south, but chiefly among the village soldiery before mentioned. Bhawodni, the sword of Sivaji, is a long straight weapon slightly curved and double-edged towards the point, resembling the kind known in Upper India as the sirohi, and the regulation blade carried by the British Cavalry. At a Darbar held by the Hon'ble Mountstuart Elphinstone at Rihmatpár about 1826, at which I was present, the Raja of Sattará exhibited this weapon, and at the same time the bagh-nak, or tiger-claw, with which his ancestor treacherously slew 'Afzal Khan, the Muhammadan general of Bijapur. The weapon so called consists of four sharp curved claws resting at the base of each finger on a transverse steel band, terminating in a ring fitted to the fore and little finger, and looks externally simply like an ornament, while the weapon remains concealed in the palm. This last was subsequently presented, at another Darbár, . to Sir John Malcolm, by whom it was probably given to the India Museum, and now appears in the Handbook as No. 476."
A variety of names are given to the long straight blades comprehended under the general name of saif, shamsher, &c. Talwar is a general term applied to shorter and more or less curved side arms, while those that are lighter and shorter still are often styled nimchas. The 'abbusi is an elegant curved Persian scimitar, 80 called from the name 'Abbde often stamped on the blade. The name shamsher given to them in the lista is rather & generic term equivalent to sabre. The blades are sometimes richly "ornamented (like No. 654, p. 132), on both sides with numerous figures of animals, incised and damascened in gold." In a similar example now before me the figures are in relief, and display on one side two elephants butting, a horseman pursuing a stag, two buffaloes fighting, a chit 4 killing & deer, two lions opposito each other, an elephant and a deer, a buffalo, a tiger killing a buffalo. On the other side a horseman pursuing a deer, a tiger suckling its young one, two lions face to face, a tiger on its back killing a deer, a tiger killing a deer, the latter on its back, tiger killing a calf and three other calves. The teghá
* P. 115. See also p. 27.
» The Paradores of Defence. By George Silver (a Master of Fenoe) Gentleman, London 1599, 4to.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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a very broad, much curved blade, is a favourite central blade, which bears this inscription on both weapon of the Pathậns. On one occasion a sides :sword ingeniously formed out of the snout of
X X INTI X X DOMINI X X. the saw-fish (Pristis), was seen in the hands of Another fantastic dagger has three long narrow a soldier in a hill fort in Maisar not far from blades parallel to one another, the middle one Chitaldurg. A great variety of daggers are longest, and on it are the letters EDRO. A carried in the sash or waist band. The most katár with a handle throughout of beautiful work. common in South India are the katar before manship, the open-work sides an arrangement of mentioned, and the bank or bichhwd. The first griffins, phenixes, and clustered fishes, and the is specially affected by the military classes. It is holdfasts of the blade each four fancifully groupof various sizes, but always with the same handle, ed parrots, bears on one side the blade, which is and more or less ornamented. I have one with two broad and three-channelled, the letters & M.V.N., blades side by side, but not otherwise remarkable. and on the other c v.m, with a human face in a The second is a small dagger, varying a good crescent further up. A second katur has the deal in form, but all more or less curved. Many handle covered with a guard representing a cobra others of foreign origin are met with, as the with expanded hood between two rampant griffins ; Persian peshkabz and khanjar, the Arab jambiya, the long narrow blade exhibits a single deep the long Afghân knife and the Lesght dagger groove "in which on one side are the letters with a long broad double edged blade, as also IOHANIS • VLL, and on the other four or smaller knives with the general name of churt five indistinct letters, and then ALIV N. A or katti
third with a handsome well-wrought steel hilt, I will here refer to the light thrown on the origin after the thick layer of rust that coated it had of the numerous swordblades known by the name been removed, disclosed to my surprise, in two of farhangts by the description given in a former deep channels on each side the blade the wellnumber of the Indian Antiquary of the Armoury known name at Tanjore. On the death of the last Raja in 1855
ANDREA the whole of the personal and landed property
PERAR A." was made over to his widow, with the exception of The number of arrows and arrow-heads scatter the armoury. This was found to be in a most ed about is stated to bave been very large, "the neglected condition. Arms of all descriptions former as usual, of reeds, with bone or ivory were lying heaped together on the sunk floor of nocks and spike-heads of all possible shapes, short an out-building in the precincts of the palace, and lengthened, rounded, three or four-sided, called the music-ball, but apparently used for channelled, or bulging in the centre; many were athletic sports, and surrounded by a gallery for barbed, and many flat-tipped or ending in small
globes,-- perhaps for killing birds without breakHandreds of swords of every kind lay caked ing the skin; and there were some headed with together and covered with rust. Many of those hollow brass balls perforated with three or four that could be cleaned were found to be of choice holes, which were said to be filled with some inmanufacture and highly ornamented. The num- flammable composition, and shot burning on to ber of straight cut-and-thrust blades was very roofs and into houses. Under the head each great, which Mr. Wallhouse, quoting a former arrow was elaborately gilt and painted for six writer (ante, Vol. II. p. 216), states to have derived inches down the stem, and also for the same their name of "phirangis from the Portuguese, by length above the nock, and each bore above the whom they were either introduced from Europe, feathers an inscription of two lines in Marathi or else made in imitation of such imported characters in gold," &c. &c. swords."
Several kinds of spears are included in the In addition to these were numerous kalare with lists. The most common are the long Jance ornamented handles fitted to blades formed of or birche carried by the Maratha Silahddrs, pieces of European swords. The design and exe. and the Irregular Musalman troopers of the cution of these handles is described as being of Dakhan. It has a bamboo shaft 10 to 12 feet the highest artistic merit. “The fancy shown is long, and a small steel head with a long endless and the execution minute and admirable." iron ferrule at the lower end for sticking it .... "One has the grasp covered by a into the ground. The ballam or bhala is a shield-shaped guard of pierced steel, bearing a strong pike 8 or 9' feet long, with a heavy somegriffin on each outer rim, from whose backs small times curved, steel head, a formidable weapon, blades project on each side at right angles to the and the favourite arm among the Polygar foot
** Vol. VII. pp. 192-96.
spectators.

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BOOK NOTICES.
JANUARY, 1886.]
soldiers which has been used with much effect in defending their strongholds. A shorter javelin, sometimes seen, but not used in the South, where it is attributed to the Rajputs, is the sáng, a slender iron shaft grasped in the middle, with a thong attached. A specimen before me is 6 feet 9 inches long, 26 inches of which form the quadrangular point.
It remains only to notice a few miscellaneous weapons. The parrying stick formerly mentioned has developed into a more artificial form called the márú or mádú. The ringed shaft of one before me is 22 inches long, terminating in a turned knob at one end, and in a sharp spear point at the other, which is 5 inches more. The handle, about the middle of the shaft, is protected by an unarmed guard.30 Another form called the singautá, made of two antelope horns, (sing,) 26 inches long, joined at their base by a handle from which projects a short blade, the extremities shod with pointed javelin heads, each about 4 inches long."
Here, too, I may mention the flail, a specimen of which from Southern India has a handle or shaft 15 inches long, from the end of which depend two chains 19 inches long, attached by a ring, each ending in a ball. A similar weapon appears to have been used by the ancient Britons of which I remember to have seen a figure in a pictorial History of England.
Blue clad Sikh mercenaries are sometimes met carrying on their conical turbans half a dozen steel chakras or more, which they discharge with considerable accuracy.
Of the two concluding chapters the first is devoted to a description of the martial exercises and games practised at the Dassara (Dasahra) and on other festive occasions at Native courts. These have now fallen somewhat into disuse in the South, but in many villages in the Marâthâ country, and in most Native Regiments, gymnasia or talim-khanas are kept up for the practise of athletic exercises by the young men of the place. The principal of these are the dand, in which the hands are placed on the ground and then bending down until the chest almost touches the floor, the body is raised by straightening the arms; the magdar, in which two heavy clubs are used in a series of motions somewhat like dumb bells; the lézam or bow with a steel chain for a string, which is pulled by extending either arm alternately with great force. The proficient
30 Cf. Saintt. Handboek, No. 557. In the Soudan curved stick, with a hollow in the centre to protect the hand, called a quayre is used for the same purpose. Another called the dang is shaped like a bow and receives the blow of the club on the string. Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 155.
1 Handbook, Group X. No. 694.
31
multiplies the performance of each of these exercises as his strength allows until he can repeat them from fifty to a hundred times or even more, by means of which his muscular powers become fully developed and fit him to compete with advantage in their favourite game of wrestling. On festive occasions the athletes of a district meet to contend for the mastery, in which one or two of the most successful become recognised as the rural champions of the neighbourhood.
The last chapter treats of artillery and describes some of the most remarkable pieces of ordnance that have been cast in India.
The lists likewise contain the names of some varieties of the matchlock, as karol,-a term new to me, the carbine of Haidar 'Ali's cavalry; jazd'ila wall-piece, whence perhaps the Dakhani jinjal. A piece heavier than the common matchlock is found amongst the Marawârs of Sivaganga and is called sarboji, which may have some connection with the name of the neighbouring ruler of Tanjore (Serfoji vulgo Sarboji). A still larger kind belonging to the same part of the country is the sanjali.35
The work is interspersed with much interesting information regarding the warlike habits and practices of different races, and I feel assured that it will be found very instructive, as well as useful, to the readers of the Indian Antiquary.
Want of sight will account for inaccuracies which may have crept into the foregoing descriptions and particularly in referring to the figures. WALTER ELLIOT, K. C.S.I.
BERUNI'S INDICA. Preliminary Notice.
Ever since Reinaud's Extraits and Mémoire made fragments of Bêrûnî's Indica accessible, the great importance of his work for the political and literary history of India has been generally recognized, and the desire to see the whole made publigi juris has been frequently expressed. It will be, therefore, welcome news to all who feel an interest in India, that Professor Sachau, to whom we owe an excellent edition and translation of Bêrani's Chronology, has almost finished printing the text of the Indica, and that a large portion of his translation will shortly be ready for the press. An examination of Professor Sachau's MS., which he kindly placed at my disposal, has convinced
3 Handbook, Group I. No. 62.
33 [The Dasahra is everywhere still in full swing in North-West India.-ED.]
3 [In the out-of-the way fort of Bahadurgarh or Saifbåd near PatiAlA town is a large quantity of Native ordnance of all sorts and ages worth examining.-ED.]
35 Madr. Jour. Vol. IV. p. 360. Nelson's Madura, p. 41.

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me that Reinaud's extracts have by no means exhausted all the interesting information contained in Bêrunt's book. On the contrary, there is not a branch of Indology-with, perhaps, the single exception of Vedic studies which will not gain very considerably by its publication Bêrani was himself a Sanskrit scholar. He studi. ed some Sastras, especially astronomy and mathematics, deeply, possessed a superficial knowledge of others, and made careful inquiries among the best Pandits of his time, regarding the remainder and regarding the geography and the history of India. Though he complains of the want of communicativeness on the part of the Brihmans, which he ascribes partly to their ar. rogant contempt for all but their own caste. fellows, and partly to their hostility towards the Muhammadan invaders of their country, he has nevertheless collected more, and more correct, information than any foreigner who wrote before the great opening-up of Brahmanical India under British rule. His wide culture, his high scientific attainments, and his full acquaintance with the literature of the Western nations, enabled him to estimate Hinda science and learning at their proper value, and permitted him to draw interesting parallels. Both the accounts left us by the Greeks and by the Chinese pilgrims read, by the side of Bêrani's work, like children's books, or the compi. lations of uneducated and superstitious men, who marvelled at the strange world into which they had fallen, but understood its true character very little. Böranf's style is somewhat stiff and quaint, and he often devotes much space to very abstruse matters yet his book will possess considerable interest even for the general reader, and many passages will be found to be highly amusing. In order to show how much the specialist may gain from a careful study of the Indica, I may give, as an instance, the remarks on the Sikhita of Ugrabhati, which explains the Kdtantra Grammar. It is the last on the list of Indian grammatical compositions, and Bêrant adds the following account of the manner in which it became famous :-Ugrabhati, he says, was, according to common report, the spiritual guide and teacher of the reigning Shah, Anandap&la, the son of Jayapala. When he had composed his work, he sent it to Kasmir for the approval of the learned. The latter," being haughtily conservative," re- jected it as useless, and refused to study it. Thereupon he moved his royal pupil to forward" 200.000
dirhams and presents of equal value," to be distributed among those who would learn and teach it. The consequence was that the Kasmirians, "showing the meanness of their avarice," immediately recanted their former opinion, and not only adopted the Sikhitd as their class-book, but wrote numerous commentaries on it. Now this story, which, at first sight, reads like a spiteful anecdote, can easily be shown to be quite true, and it enlightens us on various difficult points. As it is the custom in Northern India to pronounce sa instead of ba and kha instead of sha, it is evident that the Sikhita is the Sishyahita commentary on the Katantra, copies of which I brought from Kasmir in 1875. The first service which Beruni does us is that he gives us its date, the beginning of the 11th century. But he teaches us still more. The Sishyahitd is at present only found in Kasmir, where several commentaries on it, written by Kasmirians are extant, and where it is a favourite class-book. To any one acquainted with the literary history of Kasmir, it must be clear that the Katantra was not the gram. mar originally studied in the valley, but that in earlier times the works of Paniņi's school alone were studied and commented on. This struck me very much at the time of my visit, and I inquired in vain for the causes of the change. Bêrani's story now furnishes an easy explanation, and its truth is confirmed by the state of things in Kasmir. The same story teaches us further that royal favour and liberality were employed in the interests of mere school-books, and that the needy Pandits easily succumbed to such influences. Ugrabhati's CARA WA nrobably not the only on of its kind, and it will be well for the historian of Sansksit literature if he does not trust too exclu. sively to the theory of natural development, but is also in other cases on the look-out for similar external influences, which the anecdotes of the Pandits mention not rarely. Finally, the assertion, made in Jaina and Brahmanical Prabandhas, that, during the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries, the sabhds of the Kaśmirian Pandita were considered literary courts of appeal, becomes now credible. The same story is told regarding the Naishadhiya, which its author is said to have taken to Kasmir, and to have placed in the lap of the goddess Sårada. Hitherto, I must confess, I doubted that this narrative had any foundation in truth, but now it seems very probable.
G. BÜHLER.

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
83
THE SASBAHU TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA,
OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1150.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. Na projecting point near the middle of the pala dedicated to it the temple in the door.
eastern wall of the fortress of Gwalior way of which the inscription under notice was there are two temples, which the people call the recorded. This statement has already been temple of the mother-in-law and her daughter- discredited by General Canningham on the in-law" (ET R T SETT). "By our own evidence of the sculptures; and (like other countrymen," so General Cunningham writes, statements which it is unnecessary to mention (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 357)," they are here) it is distinctly refuted by the inscription generally called the great Jain temple,' and itself, in which it is recorded again and again, the small Jain temple ;' bat, as the sculptures, that the temple was built for the worship of which can be recognised both inside and outside Vishnu. of the larger temple, are chiefly confined to the My own transcript of this very interesting members of the Hindu triad and their consorte, and valuable inscription has been made from an I conclude that the temple must belong to the estampage, which at my request was prepared Brâhmanical worship. Inside the portico there for me, on his recent visit to Gwalior, by Dr. is a long inscription, No. VII., on two slabs, Hultzsch, to whom my best thanks are due for with the date of S. 1150, or A.D. 1093." the great trouble which he has taken on my
An edition of this inscription was attempted, behalf. I have finally revised my reading by from a facsimile supplied by General Cunning- the photo-lithograph, prepared from an inkham, by Dr. Rajendralal in the Jour. Beng. As. impression sent to Mr. Fleet by General Can. Soc Vol. XXXI. p. 411 ff.; but owing, I as- ningham, and published herewith. The estam. Bume, to the imperfect state of the materials page shows--what indeed could not have been from which he was working, the text printed inferred from Dr. Rajendralal's account-that by Dr. Rajendralal is so full of errors and the inscription has on the whole been well preomissions that it may be considered almost served; it no doubt contains many passages, valueless. Dr. Rajendralal has also given (loc. sometimes extending over half a dozen letters, cit. p. 400 ff.) an abstract of the contents of the where the stone is worn away, and the deciinscription, which, as in several particulars it phering of which has on that account been very cannot be made to agree with the Sanskrit text troublesome; yet in the whole of the inscription published by him,'must have been based on the there is not a single akshara of which some "Thent Hindvi translation, prepared for the late traces at least are not visible; and I venture to Major Markham Kittoe,' which is mentioned by hope that the new transcript will be found to him on page 400. Misled probably by the contain a complete and trustworthy copy of popular belief or by the name Padmantha, the original. which occurs in the opening blessing and in As has been stated above, the inscription, the body of the inscription, Dr. Rajendralal which is in Sansksit, is engraved on two slabs. has pronounced the temple, in which the in- The writing on the first slab covers 5 1}" in scription is to be a Jain temple, and he has told length and 1'64' in height; that on the second how, during the reign of the king Mahipala, slab 5' 4' in length and 1' 6' in height. Each a figure of Padmanathara Jain divinity- portion contains twenty-one lines; but the came suddenly into existence, and how Mahi.
writing in the last line of the second part
I owo the words in brackets to Mr. Fleet. The current name of the temple has therefore nothing to do with sahasra-bahu 'hundred-armed.'
On p. 400 Dr. Rajendralal writos -"The composer of the deed was one Manikanths of the Bharadwaja götra ;" on p. 418, lines 4 and 8, we read af . He pro. oveds "and ita writer Digambarkrks. Its engraving needed the servioes of three artists, Padma, son of Dévaswami, Sinhav ja and MAhula." of these five dames, only that of Padma oocars in the Sanskrit text on p. 418.
On p. 401 we read "Vajradama, according to our insoription, before entering into Gwalior, had subdued the king of Vindhyanagara." The Sanskrit text on p. 411 contains the words futottur aftan aritz4. In reality the correot reading is neither Vindhyanagara nor Vairinagara, but Gudhinagara.
I have also had rubbing of the inscription,-prepared for Dr. Burgess, which, for a rubbing, is very good, and the eight of which first made me wish to re-edit the inscription. With it alone, however, I should not have been able to aooomplish the task.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
covers only about one-third of the length of the whole line. The inscription has been carefully and beautifully written in Dêvanâgarî characters by one Yasodêva-Digambarârka, 'the sun of the Digambaras' (V 106) who is described as a poet in all languages, and engraved by the three artists Padma, the son of Dêvasvâmin, Simha vâja, and Mahula, whose names are given in the concluding lines. As regards the forms of the letters, I may state that the sign for is frequently not to be distinguished from that for, and that I often have found it difficult to distinguish the signs for a and, and those for and. Besides, I may draw attention to the sign for which is used in ga in L. 1, and in towards the end of L. 11; and to that for भ, which occurs in भगवान् and सुभगं at the beginning of L. 3. Lastly, a peculiar sign for is used in the word : in L. 9.
On the spelling of the words, and on the observation of the rules of Sandhi, but few remarks are required. Concerning the rules of euphony, it may be observed that a final has not been changed to Anusvára before a following initial व in L. 3 भूभृताम्वद्य, L. 13 यम्बीढास्मो, L. 18 भूमीभृताम्विबुध, and L. 25 त्वविशुद्ध and that, wherever it occurs, has been changed to, even in L. 6, Tai, L. 9, area, and L. 22, eg. As regards the spelling, we find for everywhere, except in L. 5 सौर्याब्धिना; but we have once वपुः for वपुः, in L. 1. We have the dental for the palatal sibilant in अंसु L. 8, अविनासिन् L. 30, भालु, L. 20, आस्विन L. 40, चतुब्विंसति L. 32, निस्विस L. 10, पञ्चास L. 40, पञ्चासत् L. 40, प्राविसत् L. 26, रासि L. 2, fra L. 20, L. 19, L. 12 and 25, L. 13, L. 5, 14, 23, and 29, and स्रुत्वा L. 9; (but we have also अंशु L. 29, अनीनशः 1. 28, आशु L. 28, विंशति L. 39, विद्यन्ती L. 13, L. 35, and PT L. 23). On the other hand, we find the palatal sibilant used for the dental sibilant in श्रुत L. 10 for स्रुत, and शाशनोदित L. 34 for शासनोदित (against शासति L. 10). Lastly, the Jilvánuliya has been employed instead of the lingual sibilant in fax, x, and for निष्क, निष्कलङ्क, and चतुष्क, all in L. 36.
3
With the exception of the introductory sff
Yusodeva, it is stated in the inscription, was a friend of Manikantha, the composer of the inscription, and of one Pratapa-Labkéévaravách, who was a friend of both.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
नमः पद्मनाथाय and the date in 1. 40 अंकतोपि ११५० || आस्विनवहुलपंचम्यां, the whole inscription is in verse, and was composed, by order of the king Mahipala, by the poet Manikantha (or Manikanthasûri), who calls himself a student of the Mimásd and Nyaya, and states that his father was the poet Govinda, and his grandfather the chief of poets Rama, and that he belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra (verses 104-105). It contains altogether 112 verses, in the following metres:
Anushṭubh: verses 2, 11, 13-15, 21, 24, 25, 32-34, 65, 66, 69, 79-99, 100 (only half a verse), 101-105, 107, 108, 110-112. [Total 46.]
Indravajrå: verses 9, 72, 75. [3] Upêndravajrá: verses 8, 74. [2.]
Upajâti: verses 22, 30, 68, 71, 73, 76, 106. [7.] Drutavilambita: verse 7. [1.]
Vasantatilakâ: verses 12, 20, 23, 35-59, 70, 78. [30.]
Sikhariņi: verses 4, 26, 28, 67. [4.] Mandâkrântâ: verse 31. [1.]
Śârdûlavikriḍita: verses 1, 5, 6, 10, 16-19, 29, 60-64, 77, 109 [16.]
Sragdhara: verses 3 and 27. [2.]
When I say that the inscription is in verse, I do not mean to maintain that it is a poetical composition from the beginning to the end; for the whole passage from verse 71 to 112, excepting perhaps two or three verses, is-with its strings of names, lists of ornaments and sacrificial implements, and bare statements of facthardly more than a piece of prose put in the form of the Anushṭubh and Trishṭubh metres. But I believe that the first 70 verses will be found to compare favourably with any similar number of verses in such works as, e.g., the Vikramánkadévacharita, composed about the same time. If they contain no very striking and original thoughts, their author probably had little to tell, and he, at any rate, has shown that he was familiar with the rules laid down for poetical compositions of the kind, and had carefully studied the Kávyas in which those rules had been exemplified. His poetry is, on the whole, easy to understand, and his language correct
and fluent.
Considering the great length of the inscription, the historical information furnished by it
He is himself the composer of the Gwalior inscription No. VIII., which will be re-edited by Dr. Hultzach.

Page #43

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
35
is exceedingly scanty, and may be summed up as follows: Verse 5.- In the Kachchha pag hâta (or,
v. 57, Kachchhapâri) race there was a prince
(1) Lakshmana. Verses 6-7.-He had a son (2) Vajrad â man,
who defeated the ruler of Gadhinagara (KÂnyakubja) and conquered the fort of
Gopadri (Gwalior). Verse 8. - He was succeeded by (3) M ang ala
råja. Verses 9-11.-(4) Kirttirå ja, who succeed
ed him, defeated the prince of Málava. He built a temple of Siva in the town of
Siñ ha på niya. Verses 12-13.-His son was (5) Múla dê va,
also called Bhuvanapala, and Trailokyamalla. Verses 14-15.- Mladêva's son, from his queen
Dévavrata, was (6) Déva pala. Verses 16-30.-(7) Padma påla, his son,
carried on wars in all quarters; his armies are said to have marched even to the south
ern-most point of India. He died young. Verses 31-67.-He was succeeded by (8)
Mahipala, also called Bhuvanaikamalla, who being described as son of Sarya pala (Suryapalasya sinuh, or, v. 51, Süryajanita, and, v. 58, Süryansipanandana) and bhrát i of Padmap å la, probably was a cousin of the latter. Nothing definite of any historical importance is said of Mahipala, unless there is in v. 50 an allusion to some war in which a prince of the Gandharvas was defeated by him. As the inscription is dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150, and as the temple at which it is put up was only completed, not began, by Mahîpâla, and was completed immediately after his coronation, we may assume that the latter event took place not long before V.-S. 1150. Mahipala's minister was Gaura (verses 109 and 110), the son, it appears, of Yogesvara (v. 77).
The temple, at which the inscription is pat up, was built for and dedicated to Vishnu. This appears not only from the introductory verses (1-4), which invoke the blessings of Hari and of Aniruddha, an incarnation of Vishņu, but also from the distinct statements in verses 26 and 28, where the temple is described as bhavanaih Haréḥ and Hari-sadanam
the edifice of Hari,' or seat of Hari,' and from the references to Vishņu, his wife Lakshmi, and his incarnations, in the later portion of the inscription. That the name Padmanatha, in the ori namah Padmanátháya with which the inscription opens, must be taken to be a local name of Vishnu (suggested by such ordinary names of that deity as Padmanabha, Padmagarbha, Padmin) clearly appears from a comparison of the verses 30 and 69. In the former verse we read that Padmap a la died when the god, who from what precedes can be no other than Vishņu, was only half completed; and in v. 69 we are told that Mahipala, so soon as he had been crowned, vowed to complete Padmanatha, and that he kept his vow (V. 70). It is easy to conjecture that this particular name was chosen to honour the memory of the prince Padma pâla (see V.1) who had begun the erection of the temple and buildings connected therewith, and had, it appears (see V. 30), designed the charitable institutions which were completed only by his successor.
What these charitable institutions were and how they were kept up, what portion of his revenues Mahipala devoted to the erection of the temple-buildings, what idols he gave to the temple, what ornaments he presented them with, what arrangements he made and what implements he furnished for their worshiphas been fully stated in verses 71-102 of the inscription, and need not be repeated here. I will only add, that I am unable to identify the village of P Ash âņa palli (v. 75), the income from which was divided into 30 shares, of which a few were allotted to the god, and by far the greater number to Brâhmans. The statement, in the original publication, that assignments of land in the district of Brahmapura were made for the support of the temple rests on a misunderstanding.
The contents of the concluding portion of the inscription (verses 103-112) have already been given above.
In my transcript I have enclosed within brackets all aksharas which are indistinct in the estampage, from which I have transcribed the text; ail those aksharas, about which I am at all doubtful, I have pointed out in the notes.
. I am unable to identify this town.
• Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 402.

Page #44

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
I trust I shall not be blamed for having , यहीरव्रतपूरका" समचरस्पोडोषणाडिण्डिमः ॥ omitted from my translation the verses 35-60.
-V.6. A literal translation of these verses, which नचालतः किल केनचिदप्यहञ्जगति भूमिभृतेति कुतू. frequently remind one of passages in the
हलात् । Kailambari and Vasavadatta, would have been तुलयति स्म तुलाप रु]षैः स्वयं स्वमिह य[सविधुimpossible or would have required more notes
अहिरण्मयैः ॥
-V.7. than the verses deserve. Besides, to the Sans- ततो रिपुध्वान्तसहस्रधामा नृपोभवन्मkrit scholar those verses will offer no difficulty; []
गलराजनामा। and for the historian unacquainted with Sans- य ईश्वरैकप्रणतिप्रभावान्महेश्वराणाम्प्रणतः सहस्त्रैः ।। krit the short abstract of their contents which
-V.8. I have inserted between the translation of vy.
श्रीकीर्तिराजो नृपतिस्ततोभूयस्य प्रयाणेषु चमूसमुत्यैः। 34 and 61, will, I believe, be sufficient.
धूलीवितानःसममेव चित्रं मिवस्य वैवर्ण्यमभूहिषश्च ।। TEXT.'
-1.9. First Part.
किं बूमोस्य कथा ड]तं नरपतेरेतेन सौर्याब्धिना" __ ओं.
दण्ड] मालवभूमिपस्य समरे संख्यामतीतो जितः। औ नमः पद्मनाथाय ॥
यस्मिन्भिनमुपागते दिशि दिशि वासाहर्षोत्फुल्लविलोचनैर्दिशि दिशि प्रोडीयमानं जन
स्करामच्युतः मंदिन्यां विततन्ततो हरिहरव्रह्मात्पदानि क्रमात् । ।
__मीणाः स्वगृहाणि कुन्तनिकरैः संच्छादयां"चश्वेतीकृत्य यदात्मना परिणतं श्रीपमभूभृद्यशः
क्रिरे॥
-V.10. पायादेष जगन्ति निमलवपुः श्वेतानिरुद्धश्चिरम् ॥
अद्भुतः सिंहपानीयनगरे येन कारितः। -Verse 1.
कीर्तिस्तंभ इवाभाति मासादः पार्वतीपतेः।-V.11. मौलिन्यस्तमहानील]शकल: पातु वो हरिः। दर्शयन्निव केशस्थनव
तस्मादजायत महामतिमूलदेवः ["]
पृथ्वीपतिर्भुवनपाल इति प्रसिद्धः। जीमूतकर्णिकाम् ।।-V.2. मुक्ताशैलच्छलेन क्षितितिलकयशोरासिना निम्मितीय
आनन्दयञ्जगदनिन्दितचक्रवर्ति
चिट्ठरलंकृततनुर्मनुतुल्यकीर्तिः॥ -V. 12. न्देवः पायावुषायाः पतिरतिधवलस्वच्छकान्तिजगन्ति ।
यस्य वस्ता[न्य भूपालां साम्पालयतः म[न्वा]नः सर्वथैव विभुवनविदितं श्यामतापहवं यः ।
प्रभो। घस्वं वर्णचिहं मुकुटतमिलनीलकान्या विभ
भुवन्नैलोक्यमलस्य निःसपबमभूज्जगत् ॥-V. 13. सिं"।
-V.3. राज्ञी देवव्रता तस्य हरेल [क्ष्मीरिवाभवत् । इदं मौलिन्यस्तं न [भ]वति महानीलशकलं
तस्यां श्रीदेवपालोभूत्तनय[स्तस्य भूपतेः॥ -V.14. म मुक्ताशलेन स्फुरति घटितश्चष
स्यागेन कर्णमजय[त्पार्थ कोदण्डविद्यया।
भगवान् । धर्मराजञ्च सत्येन [स] युवा विनयाश्रयः।। -V. 15. उषाकणोत्तंसीकरणसुभगं नीलनलिनं
सूनुस्तस्य विशुद्धबुद्धिविभवः"पुण्यैः प्रजानामभूवहत्यद्याप्यस्याश्चिरविरहपाकृततनुः॥ -V.4. न्मान्धातेव [सचक्रवत्तितिलकः श्रीपञपालः प्रभुः। आसीवीर्यलघूकृतेन्द्रतनयो नि:शेषभूमीभृता.
मत्स्वाम्येपि कम्वयः"कच्छपघातवंशतिलकः क्षोणीपतिर्लक्ष्मणः।
प्रवृत्तिरपरस्येतीव यश्चिन्तययः कोदण्डधरःप्रजाहितकरश्चक्रे स्वचित्तानुगा
न्दिग्यावासु मुहुः खरांसुमरुणसान्द्रेश्चमूरेणुभिः१। जामेकः पृथुव[स्पृथू]नपि हाल्पा टप] पृथ्वीभृतः।।
-v. 16. -V.5.
कृत्वान्याः स्ववशे दिशः क्रमवशा[दाशाक्षिणा सस्माइजधरोपमः क्षिति
मुक्षिप्ताचलसत्रिभानविरतं [यरस]न्यवाजिवजैः। [] पतिः श्रीवजामाभव
उडतान्पततः पयोधिमभितः संप्रेक्ष्य रेणूत्कराहुरोजितवाहु दण्डविजिते गोपाद्रिदुग्गै[य]धा। न्भूयोप्युटसेतुवन्धन"धि[या वस्यति नक्तश्चराः॥ निर्व्याजम्परिभूय [गाधि]"नगराधीशप्रतापोदय
-V.17. ' From the ink-impression. • Rend मास्पदानि. ing akshara is clearlyr, not च. . Read Pag: 20 Read far." Read fruta.
in Read ब्रूमोस्य. " Read शौर्याम्धिना.
» Rend संछादयां. " Rend 'बुद्धिविभवः.. " Rend भृतां वन्द्यः . P Rend बाहु.
• Read खरांशुमरुणत्सान्द्रश्च मूरेणुभिः; the akshara si may · The reading is certain.
have been altered to दै. " पूरक: I am nomewhat doubtful about the first |
The follow. I " Read 'बन्धन akshara; it loola to me like,altered to
[]

Page #45

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Page #46


Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
[व] स्वेन्दुघुतिडम्परनामी रामाने भ्रमशीलखण्डन-.
[वै]
[']
भयादमामुव [न्त]: प्रियान्। नूनं शक्रपुरःसरामरवधूसंघाः श्रिये [सां] प्रत [[]] तिये प्रथमतः प [र] वपुः संश्रिते ॥ --V 18.
कैर्दृष्टाः क[समस्त ] वांच्छित [फलभ्राजिष्णवः] पादपा गावः कामदुघाः क [कैः क म]नयः कैश्चिन्तितार्थमदाः ।
[[]ष्टाः कस्य मनोरथा इह न केः पत्यामुना पूरिता वीरोद्यानतट [स्य ] "गुणव] [त]: कल्पद्रुमादीन्य
पि ॥
-V. 19.
[[ ] स्वा" न पद्मनृपर्ति प [10]
•रिरक्षिता भूः [प्रा[प्तोन्यथापि ] यदसौ वत नमभावः । [दोरथ्या]] भिरम्परवनुविपिनेष्य [को]
द्य[स्मात्प्रतिक्ष] "णमिति प्रतिपंथिसार्थः ॥ - V. 20. 'भ्रमः कुलालचक्रे [ षु ] लोभः पुण्यार्ज्जनेष्वभूत् । कादिन्यं कुचकुं[भषु ] तf [स्मशा] सति मेदिनीम् ॥ असम्मतोदगुनस्य पीडा सामु निविंत" परिश]तापि । इस्याल" न तु पार्थ तथापि यो वैरिन
-V. 21.
गाय ॥
-V. 22.
सद्यः मु. 30
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
["]
तापयति [कीर्णरूपो] [वैरिडि पाधिपशिरोमणिनिः [समन्तात् । लोकानुरागय [श ] सामिव वीजवाप
विस्तारयां यदसिरास रणाजिरेषु ॥ वने व [इरि नारीणां हैमनीरज [निश्व] यः । शृङ्गाणां तन्मुखे नातो है [म] नीरज [निश्च] यः ॥
-V. 24.
प्रजाभर्चा ते
C
स विषय नदीत्रे संप पूर्णध[[]]
["]
-V. 23.
विरमयः फलम् ॥ - V. 25.
नतिक भून [भ]पन हरेर्द्धर्म्मज्ञेन ब्रिदशस [दृशा] कारितमदः । बाम्बस्यो[चैस्त्वं] कथमिव गिरा यस्य शिखर
समारूढः सिंहो मृगमिव [ मृगाङ्क ] स्थमशितुम् ।। -V. 26.
[[मासारस्यात्य] [सव"विदुररिस्पानीम [[[ण्डा] प्रात्पावनीयं शशधरघवला वैजयन्तीपतन्ती । निम्नाति भूमिच्छुरितनिजवनोद्देवदेवस्य शम्भी स्वर्गाङ्गङ्गेव पिङ्गस्फुटवि
* Read 'डम्बरेण.
23 Read वाञ्छित'.
96 Read श्रुत्या.
97 I am somewhat doubtful about the first two aksharas
of those enclosed in the brackets.
* Road निस्त्रिंश.. 20 Read इत्याललम्बे.
30 Rond सद्यः स्रु.
31. Road शश्व
• Originally वीरोधानितटस्य. 30 Rend दौः स्थ्यान्निरम्बर".
37
कटजटाजूटमध्ये विशन्ती ॥ -V. 27.
["]
ततडूयाण्ड" स इहं भविता पङ्कजभव" पुनर्यम्वोढास्मो " वयमिह विमानेन वियति । [सुवर्णाण्ड] [सा]स्तदिदमुररीकृत्य सकलं
ध्रुवं संसेवन्ते हरिसदन [ मुच्चैः ]स्थितममी ॥ - V. 28. तुङ्गिन्ना कनकाचलः सुभ" विधावन्तः स्थितः श्रीप [ति ]विभ्राणी" जिससमानु[द] भिजा [वासी) नृसिहान्वितः ।
निर्माता [य] वृतः समस्तविवु [धै][लेब्ध" प्रतिष्ठैरयं प्रासादश्व ["] धरातलं सममही कल्पं हरेः कल्पताम् ॥ -V. 29.
देवेर्द्धसिद्धे द्विजपुङ्गवैषु प्रतिष्ठितेष्वष्टसु पद्मपालः । युवैव देवप्रतिकूलभावात्संक्रन्दना [ङ्गास] नभाग्वभूव" ।। -V. 30.
तस्य भ्राता नृपतिरभवत्सूर्यपालस्य सूनुः श्रीगोपाद्रौ सुकृतनिलयः श्रीमहीपालदेवः । यम्प्राप्यैव प्रथितयशसन्तावभूतां सनाथी सौर्यत्यागौ "हरिरविताभावदुस्थौ "चिरेण ।। -V. 31.
सृष्टिकर्व्वन्न[मा]त्यानां विप्रा
[] णां स नृपः स्थितिम् । प्रलयं विद्विषा [मा.] सीडू" झोपेन्द्रहरात्मकः ॥ - V. 32. यव धामनिधी राज्ञि पालयत्यवनीतलम् । न भास्वान्भास्करादन्यो न राजान्यो विधोरभूत् ॥
-V. 33.
कृताभिषेकं स [वृत्तै ] रुपविष्टं नृपासने । मुहारपत्रे[२] [ गायना ] ॥ [स्वामु] इहन्ति शिरसा खलु राजहंसाः सृष्टास्त्वया पुनरिमाः समयावसनाः । नाथ प्रजाः सुमनसां प्रथमोसि कोसि स्वं सिद्धवीररस ता
[20]
मरसोद्भवस्य ॥ लक्ष्मीपतिस्त्वमसि कचि पाणिद्वयं वहसि भूप भुवं विभर्षि"। श्यामं वपुः प्रथयति स्थितिहेतुरेक
स्वसि नीतिविजितो [ज] व माधवस्य ॥ - V. 36.
[वं ] पालयस्यनिशमर्थिजनस्य कामं
रामः श्रिया त्वमसि नाथ गुणैरनन्तः । सर्पण: शनितिविद्विषापत्यं
त्वं कोसि सच्चरितहाल हलायुधस्य ॥ ख्याता रतिस्त [व नि]जंप्रमदासु नित्यं रूपन्तवातिश
"Bond
40 Read शौर्यत्यागी.
4. Read °सीडू"."
30 Read भाग्वभूव.
-V. 34.
34 Read 'तनोर्देवदेवस्य. 33 Read तदेतद्ब्रह्माण्डं. 3. Read पङ्कजभव.. 30 Read ° वोढास्मो.
30 Read शुभ 37 Rend विभ्राणो..
• Rend दुःस्थौ.
as Read] विभर्षि.
-V. 35.
-V. 37.

Page #48

38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
[
["] यविस्मयकारि देव ।
["]
रिभिरीश मनोजवैस्ते। वं मीनचिह्न पुरुषोत्तमसम्भवोसि
पुण्यावतारकरणक्षतदुर्दशास्यकस्त्वं क्षितीशवर शंवर"सूदनस्य ॥ -V.38. स्वं कोसि दत्तरिपुलाघव राघवस्य ।। -V. 47. भूभृस्सुतापतिरसि द्विषतां पुराणां
धर्मप्र[सूस्त्वमसि सत्यधनस्त्वमेकभेत्ता खमीश वृषपोषरतोसि नित्यम् ।
स्वं वासुदेवचरणार्थनदत्तचित्तः। भूतिन्दधास्यमलचन्द्रविभूषिताः
स्वं कोसि विप्रजनसेवित शेषवृत्ति]: कस्त्वं सदम्बुज"[विभाकर शंकरस्य ।
सट्टामनिष्ठुर युधिष्ठिरपार्थिवस्य ।। -V. 48. -V.39.
खं भूरिकुंजरवलो" भुवनैकमल्ल स्वन्तेजसा शिखिनमिद्धमधः करोषि
विद्याविभूषिततनुप पावनोसि । शक्तिन्दधासि नरदेव वि [नह[न्वीम् ।
प्रच्छन्नसूस्वन्तारक रिपुबल
Second Part. स्य बला'"बिहंसि
| ["] पकृतिसंभृतबंधुवांच्छ: कस्त्वं नवीननल नीलगलध्वजस्व ॥ -V.40. |
कस्त्वं कवीन्द्रकृतमोद वृकोदरस्व ॥ -V. 49. त्वं वजभृत्वमसि पक्षभिदप्यशेष
एकस्त्वमीश भुवि धर्मभृतां वरिष्ठः भूमीभृताम्बिवुध"वंद्य गुरुप्रियोसि ।
__ सस्वामिकारिगणदर्पहरस्त्वमाजौ। श्रीक[म्बु]"वर्णगिरिदुर्गचणोसि कोसि
गंधर्वराजपूतनाविजयातकीर्तित्वं भीमसाहस सहस्राविलोचनस्य ॥ -V. 41.
स्त्वं कोसि सुंदर पुरंदरनंदनस्य ॥ -V. 50. ख्यातन्तवेश बहु"पुण्यजनाधिपत्य
दुर्योधनारिवल दर्पहृतस्तवेश कान्तालका वलि"भिरामतमै च] गुप्ता । स्वामामनन्ति परमेश्वरबद्ध"सख्यं
- यबः परार्जुनयशःप्रसर निरोद्धम् ।
रवं कोसि सूर्यजनित प्रमदार्थिसार्यवडोसि सद्गुणनिधान ध
दौर्गत्यकर्तन विकर्तनसंभवस्य ॥ -V. 51. नाधिपस्य ॥-.42. रबालयस्त्वमसि [धाम गभीरतायातेजोनिधिस्त्वमसि भूमिभृतः समपाः
स्त्वं पासि पार्थ समभूमिभृतः प्रविष्टान् । क्रान्ताः करैः प्रस[भ]मुमतरैस्तवेश ।
अंतःस्थितस्तव हरिः सततं नरेश प्राप्तोदयः सततमर्थिजनस्य कोसि
कस्त्वं वितीर्णरिपुजागर सागरस्य ॥ -V. 52. वं कल्पभूरुह सरोरुहवांधवस्व"॥ -V. 43.
सौर्यैकभूः क्रमसमागत सरववृत्तिआनन्ददोसि जनतानयनोत्पलाना
स्त्वं राजकबरशिरःप्रवितीर्णपादः । माप्यायिताखिलजनः करमाईवेन।
दृप्तारिभास्करतिरस्कृति[सिंहिका भूः वंशस्व"दीश्वरशिरस्तलदत्तपाद
कस्त्वं महीपतिमृगाङ्क मृगाधिपस्य ॥ -V.53. स्वं कोसि मर्त्य भुव[नेच निशाकरस्व।।
-V.44.
दानन्ददासि विकटोन्नतवंशशोभ
स्त्वं दत्तपालि करवास्वामंशमीच नि
["]
लहतारिदर्पः [1] [0] गान्ति मधुद्विषोमी
क्षोणीभृतो जयसि तुणतया नरेन्द्र । श्यामाभिरामतनुरस्यमलप्रवोधः ।
स्वं कोसि वैरिवलवारण वारणस्य ॥ -V. 54. पुण्यं च भारसमिदं विहित स्वयैव
सन श्रियस्त्वमसि मिवकृतप्रमोदत्वकोसि सस्यधन सत्यवतीसुतस्य ॥ -V.45.
स्त्वं राजहंससमलंकृतपादमूलः। नीतास्मकीसिसुरसिंधुरिब समुद्र
स्वामिन्नधःकृतजडोसि गुणाभिरामः प्रान्तन्त्वयोन्नतिमसौ [गमितः स्वर्वशः।
कस्त्वं स्मिताउपमुखपंकज पंकजस्य ||-V.55. पूर्वे पबिवतनवो विहिताश्च कोसि
सत्पत्र भूषिततनुः सुविशुद्धकोश[व]सत्स]लब्ध परभाग भगीरथस्य॥-V. 46. स्त्वं चंद्रकांतिसमलतकांतमूर्तिः [] एतत्वया कृतमताडकमासु विस्व
ख्यातन्तवैव कवि[वल्लभ सौमनस्व] . व्याप्ता मही ह.
स्वं [व]हि"कः " Road शम्बर". Read सदम्बुजा.
" Read °बन्धुवाञ्छ:. " Read 'बल'. - Read °बलस्य बला'.. Read 'तां विबुध.
• Read शौकभू:. Read सत्त्ववृत्ति - Read श्रीकम्बु. " Read बहु.
• Read दन्तपालि. so Read बलि'. " Read °बद्ध.
41 This sign of interpunctuation should have been pat - Read 'बान्धवस्य. I Read शव.
after the preceding line. - Read 'प्रबोधः. " Read लन्ध'.
• Read °बल. Read पङ्कजस्य. - Read °माश विश्वं.-" Read 'बलो.
on Read सत्पच. Read हि.

Page #49

FEBRUARY, 1886.)
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
39
..
-V.69.
समरभैरव कैरवस्य ॥ -V. 56. ["]
तन्न नाश्चर्यकृत् ।। त्वं पश्यतां हरसि देव मनांसि सश्व
-V.64. न्मकल्यभूस्त्वमसि निर्मलताभिरामः।
अत्यंबुधि"भवद्धर्यमत्यादित्यं भवन्महः । कोसि प्रसीद वद सगुणरत्नयोनि
अतिसिहं भवत्सौर्यमतः केनोपमीयसे॥ -.65. स्व च्छपारिकुलभूषण भूषणस्य ॥ -V.57. केयूर तव भूपाल भुजदण्डे विराजते । धाना परोपकरणाय विसष्टकाय
किरीटमिव[वाह्वन्त"]निवासिविजयश्रियः॥ -V.66. सच्छाय जन्मसमलङ्कततुङ्गगोत्र ।
यदची संतत्य त्रिभुवनगुरोस्तोत्र"मकृथाअहि "विसंध्यमवनीश्वरवन्दनीय
स्तदेष[प्रीत स्त्वां ध्रुवमकृत कल्पस्थितिमिह । स्वङ्कोसि सूर्यनृपनन्दन चन्दनस्य ॥ -V.58. यदुरसञ्ज तुज (धवलरविचन्द्रांशुविमला नाधःकृतद्विजपतिन मदान्वितोसि
[म लम्ब"व्याजेन क्षितितिलक तारावलिरियं । न स्वम्बि शुद्धहृदय प्रथितो.
-V.67. [ ] . प्रमायः।
[१] वैतालिकैरियमभिष्टुतेन संपूजितामर्त्यगुरुद्विजेन । त्वं जानु"न क्षतवृषो न जडे कृतास्थ
विमुक्तकारागृहसंयतेन वितीर्णभूताभयदक्षिणेन । स्तनास्तु नाथ हरिणोपमितिः कथं ते ।। -V.59.
-V.68. नित्यं सन्निहितक्षयः स तमसा प्रायोभिभूयेत स
तेनाभिषिक्तमावेण प्रतिजज्ञे इयं स्वयम् । स्वचासाद्भवनैकनाथ हरिणस्तस्योदरेमा)वि[स]- पगनाथस्य संसिद्धिः कन्यायाः सवरा[4]णम् ।। मूर्ति स्तस्य कलड़िता स जडतां धत्ते स दोषाकरि]: तच वयं कृतमनन विवेकभा जा] शब्दस्ते"] विदितस्तथापि नृपते राजा त्वमित्य- [राजात्मजा मवन हारि]"वराय दत्ता। डुतम् ॥
-V. 60. [श्री पद्मनाथसुरमन्दिरमेतदु]एकेनोत्तर गो [महे] विमुखतां पार्थेन नीताः प[२] नीतं समाप्तिमविनासि"यशःशरीरम् ॥ -V.70. व्यासेन स्तुतिरर्जुन
स्य विहितेत्यज्ञायि पूर्व किल[1] [१] मर्पिता ब्रह्मपुरी* च तेन शेषान्वि] "धायावनितत्सम्यक्प्रतिभाति संपति पुनः श्रीमन्महीपाल न
देवमुख्यान् । स्वामालोक्य सहस्रशो रिपुवलं निनंतमेकं रणे ॥ प्रवर्तित स]चमतन्द्रितेन सृष्टान्नपानरतिधाम्मिकेण ।। -V.61.
-V.71. किं वूमोधिक[त] स्वमीश' भवतस्त्वं नीतिपावं परि] श्रीपचनाथस्य स लोकनाथश्चक्रिर्दयं भूपतिचक्रवर्ती।
वृत्तान्तं जगतीपते चतसणामात्मप्रियाणां शृणु। नैवेयपाकाय विपकवुद्धिः प्रा[वा] प्रदीपाय च गोव[कीर्तिर्धाम्यति दिक्षु गी[र्गुणवताकृण्ठे लुठल्यावृता
दीपः॥
-V. 2. मर्बादारहिता मही द्विज सहङ्गेहे र]ता श्रीरपि ॥
ब्रह्मोत्तर" मण्डपिकासमुत्यं द्विधा विधाय [स्वयमी
श्वरेण।
-V.62. किं चिन [भुवनैकमाल यदिवं
श्रीपचनाथाय वितीर्णमर्जुमर्चच वैकुण्ठसुरेन्धराय ।। ___ मन्दाकिनी पद्मभू
-V.73.
विलालोकावुद्धरता भगीरथनृपेणानायि निम्नां महीम् ।। आश्चर्यम्पुनरेतदीश यदितो निम्नान्महीमण्डला
[] सिनीवादकगा[यनादेर्यथाहतः पावकुलस्य - दू?" कीर्तितर[ जिणी कमलभूलोकं त्वया प्रा
तिम् । पिता ॥
-V.63.
स पमनायस्य पुरः सममामकल्पयत्प्रेक्षणकाय भूपः। चिवं नाव स लक्षिशस्त्वमकरोः सर्वात्मना विद्विषो
-v.74. देव प्रत्यय लोपमा शुविशि खैः संमूच्छितस्या- पाषाणपल्ली प्रविभज्य सम्यग्देवाय सा.नि [प]दानि हवे।
पंच। क्रोधाद्धैरव मूत्ति रुल्लसदसिङ्करप्रहारा अत]
संपादयामास तथा द्विजेभ्यः सार्धाचविसति." रस्थ त्वं यदनीनशः प्रकृतिमप्ये
मुत्तमेभ्यः॥
_v.75.
• Read शश्व'. • Read ब्रूहि. 10 Read त्वं वि. 1 Read जातु. " Read प्राविशत्. 1 Read शब्दस्ते. - Read रिपवलं. " Read बमोधिकतत्वमाश. " Read 'दूर्व. " Read अत्यम्बुधि. " Read अतिसिंहं भवच्छौर्यमत:. " Read बाहुन्त.
0 Read गुरोः स्तोत्र. 1 Read प्रलम्ब'.
Jam doubtful about these two akaharas, particularly about the first.
- Read नाशि. " Read ब्रह्मपुरी. ** This akshara might be read fra. - Read बुद्धि:. " Read अनोत्तर. - Read विशति.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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म
बदौ कर[स्कन्ध] "कवा[टपीट महीपतिस्तवभवं सम- कमणानां चतुकच सालपहायन्सथा। स्तम् ।
कृत्तिशरं स्वर्णमुष्टिम्विभ"य॑न्वहमच्युतः।[] भाकाशपातालसमुद्रतश्च देवद्विजेभ्यो लवणाकरं च।
-V.90. -1.76. रूप्यमङ्गलिहा][त्ता] कच्चिो लैः पंचभिर्युता। [त स्थाष्टिसमयतामु
[नैवेद्यधारणार्थञ्च कां[] पगतो योगेश्वरांगोद्भवः
[स्वस्थालचतुष्टय [0 ख्यातः सूरिसलक्षणः क्षितिपतेः सर्वत्र विश्वासभूः॥
-V.91. आधारी विनयस्य शीलभवनं भूमिः श्रुतस्याकरः सुवर्णाण्डवयं देवपरिवारविभूषण। स्वाध्यायस्य कृतज्ञतैकवसतिः सौजन्यकोशालयः।। धृतं चोपरि हेमाज"मातपनीकृतं विभोः॥ -V.92.
-V.77. निवेश्य ताम्रपहे च तन्मयेनैव ग[हुना। सत्प्रत्ययेन निराधे निखिलानि धर्म
वास्यते प्रतिमा नित्यमनिरुजस्य [राजती॥-V.93. कार्याणि [धर्मनिरतः स नरेन्द्रचन्द्रः।
प्रतिमा [वामन[स्यै]का [वितीया लघुरा[च्यु]ती। विप्रः स [निस्पृहतया गुणगौरवेण
राजावतमयी चान्या के पूर्व रीतिनिम्मिते ॥-V.94. चित्तं विवेश समवृत्तितया च राज्ञः॥ -V.78. ताः प्रयत्नेन तिम्रोपि पूज्यन्ते गर्भवेश्मनि ।
तत्र ताम्रम[यं दत्तन्दीपार्थ मक्षिकादयिम्] | V. 95.. [१] हीपालेन ये विप्रास्तस्मिन्मामे प्रतिष्ठिताः।
मानार्थ ताबकुण्डे हे दत्ते तेषां नामानि लिख्यन्ते विस्सरः शाशनोक्तिः॥
साम्रपाविके। -1.79. ताम्रार्घपावड़ितयं तथा इत्तं महीभुजा।। -V.96. देवलब्धिः"सुधीरा यस्तत: श्रीधरदीक्षितः।
सधूपदहनाः सप्त घण्टाचारावि कान्विता]। सूरि]: कीतिरथः सार्बपदिनो [वै]दिजास्त्रयः ।। पत्ताः शेखाश्च सप्तै [व] ताम्रपाबीचतुष्टयम् ।।-V.97.
-1.80. स कांस्यकाढढां प्रादापतिः काहलाद्वयम् । गजाधरो गौतमश्च मलकोथ गयाधरः ।
चामरं दण्डयुग्म रीतिस्फटिकसम्भवम् ।। -V. 98. देवनागो वसिष्ठश्च देवशर्मा यशस्करः ।। -.81. वृह"बरुवयं ताबमयं ताम्रालुकाइयम् । कृष्ण] वराहस्वामी च गृहवासः प्रभाकरः।
तानभाण्डपस्तथा पच दत्ताश्चा[दुश्च तन्मयः॥ इच्छाधरो मधुश्चैव तिल्हेका पुरुषोत्त
एष देवोपकरणष्याणां सहः कृतः॥ -V.100. [७]
मः॥ -V. 82. I
चिलाकुहस्थपत्या. रामेश्वरो द्विजवरस्तथा दामोदरी हिजः। . अष्टादशैते विप्राश्चि परि]नः षडभो] द्विजः॥-V. 83.
["]
दिय[न्त्रि]शाकटिकादिषु।
वापीकूपतडागादिखननावन्धनेषु च ।[1] -V.101. पादोनपदिको रवतिहुणेको मुरार्थको। द्वावर्द्धपदिनावेष विप्राणां संग्रहः कृतः॥
दशमाशं"तथा विशत्यंशं [सर्वन मण्डले। -V.84.
को राजानिरुद्धाय तेन सचं प्रवर्तते ॥ -V. 102. ददौ देवपदानास मध्यावर्द्धपद नृपः।
अयं देवालयः पचनृपतेः स्फटिकामलः । विधाय शाश्वतं लो]"हभटकायस्थसूरये॥-V.85.
भूयानुपाजितः पुण्यैः चिष्णुलोक इवाक्षयः॥ देवाब दत्तः सौवर्णी राज्ञा रवैः समाचितः। .
-V.108. मुकुटः[सुमहान्मध्ये मपिर्यन्त्र विराम]से ||-V. 86.
भारद्वाजेन मीमांसान्यायसंस्कृतबुद्धिना। हरिन्मणि मयं भूपति
कवीन्द्ररामपौवेण गोविन्दकविसनुना। [1] -V.104. लकस्तिलकन्ददौ।
कविना मणिकण्ठेन सुभाषितसरस्वता ॥10॥ रबैविचित्रं निशानीलङ्कः स भूपतिः॥-V.87. प्रचस्तिप्रादारकेतूरखुगलं रबैह"भिराषितम् ।
[१]' रिजमुस्वेनि रचितेयमनिन्दिता।।-V. 105. करणानासकाच महाहमणिभूषितम् ।।]-V.88. प्रतापलकेश्वरवारिद्रतीयां विधमहत्तां मणिकण्ठसूरः। इति रखमबन्तावदेकमाभरणं विभोः।
अशेषभाषासु कविहिलख वा न्यशोदेवदिगंवद्वितीबमानिरुजस्य सौवणे केवले यथा ॥ -V. 89.
-V. 106. " Both aksharas are quite certain.
• Read हेमाम्य. " Read वृह'. so Read निःसहतया. Read शासनोदितः.
" Read 'बन्धनेषु. • Read दशमांशं. .. Read देवलब्धि :
100 Read पुण्यर्विष्णु.. 11 am doubtful about this akshara, this and the or Reed बुद्धिना. following akshara might possibly be rend लेहि.
101 One stroke is superfluous. 103 Read ferro. - Read रजैर्वहु. " Read fE विभ.
m. Read 'दिगम्बराक.
-V.99.
["]

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
41
-V. 112.
एकादशस्वतीतेषु संवत्सरशतेषु च ।
(V. 4.)-What he wears here on his crest is Geng a ry
TT 11-V.107. not a piece of sapphire, nor is the holy one who पच्चासे चास्विने मासे कृष्णपक्षे नृपाज्ञया। glitters here made of pearl-stone. His body is
TAT ATT TurcaFast II-V. 108. rendered pale by the long separation from Usha अंकतोपि ११५० ।। आस्विनवहुल'"पंचम्यां
(and) he even now carries the blue lotus which [*] 3t [1] Here Herd: afacet ratan had the good fortáne of forming her ear-orna
नाश्चर्य यदनेकशी रिपुचिमूचकैः पतनायितम् । ment. T h e gre Safea: Horretary
(V.5.)-There was a prince Lakshmaņas बीस्या निजितसौर्यवंशतिलकाचार्यः म गौर: सुधीः।।
an ornament of the Kachchha pagh Ata -V. 189.
race, surpassing in manliness the son of Indra किञ्चित्रं यन्महीपालो भुनक्ति स्माखिलां महीम् ।
(and) an object of reverence for all princes. Fu Tra iteur: 11-V. 110. Wielding his bow (and) promoting the welfare प्रशस्तिरियमुत्कीर्णा सा पप्रशिल्पिना ।
of his subjects, he unaided, like Prithu, made देवस्वामिसुते.
the earth obedient to his will, after he had by [") T artea II -V. 111.
force extirpated even mighty princes (as Prithu FRITT AT[51] fafaqat!
had uprooted the mountains.)"")
(V. 6.)-From him [प्रामुवन्तु समुस्कीर्णान्यक्षराणि [यथार्थताम् ] |
sprang the illustrious prince Vajrad â man, resembling the wielder
of the thunderbolt. When by honest means he TRANSLATION.
had put down the rising valour of the ruler of OM!
Gadhinagara, 118 his proclamation-drum, Om ! Adoration to Padmanatha ! which fulfilled his vow of heroism, resounded (Verse 1.)-May this white Aniruddha 110 of in the fort of Gô padri, conquered in battle spotless body long protect the worlds -heby his irresistible strong arm. into whom is transformed the fame of the (V. 7.)-Knowing that he surely was not illustrious prince Padma, which, being sung outweighed by any prince on the earth, he from aloud in every quarter by people whose eyes curiosity had himself weighed of his own were joyfully opened, first spread on the earth, accord against donations of quite pure gold. and then in its course had rendered white the (V. 8.)-Then came the ruler of men named abodes of Hari, Hara, and Brahman !
Mangala rája, (who scattered) his enemies as (V. 2.)--May Hari protect you l-he who the thousand-rayed (sun) does the darkness. wears on his crest a piece of sapphire, exhibit- As he for ever paid worship to the Lord (Itvara), ing as it were, resting on his hair, a new cloud so he was worshipped by thousands of great bulging out (from it)!
lords. (V. 3.) - May this god, the lord of Usha, (V. 9.)-Then came the lord of men, the fashioned out of the mass of the fame of the illustrious Kirttirkja. Whenever he ornaments of the earth, (so that he appears) as marched forth, the sheets of dust rising from if (made) of pearl-stone," of a lustre exceedingly his armies took away, wonderful (to relate), white and pure, protect the worlds! Thinking the colour of the sun" and at the same time that his dark complexion has become altogether that of the enemy. unknown in the three worlds, he carries, I fancy, (V. 10.)-Shall we tell the wondrous tale of the badge of his colour in the lustre of the sap- this lord of men ? By this ocean of bravery phire joined to the edge of his diadem!
was the countless host of the prince of Malaya 105 Read oarafat
.
Ahankara, self-consciousness." -Goldstücker's Dic. . 106 Read T
101 Read
.
tionary, 8.v. af 16 .
* The exact meaning of thes, which occurs again 108 Read yra
in v. 4, is unknown to me. The word is not given in our 20 I am somewhat doubtful about this akshara.
dictionaries. 110 "The name of the son of Pradyumna or Kamadeva
11 See Vishnu-Purana I. 13, 82; and e.g. Kadambarf, by Subhang! or, according to others, Kakudvatl, the daughter of Rukmin; his wife is Ush, the daughter of Calo. Ed., I. p. 5 au
g uftae Vina, O Bocording to others, Bubhadra, the grand
लारातिकुलाचल:. daughter of Rukmin, and his son Vajra.-The Vaishnave
113 GAdhinagara is Kanyakubja. sect, called Placharitra or Bhagavatas, consider him M an inoarnation or part of Vishnu and identify him with The word for sun' also means 'friend.'

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[FEBRUARY, 1886.
conquered in battle. When that (prince) had l (and) when the night-walkers saw the masses met with defeat, the villagers surrounded their of dust, resembling uplifted mountains, inceshouses with the multitudes of spears, which santly raised up by them (and) falling down through fear had fallen from the hands (of his on both sides of the ocean, they trembled, soldiers) in every direction.
thinking that a lofty bridge was again being (V. 11.)- In the town of Si hapa niya bailt.118 he caused to be built a wonderful temple of the V. (18.)-Since the host of the gods had been lord of Parvati, which shines like a column of deprived of its colour by his fame, beautiful fame.
like the splendour of the moon, surely all the (V. 12.)–From him was born the lord of the wives of the immortals, of Indra and the rest, earth, the high-minded Müladê ve, known as not going near their lovers from fear lest they Bhuvana pala, causing joy to the world. should err and act improperly, envy now Sri His body was decorated with the irreproachable
and Gauri, who at once were united with the marks of a universal sovereign; his fame was
body of their husband."17 equal to Manu's.
(V. 19.)-Who has anywhere seen the trees (V. 13.)-When this powerful Trailok ya- radiant with every wished-for fruit? Who any. malla protected the whole earth whose other where the cows yielding desires ? Who any. rulers had been destroyed, the world contained where the gems granting the object of one's no rival of his.
wishes ? (But) who has observed that any (V. 14.)-His queen was Déva vrata, as person's hopes were not fulfilled by that lord ? Lakshmi (is the wife) of Hari. From her was a distinguished hero then is an excellent born to that lord of the earth & son, the illustri- garden, which contains such things even as ons Dévapala.
trees of paradise. (V. 15.)-He surpassed Karņa by his gene. (V. 20.)-His doing it was, that the bands of rosity, the son of Prithả by his knowledge of robbers,' even before they had heard of prince the bow, and Dharmaraja by his truthfulness. Padma, with bodies unclad on account of He as a yonth was the abode of modesty. their wrotchedness, complained every moment
(V. 16.)-Through the religions merits of in the forests that the earth was well protected his subjects he had a son whose power of in- since, alas, what used not to be, such nakedness tellect was free from blemish, the illustrious had come upon them. lord Padmapala; like Mandhati he was I (V. 21.)-While he was ruling the earth, the ornament of universal sovereigns. Think. turning round existed (only) in potter's wheels, 10 ing as it were 'how can, even though I am covetousness (only) in the acquirement of remaster, another levy taxes's Phe on his expedi- ligious merit, hard were (only) the round tions in the various quarters again and again breasts. obstructed the fierce-rayed (sun) with the thick (V. 22.)-Knowing that to press the highly (clouds of) dust (raised) by his armies.
virtuous is not approved of, and also that it is (V. 17.)- After his troops of soldiers and wrong to be familiar with the merciless, he horse had subdued the other quarters, they in laid hold neither of the bow nor of the sword, 10 due course marched to the southern region; nevertheless he defeated his enemies.
W FT has here, as in similar passages, the double meaning of 'raya' and 'taxes.'
14 Compare with the above a verse of the Vikram tikadivacharita (III. 77) which ends :
वैदेहीरमणस्य रावणशिर छेदेऽप्यशान्तकुधः
प्रत्यावृत्तिरकाण्डकम्पतरलैराशति लापरैः ।। The same iden occurs in verse 19 (really v. 20) of the inscription published Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VIII. P. I. p. 16718, where the actual reading on the stone is as follows:
सुदुपकृतिदक्षो दक्षिणाशां जिगीषु: gati941948:11
It might almost appear as if those expeditions to the south were mere poetical ornamenta.
17 Srl Majesty' and Gaurf the Earth' are represented as the wives of the king. m aqul is used on account of the metre for परिपन्थिन्.
110 But there was no A in the sense of 'erring, giddiness, oonfusion,' &o. For similar passages compare e.g. Kadambari, I. pp. 6 and 61 ; and Väsa vadatta, pp. 17 and
125.
10 T TT, which has been translated by 'highly vir. tuous,' also denotes the bow on which the string hos been fixed,' and merciless' also means "sword;' compare ... Visavadattá, p. 129, P r anatat पुरुषाणाम्.

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
(V. 23.)-His sword, covered with the drops of blood which at once began to flow, scattered on the battle-fields all around the seed11 as it were of the affection of the people and of his fame, with the crest-jewels of the hostile princes.
(V. 24.)-Because the wives of his enemies found out gold-lotuses in the forest, for this reason did the bees not find out the gold-lotus in his face.122
desirous of gathering the fruit of those two.
(V. 26.) This supporter of his subjects, who was an ornament of the earth, who knew the law (and) was like unto the gods, caused that edifice of Hari to be built. How can I possibly with words tell its height ?13 The lion who has ascended its top, means to devour, it seems, the deer in the moon.
(V. 30.)-When the god was (only) half completed, (and) when eight of the most excellent twice-born had been installed, 12 Padmapâla, still a youth, through the adversity of fortune obtained a seat on the lap of Samkrandana.11" (V. 31.)-(Then) his brother, the son of Sarya pala, the illustrious Mahipala dê
(V. 25.)-Having reflected, that fortune and life are unsteady like the flood of a river, he set his mind on the performance of pious deeds,va, the abode of good deeds, became ruler at
the glorious Gô pådri. When they had come to him of wide-spread fame, bravery and generosity, which in the absence of the son of Hari (Arjuna) and the son of the Sun (Karna) had been in distress, had at last (again) found a master.
(V. 32.)-Engaged in the creation of ministers, in the preservation of the Brahmans, and in the destruction of his enemies, that prince partook of the nature of Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva.
(V. 27.)-From the top of the gold-ornamented staff on this temple, which rivals the mountain1 of the moon-carrying (Siva), there constantly (waves) this holy flag, white as the moon; hanging down at the setting of the wind it appears like the Ganges when, falling down from heaven, it enters the thickly-matted tawny-bright hair of the god of gods Sambhu, whose body is coated with ashes.
(V. 28.) This is that mundane egg; the Lotus-born (Brahman) will be here, whom again we here shall carry on our vehicle through the air': surely those swans are ever present at the lofty seat of Hari, after they have (thus) admitted it to be the golden egg unopened."
(V. 29.) Within the glittering structure stands the lord of Lakshmi, high like the golden mountain (Méru); (it is) a dwelling of the Sea-born (goddess Lakshmi) supporting the most excellent of the twice-born (and) con
in Compare Vikromankadevacharita IV. 112 faवीजवापाय चखानेव नभःस्थलीम्.
48
1 If I understand this verse rightly, it simply means that the prince had driven his enemies from their homes, and that his face was beautiful like the gold-lotus; the bees showed no desire for this lotus, because they did not wish to have anything in common with the wives of the prince's enemies.
133 Compare Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 359,-"As it stands at present, the great temple of Padmanatha is about 70 feet in height, but as the pyramid top is very much broken, I estimate the original height of the building at not less than 100 feet."
taining the man-lion; its maker was chosen by all the gods, who have found (here) a home, and so was this temple on the surface of the earth. Oh, may the whole turn out to be fit for Hari!
(V. 33.)-When this king, a treasury of splendour, protected the broad earth, none else was endowed with splendour but the sun, none else was a king but the moon.
(V. 34.)-When his coronation-ceremony had been performed by well-conducted (persons, and) when he was seated on the throne, bards and singers thus praised him in lofty strains :
[In the following verses Mahipala is compared (v. 35) to Brahman, (v. 36) to Madhava (Krishna-Vishnu), (v. 37) to Halayudha (Balarama), (v. 38) to the destroyer of Sambara (Kâmadêva), (v. 39) to Samkara, (v. 40) to Šiva, (v. 41) to Indra, (v. 42) to Kuvêra, (v. 43) to the sun, (v. 44) to the moon, (v. 45) to the son of Satyavati (Vyasa), (v. 46) to Bhagiratha, (v. 47) to the Raghava (Râma), (v. 48) to Yudhishthira, (v. 49) to Vrikôdara (Bhimasêna), (v. 50) to the son of Indra (Arjuna), (v. 51) to the son of the Sun (Karna), (v. 52) to the sea,
1 i.e. the Himalaya.
135 We may assume that swans were carved on the walls of the temple; the poet (in order to employ the figure Utpreksha, which is indicated by the word,) represents these carved swans as live birds, ever present at the temple, which they take to be the mundane golden egg, to serve as vehicles for Brahman who is born from the lotus that grows out of Vishnu's navel."
138 Installed,' vis. in the Brahmapurî mentioned below, verse 71, which was connected with the temple. For the use of the word fa compare below verse 79.
17.e. Indra; the sense is Padmapala died,' and as a warrior went to the heaven of Indra.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
(v. 53) to a lion, (v. 54) to an elephant, (v.1 (V. 64.)-"Nothing strange is there in this, 55) to the day-lotus, (v. 56) to the night-lotus, o lord, that, such as you are, you with your (v. 57) to an ornament, '(v. 58) to the sandal ; quick arrows completely bereft of confidence (v. 59) he is praised as sorpassing the deer and your enemies hundreds of thousands strong in (v. 60) the moon.
battle; but that in your anger, like the god of Incidentally he is (v. 51) called Sürya-janita destruction, by the marvellous cruel strokes of begot by Sûrya,' (v. 58) Suryanripa-nandana your flashing sword you should have annibilat* son of prince Sürya,' (v. 57) Kachchhaparikula- ed their very nature-that indeed does rouse bhúshara 'an ornament of the Kachchhapäri our wonder. family, and (v. 49) entitled Bhuvana ika- (V. 65.)-"Your depth surpasses (that of) malla. (V. 41) he is stated to have been the ocean, your lustre (that of the sun, your familiar with the impervious tracts of the bravery (that of the lion; with whom then Srika mbu varnagiri, and (v. 50) to have can you be compared ? obtained fame by defeating in battle the king (V. 66.)—"The bracelet, О protector of the of the Gandharvas,
earth, shines on your massive arm as if it were After verse 60, the bards continue praising
the dindem of the goddess of victory dwelling Mahîpåla as follows]:
within your arm. (V. 61.)—“That the son of Prith at the
(V. 67.)-"Because continually engaged in capture of Uttara's cows had alone pat to
worship you have uttered the praises of the flight the enemies,-that, it is true, we had
lord of the three worlds, therefore surely has learnt before, because Arjuna has been praised
he, pleased, firmly established you here. On (for it) by Vyâsa ; 1" but now (only) can we form
your exalted lap, O ornament of the earth, we a clear conception of it, after we have seen
see a row of stars, 19' spotless like the bright rays how you, O illustrious Mahipala, unaided,
of the sun and the moon, in the guise of a string are striking down the host of the enemies by
of pearls." thousands on the battle-field.
(V. 68.)-When he had thus been praised by (V. 62.)—"Need we tell (even) more facts
the bards, when he had reverenced the immorabout you, O lord ? You are the unsurpassed
tals, the preceptors and the twice-born, set free receptacle of the rules of policy. Hear, O
the inmates of the prisons, (and) granted assurmaster of the earth, how it fares with the four
ance of safety to all beings,that are beloved to you: your fame spreads in
(V. 69.)-He, so soon as he was crowned, of (all) quarters; your praise is ever in the mouth
his own accord made two vows, to complete of the virtuous; the whole earth reverences
Padmanatha, (and) to give his daughter to you; fortune delights to dwell in the house of
a good husband. (you) the friend of the twice-born.
(V. 70.)- And both these things did he, en(V. 63.)-" Is it strange, O Bhuvanai. kamalla, that king Bhagiratha should have
dowed with discernment,' accomplish. The led away this Mandakini from the world of the
king's daughter was given to a husband, charmLotus-born (Brahman) and brought it down to
ing as the god of love, (and) this lofty temple the earth below? But wonderful indeed 'is
of the glorious Padmanatha was completed, this, o lord, that from the orb of the earth
an imperishable embodiment of fame. here below you have made the stream of your
(V. 71.)-And having appointed the remainfame to ascend upwards to the world of the
ing chief Brahmans, he attached a BrahmaLotus-born.
purpl80 (to the temple). Unwearied (and)
111 vie. in the Virtaparuin of the Mahabharata.
1 The king is like a mountain, on whose lofty slopes the stars appear to rest. Compare e.g. Kadambart, I.p.9 (भपरशंशिशङ्कया) नक्षत्रमालयेव हारलतया कृतमुखपरिवंशम्.
10 The word rage appears to me to denote a row or net of rooms or buildings, attached to a temple for the accommodation of holy and learned Brahma.ne; it occurs again in the same sense ante, Vol. VII. p. 305, 1.34 (gr. Madhavada va-brahmapurl), where, as in the present in.
stance, the sattra is mentioned afterwards; and Vol. VI. p. 211, 1. 16. Compare also Vol. XI. pp. 100 and 101, and Vikramankadłuacharita, XVII. 29. In the inscription mentioned in note 13 above we find the word en used, instead of Taget (v. 53 g Fifa froirfear ATGTT:). I assume that Padmap Ala had provided rooms for, and installed in them, eight Brahman (see above, verae 80), and that Mahipals finished the building or buildings and selected the other occupants.

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
45
exceedingly devoted to the law, he established (V. 80.)-First, the intelligent Dévalabdhi, a charitable hall, where savoury food and drink then Sridharadikshita, (and lastly) the sage were distributed.
(Sari) Kirttiratha, -(these) three twice-born (V. 72.)-Having done both, the master of received each one share and a half. the world, the universal sovereign of princes, of (V. 81.)- Gangadhara, Gautama, Malaka, mature intelligence (and) the light of his family, Gayâdhara, Devanaga, Vasishtha, Dévasarman, made donations for the cooking of the naivedya
Yasaskara, - of the glorious Padmanatha and for lights. (V. 82.)-Krishna, Varahasvâmin, Grihada
(V. 73.)-The brahmottara11 rising from the sa, Prabhakara, Ichchhâdhara, Madhu, Tilheks, small hall the lord himself divided into two | Purushottama,portions ; one half was assigned to the glorious (V.83.)-Ramêsvars, the excellenttwice-born, Padman â tha and the other half to the lord and the twice-born DÂmôdara;-these eighteen of the gods, Vaikuntha.
sages received one share each. The twice born (V. 74.)-The prince arranged suitably for the complete maintenance of the tribe of attend- (v. 84.)—received three-quarter shares. ants, ** women, musicians, singers and the rest, Ratna and Tihuņêka, the worshippers of the that there might be public performances before gods, received both half a share each. This Padma natha.
completes the list of the sages. 136 (V. 75.)-Having properly divided Pås hå- (V. 85.)-And out of the shares of the god papalli, he allotted five shares and a half to the prince gave half a share to the sage (Súri) the god, and twenty-four shares and a half to the Kdyastha Lôhabhata (?) to be his for the most excellent twice-born.
ever. (V. 76.)-The lord of the earth gave all
(V. 86.)-To the god the king gave a golden taxes ...... 18 connected therewith, and what diadem covered with precious stones; in the was produced above and below the ground and midst of it a very large jewel is shining. & mine of salt to the god and to the twice-born. (V. 87.)-The ornament of princes gave &
(V. 77.)—With him there came to share the frontal ornament made of emeralds ; the spotless unseen (fruit of his pious deeds) the famous son lord of the earth also gave) a golden ornament of Yoga á vara, endowed with the charac- for the neck, blazing with precious stones. teristics of a sage, in all matters & depository of (V. 88.)- He gave a pair of arm-rings set the prince's confidence, a receptacle of modesty, with many precious stones, and also four bracea home of propriety, a seat of learning, a mine lets ornamented with jewels of great value. of sacred study, an unsurpassed dwelling of (V. 89.)-This one set of ornaments, containgratitude, a treasury of benevolence.
ing precious stones, is for the Lord; the second (y. 78.)-Confiding in him, the moon of set, Aniruddha's, is solely of gold, and is princes, taking delight in the law, entrusted to as follows: him all acts of piety; (and) the sage entered (V. 90.)- Achyuta every day wears four into the thoughts of the king, because he was bracelets, also a pair of tdlapatas, (and) a kritsimilarly disposed, was free from envy, and tidara with a golden handle (?).186 esteemed excellences in others).
(V. 91.)- A mangaliha (P) of silver was given (V. 79.)-The following are the names of the accompanied by five kañcholas187; also four Bages who by Mahipala were given shares" plates of brass for holding the naivedya :in that village; the particulars are stated in the (V.92.)-three suvarnandas (P), (as) decoragrants :
tions for the attendants of the god. And in The brahmottara wonld appear to be the sanctuary 236 (8x1})+(18X1)+4+ (2x)=21}, whereas the of the temple, usually called garbha-griha, or below, v. 96
sum distributed was 341. seo, ante, Vol. VII. P. 307, garbha- man. * I annot quote any anthority for this translation of
note 30. theword पादकुल.
13 alese is probably the same as 4 . Ad ear133 I am unable to give the exact meaning of PT
ornament, the other term I do not understand. 1912 .
13 W et (P) appears to be an upper garment, 13. For wagat: one would have expected fartfear: | - e'bodioe' or' waistoont.' The first line See above v. 80. Hafra is used in the same causal of the following verne I do not understand. Swarnanda sense in v. 19 of the inscription mentioned above, note 116, is used for brahmanda above, v. 28.

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above was fixed a lotus of gold made into an umbrella for the Lord.
(V. 93.)-And the silver image of Aniruddha will always be bathed, after it has been placed on a copper plate, with (water from) a vessel of the same material.188
(V. 94.) There is one image of Vâm a na, a second small one of Achyuta, and another made of rájávarta-stone; the two first are made of bell-metal.
(V. 95.) They all three are worshipped assiduously in the sanctuary. There two braziers of copper were given for lights.
(V. 96.) The prince gave two copper basins (and) two copper cups for bathing, and also a pair of copper vessels for the argha-oblation.
(V. 97.)-Seven bells were given, together with incense-burners, accompanied by vessels for waving lights; besides seven conch-shells also, (and) four copper pots.
130
(V. 98.)-The prince gave a vádhadhá of brass (and) two káhalás, a chowrie and a pair of staves made of bell-metal and crystal (?).
(V.99.)-He gave two large kettles of copper (and) two copper pitchers, also five copper pails and a chaful of the same material.
(V. 100.)-This completes the list of implements for the god.
141
(V. 101)-Forstone-cutters (?), carpenters and so forth, for engineers, carmen and others, and for excavating and building reservoirs, wells, tanks, and so forth,
(V. 102.)-the king gave the tenth part (of the revenue) in his whole dominion. And he likewise gave the twentieth part to Aniru ddha; by that the hall for the charitable distribution of food &c. is kept up.
(V. 103.)May this temple of prince Padma, spotless like crystal, be imperishable like the world of Vishnu (which he has) acquired through (his) religious merits!
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
(Vs. 104 & 105.)-This faultless eulogy has been composed by the chief of the twice-born, the descendant of Bharadvaja, grandson of the chief of poets Râma, (and) son of the poet Govinda, the poet Manikantha, whose intellect is polished by (the study of the Mimasa and Nyaya (and) who delights in eloquent sayings.
(V. 106.)-Yasodêva-Digambararka who enjoys the friendship of the sage (Súri) Manikantha in which Pratapa-Lankesvaravach shares, and who is a poet in all languages,
has written the letters.
III.-The Black-Headed Man.
There was once a young lion who was very strong and withal very valiant, and so defied everybody.
150 The dictionaries give गड, गंडक and गड्डुक, not गड्डु 139 A drum and two trumpets (P). 140 A spoon (?).
(V. 107.)-When eleven hundred years had passed, and when (besides) forty-nine years had gone since Vikrama,
(V. 108.)-in the fiftieth (year), in the month Âśvina, in the dark half, this splendid eulogy was composed by Manikantha by order of the king; or, in figures, 1150, on the fifth of the dark (half) of Asvina.
(V. 109.)-Om! There is nothing wonderful in this, that again and again in every battle the various hosts of the hostile armies flew like moths into the blazing fire of the prowess of that lord of the earth, since he, (himself) equal to Indra, had (for his minister) the wise Gaura, who endowed with intelligence (and) almost omniscient had surpassed the preceptor of the ornaments of the solar race by his policy.
(V. 110.)-Is it strange that Mahipala ruled the whole earth, when he had for his councillor the wise Gaura, who resembles the councillor of the gods P
(V. 111.) This eulogy has been engraved at the temple of the glorious Padmanatha in excellent letters by the artisan Padma, son of Devasvamin,
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
(V. 112.)-and also by Simhavaja and by the artisan M & hula. May the letters (here) engraved serve their purpose!
One day his mother said to him-"It is all very fine for you to be proud of your great strength, and to try your might on all you meet, for you know that we are lords of the
For the dictionaries give only the meaning a stone-cutter's chisel.'
4

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THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM.
47:
forest and every creature owns our sway, but up courage, he thug spoke to the valiant you do not seem to be aware that there is one son of the lord of the forest :being in this world who is more than a match "You wish to see the Black-Headed for us, and can bid us defiance. He walks on Man P' Well, your ouriosity shall be gratified, two legs, and is known as the 'Black-Headed for I happen to know where to find him ; 80 Man. Beware of his wiles and stratagems, come along with me and I shall show him to if you value your life."
you." "Very well," mused the young lord of the The lion agreed to this, and the two walked forest, "I should like very much to see what on together for some time till they came to a he is like. He must be a mighty and power- large tree. Near this tree the carpenter ful creature if he can hold his own against stopped, and said to his companion :me. I shall go and seek him out."
"If your Highness would condescend to Having thus determined, the young lion wait here for a while, I shall show you what wandered about roaring for several days, till the Black-Headed Man' is like." one morning he chanced to enter a part of the He then set himself to work with his tools forest that was rarely frequented by his kind. and began to cut a large hole through the trunk Just then a carpenter, with his bag of tools of the tree. When this was finished be fashioned on his shoulders, and a white turban on his & plank and fixed it at the top of the hole in head, happened to pass by. The young lion such a way that it could slide up and down at skipped with delight at sight of him and pleasure, like the door of a mouse-trap. When cried out-"Surely this must be the being my all was ready, he requested the lion, who was mother has told me to beware of: for does he eagerly watching his movements all the while, not go on two legs P Now for it!"
to come and put his head into the hole and look Just then, however, he happened to look at straight before him till he got & sight of the the carpenter's head, and to his great disap-| Black-Headed Man.' pointment found it was white and not black, The lion, rejoiced at the prospect of seeing as he had been led to believe. Nevertheless the being he so much wished to meet, eagerly he thought he would go to him and ask him put his head through the hole, and in a trice whether he knew where the Black-Headed the carpenter, who had already climbed the tree, Man' was to be found, and if so, whether he let the trap-door slip down from above right would direct him in his search for that on to the lion's neck, and pressed it so tight being.
that he nearly squeezed the beast to death. He accordingly called out to the carpenter He then got down and went to the other side in a loud voice--"Hey, friend ! stop! I wish of the tree, and uncovering his head, showed to speak to you !" The poor man had no alter- it to the dying lion, saying : native but to obey, and the lion, going up to "Your servant, the Black-Headed Man,' him said, "Can you tell me where I can find whom you wished so much to see, stands the Black-Headed Man,' for I wish very before you; pray, what would you with much to form his acquaintance and to try my
him P" hand on him?"
The poor lion, however, was by this time The poor man's knees knocked together with past replying, and the carpenter shouldering fright as he heard this and he gave himself his bag of tools, walked home at leisure, up for lost, when suddenly an idea, entered his glad to have escaped, by this stratagem, from mind like a flash of lightning, and summoning the jaws of a savage beast !
THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED INTO SANSKRIT.
BY PROF. A. WEBER.
TEXT.
God save our gracious Queen! Long live our noble Queen!
God save the Queen!
Send her victorious, Happy and glorious, Long to reign over us!
God save the Queen!

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UT O Lord, our God, arise, Scatter her enemies,
And make them fall! Bless thou the brave that fight, Sworn to defend her right, Bending, we own thy might,
God gave us all!
translation of the Anthem, but is a poetical adaptation of it, and is intended to be sung to the well-known national Pañjabi tune of Hár Phúlin di (Flower Garland).
TEXT. हार फुलां दी सुर उते। दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल' चिरकाल करे राज एह विकटोरिया हे दयाल
III.
रहे सदा एह अनंद विंगा हो ना इस दा वाल चिर करे राज एह सदा जै पर्ताप नाल फुले फले वांग कवल फुल दे सदा हो निहाल दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
Thy choicest gifts in store Still on Victoria pour,
Health, Peace and Fame. Young faces year by year Rising her heart to cheer, Glad voices far and near Blessing her name.
IV. Saved from each traitor's armThou, Lord, her shield from harm
Ever hast been. Angels around her way Watch, while by night and day Millions with fervour pray, God save the Queen !
TRANSLATION.
सदा हार एस दे दोषियों ने दीनानाथ दे मनसूबे बुरे एस दे बैरियां दे आप तोड़ दे साडीयां आसां तेरे उपर नाथ सानूं बचां ले दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
सार वस्त तूं भंडार विचों दान एह न कर सुरज जेहा तेज एस दा होवे सारी भूमी पर चिरकाल करे राज आयू एस दी बडी कर दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
ईशा ऽव राजी नः समृद्धघायुयुताम् ईशा विनाम् । देद्यस्यै जयिन्य श्रीयशोभगिन्यै चिरं नः शासितुम् ईशा बनाम् ।।
वररत्नानि त्वम् शश्वत् तां भाजय श्रीयशसी। सुमजास्त्वेन च हृदयानन्दिना सुचिरं नन्दतात् वीरप्रसूः॥
नियां करे साडा सदा हो कानून दी सहाये एस दे स्रिष्ट छच हेठ हर इक अनंद पाये निका वडा दिलों मनों पिया एह गीत गाये दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
ईश हे प्रोदिहि द्रोहिणां कैतवात् शत्रून् विशातय ईशना शर्मणा पातय तान् ।
रक्षसि स्म । रक्ष नः सुयोधान् त्वदूतास्तत्कृते धर्मप्रपालकान्
जाग्रत्य् अहोरात्रे तुभ्यं नमोनतान् कोट्यः प्रार्थयन्ते ईशा ऽवा ऽस्मान् ।। । ईशा बनाम् ।।
NOTE BY CAPTAIN R. O. TEMPLE. As an appendix to the above I give here a rendering of the National Anthem into Pañjabi by Ram Das Chhibhar of Lahor, with a translation of the same. The vernacular version is not a
राज वैरी कोलों एस ने तूं बचा ले सदा काल जद होवे कोई भै सामने एस दे हे दयाल उस वेले हथ देके रखें एस ५ दया नाल दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
हर वेले दिगपाल रक्षा एस दी पए करें अटल पर्ताप एस दा वेख पए दुती भेड़े सड़ें दिन रात लख करोड़ हाथ जोड़ बिन करें दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
"A class of Brahmads from the JhAlam District. This writer has also produced s rhymned Hindustant version of the National Anthem.
रक्षा is pronounced rakhya. क्रिपाल is pronounced tirpai.

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The Air of HAR PHULAN DI, in the European Style.
SHA
25
A

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Page #61

FEBRUARY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
49
V.
TRANSLATION.
IV. To the tune of the "Flower Garland.” May she ever do justice over us, and be protector O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious
of the law. Empress,
May everyone be happy under her excellent proLong may Victoria reign, O God of grace!
tection.
Let great and small with heart and soul upraise May she ever reign happy; may her serenity be la
this song
1 o God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious never disturbed.*
Empress ! Long may she reign and ever with victory and
splendour. May she blossom and bloom like a lotus-flower
Do Thou protect her ever from her royal enemies. and ever prosper.
Should any terror arise upon her, O God of grace! O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious
Then give her Thy hand and protect her with Thy Empress!
grace.
O God of grace! protect thou ever the gracious II.
Empress! O God of the helpless! defeat Thou ever her
VI. enemies,
May the God of the Earth protect her always. Do Thou frustrate the evil politics of her enemies.
Seeing her boundless glory, may her secret enemies Our hopes are in Thee, O Lord, preserve Thou us.
die of envy. O God of grace ! protect Thou ever the gracious
Day and night may millions bless (her) with joined Empress!
hands III.
O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious Bestow on her the best gift of Thy treasure.
Empress ! May her glory be as the sun throughout the world. 1 In the Plate attached will be found the music Long may she reign : prolong her days.
of Hdr Phulli dl." It is given as a specimen O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious of a Paljábt tune, arranged, as closely as possible, Emprees!
according to the European method.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. OOMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.B.
(Continued from p. 19). Bite, to,Dandava, (Eng.); dantava, dant&lava, BLEAR-EYED,-Khaleakeakoro, kalontko, (Tch.) dantaráva, (Tch.); dendalava, (M.)
BLEAR-EYED, to become-KhAlioviva, (Tch.) BITTER,-Kerko, (Tch.); gh'avre, (As. Tch.); BLEEDING,-Rattvaló, (Tch.) am&ro, korkô, (M.); kerko, (M. 7)
Bless, to-Blagoslovisaráva, (M.) BITTERNESS,-Kerkipe, (Tch.)
BLIND, -Korredo, (Eng.); korô, korionnd, tam, BLACK,-Dam, dumo, kaulo, (Eng.); kalô, (com.)
(Tch.); kori, (As. Tch.); koró, korð, (M.); kaledôr. (Tch.); gh'ali, gh'eili, (As. Tch.);
koro, (M. 7); tam, (M. 8) kaló, melal8, (M.); kalo, (M. 7)
BLIND, to become-Kóriováva, (Tch.); korallo BLACK, to become, Kaliováva, Toh.)
viva, (M.) BLACKEN, to-Kaliaráva, (Tch.)
BLINDLY,-Koriandôs, (Tch.) BLACKBERRY,-Kalo-durril (kaulo in orig.), BLINDNE88,-Koribê, (Tch.) (Eng.)
BLISTERS,Bugnes, bagnior, (Eng.) BLACKBIRD, -Kalo-chiriclo, (kaulo in orig.), BLOOD -- Ratti, (Eng.); ratt, (Tch.); lur, (As. (Eng.)
Tch.); rat, (M., M. 8) BLACKI8X,-Kaloro, kaliarkicand, (Tch.)
BLOODY,-Ratalo, (M.) BLACKNESS,-Kalibê, (Tch.)
BLOODY, to become-Rattvaliováva, (Tch.) BLACKSMITH,-Kaulo-mengro, (Eng.); mantêr, Blow,-Marib6, (Tch.); dab, (M., M. 7) shastirêskoro, (Tch.)
BLOW OF THE FI8T8,-Rupedint, (Tch.) BLACK-THORN,-Kanlo-kori, (Eng.)
BLOW ON THE MOUTH,-Munji, (Eng.) BLANKET,-Koppar, sovaharri, (Eng.)
Blow, to, -Pudiva, (Eng.); Pardava, padava, phnBLEACHER, -Toibnáskoro, (Tch.)
dáva, fadáva, (Tch.); phurdava, (M.; M. 8)
• The original is idiomatic here : lit., "may her hair be never crooked."
lit., " the (tutelary) elephants of the (four) quarters (of the earth)."
• 4.6. in prayer.

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50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
BLUE-Nilê, nili, (As. Tch.) BLUSH to,-Lajkva, (Teh.) BLUSH, to cause to,-Lajaváva, (Tch.) BLUSHING, to be, -Lajániováva, (Tch.) BOAR, wild, young,-Balishi, (M.) BOARD,--Phal, sanidi, (M. 8) BOARDS, -Skënduri, (M) BOAT,-Lantre, (M.) BODY,-Trupo, (Eng.); trupu, (M.) BOIL, to, -Tavkva, (Tch.); kiraváva, (M., M. 7)
thavava, (M. 8) BOILED, to be,T&vghiováva, (Tch.) BOILED, -Kerrit, (Eng.) BOILER,-Pirry, (Eng.) BOLT, -Mandára, (Tch.) BOLTING-CLOTH, --Porizen, reshêto, (Tch.) BONE,-Kokal, (pl.) kokalor (Eng.); kókkalo,
(Tch.); kharik, (As. Tch.); kókalo, M.,
M. 7) Book,-LA, (Eng.); namali, (Tch.); lil, (M.) Boot,-(pl.) Skraunior,' (Eng.): (pl.) chekmi,(As.
Tch.); (pl.) shkorne, (M. 8) BOOTY,-Kappi, luripen, (Eng.) Booty, to get, -Lelâva kappi, (Eng.) BORDER,-NAkri, (Tch.); märjina, (M.) BORE A HOLE, to,-Kheviaráva, (Tch.) BORED, to be (passive of above)-Kheviärghioviva,
(Tch.) BORN,-Beano, (Eng.) BORN, to be, -Něshtikva, něshtisard'ováva, (M.) BOBOM, Bee Breast. BOTH,-Li, li-duy, zheni, düyzheni, (M.) BOTTLE, -Vellin, (Eng.); bakla, (Tch.); agald;
shfpu, shēpu, shěp, (dim.) shopushôru, (M.) BOUGH,-kry&ugě, kryânga, (M.) BOUGHT, to be,-Kinghioviva, (Tch.) BOUND, (past part.)-Pandlo, (Eng); phandad'ov,
pandad'ov, (M.) Bow, to, (v. tr.)-Band'aráva, ēnkinisard'ováva,
(M.) BOW ONESELF, to,-Band'ováva, (M.) BOWELS,-Vênor, vennor, wendror, (Eng.); bukó,
(Tch.) Box,-Mufta, muktar, mukto, (Eng.); ladinfcha,
sendaki; khrabisha, (Tch.); 14da, (M.) Box, little, -Ladică, lédica, (M.) Box ON THE EAR, -Pishôt, (Tch.); korik, kuradini,
(As. Tch.) BOXER,-Kuromengro, (Eng.) Boy-Chal, raklo, (Eng.); mursh, (dim.) murshorô,
raklo, (dim.) rakloro, chavo, (Teh.); gor, kur, (As. Tch.); raklo, rakloro, (M.);
raklo, (M. 8) BRACELET, -Koro, (Tch.) BRAIN,-gots, godi, godt, (Tch.) BRAN,-Seli, (M. 8) BRANCH,Rukeskey kost, (Eng.)
BRANDINH, to,-Melincasaráva, věnturiva, (M.) BRANDY,-Tatti-pani, tatti-pauni, (Eng.); paniali,
(Tch.); rakushka, (As. Tch.) BRA88,- Khaljt, (M.) BRAVE,-Murshno, murshicano, (Tch.);. vod'aló,
(M.) BRAVERY, -Murshnipê, (Tch.) BRAZEN,-Kharkuno, (M.) BREAD, -Morro, (Eng.); manro, (Span. Gip.);
manro, gheum, (Hun. Gip.); manrô, cham, bokalt, marnô, maro, mando, marly (Tch.); mêna, (As. Tch.); malâv, (Tch. Tok.); morroshka, (Rus. Gip.); manrô, manră, mellye, (M.); bokoli, cham, (M.7); manro,
(M. 8) . BREAK, to, -Poggrava, (Eng.); pang va, (Tch.);
phad'ovava (v. intr.), phagava (v. tr.),
(M.); pharáva, phagava, (M. 8) BREAK, to cause to,-Pangharkva, (Tch.) BREAK OPEN, to,-Pornisard'ováva, (M.) BREABT, woman's--Chuchi, chichi, (M., M. 7) BREAST,-Bark, (fem.) birk, (pl.) pikkis, pikkaris,
(Eng.); kolin, brek, gutch, (Tch.); sin, (As.
Tch.); běrk, kolin, (M.); brek, kolin, (M. 7) BREATH,-Abpru, (M.) BREECHES,-Rokunyes,(Eng.); roklin (Hun. Gip.) BRICK,-Kěrémidē, (M.) BRIDE-Bori, (dim.) borori, tellis-bort, (Tch.);
vahri, (As. Tch.); miryksa, (M.); bori,
(M. 7) BRIDEGROOM,-Mirelo, mirilo, těrno, ternŮ, (M.) BRIDGE, -Pudge, (Eng.); purt, (Tch.); phurd,
pôdu, (M.); phurt, (M. 8) BRIDLE,-Sollibari, salivaris, (Eng.); salivari,
shavar, (dim.) shuvarorð, ushvar, (Toh.);
rasmog, (As. Toh.); sulivari, (M. 8) BRING, to-Anava, riggurava, (Eng.); andva, ghe
lava, (Tch.); ankva, čngěráva, (M.); anava,
(M. 7) BRING, to cause to-Anghiariva, anghiakerdva,
(Tch.) BRING FORTH, to-biva, benava, (Tch.); kěráva,
karáva, (M.); lotáva, (M. 8) BRING TO MIND, to-Rigava in yi, (Eng.) BRING UP, to-Bharyartva, (M.) BROAD.-Bughlô, (Tch.) dělgo, (M.) BROKEN, -Poggado, (Eng.); parô, (Tch.); phago,
(M.) BROKEN, to be. -Pånghiováva, pångliováva, (Toh.) BROKEN-WINDED, -Bavano, (Eng.) BROKEN-WINDED-HORSE, -Poggado-bavol-engro,
(Eng.) BROKEN VICTUALS,- Poggado habben, (Eng.) BROOM,-Mátla, shulávka, shuval, (Tch.) BROTH, -Simmeno, zimmen, zumi, (Eng.) BROTHER,-Pal, prala, (Eng.); pral, plal, pralora,
(Tch.); pral, (M.); phral, (M. 8)

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FEBRUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
51
BROTHER-IN-LAW.-Salo, (Toh.); kumnáto, kum-
nât, (M.) BROCHER IN VILLAINY,-Pal, (Eng.) BROUGHT TORTH, to be-Bênghiováva, bendovava,
(Tch.) BRUSH, to-Shulavava, (M. 8) BUCx-Bazos, (Tch.); c&pu, (M.); buzno, (M. 7) BUFFALO,- Vuina, vayana, (Tch.); bihol (M.) BUG,-Likhevi jiv, (As. Tch.) BUILD, to-TardAva, tardriva, (Eng.); kriva,
karáva, zidiáva, (M.) BUILDING, place for.-Than, (M.) BULGARIAN, – Das, (Tch. M. 7) BULL, --Guveno, (Eng.); sakári, (Tch.) BUNCH,-Drča, (M.) BUNDLE,-KAlavo, (Tch.); droe, (M.). BURDEN, -Kataya, (Tch.) BURGLARY,-Rardiskey kair poggring, (Eng.) BURIED.-Pashed; pasheno, (Eng.); praķhome,
(M:) Burn, to, HachÂva, (Eng.); tabariva, tabiarkva,
(Tch.); tapihva, tapiováva, (Psp. M.); phabarkva, phabard'ováva, phaboviva, (M.); ķhacharkva, (M. 7); phabáva, tha
bava, (M. 8) BURNID, to be,-Tabioviva, tapiováva, (Tch.) BURNING, ,--Hatchipen, (Eng.); omblal, (M. 8) Burst, to.-MurdAliováva, (Tch.); pharyováva,
plezniáva, (M.) BURY, to-Praķhodva, praķhosarkva, (M); ķhan.
dava, (M. 7); parováva, praķhoâva, (M. 8) BUSHEL, -Medisin, (Eng.) BU8E8,-Poyana, (M.) BUSINESS,-Butt, puti, bukt, (dim.) butari, (Tch.) BUT,-Ảy, dArẻ, .) BUTCHER, -Mans-engro, maaso-mengro, (Eng.);
mas@skoro, (Tch.) BUTTER, -Kil, (Eng); gur, (As. Tch.); kiil, (Tch.
Tok.); chikën, (M.) BUTTERFLY,-Popěrága, (M.) BUTTON, -Krafni, (Eng.) BUTTON-MAKER,-Krafni-mengro, (Eng.) Buy, to,-Kingva, (Eng.); kinava, (Tch.); lavki
nim, (As. Tch.); t'inâva, (M.); kiņva,
(M. 7) BUY OFF, to,-Kinava aley, (Eng.) BUYER,-Kinabêskoro, (Tch.) BY,-Pa, (Eng.); pashA, pashě, (M.)
CAKE, honey,-Bokoll, bokull, bokuld, bukoúli,
(M.) CALABASH,-Katarni, kutaroni, (Tch.) CALP,-Sakâri, (Tch.); zhicel, (M.) CALICO,-Bot, (As. Teh.) CALLING, interjection of-Mo, (M.) CALL, to, -Chándava, chårdava, voizava, (Tch.);
(imperat.) sis le ker, (As. Tch.); akarar,
(Span. Gip.); akharáva, khěráva, (M.) CAN,Brad'i, (M.); bradi, (M. 7); takhtay, (M. 8) CANDLE,-Mamli, (Eng.); mumeli, (M); dnd,
(M. 7) CANDLESTIOK- Mamli-mengro, (Eng.) CANE,-Ran, (Tch.) CANNIBAL-Pěgěi, (M.) CAP, -Hafa, (Eng.) kachma, kazhma, stad'i, (M.) CAPITAL, to make a,-Lelava kappi, (Eng.) CAPTAIN, -Kapitáno, kapitánu, kěpitánu, (M.) CARD,-Lil, (M.) CABE,-Grizhě, (M.) CARE, to take-Geräva, fakáva, (Eng.); loviziva,
(Tch.); grizhiáva, (M.). CARPET -Sovaharri, (Eng.); pasternt, (Toh.) CARRIAGE,-Vordôn, (Tch.) CARRIXR8,-Karesha, (M) CARROTS, -Spinyor, (Eng.); gh'ozer, (As. Toh.) CARRY, to,-Rigguráva, (Eng.); andva, (Tch.);
koráva, kērogaráva, pheravava, trudava,
ongěråva, (M.); lejáva, (M. 8) CART, -Vardo, wardo, (Eng.); kěrdoa, (M.) CARTER, -Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) CART-WRIGHT,-Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) CARVE, to,-Choláva, (Tch.) CASK,-Duruli, (M.) CAST, to,-Wustáva, chivåva, chuvâva, (Eng.) CASTLE, -Aulin, (M.) CÁT, -Matchko, (fem.) matchka, (Eng.); machka,
marohka, pishika, pisika, pismára, chichi, (dim.) chichaiori, chichos, (Tch.); pisik, (As. Tch.); měca, mocě, (M.); chichay,
(M.); machka, (M. 8) Cat, condition of a,-Chicbaibê, (Tch.) CATCH, to,--Astarava, ķhutilAva, khotilava,
(M.) CAVE,-Magheras, (Tch.); burdêy, (M.) CEILING,-Grinda, (M.) CELLAR, - Pivnica, (M.) CEMETERY,-Mulleno kôr, (Eng.) CHAÉF,-Plevye, (M.) CHAIN,-Werriga, (Eng.); janjir, (Tch.); lanco,
Ancu, saster, Bastri, sketri, (M.); veriga,
(M. 8) CHAINED.Janjiralo, (Tch.) CŅAIR, -Besh-engri, skammen, (Eng.); akamni,
(M. 8) CHAIR-MAKER-Skammen-mengro, (Eng.) CHAMBER,-Komoraca, komArd, komara, (M.)
CABBAGE, -Shok, (pl.) shokkor, (Eng.); shakh,
(Toh.); shah, (Psp. M.); chaja, (Span.
Gip.); shaķh, (M., M. 8) CAXE,-Manrikley, marikli, merrikley, (Eng.);
manriklo, (Toh.); kolachi, kolachêy, kolochêy, (M.)

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52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
CHANDLER, -Mumli-mengra, (Eng.); momeliên CLEAN, to,-Kanaskerkva, kanakeriva, shuchakegoro, Tch.)
råva, shuzakeráva, kosháva, koskva, CHANGE, to,-Pariva, parriva, (Eng.); paruvgva,
ghoshåva, goshåva (Tch.) (Tch.); parud'ováva, (M.)
CLEAN, to cause to,-Koshliaráva, (Tch.) CHANGED, to be,-Paravghiovava, (Teh.)
CLEANLINE89,-Shuchipê, shuzipe. (Tch.) CHANGE OF CLOTHES,-Paruib6, (Tch.)
CLEAR,--Limpede, (M.) CHAPLET, -Minriclô, (Tch.)
CLEAR WEATHER,Pinripe, (Tch.) CHARCOAL,-Wangar, wongar, (Eng.); angår, CLEAVE, to,-Paraváva, (Tch.) (Tch.); angar, (M. 7)
CLERGYMAN,-Rashengro, rashi, (Eng.) CHATTERER, Chibalo, (Tch.)
CLEVER,-Yokki, (Eng.); t'it'itori, (M.) CHEAT, to,-Khokhavåva, (Tch.); ķhoshava, (M.) CLIMB UP, to,-Ěnklikva, (M.) CREATED, to be,-Khokhåvghioviva, (Tch.) CLINK, to-Bashavåva, (M.) CHEEK,-Cham, (Tch.); chain, (M. 7)
CLOAK,--Plashta, (Eng.); plata, (Span, Gip.);CHEESE,-Kael, kaes, kas, (Eng.); kerál, chelalô,
mantåo, (M.) (Tch.); pendir, (As. Tch.); parneli, (M.) CLOCK,-Chasõrniku, klopoto, klopotu, (M.) keral, (M.7)
CLOISTER,- Měněstire, (M.) CHEESE-SELLER, -Keralêngoro, (Tch.)
CLOSE,- Akurát, kurit, (M.) CHERRY,-Kerke, (Tch.); cherësh, (M.); keras, CLOTH, -Diklo, panno, (Eng.): yaba, pokhtån, (M. 7)
(Tch.); diklo, (M. 7); than (M. 8) CHEST.-Mufta, muktar, mukto, (Eng.); sekriy, CLOTH, a,-Kosna, kozno, kozna, (M.)
(dim.) sekriyêsh, (M.); mosto, (M. 8) CLOTH-MAKER OR SELLER, -Pokhtanakoro, CHEW, to,-Chamkerkva, châmukerava, (Tch.)
(Tch.) CHEWED,-Chamurdicano, (Tch.)
CLOTH TENT,-Parind, (Tch.) CHICK-PEA,-Rivité, (Tch.)
CLOTHES,--Pata, (Psp. M.); straye, stråyi, (M.); CHICKEN,-Chavri, (Tch.); puyshôr, (M.)
yismata, (M. 7); see COAT. CHILD,-Chavo, chi, (fem.) chavi, tikno, (Eng.); CLOUD-Nooru, (M.)
raklo, cbavô, chao, (dim.) chavoro, cho, CLOVE OF GARLIC, --Shiralo, (Tch.) (Tch.); chag'u, (As. Tch.); rakloro,
CLOVEN, to be, -Pariovava, paravgbiovana,(Tch.) shaoro, shaurò, shavô, shao, (M.); chavo,
CLUB,-Bulava, (M.) (M. 7)
COACHMAN,-Vizitêu, (M.) CHILD-BIRTH,-Ben, (Tch.)
COAL-Wongar, wangar, (Eng:); langar, (Borrow CHILD, to become with.-Kabnfovava, (Tch.)
in Pep. M.); angår, (Tch.); angår, (M.) CHILD, with,-Kabni, kamni, bharô, pharô, thulo, COAT -Choka, (Eng.); (pl.) sirkarfia, uryaibe, tulo, (Tch.); khabni, (M. 7)
uryoibê, yigmata, (Tch.); thalik, cúha, CHIMNEY,-Kihla, (M.)
(M.); see CLOTHES. CHIPS,-Pal'ora, (M.)
Cock -Bosno, boshno, (Eng.); bashno, basno, CHOKE, to, -Taskva, (M. 8)
(Tch.); bazhno, kokosh, (M.) CH00se, to, --Alosaráva, (M.)
COFFEE,-Kafês, kavês, kaliardo, (Tch.); káva, (M.) CHOP, to,--Shindva, shingarkva, (M.)
COFFIN,-Mulleni muktar, mullodustie mukto, CHRISTIAN, after the manner of a.-Bollimen
(Eng.); sekriy, (M.) greskoenees, (Eng.)
COLD, (adj.)-Shilleno, shillerô, shillo, (Eng.); CHRISTMAS, -Bolleskoe divvus, (Eng.); khris
shilalo, (Tch.); silali, (As, Tch.) tunê, (Tch.)
COLD, (sub.)-Shillipen, (Eng.); shil, (Tch.); si, CHURCH,-Kongri, (Eng.); kangheri, karghiri,
(As. Tch.); shil, (M. 8) kanghiri, kangli, (Tch.); kelisê, (As. COLD, to become, --Sadriovava, shilAliovava, (Tch.) Tch.); kangěrf, kangart, kéngěri (M.); COLLECT MONEY, to,-Kěsuidva, késuisaráva, (M.) kangeri, (M. 7)
CoLT, Kurô, kuri, kfurô, kharô, (Tch.) CHURCH-SINGER,- Daskalu, (M.): (fem. his wife) COLUMN,- Beli, bili, (M) diyechica, (M.)
COMB,-Kongli, kongro, (Eng.); ghanglt, konglt, OHURN,-Budalka, (Tch.)
(Tch.), nanári, (M., M. 8) CIDER, -Chute-pavi, pauvi-pâni, (Eng.)
COMB, to,-Ghandava, ghantava, ghrantava, CIXDERS,-Prahos, (Tch.); char, (As. Tch.)
khrantáva (Tch.); gandava, (M. 7) CIRCUMCISE,Chindaráva, (Tch.)
COMB-MAKER, -Ganglinêngoro, (Tch.) CITIZEN --Gav-engro, (Eng.)
COME, (imperat.)-Av, (Eng.), bla, av, (Tch.) CITY,-Foros, Vauros, (Eng.)
COME, to,-Aväva (Eng.); avâva, (Tch.); ba, pa, OLEAN-Iuziou, roujiou, (Eng.) ; shucho, shuző,
(As. Tch.); avava, (M., M. 7) (Toh.); kurtt, (M.); sucho, uzho, (M. 8) I COME OUT, to,-Enkliava, (M.)

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
COMPORT, to,-Kairkva misto, (Eng.) COMING BACK,Welling påli, (Eng.) COMMAND,-Bfelu, porônka, poranka, (M.) COMMAND, to,-Porunchiâva, porunchisarkva,(M.) COMMON, &, -Kekkeno mushes pav, (Eng.) COMMUNION,-Kônka, (Tch.) COMPANION,-Amal, mal, (Tch.); amal, (fem.)
tovarðahica, tovarěshka, (M.); amal,(M.7);
see COMRADE. COMPANY, Kumpânia, (M.) COMPARE, to,--Envoiâva, (M.) COMPENSATE, to,-Lasharåva, (M.) COMPLAIN, to-Někozhava, păriâva, zhõlusard'o.
vâva, (M.) COMPLETE,--Sarro, kardo, (Tch.) COMPLETED, to be,-Férshosard'ováva, (M.) COMPLETELY,-Katár mônio, (Toh.) COMPULSORY LABOUR, -Angaria, (Tch.) COMRADE, --Bau, baw, (Eng.); see COMPANION. CONCEAL, to-Gerdva, (Eng.); garáva, (Pep. M.) CONCUBINE, -Mort, (Eng.) CONFE88, to, -Spovedisaráva, (M.) CONFIDENCE, -Pakiibê, pakiabê, pakioib8, (Tch.). CONFIDENCE, to have, in some one,-Pakiâva,
(Tch.) CONFINED, (As a woman)-Lekhosa, lekhusia,
(Tch.) CONFIRM, to-Adeveriáva, adeverisariva, (M.) CONBECRATED, Sfincimi, (M.) CONSTABLE, -Guy-engro, muskro, muskerro,
(Eng.) CONSULT, to, -Světosard'ováva, (M.) CONTENTED, -Muloěmi, (M.) CONTORT ONEBELF IN DANCING, to,-Bolavára,
(Tch.) CONTORTION, -Bolaipė, (Tch.) CONVENT,-Měněstfre, (M.) CONVERTED, -Sherrafo, (Eng.) Convey, to,-Yudisaráva, (M.) Coox,-Pekeskoro, (Tch.); bukatár, bukotari,
bukátar, (M.) Coox, female, -Bukštěrtoa, kukharica, kuķharka,
(M). COOKED, -Kerrit, (Eng.); peko, (Tch.) Cook, to,-Pekáva, (Tch., M. 8); tavava, (Tch.) COOKED, to be. -Pékoivava, távghiovava, (Toh.) COOKING, -Pekibê, (Tch.) COOK-SHOP, keeper of,-PekibnAskovo, (Toh.) COOL, -Sudrô, sitrô, sidro, (Tch.) COOPER, -Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) COPPER,- Horkipen, (Eng.); harko, (Hun. Gip);
ķhârkom, (M.) COPPER, A.-Kakkavi, kakkavi, kukli, kokai,(Tch.) COPPER, made of,-KharkunÔ, (M.) COPPERS, feast of,-Kakkavs, (Tch.) CORAL,-Merjános, (Tch.) CORD, -Shēlô, sholô, shello, (M.); shelo, (M. 8)
CORK8,-Bungshoror, bungyoror, (Eng.) CORN.-Iv, ghiv, (Tch.) CoRN-MEASURE,-Kilô, (Tel.): korốc, kor cu,
(M.) Coen, ear of-Spiku, spiko, (M.) CORN, grain of, -Grětncă, (M.) CORNER-Kötu, (M.) COUGH,-Khas, has, (Tch.) Cougu, to,-Khaskva, hasáva, (Tch.); ķhasiva,
(M.7) COUGH, he who,--Kohi dori, (As. Tch.) COUGHED, to be,-Khas&niovava, (Tch.) COUNSEL, -Dizia, (Tch.) COUNT, (a title)-Gråfu, (M.) COUNT, to, -Gináva, (Eng.); gheneva, (Tch.);
geneva, (M. 7) COUNTED, to be,--Ghênghiováva, (Tch.) COUNTRY, -Tem, (Eng); dis, (Tch.) COUNTRY, belonging to a, -Temeskoe, (Eng.) COUNTRY-SEAT,-Filisen, (Eng.) COURT, to,-Mangåva, (M.) COURT OF JUSTICE,-Kěnočlériye, (M.) COUSIN,-Ver, (M.) COVER,-Uchardo, (Tch.); ķhip, (M. 7) Cover, to,-Ucharáva, (Tch., M. 8); t'inzoáva,
(M.) COVERED, to be,-Uchårghiovava, (Tch.) COVERING, -Ucharibe, (Tch.) COVEBING, (of a tent)-Kazêli, (Toh.) Cow,-Guveni, (Eng.); guruvni, gurumni, (Tch.):
mangav, manga, (As. Tch.); grumni,
gurumni, (M.) Cow, young, -Yalovica, (M.) COWPEN,-Guveni-bugnior, (Eng.) CRAB,-Karavidinf, (Toh, M. 7); rako, rak, (M.) CRADLE,-L'Agěno, l'Agonu, (M.) CRAG, -Těmplu, (M.) CREAM, -Smentini, (Eng.); smettani, (M. 8) CREDIT, -Parriken, (Eng.) CREDITED,-Pizarris, pizaurua, (Eng.) OBIB,-Åslia, pakhni, (Tch.) ORIPPLE, Pango, bangô, levavd8, (Tch.); kaliköyka,
kaliko, kalfky, peritare, (M.); levavdo,
(M. 8) CRIPPLE, to become,-Levävdovava, (Tch.) CRISP,--Boldinô, kreco, (M.) CROOKED, -Bango (M.) CRORS, -Trihal, (Eng.); trushal, turshal, (Tch.);
trijul, (Span. Gip.); trushal, troshal,
(M.); trushal, (M. 8) CBQw, to,-Bashậva, delab&va, (M.) CROWN, -Korauni, kortni,(Eng.); korúna, kurdna,
(M.)
CRUMBLE, to (v. intr.),-Rěsépisard'ováva, (M.) CRUMB8,-Purshuk4, (M., M. 8) CRY,-Gudli, godli, (Eng.); vikima, (Tch.); chinger,
chingar, chingkiri, (M.); cbingar, (M. 7)

Page #66

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
.
CRY OUT, to,-Koråva, (Eng.); basháva, chinga | DAWN, -Disioibê, (Tch.); zôre. (.)
råva, (M.); bashava, chandava, (M. 7); DAY,-Divvus, (Eng.); dives (Tuh., Pep. M.; M. vichingva, vikizáva, (M. 8)
7); ghives (Psp. M.); des, d'es (M.) CUCKO0,-Koring chiriclo, (Eng.)
DAY-AND-NIGHT,-Dôbe, (M.) CUCUMBER,-Kastravicha, panialeradre, (Tch.) DAY, during the. -Diso, (Tch.) CUDGEL, --Druk, druku, buzduganu, chum&ge, DAY, to become,-Disiováva, (Tch.) chumdgdcé, chuměg&ca, (M.)
DAY-LABOUBER,-Divesêakoro, (Tch.) CUP,-Koru, koro, tas, (Eng.); ball, takhtâi, pal, DEAD, adj.,-Mullo, (Eng.); mulo, molô,.(Tch.); pel, (Tch.); koro, (Span. Gip.); paharo,
mulô, mulurô, (M.); murdal, (M. 8) paharu, (M.); khoro, (M. 7)
DEAD MAN,Mullo, (Eng.) CUP AND SAUCER,Dou dass, dui das, dui tas, | DEAF,-Kasuko, kasukov, kashuko, (Tch., Pap. M., (Eng.)
M. 7) CURE, to,-Kairava misto, (Eng.); sastaráva,(Tch.) DEATEN, to,--Zalisaráva, (M.) CURED, to be, -S4stiovava, (Tch.); sagh le ker,(As. DEAP, to become,-Kashokiováva, (Tch.); gh'ari, Tch.)
(As. Tch.) CURRANT -Dariya durril, (Eng.)
DEAR, -(beloved) Drago, draga; (expensive) kuch, CURRENCY,-Luvvo, (Eng.)
(M., M. 8) CURRYCOMB, -Zgrêbla, zgryábla, (M.)
DEATH,-Merripen, (Eng.); meribê, (Tch.); me. CURSE-Solâja, (Span. Gip.); arman, (M. 7)
ript, morte, moarte, (M.); molô, meripf, CURSE, to-Armên dåva, (Tch.); kushåva, (M.)
(Pap. M.); meri, murê, (As. Tch.) CURSED,-Uzhilo, (M.)
DEATH OF ANIMALS,-Murdaribe, (Tch.) CUSHION,-Perina, shěránd, (M.); see PILLOW.
DEBT,-Chik, (Tch.) CUT, ---Chinipen, (Eng.); chinipe, (Tch.)
DEBT, IN, - Pizarris, pizaurus, (Eng.); chikalo, CUT, I-Chinêm, (Tch. Tokat.)
(Tch.) CUT, to,--Chingva, (Eng.); chinava, (Tch.); DEBTOR, -Pizarri-mengro, (Eng.)
chin, (A.8. Tch.); secheriava, shinava, DECRIVE, to,-Khokhavava, (Tch.) shingarkva, (M.); chinava, ķhulaváva, DECEIVED, to be,-Khokhåvghioviva, khokhávni. (M. 7)
ov&va, (Tch.) Cut, to be.-Chinghiovava, chindovave, (Tch.)
DECLARE, to, -Pukkeriva, (Eng.) Cut, to cause to, -Chinavára, (Tch.)
Dz2D, -Kerrimus, (Eng.) CUT AWAY, to, -Shab&va, (Eng.)
DEED, good, - Mishtipi (M.) CUT OUT, to,-Kroyihva, kroyisaráva, (M.); cholA
DEEP,-Khor, (Tch., Psp. M.); adónko, adónku, va, (M. 7. Cf. Pep. M. s.v.), to cut with
(M.); ķhor, ķhanduk, (M. 7) a knife.
DEER, -Stannyi, stannyo, (Eng.) CUTLER, -Churi-mengro, (Eng.)
DEFEND, to,-Branisardva, (M.) DEPEND ONEBELF, to-Branisard'ováva, (M.)
DELUGE, -Potôpu, (M.) DAILY,-Dirvuskoe, divveskoe, (Eng.)
DEPART, to, - Nashara, (Pep. M.) DAMPNESS,-Chi, (Tch.)
DEPARTURE,-Nashipê, (Tch.); apahtu, (M.) DANCX,-Khôros, (Tch.); nicheri, (As. Tch.) DEPTH,Fandu, (M.) DANCE, to,-Kilava, (Eng.); kóláva, (M.); kheldra, DERIDE, to,-Khokhavava, (Tch., M. 7)
DERINION, -Prasaibe, (Toh.) DANCER,-Killi-mengro, (Eng.)
DESCEND, to,-Ughliva, (Toh.); huliava, (M.) DARE, to-Kutizisaráva, (M.); tromáva, (M. 8) DESCEND, to cause to,-Ugbliavava, ughlia keriya, DARK,-Temno, (Eng.)
(Tch.) DARKNE88,-Tunêriko, (M.)
DEBIBE, -Manghishe, (As. Tch.) DARK, it is, -Biavéliorel, (Toh.)
DEBIBE, to,-Kamáva, (Eng.) p of the fathor,-Khaltodad, (M.) DESTROY, to,--Nashara, (Eng.); musaráva, pha DAELING, { of the mother, --KhAltoydiy, (M.)
gåra, ršešpiáva, (M) DARNEL-Keshelari, (Toh.)
DESTROYED, -Nashado, (Eng.) DAUGHTER.-Obavi, ohi, (Eng.); rakit, chai, chdi, DEVE,-Beng, bengui, (Eng.); benk, beng, (dim.) (dim.) chaiori (Tah.); rakli, shey, shty,(M.)
bengoro, (Tch.); sheitan (As. Toh.); benk, lavti, (As. Tch.); jaghi (Tch. Tokat)
(Pop. M.); beng, (M., M. 7) DAUGHTER, of or belonging to a-ChAkoro, (Toh.) DEVILISH,-Bengeskoe, benglo, bangalo, (Eng.); DAUGHTER-IN-LAW,-Burt, (M.)
bengalo, benghialo, benghulano, (Toh.) DAILY,-Divveekoe, divvuskoe, (Eng.)
DEVILISH TRICE, -Benghipe, (Tch.). DAMSEL, --Chavali, (Eng.)
Dew:-Drosin, (M. 7)
(M. 7)

Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
DIAMOND,-Dude-bar, (Eng.); adyamânto, (M.) DIR, to,-Meriva, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M, M., M. 8) DIG, to,-Khatava, (Pap. M.)
DIRECT, to,-Orthoâva, (M.) DIRECT ONESELF, to,-Gětosard'ovåva, (M.) DIRT,-Chik, hin, (Eng.); chique, (Span. Gip.); keli, kelia, mel, melalipê, (Tch.); mel, (Pap. M.); glôdu, kul, (M.); chik, (M. 7); mel, (M. 8)
buhlô, (M )
DISTORT, to,-Band'ováva, (M.)
DISTRIBUTE, to,-Keltusaráva, keltusard'ovával,
DRAGON,-Balaûru, balauru, balaurě, (M.) DRAW, to,-Tardava, tardráva, (Eng.); chivåva, chidava, (Tch.); tradâva, cerdava, kěrěsarava, pheraváva, (M.); cidâva, (M. 7) DRAWERS (for wearing).-Sostê, (M.). DRAWN, to be;-Chidiniováva, (Tch.) DEAWEE,-Shufl'âda, (M.) DREAM,-Sunnô, (Tch., Pap. M.); sonu, sona, (M.)
DIRT, lump of,-Buburůzo, (M.)
DIRTY, Chiklo, (Eng); melalô, (Tch., Pap. M.); mahrimi, změrdavo, (M.) DIRTY, to,-Meliarâva, (Tch.) DIRTY, to become,-Chikâliováva, melâliováva, (Tch.); melâlievâva, (Pap. M.) DIRTY FELLOWS,-Hindity mengrê, hindity mescrê, (Eng.)
DISCIPLE,-Puy, payo, payu, (M.) DISCOURSE, Sbora, sbôros, (Tch.) DISAPPEAR, to,-Khasard'ováâva, (M.) DISH,-Châro, (Eng.); dazi, (As. Tch.); charô, kledin, polûmesko, (M.) DISHONOUR, to,-Kushâva, (M.). DISPUTE,-Lav-chingaripen, (Eng.) DISTAFF, (pl) Kâyre, (M) DISTANCE,-Duripê, (Tch.)
DISTANT,-Dürghe, dur, (comp.) duredêr, (Tch.); DRUM,-Dóba, (M.)
DRESS,-Rivipen, (Eng.); goneles, (Span. Gip.) DRESS, to,-Uryâva, oryåva, (Tch.); uryaváva, (Pap. M.); (to adorn) pucuiva, pucuisarava; (to clothe) uryaváva, (M.) DRESSED, Riddo, (Eng.); vriardao, (Span. Gip.) DRIED, to be,-Shakiováva, (Tch.)
DRINK, to,-Peåva, (Eng.); piâva, (Tch. Pap. .M., M., M. 8)
55
DRINK, to give to,-Piaváva, (Tch.) DRINKING VESSEL,-BAli, pal, pel, (Tch.) DRIVE to,-Köråva, (M.)
DRIVE AWAY, to,-Lipsisarâva, (M.) DROP, to,-Chulaváva, (M. 7) DROP,-Gata, (M.)
DROVER,-Govedår, (Tch.)
DROWN, to,-Tasavâva, (M.) DROWNED, to be,-Tasyováva, (M.)
DRUNK, (intoxicated),-Pios, matto, (Eng.); mattô, mattô mâmini, matto gargashi, matto kord, matticano, (Tch.); zerakhôshi, (As. Tch.); matto, (Pap. M.); matô, mat'ârno, (M.); mato, (M. 8)
DRUNK, to make,-Mattiarva, (Tch.); mat'aráva,
(M.) DITCH,-Khuva, gúpa, (Tch.) DIVE, to,-Kufundiâva, (M.) DIVINE,-Develiskoe, (Eng.) Do, to,-Kerava, kairâva, (Eng.); keråva, gheråva, (Tch.); kerami, (As. Tch.); dâva, kōráva, kariva, (M.)
Do, to cause to-Kerghi kerâva, (Tch.) DOG,-Juggal, jukkal, (pl.) jukkalor, chukkal,
tioibê, (Tch.)
DRY,-Trusno, (Eng.); shuko, (Tch., Pap. M., M., M. 8); shuket, (As. Tch.)
(Eng.); chuquel, (Span. Gip.); chukê, jukél, (f.) chuklf, rikonô, rukonô, (Tch.); boyjt (As. Tch.); zhukel, zhukôl, (dim.) zhukloro, zhukl'oro, cenko, (M.); jukel, DRY, to (trans.),-Shukiarava, shukerava, (Tch., Pap. M.); shut'aráva, (M.) (M. 7); rukono, (M. 8) DOGWOOD,-Jukkaelsti kosht, (Eng.) DONKEY.-Mailla, (Eng.) DOOR,-Wuddur, (Eng.); burda, (Span. Gip.);
dar, dal, vudar, (Tch. Pap. M.); udár, vudar, porta, poarta, (dim.) portica, (M.)
Door, of or belonging to,-Vudrikoro, (Toh.) DOORKEEPER,-Wudder-mesoro, (Eng.) DOORKNOCKER,-Khartalámi, (Toh.) DOVE,-Holub, (M.); torade, (M. 8) Dows,-Aley, (Eng.); telê, felê, (Pap. M.) DOUGH,-Astråki, khomêr, (Tch.); khumar,
khomer, (M., M. 7)
(M.)
DRUNK, to become,-Mattiováva, (Tch.); måttioviva, (Pap. M.); mat'ováva, (M.) DRUNKARD,-Pea-mengro, piya-mengro, mattomengro, (Eng.)
DRUNKENNESS,-Mattipen, (Eng.); mattipê, mat
DRY, to become,-Shakiováva, (Tch., Pap. M.); shut'ováva, (M.) DRYNESS,-Shukibê, (Teh.) DUCATS,-Polia, (Tch.); galbenu, (M.); poli, (M. 8) DUCK,-Racheta, retza, (pl.) pappins, pappior, patnies, (Eng.); råca, (M., M. 8) DULL,-Delivano, dilivano, d'ilivano, (M.) DUMB,-Lalori, lavori, laloro, lalaro harold, (Teh.); laloro, (M. 8)
DUMB, to become,-Lalôriováva, (Toh.) DUNG,–Ful, (Eng.); konôi, bunista, gonôi, goshd, goshno, (Tch.); sipindt, (As. Tch.); goshno, (Pap. M.); gun'oy (M.);

Page #68

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DUNG OF BIRDS,-Chichini, (Tch.) DUNG, to,-Chichinfa kerâva, (Tch.) DUST,-Prakhos, (M. 8) DUSTER,-Kirpa, ekirpa, (Tch.) DWARFISH,-khurdô, (Pap. M.) DWELL, to,-Lodáva, (Tch., M. 8); beshava, (M.)
E
EACH,-KAde, (Tch.); fiesavô, (M.); sako, (M. 8) EAGLE,-Pazharě, (M.)
EAR,-Kaun, kan, (pl.) kenyor, (Eng.); kann, (Tch.); kan, khan, (M.); kan, (M. 7) EARLIER, Anglalunô, anglunô, angledunô, angle. lutno, (Tch.); anglal, dintunô, înt'e, may int'e, (M.) EARLY,-Sorlo, (Eng.); ráno, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8); sego, segu, segu, sêgo, (M.) EAR-RING,-Cherchêlu, (M.); cheni, (M. 7) EARTH,-Pov, puvvo, chik, (Eng.); phuv, pfuv, puv, pu, poshik, (Tch.); puv, phuv, pfuv, (Pap. M.); phu, (M.); phuv, posh, (M. 8) EARTHY,-Puviskoro, poshikâkoro, (Tch.) EASTER,-Patranghi, patranki, patraghi, (Toh.); patrangi, (M. 8) EASY,-Ushôru, (M.) EAT, to,-H&va, hawâva, halava, (Eng.); khâva, (Tch., Pap. M.); khâva, (M., M. 7) EGG,-Yoro, (Eng.); vandò, (Tch.); ani, (As. Tch.); anu, (Tch. Tokat); vanrô, (Pap. M.); anrô, (M.); vando, (M. 8) EGG-PLANT,-Baljan, bajan, (As. Tch.) EIGHT,-Ohtô, (Tch., Pap. M.); okhto, (Tch., M. 8) EIGHTEEN,-Deshko, (Eng.); desh-i-ohtô, (Psp. M.)
EIGHTY, Ogdônta (Tch.); ohtovardêri, (Psp. M.) ELBOW,-Kuni, kunik, (Tch.); kuy, (M.); kuni, (M. 8) ELEVEN,-Desh ta yeck, (Eng.); desh-u-yek, (Tch.); desh-i-yek, (Pap. M.) EMACIATED,-Bi-masêskoro, (Toh.); shuko, (Pap.
M.)
EMBARRASSMENT, Tasås, (Tch.) EMBITTER, to,-Musarâva, (M.) EMBROIDER, to,-Suvava, (M.) EMBROIDERING FRAME, an,-Derdêfu, (M.) EMPEROR,-Emparato, emparátu, (M., M. 8) EMPRESS,-Emparatyâsa, (M.)
EMPTINESS,-Pustiye, (M.)
EMPTY,-Chuchô, (Tch. M. 8); pustiyu, (M.) EMPTY, to,-Chucharava, (Tch:) EMPTY, to become,-Chuchiováva, (Tah.) ENCLOSURE, Bâri, pari, (Tch.) END, to,-Fĕrshoâva, (M.)
ENDURE, to,-Rěbdiâva, robdisaráva, (M.) ENEMY,-Dushman, (M. 7) ENOUGH,-Dusta, dosta, (Eng.); destul, destal',
dôsta, (M.); dosta, (M. 7)
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
ENRAGED,-Kholinâkoro, kolini koro, (Tch.) ENRAGED, to become,-Kizdizâva, (Tch.) ENRICH ONESELF, to,-Baravaliováva, (Tch.). ENTER, to,-Shuvava, (M.) ENTIRELY,-Dintrêg, pe dintrêg, (M.) ENTRAILS, Vênor, vennor, (Eng.); buko, (Tch., M. 7) EQUAL,-Simen, (Eng.)
ERASER, (sub.)-Masha, (Tch.)
ESCAPE, to,-Shabâva, (Eng.); nashava, skěpisa.. råva, skěpisard'ovâva, (M.) ETERNALLY,-Sikovar, (Eng.); sekovar, (Hun.
Gip.) EVENING, Tasarla, sarla, (Eng.); biaveli, (Tch., M. 7) EVER, for,-Vechi, (M.)
EVER MORE,-Sikovar, ever-komi, (Eng.); sekovar, (Hun. Gip.)
EVERY,-Sore, soro, (Eng.); sekom, (M.) EVIL,-Dosch, dosh, wafodu, wafudo, vassard, vassavy, (Eng.); zhunganimos, (M.) EXACTLY,-Huey, (As. Tch.)
EXCHANGE, to,-Paráva, parráva, porråva, (Eng.); paruvava, (Tch., M. 8) EXCOMMUNICATED,-Afurisimi, (M.) EXCOMMUNICATION,-Kalipê, (Pap. M.) EXCREMENT,-Ful kful, kul, khendô, (Tch.); gus, (As. Tch.); khin, khul, (M. 7); see DIRT. EXERCISE, to (a horse)-Kõlava, (M.) EXIST, to,-Jibâva, (Eng.) EXPENSIVE,-Kuch, (M.) EXPERT,-Yokki, (Eng.) EXPIRE, to,-Oghi, dâva, (Toh.) EXTEND, to,-Bughliarâva, (Tch.) EXTENDED, to be,-Baghliovava, (Tch.) EXTINGUISH, to,-Murdarâva, (Tch.); mudaráva,
(M.)
EXTINGUISHED,-Murdâl, (Tch., M. 8) EXTINGUISHED, to be,-Mudard'ováva, (M.) EXTINGUISHER, Vrehtüla, (Pap. M.) EYE,-Yak, (pl.) yakor, (Eng.); yak, (Tch., Pep. M); aki, (As. Toh.); yak, (M.); yakh, (M. 7)
EYEBROW, Pov, (Tch., Psp. M.); gh'ash, (As. Tch.); sprinchêne, (M.) EYEGLASS,-Okyanu, (M.) EYELASH,-Chamchali, (Tch.); zhêne, (M.)
F
FACE,-Chikât, mai, (Tch.); muy, (M.) FAGGOT,-Trushni, (Eng.)
FAIR, (sub.)-Weggaulus, welgorus, welgaulus, (Eng.); (yearly) yarmarok, (M.) FAIRY-TALE,-Paramisi, (M. 8) FAITH,-Pakiibê, pakiabê, pakoibê, (Tch,) FAITHFUL,-Pakiano, (Toh.) FALCON,-Firaghos, (Tch.)

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
57
FALL, to,-Peráva, (Eng.); peráva, (Tch., Psp.
M., M. 8); petrar, (Span. Gip.); ķhut'ava,
periva, skozáva, (M.) FALL, cause to,-Peravava, (Tch.) FALL, to let,--Mekâva, (M.) FALL DOWN, to,-Peråva tuley, (Eng.) FALSE,--Malleko, bango, fashono, (Eng.) FALSEHOOD, -Hokkano, (Eng.); khokhamnibê,
(Tch.); elki, (As. Tch.) FAMISHED,-Bokalô, (Tch.) FAMISHED, to become,-Bokaliovava, khabezândva,
(Tch.) FAMOUS, -Shundo, sundô, (Tch.) FAR,-Dur, durro, (Eng.); dur, (M., M. 7); buglo,
(M. 7) FAR, from,-Durál, (M.) FARM,--Giv-engro puv, (Eng.) FABMER, -Giv-engro, (Eng.) FARMHOUSE,--Giv-engro-ker, (Eng.) FARMYARD,-Pusên, (Tch.). FARRIER,- Nalchåskoro, (Tch.) FARTHING, -Lolli, (Eng.) FASHIONED;-Fashono, (Eng.) FASTENING,-Fortâcie, (M.)
FAT, (adj.)-Tulo, (Eng.); tulo, (Tch.); parvardo,
(Pep. M.); thūlo, tulo, (M.) FAT, (sub.)-Tulipen, (Eng.); kil, (Tch.); khil,
chiken, (M. 7) FAT, to be,-Kilâvghiováva, (Tch.) FAT, to become,-Taliováva, (Tch.); kilaliováva,
(Tch.) FATHER, -dad, dado,(Eng.); dat, dad, (dim.).
dadorð, (Tch.); dât, (Psp. M.); dad, dado, (Rus. Gip.); babo, (As. Toh.);
dad, tâtě, (M.); dad, (M. 7) FATHER-IN-LAW,-Mamicbolo, sashtrô, sasrû
(Tch.); shastrô, sastrô, (Psp. M.); såstro,
(M.); ķhanamik, (M. 7); sashtro, (M. 8) FATIGUE,-Kinioibe, (Tch.) FATIGUED,-Khino, (Tch.) FATIGUID, to become,- Khiniováva, chindováva,
(Tch.) FATTEN, to,-Kilâvåva, (Tch.) FEAR, -Dar, (Tch., Pep. M., M., M. 7) FEAR, to,-Darkva, trashåva, (Tch.); bihêmi, (let
pers. sing.),(As. Tch.); daráva, (Pep. M.,
M.); ingroziâva, (M.); trashava, (M. 8) Feast, a,-Akhênghi, (Tch.)
.
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE KASMIRI PORTABLE sendnas like a row of eyes of fire, which Love has BRAZIER..
adopted in order to conquer Siva (who had burnt In his paper on the Kasmirt portable brazier, up Love by his only eye of fire)." the Rev. Mr. Knowles says that "it has been
According to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, suggested that the Kasmiris learnt the use of the
the word hasantikd occurs also in Kalhana's kdngar from the Italians in the retinue of the
Rajatarangini (iii. 171), where the sleeping-room Mughal Emperors, who frequently visited the of Vikramaditya of Ujjayini is called lasad-diptavalley during the summer months A.D. 1587
hasantika or "shining with the blazing brazier." 1759. The subjoined stanza from Mankha's
E. HULTZSCH. Brucanthacharita' (üi. 29) seems to prove that Vienna, 16th November 1885. braziers were in general use as early as the twelfth century :
PRATAP CHANDRA RAI'S MAHABHARATA. हिमागमे यत्र गृहेषु योषितां
We are glad to observe that H. H. the Raja of ज्वलद्वहुच्छिद्रसखी हसन्तिका।
Faridkot has granted Rs. 500 towards B&ba Pratap
Chandra Rai's excellent and colossal undertaking, Ferra af
the translation of the Makabhdrata. We trust धृता ततिर्वहिमयीव चक्षुषाम् ॥
that this by no means isolated instance of H. H.'s “There (viz. in Pravarapura or Srinagar) at the munificence towards Indian literature will lead approach of winter, the brazier (hasantiká), which others of his rank to similarly aid this very im. possesses many blazing holes, is flashing in the portant publication.
BOOK NOTICES. INDIAN ARCHITECTURE OF TO-DAY, by F. S. GROWSE, Sketches of an Indian District, already noticed in
C.I.E., B.C.S., Allahabad: N. W. P. and Oudh. Government Press.
this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 208, and inoulcates the This is an instalment of a work extending the same lessons with the same freedom of speech. author's monograph entitled Bulandshahr, or Many of the plates have already appeared in the
1 ante, Vol. XIV. p. 266.
This work was discovored by Professor Bühler bee his Kaimir Report, p. 50. A birohbark MS. of the text
and of Jônarfja's. commentary, which I bought in Kasmir, boars the date (Saptarshi)-Samvat 24 and Sri-SAkah 1870, 1.0. A.D. 1648.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
former monograph and in the Journal of Indian Art.
The book is another proof of the heartiness with which the author has entered into the very laudable object of improving architecturally the towns and districts he may be sent to administer, and (may we say it P) with which he also enters into official disputes. His success in the former is beyond doubt and has led, as we have previously observed, to really useful results in inducing the Governments of India to study something besides economy of construction in their public build. ings. If Mr. Growse in the end succeeds in making the Indian official mind see that men, being human, love what they think to be beauti- ful, and that this love of the beautiful is worth consideration, as well as R.A.P., he will be well repaid for all his disappointments and those heart. burnings, which he makes no attempt to conceal. We think we are safe in holding that there are abundant signs abroad of his eventual success in this object.
TE BOOK OF THE TROUSAND NIGHTS AND A NIGHT,
by RICHARD F. BURTON, Vols. I. to V. Kamasha
tra Society, for private subscribers only. In making his work follow 80 quickly upon Mr. John Payne's Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night (Villon Society, for private subscribers only) Captain Burton has deliberately placed his labours before the public in the face of * powerful rival, but we do not think that he has for this reason anything to fear. It is no flattery to say that where the language, literature and social structure of the Arabs is concerned Captain Burton's attainmente stand unrivalled; his opportunities, as he has used them, have been greater than those of any other living writer, and his command of English has been proved in other labours and on other subjects to be unusually ex. tensive. He therefore undertakes the stupendous task-for it is nothing else-of a proper rendering of the Arabian Nights into English, with an equip. ment for the work that need fear no rivalry--not even that of Mr. Payne.
The former work was confessedly a book of pure literature, and the notes were consequently of the most meagre description, the author trusting to his dissertation published in the ninth and last volume to explain the history and nature of this wonderful work of imagination. Captain Burton aims at much more-he not only undertakes to render the text adequately, but to explain every allusion to history, literature, custom and belief. His notes are admirable, and come with a force and authority on the matters treated of that is, as
we have above stated unrivalled, and with all due deference to Mr. Payne's reasons for making his work a purely literary one-throw the older book completely into the background. Explanatory notes to a book of this kind are in fact so imperatively necessary that it is difficult to see why any considerations should be allowed to outweigh the arguments in their favour.
There are many difficulties in the way of a proper presentation of the Arabian Nights in an English garb. It must be a "plain and literal translation," and it must give the spirit, the manner and the matter of the original. These alone in the case of a master-piece of language like the Kitab Alif Laila wa Laila are matters of no small difficulty: and when again it is remembered that the translation is to be made from a book created by writers whose method of ex. pression is utterly foreign to that of Englishmen, and filled with references of all sorts to matters unknown to English instincts, the difficulties become almost insuperable. To say, therefore, that a translation made under these circumstances is successful is in itself high praise. It seems to us that it cannot but be admitted that Mr. Payne's rendering is, viewed thus, & Guccess; we think that Captain Burton's rendering is a still greater success, without reference to his invaluable notes. As 'um-English' features of the original may be mentioned the rhymed prose 80 dear to the Oriental and so abominable to the English ear, and the monorhymes of the verses, -which last are especially difficult to deal with. Another source of trouble is what Captain Burton calls the turpiloquium of the Arabs-that calling & spade a spade-which has obliged him in putting his "plain" rendering before the English public to clearly explain that it is not virginibus puerisque, and to assert in unmistakable terms that nothing could be more repugnant to his feelings than the idea of his pages being placed in any other hands than the class, vis, men and studente, for whose special use they have been prepared. The plain speaking, indeed, of the Arabian Nights is to the modern English people simply insufferable, but it is so characteristic of all Oriental social life, that if the book is to be placed before its readers in any but a false light the groseness of expression must be literally given.
We here give a specimen--wonderfully characteristic of Arabic rhymed prose--which will give - an idea of Captain Burton's method and also to some extent of his one defect vit., his love of rare and consequently little understood words and allusions-which has led a reviewer of another work to say that it had been not "Englished" but "Burtoned by the translator.

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
BOOK NOTICES.
59
"Thereupon sat a lady bright of blee, with I am oppressed, Of Fate, these cruel days that brow beaming brilliancy, the dream of philo- add abjection to my woe! sophy, whose eyes were fraught with Babel's My purposes are brought to nought, my love gramarye, and her eyebrows were arched as are reft in twain By exile's rigour, and my for archery, her breath breathed ambergris hopes are one and all laid low. and perfumery, and her lips were sugar to O ye, who pass the dwelling by, wherein my taste and carnelian to see. Her stature was dear ones are, Bear them the news of me and straight as the letter alif and her face shamed say, my tears for ever flow. the noon-sun's radiancy and she was even as The eternal subject of transliteration has forced & galaxy or a dome with golden marquetry, itself to the front, as usual, both in Capt. Burton's or a bride displayed in choicest finery, or & and Mr. Payne's prefaces. The latter has determined noble maid of Araby."
to avoid all accents or other tricks of typography In the above, blee" and "gramarye" may be in his pages as being repugnant to the taste of held to be due to the exigencies of saja, but we readers of works of imagination. This has led bare "pinacothek of the brain," a "Pantagruelist | him-as it always does--into great messes, e.g. roc, of the Wilderness," "Mabinogionic archaiem," khalif, cadi and other impossibilities in Arabic and so on in the preface, or foreword as Captain orthography and pronunciation. His proper names Burton prefers to call it. We would here mention too are often positively atrocious, e.g. Agib-benthat the "Babel" the letter alif," and the con. Khesib, Noureddin, Bedreddin, et hoc genus omne. fusion of metaphor in the above quotation are all The former has avoided this pitfall by a judicious duly explained in footnotes.
use of accents and apostrophes, and has produced, We will now give a specimen of #versified in consequence, & truer representation of the rendering, taken at random from the second Arabic words and names. In the presence of 80 volume, p. 143, which will exhibit the author's great a scholar as Captain Burton one must always HUOoess in reproducing the manner and rhythm speak even of his vagaries with respect, but we of the Arabic, and also afford us an opportunity should like to know why when he writes kalandar, of making a comparison with Mr. Payne's efforts rukh, Ja'afar, jinn, Nu'umán, astaghfaru'llah, and in the same direction. Mr. Payne's verses are to 80 on, he should also write Nár al-dín, Badr al-dín, be found in Vol II. p. 67 of his work.
Shaykh, Laylah, Hosayn, Al-Zayni Ibn al-Sadat,
Al-Safdí, and such like. CAPTAIN BURTON. Time hath for his wont to upraise and debase DICTIONARY OF KASMIRI PROVERBS AND SAYINGS. by Nor is lasting condition for human race :
the Rev. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.8., M.B.A.S.,
eto. Bombay: Eduoation Society's Press. London: In this world each thing hath appointed turn.
Trübner & Co. Nor may man transgress his determined This collection of some 1,500 proverbs and say. place:
ings of the KAémiris is admirable of its kind, and How long these perils and woes P Ah woe. For paves the way, let us hope, for many a really useful a life all woeful in parlous case !
work in the future on that little known land and Allah bless not the days which have laid meita people. Visitors to it are to be ovunted by the
lowe I'the world, with disgrace after so much thousand, butaccurate and practicable information grace!
regarding it is very difficult to procure, as anyone My wish is baffled, my hopes cast down,. And who has been in want of such is painfully aware. distance forbids me to greet his face :
The book has been constructed on the lines of O thou who passeth that dear one's door, Say | Dr. Fallon's Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbe, for me, these tears shall flow evermore! now three parts published, and aims at giving the
original a readable rendering, and where neces. MR. PAYNE.
Bary a full explanation. Proverbs in Kasmir, as The tides of fate 'twixt good and ill shift ever elsewhere, frequently allude to household folktales to and fro, And no estate of life for men and these are given at length in every case, endureth evermo'.
forming a most valuable feature of the work. The All things that to the world belong have each defect of the book, besides its too frequently
their destined end, And to all men a turn is. shaky English, is that many of the allusions to Bet, which none may overgo.
legends and so on, which are in fact common to How long must I oppression bear and peril and all India, are treated as if peculiar to Kasmir, no
distress P Ah, how I loathe this life of mine hint being given of their real origin, or presence, that nought but these can show!
in Sanskrit or Prakrit literature; but this is not May God not prosper them, these days, wherein l. a very serious matter, and can be readily remedied

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
in the second edition, which we hope to see some day, for the work is well worthy of one.
The book throughout shows that care and attention to details which is in itself a proof that the general accuracy of the author may be taken on trust. It is accompanied by a preface of a novel and refreshingly naïve description.
BIHAR PEASANT LIFE, by G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. London: Trübner & Co.
The best answer which the many honest and laborious European servants, that the Government of India may well be proud of possessing, can give to the arguments of those who would represent them from interested or political motives as being ignorant of the natives of India, lies in such books as this. It is not a solitary example, but merely one out of very many, the solidity, the accuracy, the thoroughness of which is more than an honour to the Indian Civil Service. As long as the gentlemen that compose it can number among them those capable of producing volumes like Bihar Peasant Life, they need never fear any quantity of misrepresentation and attacks such as Messrs. Blount, Seymour Keay, Digby, and others have lately thought proper to make in England.
The work before us is a large octavo book of 464 and clv. pp., the last part dealing with the index only (!), and is full of the most carefully compiled information of every kind regarding the peasant life of Bihar; and yet Mr. Grierson modestly puts it forward "as a Catalogue of the names used by the Bihar peasant for the things surrounding him in his daily life," and hopes "it may serve as a solid foundation for more elaborate disquisition on the Bihar raiyat and this surroundings." If any superstructure is ever raised on such a foundation as this, we for our part can only hope that it will be worthy of it. In his preface Mr. Grierson explains the care taken to render its pages accurate, but this is sufficiently visible from a perusal of the work itself: every page contains the vernacular name for everything mentioned in Nagari and Roman characters, while the extended index is in itself a practically complete vocabulary of Bihårt husbandry in all its aspects.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
Animals;-(8) Labour, Advances, Wages and Perquisites;-(9) Land tenures;-(10) The Native House; (11) Food;-(12) Ceremonies and Superstitions of Rural Life;-(13) Trade, Money, Dealings and Accounts; and (14) Weights and Measures. The above list exhibits the comprehensiveness of the volume and the following specimen of Subdivisions and Chapters will show its thoroughness, -Division I. Implements and Appliances used in Agriculture and Rural Manufactures. Sub-division VI.:-Appliances used in the conveyance of goods and passengers. Chapter (i) the country cart, (ii) the large complete country cart, (iii) the little country cart, (iv) the bullock carriage, (v) the pony carriage, (vi) the country boat, (vii) the litter. The actual treatment of each subject is, of course, very much as Mr. Grierson himself says of it, that of a "discursive catalogue." For instance, the chapter on litters consists of nine numbered paragraphs describing and naming the ordinary kinds of litters, the pole common to all, the parts of the litter itself, its feet, its frame-work, its curtains, special kinds of litters, and their special constructive parts. The whole chapter gives a complete groundwork on which to base a sound description of the Indian litter in all its varieties, and we could hardly direct a literary visitor to India, in search of "local colour" for his inevitable book of travels, to a better source for the true article. The more serious purpose of the book before us is, however, to supply the Indian Official and Student with trustworthy information of a kind so important to him, and this purpose it admirably fulfils.
The illustrations are numerous and very welcome. In matters unfamiliar and special, an ounce of seeing is worth a pound of description any day: a fact long since recognized in the modern dictionaries. The illustrations are lithographs or woodcuts from photographs, and are the production, as we now see them, of the Calcutta School of Art. The author considers them excellent reproductions of the photographs, -an opinion we cannot endorse,-and lays what fault there is in them on the originals, many of which were taken under great difficulties. The fact is, however, that, as lithographs and cuts, the illustrations are often indistinct and blotchy, and their defects are all the more to be deplored as nowadays the art of photolithography and photogravure have been brought to such perfection in Europe and the results from them are so accurate and pleasing.
On the whole we are enabled to heartily congratulate Mr. Grierson on his work, and the Bengal Government on finding an officer willing to undertake so great a task and able to accomplish it with such success.
Care and thought is visible in the very arrangement of the book. It is divided into Divisions, Sub-divisions and Chapters. The Divisions are:(1) The Implements and Appliances used in Agriculture and Rural Manufactures;-(2) Domestic Appliances and Utensils;-(3) Soils;-(4) General Agricultural Operations;-(5) Agricultural products and their Enemies;-(6) Agricultural Times and Seasons;-(7) Cattle and other Domestic

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MARCE, 1886.]
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. Introduction.
practices had a common origin, or that (if they AN almost new world of interest is opened are such as would naturally suggest themselves A out to us if we endeavour to enter into to primitive races) they belong to distinct the lives of former races who have peopled the stocks of aboriginal peoples. The arts and earth, and to study what is left to us in their customs of the so-called Stone Age in Scandimonuments; and it is still more interesting navia, of the natives of New Zealand, and of and instructive to trace the origin of the certain parts of Africa, would come under this symbols and customs which still survive in latter category; for their development in arts Europe, and try to guess from them (perhaps and manufactares never enabled them to do with tolerable certainty) whence came the more than supply the absolute needs of their Modern European civilization, to mark its existence: bat, as regards the more civilized gradual progress and development, and to note races of Central Asia and Europe, it seems the changes which time and altered conditions very possible that their manners and customs have produced in religion, customs, arts, and have proceeded from a common source. architecture. .
The date of the commencement of the Stone I have to some extent brought together in Age is of course conjectural, and has been put the following papers the results of laborious at from 3,000 to 5,000 years ago. The race researches made by various students, but I which lived in it is, I think, now represented hope also that some of the ideas and features in Europe by the Finns, the Lapps, and the of my work will be found to be new ones. Eskimos, because implements have been in use The chief object of these papers is simply to almost down to our own times in the countries make a collection of facts bearing upon the inhabited by the two latter peoples very similar Bubject of customs and symbols. I propose also to in form to those which have been discovered give some drawings illustrative of the different in graves and bogs in Scandinavia, and classed symbols, with the idea of assisting others as belonging to the Stone Age. The peoples (who may not be able to wander so far as I who used stone implements and were ignorant have done) to prosecute further researches into of the use of metals in the North of Europe, the most interesting, but to a great extent un- were of what are styled the non-Aryan races ; Bolved, problem of the origin of certain peoples they were probably also stone-worshippers. and races in Europe and elsewhere.
But the so-called Saiva-stones of India are hold The several points on which I intend to touch in reverence by nan-Aryan peoples to this day, are :-(1) Sun and Cup (or Moon) symbols. and when they find them to hand, they use. (2) Sun-worship. (3) The Svastika, or em- the celts of their pre-historic forefathers for blem of Fire. (4) Stones worshipped in India, the same purpose. It seems to me, therefore, and their counterparts in Scandinavia and
highly probable that aboriginal races existed other parts of Europe. (5) The Land of
contemporaneously both in Asia and in Europe, Departed Souls. (6) The Trees which have for it is hardly credible that, with such applibeen held sacred in the East and in Europe. ances as the peoples of the Stone Age possessed, (7) Snake-worship. (8) Amulets and Charms. they could have wandered from one continent (9) The Evil Eye. (10) The Wild Huntsman | to the other and (supposing them to have of Northern Europe and his possible Asiatic come from the same stock as the Saiva worshiporigin. (11) Eastern Architecture compared pers of Asia) have made their way to Scandiwith certain old churches and houses in Nor- navia through Siberia and Russia, cutting a way. (12) Asiatic Symbolism in Spain.
path through the dense forests which are If we find the same customs, arts, and sapposed to have then existed in those regions. practices existing amongst people living on Non-Aryan stone-worship is probably nearly as widely separated continents, we may reason old as the Arjan worship of the Sun and the ably conclude, either that such customs or Planets and Fire.

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(MARCE, 1886.
To this day, both in Asia and in Europe, the there till the Iron Age, when it was ased for non-Aryan races are those which have attained bracelets, brooches, chains, etc. to, and seem capable of, only the lowest type of We must not fall into the error of imagining civilization, and they can never be confounded that these three periods of stone, bronze and with the Aryan races, whose appearance and type iron, were contemporaneous in the various of features differ essentially from theirs. They countries of Europe. Thus, Scandinavia did have kept themselves apart from the Aryans not receive Christianity till the eleventh cenand appear to possess & much smaller share tury, and it may also have been far behindband of self-respect and natural intelligence. Judg. in emerging from its primitive customs. The ing from the remains of pre-historic art in the Bronze and the Iron Ages, again, would appear Museums in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, to have overlapped each other in Scandinavia, it seems that two great waves of Aryan peoples, for implements and weapons of both bronze and and conquerors of non-Aryans, made their way iron have been found together in those Northern into Scandinavia from Central Asia at different lands. It is my impression from what I saw in and widely separated intervals :-the advent the Museums, that bronze articles or fragmenta of the first of these, the workers in bronze, has have never been found there in connection been put at 1000 B.C. They are believed to with stone celts; whereas in some of the dolhave belonged to what we now style the Keltic mens, or tombs of the pre-historic people who race. I presume them to have come from inhabited Brittany, stone implements and the higblands of Central Asia by a northern pieces of bronze have been found side by side, roate, passing through Siberia and Russia ; for and pieces of the same metal have also been in the latter country ornaments have been discovered amongst the deposits of human found similar in character to those which have ashes, which have not unfrequently been laid been discovered in graves in Scandinavia and bare on excavating round the bases of the there classed as belonging to the Bronze Age. menhirs, or huge unhewn slabs of stone, which Scandinavia, I imagine, they found on their the aboriginal inhabitants of that province arrival already occupied by the non-Aryans of placed upright in great numbers.' In Brittany, the Stone Age, who retired or disappeared too, the Iron Age was quite distinct from the before them. In like manner the workers in Bronze Age. The people of the Iron Age in bronze were, I think, displaced in Scandinavia Sweden and Norway are best known to us under by a second Aryan race who introduced wea- the name of the Goths. They are thought to pons of iron, the country naturally remaining have appeared in those countries about the year in the possession of the strongest, -in the 100 A.D., and may have been a portion of a hands of those who were provided with the second wave of immigration from Eastern best weapons, and had attained the highest, lands. They belong to the last stages of predegree of civilization.
historic times. The people of the Bronze Age were acquainted At this distance of time and from what I with gold; and some of their goldsmiths' work, have above said, it would at first sight appear both in design and in execution, far surpasses impossible that the non-Aryan peoples of anything we now produce.' Gold was largely Northern Europe should have any resemblance used by them in the manufacture of articles for in type or features to non-Aryans in Asia. But personal adornment, for cups for sacrificial or I can quote from personal experience one in. funeral purposes, and also for barter, --coils of stance at least, in which this is the case, vis. gold about the thickness of an ordinary cedar the Eskimos and the people of Spiti; and what pencil have been found in Scandinavia, and from renders it possible, in spite of the improbabitheir appearance it has been conjectured that lities of the case, that the resemblance is not an they were carried on the person, and a small accidental one, is, that the Eskimos and the piece cut off as required. Silver does not appear inhabitants of the Spiti Valley, which is in
[It would be desirable to have this statement proved by ilustrations.-ED.)
A bronse bracelet was found some years ago in Guernsey on excavating the dolmen alled Dehus. It is
the opinion of some archæologists that in this case, also in Brittany, there had been a second and later interment in the same grave the first during the Stone Age and the second in the Keltic, or Bronse Age.

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MARC#, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
.63
the Himalayas, have both of them remained isolated race as the people of the Spiti Valley, and almost, if not absolutely, pure races, owing to strange to say, this statue bears a wonderful liketheir natural surroundings beving isolatedness in every respect to the type of the women them from the rest of the world. The Spiti from the remote and rarely visited Asiatic Valley is about 150 miles in length, con- Valley which I have been describing. When I necting the extreme upper part of the Valley saw the figure I could not help exclaiming, of the Satluj with the Lihaul Valley. At one "That is a woman from Spiti, but she is dressed end of it is the Hangrang Pass, over 14,000 feet in skins instead of having cloth garments." above sea level, and at the other is the Bârå Supposing, too, any of the natives of Spiti to Lácha, which must be crossed in order to enter have wandered thus far, Greenland would be a Láhaul, and is. 16,000 feet in height; therefore climate which would suit them; for I well during many months in the year, no one can remember how on leaving Spiti, when we got enter or leave Spiti. As might be expected, down to Darchâ in the Lahaul Valley, our whole its inhabitants are a rude hardy race of staff of coolies (whom we had hoped to take mountaineers, their language is a dialect of with us a couple of marches more) bolted
Tibetan and their religion is Buddhism. In the away to their own country at 3 A. M., saying, autumn of 1881, I and a companion spent though we were at an altitude of 12,500 feet, about four weeks in this valley, during which I that it was so hot, that they could not bear to had ample opportunities of observing the people, remain an hour longer! for occasionally upwards of fifty natives of Whilst we are on the subject of the great simi. both sexes accompanied us on our marches as larity in dress and appearance between peoples coolies, and our arrival in a village was a signal inhabiting different continents, it may not be for the whole population to turn out, out of place to remark that the above is not a European face being as rare a sight as a white Bolitary example as far as the dress is concerned, crow. The women of Spiti are almost with The whole attire of the women in the Kulla Valley out exception very short in stature, but they in the Himalayas consists of a long woollen scarf are broad in proportion to their height and or shawl, a portion of which forms the petticoat, very muscular, as was evidenced by their and is held in position by a girdle, whilst the carrying heavy loads up the mountains, and remainder is so arranged as to cover the whole singing in chorus the whole time. Though they bust, leaving the arms free. This garment is are not as dark in complexion as the natives of fastened on each side of the chest by a brass India, they have faces of a sallowish tint tending brooch of the Runic form. It is a curious fact, but to olive, dark hair, remarkably high cheek bones, surely hardly an ancidental circumstance, that small and slightly oblique eyes. The general in Africa, the women belonging to the nomad contour of the face is extremely irregular; desert tribes of the Sahara clothe themselves the forehead broad, but flat. Their head- precisely in the same fashion ; except that the gear is a sort of pork-pie hat made of a dark one garment of these latter is of calico, and the cloth; their dress is a coat of dark blue or two brooches, equally of the Runic form, are brown cloth, reaching down below the knees, made of a debased kind of silver. Again, a and confined at the waist with a rope or kind of cloth of the natural brown and white sash. On their feet they wear high boots, or sheep's wool, is occasionally made at the preleggings, made of a woollen material, the foot sent day in Kasmir, which has a geometric being protected by leather or partially dressed pattern woven into it. On being asked for skins. Now, when visiting the Ethnological some specimens of it, the natives told me Maseum in Copenhagen in 1883, I was much that only a small quantity of it was made, as it struck by seeing in a glass-case a life-sized was very troublesome to weave. Curious to statue in wood or plaster, which professed relate, fragments of woollen material with tho to represent the first Eskimo woman ever same design woven in, have been found in brought to Denmark, about sixty years ago. ancient graves in Scandinavia, and are supposed From the position of their country and its to date from the Bronze Age. An exactly climatic conditions the Eskimos are an equally similar material is still woven by the peasanta
See Fig. 125 in the South Kensington Handbook for Scandinavian Arts, by Dr. Hans Hildebrand.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1886.
on the File Fjield in Norway for their own use There are signs of Sun-worship baving preonly; the design is the same, but the warp and valence in all parts of the world at all times the woof are red and white instead of being and among races of widely different origin. brown and white.
The verse called Gayatri' was esteemed by Regarding this difference in colour I would the ancient Hindûs to be the holiest verse in say that it will be found an almost invariable the Vedas. It is addressed to the Sun, and its rule, that primitive peoples, as soon as they translation in an abridged form, as given by learn the use of colours, adopt what were till Prof. H. H. Wilson, rung thus:-"Let us lately considered the three primitive colours, meditate on the sacred light of the Divine Sun, viz, red, blue, and yellow, in their dress and that it may illuminate our minds." In the ornaments. The people of the Spiti Valley and first or Vedic era of the history of India, Sunof Ladåk, know only of red cornelian, coral, worship occupied no inconsiderable place in turquoise, and amber, as ornamental gems, and the religion of the Hindûs, and an old Marithi the dress of the women in the former country Brahman from Puņà once told me that the reproduces the three colours of these only; Saivas worship the sin daily even now. though some of the richer women in Ladak in- The All-covering Varuna (Ouranos or god troduce small squares of green cloth alternately of the Heavenly Regions of the Greeks) was with red ones on the square piece of sheep-skin originally among the Persians the god of the with which they cover their shoulders both in clouds, of the celestial sea, and of the heavens summer and winter. Again, the same combi- above it; and, when this branch of the Aryans nation of red, blue, and yellow is seen on old reached Southern India, he there became the Norwegian peasant embroidery, the colours god of the earthly sea, which they then saw and patterns of which recall that now executed for the first time. The Sun, whilst it was still by the peasant women in Albania. These regarded as a wheel, a store of gold, an eagle, a last say that they use no set designs, produc- falcon, a horse, &c. &c., was also styled the ing their patterns, it would appear, out of their eye of Varuņa.' In the north of Asia, Mithra own inner consciousness. It is singular that was associated with Varuņa. Mithra was the the handiwork of these two races should be so god of daylight, and he and Varuņa were much alike, for they can hardly have come into fabled to sit together on a golden throne, and contact with each other for centuries, even journey at evening in a brazen car: thus, supposing that they belonged originally to the from the Horse-Sun and the Wheel-Sun was same stock, and had the same (Asiatic?) naturally developed the Chariot and the progenitors.
Divine Charioteer.
Euripides gives the Sun a winged car; and Sun and Cup (or Moon) Symbols. on coins from Eleusis, Domoter is represented Sun and Cup. (or Moon) Markings and Fire riding in such a car drawn by two serpents. Symbols are so intimately connected with each The serpent, as we shall see later on, was an other, that it is difficult to separate them. I element in Sun-worship, and was used in conpropose to devote the two following papers to nection with the Mithraic mysteries. Sun Symbols, and to customs connected with the ancient Mexicans were San-worshippers, solar worship, in which we occasionally find and when they fought a battle they endeavour. the element of fire represented. The Svastika, ed to take all their captives alive to reserve which is more especially a Fire-emblem, will be them for solemn sacrifices to the Sun at certain treated separately.
festivals. These people would seem also to • Quite reoontly, cortain scientifio men have decided afterwards to, "We moditate on that desirable light of that this is erroneous, they maintain that red, green, and
the divine Saviti i.e. the Sun) who influences our pious violet are the primary colours.
rites." Benfey more accurately renders, "May we [The Gayatri or savitri occurs in the Rig-védi, iii. receive the glorious brightness of this, the generator, of 62. 10. The words are:-tat savitur warányosh bharg8the god who shall prosper our works." Most Sanskritista divasya dhimahi dhiyi yo nan prachadayal. There is have moreover tried their hands at it. It was moro # variety of rendering, Colebrooke gives (Asiatic than probably originally meant as a mere invocation of Researches, Vol. V, p. 351). "Earth, sky, honven. Let us the Sun.- ED.) meditate on these and on) the most excellent light and Vishnu Purina, Vol. II. pp. 250 and 255. power of the generous sportive and resplendent eun To the Germans and Anglo-Saxons, the San was the praying that) it may guide onr intellects." Wilson oye of Woden. (Rig Veda, Vol. III. p. 110) varied the version in the text
1.
eye of Woden mans and Ang
Version in the Laon

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MARCH, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
65
of an ordinary kistvaen made of six slabs of gneiss. One forms the roof, another the floor. ing, and the other four the sides of the tomb. It invariably faces the East, and the slab on that side always has a hole in it. In most cases the aperture is about 15 inches in diameter, but in some instances it is not more than two inches across. The stones which compose
the tomb are arranged thus :
have connected the Serpent with the Sun, for on such occasions the victim's neck was en- circled by a collar of wood in the form of a snake. When he was slain, his heart was offered first to the Sun, and afterwards plucked out and cast down before an idol.
The two greatest and most ancient Rajpût races in India were denominated Suryavamsa and Chandravamsa, or children of the Sun and Moon, for in Hindustan this latter orb was & male deity. Sir William Jones, in the Asiatic Researches, alludes, to the universal adoration of the solar orb, and says that the first dynasties of the Peruvian kings were dignified, exactly like those in India, by the name of the Sun and the Moon.
In the present day, at Hindû marriages in Kumâun in the Central Himalayas, it is customary for the Purohit(family priest), "to worship the fire and read the marital vows, which are repeated by the bride and bridegroom separately, and by which each agrees to live with the other in harmony, making the Fire and the Sun their witnesses."
The Kols of Sambalpûr in the Central Provinces are Sun-worshippers; so also are the Kurkus of the Mahadeô Hills, more than 400 miles to the north-west of that place. The Khônds, an aboriginal race, classed as Dråvi. dians, combine faith in the Sun and Mother Earth,
From the earliest times, turning to the East in worship has been customary. In India, many temples have been built with the object of causing the rising sun to throw its first rays upon the entrance, and thus illumine the god or the stone which was in the innermost shrine, and at other times in almost total darkness.
In Maisûr, and in the Salem district, are some remarkable kistvaens or tombs, supposed to be those of a pre-historic race. They are, I believe, called round-headed slab-stone monuments. Attention was first drawn to them by Col, Welch in the early part of this century, but they were overlooked and almost forgotten till Lt. Col. Bramfill, of the Trigonometrical Survey, re-discovered them a few years ago. Each tomb is surrounded by round-headed slabs of gneiss, some of which are as much as 14 feet in height. What may be termed the tomb proper, consists
It seems not impossible that this arrangement may have had some connection with the Svas. tika. The Eastern position given to the door of the Hindů temple, and the Eastern aspect of the entrance to these tombs was possibly in the former case intended to signify that from the sun came light, warmth, and fertility, and in the latter to typify that as the sun rose (was new. born) each day, so the soul received a new birth. All savage and semi-civilized races seem to have an idea that when the body dies there is some kind of future existence for the spirit of man.
Lastly, the modern Christians perpetuate this custom of orientation in the position they give to their Churches, and in turning to the East in Church when they recite the Creed, or general assent to the articles of the Christian faith. In European common life also, when passing the wine, or dealing a pack of cards, it is constantly said, that this should be done "the way of the sun": and some persons deem it most un. lucky if through inadvertence the bottle be sent round the other way (or from right to left).
Taking it all in all, it may be broadly laid down that San, Moon, and Fire Symbols are more numerous in Europe in northern lands than in southern ones. In the inclement regions of the north, light and warmth would be considered the greatest of blessings. Sun and Cup Symbols first appear in Scandinavia on objects which have been classed as belonging to the Later Stone Age. At this period as far as is known hitherto) they were of two kinds only, viz. the ring cross A for the Sun, and the cup-shaped hollow for the Moon: both generally recognised emblems of warmth and fertilizing power. The former
• Panjab Notos and Queries, Vol. II. poto 244.

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66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
have been found in extraordinary numbers in the so-called bog and grave finds both in Norway and in Denmark. (See Plate I. figs. 1 to 16).
The late Kamer Herr Worsaee, head of the Archeological Department in Denmark, who gave much attention to this subject, came to the conclusion that the single ring cross was the Sun-god himself, and the Svastika (the threearmed cross, the triquetra or triskele) another of the principal gods of the Northern triad; and finally, that the stars became emblems of the Sun itself, or of the large heavenly bodies.
Plate I. fig. 17 is a design taken from a vase of coarse pottery in the Museum at Copenhagen belonging to what has been called in Scandinavia the Later Bronze Age. In the centre is a wheel (the chariot-wheel of the Sun ?) and below it is a quaint two-headed mythical animal, which may have been intended to represent the Sun-snake (or lightning ?), which from its zig-zag serpentine form might naturally be likened to a snake, and thus become associated with both fire and solar worship). When I come to speak more particularly of the Svastika I shall endeavour to show that one form of the Fire-Symbol is but a degenerate kind of serpent.
On ornaments belonging to the Later Bronze Age, we find the wheel-cross considered to be an emblem of the chariot which, according to most ancient beliefs throughout Asia and Europe, the Sun was supposed to drive through the sky. Now, both in Holland and Denmark it is no unusual circumstance to see a waggon-wheel on the roof of a stable or other building, placed there with the object of inducing a stork to build its nest upon it. No doubt the red legs of this bird caused it to be regarded as a fire-fowl; it comes with the spring and departs before the winter; it is the bringer of warmth and of fine weather. In Hesse also, the waggon-wheel is thus used; any building on which it is placed being deemed safe from fire, provided a stork builds its nest upon it. We have then here the wheel as an emblem of the Sun, and the stork as that of Fire.
In Asia, the wheel is associated with Buddha,
[MARCH, 1886.
and is an emblem which occurs frequently on Buddhist coins, and in Buddhist architecture. In Buddhist writings, Buddha is spoken of as turning the wheel of the law-or preaching. Plate I. fig. 33 is a representation of a Buddhist wheel in my possession. I found it near a ruined mane in Lâhaul. It is a stone disc about ten inches in diameter by one inch in thickness. Tibetan characters occupy the. spaces between the spokes of the wheel; but, as the stone is rather worn, it is not easy to reproduce the letters very accurately. However, it is clear that the inscription is the well-known formula; "Oni mane padme hush."
Sun and Moon emblems, and the Svastika in the various forms which it assumed, continued to be used abundantly in Denmark and Norway on ornaments and objects in common use, during the Later Bronze Age, and the Earlier and Middle Iron Ages. The same symbols occur also during the Later Iron Age or Viking Period. Curiously enough, in the new Runic Alphabet, which was there adopted at this time, "the letter S, which recalls one of the old Sun-Symbols, was called Sol or Sun."""
Plate I. fig. 35 represents a small cruciform tube of terra cotta, which was found in the cemetery belonging to the ancient salt mines at Hallstadt in Austria. The Sun-Symbol. engraved upon it appears to be a combination of the symbols in figs. 18 and 19 of the same Plate from Denmark. Fig. 34 is a copy of a silver brooch, classed as belonging to the Later Iron Age, in the Historical Museum at Stockholm, It is remarkably interesting, for on it are marks which are generally recognized as Sun and Cup Symbols, and they encircle the Svastika, or emblem of firea Fig. 36 is a brooch belonging to the Later Bronze Age (as regards Scandina via, be it observed, in all cases). Sun and Cup Symbols are also prominent in this example, and I have therefore selected it as a typical one. I have other similar brooches, one of which was found in an ancient grave near Bregenz, on the Lake of Constance. The fact of this purely Norwegian type of brooch being found so far south, assists in confirming, an idea which has long existed, that the three Swiss cantons of Uri, Schwyta, and Unterwalden were colonized by people from Scandinavia,
• Danish Arts, by Kamer Herr Wormee.

Page #79

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 1
SUN AND FIRE SYMBOLS FROM DENMARK, OF THE EARLIER BRONZE AGE.
©+4Y*****S8 Som Sos Soose
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
OF THE LATER BRONZE AGE.
17
Roy
doo
OOOOOOO
novo
.
0000
o
asocotrona
090
+***$%$ $ XC
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
(
D)
• BUDDHIST WHEEL FROM THE LAHAUL VALLEY IN THE PANJAB.
Scale .2

Page #80

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 2
WIZARD'S DRUM FROM LAPLAND. Scale .25

Page #81

MARCH, 1886.J
ASIATIO SYMBOLISM.
617
who wandered thither in consequence of a certain manoeuvres, 688ays to foretell events. famine in their own country. The inhabi- The Sun, Moon, and certain of the Planeta tants of a valley near Brientz in Canton Berne, are clearly definable upon the drum represented have to this day a tradition that their ancestors in the plate: the other Symbols are not so plain, came from Scandinavia. Fig. 37 is a drawing but some little animals like rats appear to be of a crucifix bought at Bergen, in Norway, worshipping the heavenly bodies. and a similar one which I saw in a museum, is Cap-marks exist on some of the megalithic classed as being of the XIth Century,-i.e. monuments in Brittany. Plate III. fig. 3 is & when Christianity was first introduced into menhir from that province, which is one of a those parts. It is of a peculiar type, and it line of monoliths (alignements as they are there will be observed that three nails only have been called). The "lines" are sometimes composed used in fastening the body of the Saviour to of as many as ten parallel rows of such stones, the cross, for the feet are crossed over each and they may occasionally be traced for two or other, and one nail pierces both. Sun-Symbols three miles. They usually, if not invariably, are pendant from it, which seems to show that terminate in a dolmen (prehistoric tomb made in those early times the people were permit. of unbewn stones), or in a hill containing ted by their teachers to combine their former several dolmens. Antiquarians seem to be worship with their new faith (as in Russia). agreed in regarding them as the tombs of chiefs.
I have above given a few examples of Sun- The menhirs may have served as an avenge Aymbolism in Scandinavia, bringing it down to to indicate the road to the tomb, or have about 1000 A.D., bat such Symbols exist there been looked upon as sentinels guarding the also in Museums on objects classed as belong- approach to it, for beneath many of them ing to the Middle Ages. In the Museum at fragments of burnt and of imperfectly calcined Bergen are some apparently mythical small human bones have been found. Plate III. animals of that period which appear to have fig. 1 is a cupmarked stone, now in the Museum been children's toys, having Son marks O at Vannes in the Morbihan (actual size), found on their bodies; and on an old Norwegian at Keran, near Arradon, & place about two bridal crown, stated to have come from the miles from Vannes. The nine Cup-marks upon Sogne Fjord district and referred to the same it, which appear to be arranged upon & fixed time there are Snn and Moon Symbols
plan may have had some special reference
to the Nine Planets still worshipped at Benares alternately with pendant Suns, while Cup- under the name of the Naugrah or Nava-Graha. marks finish off its apper edge.
In the first part of Pre-historic Stone MonuPlate II. is a representation of a wizard's ments of the British Isles, by the Rev. W. C. drum from Lapland, now in the Norwegian Lakis, embracing those of Cornwall only, Mugenm in Stockholm, Though the Laplanders mention is made of a stone monument near are professedly Lutheran Christians, they still St. Keverne, now locally called “ The Three retain great faith in augury and divination. Brothers of Gragith." To use Mr. Lukis' own They are very saperstitions, and if on going words,-“This monument is remarkable on abroad in the morning they meet an unlucky account of its construction. A massive stone of omon, they return home and do not stir again irregular shape, 8 feet by 5 feet, is supported on the whole day. They are said also to still two stones. One of these is 8 feet 6 inches pray to their ancient idols for the increase long, and nearly 5 feet broad, and appears to and safety of their herds. Their magicians be a rock in situ, and to have been selected on make use of drums to form prognostications. account of its suitableness; the other is a slab Small brass rings are placed on different parts 7 feet 9 inches broad, and 18 inches thick, set of its surface, which, when the drum is beaten up on edge, 2 feet 6 inches from, and parallel with a small hammer, dance upon the signs to, the former. The remains of a mound are represented on it, and according to the course still visible." This monument is given on Plate taken by them the sorcerer, after going through IV. fig. 1. As regards tho presont paper the
• Published by the Society of Antiquaria-London, May, 1886.

Page #82

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1886.
chief interest attached to it is in the Cap-marks upon the stones, which are nine in number; 8 on the cap-stone and one on the rock. In this respect they coincide with the stone in the Vannes Museum above mentioned, but their arrangement is different. Plate IV. fig. 2, is a cup-marked stone by the roadside in the Forest Parish in Guernsey. Six Cup-marks only are above ground, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that more exist below, though it is not easy to ascertain this, as the monolith borders on a hard metalled road. Fig. 3 is a drawing of
Dolmen called La Garenne, on L'Ancresse Common, Guernsey. Here again, we have nine Cup-marks apparently intended for the Sun and Moonand the other seven Planets (according to the Hindû reckoning). As above said it is more than probable, from the regularity with which they are placed, that some meaning was attached to them.
The under surfaces of the Cap-stones of some of the dolmens in Brittany have in a few cases numerous Cup-marks incised upon them. Plate III, fig. 2 is a reduced drawing of the Cap-stone of a chamber, or small dolmen formed of unhewn stones at Baker Hill, Ross-shire, N. B. The incised marks upon it recall both Sun and Moon Symbols. As a rule such signs seem to be rare in the British Isles, but at New Grange, Drogheda, Ireland, is the following supposed Sun-Symbol ☆ Curiously enough in the Museum at Grenoble, Department Isère, in France, amongst the collection of Gallo-Roman antiquities found in that neighbourhood, is a highly finished ornament made of bronze. At one end is a lion's head and fore-paws. The action of the animal is very spirited, and it appears to be springing forwards from right to left. Behind the lion, but facing the other way, is the bust of a woman partially veiled in the Greek style. Beyond this again, is a horso led by a man who is dressed in the short tunic worn by slaves, and on the horse's flank is precisely the same Symbol as on the stone at Now Grange. The horse is standing on a kind of pedestal, on which is the inscrip. tion STRATILATES in Roman characters.
It is a curious fact, and one perhaps not generally known, that certain women in Albania tattoo their arms and foreheads with the Sun.
Symbols common in the Later Bronze Age in Scandinavia. When in Corfu in 1883 I observe Plate I. fig. 4. in the centre of the forehead of more than one Albanian woman (one of the caste-marks in India is very similar in form to this), and also figs. 23, 25, and 26 tattooed on the arms and wrists of some of these people. They had been allowed to take up their abode on the island about six years previously, after many of their villages had been burnt by the Turks, and many of the inhabitants massacred.
Fig. 1 of this plate has been found in Savoy and also in Wales. The cross with Cupmarks round it 49 on a sepulchral urn in Wales; and the cross with supposed Sun-andMoon Symbols on a fragment of pottery at Villanova in Italy.
Fig. 23 is at the bottom of a small silver drinking cup in my possession, which has the exact form of the Scottish quaigh, and has been evidently a measure for a dram of spirits. It was purchased in Norway. I have a silver spoon also, bought in Borgen, which has on the .handle these markings O . It is said to be of a type which belongs to that part of Norway styled tho Nordland, a district north of Trondjhem (or Drontheim) and extending beyond the Lafotten Islands."
Le Retour du Soleil. I had intended the following account of the festival of Le Retour du Soleil, said to have been performed at Les Ardrieus, to form part of the preceding notes on Sun-worship, but I have received a letter from a French friend in Dauphiné, throwing doubts on the authenticity of the festival herein described as a relio of antiquity. I translated the account in 1882 from a rather curious (and I believe now rare) History of the High Alps by Baron Ladoucette, a former Prefect of this Department, under the First Empire, who says that he himself witnessed the fåte. His book was published about the latter part of the first quarter of the present century. The letter I received was in answer to one which I sent to Grenoble, with the object of endeavouring, if possible, to asocrtain whether Le Retour du Soleil was still kept up at Les Andrieur.
My informant wrote "An individual named Farnaud, who was a Caunoillor of the Prefecture
1 Plato III, fig. 1 will be explained in a subsequent paper

Page #83

ASIATIC
THREE BROTHERS OF GRUGITH AT ST. KEVERNE, CORNWALL.
1.
SYMBOLISM.
PERON
MUL EUROY
15
Gunn
STONE IN THE FOREST PARISH, GUERNSEY.
3.
158
LA GARENNE ON L'ANCRESSE COMMON, GUERNSEY.
Plate 4.
AS.G.

Page #84

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 3.
o
PIERRE BLANCHE AT KERUN ARRADON,
NEAR VANNES.
FROM A DOLMEN AT BAKER HILL,
ROSSHIRE. N.B.
MENHIR FROM BRITTANY,
MITHRA, WITH SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC,
FROM THE MUSEUM AT ARLES.

Page #85

MARCH, 1886.]
THE NRISIMHATAPANIYA UPANISHAD.
69
under the Baron Ladoucette, left memoirs village and announce that the festival is about to behind him, which have caused some persons commence, by sounding pipes and trumpets. They to doubt the genuineness of Baron Ladoucette's then go to the house of the oldest inhabitant account"; and he added, "M. Farnaud possibly in the place, who under the title of Le Vénérable
this in order to gain for himself the has to preside at the ceremony of saluting the reputation of a bel esprit." In his memoirs the return of the sun. Councillor states that it was he who imagined At 10 AM, all the inhabitants, each provided and caused this festival to be performed, and did with an omelette, assemble on the Place of so in order to impose upon the credulity of Baron the village. A deputation, preceded by the Ladoucette, who, he knew, was then compiling his shepherds, then goes to fetch Le Vénérable, and work. This version of what was, if committed, a aucompany him to the place of meeting. On his cruel practical joke, has been accepted by two arrival he is received with acclamations. Le antiquaries of Dauphiné, M.M. Chaper and J. Vénérable then places himself in their midst, and Roman; the latter, however, qualifies his accept- announces to them the object of this festival, and ance by adding that the oldest inhabitants of then, each holding his plate of omelette they Les Andrieux are convinced that their ancestors form a chain and dance a ferandole round him." always celebrated this fate, and that of those 1. As soon as the dance is at an end L. Vénérable with whom he spoke many were alive in the gives the signal for departure, and preceded by time of M. Farnaud, and would in consequence the shepherds, all follow him to the stone bridge have been perfectly competent to state whether which is at the entrance to the village.” On this ceremony only took its rise under his reaching this spot, each lays down his omelette administration. Elisée Reclus, in his Universal on the parapet of "the bridge, and then all go Geography, speaks of this festival as very into a meadow close by, where ferandoles are ancient one.
again danced till the sun appears. As soon as Baron Ladoucette's story is as follows:
this moment arrives each person goes and takes "On the banks of the River Severaise, in that up his omelette which he offers to the sun, and portion of the High Alpe which was formerly Le Vénérable, bare-headed, holds his own up called the Godemar valley, is a little hamlet called also. Les Andrieu.
As soon as the solar rays illumine the whole During the space of one hundred days in win. village, all return thither, accompanying Le ter the inhabitants of this valley are deprived of Vénérable as far as the latter's house. They the light of the sun. It is only on the 10th of then return to their homes, where they eat their February that this orb is seen by them again, respective omelettes. therefore on this particular day, as soon as the This festival laste the whole day, and somedawn appears, four shepherds go round the times extends into the night."
THE NRISIMBATAPANIYA-UPANISHAD.
BY LIEUT. COLONEL G. A. JACOB, BOMBAY STAFF CORPS. It is impossible to collate the existing printed | fessor Ramamaya Tarkaratna, in the Bibliotheca texts of the Upanishads with the manuscripts Indica series, in the year 1871, I have used the which of late years have come to light, without following MSS. belonging to the Deccan seeing how much yet remains to be done College :in this department of Sansksit literature. In A. One of the set No.10 of 1882-83. It is the footnotes to his translation of some of the a fairly good copy of the text, though not proUpanishads, Professor Max Müller has suggested perly corrected. It was purchased in Gajarát. many improved readings of the texts ; but B. No. 1 of 1882-83. It lacks the first as the Nrisishhatápani has not yet been taken 3 khandas of the first Upanishad, and has not in hand by him, I venture to lay before the been corrected. Still it is a valuable manapublic some of my own notes on the various soript of the text, and has been of great use to readings of this Upanishad. In addition to me. This also is from Gujarft. the text and commentaries published by Pro. 1. C. No. 145 of 1879-80. A beautifully written
An Intelligent bookseller at Grenoble, when I naked him what sort of dance the forandola ww, said, that apy joyous movement executed by peasants in the open sir was styled forandole in that part of the country.
A correspondent from Grenoble tells me, that this bridge, now in ruins, still preserves the diamo of Pont de l'Omelette.

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70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and very accurate copy of Samkara's commentary on the Púrvatápaní.
D. Narayana's Dipikd on the six Upanishads. A part of the set forming No. 233 of 1882-83. It was obtained in Gujarát.
E. No. 146 of 1879-80. Samkarananda's valuable commentary on the Uttaratápaní. It is in the same handwriting as C. and, for the most part, as accurate.
G. One of the set of 59 Upanishads called No. 133 of 1880-81. It was copied at Ahmadâbâd in A.D. 1700, and is generally accurate.
A short account of this Upanishad is given on page 167 of Weber's History of Indian Literature. That scholar there says "The first part treats of the Anushtabh-formula sacred to Nṛisimha, the mantrarájanarasimha ánushtubha, with which the most wondrous tricks are played. . . . . The contents of the second part are of a more speculative character; but in respect of mystic trifling it does not yield to the first part." I fully endorse this statement as regards the contents of the Púrratápaní,-but consider the Uttaratúpaní to be in every way superior to it. Indeed it is to my mind deeply interesting as a Vedic exposition of the Máyáváda. The school of which Samkara is the chief representative professes to derive its tenets from the Upanishads as the fountain-head-but, so far as I can see from a careful perusal of the originals, the Máyávala is not directly taught in the Upanishads of the first three Vêdas, and is deduced from them by a forced interpretation. Here, on the other hand, we find that doctrine unmistakably enunciated, and even a distinction drawn between Maya and Avidya,-an idea which one associates with the later Vedantic treatises.
[MARCH, 1886.
to my astonishment, that his work consisted .almost exclusively of extracts from Samkara's Bhashya interwoven with portions of Anandagiri's notes. With this phenomenon before me I compared his Dipika on the first half of the Praina, and on the whole of the Mundaka, with Samkara's scholia on those tracts. In the former, and in the first Mundika, I met with numerous citations from Samkara, intermingled with original matter,-but, in the second and third Mundakas there was scarcely a line that was Narayana's own! A few weeks ago I read the Nṛisimhatápaní, and made a copy of Nârâyana's Dipika thereon for my own use. There again I found long excerpts from Samkara's Bhashya on the Pârvatápaní; whilst it differed entirely from the so-called Samkarabhashya on the Uttaratápani. I then carefully compared the Dipika on the Svétásvatara with what is supposed to be Samkaracharya's Bhashya on that tract, and found no similarity whatever between them. In the colophons to his Dipikus on the Mándûkya, Praśna, Mundaka, and Nṛisimhapurvatapani Upanishads, where these plagiarisms occur, Narayana styles himself Samkar-ôkty-upajivin (which is perhaps his way of acknowledging his indebtedness); whereas, at the end of those on the Nrisimhottaratápaní, the Svétásvatara, Mahanarayana, and the minor Atharvana Upanishads, he describes himself as śruti-mátr-ópajivin. The theory, then, which I have formed in view of the foregoing facts is that, whenever Narayana wrote a commentary on an Upanishad on which a Bhashya by Samkara already existed, he made free use of it; but that, when such did not exist, he wrote independently, as he was well able to do. The fact, therefore, that his Dipika on the Nrisimhottaratápaní has nothing in common with that which some attribute to Samkara, is, to my mind, strong presumptive evidence against the authorship of the latter. The same reasoning applies to the Svétásvatara; and I cannot understand how it can be maintained that the Bhashya bearing Samkara's name is really from his pen-30 different is it in style from what we know to be really his.
Professor Weber mentions Gauḍapida as a commentator. on the Nṛisimhatápaní; but though I have heard of his commentary in this country, I have not yet met with it.
The printed commentary attached to the Uttaratápaní is not universally accepted as the work of Samkara, and, in my opinion, there is strong internal evidence against his authorship. My belief is further strengthened by the following fact:-When studying the Man. dikya and Gaudapada's Kárikás thereon, I referred several times to Narayana's Dipiká in the hope of obtaining further. light; but found,
The library of the Deccan College possesses Dipikás by Narayana on the Katha and Kena Upanishads also,-but, ns they are on loan in England, I cannot ascertain whether they support my view or not.

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It appears from Sankara's scholium on i.
5 p . 40 (ii. 4). Instead of ye (which is that there are two distinct súkhús of this Upa- evidently a misprint for 345) B. and D. read nishad, namely the Bhrigu and Angirasa; but 396 as in Rigvéla 2, 33, 11. C. has 396. In he does not say to which his text belongs. this quotation, the word for has been substitutThe missing information is, however, supplied ed for . All five MSS, read instead by Narayana, who says-योगिध्येयमिति । अत्र of for योगिवदासीनमिति शाखान्तरे पाठः । भृगुशाखायां तु नायं p. 46 (ii. 4). In the quotation from Maháपाठी विशाखेयमुपनिषत् ।।
nárdyaņu-Upanishad (Taittiriya-Aranyaka 10, The following list contains the most import- 10, 7) B. C. D. omit the words TEATTE T ant of the readings which differ from those of feat, and they do not appear in the Aranthe printed text, the pages of which are quoted
yaka either. to facilitate reference. There are many others p. 52 (ii. 4). In the quotation from Rigveda which affect the sense, but they are withheld 1, 154, 2, A. B. D. G. read fufcet: instead of as being too numerous for this paper.
TTC, and together with C. they have affar PURVATAPANI (5 UPANISHADS).
af instead of afferta.
__p.57 (ii. 4). p. 8 (i. 1). D. seems to read tate for
B. inserts स्वमहिना after यस्मात्,
In the quotation from Rigveda 10, 121, 2, प्रतीष्ब, and has प्रतीभ्या as a variant(छान्दसो दीर्घः). G. reads प्रतीष्या. Instead of सदुपनमति, A., G.
o Timmy: has been substituted for get TT:
which is given by Narayana as a variant. have hafa and they are supported by
p. 59 (ii. 4). The avagraha should be inD. which says-फलमाहोपैनं तदुपनमिति यत्कामो
serted before TN, that being the reading भवतीति । उप एनं तन् उ पनं इति पदच्छेदः । पन पत्र छान्दसो वर्णलोपः । यरकामो भवत्येववित्तवसवेनमेवंवि
preferred by Samkara and Narayana, though
they give the other as an alternative. A. D. समुपपन्नमुपस्थित भवतीति ज्ञेयं ।। p. 11 (i. 2). A. G. insert : after a D.'s
and G. have उक्थ्यं instead of उक्थ. explanation of परमव्योनिकं is noteworthy:-पर
p. 72 (iv. 1). Instead of TT - मब्बोनि परमाकाशे उद्देश्ये निमित्ते वा सति कंसखरूप।
, as in the Mand ákya, A. and B. read p. 14 (i. 3). A. G. omitt a: and so does
STT TA It is evident that the ava
graho is implied however, and Nariyana exD. which says सहेति । स ब्रह्मा उवाच | Instead of लक्ष्मी बजुः C. has यजुर्लक्ष्मी as on p. 69.
plains STATE both here and in the same p. 16 (i. 4). Instead of wratiecent A.B.
passage on p. 124. In the latter place, howD. G. read water. The syllable in afar
ever, A. B. and E. follow the Mandúkya. Nárashould clearly be omitted, as in C. and printed
yana says-YETTI a Parigraffecommentary. It is accounted for further on.
तस्यालेखात । माक्ये स्वानन्मभुगिति पाठस्तत्र सुखमA. B. and G. inclade it however.
GHETETTE: 1 G. has r . p. 20 (i. 5). For H TT, B. C. D. read The following remark of Sarkara's on the go which is the reading also quoted by
differences between the Mandúkya and this Samkara on p. 27, line 3 from bottom.
Upanishad is worthy of notice-उभयत्रापि बहुतरp 35 (ii. 1). Here, as well as on p. 146, पाठसाम्यपि कचिस्पाठभेदोषि दृश्यते । तुरीयमात्रानिरूपI believe the reading as a : is wrong, णावसरे एषान्तर्याम्येष ईशान एष प्रभुरिति माण्डूक्ये and that B. correctly reads in both places
पाठः । तापनीये तु एषोन्तर्याम्येष योनिरितीशानमभुपदवयं ne: In the expressions eft, aft: Et 95: | In our printed texts of the two and Fa : here and on page 145, the isUpanishads, however, there is no such difference equivalent to as explained in the printed as that here indicated ; and I do not remember commentary on p. 146, and the same holds good having anywhere met with the reading here also. In the present instance D. explains for T : in a MS. of the Mandákya. This it thus-Br o
TTY : 1, and as shows us, however, that as regards the settling of regards the same expression on p. 146, E. the text we have not yet attained to finality. (Samkarananda) says- TV: TUTTI p. 82 (t. 2). Narayana's etymology of ato. su retea: Art Mut aff is curious. He says after
a tt 74 :I G. however, has at : in both GUT ET
A. B. D. G. read er: places.
| instead of स्वः, before कालकी .
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p.86 (iv. 3). B. D. insert as the 12th Man- | them in the second instance. A.and G. include tra that given in the faotnote, and they both, both. in common with A., omit the 3rd Mantra on p. 129 (2). The avagraha must be inserted page 87. A. makes up its 32 by inserting that | in both cases before जापतं. The correct readgiven in the footnote on page 87. G conforms ing is अजाप्रतं. to the printed text.
____p. 135 (2). The reading कालामिः सूर्योः p. 88 (iv. 3). A. and B. read raait for it, is impossible. I believe B. E. and G. to have and स्वमात्मानं for स्वास्मानं. B.also adds स सर्वे the correct reading, namely, a faqat si, पश्यति after the words स देवं पश्यति.
which Samkarinanda thus explains:-कालामिp.93 (v. i). Instead of सुदर्शनं B. D. read | सूर्यः। काल: सर्वविनाशकारी स एवाग्निः पातालतलमारभ्य सबद्ध. The latter says अरैर्वा इति । अरैः कृपेतचक्र | जगदिवन्तं दहन्स एव सूर्यः कालानिसूर्यः । अस्पैः सब दृढं भवति।
| किरणामोत्येवं सर्वात्मबोधेनेति शेषः॥ It is well ___p.98 (v. 2). Instead of गुरुतो लब्धं, the read- known that both eye and ear are fertile sources ing of A. is गुरुणा लब्ध, and of B. गुरुणोपलब्ध. of mistakes, and I believe that the reading of Narayapa's explanation is गुरुणा र सलब्ध A.and D. is an instance of the latter kind. In which seems to agree with A. G. is the same | the body of A. the reading is कालानिसूर्याभवीः as the printed text. The stop after aftara which has been altered in the margin to कालाग्निshould come after the next word सः. Nariyana सूर्येस्त्रयीः but सूर्यैः must be a mistake for सूर्यः. Bays स उपासको बानीयादित्यन्वयः।
D. thus explains-त्रयीरिति । त्रयीलोकत्रयीलाका___. 102 (v. 4). In A. B. C. and D. मृत्यु यीमित्यर्थः । बहुवचनं सर्वावयवव्याप्त्यर्थ । यीरूप comes first in the list, and car second. B. जगदिदं कालामिरूपः सूर्य ओत आ उतवान् । अन्तंकाले omits all the rest except सर्वहत्यां . A. omits व्याप्तवानेवं सर्वमयमात्मा व्याप्तवानित्यर्थः ॥ The स संसार तरति, and it is not noticed by Samkara | former reading is unquestionably the better or Narayana. G. is the same as the printed text. and more probable one, but it is easy to see
p. 104 (v.8). A. B.C. read उक्थ्ये न instead | of उक्थे न. and before the last clanse B. inserts ____p. 136 (2). B. and E. omit दर्शयति, whilst सोधमेधेन बजते.
A. and D. insert यदि सर्वमिदं before it. A. p. 106 (v. 10). The word अध्यायक has no | inserts हि सर्वे, and B. सर्वे, before स्वास्मानमेव support from any of my MSS. It occurs three करोति. times. In the first instance A. B.C.G. have p. 146 (3). In regard to सोऽयः see notes अध्यापक; in the second, A. has अभ्यायीक (for | on p. 35 (ii. 1.). अध्याबिक), G. अध्यायी and B. and C. again | p. 147 (3). Instead of असुनियमे, Nariyana TUTTh The third instance is not referred rends and explains असौ नियम. He says, मं to by C.-but A. and G. read अध्यापक and B. लोकमसी पुमानियमे सति यथा चभुषेव रूपं श्रवणेनैव अभ्याथिक. This last seems to be Nariyana's शब्दोऽनुभूयते न जानु चक्षुषा शब्द शृणोतीत्येवं रूपे reading, for he says अध्याय्येवाध्यायिकः1. Both सत्यनुभूय ... यहा ... इममात्मानं नरसिंहमसौ साधको A. and B. insert एकेन before मन्त्रराजजापकेन, नियमे वागादिसंयमे सत्यनुभूय... A. D. read Rष्टा and, in common with G., omit प्रभवति after | for दृष्टा; and the latter gives असुप्रपमहीनः as यत्र न दुःखं.
an alternative reading to सुप्रपमहीनः, and ex.
plains thug-असूनां प्राणानां प्रपन श्वासोच्छासलक्षUTTARATAPANI (1 UPANISHAD).
णेन हीनः कृतप्राणायाम इत्यर्थः । The MSS. on this part are the same as on ___p. 169 (3). The word महास्थूले must unquesthe former part, except that Samkaránanda's tionably be eliminated. It occurs in G. only. Commentary (E.) takes the place of Samkara's The passage is explained by Sam karAnanda (C).
thus:- गुणैर्ब्रह्मविष्णुरुद्ररूपरक्यं तादात्म्यं संपाय The invocatory verses are omitted by B. and बुद्धपा सम्यगवगत्याध्यात्मिकमाधिदैविकेन रूपेण तादा
रम्य प्राप्तमित्यनुबद्धघेत्यर्थः । अनन्तरं महास्थूलमाधिp. 126 (1). After अलक्षणं, B. D. add अलिङ्गं, देविकं चतुर्भवभिनं वैराजरूपं महच तत् स्थूलश महास्थूल and all the MSS. insert चतुर्थे after भौतं.. D. महासूझमे आधिदैविके चतुर्भेदे हिरण्यगर्ने महति सूक्ष्म and E. omit te altogether, in the sentence महासूक्ष्म उक्त हिरण्यगर्भ महाकारणे आकाशाविभूतस एवास्मा स एव विज्ञेयः, and B. agrees with | भौतिकप्रपञ्चजनक ईश्वरे महति कारणे महाकारणे च.
E.

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कारः संहत्येति पदस्य पूर्वत्रापि संबंधार्थः संहत्य बुद्धचा जानीयात् ।। A. has अपक्ककषायं इमं which looks सहत्य संहारं कृत्वा | Narayapa's explanation is | as if the anusvara was accidental. G.is the of the same tenor.
same as printed text. p. 176(4). It is equally certain that नृसिंह: __p. 198 (6). D. gives समाधानेभ्यः as an is an interpolation, and should be eliminated. alternative reading to ससाधनेभ्यः , and, with A. B. omits it, and so do D. and E. Narayana's and G. reads निरागा: for निरागारा:. . comment is as follows:-एष उ एव न (नृ?)। एष | p.200 (6). All the MSS. read ओडारे एव नरसिंह एवानुष्टुबर्थात्मा भवति । देवतागुरुमंत्राणां भा- परे ब्रह्मणि and not ओङ्कारपरे ब्रह्मणि. वयरेक्यमात्मनेति' स्मृतेरैक्यभावनफलभैक्यप्राप्तिः । तदे. ___p. 201 (6). B. E. read श्रृजेष्वधृहं at the वोपपादयत्येष हि सर्वच सर्वदा सर्वात्मेति । देशतः का- beginning of the verse, and the latter explains लतो वस्तुतश्च परिच्छेदोस्य नास्तीत्यर्थः। The first
thus:-शृङ्गेषु प्रणवमात्रारूपेषु संसारवृषभविषाणेषु part of Samkarananda's note on this passage
अभृङ्ग अङ्गरहितमविकल्पं तुरीयं संयोज्य ॥ G. haa is too corrupt to be intelligible-then comes
शृङ्गे च शृङ्ग. the following:-अथवा एष उ एव वेष इति पाठः।
___p.203 (7). Instead of उत्पथवारिकत्वात, A. D. तस्मिन्पक्षे यस्य ह्यनुष्टुबात्मत्वेन बुद्धघारूढं (?) सन्
| G. read उत्पथचारिकरवात, and B. E. उत्पथवारकपुमानप्येष एव । तत्र हेतुः। हि सर्वत्र सर्वदा सर्वात्मा। त्वात्, which I prefer. E. explains thus:-उत्पथनतामुपपाद्य सिंहतामाहेष शब्दार्थः। I should add
वारकत्वादुन्मार्गस्य कामक्रोधादेनिवारकत्वात्।। In the that A. and G. omit नृ and retain नृसिंहः, but | last line B. D. E. G. have उकारे instead such a reading as एष उ एव एष हि नृसिंहः seems of it . The latter is certainly wrong. improbable.
p. 205 (7). The reading मकारार्धनार्थेन is not p. 179 (4). D. has गुणाढचान instead of
supported by any of my MSS.; and these गुणर्छन् , and all the MSS. have हत्या not हुरवा.
again all differ from one another ! A has There is a curious variety of readings in the
मकारार्थनानेनात्मना which is probably intended case of वश्यां . A. has वइयां, B. नस्यां which is
for मकारानार्थेनानेनारमना, -B. has मकारा नानाperhaps intended for तस्यां, D. वत्स्यां with वश्यां
स्मना which may be a mistake for मकारार्द्धनानेनाus a variant, E. वेश्यां (!) and G. यस्यां . Here
स्मना,-D. has मकारार्थेनात्मना,-E. मकारार्थेनानेis Nariyana's comment:- वेत्स्यां वत्साही
नात्मना,-and G. मकारार्द्धनार्थेनात्मना. I believe वत्ससंबंधयोग्यां मातरमिन्द्रियजननी । वश्यामिति
that E. is right. Compare the similar phrase पाठे वैशंगतां नृसिंहाराधनावशवत्तिनीं ।।
मकारार्थेन परेण ब्रह्मणा on p. 213 (7). . p. 183 (5). Before the words आत्मैव नृसिंहो देवः p. 207 (7). The reading एवमेव सच्चिदानन्दौ अंथ A. B. D. insert तस्मादात्मानमेववं जानीयात्. वचनेन &c. is quite wrong. A. B. E. G. read Narayana connects the words ब्रह्म भवति with य एवमेव चिदानन्दावयवचनेन which is no doubt एवं वेद on the next page, in which case there
correct. should be no stop after भवति.
p.216 (8). A. D. G. have एवोतः, B. E. नैवोतः p. 192 (6). D. explains सर्वप्रियमास्पदं p.221 (8). A. B. G. read यस्मात् for ह्यस्मात; instead of सर्वप्रेमास्पद. The reading of A. | A. D. G.आरमा and B. तदात्मा instead of आत्म्यं । सर्वमा भिवमास्पद, is corrupt.
and A. B. E.G. ह्यनुज्ञा for ह्यनुजानाति. p. 194 (6). Both D. and E. read and explain | p. 226 (9). प्राज्ञैः, the reading of the printed नुरीबातुरीयं in the third line, instead of तुरीय- | texty-and of G., is supported by Narayana, who वरीयं. The former's explanation is-मायाप्रयुक्त explains it by yoga:; but A. B. and E. have
संख्यया तुरीयत्वेपि वस्तुवृत्या अतुरीयं सख्याया | प्राज्ञे in common with the printed commentary. मिथ्यात्वात् || whilst E. Bays-तुरीयातुरीयं तुरीया | p.227 (9). A. D.G. have द्रष्टा in the place प्रणवस्यार्द्धमात्रात्मनस्तुरीयावस्थात्मिका तस्यास्तुरीयो | of दृष्टा. भेती विकल्परूपस्तमात्मानं ॥ G. has तुरीयातुरीयं p. 230 (9). B.E. G. read सबीजान instead here, and twice in the immediate context. of स्वबीजान्.
The reading अपककषायं as an epithet of | p. 231 (9). A. D. read जीवेशावभासेन which आस्मानं is manifestly impossible. B. D. E. | the latter thrus explains:-कानिचिज्जीवावभासेन read अपककषाय इमं which is no doubt correct. ! कानिचिदीशावभासेन ब्रह्मविष्णुरुद्रादीनीशावभासेन म. D. explains thus:-यस्मात्पूर्वमेवं वृत्तं तस्मादद्या- | न्वादीनि जीवावभासेन करोति ।। प्यपककषायो ऽपरिक्षीणरागादिः पुमानिममेवात्मानं यो| p.232 (9). All five MSS. read गुणभिन्ना, not पुर्जेयत्वेन प्रसिद्धस्तं नृसिंहानुष्टुभैव सरलेन परमोपायेन | गुणाभिमा.

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p. 233 (9) A. B. G. have आत्मन्येव, but the two commentaries agree with printed text and explain आत्मन एव. p. 238 ( 9 ). A. B. D. G. read असदन्यत् instead of सदन्यत्, and B. D. अयोनि instead of araf. The following is Narayana's explana. tion of this passage :- हे देवाः पश्यत । इहाप्यात्मन्यपि सन्मात्रं सत्तामात्रं नाधिकं किञ्चिदस्ति । अपिश वोऽल्पीभावे । ननु तथापि सत्ता जातिरस्ति तदाश्र यत्वे चाधाराधेयभाव: स्वादत आहासदन्यत् । असतोऽन्यत्सदन्यदेव सन्न तु सत्त्वं जातिरित्यर्थः । इत्थमनंन प्रकारेण सत्यं पुरस्तात्सिद्धं । कीदृशमयोनि उत्पत्तिरहितं ॥
p. 242 (9). D. explains fa af but B. E. read f afarar A. and G. agree with printed text.
p. 243 (9). D. explains Tag | His words are द्रष्टा पुमानद्रटुर्जडस्य । दृश्याभावे वास्तव
In a certain country there lived a fowler, who pursued his calling with far-famed success, and an incredible number of birds were reported to have been snared, or shot, by him every day. Some of these he set by for his own use and the rest he sold; however, being a spendthrift he did not become rich, but rather grew poorer and poorer. As fast and as much as he earned, so fast and so much did he spend. Now this was all very well for a time, and for some years affairs proceeded comparatively happily; but by degrees it became manifest the birds were getting fewer and more wary, and there was consequently an abatement in his success; and so the fowler looked sad and anxious, and wondered what he should do for a living.
While he was in this state Raja Hams summoned all the bird-world to a great assembly, and the few birds that remained in the fowler's country were also invited, The conference was an immense one, and all the arrangements were magnificent beyond description. Much business was done, and
[MARCH, 1886.
त्वमपि नास्तीत्यत्राप्युत्प्रेक्षैव ॥ A B G read निरवद्य for निरविद्य:
p. 244 (9). All the MSS. but G. read दृष्टोऽदृष्टो वेति। A. E. read अनन्यः for the नान्यः of
GULLALA SHAH.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. A KASMIRI TALE.
A swan or goose, of. rijahamhsa, s. v. in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary.
Both the owl and the parrot occupy a prominent position in Indian Folklore. The former is generally regarded as most akilful in foretelling events, and on
the text.
P. 246 (9). Instead of : the MSS. have स्वप्रकाशे, and all agree in rejecting न after किमयेन. Narayana says - किमयेनेति । अद्वयो ऽस्माभिर्न दृष्ट इति भवद्भिरुक्तो योऽद्वयः किं तेन । कुतो यतो द्वितीयमेव न किन्तु यूयमेव स्थ ॥
p. 250 (9). Instead of shi, D. has अव्यक्तं and E अवक्तव्यं. The reading of B अवव्यक्तं, may be a mistake for अव्यक्त. p. 252 (9). A. B. G. read a g omitting the avagraha before the second wordand D. explains thus : - प्रणवावर्त्तनानन्तरं ज्ञात इति प्रभरूपं प्रजापतिवचः । ज्ञातश्च ज्ञात एवेति होचुः ॥ E. explains अज्ञातः.
p. 253 (9). A. B. D. G. read केषानुज्ञेति and वयं ते.
every bird expressed himself very pleased with all that he had seen and heard. At length the conference being concluded, the birds were dismissed to their several countries; but the little company which attended from the fowler's country, did not prepare to leave. Seeing this Raja Hams inquired the reason.
"O Raja," replied the birds, "in our country there lives a fowler, whose aim is deadly and snares undiscoverable. Nearly all our brethren have been slain by him. In former days we were a great and mighty company, but now behold, O Râjâ, the smallness of our numbers and our strength. We pray you to have mercy on us, and deliver us out of the hand of this cruel man."
Raja Hams was execedingly grieved when he heard their sorrows, and immediately sought to relieve them. He had two chief ministers, an owl and a parrot, whom he loved very much, and to whose advice he always attended. Accordingly he now called them to him, and first addressing the owl, said,
"O Owl, I am ruler over all the birds and ye
this account would prove a most useful bird if men could only easily understand its speech. The parrot is also quoted as a most accomplished soothsayer, as well as a cheerful companion and faithful friend.

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are my ministers. A portion of my subjects are terribly troubled by a certain fowler, whose tricks and snares they are powerless to resist, and yet they do not wish to leave their country. You will make arrangements for the preservation of these my subjects."
GULLALA SHAH.
The owl was astonished when he received this difficult command; but remembering the parrot's superior knowledge and wisdom, he replied, "O Râjâ, this your order cannot be executed by me, owing to my blindness by day. The parrot, however, with Your Highness's permission will fulfil it."
Then Raja Hams turned to the parrot and commanded him to perform the order which he had just given to the owl. The parrot at once agreed, made his obeisance, and departed. He went to the aggrieved birds, and bade them to be patient and to do nothing of their own counsel, but to be guided by him, and to believe that the Great God would interpose in their behalf. The birds with one accord consented.
When the fowler discovered that there was not a bird left in the country, he became more sorrowful than ever. His case appeared hopeless. How to provide for his wife and family he knew not, because he had never learnt any other trade and had never possessed a special friend. It was a sad sight to see his children gathering round him when he returned in the evening to ask him what sport he had had (for they were very hungry), and then to watch them one after the other going away again, on being told that nothing had come to his hand that day.
75
A large number of stories might be quoted, in which the supposition that prosperity or adversity is sometimes dependent on the gismat of another is mentioned.
themselves in different places and promised that he would make provision for their permanent safety. So away they all flew, and were soon out of sight. Then the parrot went and walked straight into the fowler's net and was snared, but no other bird was caught that day, and the fowler was almost frantic with despair. On reaching home his family rushed to him as usual, and inquired what luck he had had. "Nothing," he replied, "because of your bad fortune, but this parrot came into my net to-day."
Saying this he took the bird out of his cloth and made as though to kill it for food, but the parrot, guessing his intention, said, "Why are you going to slay me? Do you not know that my flesh is not fit for food? And even if you could eat me, what satisfaction for your hunger could you get out of such a morsel as I am? Would it not be a wiser plan to sell me to some dealer in the bázár and provide yourself with provisions for many days from the price that you would obtain for me ?"
The fowler acknowledged the wisdom of what the bird advised, and therefore put it into a safe place for the night, intending to rise early on the following morning and go to the bázár with it.
As soon as the sun was up the next day, the fowler was up too, and off to the bazár, proclaiming to the people that he had this par rot for sale. "Who'll buy? Who'll buy ?" he cried; and many people stopped to look at the bird. They all seemed pleased with it, and many wished to have it, but on account of the small sums which they offered, the parrot reThus affairs continued until the birds returned fused to go with them. Of course this beha from the conference; when the fowler, having viour made the fowler very angry. He had heard from one of his children that the birds been walking about in the heat all the day and had again appeared, went forth with net and was very tired and disappointed; and when ho bow to try and catch them. He spread his net reached home, and saw again the hunger and in a most likely place, and looked so fierce and distress of his family, he was exasperated determined that the birds were more afraid beyond bounds. He swore that he would kill than before, and went to the parrot, saying, the parrot there and then. Poor bird! It "In such and such a place the fowler has spread thought that its doom was now most certainly his net. Tell us how we may escape, for we sealed. However, it again begged the fowler are certain that if this man fails to snare us in to have patience with it. "You will perceive his net, he will shoot us with his bow." that I have not any personal interest in this The parrot gave them permission to hide delay," it added. 'In refusing to be sold for
"
Cf. Old Deccan Days, p. 107; also Folk-Tales of Bengal, pp. 209, 210.

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such small sums, as were offered for me to-day I have not been rude. Please do not think me ungrateful for the preservation of my life. If you will wait till to-morrow, and then place me in a nice cage and cover the cage with a pretty cloth, and take me here and there about the palacegrounds, some great and rich person will probably notice the cage, and ask what is inside. It may be that they will also feel sufficient interest in me to inquire my price. If so, then please leave the arrangement of this matter again to me, simply saying that I cost a great deal of money and will declare my own price."
The fowler again acknowledged the wisdom of the parrot's counsel and consented to follow it. And so on the following morning, a beautiful cage and cloth having been procured, the bird was put inside, and carried about by the fowler within the precincts of the palace grounds.
Now the king of that country had several wives, but they were all barren except one, by whom a little daughter had been born to him. This daughter grew up to be so good and beautiful that His Majesty loved her very much. He cared not to be absent from her, and there was not a request of hers, that he did not try to fulfil to the utmost of his power. One day she had expressed a wish to have a bird which could speak, and so thenceforth the king had inquired diligently for such a bird. The fowler's visit therefore was most opportune.
While the fowler was perambulating before the palace the chief Wazir passed by. The fowler gave him a most profound salám. The parrot, also, gave him a salám, imagining that some great personage was near. When the Wazir heard the salám from the cage he was much surprised. "How strange!" he said; "Please remove the cloth that I may see the bird, which can do this wonderful thing."
The fowler did so; and the Wazir was more struck with the beauty of the parrot than with its cleverness, and offered to purchase it at any price. According to the previous arrangement the parrot at once named the price: "Eighteen thousand rupees!"
"What! Eighteen thousand rupees; " said the astonished Wazir,
[MARCH, 1886.
"Yes; Eighteen thousand rapees;" the parrot again replied.
"Then I cannot buy you," said the Wazir; "but my lord the king wishes to have a speaking bird like you. So you will please be carried to him. "
The parrot consented, and so on reaching the front entrance of the palace the Wazir took the cage, and went inside with it. After making his obeisance he placed the cage before the king, saying that at last he thought His Majesty had obtained his long-felt desire. As soon as the cage was set before the king, the bird most distinctly said, "Salám." This greatly astonished the king, who anxiously inquired whence the Wazir had obtained such a clever and magnificent bird. "It is the very bird that I have been wanting for a long time," he added. "You must sell it to me. Ask what you like, and I will give it you."
The Wazir replied, "It is not mine, O king. I met a poor fowler carrying it about the palace-grounds, and knowing that Your Majesty had need of such a bird, I first tried to buy it; but finding that its price was more than I could afford, I ordered the man to bring it hither. With Your Majesty's leave I will call in the man."
The king ordered the fowler to be brought in, and when he appeared, he asked him to sell the parrot. "Tell me its price and you shall have it," he said.
"My lord," tremblingly answered the man, "I cannot tell the worth of the bird. I only know that it was bought for a large sum of money. Let the king's will be. The bird will state its own worth."
Then the king turned towards the parrot and inquired its price; whereupon the parrot answered as before, "Eighteen thousand rapees!"
"Eighteen thousand rupees!" said the king with a much astonished air. "Too much, too much. Surely you are joking with me."
He tried to bargain for a less sum, but the parrot was as resolute concerning its price as the king was resolute concerning its purchase. Accordingly eighteen thousand rupees were paid to the fowler, and the parrot was carried in its beautiful cage to the king's only and beloved daughter.
The fowler was now a rich man. What a wind-fall! Eighteen thousand rupees all in

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one day! With what great joy he returned to his and their sweet songs filled the air all the day house, and how joyfully his family received long. him, when they heard the glad news. After Out of gratitude to the king the parrot dinner,--such a dinner as they had not eaten decided to remain in the palace. He made for a long time,--they began to discuss plans for himself so very agreeable, that every member the future.
of the Royal household fell in love with him, "What shall be done with these eighteen and especially the princess, whose whole time thousand rupees P" asked the fowler. "Shall and thoughts the bird monopolised ; so that she we leave the country, the scene of 80 cared not to go to the king, her father, 18 much sorrow and distress to us, and go to a aforetime, but was always talking and playing fairer and better land ? Or shall we remain with the parrot, and saying, "O what should here and spend our money in trading? In- I do if my pretty parrot died or flew away creasing in wealth and in honour we should from me? Polly, you do love me, don't you? forget our past troubles. Say, O my wife and and you will never go away, will you PO children ; what shall we do pa
promise me truly that you will never leave Thus were they engaged in conversation, me!" when a great -noise was suddenly heard in the Matters continging thus the king naturally yard; and loud above all sounded the voice of felt annoyed, for be loved his daughter somebody shrieking out the fowler's name. A exceedingly, and did not like her whole time company of soldiers had arrived, who said to be spent with the parrot. One afternoon that they had been sent by the king to sum. he consulted some of his friends as to the mon the fowler to the palace. The poor man right course to pursue. He did not wish, or was terror-stricken. “My name, my name;" rather he was afraid, to have the bird Blain,he cried. “The king sent for me! What does but what was he to do? They advised him to His Majesty require of me at this hour of the order the bird to be brought to the Court, or night? Perhaps he repents of his purchase, to the garden, or wherever the king wished and wishes to take the money back again. Or his daughter to come, for His Highness knew it may be that the parrot has maligned my that wherever the parrot went, there the character. Ah me! Ah me!"
princess would go too. The king was pleased But all his suspicions turned out to be with this advice, and at once sent a servant to wrong, for the king had summoned him in bring the parrot to the Court. Now the consequence of a conversation, which His parrot, "as has been already mentioned," had Majesty had just had with the parrot, wherein the faculty of knowing all that was happening he had been informed of the bird's mission. in the world, and used to tell his mistress He wished to order him,-now that he had any special news Accordingly he now ex. plenty of money,--to abandon the cruel calling plained to her the king's plan for getting his of a fowler, and to apply himself to trade and daughter to visit him again. “You had better merchandise. The fowler readily consented, go," continued the parrot. "Go immediately, saying, that this was his intention and that he and leave me here." would send his net and other things to the | The princess did so. Half-way to the Court, palace in testimony that he would not she met the king's messenger, and asked him break his word. He then left, and as soon as what his errand was. He replied that he had he had gone, the king issued a proclamation been sent by the king to bring the parrot to the to the effect that no person should catch palace. “Never mind," she said, "you need not or kill birds throughout the whole of that go. I will make it all right with the king. kingdom, and that whosoever was discovered Return with me. I am now going to His disobeying the Royal mandate should be Majesty." As soon as the princess had left severely punished. Henceforth there was to go to her father, the parrot remembered its peace and contentment in the bird community native place and old friends, and determined of that kingdom. They flourished exceedingly to see them once more, thinking it could
of. Folk Tales of Bengal, p 211.

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retorn before the princess came back. So it off her bed, and determined to put an end to pulled out its old and broken feathers that it her grief by hanging herself. She contrived might look the more beautiful, threw them to fasten a piece of cord to one of the beams on the floor, and then started. It reached of the ceiling, and having made & noose, was home safely and was heartily welcomed by its. about to pat it over her head, when the parrot relations and friends. They were all very flew in through the window ! Another moglad to meet again, and had a lot to tell each ment's delay and the bird would have found other after so long an absence. They seemed his mistress & corpse. What tongue can ten, hardly to have commenced conversation,-90 and whose pen can describe the astonishment quickly did the hours pass by, - when the of the one and the joy of tire other, when they falling shades of evening reminded the parrot this met? The princess clasped the bird to that it was time to depart; and so resisting all her breast, and weeping floods of tears explained entreaties of its friends to stay,- if only for how she had thought that it had been dean hour or so longer,-it spread ont its wings voured by some cat, and on that account had and few away.
prevailed on the king to sanction an order for On its way back the parrot alighted in & the destraction of all the cats in the country; garden, which was by the sea-shore, where grew and then how the had felt so lonely, and so many rare and beautiful flowers. It plucked two miserable, that she had fully resolved to kill of the most beautiful and returned to the herself, because she could not live without its princess. The princess had, however, come back company. The parrot was so touched with the from the Court long before, and finding that the princess's story, that he almost forgot to ask her parrot was not there had become very anxious; to hasten to the king and get him to revoku and when after a little while she discovered some the cruel order concerning the innocent cats. broken feathers lying on the ground, her grief For some time after this they both remained know no bounds. She thought that a cat had perfectly silent, -lost in each other's joy. At certainly entered the room and stolen her length the parrot broke the silence. He told beautiful bird. After much weeping and his mistress bow he had felt constrained to lamentation she went to the king, told him leave her so abruptly and visit his home and her sad tale, and begged him to give orders people, also what he had heard from them and that every cat found within the kingdom should had seen on the way; and then he presented be slain. Although the king cared nothing for to her the two beautiful flowers which he had the parrot, yet he was very desirous of pleas- plucked from the garden by the sea. On seeing ing his daughter, and therefore he at once the beautiful flowers and inhaling their sweet ordered the immediate execution of all the cata perfume the princess fainted; she had never that could be found in his country. Hundreds before seen flowers so lovely and of such of cats were killed before nightfall.
delicious scent. When she came to her senses The poor princess, however, got very little she went and showed them to the king. Hie comfort out of this revenge. She returned Majesty and all the courtiers were greatly to her room, shut the door, and wept until she surprised when they saw them. Such magnihad no more power to weep and could not bear ficent flowers had never been seen or conceived it any longer. "My pretty Poll, my pretty of by them. Sach splendid perfume too ; Poll," she kept on saying in an agony of gripfit filled the whole palace, so that the attendants " Why did I leave you ? O cruel, cruel, to bave and servants living in distant apartments done this the very first time I was away from perceived it and began to ask one another you!" Thus she mourned the loss of her pet companion. It was a long, long while before "How did you obtain these ?" asked the king. she closed her eyes that night; and when sleep The parrot gave them to me," replied the did come, it came only for a short space. She princess. "He said that they were plucked soon awoke and then her thoughts naturally from the flowering trees in the garden of the turning on her terrible bereavement; so she got daughter of the king of the fairies, which is by .al. Poll Tale of Bengal, pp. 200-210, the Story of the Hiraman," which should be road in connection
with this tale.

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GULLALA SHAH.
the sea-shore. There were twelve thousand master, however, soon discovered the boy's of them in the garden, and each was worth talents, and perceiving, also, that he was dili. twelve thousand rupees."
gent in his studies and ambitious, be took special “True, true," remarked the king, "such notice of him and taught him all he could. flowers as these must be from heaven."
He gave him presents of books too, and Then the princess asked her father to send Khariâ soon became very clever and learned, and get some of these flowers for her. Now and the envy of all the other boys. this was a very difficuit request. Nevertheless | One day it happened that as Kharid was the king promised that he would try, and at going on an errand for his master the farmer, once despatched messengers in search of them. he met one of the messengers of the king, who After many days these messengers returned, wished to get some more of the rare and saying that they were quite sure of never being beautiful flowers. “Whence came you P” he able to procure the flowers. However, His asked. “What have you come for? What is Majesty was not going to abandon the search so your name ?" readily. He ordered notices to be sent to the The messenger replied by putting the king's different kingdoms of the world asking if these notice into his hand. Having perused it Kharik flowers were to be met with anywhere, and said, "Give me some money for the expenses promising that he would give his beautiful of the way, and I will obtain the flowers. daughter in marriage to the person, whoever he Go back immediately to your Royal master, and might be, who could procure them for him. tell him to comfort his daughter with these This was done, and years passed without any words, until I appear. Be not afraid that I news of them,
will deceive you." Now in former days there lived in the king's The messenger was much pleased with the country a trader, who was exceedingly wealthy, boy's frank and ready manner; and giving and who, on account of his immense wealth, was him the necessary expenses and a speciallymuch honoured by the common folk. Flattery sealed letter of the king, he hastened back to and adulation had made this trader very proud, -
inform His Majesty of his success. 30 proud that he would never listen to anyone, - Khariá first went and told his mother what not even to the king. This proud man died, he was going to attempt. She begged him not and owing to his not having any brothers or to be so foolish, but he would not hear her. children his whole property reverted to the He then went to tell his master and his teacher, crown. It was a sad day for the trader's wife and taking leave of them, started on his journey. when her husband died. Poor woman; she In two or three days he reached a jungle, was weak and sickly and expecting soon to where a very tall and grand-looking man met have a little child. She knew not what to do. him. Catching hold of the tall man's hands, However, work she must, if she did not wish to he said, "Salám." The man returned the boy's die; and so she went and hired herself to a salúm and asked him who he was, whence he farmer of that country.
came, and whither he was going. The boy In due time her child was born. His lot' told him everything, as he had told his mother was good, and he grew and waxed strong. and master and teacher, and kept nothing back When he was old enough to do some work the from him. Then the grand tall man blessed farmer sent him into the fields to tend the him, prayed for him, and bade him depart in cattle. Day by day he found time, also, to go quest of the flowers. But the boy would not to school with the farmer's children, for he let go his hand until he had told him in what was a good boy and wished to be wise and direction to go. Seeing that the boy was in great. As his mother, being under the suppo- earnest, and was a worthy boy, the grand tall sition that her child had been born under an | man disclosed to him who he was, and how by unlucky star, had not given him a name, his virtue of his great sanctity he could obtain for schoolmates called him Khariâ, because his him whatever he required. “This is what I head was covered with scabs. The school. wanted from you," said Kharia," for I could i... giomat.
Khur in the Kaimiri for the dinosso called roald.bond Gavus).

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Bee that you were a very holy person and had that he would go, and was conducted to a cerall power. I pray you tell me wbether I can tain spot in the palace-garden, which the got these flowers, or not; what my fature 1 princess had pointed out. For many days they lot is; and what my name is."
met together there, and the oftener they met The grand tall man answered "My boy, you the fonder they became of each other. At length can get these flowers; your future is good; the princess determined to marry Kharia, and and your name is Gullala Shih."
went to her parents to obtain their consent. Saying this he placed his left hand on the Of course the king and queen first wished to boy's head, and taking a hollow gourd filled see and to know something of the young man, with water, he threw its contents over him, and so a message was despatched to him, comwhen the scabs and all other failings in the boy's manding him to appear at the Royal Court, appearance disappeared, so that he was now In a little while the king, seeing that he was very beautiful. As soon as he had done this good and clever, and worthy of becoming his the man finally told him to go. And as Khariâ son-in-law, married his daughter to him. It was was leaving he again blessed him.
a very grand wedding, and there was no stint After many days Khariâ arrived at & certain of money or trouble. Every arrangement place, and took up his abode in the house of an was on the most lavish scale, and everything old widow, who lived there. He was very seemed to pass off most happily. Gullala kind to the old woman, and used to give her Shåb, for this was the name by which be food and in other ways help her. Every day was now known, visited the Darbar every day, he went for walks in and around the city and and his words were always listened to with constantly brought back with him some little the greatest attention and respect. Through present for the widow. One morning, as he his efforts, also, many good and just laws were Was washing himself by the riverside, Dear the introduced and many old-established errors palace of the king of that country, the princess corrected. Thus the kingdom became the chanced to see him, and noticing that he was terror and avenger of all evil men, but the tall and handsome, she sent one of her attend- refuge and defender of all who wished for right. ants to call him, which was done. Kharià said
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN; GÖTTINGEN.. 1. ACHARYADESIYA.
| vice versá. Moreover, as the author of the MaThe Mahábháshya is composed in the form hábhdshya has not himself told us which of the of a series of dialogues. The principal inter- views stated in his work are those of the Achár. locutors in those dialogues are the Sishya, the yadésiya, and which those of the Acharya, it Acharyadésiya, and the Acharya. The Sishya cannot be wondered at that commentators brings forward his doubts and asks questions; occasionally should differ, and that one should the Acharyade öya is ready to solve those doubts regard as the opinion of the Acharya, what the and to reply to the questions raised, but other takes to be the opinion of the Achdrya. panditammanya as he is, his answers are given de fiya, hastily and withont a fall knowledge of all the All this is so plain and natural, and accords difficulties of the matter under discussion; so so perfectly with the Hindu method of scientific that finally the Acharya must step in to over- discussion, that it might seem unnecessary to rule him, and to explain the true state of the state it here,' were it not that Acharya and case. Sometimes we find all the three dispu- Acharyadébiya are by some scholars still taken tants introduced in parts of the Mahabháshya to denote, the former only Katyayana, and the which contain only remarks of Patañjali; on latter only Patañjali, and that accordingly the other occasions, the views of the Acháryadémiya word sortate is still explained to be "* are contained in a Vårttika, and those of the term used by Kaiyata to denoto Patañjali," Acharya in original remarks of Patañjali, or to show how the word Acharyadófiya is
see my Katyayana and Pataftjali, p. 58, note, and A. Barth in the Rovus Critique, 1878, No. 28, p. 19,

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NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
81
really used by Hindu commentators, I select the
1. 14 Acharyadésiya :-
:. following from a large number of passages
1. 16 Chšdaka :-
(Várttika). which I have collected from the commentaries
1. 19 Acharyadésiya :- CH (Vártof Bhartrihari, Kaiyata, Haradatta, and Någôji
tika). thatta.
P. 353, 1. 5 Acharya:- ya. The Duandva-compound farruar Or on p. 354, where there is no Varttika: Tatar: is employed by Bhartřihari, when com
1. 1 Achúryadésiya :- affa fermenting on the Mahábháshya, 1.5, of Vol. I. p.5
. of my edition.
1. 1 Chúlaka :- rig af. In the Bhashya on P. IV. 1, 13 (Vol. II. p. 1. 4 Acháryadésiya :- afe. 204), where there is no Virttika at all, the
1. 5 Chodaka:- Tifa af. question is asked (1. 23, STUTE fauty),
1. 6 Achárya :- afd. what would be the correct form of a Bahuvrihi- In the introductory portion of the Bhashya compound to express the sense of the words on P. VI. 4, 62 (Vol. III. p. 206), the words
T: TATT SRITE; the answer given (1. 24, (1.1), sper ...Tatra may according to Kaiyata TERIT... ) is, that the compound would be either be taken as the statement of one dispu
er, and it is shown how such a form is tant, and the following words (1.2) Teras obtained in the following words (1. 25, to as the words of the Siddhantavadin; or 97 p. 205, 1.5 T Ta... HTETT yarat के...परत्वात् may be considered as questions and
f ) that first answer and the reasons answers of the Sishya and Acharyadesiya, and adduced in favour of it are rejected, and it is | उदात्तेभ्योऽपि as the statement of the Acharya. shown that the compound would really be . The last passage naturally suggests the idea, In this passage Kaiyața ascribes the answer that the term Achárya, when used in opposiT h ...cy to the Acharyadésiya, and the tion to such terms as Sishya, Chodaka, or Achár. following words ay ar to the Acharya. yadésiya, is equivalent to Siddhá ntavádin or
In the introductory portion of the Bhâshya Siddhantin, and, that such is really the case, on P. V. 1, 19, (Vol. II. p. 343), where might be proved by a large number of quotano Varttika is yet referred to, Kaiyata tions. Here it may suffice to state, that Ichár. ascribes the words (1.9) #af& f afar to the yadésiya is actually opposed to Siddhanta by NAAcharyadésiya, the words (1. 12) vastaa gôjibhatta on P. I. 1, 27, to Siddhantin by the to the Sishya, and the words (1. 17)
T
a same on P. II. 1, 69 and VI. 4, 42, and to to the Acharya.
Siddhantav hdin by Kaiyata on P. VII. ?, 196. In the introductory portion of the Bhashya The natural consequence is that Acharya in on P. V. 3, 57 (Vol. II. p. 416), where like- turn may be opposed to Purtapakshin, as has wise no Varttika is yet referred to, Kaiyata been done, e.g., by Nagôjibhatta on P. IV.1.10. ascribes the words (1. 18) af go to the
2. GOXIKAPUTRA AND GOXARDIYA:Acharyadé fiya, the words (1. 20) # hT On p. 227 of Vol. XII. of this Journal, I to the Acharya, the words (1. 24) Taf to the stated that I hoped to prove, by the help of Sishya, and the words (1. 24) T ou to the Bhartrihari's Commentary on the Mahabhashya, Acharya.
that later grammarians were wrong in identify. In the Bhashya on P. VI. 1, 91 (Vol. III. ing Gônardiya with Patañjali. Since then, p. 70), Kaiyata introduces the statement (1. 22) Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, who eren in his preface to
Tort with the words "Acharyadé dyah pandi- the Yoga dphorisms (published in 1883) had adtammanyatvád áha," and he ascribes the words hered to the view which makes Patañjali a son of (p. 71, 1. 4) free to the Achárya.
Góņika and a native of Gônarda, has attempted In the Bhâshya on P. I. 4, 105-108, (Vol. I. to prove that GoŅiká patra and Gônardiya pp. 352-354) Kaiyata introduces, in addi- in the Mahabhashya do not denote Patañjali, but tion to the Acháryadésiya and Achárya, the are the names of grammarians quoted by him Chodaka or objector; and to these three (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LII. Part I., p. 261). disputants he assigns some of the statements I shall now briefly indicate the reasons which made in the Várttikas and Bhashya, as follows: years ago have made me arrive at the same P.852, 1. 13 Chodaka :-- af.
conclusion; and I am perbaps the more justified

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in once more discussing this matter, as theúdi and anta) ought to contain (the clanse) arguments in favour of the view advocated by fery' while it is accompanied by someDr. Rajendralal appear even stronger than he thing else' (and that therefore Payini's rule is has shown them to be.
necessary)".The name Gôņika putra occurs only once (6) On P. I. 1, 29 Patañjali argues that that in the Mahabháshya, at the close of the discus. rule is necessary solely because it enables us sion on P. I. 4,51 (Vol. I. p. 336 of my edition). to account for such forms as 19h and After having raised the question, whether one one Without it, we should render the should say T OR or TART N4, i.e. sense of the phrase 978 YTJ Arqa whether the word un should here be put in for hy would be Sarvanáman even in the the acc. or gen. case, Patañjali simply answers Bahuvrihi-compound and would therefore take TTTT Praca “Gôņikåputra (says that) by P. V. 3, 71, not by the general either case is correct)." To this Nagôjibhatta rule P. V. 3, 70. But Patañjali adds (Vol. I. appends the somewhat vague remark Tragat p. 91):
T2 TROTU, "they say that Goņika putra is गोनीय आह। the author of the Bhashya." It appears, how- अकस्वरोतु कर्तव्यो प्रत्यङ्ग'मुक्तसंशयो। ever, that the statement here repeated by him स्वकल्पिकः मकस्पितृक इत्येव भवितव्यमिति । had not met with general acceptance; for, on “Gônardiya says, that the words termed the margin of a MS. which was written in Sarvaná máni) ought without any doubt to take A.D. 1695, and which often furnishes valuable sahand to receive the accent (due to them as notes, we have the gloss Tifalgar A T Sarvanámáni, even in a Bahuurihi-compound) था, षष्ठीभवति द्वितीयापि भवति, "in the opinion of the becanse (both अकच and that accent present Acharya Göņikåputra, &c.," a phrase which can- themselves before the composition takes place not be taken to refer to the Bhashyakára. We and) are (therefore in regard to it) antaranya; are left then to choose whichever interpretation that accordingly one ought (not) to say may seem the more reasonable one; and when (range, Hauen, bat) TRTEK, 1. we find that only on p. 332 Patañjali has , (and that Påņini's rale I. 1, 29 is superanswered a similar question by saying 322 fluous and may be dispensed with)".for, and has there moreover given his (6) On P. III. 1, 92 Patanjali raises the reasons for such answer, we sball, I think, decide question whether it is allowable to form a in favour of the alternative that in the words noun like far to express the sense of उभयथा गोणिकापुनः he is quoting the opinion of | कुम्भीकरोति in such aphrase as कुम्भीकरोति मृदम्, another scholar.
"he turns clay into a jar," and having, for Gônardiya occurs four times in the reasons given, answered that onestion in the Mahábhashya:
negative he proceeds (Vol. II. p. 76) :(a) On P. I. 1, 21 Katyayana shows that न तहीदानीमिदं भवति । rule of Paņini's to be necessary when we
इच्छाम्यहं काशकटीकामिति । assume adi to denote that which, while it is इष्टमेवैतकोनीयस्य । accompanied by something else (Ecrafen) Do we then not find the following, viz. 'I has nothing before it, and anta that which, maintain that we ought to say) antar while it is accompanied by something else, has one who turns grass into a mat'P Gônardiya nothing after it; that on the other hand the
certainly does maintain (that) this is correct." - role may be dispensed with when beginning' (d) Lastly, on P. VII. 2, 101 it is stated and 'end' are simply taken to be what has that, in the nom. sing. neut. SÍTTES, the nothing before it and what has nothing after it.
termination cannot be dropped, because After having explained Katyayana's Varttikas,
this very termination has caused the substituPatañjali adds (Vol. I: p. 78):
tion of for wt, and because there is a गोनीयस्वाह सत्यमेतत्सति स्वन्बस्मिन्निति' maxim, that that which owes its existence to "but Gộnardiya says, that (the definitions of something else cannot in turn cause the dis
* The Kasmir MS. has Taf TEHTYÀSH2H-
The Kaimir MS. has 4546.

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appearance of the latter. The objection to this is that such reasoning would render impossible the forms अतिजरसम् and अतिजरसै, (because the terminations and :, as they owe their presence to the preding. ought not to bring about the disappearance of that ), and would lead one to form अतिजरम् and अतिजरे: instead. And the discussion is wound up in the words (Vol. III. p. 309):
गोदय आह । इष्टमेवैतत्स गृहीतं भवति । अतिजरम् अतिजरैरिति भवितव्यं सत्यामेतस्यां परिभाषायां संनिपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्येति । "Gonardiya says, that such a result is exactly what is wanted; the forms should be a and art, since there is the maxim that that which owes its existence to something else cannot in turn cause the disappearance of the latter."
Now it is true that Kaiyata, when commenting on (a), substitutes भाष्यकारस्त्वाह for गोनयस्त्वाह, and that he understands Patañjali to propound in the passage (b) his own view as to the uselessness of the rule P. I. 1, 29. It is also certain that Nagôjîbhatta believes Kaiyata in his note on (a) to say that Gônardiya is the author of the Bhashya, and that Hemachandra (and Vardhamâna) consider the names Gônardiya and Patanjali to denote one person. But Kaiyata's words need not necessarily convey the meaning assigned to them by Nagojibhatta, and probably before him by Hêmachandra, and à priori there is as little reason to identify Gônardiya with Patanjali as there would be of identifying Patanjali with Kunaravaḍava, who in the words कुणरवाडवस्त्वाह is introduced, and whose views, as opposed to those held by the Varttikakára, were probably adopted by Patanjali, on P. III. 2, 14 and VII. 3, 1(Vol. II. p. 100 and Vol. III. p. 317). On the contrary, an examination of the statements ascribed to Gônardiya would seem to show, that in two cases at least those remarks are quotations, quotations from a grammatical work which was in verse, and the terminology of which differed from that of the Mahabhashya, while it agreed with that of other grammarians. And moreover, the manner in which Gônardiya is mentioned by Vamana and referred to by Bhartrihari, can, in
For a more accurate rendering of this maxim see Paribhashendusekhara, LXXXV.
83
my opinion, leave no doubt that those older grammarians never thought of identifying him with Patanjali.
The passages (a) and (d) may be considered to contain little of any decisive value, although I cannot altogether pass over the fact that on no less than eight occasions Patanjali has put forth his arguments in the same manner as on P. VII. 2, 101, and has employed the same phrase इष्टमेवैतत्संगृहीतम् which occurs on P. VII. 2, 101, without an introductory "Gônardiya says." (See Vol. I. p. 491, 495; Vol. II. p. 228, 238, 325; Vol. III. p. 159, 378, 403). More important is the passage (c). From the concluding words of it we learn, that it is Gônardiya who maintains that one may form काशकटीकार; and if then in the preceding line we read काशकटीकारमिति, “ I maintain that काशकडीकार is correct Sanskrit," we are led to conclude that these are the very words in which Gônardiya had expressed his opinion, or, to put it differently, that this sentence is quoted from a work of Gônardiya, which cannot be the Mahábháshya. The words would appear to be part of a Ślôka, and that their diction accords with that of other grammatical Kárikás becomes evident when we compare, e.g.
Vol. I. p. 144 स्तोष्याम्यहं पारिकमौदवार्हि, Vol. II. p. 87 अमावसोरहं ण्यतोर्निपातयाम्यताम्, Vol. III. p. 183 शास्मि निवर्त्य मुदीव्यविशेषेVol. II. p. 65 saftesia areatai, and other verses quoted in the Mahabháshya. That Gônardiya was a writer of grammatical Kárikás is proved more clearly still by the passage (b); and that passage is of further importance, inasmuch as the half ślôka actually furnished by it, and ascribed to Gônardiya, contains two words which are never used by Patanjali, viz. the word which is peculiar to the Varttikas, and the word (for ) which in this technical sense is found only in a Káriká on P. VI. 4, 110, and in the Bhashya on P. VI. 3, 138, where Patanjali repeats a statement of other gram. marians (Vol. III. p. 177, aratat प्रत्यङ्गस्य प्रतिषेधमाइ : ).
All this tends to prove that. Gonardiya cannot be Patanjali himself, but must be a
Gunaratnamahôdadhi, p. 68.

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grammarian quoted by him; and such I believe if Vâmana, who repeatedly quotes the Bhais the opinion both of V âmana, the author shya and the Bhashyakúra, had identified of a portion of the Kasikd-Vritti, and of Gônardiya with the Bhashyakára; and BharBhartrihari, the commentator of part of trihari, when commenting on P. I. 1, 29, and the Mahábháshya. For the former, after having after having quoted the words there on P. VII. 2, 101 copied the statement that raises the question r
what one ought to form अतिजरम् and अतिजरे; adds | is the opinion of this Acharya"?, words for m
"such is the opinion of which clearly imply that this Acharya is not Gonardiya, " a remark which would be strange | Patanjali.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 57.) FEAST, Funeral,--Prazniku, (M.)
FIG-TREE -Figis-rukh,(Eng.); khelin, (Tch., Pap. FEATHER, -Por, (pl.) porior, (Eng.); pori, (M.,
M.) M. 8)
FIGHT, à, -Kurapen, (Eng.) FEED, to-Hrěnfava, hrěnisaráva (to pasture), FIGHT, to,-Kūrava, chingåva, (Eng.); margva, pěshtiâva, pěshtisaráva, (M.); see
(M.) NOURI8.
FIGHTER,-Karomengro, chinga-guero, (Eng.) FEEDING, the act of, -Popasu, (M.)
FIGHTING, -Chingring, kuraken, (Eng.) FEEL, to,-Khakyaráva, (M. 7)
FIGHTING-COCK, 2. -Karoboshno, (Eng.) FEET,-Pire, (Eng.); see Foot.
FIGURE,-Kipu, (M.) FELL, to-Shinåva, (M.)
FILBERTS,-Pailloes, (Eng.) FELLOW,-Bau, baw, chal, guero, (fem.) gueri, FILCE, to,-Kaurova, (Eng.) (Eng.)
FILE, -Verni, dekafti, (Tch.); verni, (Pep M., M. FEMALE,--Juvel, juvli, (Tch.)
8) FEMININE -Juvlidkoro, juvlicand, (Toh.)
FILL, to,-Perava, (Toh., Pep. M.); berti le ker, FERN,-Fuzyanri, (Eng.)
(As. Tch.) ; pheráva, (M., M. 8; Few,-Khandi, khanrik, khanisk, (Toh.); ķhandi, FILLING, -Peribs, (Tch.) (M. 7); zalog. (M. 8)
FILTHY,-Kelalô, pako, (Tch.) Few, very,-Khanroricha, (Toh.)
FIND, to,-Lachava, (Eng.); arakava, (Tch.); ara. Feyze,- Sbíla, trêska, (Tch.); beri, (As. Tch.);
káva, afliava, (M.); rakháva, (M. 8) trôaca, (Psp. M.); shal, shēl, (M.)
FINE-Sanno, (Tch.) Fez,-Stadik, (M. 8)
FINE, &,-Fino, (Eng.) FIDDLE, Bashadi, bosh, (Eng.); châtara, (M.) FINGER,- Vangus, (Eng.); angøst, Angsht, FIDDLER, -Bosho-mengro, (Eng.); skripkár, skrip- . (Toh.); angst, angrdst, (Psp. M.); angal, kâri, skripkardeh, (M.)
anghigl, (As. Toh.); angusht, (M. 7) FIDELITY, -Priinoš, (M.)
FINISH, to-Reskva, (Psp. M.); gětosaráva, (M.) Fre! -Pif! (Tch.)
FIRE,-Yag, (Eng.); yag, yak, (Toh.); eg. (As. FIELD, arable, -Arētära, Anu, mal, málo, mälu, . Tch.); yak, (Pep. M.); yag, (M., M. 7) (M.); mal, (M. 8)
FIREBRAND, Omblal, umblal, (Tch.); ambal, (M.) FIERY,-Yagalô, yagåkoro, (Toh.)
FIRE-CAR,-Yag-vardo, (Eng.) Fire, ---Zarbana, duruvli, (Tch.); l'Ara, (M.); FIREMAN -Yag-engro, yago-mengro, (Eng.) sambona, (M. 8)
FIRST, - Avkon, avgôs, avgatno, (Toh.); avkôr, FIFer-Duruvalikoro, (Tch.)
(Pep. M.); Page #101

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AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
FIT,(adj.)-Haině, (M.). FIVE-Panj, pansch, (Eng.); panch, panj, (Tch.);
panch (Psp. M., M. 8); panzh, (M.) FLAGSTONE, -Pestêra, (Teh.) FLASK, WATER,- Bakla, (Tch.) FLAX-Vus, pus, (Tch.); vus, (Psp. M.); vash,
(M. 8) FLAXEN,- Vusheskoro, vushêngoro, (Tch.) FLAY, to,-Kushåva, (M.) Flea-Pishen, (Eng.); pushom, (Tch., Pep. M.,
M. 8) pishôm, piahôn, (M.) FLEE, to,-Nash&ra, (M.) FLESH,-Maas, (Eng.); mas, (Tch., Pap. M., M.,
M. 8) FLING, 10,--Chivåva, chuvava, (Eng.) FLOCK, -Hěrdiliya, hěrdiliye, (M.) Floor,- Arie, podêoa, (M.) FLORIN,-Froli, (Teh.); lêu, (M.) FLOUR,Waro, var, pauno, (Eng.); varô, (Tch,
Psp. M.); atâ, (As. Tch.); arð, (M.),
vapro, (M. 8) FLOUR-BOLTER,-Porizên, (Tch., M. 8) FLOURISH, to,-Enfrunzikva, (M.) Flow, to,-Távdåva, tavdiniováva, (Tch.); bilava,
(M.) FLOWER, -Iouzia, (Eng.); lulud's, lulugi, (M.);
luludi, (M. 8) FLUTE,-Fldera, (M.) FLUTE-PLAYER,-Fluerash, (M.) FLUVIAL.-Leniskoro, (Tch.) FLY,-Mosko, moshkho, (Eng.); moskabis, (Span.
Gip.); maki, (dim.) khardi maki, (Tch.); pesi, (As. Tch.); makia, (Pep. M.); mak,
(M.); makhi, (M: 8) Fly, to, -Uryava, (Tch., M., M. 8) FLY AWAY, to,-Uryšniovåva, (Toh.); furti, (As.
Tch.). FLY, to cause to,-Uryanå kerkva, (Tch.) FoAL,-Kurổ, kurf, kfurô, khurổ, (Teh.); khuô,
kurô, kura, (M.); khuro, (M. 7) FOAL, to,-Pherd'ováva, (M.) FOAM,-Spama, (M.) Fog, -Nêgură, (M.) FOLLY,-Denilipê, (Tch.) FOLLIES,-Dinnelipênes, (Eng.) FOLLOW, to-Slomáva, slumáva, (Eng.) FooD,--Habben, (Eng); khashdi, khaadi, khabê,
(Tch.); hráně, khabê, khabt, (M.) FOOL, -Dinnelo, (Eng.); denilo, (Psp. M.); dinilo,
(M. 7); bråma, (M.) FOOLISH,-Dinneleskoe, (Eng.) Fool, like a.-Dinneleskoenoes, (Eng.) Foot,-Pinro, pirô, pirnô, pindo, (dim.) pinroro,
(Tch.); bav, (As. Tch.); pirô, pindô, pinro, pirno, (Pep. M.); ponrô, pěnrô, (M.);
pindo, (M. 8) FOOTPATH, Kérdre, (M.)
FOR,-Kě, pe, (M.); vash, (M. 8) FORBID, to, -Popriâva, poprisaråva, (M.) FOREHEAD,-Chikât, (Tch., M., M. 7) FOREIGN,-Peryal, (Psp. M.) FOREIGNER, -Wafo temeskoe mush, (pl.) wafo
tem-engre, (Eng.) FOREIGN LAND,-Wafo tem, (Eng.) FOREST,-Wesh, (Eng.); vesh, ves, vest, veshia,
vosh, vos, (Tch.); vesh, (Psp. M.) FORESTER, -Vesheskoro, (Tch.) FORGET, to,-Bistráva, (Tch., M. 7); bisteriva,
(M.) FORGIVE, to,-Fordelåva, artåva, artavellava,
(Eng.); estomariva, (Span. Gip.); ispěsia
va, (M.) FORGIVEN, -Fordias, fordios, (Eng.) FORGIVENESS,-Artapen, (Eng.) FORK.-Buneli, berali (Tch.); furkulicē, (M.) FORMERLY,-Angledêr, (Tch.) FORNICATION,-Piriaibê, (Tch.) FORNICATION, to commit --Piriavava, (Tch.) FORNICATOR,-Piriano, (Tch.) FORTIPY, to-Astarghil kerkva, (Tch.) FORTUNE,-Mestipen, kappi, bokht, (Eng.);
bakht, (dim.) bakhtori, (Tch.); mestipen,
bestipen, (Span. Gip.) FORTUNATE, one who is,-Bakhtalo, (Tch.) FORTUNES, to tell, Dukkeråva, (Eng.) FORTUNE-TELLING,-Dukkering, dukkipen, dur.
riken, (Eng.); durik, (M. 7) FORTY,Saranda, (Pap. M., M. 8) FORWARDS, -- Anglê, (Psp. M.) FORWARDS, to go,-Rěpěziva, (M.) FOUND, to be,-Arakliovava, (Tch.) FOUNDATIONS, - Timili, (M.) FOUNTAIN, -Chesme, (Tch.); khani, (As. Tch.) FOUR, -Stor, (Eng.); ishtâr, shtår, star, (Tch,),
ishtår, (Psp. M.); shtar, (M., M. 8) FOURTEEN, -Desh ta store, (Eng.); desh-i-ishtår,
(Psp. M.) FOURTH, -Shtårto, (M.) Fox,-Weshen-juggal, (Eng.); halpe, (M.) FRAGRANCY,-Sung, (Tch.); shung, (M. 8) FRAME, embroidering, an,-Derdêfu, (M.) FRANTIC, -Hegedüsh, (M.) FREEZE, to,-Paghosailiom (1 pres.), (Tch.); pa.
gosariva, (M. 8) FRESH,-Sudrô, sidro, sitro (Tch.); premint'an,
prospětu, (M.); shudro, (M. 8) FRESHNESS, -Sudripe, (Tch.) FRESH AIR,Rěkvare, (M.) FRIDAY,-Parashtuyt, parashtui,(M.); paraskevi,
(M. 8) FRIEND, -Parnavô, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 8); moro,
(M. 8) FRIENDSHIP,-Parnaibe, (Tch.) FRIGHT,-Dar, (Tch.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FRIGHTEN, to,-Traishâva, (Eng.); daraváva, (Tch.) FRIGHTENED, to be,-Darâniováva, trashaniováva, (Tch.)
FRIGHTEN HIM,-Strash; de len strash, (M.) FRINGES, (of a tent),-Pishkolia, (Tch.) FROG,-Zâmba, (Tch., M. 8); bogh, (As. Tch.); zampa, (Pap. M.); brôska, brôskě, (M.); marokha, (M. 8)
FROM,-Katar, (Psp. M.); de, (M.) FRONT,-Anglê, (abl.) anglal, (Teh.) FROST,-Zhêru, (hoar-frost) chêrko, chêrku, chêru, (M.) FROTH,-Spama, (M.)
FRUIT,-Meivê, (As. Tch., M. 8) FRUIT GARDEN,-Pomětu, (M.) FRUIT-TREE,--Porikin, ruk, (dim.) rukorô, (Tch.);
pômu, (M.)
FRUIT-TREE, of or belonging to,-Rukêngoro,
(Tch.)
GALLOWS,-Sklinchop, umblad'i, (M.) GAME,-Kelibê, (Tch.)
GAME (wild flesh),-Shara, (M.) GAMEKEEPER,-Wesh-engro, yag-engro, yagomengro, (Eng.)
GARDEN,-Yarb-tan, (Eng.); bakhchê, bâri, pâri,
(Tch.) GARLIC,-Sir, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8); lesin, (As. Tch.)
GARLIC, clove of,-Sheralô, (Teh.) GARMENT,-Ucharibê, (Tch.); duláma, rôkiya, rôkiye, côha, thalik, (M.); (woman's garment), chokha, (M. 7) GARTER,-Brichinår, (M.) GATE,-Stiggur, klop, (Eng.) GEESE,-Shubley patnies, (Eng.) GENIUS, (a wicked female),-Zěne, (M. 8) GENTILE,-Gorgio, (fem.) gorgie, (Eng.); gacho, (Span. Gip.)
GENTILE, blood of,-Gorgiken rat, (Eng.)
FRYING-PAN, Tassa-mengri, tattra mengri GENTILES, after the manner of,-Gorgikonoes,
(Eng.)
(Eng.)
FULL,-Perdo, (Eng); perdô, (dim.) perdorô, (Tch.); perdó, (Psp. M.); pherdô, phêrdo, pkhêrdo, perdô, (M.)
FULL, to be,-Pêrghiovâva, (Tch.); pêrtiováva, (Pap. M.)
FULLER'S EARTH,-Shershik, (Tch.) FUN,-Pias, (Eng)
FUNDAMENT, Vul, bul, bulbâl, vulval, (Tch.) FUNNEL,-Khoink, (Tch.)
FUR,-Keptâre, poshtin, zhaba, (M.); poshtin, (M. 8)
G
GAIETY,Peryas, (M. 8) GAIN,-Kappi, (Eng.)
GAIN, to,-Agonisiâva, koshtigĕsarâva, (M.) GAIT,-Piripe, (Psp. M.) GALL,-Kholin, (Tch.)
BOOK
THE ROOTS, VERB-FORMS, AND PRIMARY DERIVATIVES OF THE SANSKRIT LANGUAGE, by W. D. WHITNEY. A supplement to his Sanskrit Grammar. Leipzig, Breitkopf and Härtel; London, Trübner & Co. 1885. 8vo. pp. xiii. & 250.
[MARCH, 1886.
Highly as we value the works of the native grammarians, and convinced as we are that to them is mainly due that rapid progress which the study of Sanskrit has been making during the last century, we may yet, without fear of being misunderstood, venture to say that the time has arrived when their teaching should be subjected, by a comparison with the actual usage of the language, to a thorough and searching examination. No one who has given any serious thought
GENTLE,-Gudlô, guglô, (Tch.); guldê, guldi (As.
Tch.)
GENTLEMAN,-Raia, rye, (Eng.); khulay, (M. 7) GENTLEMANLY,-Ryeskoe, (Eng.); t'iru, (M.) GERMAN,-Ninco, sasos, (M. 8) GET BOOTY, to,-Lelâva kappi, (Eng.) GET UP, to,-Ufkiåva, uftiâva, ufchiâva, ukhkiava, unghiâva, ushtiâva, (Tch.) GET WITH CHILD, to,-Shauvâva, (Eng.) GHOST,-Bavol-engro, (Eng.); chovekhanô, (Teh.), dukho, (M.); chovekhano, (M. 7) GHOST, of or belonging to,-Chovekhanêskoro; (Tch:)
GHOST, appearance of,-Chovekhanibê, (Tch.) GHOST, to become a,-Chovekhâniováva, (Tch.) GIANT,-Uriyesh, (M.) GIFT,-Dibê, (Tch.); daro, (M.) GIMLET,-Sfêrdelu, (M.)
NOTICES.
to the subject, would suggest that those ancient scholars of India, whose labours have been preserved by Panini, Katyayana, and Patanjali, would willingly have misled us, or would have invented rules which they did not believe to be warranted by the language as known to them. At the same time it is possible that, in their attempt to analyse and explain the facts of the language, they may have arrived at conclusions which cannot be upheld; that their desire to generalise may have led them to lay down rules which, true in individual cases, would, if generally observed, give rise to forms or expressions that have never been in actual use; and that the

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BOOK NOTICES.
87
commentators may have given a meaning to their dicts which was not intended by those who originated them. Moreorer, it cannot be denied, that the ancient idiom of the Vedas has not received from the grammarians that careful at. tention and minute description which it deserves, and that their labours here at any rate must be supplemented by modern research.
But a comparison of the teachings of the gram- marians with the usage of the language during its consecutive periods is likely to furnish valuable results in another direction. If it be true, that the grammarians were not like potters who fabri. cate their wares for those who demand them, if what they aimed at was by means of rules and exceptions to explain the existing words of the language, a careful examination and comparison of the extant literature should reveal what works must have been known to the grammarians, and assist us in fixing more accurately the place which they hold in Sanskpit literature.
It is from such considerations as these, that we welcome the appearance of the valuable work, the result of years of patient labour, by which Prof. Whitney has laid under deep obligations all who are interested in the study of Sanskrit grammar. The book is intended, to use the author's own words, especially as a Supplement to his Sanskrit Grammar, giving, with a fulness of detail that was not then practicable, nor admissible as part of the grammar itself, all the quotable roots of the language, with the tense and conjugation systems made from them, and with the noun and adjective (infinitival and participial) formations that attach themselves most closely to the verb; and further, with the other derivative noun and adjective-stems usually classed as primary: since these also are needed, if one would have a com. prehensive view of the value of a given root in the language. So far 98 the information at present available allows, everything given is dated, --whether found in the language throughout its whole history, or limited to a certain period, Véda, Brahmana, Satra, Upanishads, epic poetry, or 80-called classical Sansksit. Of the forms taught by the grammarians, which have not yet been met with in actual use, a liberal presentation is made under the different roots : such material being always distinguished from the rest by being put in square brackets. In addition to this regular Dhdtupdtha, the author has given indexes of tense and conjugation-stems, from which it becomes at once apparent, whether a particular stem is found only in the earlier or only in the later language, or occurs in both; and an index of roots, arranged in reversed alphabetical order, under which we find the interesting note, that " of
the more than 800 roots here recorded as making forms of conjugation, nearly 200 occur only in the earlier language, nearly 500 in both earlier and later, and less than 150 only in the later language."
For the later periods of the language Prof. Whitney has drawn his information mainly from the St. Petersburg Dictionary, but in the older language he has done much more independent work. He has, namely, himself "gone over all the texts of the earlier period accessible to him, including the as vet unpublished Kaushitaki Brábmana and Kathaka, and the immense Jaimi. niya or Talavakara-Brahmana, which has as v hardly been accessible to any one else; and from them he has excerpted all the noteworthy verbal forms and (less completely) the primary deriva. tives; thus verifying and occasionally correcting the material of the Lexicon, supplying chance omissions, and especially filling in not a few details which it had not lain in the design of that work to present in their entirety." The forms taught by the native grammarians have been given chiefly on the authority of Westergaard's Radices, and for this reason a few wrong forms, which had found their way into that very accurate work, have here also been repeated.
Without entering into details, for which this is not the place, we venture to maintain that Prof. Whitney's book will prove of the greatest service not only to the student of Sanskrit generally, but also to those who more particularly have turned their attention upon the works of the native grammarians. To the latter the accurate and full collections contained in the work will probably suggest additional reasons for the belief that the 80-called grammarian's dialect accords in a most curious manner with the language of what Prot. Whitney calls the language of the Brahmana period.
F. KIELHORN.
The LIGHT OF ARIA, by EDWIN, ARNOLD, C.S.I.
Illustrated Edition. London, Trübner & Co. Notices of this very popular work have previous ly appeared in this Journal and its points have been variously discussed, but the chief feature of this particular edition--the illustrations--have been missed. They are all taken from bond fide native representations of Buddha and his life, without addition or alteration, and we have here before us facsimiles of pictures, however crudely executed in the original, of Buddhist stories as they present themselves to the Buddhist imagination. A flood of light is thus necessarily thrown on those quaint sculptures and drawings so familiar and so

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.
[MARCH, 1886.
but, perhaps wisely, makes no attempt to translate. Now if you write katha, &c. why write lakh ? And if you write crore why not write lac ? And again if you write lakh why write Gunga ? If you are going to be so very correct as to write n in a word where the cerebral nasal occurs, why be careless as to vowels in other words no more familiar to the general reader than tatsaviturva. renyam on the very next page P We have again maidin and myna and then nullah (!), mahardj and maharaja, and so on ad infinitum throughout the book; to say nothing of such atrocities as abhidjna, Tchirnika, chuddah and Ardjuna! It is a great pity to allow the book to continue to be marred by signs of want of scholarship of such a nature as to throw doubts on its existence.
incomprehensible to the student of Indian Bud- dhist architecture and art, and a new interest given to them. As instances of this we would draw attention to the cuts on p. 7 entitled in the list "merchantmen bringing rich gifta" : on p. 19, "Rishis passing the Jambu tree": and and on p. 86 where Buddha takes his horse to see the world. Viewed therefore as a teacher through its illustrations of the meaning of bas-reliefs and sculptures from Buddhist buildings the book is an invaluable one, and serves as a key by which the student may unlock the sealed door of ancient Indian design, and having thus once obtained an entrance into the vestibule use the clues now viven him to penetrate unaided into the further recesses of the structure. Other books of course can do this for him, but they are not as a rule such as would from their nature attract any but the most earnest or from their costliness be avail. able to any but the wealthy, whereas this one is both interesting and moderate in price. The value of the illustrations is augmented by their being placed within the text as it were :-cuts rather than full-page plates being used throughout the work.
As edition after edition of the Light of Asia has been brought out we cannot but wonder that the author has allowed his extraordinarily faulty transliteration to remain hitherto untouched. We quote the following passage from page 11 as a sample of what transliteration ought not to be. Either let it be scientifically regular or let it be "phonetic "; not a little of both, which is the worst system of all.
"After me repeat Your numeration till we reach the Lakh, One, two, three, four to ten, and then by tens To hundreds, thousands." After him the child Named digits, decade, centuries; nor paused, The round lakh reached, but softly murmured
on, " Then comes the kôti, nahut, ninnahut, Khamba, viskhamba, abab, attata, To kumuds, gundhikas, and utpalas, By pundarikas unto padumas, Which last is how you count the utmost grains Of Hastagiri ground to finest dust; But beyond that a numeration is, The Katha, used to note the stars of night; The Koti-Katha, for the ocean drops; Ingga, the calculus of circulars; Sarvanikchepa, by the which you deal With all the sands of Gunga, till we come To Antah-Kalpas, where the unit is 'Tho sands of ten crore Ghungas."
On the previous page we have tatsaviturvarenyam in the "Gdyatry," which the author gives,
EXTRACTS PROM THE CORAN IN THE ORIGINAL. WITH
ENGLISH RENDERING.-BY SIR W. MUIR, K.C.S.I.
LL.D., D.C.L. 2nd Ed. Trübner & Co., London. We take it that the object of this little work is to extract what of general religions morality is to be found in the Quran-as we prefer to spell it--with the object of showing Christians and Muhammadans how far they can agree. Seeing how beautiful and attractive on such points the language of the Quran often is, the learned and distinguished author conceived the idea of using suitable extracts from it as a book for schools, useful alike to both religions. This idea well deserved success, but he was met with such a weight of prejudice-from Christians against "teaching' from the Quran, and from Muhammadans against 'extracting' from 80 sacred a book--that be dropped it for many years. How. ever in 1880 he had the courage to take it up again and to so far succeed as to reach a second edition in 1885. As a book the work is an admirable one, and let us hope that the victory over prejudice will be complete and final.
A COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTARY ON THE QURAN, VOL.
III.-by the Rev. E.M. WHERRY, M.A., London: Trübner & Co. We are glad to observe that Mr. Wherry's very valuable work has reached its third volume, and that we shall not have much longer to wait for the fourth and last, which is to contain that "Complete Index" so much to be desired by all students of the Quran.
This volume, which is, of course, conducted precisely on the lines of the former ones, takes us from the XIVth to the XLth Súra and fully keeps up the character of the work as a comprehensive commentary. We are sorry, however, to note that the slipe still occur in the transliterations of Oriental words and names which have disfigured the former volumes.

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89
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE
STUDY OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. II.
| found used to be sacrified to him. For sacrifices Sun Worship.
to the Moon, under similar circumstances, UN worship, probably the most ancient of all
albinos were chosen. superstitions, still prevails in Hindustan, and
The Comanches, & subdivision of the Apaformerly had a special existence in Phænicia, ches, a tribe belonging to Northern Mexico, Chaldæa, Egypt, Mexico, and Peru. According
practise various religious ceremonies which to Allegre' the explicit worship of the Sun, and
are for the most part of a simple kind and more or less that of the other heavenly bodies,
directed to the Sun as the great source of life, or at least a recognition of some supernatural
and to the Earth, as the producer and receppower resident in or connected with them,
tacle of all that sustains life. According to was widely spread throughout Mexico, amongst
the Abbé Domenech, in his account of his raisboth the uncivilized and the civilized tribes or
sionary labours, every Comanche wears a Jittle peoples. In civilized Mexico, the San was figure of the Sun round his neck, or has á picdefinitely worshipped under the namo Toma
ture of it painted on his shield: while from tink, or the Sun in his substance, and also
his ears hang two crescents which may possibly under that of Naolin, or the Sun in his four represent the Moon. motions. Sometimes he was represented by
Halhed, in his Code of Gentoo Laios speaks a human face surrounded with rays, some
of a spot in India, which in his day was much times hy a full length human figures whilst
frequented by pilgrims, in the SAbah of he seems to have been often confounded Oude, known as Sûrya Kund. A festival was with the element fire, and with the god of
annually observed there, called the Sûrya-Půfire. We find the same confusion in the JA, which took place on the 7th day of tho Trinacria, or arms of Sicily, if, as has been bright half of January, when offerings of supposed by many, it be a form of the Svastika, flowers were made to the sun and afterwards or Fire-Symbol, which in process of time has lost
cast into the Ganges. He also adds that the one of its arms. In Scandinavia it has become
new-born babe of a Brahman was exposed to what is there styled the Triskele. Obviously
the Solar beams. the Trinacria is a human face surrounded
Fire-worship, as a special form of Sanwith rays in the centre of three legs.
worship, early prevailed in Persia; its votaries, When an eclipse of the Moon is expected,
the Magi, being forbidden to spit in the fire or many of the natives of Hindustan hasten down to pour water upon it, even if their dwellings to the nearest river or to a tank, and remain or goods were in danger of being consumed. in the water the whole time of its duration, According to Hyde, isolaters, as well as these imagining that some dire misfortune would Sun-worshippers, existed in ancient Persia, and befall them were they to omit to do so. The the worship of Fire, and that of idols, were comMexicans also have been described as being
bined at one period. The Fire-worshipping much troubled and distressed at an eclipse
Magi held the idolaters in abomination, but of the Sun or Moon, some of the wild tribes after the death of one of them named Smerdis, regarding the Sun and Moen as husband and the sect which opposed idols becamp extinct wife. They believe that an eclipse of the Sun in Persia. Quintus Curtius, when describing is caused by domestic quarrels, and to soothe
the march of the army of Darias, though the ruffled spirit of the Sun on such occasions, writing long after the date, says that he was the ruddiest human victims that could be accompanied by an image of the Sun placed in
BO.
Hist. Comp. de Jemes.
In Naples, to this day the Key (the symbol of Janus or the Sun) is used as a talinnan by the lower orders, who call the Moon Janara, or the wife of Janus. One woman will onll another Janire a term of reproach.
• London, 1776.
• Persian Religion, p. 38. Clement of Alexandria states that Artaxerxes, the son of Darius, crused idola to be made in human form for worship, and adds that this monarch was the first who created statues to the goddess Venus at Babylon, at Suse, and elsewhere.

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a crystal, and the sacred fire carried on a silver marks of dating from the second half of the altar ; that the king's carriage was ornamented last century of paganism. In fact, the Mithraic on all sides with image of gold and silver; and feasts and the mysteries of the god Mithra, that there were also gulden statoes an ell in were established and recognised in Italy under height on top of it, one of which represented the reign of Trajan, who was born 52 A.D. Bêlus (the Sun). Tertullian also in his Apologia, and ascended the throne 98 A.D. For nearly Chap. 16, gives us to understand that the a century and a half the followers of Mithra Persians adored a figure of the Sun, which they were obliged, like the early Christians, to carry caused to be painted on canvas.
out their religious rites in caves and grottos, Zoroaster (Zardusht) gave Mithra, the Sun and the grotto of Mithramonia may be regarded god of the Persians, two principles; and made as one of the spots where the votaries of this these exercise two distinct forces, each in- worship used to assemble in secret. dependent of the other, under the names of | Mithraic worship was not of long duration Ormuzd (good) and Ahriman (evil). This, in in Italy. It was tolerated and permitted by time, in the opinion of Mr. Fiske (the American the emperors in the first years of the second upholder of the Darwinian theories), produced centary of the Christian era, but Christianity the Manichæan heresy, in which the devil was then already beginning to spread and gain appears as an independently existing principle ground, and was recognized by Constantine of evil, and thus was continued in part at in the following century, as the true and only least the old Asiatic worship of the Sun in religion. comparatively modern Europe. This heresy, According to ancient writers, the ceremony says Mr. Fiske," was always ripe in Armenia. of the initiation of a candidate into the It was through Armenian missionaries that Bul. Mithraic mysteries was very appalling. Tergaria was converted from heathenism, and tullian says that the candidate encountered a from thence Manichæism penetrated into drawn sword on the threshold of the cavern, Servia and Bosnia, which latter was its head from 'which, if he persevered in entering, he quarters from the 12th century onwards, and received more than one wound. He then had was a perpetual thorn in the side of the
to pags repeatedly through the flames of a Papacy. From Bosnia, the great Albigensian fierce fire, and undergo a rigid fast, which, some heresy was propagated through Northern Italy have stated, lasted 50 days, during which tim and Southern Gaul." Mr. Fiske also adds, he was to remain far from all human habitathat this connection of Eastern and Western tions; but this seems hardly possible, and some Protestantism was well understood at the kind of coarse food must have been permitted time."
him. He was then beaten with rods for two The worship of Mithra penetrated to many whole days, and during the last 20 days of places in ancient Italy. At Milan there was his his trial was buried up to the neck in snow. cavern or grotto and his sacrificing priests, as If he endured all these privations and sufferappears from an inscription discovered near the ings, the candidate was admitted as a disciple monastery of Saint Ambrose. Also, on the of Mithra, and a golden serpent was placed in island of Capri, in the bay of Naples, in a grotto, his bosom, given him as a sign of his regeneraare the remains of a temple of Mithra. The tion, for, as the snake renews its vigour in the name of this grotto has been popularly corrupted spring by casting its skin, so the vivifying heat into Matromania, but it should be styled of the San is annually renewed. Sókratés, the Mithramonia. In Naples, too, there was a author of the Ecclesiastical History, who lived temple to Mithra, the columns of which may in the fifth century A.D., relates that in his still be seen in the Church of Santa Maria à time "the Christians of Alexandria, having disCappella on the Cliatamone.
covered a cavern which had been consecrated This worship of Mithra was introduced into to Mithra, but long closed ap, resolved to Italy after the return of Pompey the Great explore it and see what remnants of that superfrom his victories in Asia, and beni's all the stition it contained, when to their astonishment
Illustrazione Italiana, March 1933. It is not in also wore in their tuin obliged to perform their religious probable that tho Christiana used this grotto, when they ritos in secret.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
the principal thing they found in it was a grent quantity of human skulls, with other bones of men that had been sacrificed. They were brought out, and publicly exposed, and excited the utmost horror in the inhabitants of that great city."
It is not impossible that to the people of Itnly, Mithra was the Sun himself. He was not so to the Persians; to them he was only a satellite of the Sun, a powerful god, though not the first or the supreme one, and more like a saint of our own days. The Persians adored him, but only for the favours which they believed he could obtain for them, by his intercession with the Sun.
Montfaucon, in his Antiquities, gives a description of a statue, supposed to be that of Mitbra, which was discovered at Rome at the close of the 16th century, between the Viminal and the Quirinal Hills. His account of it is taken from that of an Italian sculptor named Vacca, who examined the temple at the time it was excavated. The building was circular, as were all the temples of the Sun and Fire. In the centre was a statue of Mithra in white marble, rather less than four feet in height. It stood erect upon a globe, out of which a serpent issued, the emblem of life, twined in numerous folds round the body of the deity. The body of the statue was that of a man, and the head was that of a lion, one of the signs of the zodiac. The two hands grasped two keys pressed close to the breast, to indicate the god's power over the two hemispheres, and his solar origin. Around him was suspended a circle of lamps in regular order, apparently made of baked earth. What was remarkable in these lamps was, that they were so arranged
trn the side which gave the light to wards the statue ; and this seems to show that these ancient people knew that the planets were opaque bodies, and derived their light from the Sun, the central orb, around which they revolved.
On a bas-relief of white marble in the Casino of the Villa Albani at Rome is represented' a Bacrifice to the god Mithra. In the centre of the group is a youth, or female figure, attired
in the manner in which the Romans represented those whom they wished to delineate as foreign deities. This figure has a peaked or so-called Phrygian cap, flowing hair, a loose robe with sleeves reaching only to the knees and confined at the waist with a broad girdle, tight trowsers down to the ankles, and pointed shoes. Both the tigbt trowsers and the pointed shoes recall the dress of certain natives of India in the present day. It is standing over & prostrate bull, holding the head of the animal with the left hand, and thrusting a dagger into its flank with the right, just above the shoulder-blade. In the foreground is a small dog, while a serpent in an erect position seems watching the course of the dagger, and near the serpent are two scorpions. Behind and to the right of the principal figure is a half moon, while a human head and half bust with long flowing locks is within it. On the left of 'the central figure is a large bird, which, judging from its beak, is meant either for a hawk or an eagle. On the same side, but still further to the left of the spectator, is another haman head which is more masculine in character than either of the others, and which may have been intended for Mithra himself.
The worship of Mithra in Europe was not confined to Italy and Greece, for the Greeks certainly introduced it in the south of France.10 In the museum at Arles is a torso, or technically speaking a Hermés, of white marble (Plate III. fig. 4; p. 68 above), a most striking bit of sculpture, and called a statue of Mithra. The head is wanting, the neck and shoulders are those of a man, the arms are kept close to the body by the folds of an enormous snake, between the coils of which, three in number, several of the signs of the zodiso are distinguishable.
The different sculptures above described are most interesting and instructive. In each case, the presence of zodiacal signs serves to show us that Mithra was a Sun-god, and we are able also by examining them to connect the Snake with Sun-worship, the serpent playing an important part in each instance. Sun, Fire, and Snake-worship and the emblems of each, are intimately bound up
• The key is also the well-known emblem of Janus, or the Sun, with which he unlocks the gates of light. + According to Winckelmann.
From the engraving it is not easy to determine which.
The same costume was also given by them to Gallio or Dacian slaves.
w Many of the inhabitants of Arles, which is known to have been a Greek colony, preserve & Grecian type of countonance to this day.

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[APRIL, 1886.
together, subtle links and fine gradations on the same day the "pointer" stone appears uniting them almost insensibly in some cases. As though set at an inclination similar to that
In India, the votarios of the goddess Kall of the gnomon of a bun-dial. consider that it is acceptable to her that they 1 'In the county of Connaught, and in other should walk on the fire. If they are sick, parts of the south of Ireland, it is still the they say, "Oh Kali, Mother, only care me and I custom to kindle fires on St. John's Eve, which will walk on fire in your holy presence." are kept up till sunrise. A friend, who, when Some have supposed that the Hebrews of old quartered in Ireland, had frequently been an caused their children to pass between two fires. ege-witness of this scene, told me that mothers Others again say that they waved them about on such oceasions are in the habit of giving in the flames, whilst the worshippers of Mo- their young children a kind of baptism of fire. loch danced around or leapt through the fire." He himself had had infants thrown to him Amongst other heathen customs, St. Chrysos- through the flames, not once only, but many tom blames that of lighting two great fires and times. The people call this ceremony Baalpassing between them.
tine-glass, or Baal-fire-blue. The title of In Norway, Brittany, and even in the British Baltinglas (now extinct or in abeyance) is Isles, traditional usages are still observed which but & corruption of these words. The women, serve to connect fire with Sun-worship: On my friend added, prefer asking gentlemen Midsummer Eve, on the hills near and round to catch their children, thinking possibly that Throndhjem, bonfires are lighted at sunset, they will be more gentle with them than which at that season of the year is about one of their own class in life. He also said 11-30 PM. The whole population turns out to that he had quite recently made inquiries assist at the ceremony of kindling them. A as to whether this custom still survived, barrel is fixed upon a pole driven into the and was answered in the affirmative. At ground, filled with shavings and other com- Youghal, County Waterford, every year on bustible materials, and its position most carefully St. John's Eve, the inhabitants light numerous adjusted, so that it may point exactly to that wood-fires in different parts of the town. Each part of the horizon where the sun will set on person, or one member of each family, seizes a that day.
burning brand and runs with it to his house. In England, the 21st of June, or the longest If he arrives at his dwelling with his torch day, used to be a great day at Stonehenge. alight, it is an omen that the ensuing year I hear it has now degenerated into a dis- will be a happy and prosperous one to him and orderly assemblage, but it was formerly the his; but should it be extinguished, some dire custom for a large number of persons to as
calamity will, he thinks, fall apon his family. semble annually at dawn at this spot, in order The new brand is then put in the place of to watch for the rising of the sun, which honour above the hearth (the sacred spot in on this particular day can be seen from the all ages and with all peoples) and the one of centre of the circle of Stonehenge, coming up the previous year removed and burnt, exactly over the centre of a large stone at
III, some distance from the rest, and called the
The Svastika." "pointer" stone, and striking its first rays Some have held the Svastika to be an through the central entrance on to the so- emblem of the Sun, and others, again, say that called altar-stone. This custom has been the arms of the cross represent two pieces of quoted by one writer as an obvious proof of wood and are typical of Fire, showing us the Sun-worship in the original constructors of way in which fire was first produced by primithe circles, and he adds the fact that at noon tive peoples. Two crooked sticks were laid
# The ceremony of Dam-Madar, still very popular among the lower orders of Northern India consists of jumping into a fire and treading it out. It is done with a view to encape snake bite, those who perform it being believed not to be liable to injury from the fire. Shah Mndar died at Makanpur in 1438 A.D. in the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Shah Sharqi, of Jaunpur (1402-1440 A.D.). Referencos as to this fire ceremony are Elliott, Races of
N.-W. P. by Beames, I. p. 248, who adds J. A. 8. B.. 1831, IV. p. 76; Tubugdt-i-Shahjahdnf, p. 15 Yadgar-i. Bahadurl, p. 281, Daulat RM Chaman, 1. Dabistan II. 244 ; III. 307. Carnegie, Kachahrt Technicalition, p. 96, quotes also Mirdt-i-Madaril, and Mrs. Mir Hasan Ali's Observations on the Musalmans. Horkloti, QaninIslam, pp. 158-159, gives the ceremony in detail-ED]
" (or ante, Vol. VII. p. 1768.-ED.)

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nontic orwoollom.
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 5
Plates
基于S
LT....
THE SVASTIKA.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
9S
one across the other, and a hole drilled through both, in which a pointed stick was inserted and rapidly twirled by the hands till all were ignited at the points of contact. In the present day, the sacred fire in certain Hindu temples is said to be kindled in this manner. It seems not improbable, however, that the Srastika may originally have been an emblem of the Sun (as & wheel) and of Fire also, both conveying light and warmth.
The Vedas prescribe the asvattha (pipal or ficus religiosa) and the sami (acacia suma) as the kinds of wood to be used in kindling the sacred fire. It is very common, in Southern India especially, to see these two trees planted close together when young, so that when grown older their branches and foliage become entwined. The Hindûs style this "marrying " the trees." In this manner, Tree-worship became in a way connected with Fire worship.
Both the Greeks and Romans, down to a late period in their primitive history, used the above described method of procuring fire. They found that the pyrkaia or lower part was best made of certain softer kinds of wood, such as ivy (vitus sylvestris); whilst the laurel, thorn, or other hard wood was to be preferred for the trypanon or drilling-stick.
Tyler in his Early History of Mankind mentions that the Eskimo kindle a new fire by a very similar process. They most probably see nothing sacred in the performance, whereas by the Hindus it is regarded with feelings of great awe-feelings extended to the element itself by the ancient Persian Magi, who denoted Fire, which they considered the father and first principle of all things, as Zardusht (Zoroaster) had taught them, by the word báb or báp signifying 'father."15 Their modern representar tives, the Pârsi priests of a famous fire temple in Gujaråt, boast that they have cherished the sacred flame of the ancient Persians unextinguished for 800 or 900 years, i.e. ever since their expulsion from Persia by the Muhammadans. The Parsis, however, say that they do not worship Fire, and much object to be called Fire-worshippers, but they admit that they are tanglit from their youth up to face some luminous object whilst praying Fire, they
See Pañijdb Notes and Queries, Vol. II. note 77. Soe Pafljab Notes and Queries, Vol. II. note 861.
say, they look upon as upon other natural phenomena, via, as an emblem of divine power, but they never ask assistance or blessings from it. Pare Fire-worship also exists among the modern Hindus. Thus it was formerly strictly prohibited to all Hindûs to go beyond the Indus, or rather, properly speaking, the Kald Páns, or Black Water, as they call the Indian (or indeed any) Ocean, into which the Indus empties itself; but I was solemnly told by a Marâthâ Brâhman that this rule is now relaxed, and that Hindus may do so if on their return to Hindustan they worship Agni or Fire, saying certain prayers to it, and giving alms and a feast to the Brâhmans. The man who told me this was in Government employ on £20 a month, and he added that if he ever went to Europe it would cost him about £100 to be re-admitted into his caste on his return, as the expenses of this are in proportion to a man's known income.
In India Hindús belonging to certain sects are in the habit of tracing one or more figures of the Svastika on the outer walls of their houses, but I cannot recall ever having seen this symbol in the interior of any modern Hinda temple or shrine ; nor yet have I observed its present use by the Buddhists of Western Tibet, Kunwar, Spiti, or Ceylon. This was not the case in ancient Buddhist times : e.g., the Svastika exists as a so-called mason's mark on some of the stones of the famous Buddhist tope at Sârnâth near Benares, and it is twice repeated on stones in the interior of some cells surrounding the court-yard of the Lal DarwÅza or Red Gate Mosque at Jaunpur, which have evidently originally formed part of old Buddhist buildings.
On the occasion of a marriage amongst the Hindus, it is customary to send presents of sweetments, &o., to the friends and relations of the contracting parties. These are placed on trays and covered with an embroidered cloth. The tray and the cloth are returned to the donor after the gift has been removed by the person to whom it is sent, and after placing in the tray a small piece of money for the servant who brings it. A similar custom prevails in Spain, (or did so till very recently),
2. The same dootrine was afterwards inculoated by Anstagoras the Greek philosopher.
Boe also editorial note at the end of the paper.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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and on the occasion of a fête or "naming. Roman villa at Beading in the Isle of Wight, day" cakes and sweetmeats are sent arranged and the form of it known as the double in this very manner. I possess two or three Sun-snake of Scandinavia, exists on an Agham of the cloths used in Spain for covering stone at Pen Arthur in South Wales." It was the trays. They are bordered with old lace also apparently in use in England in the cinque and have conventional flower designs and cents, for when in 1883) examining the articles various wonderful animals worked upon them in in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Valencia in coloured silks. Like the Indian embroideries Spain, I saw two splendidly embroidered altar of the same nature the material which forms frontals, which were said to have formerly the groundwork is white linen or cotton belonged to the Church of Old St. Paul's in cloth and the embroidery is exactly the same London, and to have been sold into Spain by on both sides. One of my cloths has the Henry VIII. On each is represented a por. Svastika many times repeated upon it. On tion of the Church, and on one of them, which an ordinary cotton pocket handkerchief in depicts the crucifixion, a soldier of the Romans, Grenada I also saw the same symbol, forming or of one of their allies, is holding a standard its only ornamentation. I tried, but in vain, to procure one such, and even failed to ascertain
on which are embroidered two snakes where they were manufactured. This kind
entwined, forming a svastika. of embroidery, too, was evidently known in In Plate I. (p. 66 above) for obvious reasons, I early Jewish times, for in the Song of Deborah, have placed the Sun and Fire Symbols of Scandi. (Judges v. 30) mention is mado “of needle- navia side by side, and I now propose to work of divers colours; of divers colours of give illustrations of the different forms and needlework on both sides, meet for the necks modifications which the Swastika assumed in of them that take the spoil."
other parts of Europe and in the East. Plate V. The Scastika has been found in nearly fig. 1 represents the Hindu form of this every country in Europe. In a letter from symbol; and fig. 2 is the Buddhist and Jain Prof. Max Müller to Dr. Schliemann, quoted in form, both taken from drawings in Sir G.
form, both taken from draw the latter's Ilium, or the Cities of Troy, at which Birdwood's Industrial Arts of India. Fig. 3 place this symbol and also Sun symbols have is on a fragment of a Persian carpet now in been found in great numbers, the Professor the Museum at Gothenburg in Sweden. Fig. says :-" It is found in Bishop's Island near 4 is a mark on Japanese pottery, and fig. 5 on Königswalde on the right bank of the Oder; porcelain made only for magistrates in China. on a vase discovered at Reichersdorf, near Figs. 6, 7, 10 and 11 are examples from Dr. Gulben; a whole row of this emblem surrounds Schliemann's Ilium. Fig. 8 is on a slab of the pulpit of St. Ambrose at Milan; in the marble now in the Museum at Naples, which catacombs at Rome it occurs 1000 times; it was found in the Christian catacombs beneath is seen also on wall paintings at Pompeii; that city, and fig. 9 is a representation of on a Celtic urn found at Shropham in Norfolk the Trinacria, or Three-legged-mun, of the and now in the British Museum, also on arms of Sicily. In the Manix-daan the face ancient Athenian and Corinthian vases; on and the (? Sun's) rays of the Trinacria have the coins of Leucas of Syracuse, and in the disappeared, and only the three legs remain, large mosaic in the royal garden at Athens. Doubtless both have a common origin and It is found in Hungary and in China," as well are but an outcome of the Triskele, which as amongst the Ashantees and in Yucatan." was itself & debased form of the Svastika.
It will be observed that Professor Max Fig. 12 is taken from a fragment of pottery Müller here speaks of the Svastika as having found in what is believed to be a pre-Etruscan been only once found in England, but since cemetery at Bologna in Italy. The row of he wrote the above letter numerous examples Svastikas, the warrior, and the mythical animal, have been unearthed during the excavation of a have in this example to all appearance been
11 Where it is used as a mark on pottery made specially 46 It hae also been found on pottery in the Island of for the magistrates, and in Japan it is also & potter's Cyprus, & specimen of which is now in the Museum at mark
St. Germain in France.

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stamped on the clay while it was yet soft. in those countries; and from the simple hak Plate VI, figs. 3 and 4 show an ornament in kors (cru gammata) or Svastika, became the raised silver-work on a lance brought a few double snake, and finally the Triskele, after it years ago from Japan by the Honble. James had lost one of its arms. Saumarez and now in his Japanese villa in the A tolerably convincing proof that the Island of Guernsey. It is identical with a form ancients associated the Snake with Fire is furof the Triskele figured in cut 164, in Kamer Herr nished by Plate V. fig. 15. It is an exact Worsaee's Handbook of Danish Art. Plate V. copy of a brooch found a few years ago in fig. 14 is especially interesting, as the Svastika excavating a Roman Camp on the Saalburg, is here surrounded by balf-moons in various near Frankfort-on-the-Maine. Each of the positions. It is from a Mosaic pavement found three arms of the Triskele, or Sun-snake (as at Gubbio in Italy in 1882. The Svastika has also Professor Worsaee calls it) is here represented been found on a Christian tomb with a Latin with a serpent's head. Fig. 13 is a Svastila from inscription, discovered in 1879 by Armelini in the same collection, enclosed in a rim of metal." the new catacomb of Saint Agnese at Rome. | Professor Newton, in a lecture delivered in Rossi, the great Christian archæologist, says December 1833 on the monuments of Lycian that this inscription belongs to the second art, alludes to an interesting series of Lycian century of our era, and adds-"Perhaps this silver coins, which he refers to the period is the most ancient crux gammata that has between the conquest of Lycia under Cyrus, and been found on Christian monuments."
the overthrow of the Persian dynasty by On comparing the results of the grave and Alexander. He says that these coins were struck bog finds in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, by & number of autonomous cities, and are it would seem that the Svastika is most rare inscribed with their names in Lycian characters, in the last-named, and most common in and that they have on one side the curious Norway, and that Sun and Firo symbols symbol called the triquetra resembling the became disused in the two latter countries Manx Three-legs. He is of opinion that the about the twelfth century,--that is to say, about coins belonged to a people whose original name the time of the introduction of Christianity; was Tremilæ, & race belonging to the Aryan whereas in Norway they still continue in use family, and who were afterwards called Lydown to our own times, though their signit- cians. Another race called the Solymi were cation is probably unknown to the present & Semitic people, and inhabited Lycia congeneration.
temporaneously with the Tremilæ, but were The Mangling Stick" is still in common driven back into the moontains on the east and use in Norway. It is made of a single piece north frontiers, and in the end the Tremile of hard and highly polished wood, about became mixed with the Greek settlers along 18 inches long by 8 or 10 inches wide. At the coast. one end is sometimes carved a small wooden In 1876 when I was at Leh (the capital of horse as & grip for the hand, or else the Ladêk or Western Tibet) a caravan arrived wood is so bollowed out as to leave a raised with carpets from Yarkand. I eagerly seized piece for the same purpose. When used, it this opportunity of purchasing some genuine gives collars and cuffs a much better appear. Central Asian carpets and secured some on ance than the ordinary washerman's iron which the Svastika was introduced in the border. can produce. A Mangling Stick bearing the Plate VI. figs. 4 and 5, represent a portion of date 1809 in the Norwegian Museum in the border and the central medallion of one of Stockholm is covered with Svastikas of the my purchases. The border, I think, gives a double San-snake type SS. an apparent proof hint as to the origin of the celebrated Greek that this was deemed a Fire-symbol in Scandi- key-pattern and the medallion is also very navia. On referring to Plate I. (p. 66 above) | interesting as the only instance I have hitherto it will be seen from the examples there given met with, in which the Svastika has assumed the that the Svastika gradually changed its form form of the double Sun-snake of Scandinavia.
* K design bearing a strong resemblance to the triskele, have put ita date at before 400 B.C. is on the shield of Eryı, the legendary king of Sicily, * See Plate I. fig. 20 P. 88 above. depicted on & vase in the Museum at Naples. Experts

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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NOTS BY CAPT. TEMPLE. A good deal has been made by the English mythological school of writers of the fact that the Christian Svastikas point to the left or westwards, whereas the Indian, including Bad. dhist and Jain Svastikas, point to the right or eastwards. Letting alone that the right in India is southwards and never eastwards, the following observations on undoubted Buddhist Svastikas will probably go far to settle the theories built up on the pointing of the cross fylfot. In the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, Bombay, 1881, are given a quantity of clearly Buddhist Square PAli Inscriptions from Kuda, Kärld, Sailwadi, Junnar, &c. Many of these contain Svastikas
at the beginning and end. Kuda No. 27 has at the end ; but at the end of 29 is 45 which occurs again at the beginning and end of Kärlə inscriptions, and beginning and end of Junnar 30, at the beginning of Junnar 5, 20, 28, 32 and 34, and at the end of Junnar 32; while occursat the beginning of Kuda 30 and of Junnar 6 and 27, and at the end of 33. The form fi is found at the end of the Sailawadi inscription, and f, at the end of Karl8 2. In this last example the thickening of the ends of the cross is probably due to the method of engraving. It will be seen, therefore, that the pointing of the Svastika was not due in Páli inscriptions to its position, nor was it in any way constant,
GULLALA SHAH.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o.
(Continued from p. 80.) One day GullAl Shah begged the king to much to the disappointment of GullA1A excuse him from the Darbdr, as he wished to Shah. He remained looking at the place go shooting. The king readily assented, and where the monkey had disappeared, expectordered several soldiers and horses to attending every moment that it would appear him. About the middle of the day, when
again. much excited by the chase, the horse on which But lo and behold! presently a beautiful GullAlů Shâh was mounted ran away. None girl, wearing a costly necklace of pearls, came of the other horses could keep pace with it, so forth, and walking up to Gullâlâ Shâh kissed fast did it gallop; and so Gullala Shah soon him. Gullald Shâh was exceedingly astonished found himself alone and far out of reach of any at this, but being very good and holy he did help. At last the runaway horse suddenly not lose his presence of mind. He asked her stopped, for its legs had been fastened by an who she was, and noticing that she hesitated to invisible chain. Perceiving that his horse was answer, he threatened to slay her if she did mysteriously bound, Gulla Shâh dismounted, not tell him quickly. Being frightened she and taking his bow and arrow climbed the said :mountain hard by, to see whether he could find "My name is Pañj Phál,' and my father is anything to shoot there. A little way up he king of this country, which is fairy-land. I discovered a small pond, upon the banks of have been good, and tried to do good, and every. which grew a tree, then one mass of blossom. body loves me. When I was very young my Under the shadow of this tree he sat to rest, father intended to marry me to the son of his and while he sat a monkey approached. He chief door-keeper. The hour was fixed and determined to shoot it, and so made ready his full preparations made, and but a few days rebow; but the monkey, guessing his intention, mained before the wedding day, when the chief made a great rush and dived into the pond, door-keeper's son went to play as usual with
1 Not at all unfairylike procedure; cf. account of the influence, inasmuch as he has it in his power to give or "Fairy Princess ShAhpasand" in Wide-awake Stories, deny accosa to his chief. Those who have read Can.
ningham's History of the Sikhs, will remember how Dhiyan There does not appear to be the slightest connection Singh, Ranjft Singh's door-keeper, used the immenso inbetween this part of the story and that of "Panch Phdi fluence which this position gave him, for advancing Rant" in Old Deccan Doyo.
family interests. Dhyan Singh afterwards became & In a native court the door-keeper has considerable' Raja and received Punah as his principality.
P. 30.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 6.
VAR
SMALL ORNAMENTAL JAPANESE VASE
SCALE .75.
BORDER OF A CARPET TROM LEK
MAAR
ORNAMENT ON A JAPANESE SPEAR
FULL SIZE..
$57.
SHAFT OF THE SP.BAR SHOWING POSITION OF THE OFNAMENT
CENTRAL MEDALLION OF A CARPET FROM LEH.

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GULLALA SBAH.
97
his companions. They played Wazir Padshah, de. one boy pretended to be the king, another pretended to be the Wazir, and others took the part of other great officers in the State. Each one was supposed to talk and act ac. cording to his part in the play. That day thu door-keeper's son was voted king by his playmates, and sat in the royal place. While they were thus playing the real king's son passed by, and seeing the state of the game he cursed the boy. Be degraded from fairyland,' he said, 'and dwell among the common people. On account of this curse the doorkeeper's son soon died, and was afterwards born among the common people. A female companion told me of his death, on hearing of which I became very sad; for I loved the son of the door-keeper, and am determined to marry nobody bat him. The king and queen and others have tried hard to get me to change my mind; but I have remained steadfast. All my time has been spent in doing good, and in interviewing holy men. To-day I came hither to worship. One day it happened that a very holy man arrived here, whom I loved very much, and I thought to have met him here again to-day. He seemed very pleased with me, and used to give me whatever I asked of him. Once I asked him to tell me how I could again see the door-keeper's son, who had been born among the common people. He told me that he knew the lad, and that he was called Gullalâ Shah, and that I could see him if I was very carefal to attend to his instruc
tions. Of course I promised that I would be. "Be careful,' he continued, and consider well, for the king will hinder you by strong charms and in other ways. He then gave me a pearl necklace of such great virtue that no charms can affect the wearer, which I am to wear continually and guard patiently, if I would accomplish my purpose. After this I went back to my house. On the first opportunity ! told my father of all that I had heard concerning Gullala Shih, and begged him to arrange for our wedding as soon as possible. The king looked very troubled when he heard this, and entreated me to think no more about the young man, especially as he was now one of the common people. Sach a thing as our marriage could not possibly be, as it would bring the whole of fairy-land into contempt. Bnt I was resolute, and so the king spoke sharply to me, and I answered sharply in return, and left the palace in a great rage. This is my history. O friend! If you can do anything to help me to discover anything about Gullâlâ Shah, do so, I implore you, and I shall be obliged to you for ever."
Here was a strange coincidence! Gullala Shâh told her who he was, and kissed her. She recognised him and taking his hand said, "I have found my long-lost beloved. With him let me ever dwell."
Holding each other's hands they presently left the pond and came to the place where the horse was standing. Both mounted the horse, which was now quiet, and rode back to the
This game is also called suhul and is very popular in Kasmir. It is generally played by four youngsters. Four little sticks are provided, of which the bark on one side is peeled off. Any of the four children throw first. If one should throw these sticke, so that they all full on the bark side, then he is appointed padsh/h, 1.e. king; but if not, then they all try and throw till some one finally succeeds. The next thing is to find out the waar. He who throwa the sticks so that one of them falls with the bark side up but the other three with the peeled sides up, is appointed to this office. Then & asfir, ie. a thief, has to be arranged. He who throws 50 that two of the sticks fall with the bark side upwards in proclaimed the thief. Lastly, a said, i.e. an honest man, has to be found. This part he has to play, who throws the sticks so that three of them fall with the bark sidor upwards. If it should happen that all four of them fall with the bark sides up then that thrower has to try again.
Padshah, wasir, air, and said being known the real play begins. The asar, thief, is brought bofore the king by the waxfr, who says,
"Padshah salamat!
Duzdamad." "O king, peace and health to you! Here is a thief."
The king replies, "Ay kujd amad?" "Whence has he oume ?
that two ined the thiet. This was them falhat all for hans in D has to be so that tould happen that thro
Then the waxir tells him the whole case and punishment has to be inflicted on the criminal. This is the most amusing piece of the whole tamisha.
"Bidihed angau Bangaut top," says the king, "Give him BangAll cannon." The ronair kicks the prisoner's buttocks; or the king says
Boranih any a hún badal," "Bring a dog in his place from Ladák."
The tenair takes the prisoner a short distance and then holding him by thy ear pulls him back, while the prisoner barks like a dog or the king saya "Yindartul kad yus." "Take out the spindle."
The ncazir draws a line with his thurab-nail on the inside of tho arm from the elbow-joint to the wrist, and then hits the arm over the line as hard as he can with the first and second fingers of the right hand. This is rather
painful punishnient. There are many other words of punishment too numerous to mention here.
I notice nn allusion to this game in the story of " Mahaushadhs and Vis khá, given in Tibetan Tuler from Indian Sources, p. 134. cf. also Ardschi-Bord chichan in Jülg'a Mongol, Märchensammlung: Innsbruck. 1868, pp. 197, et seq.
[The universal belief in metempsychosis peeps out here.- ED.)

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attendants and the other horses wbich the leave the place, and to go and seek the flowers, in king had sent for an escort, and then returned search of which he commenced his wanderings. to Gallala Shah's house.
The king, seeing that he was getting weaker On arrival GullAla Shah introduced Pañj and thinner, consented, and gave him money Phûl to his other wife. The two princesses for his journey. seemed glad to see one another, and for some Accordingly Gullkla Shih started, and on the time lived together most happily, until one second day reached the mountain in fairy-land day the first wife asked Panj Phûl to give her where he had first met Pañj Phal. He climbed the pearl necklace. Pañj Phůl said that she higher and higher, till he arrived at a certain could not do so; for it was the protector of path, along which he saw two men coming her life. She could never take it off from her towards him. They happened to be two servants neck. The first wife again and again arged of the chief Wazir of fairy-land. The Warir her request, and promised as beautiful and as had no son to carry on his name, and so bis costly a pearl necklace in exchange; or if wife had asked him to send men into the disPañj Phal did not care to give it, or exchange trict with instructions to bring back with them it, she might lend it to her for a while. But such a youth as she could conveniently adopt Pañj Phûl was determined, and refused; as her son. These men had been wandering nothing could persuade her to part with the everywhere, far and wide, and had not as yet pearl necklace for a moment. By reason of met with a likely person. They were now this the first wife got very angry, and went starving and in great despair, but they dared and told Gullala Shah of their quarrel, and not to return to the Wazir empty-handed. begged him to get the necklace, and he pro- When they saw Gullâlâ Shah their first mised to try and do so. When Gullalå Shảh thought was to eat him, but afterwards, seeing asked Panj Phûl for the necklace, she refused that he was clever and handsome, they decided as before, saying that it contained the secret to take him to the Wazir. So GullAli Shah was of her life, and was a charm to her against all seized and taken to the chief Wazir's house in dangers, sickness and trials; deprived of it she the fairy city. The two servants pretended might become sick and miserable, or be taken that he was the son of a fairy, who was a sister away from them and die.' However, Gallala of the Wazir's wife, though she did not know Shah would not be denied, and so Pañj Phal it. The chief Wazir, bis wife, and everybody for very love of him handed it to him, and he who saw Gullala Shah, were pleased with him, gave it to his other wife.
and therefore henceforth he abode in that Soon after this Pañj Phal suddenly dis- house and was everywhere recognised as the appeared. On discovering this Gullala Shih heir and his first wife, together with allthe household, I. Every day the Waxir attended the king's mourned and wept.“What have we done P" Darbár, and in the evening, when he reached cried they all. "For a trifle we have lost our home, tired and weary from the day's business, lovely Pañj Phůl. How obedient she was to he used to call his adopted son to him and pass her husband! How unselfish in the house! the time in conversation. Hours and hours How kind and loving to every one! Alas, alas! were thus occupied. Gullâla Shah used to why did we do this thing? We have caused the ask him the news of the Darbar and the death of our darling!"
chief Wasir used to tell him everything. One As for Gallâlâ Shâh he knew not what to do evening, in the course of one of these long for grief, and wept day and night. At last, talks, the chief Wazir told him that there had thoroughly worn out and ill, he determined to been great excitement in the Darbár that day,
Howover difficult this may be to understand in the West, it is very common characteristic of Eastern life. I know many families, in which several wives live amioably together. Human nature though, as general rule, proven too strong for custom, and some petty cause. jealousy or covetousness, disturbs the perceof the household and now and again brings it to ruin. Concerning multiplication of wives, compare the sayings on p. 70 of my Dictionary of Kashmirt Proverbs, &c.
* cf. "Story of Chandan RAJA" in Old Deccan Days, the authoreas of which remarks" There are innumer. ablo popular superstitions regarding the powers which can be conveyed in charmed necklace : and it is common belief that good and bad fortune, and life itself can be made to depend on its being removed from the wearer's neck." See remarks on the Life-Index in Wide-awahe Stories, pp. 404,105.-ED.]

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as the king had been very angry with his my charmed pearl necklace I cannot thwart daughter, Pañj Phûl, who had formed an him. Wherever I might wander, he would attachment for a person named Gullklá Shah, cause me to return from thence; and then one of the common people, and refused to be my case would be worse than before. Now married to any other person. She had run go, I beseech you, lest you also get harm; and away, and for a long time there were no pray that the king may have mercy on me, tidings of her,- no doubt she had been trying when he hears that I have been restored to life. to find that common man,-but the king had Away quickly, my dearest, to a place safer for caused her to return by virtue of a most you than this." potent charm, and now a terrible punishment Gullâlâ Shah then told her all that had hap. awaited her. Her body was to be turned into pened to him-how he had wandered about in wood and placed publicly in a certain garden as search of her, and was now the adopted son of a warning to other fairy daughters not to do the chief Wazir of that country, who confided likewise !
everything to him. He would see her again, Hearing this Gullala Shâh experienced great he said, on going away, and even if the king difficulty in keeping his countenance. "Here still wished to punish her, he would get then is Pañj Phál!" he said within himself. to know a remedy, and come and restore "As soon as she gave up the pearl necklace she ber. must have been brought back to her country, The following morning when the royal guard and now she is perhaps suffering the terrible saw that Pañj Phâl was alive again, they went consequences of iny folly. Sorrow, a hundred and told the king. His Majesty was greatly Borrows!"
surprised and sent for her. As soon as she At length, however, he so far overcame his appeared, he said, “How is it that you have feelings as to ask the Wazir if there were no come again to trouble us? Be you a serpent means of saving Puñj Phol from the dread sen- and find a home in yonder jungle," pointing in tence. The Wasir said there were. If Gullala a certain direction where was a jungle, thick, Shâh could come, burn the wooden figure to intricate, and inhabited by wild beasts of variashes, throw the ashes into the pond in the ous kinds. And it was so ! midst of the garden where it was, then she That evening when the chief Waxir returned would become her former self again,
to his house, Gullâlâ Shậh heard all that had Gulla ShAh was very pleased when he heard happened. “Strange," he said, "can anything this, and presently, wishing the Wazir good now be done for the princess ? or must she for night, retired to his room. No sleep, however, ever remain a serpent ?" closed his eyes. His mind was far too excited. "Yes, there is a remedy," replied the Wasir. As soon as he was quite sure that all the in- "If GullAlå Shah coald get to that jungle, dig mates of the house were fast asleep, he went a cave three yards deep and broad enough to forth secretly to Pañj Phûl's garden, burnt admit two people, and make a covering with a her wooden effigy to ashes, and threw the hole in it for the mouth of the cave; and if ashes into the pond. Directly he did this, lo after this he were to walk about the jungle and behold! Pañj Phầl came forth looking as calling "Pañj Phûl, GullAli Shah is here," and he had seen her when she appeared out of the then go back and shut himself np in the other pond on the mountain side.
cave :--if he were to strictly attend to all "My own dearest," said Gullâlâ Shah, "how these directions--then Pañj Phůl, who is now could I have been so stupidly wicked as to have a serpent, will find her wey into the cave caused you all this trial ? Forgive me, and say through the hole in the covering; and there is that you will never leave me again. Come and another thing, also, which he must remember we will wander away into unknown regions, to do, vix, to cut off as much of the snake as whither the hand of your tyrannical father can enter in this way, .chop it up into little cannot reach you."
pieces, carefully collect them, place them in a Pañj Phůl replied, "I forgive you, dear husbandkerchief, take them to the pond in the band, but to go with you is not in my power, midst of Panj Phal's garden, and there throw for my father has all power over me; without them into the water. If all these instructions

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were carefully carried out, 'Panj Phûl would emerge thence in all her former beauty."
cave.
When he heard this Gullâlâ Shah was much comforted. After a little more conversation he wished the minister good-night. No sleep, however, came to him. He was far too elated at the prospect of being able to restore his beloved to her former self and of seeing her again, to wish for sleep. As soon as he knew for certain that the Wazir and the others were fast asleep he left the house and went to the jungle. That night he only fixed on a place for the cave, and then returned to his room. On the following night, armed with pickaxe, crowbar, spade, and other necessary implements he again visited the jungle, and dug a cave. He also made a covering for the cave and a hole in the covering. He then went outside and called for Panj Phûl. Pañj Phâl heard her name being called and came in the form of a snake, as soon as Gullâlâ Shah had re-entered and shut himself into the She wound the greater part of her body in through the hole in the covering, and Gullâlâ Shâh cut off as much of it as got inside the cave, and then chopped it up into small pieces. These he carefully gathered. and pushing back the covering, took them with him to the pond in Pañj Phil's garden, where he threw them into the water, and-just as the Wazir had said,-Panj Phil appeared in all her former beauty. Gullâlâ Shâh drew her to him and kissed her. They talked long and lovingly until the faint streaks of dawn warned them to make arrangements to leave the place. Neither of them wished to be separated from the other, but what were they to do? It was time for Gallâlâ Shâh to return to his home, if he did not wish the Wazir to discover his absence; while Pañj Phal could not leave the place. She tried to do so, but without avail. She was bound by the king's charm over her to remain there. And so they parted.
Gullâlâ Shah hastened back to the Wartr's house, and only just reached his room in time, Within an hour or so some of the poorer folk, going to their labours, passed by the place where Pañj Phil was sitting. They were very much astonished at seeing her, and went
[APRIL, 1886.
and informed the king of the matter. When His Majesty heard the news he sent for the chief. Wazir to take counsel with him. "Do you not think," he said, "that Gullâlâ Shah has been here and done this thing ?"
"It is impossible," replied the Wazir, "for in the first place how could he get here? and then, how could he, a common man, obtain this power ? He must be great to have done this, and in favour with the gods, a thought not to be entertained for a moment."
Panj Phûl was again summoned to the king, and this time was turned into a golden nail, which was immediately given to one of the attendants with instructions to hammer it into any boat, that chanced to be just then in course of construction. The attendant took the nail and fixed it into the first boat he saw. On reaching home the Wazir bathed, and then called for Gullâlâ Shah as usual and told him all the news of the day. When he heard that the princess had been restored and again metamorphosed Gullâlâ Shâh assumed an expression of great surprise. "It is strange," he remarked, "that the king should have chosen a golden nail as the form into which to change her. Surely she can never again be restored from such a metamorphosis as this?"
"O yes, she can," said the Wazir. "How ?" asked Gullâlâ Shâh.
"Well," replied the Wazir," if Gullâlâ Shah could by any means arrive here, and get into that boat, in one of the sides of which the golden nail is fixed, and could discover that nail, and then having extracted it, were to file it small as powder, and throw the filings into the pond which is in the midst of Pañj Phil's garden,-if he did all these things,-then Pañj Phul would return to her former shape and beauty;-and if she was this time restored, then henceforth the king's charm would be powerless to do her harm. It would have expended itself."
This was enough. So presently the hour being late the Wazir and Gullâlâ Shâlr went to their sleeping rooms. When he heard of this radical care Gullâlâ Shâh feigned no more than an ordinary interest, though in his heart he was inexpressibly glad. On reaching his room he said aloud, "Joy, joy, the time has come.
• Meaning a Kasmiri river-boat.

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I will go once more and restore my darling. Henceforth the charms of this hard, wicked father shall have no influence over her."
However, Gullala Shah did not immediately start. He thought it better to wait a while, until all excitement and interest about the princess had passed away. For several months he patiently waited, and then one day he asked the Wazir's wife to allow him to go and visit certain places, that he wished very much to see, and to get also the Wazír's permission for the journey. He added that he was now of an age to take care of himself, and he did not like to hear only of the countries about which the Wazir, his father, had so fully informed him. The Wazir's wife was much pleased to notice this spirit in the youth, but she hesitated to give her sanction to the request, because the way to some of the places was exceedingly dangerous and the hardships unendurable; and especially so to one who had been brought up so gently as her adopted son. Gullala Shah was respectfully indignant at this reply. Drawing himself up to his full height he said with intense carnestness, “What, my mother, shall the chief Wasir's son be deterred by difficulties and hardships? A sorry youth must I be, if auch I show myself. Better far that I perish by them, than that I should venture hereafter to attain to the post of chief Wasir of this mighty and grand kingdom, as my father bids mo do. Fear not, my mother, but let me go. However, if you have any talisman, I pray you give it mo, for why should I unnecessarily suffer P"
Encouraged by her son's noble reply the Wazir's wife consented to his going, and gave him hor signet-ring, saying, “Sbow this ring to the fire, whenever you may be in any diffculty, and two Jinns will appear and help you out of it. She gave him, also, abundant money for the expenses of the proposed journey. The Wazir too, was pleased, when ho heard from his wife of his son's enterprising and inquiring disposition, and acceded to his wishes.
As will be supposed Gallâlâ Shâh started as quickly as possible. After travelling for some time, one day he found himself being paddled along in a river boat, in which was the golden nail. His quick eye soon discovered it though it was much tarnished and almost excluded from sight by a great beam, that ran along the side of the boat. Disguising his real character
Gullala Shih begged the owner of the boat to make him one of his hired servants. The man agreed, and soon Gullala Shâh was working the paddle as if he had been accustomed to that sort of thing all his life. Thus he continued for several weeks, until one day he told his master that he had had a dream during the night. In this dream two men appeared and pierced the bottom of the boat with spears, so that it was broken. "I know," he added, "the interpretation of dreams. Some enemy of yours has placed a charm here P and if that charm is allowed to remain it will sink the boat." The master of the boat was very frightened when he heard this, and entreated GullAli Shah to try and discover the malignant charm. Gullâlá Shah said that it was a very difficult task, nevertheless he would attempt it if the owner of the boat would promise not to inform any one of the matter. The owner promised. And then GullAli Shah went to a lonely place, and kindled a fire, and when the flames arose, he showed them the signet-ring of the Wasir's wife. Immediately two Jinns appeared, ready to do whatever might be his bidding. Gullâlâ Shah bade them to bring the boat up on land. They obeyed, and then GullAli Shah pulled out the golden nail, after which he ordered the two Jinns to put the boat back into the water. He now went and secretly showed the golden nail to his master. On seeing it the owner of the boat was greatly astonished, and thanked God for granting him such a useful and clever servant. Gull Shah kept the golden nail by him, and in a little while, having assured his master that all would go well with the boat, he asked for leave of absence, which was readily granted. He then returned by the help of the charmed signet-ring to the house of his adopted father, the chief Wazir. The Wazir's wife only was at home, because it was the time of the Darbár, and she welcomed him like a fond mother. Soon afterwards the Wazir came home, and then there were great rejoicings in the house The wholo city, also, seemed interested, and accounts of Gullala Shah and his exploits, and the great trials and difficulties which he had overcome by virtue of the signet-ring, were apon the lips of every one.
In a day or two Gullâla Shih rubbed the golden nail into the thinnest of filings, which

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he threw into the pond in the midst of Pañj Phûl's garden. No sooner was this done than Panj Phûl became herself again and stepped out from the pond. They both kissed one another and cried," -so glad were they to meet again. They told each other all they had experienced since they last met, and Panj Phûl declared that now she could go with him wherever he wished, and advised him to wait there till she had been to her room (which had remained untouched since she last left it), and had taken such jewels and dresses, etc., as might prove of service to them on the way. Gullâlâ Shah agreed, and Pañj Phûl went and quickly returned with jewels and dresses of great worth.
Then they both turned their backs on the fairy city, and started on their journey. They walked fast and long before resting, until they arrived by a pond of water, clear as crystal. Here they tarried awhile and ate some food. While talking together Gullâlà Shah told Pañj Phûl of his great desire to get some of the beautiful flowers which grew in a certain garden on the sea-shore. This garden, he explained, contained twelve thousand flowering trees; each tree had been planted by a fairy-princess, and was worth twelve thousand rupees. On hearing this Pañj Phûl said that she could obtain this desire for him, and any other desire that he might choose to prefer. But only she could get these flowers for him, for the princess of the fairy-country, where they grew, had never shown herself to man, and therefore would not see him.
In a few days their wanderings brought them to the sea-shore, close by this wonderful garden. Here they hired a certain vessel which was anchored near, and as they sat on board that night Panj Phôl gave Gullâlâ Shah a beautiful pearl necklace, and told him to go immediately and hang it before the light of a lamp in, a secluded room in the side of the vessel. She also told him to remain in that room. The good of this was that several other beautiful pearl necklaces would be obtained by these means. Gullâlâ Shâh did as she had advised.
Meanwhile Panj Phûl disguised herself in man's clothes, and pretended to be the servant of her husband. She then ordered the ship to
Cf. Grimm's Household Stories, p. 84; "Faithful John," the which story en passant compare with that of
[APRIL, 1886.
be taken close to the garden of the fairy princess. On its arrival thither the princess's attendants came and ordered them to take the vessel away, because the princess wished the place to be kept strictly quiet and private, it being her wont to walk along just that part of the sea-shore. But the master of the vessel, Gullila Shah, and his sham servant, persisted in remaining, saying that they had many great and precious things on board; and so from fear of thieves had anchored the vessel in that place. They would not remove unless the king promised to refund them whatever losses they might suffer from thieves and such-like, who would surely come and beset them in any other place. When the king heard this he gave them permission to tarry there for the night.
The following morning Pañj Phâl took some of the pearl necklaces, which had been made as has just been explained, and displayed them to view near to the princess's garden. Presently the princess's female attendants came down to the water to bathe. As soon as they saw Panj Phul, they asked her who she was. She told them that she was the servant of a very wealthy trader, who was on board the ship. He was exceedingly good and had some very great treasures, especially some pearl necklaces, the most costly and beautiful in the whole world. When the attendants heard this they naturally desired to see these great treasures and Pañj Phûl was only too ready to show them. At the sight of the beautiful pearls they were very much astonished, and entreated Panj Phul to allow them to be carried to their royal mistress. This also was readily granted. The princess admired them so much that she would not part with them; but told her attendants to inquire the price, and to get several more like them-as many as the merchant could spare. When these others arrived a great pile altogether, the princess determined to go and see the merchant; "for," thought she, "he must be a very great man to possess all these costly things." Accordingly closely veiled she went to the ship, and arriving there asked Panj Phul, the supposed servant, where his master's room was, as she herself wished to bargain with him for the pearls that she had selected." Pañj "Phakir Chand," Folk-tales of Bengal, pp. 17-52,

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Phúl was hoping for this, but she did not wish to betray any special interest in the matter, and so said that the princess could not see the trader, as he had performed a certain wor- ship, and therefore could not see or talk with any woman.
"But why cannot I see the trader?" urged the princess. "I am a good woman and have never seen a strange man. Surely he would not be defiled by my presence."
"He would not see you," answered Pañj Phůl. "If I took you to his room, he would only be angry. He would never show himself to you."
On hearing this the princess. became more desirous than ever of seeing this strange man. She would go alone, she said, and thus no responsibility would rest on Pañj Pho. Panj Phůl said nothing, so the princess went alone and knocked at the trader's door. He did not open it, but answered from within: "I care not to seo any strange womaa; and so cannot let you enter."
The princess, however, would not hear him. “What for?" she said. "I have never seen the face of a strange man. I am a good wo. man. Let me in. I am a good woman, and wish to be married to you. This only is my desire. Why should we not see one another ?"
Being thus pressed the trader opened the door, and they saw each other, and love came with the sight. They talked together for a long time, and the trader showed her all his treasures. Then the princess left, full of affection for the strange trader, and full of amazement at his great and exceeding trea- sure. As soon as she reached the palace she told the king where she had been, and what she had seen, and how she had fallen in love with the man, and wished to be married to him. The king, being a very indulgent and good father, promised to see the man, and the next morning went for that purpose to the ship. When he saw the trader,-how pleasant he was, and of such good speech, and so wise withal,--he too accepted him in his heart; and on reaching home told his daughter so. The princess's joy was unbounded. How much she looked forward to the day! and what great excitement there was in the city at the thought of the approaching marriage ! The wedding took place, and was celebrated with
great grandeur, as befitted the rank and wealth of the king of fairy-land.
For some time Gullil Shah lived within the palace grounds and prospered exceedingly. However, he did not feel altogether satisfied; so one day be told the princess all about himself, --why he had come there, and how he wished to get the flowers and return to his native country. The princess repeated everything to the king, and asked his permission to take the twelve thousand flowering trees and accompany her husband; and to this the king consented. Preparations for starting were at once commenced. Twelve thousand carts were got ready for the twelve thousand flowering trees, and other arrangements were made for tho transport of the treasures, that were given them by the king. An enormous company of troops and elephants, also were placed at the disposal of the illustrious couple. At lengtla the hour of departure arrived. It was a most sorrowful occasion, for they were both very much beloved.
They first visited that country where Gulluli Shih got his first wife. The king was intensely glad to see him, and gave hin a splendid house to live in, and all else that he required. Gullall Shah stayed there for a little while, and then, loaded with more presents, departed. They next went in the direction of Gullâla Shah's own country. It was a long and difficult journey, but they all reached the city walls in safety, and pitched their camp outside the city, thinking that so sudden an adven. of such an immense company (several thousands in all, besides elephants, horses, and other beasts), would much inconvenience the people. When tidings of their coming reached the palace the king was much frightened, and sent for his chief Wazir and other advisers, to ask what he should do to appease this great king who bad now arrived ; " for surely," he said, " great and powerful a king has come here on no other account than for war."
The chief Wazir well considered the matter, and then replied, "O king, send, we pray you, your beautiful daughter, and let her arrange for pence. Who knows whether or not this great king will be captivated by her beauty, and so we be saved ?"
"Alas, alas!" replied the king, "I have already given away my daughter to the man

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who shall succeed in obtaining the flowering trees. Moreover, my daughter has refused several times to marry any man, no matter how great and wise he may be, except this person."
Thus were the king and his advisers occupied in conversation, when Gullâlâ Shâb, having arranged his camp for the night, took off his grand and princely clothes, and put on the ragged garments of a beggar, and thus arrayed went forth into the city with the twelve thousand flowering trees. He ordered. the drivers to take the carts straight to the palace, while he himself went on ahead. On arriving there he sent a message by the watchman to the king, saying, "Bid your master, the king, to command me, for I am come with the beautiful flowering trees from the garden of the king of the fairies."
Strange that this message should have been delivered just at the time when the king and his lords were talking about these flowers, but so it was! When he heard the words the king did not believe the watchman, but thought that he was mad. The Wazir and other great officials present also thought that it was too strange to be true. However, His Majesty in a jesting manner bade the man to be brought in. Presently Gullâlâ Shâh appeared, clothed in rags, but bearing a sample of the beautiful flowers, which were so much admired by the princess and all the royal family. True enough there were the longdesired flowers, but the bearer of them was evidently of very mean origin-a dirty, ragged beggar! The king placed his chin in the palm of his right hand, and fixed his eyes upon the carpet. Thus he remained for several minutes, perfectly silent. "Is this the man ?" he thought "on whom I must bestow my beloved daughter? Surely, the man will not presume to ask for this thing? I will handsomely reward him, and then let him go."
[APRIL, 1886.
The king answered, "Your request is your due; and far be it from me to break my promise by refusing it to you. Take my daughter; she is yours."
When all the lords and attendants, and even Gullila Shah himself, heard these words, they were astonished at the noble-mindedness of the
king. For it would have been a small thingnay, would have been accounted right and proper by nearly every one-if His Majesty had refused to gratify the beggar's desire.
Gullâlâ Shah was bidden to go with the attendants to a certain grand house; and there reside for a few days, during which suitable garments would be provided for him and arrangements made for the nuptials. This done, the king and his Darbár again conferred in council, as to what was the best thing to be done under the present difficulties concerning the foreign powerful monarch, whose camp lay close to the walls of the city. They talked together for a long time; but eventually, nothing definite having been agreed to, the king dismissed the Court, saying that he, attended only by his Wazir, would visit this great king and inquire the reason of his coming. In the course of an hour the king and his Wasir, with a few attendants might have been seen pursuing their way with anxious countenances-more like pilgrims than a royal party-towards the great camp without the city.
Meanwhile Gullâlâ Shâh had succeeded in eluding his attendants; and returning to his tent, had changed his clothes again. The king and the Wazir did not recognise him when they were introduced. They were received with great ceremony; presents were offered, and the two visitors seated in state. Gullâlâ Shah opened the conversation by inquiring all about the country and people. Then the king asked whence Gallala Shah had come, and why he had come. Gullilà Shah then told him about himself, and how that he had come there in order to ask his, the king's, daughter in marriage.
"Friend, what seek you ?" he asked, looking up again. "Will you be a great Wazir in the land ? or do you wish for wealth? Say, and it shall be granted you."
"Let not the king be angry," replied the the beggar, "I wish only for Your Majesty's daughter in marriage. In comparison with her, I esteem all honour and money as of little worth. I pray you, fulfil your promise to me."
"Sorrow, a hundred sorrows!" replied the king. "I have already promised my daughter to a certain beggar in consequence of a vow. Were it not so, there is none other whom I could prefer to thyself Have pity on me, I beseech you, for it is with a sad heart I say this."

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"Most noble, most righteous king," replied GullAli Shah. "You have done well. Better that you should lose your life, your kingdom, your all, than that you should deny your word. Would that all the rulers of the earth were such as you are! Then would the people be happier, and righteousness and peace would fill the world. God has prospered you, O king, and He will yet prosper you. Only continue zealous for your people and faithful to your word. Know you now that the beggar, whom you have just mentioned, is none other than myself; and that I, also, am that same boy who was known to the people by the name of Kharia, whose father died without an heir, and therefore his wealth and property were appropriated by the crown; and whose mother, in consequence of this, sought for employment from a certain farmer. God was with me and prospered me exceedingly, so that I met with one of your messengers, who told me all about your wishes. After much travel, through which I have become learned, great, and rich, I have at last returned to your kingdom, bring. ing with me the flowering trees. I chose to appear with them first in beggar's clothes, that I might test your fidelity to your promise. You have been proved. Forgive me, I pray you, if I seemed to be wrong in this matter, and grant me your daughter in marriage." Saying these words he caught hold of the king's hands and seated him by his side in the place of honour.
When the king heard the good news, he was almost beside himself with gladness. “God be praised !” he said aloud and clasped
Gullálå Shah to him in affectionate embrace. “Of course, I will give you my daughter, but who am I to promise this thing P Ask what you will and you shall have it, to the full extent of my power."
News of this meeting was at once conveyed to the princess, who would not believe it, until Gullala Shâh himself appeared and declared it to her. In due time the wedding was celebrated with great éclat. Gullala Shah fixed his abode in that country, and lived most happily with his four princess wives, for Pañj Phůl had long ago re-assumed her true character. He became increasingly popular and increasingly prosperous, and in a few years, on the death of the king, succeeded to the throne. Other countries were quickly conquered, and everything was managed with such skill and justice, that soon Gullalá Shah became the greatest king of those days. All nations did him homage and all people respected him.
Some will perhaps think that Gullala Shih forgot his mother and relations in the time of his greatness; but it was not so. He found her out, and gave her a beautiful house to live in and a large number of servants to wait on her; he also inquired for those who had in any way helped her during her distress, and promoted them to offices of great honour. Thus did he live, universally just, loving, and good.
No wonder then that he become so popular ! No wonder his kingdom waxed so great and strong! No wonder that when he died, at a ripe old age, there went up from all people, rich and poor, old and young, & great wail that seemed to rend the heavens !
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from Vol. XIV. p. 319.) DIGHWA-DUBAULI PLATE OF THE MAHARAJA MAHENDRAPALA.
(HARSHA)-SAMVAT 155. No. 160.
lation of it, accompanied by a rough and by This inscription appears to have been dis- no means accurate lithograph of the date. covered by Messrs. P. Peppe and James And, with the exception of subsequent disCOBBerat, and was first brought to notice in cussions as to the reading of date, this rendering 1864, in the Jour. Beng. 26. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. of the inscription has remained the standard p. 321ff., when, in his paper entitled "On a published version of it up to the present time. Land-Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanauj," I now re-edit it, with a lithograph, from the Dr. Rajendralal Mitra published his reading original plate, which I obtained for examination, of the text of the plate only, and a trans- through the kindness of Mr. G. A. Grierson,

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[APRIL, 1886.
B.C.S., from the possession of Mahâbîr Pånde of torily by means of photography, so as to Dighwa-Dabault,' a village about twenty- include the seal also in the lithograph.five miles to the south-east of Gopalgaõj, the The characters are North Indian Nigari of chief town of the Gôpilgañj Sub-Division of about the eighth century A.D. They include the Saran District in the Bengal Presidency. forms of the numerical symbols of the period Either" it was dug out of a field some years for 5, 10, 50, and 100. The execution of the ago" (before 1864)" by a Dighwaet Brahman engraving is excellent throughout, except that of Chhapráh;" or the ancestors of the then the mark for & in conjonction with consonants, owner of it " found it in a temple in a ruined both as é, and as one of the components of ai, s, Musalman fort in that village" (P Chhapráh,' and au, --viz, sometimes a circular broadening, or Motihari,' or Dighwa-Dubauli), “but it and sometimes a decided stroke, at the bottom was so long ago that they did not seem to have of the end of the continuation, to the left, of any distinct tradition about it, nor to be able the top stroke of the consonant, in occato give any authentic information on the sionally imperfectly formed, and occasionally subject."
omitted altogether. Many of the letters shew, The plate, which is engraved on one side as usual, marks of the working of the engraonly, measures about l' 9" by 1'41". The ver's tool. The plate is very massive and edges of it were fashioned somewhat thicker substantial; so that the letters, though fairly than the inscribed surface, and with a deep, do not shew throngh on the back of it.slight depression all round just inside them, The language is Sanskrit; and the inscripBO as to serve as a rim to protect the tion is in prose throughout, except for the half writing; and, though the surface is in some slóka, evidently intended as such, which is places a good deal corroded by rust, the in- introduced in line 14, and records the name of scription is in a state of excellent preservation the person who drew up the charter.-In almost throughout; but some of the letters respect of orthography, all that calls for notice are so hopelessly filled in with hard rast, is-(1) the pararibhagavati in lines e, i, and k, which it was impossible to remove, that they do, and parambhagavati in lines 3, 6, and 7; not shew quite perfectly in the lithograph. (2) the use of va for ba, e.g. samvaddha, line 8,
- Onto the proper right side of the plate even though the distinct form for ba occurs there is soldered a thick and massive seal in bbhútvd, line 13; and (3) the doubling of t with a high raised rim all round it, measur- in conjunction with a following r, e.g. pultru, ing about 7" by 11+", and rectangular, ex- line 2, and sagôttra, line 11 (but not in pitrón, cept that the top of it is raised into an 1. 11.)-I had no opportunity of taking the arched peak with a slight depression on each weight of this plate; but it is entered in Dr. side of it. In the arch thus formed, there is Rajendralal Mitra's notice as 30 seers. the standing figure, facing full-front of a The charter recorded in this inscription is goddess, doubtless the Bhagavatf who is issued from the camp, complete with many mentioned in the inscription; and below this, cows, elephants, horses, chariots, and footacross the surface of the seal, there are the soldiers, situated at Mahôd a ya (line 1). twelve lines of writing, a to 1, transcribed Then follows the parenthetical genealogy, below. Unlike the body of the grant, the repeated in the same words in the legend on letters of this legend on the seal are in the seal, to the effect that there was the illurelief; and, though they are in & state of strious Mahárája D & va saktide va (1:2), a excellent preservation almost throughout, the most devout worshipper of the god Vishnu. spaces between them are so filled in with bard His son, begotten on Bhůyikadevi, was the rast, that it was impossible to obtain an ink- illustrious Maharaja Vatsarajadêva (1. impression of them, or to treat them satisfac- 3), a most devout worshipper of the god
The Dighwa Dobowlee' of the Indian Atlas, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 321. Sheet No. 103-Lat. 26° 14 N.; Long. 84°49' E.-R. Mitra See page 118, below, pote 57.-The symbols occurring called the village Dighwa Doobaneshar. I have not in this inscription and the next for 8, 9, 50, and 80, are been able to obtain any explanation of the 'Doobaneshar.' given in Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table, ante, Vol. VI. p. 44. But it was probably a mistake for Bhoobanesher' (ec. The remaining symbols, for 5, 10, and 100, in their present Bhuvaneswar), which I remember to have seen in a map forms, are still to be entered there. as the name of a river somewhere in Bengal

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Mahêévara(Siva). His son, begotten on Sundaridevi, was the illustrious Mahárája Nâ ga bhatadêva (l. 4), a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavati. His son, begotten on Isaṭidevi, was the illustrious Maharaja Rà ma bhadradêva (1. 5), a most devout worshipper of the Sun. His son, begotten on Appâdêvi, was the illustrious Mahárája Bhôjadeva (1. 6), a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavatî. And his son, begotten on Chandrabhaṭṭârikâdêvi, was the illustrious Mahárúja Mahendra pâladêva (1. 7), also a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavati, who meditated on his father's feet. The inscription then proceeds to record that the village of Pâniya kagrama (1. 8), in the Sravasti bhukti, and belonging to the Vâlayika vishaya which lay in the Śrâvasti mandala, was given by Mahendrapala, in order to increase the religious merit of his parents, after bathing on the occasion of the passage of the sun into the zodiacal sign Kumbha or Aquarius (1. 12), to the Bhatta Padmasara, of the Sâvarna gotra, a student of the Kauthuma-Chchhândôga (éákhá) (1. 11). The inscription concludes in line 14 with the record that the charter was drawn up by the illustrious Bhaka; followed by the date, in numerical symbols, on which it was assigned,10 viz. the year 155, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of the month Mâgha (January-February). The era is not specified in the record; but, applying the date to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, commencing in A.D. 606 or 607, the result is A.D. 761-62.
So much has been written from time to time about this inscription and the grant of Vinayakapâla which will be published in the next
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Either Parvati or Durga, the wife of Siva, or Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu.
Tat-pad-anudhyataḥ. This expression is applied to the relation of each son to his father throughout the succession.
The village of Pantyaka has not been identified.Sravasti (Gen. Cunningham, in Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 407.) is the modern Sahet-Mähet' or 'Sahet-Mahat' (Lat. 27° 31' N.; Long. 82° 5 E.; it should be in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 87, but is not shewn there), a vast collection of ruins, on the south bank of the river Rapti' or Rapti,' about twenty-eight miles almost due north of Gonds (also Gonrah"), the chief town of the Gonda' District in Oude, and about the same distance almost due east of 'Bahraich.'
9
sashbaddha.
antaḥpiti.
A107
Number, that, before proceeding to sum up the very few historical facts supplied by them, it will be desirable, and instructive, to run briefly through what has been said about them, extracting the leading points of the writers who have treated of them, as far as I have been able to trace their papers.
Of the two inscriptions, the first to be published was Vinayakapila's grant of the year 188. Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's version of it was issued by the Secretary of the Society in 1848, under the heading of "Inscription from the Bijaya Mandir, Udayapúr, &c.," without any comment on the date, which was then read as the year 65, or on the other contents of it. In 1856, however, in the Index to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, page 208f., Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, repeating his reading of the year 65, which he referred to some unspecified local era, entered Vinayakapála as being "evidently a scion of the well-known Pâla dynasty of Gauda" (Bengal).
"(This is the writing) of the firm and long-enduring charter that has been drawn up (prayuktasya) by the illustrious Bhaka."-As regards the meaning given
The discussion appears to have been opened by Professor Lassen, who, seemingly misled by the titling of the pages on which Vinâyakapala's inscription had been published,.. interpreted the opening words differently,took Udayapura, instead of Mahodaya, as the name of the camp whence the charter was issued, and identified it with the modern Udaipur or Udayapura in Scindia's dominions, about thirty-five miles towards the north-east from Bhôlsâ,-introduced a second Mahendrapála after Bhôja II.,-mixed up the Maharajas of Mahodaya with the kings of Malava,-and finally deduced the following results:
1. Udayaditya. . . . . . about A.D. 613 2. Dêvasakti, son of 1
3. Vatsaraja, son of 2
to prayukta, I owe it to Dr. Bühler, who favoured me with this note" Prayuj is frequently used in similar significations; thus, kriyam or yajah prayuj means to offer a sacrifice, to perform a ceremony naṭakam prayuj means to act a play."
10 nibaddha.-As regards the third symbol, see page 113 below, note 57.
11
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 342, note 7.-Gen. Cunningham was the first to point out, what is undoubtedly correct, that the dates of these plates must be referred to this
era.
1 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 68ff.
13 Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. p. 822f. and p. 1169, as reported by F. E. Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Boc. Vol. XXX. p. 198.
1 I substitute this for the mistaken Vinéyarája,' the origin of which is explained by F. E. Hall; so also," in the following generation, I substitute Nagabhata for 'Nagadatta.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1886.
4. Nagabhața, son of 3....
mentioned ; and, after him, Déva pâla, the date 5. Råmabhadra, son of 4 ...
1005 being close by." He observed that 6. Bhôja I., son of 5 .....
these dates were not sufficiently particularised 7. Mahêndrapala I., son of 6 ...
for him to certify their era by calculation; and 8. Bhòja II., son of 7.......
he threw out the suggestion, as a barely possible 9. Mahôndra pila II., brother of 8 ..... one, that in these kings we had the progeny 10. Vinayakapala, son of 9 .........
of Dévasakti of Kanauj (Mahôdaya). 11. Mahendrapala III
Meanwhile, in 1853, in his paper entitled 12. Karmachandra ... till about A. D. 850. & "Note on an Ancient Inscription from 13. Vijayananda
Tháneswar," Dr. Rajendralal Mitra had Dr. FitzEdward Hall followed. In 1861, in published, from imperfect materials, an inscriphis paper entitled "A Donative Inscription of tion" from Pehewa' about fifteen miles west the Tenth Century," he pointed out, very of Tháneswar,' which gave the names of (1) correctly, that Professor Lassen was wrong in Mahêndrapaladêva, (2) Jâtula, (3) Vajrata, a derespect of all the leading conclusions at which scendant of Játula, (4) Yajõika or Yajñaka, (5) he had arrived in respect of this family, and Sogga, (6) Pärnarâja, son of Sogga,(7) Devaraja, he took this opportunity of identifying the brother of Purnarâja,-and, finally, (8) the ParaMahôdaya of these inscriptions with Kanya- mabhatáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramé. kubja or Kananj, on the authority of the Hai- ivara Ramachandradêva, and (9) his successor, makosa, iv. 39. And in 1862, in his paper the Paramabhaffáraka, Maharaja dhiraja, and entitled “Vestiges of Three Royal Lines of Parameswara Bhôjadêva, with the date for the Kanyakabja," as a supplement to which last-mentioned of, as he gave it, the year 179," he re-edited Vinayakapala's grant, he took up which he interpreted as equivalent in the the subject again; but without advancing it Vikrama era) to A.D. 122.-After this, in 1863, beyond pointing out that Mahôdaya could not in his paper entitled "Bhoja Rájá of Dhár be identified with either Mahobá,' Maudhé,' and his Homonyms," as an accompaniment to or Mahedú,' and repeating his previous identi- which a lithograph of the Pehewa' inscription fication of it with Kanauj,-endorsing the was issued, he took ap again the subject of identification of the Tikkarikâgrama of Vina- Dôvasakti of Mahôdaya and his descendants. yakapala's grant with the modern Tikree, Repeating, but now with an expression of doubt, of maps, close to Benares, "--and suggesting his reading of the year 65 as the date of that we may possibly have traces of one or Vinayakapâla's grant, and referring it to some other of the Bhojas of this family in Mahor' unspecified local era, -and using his subseor Maholl,' as the traditionary capital of a Raja quently published rendering of MahendraBhôja, and in Bhojpur near Farrukabad.' In pala's grant,-he allotted definite dates to the course of his remarks he spoke of a huge them, commencing with Dêvasakti, A.D. 779, inscription in some part of the Gwalior State," down to Vinayakapala, A.D. 900. He also which mentions first “Mahendrapůla. Near identified Bhoja II. with the Paramébvara where he is spoken of is the date 960. Next Bhôjadêva, the lord of Gopagiri or Gwalior, of comes Bhôja ; and then Mahendrapala again, an inscription at Gwalior," dated," in both with the date 964. Further on, Kshitipála is words and decimal figures, Samvat 933, which # Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXX. p. 195 ff.
the rest of his paper he treated it, with emphasis, as one 18 d. Vol. XXXI. p. 1 ff.
hundred and seventy-nine. 11 This identification was first pointed out by R Jour. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. XXXII. p. 9111. Mitra Gen. Cunningham supplied F. E. Hall with the
" It had already been read before the Society, on the transcript from which he wrote. It is very desirable
2nd July 1862. that the original inscription should be rediscovered and
Previously published by him in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. published in full. It has probably to be looked for at or Vol. XXXI. p. 407f., text and translation, with a lithoin the neighbourhood of Sironij, 160 miles south by west graph by Gen. Cunningham, No. 4, Plate ii. In his of Gwalior, and 60 miles north by east of BhopA1.
remarks on it he said id. Pp. 399 and 407, note t) that » Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXII. p. 6738.
the first figure of the dato might be 7, which would *. It was subsequently pointed out by Gen. Canning
bring it back to Samvat 733 (A.D. 676); but, as the word bam, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXIII. p. 280, navani, nine, is very distinct, there was no need for that the last eight lines, as publisbed, were in reality any such remark. quite separate record.For a lithograph of these eight
11 The date Samvatsara-fatlahu mau trayas. lines, see id. Vol. XXXII. p. 97.
tringad-adhikeah Magha-fukla-dvilfydydm sath 958 M&In the text, he read Sarhvat 170; but throughoutgha fu di ..

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was interpreted by him (in the Vikrama era) as equivalent to A.D. 876; and this doubtless was his chief guide in the dates that he allotted to Dêvasakti and his descendants. With this paper there was issued a lithograph of the last eight lines of the 'Pehewa' inscription; and, in referring to this, he rectified his former version of the date and recorded that it was unmistakably Samvat 279, which, after considering and rejecting the Vikrama, Valabhi, Sêna, and Śivasimha eras, he came to the conclusion must be referred to some unknown local or family era. In the course of his remarks, he recorded his opinion that the Bhôja, son of Ramachandra, of this 'Pehewa' inscription was not to be identified with Bhôja I., son of Râmabhadra, of Devasakti's family.
In 1864, in his paper entitled "Remarks on the date of the Pehewa inscription of Raja Bhôja," General Cunningham took up the subject. In the first place, working on the facsimile, that had been published by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, he interpreted the date as Samvat 216, which, if referred, as he suggested it should be, to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, would give A.D. 823; but with the possibility of the correct reading being 276, or A.D. 883, which would justify the identification of the Bhôja of this inscription with his namesakes of Gwalior of A.D. 876 and of the Rájatarangini of A.D. 883 to 901. And subsequently, in a letter dated the 24th May 1864 and attached to his paper referred to above, he announced that the real reading of the date was Samvat 276, and pointed out a fact, altogether missed by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, which rendered this quite certain, viz. that the date was recorded at full length in words, as well as in decimal figures." He then referred the date definitely to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, with the result of A.D. 882; and recorded his opinion that the Bhôja of this inscription was identical with the Bhôja of the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876, and with the Adhirája Bhoja of the Rajataragini, v. 156, the opponent of Samkaravarman of Kasmir, who reigned be
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 223 ff. "The full reading is-ért-Bhejadeva-padinam-abhipravarddhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rdjyd samvatetra-lataavayê shat-saptaty-adhike Vaisakha-mdea-fukla-pakshasaptamyam........ samvat #76 Vais6kha bu di 7. The original may perhaps have, according to a rather general custom, rajya-samvatsara, to be corrected
tween A.D. 883 and 901. In this paper he also pointed out that the name of the predecessor of Bhôja in the 'Pehoa' inscription was in reality, as in fact the lithograph showed, Ramabhadra; not Ramachandra, as read by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra. And then,-identifying the Vatsaraja of Devasakti's family with the Vatsaraja, king of Maru, who conquered a king of Gauda and was himself conquered by the Rashtrakuta king Dhôra ;" and also identifying the Ramabhadra and Bhôja I. of the same family with the two kings of the same name in the 'Pehoa' inscription, --he fixed the following dates, at twenty-five years to each generation,Dôvasakti Vatsaraja.
********
Nagabhata Râmabhadra Bhôja I. Mahendrapala Bhôja II....... Vinayakapâla 930 In the same year, in his paper entitled "On a land-grant of Mahendrapála Deva of Kanauj," ," Dr. Rajendralal Mitra published Mahendrapâla's grant. He read the date as the year 389, and corrected his reading of the date of Vinayakapala's grant from 65 to 409. After once more considering and rejecting the Vikrama and Valabhî eras, and also that of Harsha of Kananj, he again referred the dates to a local or family era, the epoch of which it was impossible to determine. But, following General Canningham in identifying Vatsaraja with the king of that name overthrown by Dhôra, on this basis, with the allowance of eighteen years to each reign, he fixed the following dates :
Dêvasakti.. Vatsaraja
Nagabhaja Râmabhadra
Bhôja I. Mahendrapala Bhôja II.. Vinkyakapila
*******.
A.D. 775
800
39
31
39
99
39
39
...A.D. 775
796
814
832
850
868
885 "900
""
109
29
33
39
825
850
875
900
920
into rajyć samvatsara; but the lithograph is not very clear here; nor does it suffice to satisfy me as to the four aksharas, passed over by R. Mitra without notice, between saptamyash and samvat.
See, e.g., ante, Vol. XI. p. 160f.
Jour. Bong. Ae. Boc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 321 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[APRIL, 1886.
Dévasakti, married to Bhdyika.
Vatsarkja, m. to Sundart.
Nagabhata, m. to Isati.
Ramabhadra, m. to Appa.
Bhoja I., m. to Chandrabhattarika.
Mahendra påla. A.D. 761-62.
In 1879, General Cunningham took up the subject again." Reading the date of Mahồndrapala's grant as 315, and referring it to the Harsha era with the result of A.D 921,-maintaining his identification of the Ramabhadra and Bhoja I. of Devasakti's family with the kings of the same name in the Pabewa' inscription, and also his identification of Bhoja I. both with the Adhiraja Bhoja of the Rájatarangini," v. 156, the contemporary of Śarkaravarman of Kasmir, who expelled him between A.D. 883 and 901, and with the Bhoja of the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876,--and also identifying Bhoja I. with the Paramabhaftáraka, Mahárdjádkirája and Paramósvara Bhðja of a new inscription of (Vikrama).Samvat 919 and Saks-Samvat 784 (A.D. 862-63) from the fort of Deogarh, in eastern Malwa, "-he finally fixed the time of Bhoja I. from A.D. 860 to 890. And in 1880 again, when publishing this new
Deogarh' inscription," he repeated his former conclusions about the identity of the various Bhojas and of the two Vatsarajas, and finally fixed the following dates for the Mahodaya familyDévasakti......
.. A.D. 730 Vatsaraja .............. Nagabhata ........................... 800 Ramabhadra ......... ..........., 830 Bhoja I ............
» 860 This, as far as I have been able to ascertain, is the last occasion on which the subject has been discussed.
by his wife Dêhanaga
by his wife Mahidevi
Bhoja II.
Vinayakapala.
A.D. 794-95, Each member of the family had simply the sabordinate feudatory title of Mahdrdja;" and this alone would be sufficient prima facie reason against identifying Bhoja I. with the king Bhoja who has the paramount titles of Paramabha fáraka, Mahárdjadhiraja, and Pa. Tamé kvara in the Deogarh' inscription of A.D.862 and the 'Pahewa, Pehewa, Pehewk' or Pehoa' inscription of A.D. 882, and of Paraméóvaru in the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876. For, if Ramabhadra and Bhoja I. of this family had ever held the paramount rank and titles, the fact would, as a matter of course, have been commemorated by connecting the titles with their names in the inscriptions of Mahendrapala and Vinayakapála, even if the
The historical facts supplied by these two inscriptions are very simple.
In the first place they establish the following genealogy and definite dates :
30 Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 84. a1 Caloutta ed., verne 156; French ed., verse 181 -- Hritam Bhoj-Adhirajena s smrkjyam-adapayat
pratibarataya bhritylbhdtd Thakkiyak-Anvaye || "He (Samkaravarman) caused to be restored the dominion which had been taken away by the Adhiraja Bhoja, when the Thakkiyaka family was reduced to the condition of servants by being put to the duty of door keepers."-Bhrityfbhat is the reading of the French edition, in preference to the bhrityau bhit of the Caleatta edition. Both editions read Thakviyak-Andaya; but the correct form of the name seems to be Thaka. yake.It is difficult to my whether Adhirdja in this pas Sage in used in the sense of paramount sovereign, or in its technical fondatory mense (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, note 18.)
* The date, as far as the lithograph can be relied on, is Sathvat 9.19 Afvayuja-Fukla-paksha-chatur. dasydu Prihaspati-dind Uttara-Bhadrapada-nakshatra
... ..... ...... Saka-kdi-abda-sapta fatani chatur.affty-adhikni 70.-It answers, by General Conningham's caloulation (Archæol. Sury. Ind. Vol. X. P. 108), to Thursday, the 10th September, A.D. 869.
Ho lao wed this result me one of the grounds for Axing the time of Kokkalla I. of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripura, from A.D. 860 to 870. This probably holds good, w far the Bhojn of the 'Deogarh,' Gwalior, and Pahews' inscriptions in oonorned. But, for the rousons given by me below, Bhoja I. of Déralakti's family is not ooncerned in the question.
Archeol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. p. 1004., and Plate zani. No. 2.
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, note 18.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
111
latter had sunk again to the position of is most unlikely should be applied to wo largo Mahúrájas. But, further, the dates of these and famous a rdjadhúní or capital, as Katwo inscriptions are now perfectly certain. nauj; and there is no reason why there should They are recorded in numerical symbols, and not have been several Mahôdayas, just as there are respectively, in an unspecified era,- for are several Udayapuras, in very different parts Mahendra påla," the year 155; and for of the country. Looking to the localities of Vinaya kapal, the year 188. Dr. Rar the villages granted, Srivasti or SÂhet. jendralal Mitra's theory of a local or family MAhet,' about 160 miles to the east by north, era must undoubtedly be rejected; for, in of Kanauj, is the principal place mentioned in order that such an era should last a hundred defining the position of the village of Paniand eighty-eight years, the founder of it, and yaka granted by Mahendrapala ; while Variat least two or three of his immediate succes- ņ&si or Benares, about 260 miles to the southsors, must have been paramount kings of a west of Kanauj, and Pratishthana, or dynasty, which certainly was not the case AllahAbåd, which is about 70 miles to the with Devasakti or any of his descendants, west of Benares, are the principal places and so the era must have ceased to be a mere mentioned in defining the position of the villocal or family era. In looking for a dynastic lage of fikkarikå granted by Vinayakapala; era to which to refer the dates, we must be and Tikkarika, moreover, seems to be thu guided to a certain extent by the palæography modern Tikree' of the Trigonometrical Surof the grants. And this leads us at once vey Map, four miles almost due south of to the era, originally selected by General Benares, and on the same side of the river, Cunningham, of Harsha vardhana of and therefore actually in the Kasipâra pathaka Kananj,--the only correct and reliable sugges- of the inscription, the territorial division of tion about Dévasakti and his descendants the Kasi (Benares) ford. The outlying throughout the whole of what was written government of these Mahardjas, was, thus, a about them. But the result is the dates- pretty extensive one, comprising a stretch of for Mahendra påla, of A.D. 761-62, and country, from Benares, of at least about a for Vinaya kapala, of A.D. 794-95; and hundred and sixty miles to Sravasti on the this, of course, puts it utterly out of the north, and about seventy miles to AllahAbad question to identify Bhoja I. of this family on the west, and about a hundred miles towards with the king Bhôja of the Deogarh,' Gwalior, the Saran District on the east, if the locality of and Pahewa' inscriptions of A.D. 862, 876, the finding of Mahendrapala's grant may be and 882. And for the same reason, if the taken into any consideration. But there is no date of A.D. 883 to 901 for Samkaravarman reason to suppose that it reached also to the of Kasmir can be upheld, it is equally out of west across the Ganges, and sufficiently far the question to identify either of the Bhājas of to include Kananj; which, being the capital this family with the Adhirája Bhoja, who is of the supreme kings of the country, could mentioned in the Rdjatarasagim as the contem- hardly be within the jurisdiction of their porary and opponent of Sankaravarman, fendatory Mahárájas, so as to be used as a
Mahendrapala and Vinayakapala's charters camp by them. We must undoubtedly select as were both issued from Mahodaya. Dr. their capital, either Sråvasti or Vår åpas i. FitzEdward Hall first identified this place with And, as regards their camp, Mahôdaya, Kanyaku bjs or Kananj; and this identifi. all that can at present be said about it, is cation was accepted, throughout the rest that, as Vinayakapala, before making his grant, of the discussion, by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra bathed in the Ganges, it must be identified and General Cunningham, as well as by him- with some place, still to be determined, on that self. It may be perfectly true that Mahôdaya river or on one of its tributaries. is one of the names of Kanyakubja. Bat the Finally, as regards the religion of the Mahôdaya of these two inscriptions was only family, -Devasakti and Bhoja II. were Paramaa skandhávára or camp,'- an epithet which it vaishnavas, or most devout worshippers of the
As regards the third symbol, which in the only one * See ante, Vol. XII. p. 110. to which any doubt an attach, see page 118 below,note 87.1

Page #132

112
god Vishnu;-Vatsaraja was a Paramamáhéivara, a most devout worshipper of the god Siva, under the name of Mahêévara; Nagabhata, Bhoja I., and Mahendrapala, were Paramabhagavatibhaktas, or most devout worshippers of the goddess Bhagavatt, who may be either Parvati or Durga, the wife of Siva, or Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu ;-and
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
4 kto
5 bhaktô
TEXT.35
The Seal.
a Paramavaishnavô b vas tasya • moutpannaḥ d jadôvas tasya e dévyâm-atpannaḥ f gabbajadevastasyn
9 tâdêvyâm-utpannah
h ja-ári-Ramabhadradevas-tasya pattras-tat-p4d-Anndhytal i śrimad-Appidêvyâm-atpannah parambhagavatibhaktô jharaja-sri-Bhôjadevas tasya
puttras-tat-pad-ânudhya
k [ta]h śri-Chandrabhat[t]ârikâdêvyam-atpannah parambha"1ga7 [vatîbha]kto mahârâja-sri-Mahendrapâladêvaḥ [*]
[APRIL, 1886.
R&mabhadra and Vinayakapâla were Paramadityabhaktas, or most devout worshippera of the Sun. And, from the same image appearing on the seals of the grants of both Mahendrapala, a Paramabhagavatibhakta, and Vinayakapala, a Paramadityabhakta, Bhaga. vati seems to have been throughout the kula-dévaté or tutelary goddess of the family.
maharaja-sri-Devasaktidêputtras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtah ári-Bhûyikâdêvyâparamamâhésvarð maharaja-sri-Vatsaraputtra tat-pad-Anndhyab éri-Sundariparambhagavatîbhaktô maharaja-sri-Naputtras-tat-pâd-ânudhyâtaḥ śrimad-İsaparamadityabhakto
mahârâ
The Plate,
1 Om
2 maharaja-śrî-Dévaéaktidevas tasya puttras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ
éri-Bhûyikâdêvyâm=
atpannah paramamâhêévarô
3 maharaja-sri-Vatsarajad [*]vas tasya puttras-tat-påd-anudbyâtaḥ śri-Sundaridêvyam=
utpannaḥ parambhagavati-bhamahirija-ir-Nagabhata"d[*]vne-tasya Isata dêvyâm-utpannab paramadityamahârâja-sri-Ramabhadradêvas-tasya
Svasti Sri-Mahldays camÂvisit-An[é*]kn-gb-hasty-alva-ratha-patti-sampannsskandâdârât-paramavaishnav[8]
puttras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ
App"devyim-ntpa
maharaja-éri-Bhâ (bhô) jadevas tasya pattras-tat
6 nnah parambhagavatibhakta(ktô) påd-Anudhyâtal éri-Chandrabha
7
ttårikåd[8]vyâm-utpannah parambhagavatibhaktô mahârâja-sri-Mahendrapâladê vaḥ ||"
Śrâvasti
8 bhuktau " Śravastimandal-antabpati- -VAlayika" vishaya-samva (mba)ddha-Paniyaka." grama-samu
Read skandhavarat.
43 This and a few other letters are so completely blocked up with hard rust, that, though they are fegible enough in the original, they hardly appear at all in the impression and lithograph.
ma
9 pagatin-sarvvin-dva yathisthina-niyaktán-prativeina-cha
From the original seal and plate.
30, 40, and 1. Read paramabha.
Read paramabha.
R. Mitra read Nagabhata quite correctly, but added a wholly unnecessary note that bhata was for bhatta, and thus in his translation and remarks turned the name into Nagabhatta.
Both here and in the following inscription, B. Mitra read this name Mahisata; and F. E. Hall adopted the same reading in Vinayakapála's inscription.-The d
pattras-tat-påd-Anudhy [4]tab śrîmad
śrîmad
mjölpayati [1] Uparili.
of df is somewhat damaged in this inscription, both on the seal and on the plate; but the reading is very clear in the corresponding passages of the following in scription.
B. Mitra read frimadapy in the text, and gave the name as Madappd in the translation.
and Bead paramabha.
40 and "These marks of punctuation are unnecessary. Read antaḥpati-Volayika.-R. Mitra read Valayika, with the vowel in the first syllable short, and used the same name in his translation, but in his remarks turned it into Talayika.
B. Mitra read Pamayaka in both text and transla
tion.

Page #133

*
*
*
স্ববিসহ q এসময়
বন-সংহবাগ্লাম - | মঠবামীহা(#হত্ৰ
ৰূপধংপুর বাহু-স:৭মনাধী। | Uম যাব যাব বলয়হীহাহনী : • অবলা বসুং শু:খীমহত্যায় :থমেই
মিখাঁ ॥ মহত্যা মধু। হ:থবীর বংশব ওলী (বীহঠায়zরসাস বাং শহুৰেণৰ ঈ৷৷ মহল ব্রীসোর-43ঝাঁশ্লেষকরা সরব বীণাত্মীবধাতার স্ত্রী যখন কুয়াম মিসর্বযু »(সানববুব বনে যা
মুঠো :oi(3ৰ কৰা স্বকgaখ বুম • অঝরেব: অকস্বৰীপুর খেয়েবি যাবেন
লবঙ্গ শুনবদিবাধে , দিব। হিলিপেীঃকর্ণও বাখশাসি: সধয়া যায়
Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of the Maharaja Mahendrapala.-The Year 155.
fo
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
1. F. FLEE, ৪০. c..
SCALE .40

Page #134


Page #135

APRIL, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
118
10 khita-gråmas-sa[ro]vv-âya-saméta -chandr-arkka-kshiti-kalam-purvadatta-devavra (bra)
hmadêye-varijito 11 may& pitrôb pany-abhivriddhayd 1" Såvarņņasagðttra-KanthamaChchhandogasavra(bra)
hmachari12 bhatta-Padmasaraya savital kumbha-sankråntan snätvå pratigrahêņa pratipadita iti
viditvå 13 bhavadbhis=samanumantavýam prativâsibhir-apy-ajña-bravaṇa-vidhêyai[r]=bbhûtvå sarv
Aya asya sama14 panêya iti (11) Srimad BhAka--prayuktasya sasanasya sthir-ayath | Samvatari"
100 50 5 Magha su di 10 niva (ba)ddham (0"]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIEBSON, B.C,8.
(Continued from p. 86). GIPSY,Rom, romazapis, yapáti, japari, malkoch, GLUE, to,-Lipikva, (M.); to glue on, lipisardo(Tch.); ghülara, pôsha, (As. Tch.); lom,
vÂva, (M.) (Tch. Tokat); rom, (Pep. M.); porha, GLUED,-Lipimê, (M.) rom, sinkalo, (M. 8)
GRAW oy, to,-Chambava, (M.) GIPST-BLOOD. - Kaulo ratti, (Eng.)
Go, to,--Jaláva, (Eng.); jâva, (Tch., Pap. M., M.7) GIPSY FASHION, after the Romaneskoennes,
jami, (1 pres.) (As. Tch.); pherdva, tra(Eng.); romanês, romênd'ire, (M.) .
dáva, zhåva, (M.) GIPSY FELLOW,Romano chal, romany chal, Go By, to,-Nakáva, M., M. 8) (Eng.)
Go out, tu,-Nikáva, (Tch., M. 8); niglariva, GIPSY-GENTLEMAN, -Romano rye, romany rye,
(Psp. M.); enkliava,(M.); nashåva, (M.8), (Eng.)
GON. OUT, to have,-Nikliováva, (Tch.) GIPSY LANGUAGE,-Romanes, romany, (Eng.) Go out, to cause to,-Nikliardva, nikal dava,(Toh.) GIPSY, of or belonging to Romano, (Tch.) GO ROUND, to,-Enkunzhuriva, (M.); phirdva, GIPSY LA88,-Romani chi, (Eng.)
(M. 8) GIPSY, one who is not a, -sce Stranger.
GO TEROUGH, to, -Skěpisard'ováva, (M.) GIRDLE,-Kiustik, (Pep. M.); kushtfk, (M.); GOAD,-Ghanlo, momelt, (Tch.) kyusht yk, (M. 7)
GOAT,-Buzno, (fem.) buznt, (Tch.); busin, (A.. GIRL.-Rakli, juvli, chavali, chavi, chi, (Eng.);
Tch.); k&pra, kapra, bakri, (M.) rakit, chai, chéi, (dim.) chaiori, (Tch.); GOBLET, -Koro, (dim.) kororð, (Tch.) jaghi, (Tch. Tokat.); lavti, (As. Toh.); GOBLET, of or belonging to Kordekoro, (Toh.) chai; (Psp. M.); fechoro, fechyôrð, rakit, GOD, -Devel, dibble, dovvel, duvel, dubble,(Eng.); rakloră, shey, shiy, (M.)
devél, del, (dim.) devlord, (Toh.); huva, GIBTA,-Dingle, plana, (Tch.)
(As. Tch.); devel (Pap. M., M.); devel, Grm, (imp.)Dou, (Eng.)
del, dil, (M.) GIVE AWAY, to, -Yertikva, yertisariva; (M.) GOD, of or belonging to, -Devlicand, devléskoro, Give, to,-Dedra, (ing.); dava, (Teh., Pap. X.,
(Tch.) M., M. 7); bede, (imperat.) (As. Tch.) GOD-TATHER,-Kirvô, kirivo, kivr8, (Toh.): Give, to cause to,-Diniardva, (Tch.)
nanash, nanåshu, t'irvð, (M.); kirivo, M. 7) GLAND RED, Limalo, limôngoro, (Tch.)
GODMOTHER,-Kirvi, (Tch.); t'irvi, (M.) GLANDERED HORSE, &, -Nok-engro, (Eng.) GODSON,--Zhamutrô, (M.) GLANDERS, -Lim, (Tch.)
GOLD-Sonakey, sonneko, (Eng.); sovnakai, som GLASS, drinking, -Jam, (Tch.); stêkle, taķhtây,
nakai, (Tch., M. 8); sirdlori, (As. Tch.); (M.), stegla, valin, (M. 8)
somnakti, galpea, (Pep. M.); somnakdy, GLITTER, to, -Nězērikva, zērisaráva, (M.)
(M.)
This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. * Metro, $16los (Anushfubh); the verso consista, how over, of only one pida.
B. Mitr, failed to observe the metro.and road trimastdraka, with note that it w for brf-bhafedraka, which hd rendered in his translation by "his aanpicious Majesty."
i Boed samvetoard, for samvateariņam.-R. Mitrs
read the numerical symbols for the year as 380, trenting them apparently as decimal figures, and the symbol for the day ng 7 am a little unoertain about the third symbol for the year; but,-contrasting it with the undoubted 8 in the date of the following insoription, and oomparing it with the 5 of the Nepal Baaddha X88. in cols. 7 and 9 of Bhagwanlal Indraji'. Tablo, ante, Vol. VI. p. 4,- it seems to be form of the

Page #136

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
GOLDEN,-Sovnakunô, (Tch.); somnakunô, som.
nakânt,-(M.)
GRENADIER,-Daravin, (Tch.) GREY, Saro, (M.)
[APRIL, 1886.
GOLD AND SILVERSMITH,-Sovnakongoro, rupês- GRIEF,-Duk, dukaibê, (Tch.); zhêle, (M.); dukh, koro, Tch.) GooD,-Bana, kisho, koshto, kosko, kushto, (Eng.); lachô, mishtô, misto (comp., lachedêr, (Tch.); gh'ehâi, gh'iha (As. Tch.); lachô, (Psp. M.); mishtô, mishtôă, lashô, shukar, (M.); lacho, mishto, (M. 8)
GOOD, (sub.)-Moshiyě, moshiya, moshiye, (M.) GOODNESS,-Mestipen, koshtipen, koskipen, (Eng.); lashipf, (M.); mestipen, bestipen, (Span. Gip.) GOOSE,-Racheta, (Eng.); papin, papina, (Tch.); papin, (M., M. 8)
Goose, of or belonging to,-Papinêngoro, (Tch.) GOOSEBERRY,-Durril, (pl.) darrilau, durilyor, (Eng.) GOOSEBERRY PUDDING,-Durrileskie guyi, (Eng.) GOURD,-Dudam, (Tch., Psp. M., M. 7); gh'undur, kundur, (As. Teh.); dodom, (M.) Gown,-Shab, shubbo, (Eng); katrinca, (M.) GRAIN,-Shiru, (M.)
GRAIN OF CORN,-Giv, iv, (Psp. M.); groâncă, (M.) GRANDCHILDREN,-Tawnie yecks; (Eng.) GRANDEUR, -Rayimês, (M.) GRANDFATHER, Puro dad, (Eng.); pâpus, (Tch., M. 8); bapir, (As. Tch.) GRANDMOTHER,-Baba, bâbo, (dim.) baborcha, (Tch.); ami, (As. Tch.) GRANDSON,-Ongôni, (Tch.)
GRAPE, (pl.) Mul-engris, (Eng.); drak, porik, (Tch.); drak, (Pap. M.); drek, mevush, (As. Tch.); drakh, (M. 7)
GRAPES, of or belonging to,-Drakêngoro; (Tch.) GRAPES, dry,-Chamik, (Tch.); porik (Tch., M. 8) GRAPES-SELLER, (dry),-Porikêsgoro, chamikên goro, (Tch.)
GRASS, Chaw, (Eng.); char, drap, drab, (Tch.); char, (Pap. M.); gh'as, gh'ehs, kas, (As. Tch.); char, chur, (M.); char, (M. 7) GRASS, (a kind of)-Lavadis, (Tch.) GRASSY,-Drabêngoro, charialô, (Tch.) GRASSHOPPER,-Chawhoktamengro, (Eng.) GRAVE,-Mulleno hev, (Eng.); mormontu, (M.) GRAVE-SHOVEL,-Herlêcu, (M.)
GRAZE, to,-Charaviva, (Tch.); charâva, (Psp. M.) GRAZING, to be nourished by,-Chariováva, (Tch.) GREASE,-Tulipen, (Eng.); maklô, (Tch.) GREASE, to,-Makliaráva, (Tch.)
GREAT,-Boro, (Eng.); baro, (Psp. M.); bharo, pharo, (M.)
Ga=xx,—Balamô, (Psp. M., M.7) GREEN,-Delê, zêlino, (M.) GRENADE,-Dar&v, rattvaló, (Teh.); khinar, (As.
Teh.)
(M. 7)
GRIEF, to feel,-Dukava, (Tch.); dukáva, pěsáva, superisard'ováva, voytiâva pe, (M.) GRIEF, to cause to feel,-Dukavava, (Tch.) GEIEVE, to (v. tr.),-Musarava, (M.) GRIEVED, to be,-Dukâniovava, (Tch.) GRIEVED, Superimi, superěmi, (M.) GRIND, to,-Moarâva, (Eng.); pishava, (Tch., Psp.
M.)
GRIND, to cause to,-Pishlarâva, (Tch.) GRINDSTONE,-Asân, (M., M. 7) GAINDSTONE, hand, -Pirpiristra, (Tch.) GROAN, to,-Zhem&va, (M) GROAT,-Gush, gurush, gurushi, (Eng.) GROOM,-Stanya-mengro, (Eng.)
GROUND,-Pav, pov, puvvo, (Eng.); fandu, pôdu, (M.)
GROW, to,-Bâriovava, (Tch.); bharyováva, (M.) GROW UP, to,-Bharyováva, (M.) GROW, to cause to,-Bariarâva, (Tch.) GUARD,-Arak&v, (Pap. M.); strâzha, strězhě, (M.) GUARD, to, Wardava, (Eng.); arakava, (Tch., Pap. M.)
GUARD ONESELF, to,-Ferisard'ováva, (M.) GUESS, to, -Gochiâva, gěchisarâva, (M.) GUIDE,-Kalfa, (M.)
GUILT,-Dosh, (M., M. 7)
GUILTY,-Doshalô, (M.); uzhilo, (M. 8)
GUITAR,-Yongâri, (Tch.)
GUM,-Tar, (Tch.); thar, (M., M. 8)
GUN,-Yag-engri, (Eng.); katli, (Tch.); pushka, pashkě, pushkě, (M., M. 8) GYPSY, see Gipsy.
H HABITATION,-bashipê (Psp. M.)
HAIL,-Kukkudi, (Tch.); kukudi, (Psp. M.) HAIR,-Bal, (Eng.); bal, jar, (Tch., M. 7); val, (As. Tch.); bal, (Pap. M., M.); see also 'Tress.'
HAIR, of or belonging to,-Balalô, (Tch.); baleneskoe, (Eng.); jarialô, (Tch.) HAIRY FELLOW, a-Balormengro, (Eng.) HALF,-Pas, posh, (Eng.); yêkpåsh, (Tch.); nim, (As. Teh.); pash, påsha, yekpåsh, (Psp. M.); (M.); pash, (M.8)
HALFPENNY,-Pasherro,
posherro, poshoro,
(Eng.) HALL,-Komorrus, (Eng.); aŭlin, (M.) HALL, entrance,-Tinda, (M.) HALTER, Sher-engri, (Eng.); ashvår, (M.) HAMMER,-Koraki, kutála, sivri, (Tch.); (a kind of,) kakai, (Tch.); sivri, (Pap. M., M. 8); chokân, chokânashu, chokános, t'iyano, vaznalo, (M.)

Page #137

APRIL, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
115
HAMMER, biacksmith's,-Vâria, chok&nos, cha
kånos, (Tch.); varia, (M. 8) HAND,-Vast, wast, (Eng.); vast, (Tch.); hast,
(As. Tch.); vist, (Psp. M.); vast, (M., M. 8) HAND, little,-Vastoro, (Tch.) HAND-BAG,-Tråysta, (M.) HANDFUL,-Barnek, (Tch.); burnêk, (Pep. M.,
M. 7) HANDKERCHIEP, -Pangushi, (Eng.); diklo, kozno,
kosno, (Tch.); diklo, běsmåoa, (M.) HANDLE.-Desto, (Tch., M. 7) HANDSOME, -Rinkeno, (Eng.) HANG, to,-Nashva, (Eng.); umblaviva, (Tch.) HANGED, to be, -Umblâvghiovåva, (Tch.) HANGING, -Umblaibe, (Tch.) HANGMAN,-Nashimescro, (Eng.); ushtalhu, (M.) HAPPEN, to,-Regåva, (Tch.); dåva, (M.) HAPPEN, to cause to,-Resavåva, (Tch.) HAPPINESS,-Bakht, (M., M. 7) HARE,-Kaun-engro, sheshu, Bhoshoi (Eng.);
shoshoi, (Hun. Gip.); shôsboi, sosôi, (dim.) shoshoro, (Tch.); gh'andürki, (As. Tch.); shoshôi, (Psp. M.); shoshoy, (M.,
M. 8) HARB, of or belonging to, -Shoshano, shoshos
koro, (Tch.) HARICOT, -Manushêskere dant, (Tch.) HABLOT,--Lubbeny, (Eng.); lubni, nubit, (Psp.M.) HARLOT, become a,-Lubbenified, (Eng.) HARLOTRY, -Lubbenipen, (Eng.) HARM,-Dosch, dosh, (Eng.) HARNE89, to,-Kostizava, (Tch.) HARROW, to,-Grēpiáva, (M.) HASTE,--Hekta, sig, (Eng.) HASTEN, to,-Prastáva, (M.) HAT,-Stadj, (Eng.) HATCH, to,-Klochisaråva, (M.) HATCHET,-China-mengro, (Eng.); tovêr, tovel,
(Tch.); tovêr, tovor, bárda, (M.) HATCHET, handle of,-Boltågu, (M.) HAUT-BOY,-Surulag, (Tch.) HAVE, to,--Teråva, (Tch., Psp. M.) HAWK GOODS, to,-Koráva, (Eng.) HAWKING GOODS,-Karring, (Eng.) HAWKING LICENSE, -Koring lil, (Eng.) PAY,-Kas, (Eng.); kae, (Tch.); kas, (M.); khas,
(M. 7) HAYSTACK,-Kag-stiggur, (Eng.) HAYMAKING,-Kas kairing, (Eng.) HE-0, yo, (Eng); ov, (Tch., M. 8); hai, (As.
Tch.); lo, vo, (M.) HEAD.--Shero, (Eng.); sherô, sero, (Tch.); sero,
ser (As. Tch.); shero, shorô, (Psp. M.); képěcona, shěrů, shero, shěrd, (M.);
shero, (M. 8) HEAD, of or belonging to-Sheralo, (Tch.) HEAD-DRE88,-Kěrpa, (M.); pherno, (M. 8)
HEAD-MAN, -Sher-engro, (Eng.) HEAL, to, -Sast'aráva, (M.) HEALED, to be, -Sast'ováva, (M.) HEALTH,---Plapen, (Eng.); sastipe, vestipe, (Tch.) HEALTHY,- Sasto, shasto (Tch.); shastô, (Pep.
M.); sasto, saste vesto, vestô, (M.);
shasto, vesto, (M. 8) HEAP,-Grēmåda, grēmådě, (M.) HEAR, to-Shunáva, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M.); ash
undva, (M.); shundva, (M. 8) HEARD, to be,Shandováva, kandiziva, (Tch.)
ashund'ováva, (M.) HEARING, -Shunaben, (Eng.) HEART.--Zi, (Eng.); oghi, (dim.) oghororf, ongbt,
(Tch.); oghî, onghi, (Pep. M.); yilo, yild,
odhi, od'i (M.); yilo, (M. 7) HEARTH,--Vighna, (Tch.); vatro, vigna, (M. 8) HEAT,-Tatti-pen, (Eng.); tabioipe, tattibe,
(Tch.); tattipê, (Pep. M.) HEAT, to,-Tapiva, tattiarkva, (Tch.) HEATHEN,Hrishka, (M.) HEAVEN,--Charos, cheros, (Eng); sukar devol,
(Toh); cheri, Cheri, (M.); chêrô, (M. 7) HEAVINESS,-Grêu, (M.) HEAVY,-Pordo, (Eng.); parô, (Tch.); baro, (Pep.
M.); bharô, pharô, (adv.) bharés, pharës,
(M.); pharo, (M. 8) HEDGE,-Bor, (Eng.); bar, (M.); bari, (M. 7) HEDGE-HOG, -Pal of the bor, hatchi-witchu,
(Eng.) Heel,-Kfur, khar, (Psp. M.); khur, (M. 7) HEIGHT,-Vuchipe, (Tch.) HELL-Bengako tan, wafoda tan, (Eng.); pokla,
yado, yådu, (M.) HELP, to, -Azhutiâva, (M.) Hen,-Kanni, (pl.) kannis, (Eng.); kasi, (Span.
Gip.); kakni, (Hun. Gip.); kaghni, kahini, chiricli, (Tch.); jimåri, (As. Tch.); kažni, kugni, kaina, (Psp., M.); kayni, gayn,
(M.); kahni, (dim.) chavri, (M. 7) HEN, clucking,-Klòshka, (M.) HER.-La (pro. pers.), laki (pro. posg.), (Eng.) HERB-Yarb, (Eng.) HERBALIST,-Chariêngoro, (Tch.) HERD,-Chiryada, herd'iliya, hergeliya, tarma,
(M.) HERE,-Akai, akoi, aukko, (Eng.); atia, akatis,
avati, avâtiaring, (abl.) atår, atiktar, (Tch.); ate, avatia, (Pep. M.); kothê, kothl, kot'i, koche, kochi, ordo, urdê, ordi, kathë, kathi, kat'e, kat'i, kat'he, kake,
(M.); atya, (M. 7) HERO,- Vit'azu, voyniko, voyniku, (M.) Hew, to,-Licharáva, litráva, choplisaráva, (M.) HIDE, to-Garêva, (Eng.); gheravava, nispeláva,
(Toh.); usbaravara, garkva, (M.); nispelåva, (M. 8)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
HIDE ONESELF, to,-Garud'ováva, (M.) HIDDEN, to be,-Gheravghiováva, nispêlghiováva, (Tch.)
HIDING, (the action of)-Gheraibê, (Tch.) HIGH, Vuchô, uchô, (Tch.); vechin, (As. Tch.); (comp.) vuchedêr, (Tch.); uchô, bharô, pharê, ennålto, (M.); vucho, (M. 8) HIGHEST, Opral'uno, opralutnô, (Tch) HILL,-Chumba, (Eng.); mozhila, muzhila, (M.); dombo, (M. 7)
HILLOCK, Tamba, (Tch.)
HINGE, Guruvêskoro kar, (Tch.)
HIRE, to,-Neymiâva, něymisaråva, (M.) -HIRED, to be,-Neymisard'ováva, (M.) HI8,-(poss. pro.) Oriki, (As. Tch.) Hiss, to,-Shôndava, (Tch.) HIT, to,-Hetavâva, (Eng.); malaváva, nemisaråva, (M.)
HITHER,-Kothê, kotht, kot'i, kochê, kochi, (M.); orde, (M. 8)
HITHERTO, Ajâi, achâi, (Teh.) HOE,-Baskt, (dim.) baskisorů, khanliardo, (Tch.); såpa, (M.) Hoa,—Balô, (M.)
THE RETIREMENT
OF GENERAL CUNNINGHAM. We cannot issue this Number without a few words of farewell to Major-General Alexander Cunningham, R.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., late DirectorGeneral of Archæological Surveys, who, having resigned his appointment,has just left this country, after a connection with it, and with the study of Indian Archæology in all its branches, that has lasted through more than half a century.
Entering the service of the Government of India as a Lieutenant of the Royal (late Bengal) Engineers in June 1831, General Cunningham landed in this country no long while afterwards, and applied himself almost at once to the researches that have made his name so well known.
His first publication was, in 1834, the "Correction of a mistake regarding some of the Roman Coins found in the Tope at Manikyala opened by M. Court" (Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. III. p. 635ff.) And from that time, till now, he has been a constant contributor to that Journal, to the Numismatic Chronicle, and to others devoted to Oriental topics.
MISCELLANEA.
Of separate publications he has given us The Bhilsa Topes, 1854; The Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. The Buddhist Period, 1871, devoted chiefly to the illustration of the campaigns of Alexander, and the travels of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang; The Stupa of Bharhut, 1879, with a magnificent series of fifty-seven plates; and
[APRIL, 1886.
HOG-WASH,-Lětari, (M.) HOLD, (imperat.)-Tel, bonnek, (Eng.) HOLD, to,-Teráva, (Tch.); astaráva, (Psp. M.); ěnkěráva, (M.); ikerâva, (M. 7); teráva, (M. 8) HOLE,-Hev, (Eng.); khar, khev, khef, (Tch.); khav, (Psp. M.); khěň, yezunie, (M.); khar, khev, (M. 7)
HOLES, full of,-Heviskey, (Eng.) HOLY,-Develeskoe, (Eng.); sen, sfento, sfěntu, sfêntu, sen, (M.); svunto, (M. 8) HOLY-WATER SPRINKLER,-Vrekhtúla, (Tch.) HOMAGE, to do-Enkinisard'ovava, (M.) HOME,-Kerey, keri, (Eng.)
HONEY, Gudlo, (Eng.); avghin, (Tch.); hünghe. vin, (As. Tch.); avghin, (Pap. M.); abgin, abd'in, (M.); avgin, (M. 7) HONEY, seller of,-Avghinêngoro, (Teh.) HONEY-INSECT,-Gudlo-pishen, (Eng.) HONOUR,-Pat', (M.)
HONOURABLE,-Pat'uvalo, pat'ualô, pachualô, (M.) Hook,-Körlig, körligu, (M.) HOP, (a plant)-Levinor-engri, (Eng.) HOP-PICKER,-Tardra-mengre, (Eng.)
the Book of Indian Eras, 1884, containing an extremely useful set of Tables for calculating Indian Dates, which does not seem to have as yet become as well known as it should be.
But his name is, of course, best known in connection with his official post as Director-General of the Archæological Surveys of India, for which he was specially selected in 1870 and was persuaded to return to India again after his original retirement from active service. In connection with this office, General Cunningham has given us, in 1877, Volume I. of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, containing the Asoka Inscriptions, and, from 1871 to 1885, twenty-one volumes of Reports of the Archeological Survey of India, whichwhatever criticism may be applied to them in detail-contain an extraordinary amount of information that only requires careful and systematic indexing for its practical value to be recognised.
It is a relief to know that General Cunningham's invaluable collection of gold and silver coins did not share the fate of his books and manuscripts, unfortunately lost at sea, but have reached England in safety. We hope that he has many years before him yet, in which to make the contents of this collection accessible to the public, and to reconstruct many of his othe: unpublished writings which would seem at present to be so hopelessly lost. THE EDITORS.
7th March 1886,

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MAY, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
117
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. No. IV.
one is forced to believe that their present for Sacred Stones.
was at some remote period greatly assisted by TN the Bible the Prophet Isaiah condemns the some rude sculptor's chisel. 1 stone-worship of his day in the following An incident, which once happened to the prewords':-“ Slaying the children in the valleys sent writer in Benares, seems to throw some light under the cliffs of the rocks P Among the upon the signification of this symbol in Modern smooth stones of the stream is thy portion; they, India. One day, when wandering in the outthey, are thy lot: even to them hast thou poured skirts of that city the attention of our party was a drink offering, thou hast offered a meat attracted to a temple, which, though handsome, offering. Should I receive comfort in these !" on a closer examination, proved to be an inIn India, at the present day, both the Saiva and significant one. But near it were two tombs :Vaishnava sects of Hindus have their sacred on the larger one was a linga and trident, stones. The lingas of the Saivas exist in all between which was the impression of the soles their temples, while the Vaishnavas have their of two feet; the smaller had only the two feet idlagráma.
upon it. Whilst we were wondering what The Vaishnavas as well as the modern Jains could be the meaning of these symbols in such reverence the impression on stone of the soles a position, a middle-aged native woman came of two feet,'a Vaishộava temple at Gayâ being | up to us and on being asked about the tombs called Bishn-Pad, or Vishnu's Foot.' This said: “The largest one is my father's tomb; the symbol is also many times repeated on the other is the tomb of my mother; they were natural rock of a hill at Sravana-Belgola in both Gosains and so am I." On being questioned Maisur, on which is a Jain temple. Plate IX. still further she added, "We use the signs of the fig. 1 is a representation of this emblem from fpet to express worshipping at our parents' feet, the Raja of Nagpur's palace at Bonaros. Fig. 2 ,e. being their disciples." It would appear is a mosaic pavement in the centre of the floor from this (though I will not vonob for its being of the chhatri or cenotaph at Gôvardhan, invariably the case) that the Gosains bury their erected to the memory of the grandfather of the dead, contrary to the asual Hindú practice of prosent Maharaja of Bharatpur, It is not un. cremation, known in Europe, forming a portion of the The worship of rude 'stones must have preornamentation on one of the large stones within vailed in Kaśmir at one period. At a place
dolmen, at Arzon, in the Morbihan, South called Pandrattan, about three miles from SriBrittany; see Plate IX. fig. 3. In the Island nagar, there are three or foar so-called Saiva of Guernsey, on the Roquaine Road and not stones of very large size. In 1876 one was far from L'Erée, is a field in which is a rocky still upright in its original position, the others mound. A stone, called La Pierre au Dames, were prostrate on the ground. Baron von at one time stood on its summit, but a former Hügel, in his Travels in Kasmír and the Pañjáb, proprietor removed it in a vain search after relates, too, that he found many such stones near supposed treasure, and it now lies at the foot the sacred spring at Islamabad. Similar stones of the mound. On the surface of the stone, I have also been found in places where Buddhism which is of granite, there are two depressed is known to have existed, and it seems not imtraces of footmarks in opposite directions. The probable that such emblems are the relics of a depressions appear to be due to disintegration still older form of religion than that of Buddha, of the granite block, but so closely do they re- which fell into disuse when it was introduced semble the impressions of two human feet, that They have been found also amongst the ruins of Chap. lxvii. 5 & 6.
ante, Vol. IX. p. 138ff.-ED.) . Of this symbol the late Kamer Herr Worseee says, • The expression should be taken in the same sense
it frequently oocurs on rock cutting in Bohuslehn, in the passage in Acts xxii. S, of being brought up at the the south of Sweden (the ancient Scania) and it has feet of Gamaliel. been considered sacred sign over the whole earth, being (Burial among such moetics, we believe, is the intain India an emblem of Buddha and of Viehpu." (Bee' riable rule, and not cremation.-ED.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
the old town of Valabhi in Kathiawad, but I Book of The Wisdom of Solomon, ch. xiii. 10, have never seen any either in Ladak (Western and part of verses 13, 14, 17, and 18, which Tibet), in the Himalayan Valleys of Lâhaul shews that a similar form of worship to that and Spiti, in the upper part of the Satlaj Valley, just noticed was practised in the days or in Ceylon, in all of which Buddhism now of Solomon. It runs thus:-"Miserable are prevails. It should be noted here that, at the they, and in dead things is their hope, who present day, in the Paõjab, in the Central and called them gods, which are the works of men's North-West Provinces, and in the Southern hands, gold and silver to shew art in, and Peninsula of India, the worshippers of Siva far resemblances of beasts or a stone good for outnumber any other purely Hind sect. nothing, the work of an ancient hand'-and
Madden, in his account of the Tarai and fashioned it to the image of a man; or made it Kumaan," says, "a little below the point of like some vile beast, laying it over with vermilion junction of the Gaulà and the Baliya, at a holy and with paint colouring it red, and covering spot called Maipúr or Mayapür, is the Chitr every spot therein; then maketh he prayer for Sild or Mottled Stone, a large rounded boulder his goods, for his wife and children, and is not of quartz conglomerate, reposing in a deep cleft ashamed to speak to that which hath no life. in the sandstone which forms the right bank of For health he calleth upon that which is weak: the Gaula. It is sacred to Devi and Mahadeo for life prayeth to that which is dead: for aid (ie. Siva), and is greatly venerated."
humbly beseecheth that which hath least In the Central Provinces, the Gonds, gene- means to help : and for a good journey' he asketh rally held to be an aboriginal race, and who there of that which cannot set a foot forward." rank very low in the social scale, are still in the The ancient Arabs, prior to the reformation habit of choosing a roagh stone of an oblong of their faith by Muhammad, paid particular form, which they daub over with a red reverence to a stone called Allåt. It had a pigment, set up under a pípal tree (ficus re- conical form, and was probably the same as the ligiosa), and perform půjd (worship) to it. This | linga worshipped in India as the emblem of consists in pouring oblations of milk over it Siva. and making offerings of flowers, &c. As an In Rome, as well as in Greece, and in Etruria instance of the transfer of this custom to it was only after the lapse of several centuries orthodox Vaishnavism I myself saw a pilgrim that art ventured to represent the gods under at Gaya place a small box of lucifer matches a human form. On this account, the earlier on a tray, together with other offerings, and | inhabitants were accustomed to offer sacrifices deposit them in the innermost shrine, on the to the trunks of trees, or to dark-coloured stones: impression of the foot of Vishņu. The custom habit which, according to some passages in of offering libations in this manner is not yet their poets, sarvived for a long time amongst extinct in Europe. At the point de Jerbourg, the lower classes. Indeed, from what we learn the most south-easterly promontory of the from Varro, for more than 170 years the Island of Gaernsey, is a tall rock, which, when Romans rendered worship to their gods without viewed from a particular point, is said to bear having any representation of them whatsoever, some resemblance to a cowled monk. This and Plutarch relates the story that when Numa rock is called by the country people "Le petit regulated the ceremonies to be observed by the bon homme Andrelot," and the fishermen when Romans he forbade any objects of a definite passing it take off their hats and make a form being exposed to public veneration. It is libation to it of any liquor which they may the opinion of certain learned men that such happen to have on board, and throw some old must have been introduced in the reign of the clothes to it.
elder Tarquinius, who was an Etruscan; which There is a passage in the Apocrypha in the lends us to conjecture that he may have brought Panjib Notes and Queries, Vol. I. note 309.
ped as an idol and the latter the idol at SomnAth de6.This custom is by no meang confined to the Gonds or stroyed by Mahmud of Ghaznt in 1024 A.D., called by to the Control Provinces.-ED]
Muhammadan writers Let and Al Lat, and often oonIt would appear from this that stone-worship of this founded with the ancient Arabian goddess. The latter kind was even then an ancient thing.
was a true Hindu liiga set up at Somnath, but there is [There are two idols called Alldt in Musalman books.
apparently no reason to suppose that the real Alat was The former was the pre-Islamite goddess Allot worship in the form either of a rude stone or of a linga.-ED,

Page #141

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Vidi
Plate 7.
111 0 8
Nos. 1, 2, 3 & 4.-MONOLITHS ON THE SUMMIT OF PANDAKOLI, IN KUMÂUN. No. 5.-MONOLITHS IN TARTARY. No. 6.-MONOLITH IN NAXOS.

Page #142

Scale 3
ASIATIC
SYMBOLISM.
5
Scale $
Scale .125
Plate 8.
Scale .125
SCULPTURED STONES AND MONOLITHS IN THE ISLAND OF GUERNSEY.

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MAY, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM..
119
the custom of image-worship with him from his own country.
It would appear that stone-worship was not unknown in Europe, and in England, even as late as the XIth Century. In his work on the Stone Monuments, Tumuli and Omaments of Remote Ages, Mr. J. B. Waring says that Col. Forbes Leslie observes that, in Thorpe's Ancient Laws of England, Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury in the VIIth Century, the Saxon King Edgar in the Xth, and Canute the Dane in the XIth, all forbade the worship of stones. At a Council held at Tours in the VIth Century, it was resolved that the church doors should be closed against those who worshipped certain upright stones, and Mr. Waring adds, that he remembers to have seen an Anglo-Saxon law to the effect that whoever wished to preserve such stones might do so on payment of a fine to the Church. A stone of this sort is possibly indicated in the Edda, the most ancient book of Scandi. navia, where mention is made of an oath taken near the Sacred White Stone. M. Holmhöe in his little work, Buddhism en Norvège, published in 1857, after speaking of sacred stones as known in Kasmir and India, goes on to say: "It is most singalar to find traces of the same customs in Norway. The museum at Bergen possesses three stones of a greyish white marble. One was bronght from & large huug (or tumulus) on a farm called Glein in the island of Daumöe off the coast of Heligoland. This stone is, like those from Balabhipara in Sôrath" (Valabbî in KathiÂwad) "three feet high, and nineteen inches in diameter. Both tumulus and stone were formerly held sacred. The two others were not found in tumuli, but such was probably their original position." Another Norwegian antiquarian, M. Liligren, relates that in the year 1817, in a field in the parish of Sparboe in the diocese of Throndhjem, a stone of precisely the same form was discovered, and another in Vestmanland in Sweden ; and he gives it as his opinion that they had been worshipped as gods. A Mr. Christie also speaks of a similar stone," which tradition says existed formerly near the town of Tromsoe in Finmark, and was worshipped by the
Laplanders, and that the Bishop in consequence had it removed, and thrown into the river." The same person anys also that he himself had seen "on the farm called Opsanger in the parish of Quindherred in the diocese of Bergen, on the summit of a large tumulus, a stone of the same kind.” Stones of this form, when found in Norway, are supposed to belong to the Iron Age. In another place M. Holmhõe says, "according to the ancient laws of Scandinavia, put forth in the first century after the introduction of Christianity there, it is especially forbidden to worship stones."
M. Holmhõe also says: “We will now pass on to stones of another form, which also appear to have been considered sacred. These are stones of a spheroidal or ovoid form, which have been found in certain tumuli. Ono such stone, nine inches in length and seven in circumference, was found within the cell of a tumulus not far from the town of Flekkefjord in Norway." He then goes on to say, “The Museum at Bergen possesses two stones which in size and colour exactly resemble hen's eggs, they are made of some white stone, probably marble, and were found in a tumulus in the district of the Sandfjord in the diocese of Bergen. The proprietor of the land told me that he found them in the cell in the centre of the tumulus." He next proceeds to enumerate several places where spherical or oval stones of the same description have been found in Norway, and also in Denmark, in Livonia, and in the North of Germany. Now in one part of the bázdr at Benares hundreds of spherical or oval stones are exhibited for sale. They are for the most part of the size and form of a common hen's egg." Possibly they are used in private worship, for it is well known to all who have ever been in India that no Hindd except an outcaste will eat an egg or even keep fowls : there seems, therefore, little doubt that some religious meaning must be connected with them. Similar spherical stones, again according to M. Masson, have been found in topes and tumuli in Afghanistan and other places also." They havo invariably been found in the centre of such monuments, which position, M. Masson
The Saiva stones of India, and the menhirs of der tain type in Brittany.
10 Since this was writton, at least ten more such stones have been discovered in Norway.
11 The Sims are said to regard the egg us the symbol of orention, But is the doctrine of the brahmanda or the World'. Ege exclusively Saiva P-ED.)
Travele in 2fghanistan, Biidchistan, 4c.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
thinks, was given to them with some special has a mark upon it which was perhaps intended object.
for the Moon, on Fig. 3 is what looks like a These stones take another form in Scandina- Sun. Fig. 2 is a monolith of the same nature via, of which three or four specimens exist in from the summit of Pandakolt. Fig. 4 is anthe Museum of Antiquities at Stockholm; but other stone from Chandeswar in the same disit seems an open question whether they can be trict." Fig. 5 is a stone from Tartary given in considered to be saiva stones. They perfectly front and side face, and Fig. 6 is from correspond with a description given by M. the island of Naxos in Greece. The two Liligren of certain stones in a passage he quotes last bear a strange resemblance to each other; from & manuscript by M. Schöning, Bishop of but it is a still more singular circumstance to Throndhjem, relating to a custom which existed find the same type of stones existing in Europe, in Norway at the end of the XVIIIth Century. and still used as a place of pilgrimage by M. Schöning says, " at the farm of Qualset in women." A specimen is given in Plate X. taken the Telemarken district, two stones were still from a sketch made for me by a friend some preserved at the end of the last century of the years ago. This statue is known as the Venus.de form of loaves of common rye-bread, that is Quinipily, and is situated near Baud Morbihan to say, round and convex on their upper side. in Brittany. Black, in his Guide to Brittany, These stones were so much esteemed, that they describes it thus :-“It is a nude rudelywere placed upon sents of honour and bathed formed stone statae, about eight feet high, regularly with milk, and butter, and at Christmas standing against a slab. The thighs are distoatered with fresh beer."
proportionately thick, and the arms disproporThere are yet other kinds of sacred stones tionately thin. Round her waist is a narrow some of which are still in use in India, and of girdle, the ends of which fall down in front. which examples still exist in Europe, vis, stone The hands are crossed over the body. The circles, monoliths and stone implements. statue stands on a pedestal nine feet high
In one of Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac's papers on rising from the front of a terrace over a dilathe rock sculptures and monoliths of Kamaun, pidated fountain. From the flatness of the which he has permitted me to use, he mentions features some have supposed it to have an a stone circle on the summit of Pandakoll, (a Egyptian origin, but the probability is that it mountain rising to the height of nearly 8,000 does not date later than the 16th Century, when feet above the sea) within which four monoliths it was an object of impure rites among the are standing. This monument consists of an Bretons," outer and an inner circle of stones. The outer In Brittany, certain upright blocks of stone circle, 16 feet in diameter, is composed of rough
called menhirs have in some districts been stones piled one upon the other, with larger placed in rows of ten or even more lines, forming stones at the entrance. The inner circle, 8 feet thus an avenue leading to a dolmen, or tomb in diameter, is made partly of large stones about of some ancient chief and his family. Other 3 feet in height, and partly of smaller ones, stones again have been placed singly in elevated The entrance is to the south. In England the positions and are somewhat conical in form. stone circles of Stonehenge and of Avebury in They much resemble the Saiva stones of India. Wilts are well known, and similar monuments Near St, Renan, and about 12 miles from exist in the Channel Islands, viz. in Guernsey, Brest, is a monolith called the Menhir of Kerand on the island of Herm.
gloas, said to be the finest in Brittany. It is a Mr. Rivett-Carnac, when describing the four ! quadrangular stone of brownish granite, 19 feet monoliths on Pandakoli, Plate VII., figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, in circumference and 39 feet in height above says, "No priest lives on the hill, which is too ground, tapering slightly towards the top. It is cold, jungly and inaccessible for a lengthened about 2 feet thick at the ends, and 4 feet sojourn, but a fair is, I learn, held there in at the centre. On its east and west sides, at the spring, when many pilgrims visit it, chiefly a height of from 2 to 3 feet from the ground, childless women." He goes on to say: "Fig. 1 is & circular protuberance or bobs. On and
At any rate this is the case with the Menhir of Kergioms in France.

Page #145

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate
9.
M
2
· FROM BENARES. 2. FROM GOVARDHAN.
3. FROM ARZON, MORBIHAN, BRITTANY.
4. TYPE OF MONOLITH COMMON IN SOUTHERN RUSSIA.

Page #146

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM
Plato ro.
BRANI
LKY
ONDERSTEUNINET
enn
REKUPNS
K
MUM
Se
What
Www
LA VENUS DE QUINIPILY, NEAR BAUD MORBIHAN.
BRITTANY.

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MAY, 1886.]
around these two places it has an almost polished appearance, whereas the rest of the stone is covered with a fine short species of lichen, caused by the action of the winds from the Atlantic. Female pilgrims are said to visit it at the present day, and very probably a habit of rubbing the lower part of the monolith has produced its peculiar appearance. It is worthy of remark that the eastern boss seems to be the favoured one. The Rev. W. C. Lukis, in his Guide to the Chambered Barrows of South Brittany, when speaking of an enormous menhir near Locmuriquer, now broken into three fragments, but which would, if entire, be 67 ft. 6 in. long, 13 ft. 6 in. in its widest part, and 7 ft. 6 in. thick, says: "About 658 A.D. the Council of Nantes decreed that all venerated stones or objects of superstitious devotion amongst the people should be demolished. Some have thought that this menhir was rudely thrown down and broken in pieces in obedience to the order of this Council; others again, that it either fell or was injured by lightning."
The following description of a cromlech on the Island of Anglesea, by Captain Lukis, brother of the author just quoted, is a most interesting one in the present connection. Captain Lukis, who is of the opinion that such monolithic monuments of Great Britain were connected with the religious worship of the prehistoric stone builders, wrote in 1860: "I have had another day at Brin-celle Dhu, as it is styled in the Ordnance Map, or Yr Ogof (The Cave), as it is called on the Island of Anglesea. I found a rude pavement of rough slabs and immediately beneath it a thick bed of small beach pebbles. I also measured an extraordinary stone pillar, which is on the right side of the chamber in a slanting direction towards the South, and found it to be exactly 9 feet in length, with a circumference in its thickest part,-for it tapers upwards, -of 14 feet 10 inches. This leaning pillar bore evidence of having been disturbed at the base on the southern side, but I do not conceive that when in its proper upright position it could have touched the under surface of the covering stones. On reasoning on the singularity of this pillar within the prin. cipal chamber, so very unlike the props of construction around the place, it cannot be con
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
121
sidered to be for the purpose assigned to stone pillars or supports, which are sometimes found in cromlechs. In the monument of Dehus (or De Tus) in the Island of Guernsey, the rude pillar beneath the second cap-stone was evidently placed therein to support a flaw or crack which was found to endanger the covering stonein other instances also this has been the casebut in all of them the reason of the cromlech builders is clear and evident. At Yr Ogof we find a pillar with a regular abraded surface, almost polished in some parts, and gradually reduced upwards. Its character is so different from those on record, that we are forced to assign some other reason for its introduction into the main chamber. Another abraded pillar stands at the eastern end of the avenue-covered way. It is more rude and irregular than that of the chamber, and stands near a small side cist which appears to be an addition to the chief cromlech.. ... I can only say that the pillars at Yr Ogof assimilate greatly with the styles of the Hindus, although there may be some deeper meaning in placing them within the chamber of the dead."
Plate XI. is a sketch of a menhir discovered. some years ago near Pont l'Abbé in Brittany. It was found buried in a field near the village of Lescomil, and is now in the grounds of the Chateau de Kernuz, belonging to M. de Chatellain. The height of this monolith is about 10 feet, it is about 4 feet 2 inches in diameter at the base, and 18 inches in diameter at the top. Its base is encircled by sculptured figures, each about 4 feet 3 inches in height, and arranged in four compartments. In one is the figure of Mercury, in another of Hercules, in a third of Mars, and in a fourth, which is much defaced, are the figures of Venus and Adonis (?). In Plate VIII. figs. 1 and 3, are representations of two rade sculptured stones in the Island of Guernsey. Fig. 1, the Lady of St. Martin's, now stands at the entrance to St. Martin's churchyard, and fig. 3 is beneath a tree in the churchyard of Câtel parish. This last was found a few years ago under the flooring of the chancel of Câtel Church, when it was being relaid. It is similar in character to the Lady of St. Martin's, but is much more defaced. One cannot fail to be struck with the great resemblance in type
1. Similar ones form the flooring of some of the dolmens in Brittany.

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which these two figures bear to those from Tartary and Greece shown in Plate VII. Plate VIII. fig. 2 is a monolith in the parish of St. Peter's in the Wood, Guernsey. Fig. 4 is a stone with a boss, upon which an incised cross, now let into a low garden-wall belonging to a house in St. Martin's parish. Fig. 5 is another incised stone built into an old archway at St. Clare on the same Island.
In the South of Russia similar rude stone statues abound, and Plate IX. fig. 4 is a reproduction of a drawing sent to me from the neighbourhood of Ekaterinoslav. Stone images of this character have also been found in great numbers on mounds in the Steppes. Most of them are still upright, and as far as I have been able to learn, are all female figures; but my informant, a Russian lady, imagines that they were not all intended to represent the same goddess. Her reason is that these statues, for such they are apparently, are of different dimensions and are not much alike, in so far as their obliterated features allow a likeness to be traced. The hair behind, too, is not always arranged in the same manner;-some have one plait, others two plaits, not unfrequently tied together at the ends. My informant further tells me that "These idols were certainly worshipped in our country (Russia) at a very remote period, and it is even thought that human beings were sacrificed to them, because in many places quantities of bones have been found heaped up near them." The statues are from seven to eight feet in height, but I have been unable to ascertain of what kind of stone they are made. The only information I have been able to procure on this head is, that the material is of a dark-brown colour, and has a yellowish tint in places; also that the stone appears to be of a slightly porous nature: but neither this nor any other kind of stone exists on the Steppes in question. There is a great deal of granite in the bed of the Dneiper, but in the district now under discussion for hundreds of miles there is no material even for making roads, yet an immense number of these statues on mounds exist there and are the only landmarks which the traveller meets with.
[MAY, 1886.
was in India at the time of the Mutiny, and had been accustomed from his earliest childhood to such objects, told me that during his residence there he recognized some celts in a grave near Allahâbâd placed on a rectangular altar. This altar was built up of square stones surmounted by a thin slab, and from its centre rose a short stylus against which the five celts were leaning;-three firmly fixed and two detached. Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac, Head of the Opium Department in the North-West Provinces, and a keen observer during his annual camping tours over various parts of those Provinces, has kindly permitted me to make use of a paper he wrote on this subject, and which was published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1882. The celts, figured in Plate XIII., were, I believe, all found by him in the Bånda district, and their preservation is very possibly owing to their having been used as Saiva stones.
Within the last few years, the attention of Europeans in India has been drawn to the celts, and other stone implements of various kinds and forms to be found there. Captain Lukis, who
As far as his investigations have as yet been carried, no such stone implements have been found in use in the present day, even amongst the most backward of the aboriginal tribes in India. None of the natives seem to understand or to be able to explain their use, they rather regard them as wonderful, mysterious, and even holy-in fact, with the same feeling as they regard anything old and rare-just as of certain beads which they occasionally find in Oudh after the rains, the people say, "We did not make them, God made them." When turned up deep out of the earth by the plough, the celt is supposed by them to be a thunderbolt fallen from heaven. The finder usually places it under the village pipal tree (ficus religiosa), sometimes sanctifying it with a daub of red paint, and thus converting it into one of the emblems of Śiva. Curious to relate, the older people in the Island of Guernsey when they find a celt look upon it as a thunderbolt. Within living memory they used to build such a stone into the wall of a new house or barn, in the belief that thus the building would be protected from lightning. It is said that the younger generation are becoming more enlightened, and that this superstition is dying out by degrees. In Plate XIV. are celts found in Guernsey for comparison with those of India.
A friend, now residing in Guernsey, obtained, a few years ago, a small celt from a farmer in the island of Sark, which this latter firmly

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Plate u
SW
3
R
ven
MONOLITH NEAR PONT L'ABBÉ, BRITTANY.
SCALE .os

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1.
SYMBOLISM.
2.
O
SCALE. $125. THE TOLVEN.
NEAR GWEEK, CONSTANTINE,
CORNWALL.
SCALE. 416.
THE MEN-AN-TOL, MADRON, CORNWALL,
LOOKING S.W.
Plate 12.

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believed was a thunderbolt. Not long previously, during a heavy thunderstorm, one of the farmer's cows, which was grazing in a field, was strack on the shoulder by lightning and killed instantly. The animal was afterwards found sunk on its knees, stiff and rigid. Its owner's immediate impulse was to dig into the earth Yoand about this spot to find the thunderbolt which had caused the cow's death. Strange to Bay, the celt, a small green one, which my friend now possesses, was found near the head of the cow, and the farmer and his wife were both fully persuaded that it had fallen from heaven and destroyed the animal, nor did my friend's reasonings to the contrary have any effect in disabusing them of this idea.
In one of the carvings from the Sañchi Stupa, as reproduced by Mr. Fergusson in his Tres and Serpent Worship, is & figare holding an axe which is fixed on to the handle by cross bands, in the same manner in which it is believed the stone celts were hafted. Mr. Cockburn, Mr. Rivett-Carnao's coadjutor in his labours, found & carving at Kalañjar, which is evidently very ancient. It represents a human figure holding in the right hand an implement which closely resembles a stone celt fixed into a wooden handle. But Mr. Rivett-Carnac seems puzzled to conceive how a very large celt in his collection, which weighs opwards of 8 lbs., could have been hafted and used as a stone implement. May not this object, however, have been intend. ed not for use, but for ornament, and planted before the hut of a chief on a bamboo pole as a symbol of authority, as is customary with the people of the South Sea Islands P Similar large celts have been found in Scandinavia, and the Director of the Ethnological Museum in Copenhagen conjectured that such was their use. I have recently had the pleasure of finding that this idea is probably correct, from viewing in a private collection some colossal celts brought from the South Sea Islands by one who had seen them thus employed.
Plate XIII. fig. 9 is a polished celt, which from its form is one of the most interesting in this collection. It has two notches about half way from the cutting edge which were evidently made for the purpose of binding it to a handle, and tho opposite directions of the planes of the notehes indicate that the binding was carried round it.
Both in India, in Scandinavia, in Brittany, and in the Channel Islands, the stones of which celts have been made are of various kinds, and consequently of various degrees of hardtiens. Some are of sandstone, others of flint or of diorite, others again of hard black basalt, or of a kind of stone which does not exist at all in the neighbourhood in which the celts have been found : e.g., a celt found in Guernsey is made of a material known to exist in no nearer country than Hungary, which would seem to indicate that certain implements of this nature were much prized and carried about on the person. The manufacture of celts gradually increased in perfection. The earliest specimens had no polish, but to some of the later ones, in spite of the hardness of the material, a very high degree of polish has been given. In Captain Lukis' collection is a most beautiful and typical celt of this kind; it is made of a very hard kind of stone, deeply grooved on either side, and highly polished. The Comte de Limur, & wellknown French antiquarian, has said of some of the Indian celts that they so closely resemble in this respect those dug out of the tumuli of Carnac and other parts of Brittany, that had they not been marked out for him, be would not have been able to distinguish the one from the other.
Mr. Rivett-Carnac says that one or two partly polished basalt celts have been found in the South Mirzapur district. They are about the length of the fore-finger, and resemble in shape and size a jade knife from the Lakedwellings of Constance, which Dr. Fischer sent him, and which is now in the Indian Museum for comparison with the Indian types.
Plate XIII. fig. 12, is a celt of polished diorite from Robert's Ganj in the Mirzapur District which considerably resembles in form a village Mahadeo, and this may account for its being found in a shrine so far to the East of India, ms the habit of preserving celts under trees is not general in the Mirzapur district.
Sometimes a number of ordinary celts are. found in India heaped up beneath or near a pipal tree in the manner above described, which the owners will (80 Mr. Rivett-Carnac says) readily part with, but they will not give up any which they have decorated with colour. Mr. Cockburn once found as many as 23 celta during a search of one hour, and altogether,

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since their attention has been drawn to this of India have always regarded the lotus as a subject, he and Mr. Rivett-Carnac have found symbol of creative power. It has from all time Bome hundreds of all types and sizes, and been held sacred by them and might consesimilar in form to many which have been quently be considered by the Buddhists discovered in Europe and America. Mr. suitable receptacle in which to deposit such a preRivett-Carnac's later finds appear to differ cious relic. Again, a curious old brass object in slightly in form from the flint implements and my possession, bought in the bázár at Benares, arrow-heads which he found in Central India seems to afford an almost certain proof that this in 1864, but I would venture to assert that explanation is a correct one. At the base of it is all have their counterparts in objects of a a boll, an emblem of Siva, from whose back rises like nature, which have been found in most a lotus bad, which, on a couple of turns being countries and may be seen in alınost every I given to it, opens its petals and discloses a small museum in Europe, and which were used as agate egg. Behind the bull is a cobra, with its weapons by primitive peoples before they body elevated as if in the act of striking. A became acquainted with metals.
ring which it holds in its month, serves to One of the smaller celte found by Mr. support a small pointed vase which is perforated Rivett-Carnac has been fixed into a handle of at its lower end. If this vessel be filled with stag's-horn, like those found in the Swiss lake. water, the liquid slowly drops upon the egg in dwellings. He had it sharpened, and says the centre of the flower, and thus a libation that it now chops wood as efficiently as a small is poured on the jewel in the flower of the lotus, iron axe.
About the word mari as signifying & sacred It is well known that the Buddhista of stone or lines of stones : it seems to me to Western Tibet and of the Labanl Valley make survive in Europe in place names. If we walls of stones at the entrances to their vil- study a local map of Brittany, we cannot fail lages styled manis, which are occasionally a to be struck with the frequent recurrence quarter of a mile in length, but are never more of Mané, as the prefix to various sites on than four feet in height and the same in width. which are dolmens or megalithic monuments, On the top of these walls numerous inscribed M. Henri Martin, in his Etudes Archæologiques stones are loosely laid, placed there as memo- Celtiques, explains Mané to be the augmenrials of the dead, or when starting on a journey, tation of men or maen, stone :-e.g, menhir, registering a vow, or entering upon any import- great-stone. And he adds that it designates ant undertaking. The person who requires equally an artificial mound, or the summit of a one for any of the above purposes, chooses & mountain, smooth stone, and takes it to one of the local
No. V. monasteries, where a priest usually engraves
Some Ideas about the Future Life. upon it the sacred sentence " On mani padmd Wherever the doctrine of annihilation has ht" which has been translated to mean "All not prevailed, mankind has had in all ages, hail to the jewel in the flower of the lotus." and still retains, the belief that the soul and This sentence appears to be an unmeaning one the body are distinct, and that the soul has to at first sight, but the key to its meaning is, I go through a process of purification, or a season believe, to be fonnd in Ceylon, where a supposed of probation after the decease of the body, in tooth of Buddha, kept in a temple at Kandy, order to atone for evil deeds committed by the in seven or more cases of gold or silver gilt, latter when on earth. These ideas are most in the form of a stupa or tumulus, is an object widely spread. We find them amongst Musalhighly venerated. This tooth, which some mâns and Hindus, amongst the ancient Greeks, Europeans have imagined from its shape and in Sweden, in Germany, in Northern America, size to be that of an alligator, rests within a in the Island of Formosa, in the Fiji Islands, golden lotus flower and may well be likened and in many other portions of the world. to a jewel in the flower of the lotus. From its The process of atonement in a future world peculiar mode of shedding its seeds the natives implies a journey thither, and the nature of that
The natives of the districts of Hangrang in the Batluj Valley, of Spiti, and of Ladak, -in short wherever
Buddhism prevails in the Himblaym, always po those piles of stones som to have them on their right hand.

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6
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11
10
8
00
12
Plate 13.
STONE CELTS FROM THE BANDA AND MIRZAPUR DISTRICTS.

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Plate 14.
STONE CELTS FROM GUERNSEY.

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journey has naturally been a source of speculation and thence of belief. This belief has in its turn given rise to ceremonies mainly aimed at giving relief to the traveller along the dreaded and unknown road, I will here only refer to that form of the ghostly journey which makes the body pass over water. Thus Greeks had their Styx, Akherôn and Kokytos, over which souls were ferried by Charon, and it was their custom to plant asphodel around the tombs of the deceased, as its seeds were believed to be capable of affording nourishment to the dead.
The northern nations of Europe formerly believed that their dead bad to cross over water to the future home in boats or ships. In Scandi- navia bodies were for this reason sometimes buried in ships, and a large boat containing the bones and weapons of a deceased chief was found a few years ago near the Sonde Fjord in Norway, Sweden has popular legends to the same effect. Thus Odin is fabled to have conveyed the slain from Brahalla to Valhalla in a golden ship. Popular opinion of old, again, in Germany, assigned Great Britain, as being across the water, as the Land of Souls. To this day also it is said to be the custom in the parish of Plougnel on the River Treguire in Brittany, for corpses to be conveyed to the churchyard by boat over a narrow arm of the sea, called Passage de l'Enfer, instead of taking them by the shorter land route. It is still a common notion in the East that the Boals of the dead must pass over water, or over a bridge before they can arrive at their final resting-place. In the native State of Chamba, in the Pañjab Himalayas, there is such a bridge, over which all corpses must be carried on their way to the burning ghay near the river where the bodies are cremated, and though there is another perfectly easy and safe path, the bearers of the dead always traverse this perilous causeway, which is hardly more than eighteen inches wide and not protected at the sides in any way. The people of Chamba are Hindûs. The Muhammadans have also their As-Sirat, a sharp bridge, which they believe to be laid over the middle of hell, and which
must be crossed by all at the close of the solemn judgment, whether they are destined for paradise, or for the place of torment." A profession of faith in this is as follows: “We most heartily believe and hold it for certain that all mankind must go over the sharp bridge, which is as long as the earth, and no broader than the thread of a spider's web, and of a height proportioned to its length. The just shall pass it like lightning, but the wicked, for want of good works, will be an age in performing it. They will fall and precipitate themselves into hell fire with blasphemers and infidels, with men of little faith and bad conscience, with those who have not had virtue enough to give alms. Yet some just persons will go over it quicker than others, who will now and then be tried upon the commands which they have not duly observed in this life. How dreadful will this bridge appear to us! What virtue, what inward grace of the Most High will be required to get over it! How earnestly shall we look for that favour! What deserts, what venomous creatures shall we not find on our road! What hunger, drought, and weariness shall we endure ! What anxiety, grief and pain shall attend those who do not think of this dangerous passage ! Let .us, beg of God to grant us, with bodily health, the grace not to go out of this life loaded with debts, for the Arabians often say, and with good reason, that no obstacle is so hidden, as that which we cannot overcome by any expedient or artificial contrivance whatever."
The Egyptian Land of the Dead was in the West, and they placed their tombs, whenever it was possible, on the West bank of the Nile. As the funeral procession of the mourners moved forward, their constant cry was, "To the West, to the West." "When the tombs were, as in most cases, on the West bank of the Nile, the Nile was crossed, when they were on the Eastern shore, the procession passed over a sacred lake." The soul of the dead man was supposed to journey to the under world by a water progress.
This notion of a journey over water after death is common also to savage races of the present day. The inhabitants of the Island of Formosa imagine that the souls of wicked men are
10 This custom most evidently arise from the old Hindu beliel in Vaitarent, the swift river of hell, composed of Alth, blood, and ordure, which must be crossed by hold. ing on to soow's tail as it swims over: a belief which has given rise to many donthroustoma in ane at the pre-
sent day.-ED.)
11 The notion of Ar-Sirat is to be found also in the Zoroastrian and Jowish systems; whence no doubt Muhammad borrowed it.-ED.]
R. . Poolo-Contemporary Review for Aug. 1881.

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tormented after death, and cast headlong into entrance to the infernal regions. In Asia also a bottomless pit full of mire and dirt, and that the dog is associated with the death or funeral the souls of the virtaous pass with pleasure ceremonies. The Parsis place a dog in the and safety over it upon a narrow bamboo bridge chamber of a dying person to serve as the which leads directly to a gay paradise, where soul's escort to heaven. According to their they revel in all kinds of sensual enjoyment, but belief, the soul arrives at the bridge Chinavat, that when the souls of the wicked attempt to pass where the gods and the unclean spirits fight along this bridge, they fall over on one side of it. for the possession of it. If the soul be that Some of the American Indians have a tradition of righteous person it is defended by the that they must go southwards to seek the Land other pure souls, and by the dogs that guard of Souls. According to the Eurocs, an untutored the bridge. In Buddhist countries, too, sometribe in Northern California, the bright rivers, what similar idea prevails. A very large and sunny slopes, and great forests of their paradise savage breed of dogs is kept in certain of are separated from the earth by a deep chasm, the lama-sardis or monasteries in order that which good and wicked alike must cross on & they may eat the bodies of the dead," which is thin slippery pole. The former soon reach the deemed the most honourable form of burial in goal, aided doubtless by the Good Spirit as well Ladak or Western Tibet. In 1876 when passas by the fire lighted on the grave by mourning ing through Lama Yuru, a few marches only friends; but the latter have to falter unaided from Leh, I went over the LAma Monastery along the shivering bridge, and many are the there. Some of these fierce dogs tried to nights that pass before their friends venture to spring out upon our party, and it seemed to dispense with the beacon, lest the soul miss the os that even their owners did not trust them, path, and fall into the dark abyss. Nor do and had much difficulty in restraining their they hold that retribution ends with the ferocious instincts. peril and anxiety of the passage, for they l A very curious instance of the idea that think that many are liable to return to some form of absolution is necessary after the earth as birds, beasts, and insects. After death for sins done in the body occurred in 40 years' residence as a missionary in India in the 14th century; the actors were Samon, one of the Pacific Islands, Dr. George Muhammadans. Tagblaqabad, near the modern Turner, in & work recently published, says city of Dehli, was founded by Ghiâsü'ddin
that the inhabitants of this island held that Tughlaq Shah, who reigned 1321-1325 A.D., tho souls of dead Samoans started for Palsta
and was succeeded by his son Muhammad the spirit world, through two circular holes near Shah Taghlaq, an accomplished prince, but a the beach, the larger hole being for the souls man most unscrupulous in his actions. He is of cbiefs, and the lesser one for those of com- credited with having, among other crimes, commoners. They went under the sea till they passed the death of his father. When he came came to a land where all things were very much to the throne he was the most inhuman and as they had been on earth. Chiefs looked for tyrannical of all the Pathan Sovereigns of India, ward with pride to the use of their bodies as and many of his cruelties were witnessed by his pillars in the house of the Samoan Pluio." cousin Firoz Shih Taghlaq (called also Bárbak)
Connected with this journey of the dead is who ascended the throne on his death in 1351 an attendant dog, whose existence is believed in A.D., and sought by a most singular method East and West in widely separated lands. It to cancel some of his predecessor's sins. The is a popular belief throughout all that part of words of Firoz himself, as related by Farishta, France which formed the ancient Armorica, that who took them from an inscription on a large the dead betake themselves at the moment of Mosque at Firozabad, are as follows:their departure to the parish priest of Braspar," "I have taken pains to discover the surviving whose dog escorts them to Great Britain. In relations of all persons who suffered from the the ancient Scandinavian mythology, a fabulous wrath of my late Lord and Master, Muhammad dog called Garmr was believed to guard the Tughlaq, and having pensioned and provided
A small place about 30 miles South-East of Brest, and Only the friends of the richer people can afford distant about ten miles from the sea as the crow flies. this.

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for them, have caused them to grant their full pardon and forgiveness to that prince in the presence of the holy and learned men of this age, whose signatures and seals as witnesses are affixed to the documents, the whole of which, as far as lies in my power, have been procured and put into a box and deposited in the vault in which Muhammad Tughlaq is entombed." These papers were intended to serve as vonchers of free pardon from all whom the dead man bad deprived of a nose, of a limb, or of sight, and were placed near him in order that he might pick them up at the last day; for according to Muhammadan belief every offence has a double aspect-in its relation first to God, and then to man. In the latter case, pardon given by the injured one is believed to reduce some portion of its future punishment.
I have read that a somewhat similar custom is in use among the Christians of the Greek Church, and that they are in the habit of putting into the hands of a deceased person at his interment a written form of absolution, which is understood to be a discharge in full from all the sins which he has committed during life.
The notion of certifying to the Deity the virtues of the deceased is widely spread. It is said to be customary amongst the Laplanders for six of the most intimate friends of the deceased to place a dead body in a coffin, after wrapping it in linen, with the face and hands left uncovered. In one hand they put a purse with some money to pay the fee of the porter at the gate of Paradise; in the other, a certificate signed by the priest, directed to St. Peter, to witness that the deceased was a good Christian. A superstition of the same nature is held by the people of the Fiji Islands. They worship a god they call Ndengei under the form of a large serpent, and believe that immediately after death the spirit of the deceased person goes to him for purification or to receive sentence, but that it is, however, not permitted to all spirits to reach the judgment-seat of Ndengei. They say that an enormous giant, armed with an axe, is constantly upon the watch on the road thither, ready to attack and wound all who attempt to pass him, and that no wounded
31 These documents, were it possible to obtain them, would doubtless be most interesting.
Bandras is the most favoured spot for this.
33 About a half-penny.
[This is the ordinary Hindû expression for "salva
127
person can go forward to Ndengei, but is doomed to wander about in the mountains. To escape unscathed from the giant's axe Another is ascribed solely to good luck. development of the idea is to be found in India, where a portion of the pujd or worship gone through occasionally by Hindus" is called tarpan. It is a form of absolution for the souls of deceased ancestors and friends, but it can be performed by the male sex only.
The Brahmans have long ago made use of the notion of the necessity of providing for the needs of a future life to farther their own present comforte, and Maurice rightly remarks, "Great rewards are promised to those that are charitable (towards the Brahmans), inasmuch as they believe that if a man performs the first kind of dán (pujú or worship which consists in giving away his own weight in gold or silver) he is ordained to remain in Paradise for one hundred million kalpas or periods of Brahmâ, and that when he re-assumes a human form, he will become a mighty monarch." This particular phase of "good-works" has in modern times taken a most eccentric and objectionable form. There is a class of Hindû ascetics in the Panjab, who call themselves Suthreshâhis, from their founder, a faqir named Suthrâ, who lived in the time of Aurangzeb (1658 to 1707 A.D.) Their legend is, that hearing that he could perform wonders, the Emperor summoned the faqir to his presence and told him that any favour he might ask should be granted, on which he requested that he and his followers might be permitted to go about begging unmolested and freely, and that every shopkeeper should be made to pay them not less than one paisú. His followers still continue their profitable trade, and are noted for their indolence, intemperance and excesses. They carry two short sticks and walk through the bázárs, beating these together until money is given them, nor will they pass on till they get it, sitting dharnú, as it is called, for hours and even days till their demands are satisfied. On receiving alms, they say to the shopkeeper, "May Baba Nanak Shah (the founder of the Sikh religion) take your boat safely over the river of life."'"*
tion," or even for ordinary human "sucress." For notes on the Suthreshâhis see Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I. notes 388, 544, 612; see also ante, p. 125, Note on the River Vaitarapi.-ED.]

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from Vol. XIV. p. 274.)
XXXII.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz Khan on his return from his western campaign encamped again on the Irtish, and in the autumn of the year of the Hen, i.e. 1225, he returned once more to his head-quarters in the black forest on the river Tala,' He was on his way home when news reached him of the death of his eldest son, Juchi. We have seen how after the capture of Khwârizm Juchi had retired to the steppes of Kipchak in an irritated mood. There he spent his time in hunting instead of subduing the neighbouring tribes inhabiting Ibir Sibir, Bulgaria, Kipchak, Bashguardia, Russia, and Circassia, as his father had ordered him. Irritated at him for not obeying his commands in this respect, Chinghiz had sent several summonses to him to go to his presence. He had excused himself on the ground of his ill-health, and he was, in fact, unwell. One day when he was changing his camp he reached a place where there was plenty of game, and being himself ill he ordered his beks to go hunting. A Mangut, who had recently been in his country and seen this hunt, in which he supposed Juchi was taking part, reported that he was not really ill. Chinghiz, who was naturally enraged, prepared to compel his obedience by force, and Chagatai and Ogotai had already set out with some troops, and he was preparing to follow when news arrived that he was dead. This was in 1224, and Juchi was then 48 years old, He was buried near Seraili." We are told Chinghiz was greatly distressed at his son's death, and wanted to punish the Mangut who had brought false intelligence, but he could not be found. The Shajrat'ul-4trak says, "Chinghiz would never hear anything to the disparagement of Juchi, and when the news of his death arrived none of the amirs had the hardihood to inform him of his loss, for he had threatened that anyone who mentioned his death should himself be put to death. They at length all assembled, and it was
note.
Op. cit. p. 149.
Rashidu d-din, quoted by D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 359,
[MAY, 1886.
determined that Alagh Jirji or Georgi (?), who was one of Chinghiz's companions, should tell him while he was performing the duties of bejur (?); and therefore on that occasion he said to him, 'O king! the sea is defiled or troubled, and who can purify or compose it? O my king! a great commander has fallen from his throne, and who has power to raise him up and restore him ?' Chinghiz replied, 'If the sea is troubled my son Juchi is the only person who can still it, and if a great commander has fallen from his throne Juchi alone can raise him up and re-establish him.' Alugh Jirji having repeated what he had said with tears in his eyes, Chinghiz asked him why he wept, and what was the occasion of his sorrow, which made him also sorrowful. Jirji replied, 'I have no power to disclose the cause of my grief. Thou hast said it; thy orders be with thyself, O king; thy penetration has disclosed my secret.' Thereupon it is reported that Chinghiz Khân said, 'Like the wild ass pursued by hunters and separated from its young, so am I, and like a fool who seeks friendship among his enemies, and abandons his friends, so am I, separated from my brave and worthy children.' The amirs thereupon each took his station, and performed the mourning ceremonies for the death of Juchi Khân."
Chinghiz now prepared for his last campaign, in which he revenged himself upon the king of Hia or Tangat for various grievances, of which we have the following accounts:-In the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi we read that before he set out on his western campaign he sent a messenger to Burkhân, the ruler of Tangut, saying, "You have promised to be to me as my right hand. Now that the people of Khoikhoi (the Muhammadans), have killed my envoys, and I go to require satisfac. tion from them, be my right hand." One of the grandees of Tangut, named Ashaganhu, then sneeringly said, "If you are not strong enough, then do not be a king," Aid was accordingly refused, and Chinghiz, when he heard of this, had declared that although it
Serai on the Akhtaba. p. 141 and note 1.
Op. cit. pp. 222-224.
Abu'lghasi, Ed. Desmaisons, D'Ohsson, p. 354. i.e. send a contingent.

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was difficult for him to revenge himself then, he would not fail to do so on his return from the wont.' Bat according to the Yuan-thi-lei-pien the king of Tangat had given refage to two great onemies of the Mongols, one called Sunkoenki, and the other Chelaho. Chinghiz complained bitterly of this, but the king of His made no amends, and even employed these two runaways. The Yuan-shi says that Chinghiz aconsed him of sheltering his onomy Shilga kaankhon, and of refus ing to give his son as a hostage. According to the Siria Shu-shi or special history of Tangut, during the absence of Chinghiz Khan in the west there. had been a conspiracy against him among the Tatars with black carts, who tried to secure the aid of the people of Tangat in their revolt. The account adds that the ruler of Hin had secretly plotted against Chinghiz, and sought aid outside, and in consequence Bolu, son of Mu-khu-ti, had been ordered to wage waragainst him." The Altan Topoki and Ssanang Setsen report carious sacs bo the effect that the king of Tangat had a brown-coloured dog with a black muzzlo which was Whabilghan, and had the power of foresoeing things. When it barked with a loud voice it meant that no danger was impending, whilo when it whined it signified that some foo was threatening. During Ohinghiz Khan's absence in the west, this dog had continually whined. The king, who fan. ciod all danger was passed, urged that the dog was getting old and had lost its cunning, and lived accordingly in a false security."
Li-tsun-hin, king of Hia, had died in 1223, and beon succeeded by his aon Li-te', called Terwang by Douglas, who says his father abdicatod in his favour." Erdmann bays that in the tongue of the Tangutans he was called Iran." Rashfdu'd-din agrees with the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setuen in calling him Shidargho. This name also occurs, as we shall 380, in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. Palladius says the word means an owl or a fierce bird." Schmidt says it is a Mongol word meaning
straightforward, open, and answering to the Tibetan srong."
Tangut with Tibet have long been lands of romantic interest to the surrounding nomads from their quasi-sacred and mystical character as the homes of the most flourishing forms of Northern Buddhism, and this is reflected in the sagas that have been reported about it by the later writers, such as the author of the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Ssetron. They both connect Chinghiz Khan's last campaign there with a romantic story about #beautiful wife of the Tangutan ruler. They tell us that when the latter heard how Chinghiz had conquered China he sent Tortong, son of Bayan Sartaghor, with proposals to pay tribute, and to become his right-hand man. Chinghis accepted this, and sent the messenger back with presenta. On his return the Envoy passed the night at the house of Yabugha, of the tribe Taijint, as they sat together in the evening he spoke to his host and said, “Your Khakan seems indeed to be a son of the Tengri," but his wives are not so fair to look upon. The wife of our roler Shilaghan Kurbeljin Goa, the daughter of the Chinese janjiun Setzen Umadi, is so fair that with her light there is no need of & lamp." Chinghiz Khån, we are told, had had an intrigue with Möngülan Goe, Yabugha's wife, and she informed him of what she had heard abont the beauty of the queen of Tangat, and added that she must become his wife. Chinghiz now sent Shidurgho a mensage to say he was going on a campaign against Sartaghol," and asking him to march with him. Whereupon Shidurgho replied, "Sucha Khalan as this, who has subdued all peoples, is not surely in need of help. The lion, the king of beasta, is the strongest of all, and thoa, valiant Bogda and king of men, why dost thou need help P" Chinghiz, enraged at this answer, replied: "If I am spared I will give thee a fitting answer. The Tengri, my father, be my witness." Thereapon, says Ssanang Setzen," Wajir Setzen of the Khongkirad said, "My Lord, so long as boys are born and men come into being: so long as an iron
Op. cit. p. 150. Gaubil, pp. 48 and 49. . Hyacinthe, P. 183; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 370.
* They are identified with the Merkits by Palladius, on the ground that the latter in one passage in the Yuanshi arg qualified as Koko, i.e. blue or dark. This identification is, however, exceedingly doubtful.
u Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 600.
u Altan Topchi, p. 140; Ssanang Setson, P. 97, 13 DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 108, Douglas, p. 97. 1. Temudechin, &o. p. 439. » Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 614. 1. Seanang Setzen, pages 382 and 883, note 88. 11 i. e. of Heaven. 21 i. e. KhwArizm.
Altan Topchi, pp. 188-939, and Ssanang Setsen, p. 85.

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stirrap holds together speak not thus. Why do you speak of dying? May your life be prolonged! May all your enemies be conquered! May the number of your subjects increase! May the fame of your name spread everywhere!"30
The Altan Topchi has at this point a curious saga in reference to a supposed rivalry between Chinghiz and his brothers. It says that after his campaign in the west the Khormuzda" Tengri" sent him a jade vessel full of wine, an arshin in size. As he began to drink his younger brothers remarked, "The proverb says, To the oldest ten, to the youngest four.' Having appropriated the greater part of the contents of the vessel will not the commander leave us the dregs." Thereupon Chinghiz replied, "At my birth by order of Buddha there appeared in my hand a jade seal from the Empire of Dragons. Now I have received a great jade vessel full of wine. It appears to me I am its owner, but if you wish to drink take it. His brothers thereupon took the vessel and began to drink, but they could not swallow it. They thereupon returned it saying, "We unjustly demanded our portion when it was not ordained above that we should have it. Drink it your self, and appoint us divisional commanders." He accordingly emptied the vessel, which made him somewhat drunk, and continued, "At my birth the jade seal of the ruler of the Dragons appeared in my hand. Now the powerful Khormuzda has sent me down a jade vessel full of wine, an arshin in size. I am the raler appointed by God: we will go to war against the Tangutans."
The kingdom of Hia was then both powerfal and populous, and Chinghiz Khân made corresponding preparations, and, we are told, collected an army of 180,000 men; of these 40,000 Mongols were commanded by Chagatai; 30,000 others by Subutai and Chepe; 20,000 Khwarizmians under Ilenku, 20,000 Indians under Bela Noyan, 30,000 Jats and Kipchaks, ander Badru'd-din, whose grandfather had been put to death by Muhammad Khwarizm Shah, 30,000 other Khwarizmians under Danishmand, and a body of irregulars under the chief of the Uighurs."
[MAY, 1886.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz set out in the autumn of the year of the Dog (i.e. 1226), taking with him his wife, Yesui. During the winter he occupied himself with hunting in the district of Arbukha. The brick-coloured horse on which he rode, taking fright at a wild horse, threw him, and he fell and hurt himself. The army at once halted in the district Surkhat. On the next day his wife Yesui said to the princes and grandees, "During the night your sovereign was in a high fever; you had better hold a consultation." Thereupon they assembled, and one of them, Tolun, said, "The Tanguts are a settled people living in towns: they cannot move away: let us therefore return, and when our ruler has recovered we will come back again." The nobles all approved of this, and informed Chinghiz. The latter said,. "If we retire the Tangut people will inevitably think I am afraid of them. I will rest here and recruit. Let us send a messenger to them and hear what they say." A man was accordingly sent to the Tangutan ruler, who is here called Burkhan by our author, with the message, "You formerly promised to be to us as our right hand, but when I went against the Khoikhoi," you did not go with me; more than that, you reviled me. Now having conquered the Khoi-khoi, I demand satisfaction for your insults." Burkhan replied: "I never spoke defamatory words of you. Ashaganbu it was who made it appear I had done so. If you wish to fight with me then come to Kholanshan," but if you wish for gold, silver, and stuffs, for tribute in fact, come to Siliang for them.""" When the messenger returned and reported these words to Chinghiz he said, "Is it possible for us to retire after hearing such haughty words? If I die he shall pay for them. This I vow before the eternal heaven." Ssanang Setzen does not refer to these negotiations, but he has a saga referring to the hunting that took place at this time. He calls the place Khangkhai Khân, by which the range which forms the watershed between the Orkhon on the north, and the Onghin," and says that while hunting there Chinghiz remarked, "In this place there is a blue wolf and a white doe."
1927
so The phrase is not in the Altan Topchi.
1 i. e. the God Khormuzda. Seanang Betsen, p. 85. Erdmann, p. 489. i.e. the Muhammadans. 3 i.e. the mountain range west of the Yellow River, near which was the capital of His or Tangut.
More to the west, says Palladius.
11 Op. cit. pp. 149-150.
"The Tazek on the south is doubless meant.
"In the original Burtechino and Goa, meaning the two ancestors of the Mongol royal house.

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You must capture them alive, and not kill them. You will also meet a black man on & blue-grey horse. Take him also alive, and bring him to me." The three were duly cap- tured and brought before him. Chinghiz asked the man who he was, and why he was there. "I am a trusted friend of Shidurgho," he said, " and he has sent me to reconnoitre. My name is Khatarakchi Khara Budang, and in all Tangut there is none superior to me. I was captured unwares, while I laid my black head down to rest, and while my grey horse Gün Bolod," a racer, which no creature that has feet can catch, was tethered to the ground by his fore-feet." Then said Chinghiz, "You seem to be a brave man," and spared his life, adding: “They say your Khakan is a kubilghan; into what form can he change himself ?" The man answered, " In the morning he is a black-striped snake, then you cannot catch him ; at noon a tawny-striped tiger, and then also he is safe : but at night he converts himself into a beautiful youth and plays with his wife, then you can secure him."
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz first attacked Ashaganbu, who fled into a mountain fortress. His warriors were killed and his wealth appropriated, while his people were divided among tbe army." The same authority continues with a paragraph which is an anachronism, since Mu-khu-li was at this time dead. It says that while Chingbiz was passing the summer in the snowy mountains he sent the army in pursuit of Ashaganbu, which captured him and his people, who had retired more into the mountains. Chinghiz, we are told, presented Burchi and Mu-khu-li with some of the treasures, allowing them to take what they
llowing them to take what they would, and he farther said to them, "I have not yet distributed the prisoners taken from the Kin. You two divide equally the relatives of the Kin sovereign," let the fair youths be your falooners, and the pretty girls the servants of your wives. The former Kin rulers trusted them, and had them near their persons. They used to harm our ancestors. You are both akin to me, let them therefore serve you."
The snowy mountains of this notice answer apparently to the Morna Khân mountain of the Altan Topchi, and Ssanang Setzen, who report a characteristic saga in connection with it. They tell us that Chinghiz remarked of the place, “This would be a good rallying place for a broken people, and a good campingground for a peaceable people. It is a capital haunt for roebuck and bears." Noticing an ill-omened owl sitting on a tree Chinghiz told his brother, Juchi Khazar, who was a splendid shot, to shoot it. He fired, but the owl escaped and instead a magpie, which had dropped into the line of fire, was transfixed through the wing. This was deemed an ill-omen, and Chinghiz was very angry and had his brother arrested. Then came the Orluk princess to him, and said, “Master, the stains of the vile ought not to foul the purity of the good. The most worthy and distinguished often meet the fate of the worthless. The fate of the ill-omened owl has fallen upon the magpie. Let thy brother go." But Chinghiz had had his jealousy aroused by another incident, and would not consent. We are told that during the campaign one of his servants, named Bogol Mechin, said to him, “Thy brother, Khazar, being drunk, held thy wife, Kulan, by the hand." Thereupon Chinghiz sent his informer to Khazar to demand some eagles' feathers which he won. Khazar replied: "Although he is supreme I can get heron's feathers more easily than he" and gave him the feathers, bat the messenger would not take them on the ground that they were dirty. Presently Chingbiz sent again to demand some heron's feathers. Seeing & hawk flying by he asked the messenger where he should shoot it." In the black and yellow spot on his head," said the messenger. Khazar shot off the bird's head. Again the servant refused, saying that what they really wished for were eagle's feathers, which were more suited to a sovereign than those of the heron, besides, these were stained with blood." Chinghiz now upbraided Khazar with having insulted his wife, with having killed the magpie, and with not sending him such feathers as he wished. He had him bound
so Called Kara Boton in the Altan Topchi. 31 Called Kusibalat in the Altan Topchi.
» Altan Topchi, pp. 97-99. Sranang Setzen or Schmidt noem to have misunderstood the concluding clause, and thus made nonsense.
Op. cit. pp. 150-151. * ie. the In-jun or so-called natural relations, who
numbered 30,000.
* Op. cit. p. 157. 3. This is the version of the Allan Topchi. Seanang Setsen converts the haunt for bears into charming resting place for an old man.
" Sanang Setren oalls the first feathers those of heron, and the second of a hawk.

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by five people and led to a fence and fed on be affected with sores, while the females would the flesh of the wild Tibetan Yak."
be deserted by their husbands. The YuanThe details of the campaign are so varionsly shi-lei-pien further says Chinghiz captured all told that it is not easy to follow them. The the fortresses, which were very numerous, beYuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz on leaving tween Etzina, Ning hia," Kiayukoan and the snowy mountains passed through the town Kan-chau. of Urakhai.
Chinghiz now seems to have gone to pass the In February 1226 according to the Yuan- summer heats in the mountains of Khun-chu shi-lei-pion he captured Etzina, described by and then captured the towns of Su-chau and Marco Polo as situated a 12 days' ride from Kan-chan, situated respectively on the two rivers Kan-chau, towards the north on the verge of named above, which combine together to form the desert. De Guignes and Pauthier say the Etzina. The siege of Kan-chau was, Etzina is found in a map of Hia, of the according to the Kang-mu, marked by a curious Mongol period, and the latter adds that the incident. We are told it was governed by Kiatext of the map names it as one of the seven yêkielia, the father of the boy Chakhan" who lus or circuits of Kan-suh." Klaproth says the had been adopted by Chinghiz Khan as I river Thao-leu-kho, after joining the Khe-shni, described in an earlier chapter. Chakhan was which comes from the south-east from Kan-chau, ordered to communicate with his relatives. He takes the name Etzina and falls into the accordingly wrote a note to his younger brother, lakes Sabo and Sogo, the latter of which was saying he wanted to speak to him, which he in the Ming period still called I-dsi-nay-khai." fastened to an arrow and fired into the town. He, with great probability, puts the town of The boy was only 12 years. He appeared on the Etzina on this river. The Yuan-shi seems ramparts, but they would not let him leave to refer to this town ander the name Khe-shui. the place. Chakhan then sent & confidential chin," and Colonel Yule independently has person to communicate with his father. The suggested that a town called Hoa-triang, latter it seems was agreeable to surrender the placed on the river Etzina in D'Anville's map, place, when Acha, who was second in command, is to be identified with Etzina. It is possibly fell upon him at the head of 36 men, and the town called Tarmegai in the Altan killed him with his son, and also the envoy. Topchi and Seanang Setzen. During its siege He then prepared for a vigorous defence, they relate that an old woman who was but all in vain. The place was taken by assault descended from a monster, and who was called and a general butehery was only avoided by Khara Khang, used to mount the walls of the pleading of Chakhan. The only people which there was a triple circle about the place, executed were Achu and his 36 accomplices." and pronounce horrible curses and exorcisms | Chinghiz now captured Si-liang-fu Cholo and over the besiegers, by which disease was Kholo in Kan-suh. The first of these towns, scattered among them, and many men and says Gaubil, was at that time a very big place. cattle perished. Thereapon Subutai Baghatur It is now a fortress and known as Yong implored Chinghiz that he should release his chang-wei, in lat. 38° 10' long. 14' 10" W. of brother Khazar, who had been putin confinement Peking." It is possibly the Erguiul of Marco as I have described, lend him his dun-coloured Polo. Advancing again across the Shato or horse, Jigürtu Khula, and order him to go and Stony Desert he arrived at Ki-ya-tu, or the Nine shoot the old witch. Khazar soon after shot her Fords over the Yellow River, and captured the in the knee cap. She fell on her side, and as she town of Ing-li-sien, called Yingle by Douglas.co was dying pronounced a curse upon Khazar's The Yuan-shi says he traversed the Shato, descendants, declaring that the males would went by way of Tsi-du and the river, and
» Altan Topchi, pp. 141-142; 8sanang Setren, pp. 99-101. » Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I. p. 226.
i.c. Lake of Idsinai. - Klaproth, Beleuchtung, etc., p. 65, note. - Hyacinthe, p. 188.
Altan Topchi, pp.142 and 149; Seanang Setsen, p. 101. !
* 1e. The capital of Hia. * 1.e. The western part of the great wall. " Gaubil, p. 49. " Called Saha by DeMaille. " De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 117; Douglas, p. 100. " Op. cit. p. 40 note. D'Oheson, Vol. I. p. 371. " De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 117; Douglas, p. 101.

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captured Yar and other towns of the had left his capital, Irkai, and advanced at the second rank." The Yar of this notice is head of 50 tumans, i.e. 500,000 men i Chinghiz apparently the Ing-li-sien of De Mailla's au- Khân went to meet them, and encountered the thority. Thence we are told Chinghiz despatched enemy in a plain dotted with lakes formed by Silitsienpa and Khutu Timur to summon the overflow of the Kara Muran, i.e. the Upper Sha-chau, situated on the river Sirgaldzin in. Hoang-ho, which was then frozen over. The the west of Kan-suh, and nearly directly south battle was so bloody that 300,000 (1) Tangutans of Khamil. Its people pretended to submit to perished. Three of the corpses were standing the Mongols, and prepared meat, wine, spirits, on their heads, for, says Rashid, it is established and other refreshments for their army, but among the Mongols that among ten tumans of meanwhile they planted their best troops in corpses there is sure to be one standing on its ambush with the intention of surprising them. head. This D'Ohsson explains by a reference Khutu Timur, supposing that their submission to the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauwas sincere, marched to take possession of the vais, to which we owe so much interesting place. He fell into the ambush, and was nearly information about the Mongols, Book xxix. captured, as his horse stumbled and threw him, ch. 83, and Book xxx, ch. 95, where we read but Silitsienpu allowed him to mount his own that the Tatars when they put a hostile popucharger, and showed altogether such a bold lation to the sword, and wished to have a front that he defeated the enemy, and withdrew census of the dead were in the habit of standwithout material loss."
ing a corpse on its head for every thousand In July, 122, Li-te, the king of Hin, died victims on elevated ground. Thus after the of grief at seeing his country the prey of the sack of Tiflis in 1221 seven bodies were Mongols, and was succeeded by his son, called placed on their heads in various places to Li-hien by De Mailla and Le-seen by Douglas. show that 7,000 people had perished. The In November of the same year, says the town of Ling-chau was speedily captured Kang-mu, Chinghiz Khân captured nearly all and sacked. We are told that while the their towns from the people of Hia. In vain the troops thought only of securing women and inhabitants sought shelter in the caves of the children, gold and silver, and other booty the earth, hardly two people in a hundred escaped, famous statesman Yeliu-chutsai, whose origin and the ground was covered with bones. At we have previously considered, took charge of this time Chinghiz attacked Ling-chan, situated the government archives and of two mule. on the Eastern bank of the Yellow river, a little loads of medicinal rhubarb which was of great south of Ning-hin, the capital of Hia. An army service to the army in an epidemic which Was sent toits rescue under Vei-min, but Chinghiz ensued. He cured all those who were attacked having crossed the Yellow River put it to flight." by means of this specific alone." We elseThe Vei-min of this notice is apprrently the where read that during the siege of Ling-chau Seouming-ling-kong of De Mailla, who tells us the five planets having appeared in conjuncthat the king of Hia having determinel to tion in the south-west it was deemed a bad make a supreme effort sent him against the omen, and Chinghiz determined to retire for a Mongols, but Chinghiz crossed the Yellow River whilo to the valley of Yen-chau, where he and defeated him." This is apparently the encamped." According to the Yuan-shi-lei-pien struggle referred to by Rashidu'd-din, who he encamped 30 or 40 leagues north of Ningsays that the Mongols having captured many hia the capital of Tangut." towns laid siege to Dersekai Gerhaps the During the year 1226, Ogonai, his third son, native name of Ling-chau), when they heard that with the general Chakhan, marched into Ho-nan Shidurgho, whose Chinese name was Li-wang, and attacked Kai-fong-fu, the Nanking, or
#1 Hyacinthe, p. 133; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 371. * De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 117-118. *s id. p. 118; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 371. . D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 872-873.
Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 122. 56 D Ohanon, Vol. J. Pp. 878-74. So that 5,000 and 3,000
would be nearer the mark than the above large figures. 6DeMailla, Vol. IX. pp. 121-122.
Douglas, pp. 101-102 ; Hyacinthe, p. 133; D'Obsson, Vol. I. p. 378.
Gaubil, p. 49.

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southern capital of the Kin Tartars, and sent Tang-king to summon it to surrender, but they had to raise the siege."
Chinghiz soon reopened his campaign against Hia, and having left a division to besiege Ninghis he crossed the Yellow Kiver in February, 1227, and captured Tsi-shi-chan or He-chichan," and sacked Lin-tao-fu." Then going to the north-west he ruined Chasho, es called Towcho by Douglas, who says it was in the modern Taou-chan-ting. He then captured Si-ning. De Mailla says these successes were secured by Hiuese, the prince of Liau-tung, who was sent across the river with an army by Chinghiz. Gaubil says one division at this time secured the country of Kuku-nor, Kuachan, and Sha-chau." Meanwhile another army under Chinghiz Khân's brother Ochigin, occa- pied Sin-tu-fu in the province of Chih-li." After capturing Si-ning Chinghiz advanced upon Lung-ti," situated to the west of Pialiang-fa in Kan-suh, and captured Te-shunchau,'' and other towns." He now sent an envoy named Shang-tsin to the Sung court at Nanking, and prepared to pass the summerheats in the mountains of Liu-pan.
A kind of presentiment, we are told, seized him that he was about to die, and summoning his officers he said to them, "My time has come. Last winter, when the five planets appeared together in one quarter was it not to warn me that an end should be made of slaughter? And I neglected to take notice of the admomonition. Now let it be proclaimed abroad where our banners wave, that it is my earnest desire that henceforth the lives of our enemies shall not be unnecessarily sacrificed." This is referred to at greater length by the Muhammadan writers, such as the author of the Jahan Kashf, by Rashidu'd-din, etc. We are told that while he was encamped at Ongu-talan-kuduk," a dream foretold to Chinghiz his coming end. He summoned, according
to D'Ohsson, his two sons, Ogotai and Tului, who were encamped 5 or 6 miles away," together with his generals and grandees. Abulfaraj says that he summoned Chagatai Baith, Ogotai, Tului, Kulkan, Shargatai, and Arushar." Turning to the last of these," he said that he wished to speak privately and confidentially with his sons and grandsons, and begged the rest to withdraw. He then addressed them saying, "Beloved children, the strength of my youth has given place to the feebleness of old age, and the firm step of the boy has been followed by the tottering of the old man. The last journey, whose command is so exacting, the summons of death, is at my door. By the power of God and the aid of heaven I have conquered this vast and far-reaching realm, which is a year's journey from its centre to its circumference, for you, my dear children, and have also duly ordered it. My last unconditioned will is that in fighting with your enemies and in exalting your friends you will be of one mind and one purpose, thus securing for yourselves a long and happy life, and also enjoyment and profit from the kingdom. If you hang together you will be able to administer the government thoroughly, and will be in a position to fight your foes, to overwhelm your antagonists, and to live in peace. If, on the other hand, you become stubborn and disagree, you will tear the mantle of the state asunder and it will perish." When he had thus expressed his will he went on to say, “Which of you must I name my successor P" His sons thereupon went down on their knees unanimously before him and said: "Our illustrious father is master and we are his servants, we are entirely in his hands." According to the older Muhammadan authorities, followed by D'Ohsson, he then nominated Ogotai as his successor, and expressed a hope that Chagatai, who was not according to them present, would not raise any questions about this." Mirkhavand
60 Gaubil, p. 49; Douglas, p. 102. 01 Tai-shi, west of the modern Ho-chau. 12 In the modern Teih-tan-chnu.
03 Gaubil calls it Ho-chat, and says it was 14 or 15 leagues north-west of Lin-tao-fu. Lin-tao-fu is in the modern Teih-taon-chau.
** In the modern Ko-chan. • Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 125.
Op. cit. p. 50. 67 Hyacinthe, p. 136 ; Douglas, p. 102. 6 The Lungter of Douglas.
The Ter-sun of Douglas.
TO D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 374. Douglas, p. 103.
11 i. e. Springs of the steppe of the Ongu, by which the mountains running north of Shen-si giving their name to the white Tåtars are doubtless meant. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 379.
13 Erdmann says his three sons, Chagatai, Ogotai and Tului, and his grandsons the children of Juchi.
" Chr. Syr. p. 498.
75 Raverty calls him Baibuku Aka, the son of Juchi Khazar.
16 Erdmann, p. 441. " D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 379 and 380.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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and the other writers who had to be deferential Burkhan, together with the vessels." The to Timur and his family, bring in the ancestors Yuan-shi says that Li-hien, king of Hia, surrenof that hero on this occasion. They have dered and was taken prisoner to Mongolia." The a story which is quite unknown to the older Yuan-shi-lei-pien says that Li-hien found himauthorities that Kabul Khakan made a compact self driven to the last pass in Ning-hia, and with Kajuli Baghatur (the ancestor of Timur), surrendered at discretion in June, and set out conferring on the latter and his descendants for Liu-pan to humiliate himself before exceptional dignities. At this time the head of Chinghiz. He had hardly left the town when this house was Kharajar Noyan, and we are he was massacred, and his palace and the city assured that Chinghiz had the old compact were sacked." De Mailla says it was in May produced, confirmed Kharajar in his honours when the Tangut ruler surrendered, and that and ordered his sons to do so, and to attach Chinghiz wishing to pass the summer heats in their tainghas to the official document con- the north pat chains upon the unfortunate taining these his last wishes." Chinghiz then prince and took him with him, and thus the went on, according to the Western writers, kingdom of Hia came to an end." to point the moral of his advice by the familiar The author of the Kang-mu thus apostro. anecdote of the strength of a bundle of sticks phizes this event :-"From the beginning of when contrasted with a single one, and then the world no barbarous nation has been so used a more probable simile in quoting the powerful as the Mongols. They tear up nations story of the snake with one tail and many | as if they were plants, to such a degree has heads, which, when the frost came, began to their power grown. Why does heaven permit dispute as to which hole was the safest shelter; it?". The Muhammadan writers, who wrote meanwhile it was killed by the cold, while the under the patronage of the Mongols, tell us Inake with one head and many tails, which that after his great defeat Shidurgho withhaving only one person to please, dragged itself drew to his capital Artakhin, whence he sent in time into a safe retreat.
envoys to Chinghiz, begging that a respite Chinghiz having nominated his brother of a month might be allowed him, when Ochigin to prosecute the war in China, and also he would surrender if his life was spared, and appointed his other sons their due positions, he were counted among the chief's sons. Chinset out on his last campaigo." At this point ghiz consented to this, and promised to treat him the authorities differ. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi as his son. This month, it seems, had not says that the ruler of Tangut appeared before expired when Chinghiz died, and he left orders to him and presented him with golden idols, his generals to keep his death & secret, and when golden and silver vessels, boys, girls, horses the king came out of the city as agreed upon, and camels, altogether to the number of to kill him and put the people of Ning-hia to nino times nine. Chinghiz allowed him to do the sword. This was faithfully carried out homage, but he himself sat behind the screen. after his death." While this was going on he became sick. Minhaj-i-Saraj has a curious account of this On the third day he changed the name of last campaign of Chinghiz. He tells us the Burkhan into Shidurgho, and commanded Tolun ruler of Tangut had a large army and war to kill him. He said to Tolun, “When at the materials without end, and on account of the beginning of the Tangutan war I fell from my number of his troops, the power of his servants, horse during a hunting expedition, you being the width of his dominions, and the vastness troubled about my health suggested that I of his wealth and treasures, he had adopted should return, but in consequence of the insolent the name of Tengri Khân. The Mongols remarks of my enemy I waged war on him, had several times invaded his borders, but had and by the aid of heaven I have subdued him. not subdued him, while he had more than once Take for yourself the movable property of defeated Chinghiz Khản in battle. When the
TH Erdmann, pp. 442 and 443. 1. Erdmann, pp. 442 and 43. 10 Op. cit. pp. 131-152. Douglas, p. 103.
* Gaubil, pp. 50 and 51.
* Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 126. * D'Ohsson, Vol. 1. p. 881, note. # D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 380-381. Erdmann, p. 110. 6 l.e. the Divine Khan.

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latter returned home from his western campaign, he took counsel with his grandees and suggested that as he had come back with greatly increased strength, and was contemplating an attack upon Tamghaj" that he should make peace with him and offer him an alliance. Peace was accordingly made. Presently Chinghiz Khân having advanced across the Kara Muran, in a campaign against "Chin and Khita," Tengri Khân" joined him. Some Mongol noyans objected to the alliance, saying that if they were defeated the Tengri Khân would be sure to turn upon them, as he was their enemy, and as his territory would be in the rear of the Mongol army it would be a great source of danger; and they counselled that Chinghiz should have his ally put to death. He accordingly had him seized. The Tengri Khân, conscious of his approaching doom, said, "Tell Chinghiz Khân I have not shown any perfidy towards you. I came to you under a treaty. You are acting treacherously towards me, contrary to our covenant, now listen to me. If when you slay me blood of the colour of milk flows from me know that in three days your death will follow mine." When this was reported to Chinghiz Khân he laughed and said, "This man is mad, blood like milk never comes from the wound of a slain person, nor has any one ever seen white blood. It is most necessary to put him to death quickly" When the executioner struck the Tengri Khân white blood like milk in fact came from the wound. When Chinghiz heard of this he went to verify it, and thereupon his strength forsook him, and on the third day in the graphic words of Minhaj-i-Saraj, "his heart broke and he went to hell." The same author adds that Chinghiz, before dying, left as a last legacy the duty of exterminating the subjects of the Tengri Khân, irrespective of age or sex, and after he died Ogotai carried out this duty and duly put to the sword the unfortunate inhabitants of the land. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz having overcome the people of Tangut and killed their ruler Burkhan, and having exterminated his parents, children, and grand
i.e. China.
sei.e. China.
i.e. the ruler of Tangat.
so Tab.-i-Nas. pp. 1095-1096.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
id. p. 1096.
Op, cit. p. 152.
[MAY, 1886.
children, commanded that at every meal he should be reminded of this with the words, "The Tanguts are extinguished." Having thus fought with the Tanguts for the non-fulfilment of their promises he returned.""*
To turn to the other authorities. The mountain of Liu-pan above mentioned, where Chinghiz spent the summer of 1227, is, according to Hyacinthe, in the district of Ping-liang-fu and Dr. Bretschneider says it still bears the same name, and is marked on modern maps in the department of Ping-liang in Kan-suh, south of the city of Ku-yuan-chau, The Yuan-shi does not name the mountain, but says the Mongol army was encamped at Tsing-shui-hien, a place on the banks of the river Si-kiang about twelve leagues east of the town of Tsin-chau." Rashidu'd-din says Liu-pan was situated on the borders of Churchê," Nangeas and Tangut." While Chinghiz was there two envoys from the Kin emperor named Wanian-kha-chao and Otung Agueh arrived with propositions of peace. Among the presents which they took was a salver filled with beautiful pearls. Chinghiz had them distributed among those of his officers who wore earrings. The rest had their ears pierced in order to be able to share in the distribution. What remained over after this distribution were scattered among the crowd and scrambled for." It was while at Liu-pan that Chinghiz also received the homage of the princess of Lian-tung to which I have previously referred. While encamped here the great chief was taken dangerously ill. Tului was the only one of his sons who was by him. On his death-bed he drew out for his officers plans for securing the Nanking or Southern capital of the Kin empire. "The picked troops of the Kin," he said, "are guarding the defile of Tong-kuan, a most powerful fortress, guarded on the south by a precipitous mountain, while the Yellow River bathes its walls on the north, and acts as a great natural ditch. In order to turn this position you must ask permission from the Sung to traverse a portion of their territory, permission which will be readily granted, as
es The place is marked on D'Anville's map of Shen-si at 34-42 N. L. and 10-18 W. L. of Peking. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 878.
.e. the Kin empire. i.e. the Sung empire. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 375, note. Hyacinthe, p. 186; Jahan Kashf, D'Ohsson, Vol. I.
p. 376.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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the Sang have for a long time been the mortal enemies of the Kin. You will then advance by Tang-chan and Teng-chau," whence you will march straight upon Ta-liang." To relieve his capital the Emperor will have to withdraw the garrison of Tong-kuan. They will arrive worn out with the fatigues of a long march, and it will be easy to vanquish them."100
The Yuan-shi says that Chinghiz died near Sali-kol in his camp of Karatnski. These two names, says D'Ohsson, are Mongol names, given by the invaders to Chinese localities.lol This, according to the Chinese authorities, took place on the 18th of Angust 1127, when Chinghiz was 66 years old, and when he had reigned 22 years.101 Rashidu'd-din makes his age at the time of his death to be 72 years, and says that he had reigned 41 years In another place he says that Chinghiz was born in a Swine year and died in a Swine year, and that he died on the 15th of Khonai of the year of the Swine, answering, he adds, to the 4th of Ramazan 624, Hij. i.e. 18th August 1227,105 which is no doubt the correct date. He says that he died in the mountains called LiungShan, by which no doubt he meant the range so called in Shen-si.'
The Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen make out that Chinghiz Khân was the victim of the beantiful wife of the Tangutan ruler, and embellish their story with the romantic surroundings available to the professors of Tantra Buddhism. We read in their pages that when Shidurgho changed himself into a serpent Chinghiz became the famous bird Garuda. When Shidurgho became a tiger, Chinghiz became a lion, and when he became a boy Chinghiz became an old man, or According to Ssanang Setzen became Khormuzda, the king of the tengri or spirite, and thus the former easily fell into the latter's grasp. He said to the Mongol conqueror, "Do not kill me, for I represent the morning star. and will destroy all your enemies. I will put meat before you and you will not have either hunger or thirst. If you kill me it will be worse for yon, while, if you let me live it will be worse for your descendants." Chingbíz then shot at Shidur
# Two towns dependent on Nan-yang-fu in the western part of Ho-nan.
" i.e. Kai-fong-fu. 100 Gaubil, pp. 51 and 52; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 880. 101 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 378. hos D'Ohaeon, Vol. 1. p. 391; Gaubil, p. 52.
gho and tried to cleave him down with his sword, but he could not wound him, thereupon, according to the Altan Topchi, the Tangutan ruler said, “You have shot at me and struck at me, but have done me no harm. In the sole of my boot you will find a grey thrice-twisted cord, take it and strangle me with it, and your descendants will be similarly strangled. 48 to my wife, Kurbeljin Goa, take care you examine her to her black nails."106 Whereupon he died. According to Ssanang Setzen, Shidurgho said to Chinghiz, “With a common weapon you cannot injure me, but between the soles of my boot is a triple dagger made of magnetic steel, with which I may be killed." With these words he offered him the weapon, saying, "Now you may kill me; if milk flowe from the wound it will be an evil token for you, if blood then for your posterity.104 He also says that he bade Chinghiz probe his wife's previous life diligently. Chinghiz having pierced Shidurgho in the neck killed him and appropriated his wife and people. Every one was surprised with her beauty, but she said, "Formerly I was much fairer, I am now grimy with dnst from your troops. If I could bathe I should renew my good looks." Chinghiz thereupon ordered her to bathe. The Altan Topchi says she had meanwhile caught a swallow, tied a note to its tail, and sent it to her father. In this letter she told him she meant to drown herself, and he must look up the stream and not down for her body. Following out her directions they accordingly songht up the stream, and having found the body each bronght a bag of earth with which they covered it. The hil. lock go formed was called Holkho Kuzgan, and the river Khatun Gol. Seanang Setzen has a different version, apparently pointing here, as elsewhere, to a somewhat different tradition. He tells as the river where the princess bathed was the Kara Muran, that she refused to do so till the Mongols had withdrawn, that then a bird from her father's house hovered by her and she caught it and tied a letter to its neck, saying in it what she meant to do. When she came out of her bath
103 Erdmann, note 33, pp. 572-574. 10. Ynlo's Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 240, note. 306 A Mongol idiom, moaning examine her thorongbly.
100 Compare the sake told by Minhaj-i-Saraj above quoted.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
she was much more beautiful. The following night while Chinghiz lay asleep, she bewitched him, and he became feeble and weak. She then went down to the Kara Muran and drowned herself, whence, says Seanang Setzen, the Kara Muran is called Khatun Eke to this day. When the bird returned to her father, who was called Shang-dsa-wang-ya, and was of the family U, from the Chinese town of Irghai, he went to look for his daughter's body, but found only one of her pearl-embroidered socks. On this he raised a mound of earth still called Timur Olkho.107
Ssanang Setzen says that as the great Chief's life ebbed away he apostrophised those about him thus:-"My fortune-bearing and excellent wife Burte Jujin, my three beloved ones Khulan, Jissu and Jissuken, my unchangeable loyal companion Külük Boghorji Noyan, you nine Orlöks, my incomparable mates, my four brave brothers, my four indefatigable sons, my unyielding flint-like officers and generals, my great people, my noble kingdom, all you children of my wives, my beloved subjects, my dear fatherland." As he was thus giving way to human weakness, Kiluken Baghatur of the Sunids, said to him, "Thy beloved wife Burte Jujin may die; thy administration, admirable as the precious jade stone, may fall into disorder; thy united people may be scattered asunder; Burte Jujin the wife whom thou didst wed in thy young days may die; thy laws, held in such high esteem may be degraded. Thy two sons Ogotai and Tului may become orphans. Thy subjects, the inheritance of thy children, may be lessened. Thy excellent wife Burte Jujin may die. Thy two brothers Ochigin and
No. 161.
This inscription appears to have been discovered by General J. C. Stacy, and was first brought to notice in 1848, in the Jour. Beng.
[MAY, 1886.
Khajikin may fall to the ground. Thy great people ruling so widely may be scattered. Its very spirits, thy friends, Boghorgi and Mu-khu-li will collapse with grief, and when we reach the further side of the Khang-ghai Khân, thy wives and children will meet us, wailing and weeping with the words, 'Where is the Khakan, our Lord ? Therefore, O my master, do be a man and look hither." As Kiluken Baghatur thus addressed him Chinghiz raised himself on his bed and replied, "Be you a faithful friend to my widowed Burte Jujin and to my two orphan sons, Ogotai and Tului, and be ever true to them without fear. The precious jade stone has no crust, and polished steel has no rust upon it. The body that is born is not immortal. It goes away without a house or a place to return to. This keep in everlasting remembrance. The glory of an action is to complete what you have begun. Firm and unbending is the heart of a man who keeps his plighted word. Be not guided by the wishes of others, so will you have the confidence of many. This is clear to me, that I must be severed from you and go hence. The words of the boy Khubilai are very weighty. Do you all weigh his words. He will some day occupy my throne, and he will, as I have done, bring you prosperity." When he had spoken these words," continues our author, "the master raised himself to God his father, in the town of Turmegei in the sixty-ninth year of his age in the Ting (swine's) year (1227) the 12th of the seventh month. 108
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 118).
BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY'S PLATE OF THE MAHARA A VINAYAKAPALA. (HARSHA)-SAMVAT 188.
107 Aitan Topchi, p. 144; Ssanang Setzen, p. 108. Schmidt remarks in a note that the upper Kara Muran or Yellow river, is still undoubtedly called Khatun Muran, i.e. the Queen's river, by the Mongols, and that he has found the name in Mongol writings.
Plano Carpini states that Chinghiz was killed 109 while Marco Polo, no by a thunderbolt," doubt confusing his death with that of his grandson Mangu, says he was killed by an arrow which hit him in the knee at Caaju.110
As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 70ff., when, under the heading of "Inscription from the Bijaya Mandir, Udayapur, &c.," the Secretary of the Society published Dr. Rajendralal
10 Seanang Setzen, pp. 103-105.
10 Op. cit. Ed. d'Avezac, p. 664.
Are Hocheu in Suchnau. Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. P. 240.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
139
Mitra's reading of the text of the plate only, vati of the inscription; and below this, and his translation of it. In 1862, in the same across the surface of the seal, there are the Journal, Vol. XXXI. p. lff., as an accompani- sixteen lines of writing, a to p, transcribed ment to his paper entitled “Vestiges of Three below. Here, again, unlike the body of the Royal Lines of Kanyakubja," Dr. Fitz Edward grant, the letters of this legend on the seal Hall published his own reading of the text are in relief; and, though they are fairly (id. p. 14f.), which was in some respects an well preserved almost throughout, it was improvement on the previously published ver- impossible, for the same reasons as in the case sion. And, with the exception of subsequent of Mahồndrapâla's grant, to include the seal discussions as to the reading of the date,- in the also in the lithograph.-The characters are of course of which, in 1864, & rough and by no | precisely the same type as those of Mahôndrameans accurate lithograph of it was published | pâla's grant; viz. North Indian Nagari of about with Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's notice of Ma- the eighth century A.D. They include forms of hồndrapâla's grant in the same Journal, the numerical symbols of the period for 8, 9, 80, Vol. XXXIII. p. 321ff.,--this latter rendering and 100. The execution of the engraving is of the inscription has remained the standard excellent throughout; and the mark for é published version of it up to the present time. in conjunction with consonants, both as é, I now re-edit it, with a lithograph, from the and as one of the components of ai, 0, and au, original plate, which, having been presented is formed with more care than in Mahondraby General Stacy, is in the Library of the pala's grant. Many of the letters shew, 18 Bengal Asiatic Society, and was there examined usual, marks of the working of the engraver's by me. I have not succeeded in obtaining tool. The plate is very massive and substan any information as to where it was found ; tial; so that the letters, though fairly deep, and from the entry in the Index, published in do not shew through on the back of it.--The 1856, to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic language is Sanskrit, and the inscription is in Society, p. 208, it appears that the locality never prose throughout, except for the half slóka, was known. It has usually been spoken of evidently intended as such, which is introas the "Benares Plate;" but this seems to be duced in line 16, and records the name of the due only to the mention of the Varanasi person who drew up the record.-In respect of (Benares) vishaya in line 10, where the locality orthography, all that calls for notice is the use of the village granted is specified.
of the upadh maniya in tayoh-pad-unudhydtah, The plate, which is engraved on one side line 8 (and line d of the seal);—the paraionly, measures about 1' 9" long by 1' 51" vaishnavở of line 1 of the seal;-and, as in broad. The edges of it were fashioned some- Mahêndrapâla's grant, the parambhagavati of what thicker than the inscribed surface, and lines 3, 5, and 6, (and lines e, i, and k of the with a slight depression all round just inside seal); the use of va for ba, e.g. samvaddha them, so as to serve as a rim to protect the and prativaddha, line 10, though the distinct writing; and both the surface of the plate, and form for ba occurs in bbhátvá, line 15; and the the inscription on it are in a state of excellent doubling throughout of t in conjunction with preservation throughout; but some of the a following r, e.g. puttra, line 2, and pittról, letters are so hopelessly filled in with hard line 13.-1 had no opportunity of taking rust, which it was impossible to remove, that the weight of this plate ; but it is probably they do not shew quite perfectly in the litho- rather heavier than Mahêndrapala's plate. graph.-As in the case of Mahendrapala's As in the case of Mahồndrapila's grant, the grant (No. 160, p. 105ff. above), onto the charter recorded in this inscription is issued from proper right side of the plate there is soldered the camp, complete with many cows, elephants, a thick and massive seal, with a high raised horses, chariots, and foot-soldiers, situated rim all round it, measuring about 8" broad at M a hodaya (line 1.) Then follows the paren" by 1' 11" high, and shaped like the seal of thetical genealogy, repeated in the same words Mahồndrapala's grant. In the arch at the in the legend on the seal, and precisely similar to top there is a similar standing figure, facing that of the Dighwa-Dubault plate as far as the full-front, of a goddess, doubtless the Bhaga-I mention of the Mahdrája Mahondrapaladeva

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1886.
(1. 7). His son, begotten on Dehankgadēvi, given by Vinayakapala, in order to increase was the illustrious Mahárája Bhojadeva the religious merit of his parents, after bath. (1. 8), a most devout worshipper of the god ing on the sixth lunar day in the river Ganga Vishņu. And Bhöjadêva's brother, - by which (1. 14), to the Bhatta Bhullâka, of the Darbhi method of mention it is intended to denote gótra, a student of the Atharva-Véda. Line also his successor,-ancther son of Mahendra- 16 contains the record that the charter was paladeva, begotten on Mahîdêvîdêvî, was the drawn up by the illastrious Harsha. And illustrious Maharaja Vinaya ka pala d évathe inscription concludes in line 17 with the (1. 9), a most devout worshipper of the Sun, record of the date, in numerical symbols, on who meditated on the feet of his father and which it was assigned, vix, the year 188, the brother. The inscription then proceeds to re- ninth day of the dark fortnight of the month cord that the village of Tikkarikågrâma, Phålguna (February March). The era is not in the Pratishth &ņa bhukti (1. 9), and specified in the record; but, applying the date attached to the Kasi para pathaka which to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, the belonged to the Var åpasi vishaya, was result is A.D. 794-95.
Твхт.?
The Seal. a Paramvai'shņavo mahârâja-sri-Dêvasaktidévas-tasya pa. bttras-tat-pad-inudhyâtah sri-BhůyikAdévyam-ut(panna]h parac mamáheśvarð
mah[ar]āja-sri-Vatsarajadêvastasya d puttras-tat-pâd-anu dhyâ[ta]h śrî-Sundar[i]dêvyám=utpannah parae mbhagavatibhaktô mahå[ra]ja-érî-Någabhatade vastasya pufttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtaḥ
érîmad- Isațâdêvyâm=utpannah 9 paramadityabhaktô
mahârâja-sri-Ramabhadradeva. sætasya puttras-tet-PCA]d-Anûdhyâtah r imad-Appadevyam-ai tpannaḥ
parambhagavatîbhaktô maharaja-sri-Bhojaį dévas=[t]asya puttras-tat-p[A]d-Anudhya tah bri-Chandrabhattk rikâdevyám=utpannah
parambha 'gavatibhaktô m ahara1 ja-sri-Mahồndrapiladovas-tasya
puttras-tat-p[A]d-Anudhyâtam sri-Dehanâgådévyam-[n]tpannaḥ paramavaishnavô ma
n ha rájn-sri-Bhojadevas-tasya b hrata sri-Mah[@]ndrap[4*]ladóva-puott[r* Jas=tayôh=påd-anudhyâtah [r]i-Mahidevidêr [yâ]m-[u]tpannah p. paramadityabhaktô mahârâja-[r]-[V]inaya[ka]på[la]de[ vaḥ 11 )
The Plate. 1 Om Svasti Mahôdaya-sama vasit-aneka-go-hasty-a[éva*)-ratha-patti-sampanna-skaddha
(ndhi)varât=paramavaishnavê maha 2 raja-bri-Dévasaktidévastasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah. sri-Bhủyika"dévyam-utpannah
paramamaheśvarô maha
* Tayah padanudhyatah, line 8.-The expression tat. pod-dnudhuita is applied to the relation of onch son to his father throughout the succession.
Probably the modera Tikree of the Indian Atlas, Shoet No. 88, four miles almort duo south of Benares, and on the same side of the river.-R. Mitra (Index of 1856 to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatio Society, p. 209) first pointed out the identification, writing the modern name Tikkári. F. E. Hall (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 5, note 1) wrote the modern name "Tikari,' and said it is about two miles from Benares, across the river: but I find no such time in such a position.
F. E. Hall (Jour. Beng. Ar. Soc. Vol. XXXI., P. 5, note 1) says that "Pratishthina once designated, no less than other places, what is now Allahabad." "Monier Williams, however, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, enye that, in addition to the famous and better known Pratishthin
on the Godavari, it was also the name of a town at the confluence of the GangA and the Yamuna, on the left bank of the Gang, opposite to Allahabad, the uspital of the early kings of the lunar dynasty."
pratibaddha. This, and the word sabaddha, which I have tentatively rendered by "connected with," are evidently technical territorial terms the full purport of which, as contrasted with each other, is not apparent.
5" (This is the writing) of the firm and long enduring charter that has been drawn up by the illustrious Harsha."-For prayukta, drawn up, see page 107 above, note 9. o nibaddha.
From the original seal and plate. . Read paramarai.
10 and 11 Read paramabha.
11 R. Mitra read Bhúyikd correctly in the text, but ! converted it into Bhamika in the translation.

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W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
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Reat
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..
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S
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Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the Maharaja Vinayakapala. — The Year 188.
PERMAPURE.
RANCHRIMath TCHESTERNET MAHE S H PratapEBSITINATIEE
TRAN SPIDETAILEDhellations AMEERTANPATANJasraja
measur MPETERANDEINMITRCRIPATERPRATAPGAN TERPA732366 DMD
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HAY, 1886.]
A PASSAGE IN THE JAIN HARIYAMSA.
141
3 raja-sri-Vatsarajadevas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah brf-Sundaridávyâm-atpannah
parambhagavatibhaktô maha.. 4 raja-ari-Nagabhaladvas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah Srimad-Isata devyama
atpannaḥ paramadityabhaktå (któ) mahi5 raja-bri-Ramabhadradévastasya puttras-tat-påd-anndhyatah srimad- Appa"dévyâm=
utpannah parambha"gavatibhakt8 maha6 raja-bri-Bhöjadevastasya pattrag=tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ śrl-Chandrabhattårikådévyåm=
utpannah parambha 'gavatibhaktô 7 maharaja-sri-Mahendrapalad vastasya puttras-tat-pad-ânadhyatah sri-Dêhanaga"dévyám=
atpannaḥ paramavaishna8 vô mahårája-bri-Bhojadevas-tasya bhratá srt-Ma'hêndra påladdra-puttrag=tayôh-påd
anadhyâtah sri-Ma9 hidevi"dévyâm=utpannaḥ paramadityabhakt8 maharaja-sri-Vinayakapaladevah 11"
Pratishtha. 10 na-bhuktau Varanasi-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Kafipara-pathaka-prativa(ba)ddha-Tikka
rikågråma-sa11 mapagatån=sarvvândva yathåsthåna-niyuktån=prativasinag=cha samajñApayati | Uparili12 khita-grâmas=sarvv-Aya-samêta &-chandr-arkka-kshiti-kalam=parvvadatta-dávavra(bra)
hmadêya-varjji13 tA(+8) mayâ pittroh puny-abhivsiddhaye Darvbhi(rbbhi) sagottra Atharvva's
vra(bra)hmachâri-bhatta-Bhullákâya 14 shashtyâm Gangâyå[m] snätvå pratigrahêņa pratipadita iti" viditvå bhavadbhise
Bamanumanta15 vyaḥ prativasibhir apyrajñaśravaņa-vidhèyè (yai)r=bbhůtvå sarvv.dya asya samapaneyi
iti (1) 16 Śri. Harshêņa prayuktasya sasanasya sthir-ayatéh 11 17
Samvataró" 100 80 8 Phålguna va(ba) di 9 nira(ba)ddham 11
A PASSAGE IN THE JAIN HARIVAMSA RELATING TO THE GUPTAS.
BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A.; MIRAJ. In the Jain Harivansa, a work which is not | fact that it gives the precise date of its compoto be confounded with the Brahmaṇical Purana sition; thus, in the colophon the author says, of the same name, I have lately come across शाकेष्वब्दशतेषु सप्तस दिशं पंचोत्तरेषुत्तररा) an interesting passage purporting to bear on पातीबाबुधनान्ति(नि) कृष्णनृपजे श्रीवल्लभे दक्षिणां। the Gupta era. I do not wish, however, to | पूर्वा श्रीमस्वसिन्तिभूभृति नृपे वत्सादिराने(जे) परां make this passage the basis of any speculation; terAt # ) f(fa) 11 51 I place it before the reader, simply for what it कल्याण: परिवर्द्धमानविपुलश्रीवर्द्धमाने पुरे may be worth. To do justice to the Jain श्रीपाश्चलियनबराजवसती पयामशेषःपुरा। writer, I must say that this work has a decided पश्चादोस्तटिका'प्रजाप्रजनितपाज्याप्रमावर्धने advantage over other Indian Purdņas, in the gia uifer alfa a
11 52
15 R. Mitra read Vanya in both text and translation. 1. Read paramabha.
1 B. Mitra road bhata correctly in the text, but oonverted it into bhatta in the tranalation.
18 See page 112 above, note 46. 11 B. Mitra read the text correctly, but gave the name Kadappd in the translation. 15 and Read paramabha. • R. Mitra read ndld in both text and translation.
* This ma was at first omitted, and then inserted below the line.
* In line o of the seal, this akshara is written, as is optionally allowable in composition for a proper name, with the short vowel i.
* This mark of panotustion is unnecessary. 1. Read sagottr-Atharuvs. * This mark of panotuation is unnecessary.
# Motre, sloka (Anushţubh); the verse oongista, however, of only one pada.
* Read samvatsard, for samvatsaranam.-R. Mitra, apparently treating the numerical symbols as decimal figures, read the date sambatearán 65 bhds-Phulgte ta di 6, the sixth day of the dark half of the moon, in the solar month of Phelgina, in the year 65." F. E. Hall did not offer any interpretation of them.
Another reading, noticed by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, is पश्चादास्ताटकी.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
खुत्वष्टापरसंघसंततिवृहत् पुबाट संघान(न्य)ये प्राम: श्रीजिनसेनसूरिकविना लाभाय बोधे[] पुनः। दृष्टोव हरिवंशपुण्यचरितः श्रीपार्वतः सर्वतो carret( ger [] Feuce: Frer-g(et) Foreet NII 53 (Verse 51) "In śAka seven hundred and five ;-when Indrayudha was ruling over the North ;-when þrivallabh a, the son of king Krishna, was governing the South ;when king Vatsar á ja,' the glorious ruler of Avanti, was ruling over the East ;-(and) while the victorious (and) brave Varaha was governing the West, the kingdom of the Sauryas ;-(52) In the town of Vardha manapura, whose great prosperity was increasing on account of auspicious things, -in the basti, erected) by king Nanna, which was the abode of the glorious Påráva nátha,--this (history of the) lineage of the Haris was formerly finished; and it was afterwards well-composed in the quiet temple of Santi(nåtha), when Jina was offered ample worship on a large scale by the people of Ostaţika(?) (53). This sacred history of the lineage of the Haris was composed again, for the attainment of supreme wisdom, by the glorious and learned poet Jinasena, who obtained eminence in the line of the great Pannata-sangha which has abandoned all other sanghas. May this work, by the grace of Paráva, pervade the regions in all directions, and endure steadily for a long time on the earth!"
The passage relating to the Guptas is in chap. Ix. and runs thus, - ataria
(2) लोकेतितो राजा प्रजानां प्रतिपालकः॥ 83 पटिर्वर्षाणि ताज्यं ततो विषयभूभुजां। शतं च पंचपंचाशद्वर्षाणि तदुदीरितं ॥ 84
चत्वारिंशन्मुरु(6)डा(डा)नां भूमंडलमखंडितं ।
y gor fer T(AT) 11 85 (T) TETTATOTT(ET) (TTT)
: qutus azi paru( 86 भबाणस्य तद्राज्यं गुमानां च शतत्यम् । एकत्रिंशच वर्षाणि कालविबिरुदाहृतम् ।। 87 द्विचत्वारिंशदेवातः कल्किराजस्य राजता । ततोजितंजयो राजा स्यादिंद्रपुरसंस्थितः। 68 (Verse 83.)-" And at the time of the nirvana of Vira,' king Palaka, the son of the king of) Avanti, (and) the protector of the people, sball be crowned here on earth. - (84) His reign (shall last) sixty years. Then, it is said, (the rule) of the kings of the country' (shall endure) for a hundred and fifty-five years. - (85) Then the earth shall be the) undivided (possession) of the Murundas,' for forty years; and, for thirty, of the Push pa mitras,' and, for sixty, of Vasumitra and Agnimitra. - (86 and 87) (Then there shall be the rule) of the " Ass-kings" for a hundred years. Next (the rule) of Nara vâ hana for forty (years). After (these two, the sway) of BhatubAna" (shall last) two hundred and forty (years); and the illustrions rule of the Guptas shall endure two hundred and thirty-one years. This is declared by chronologists. - (89) After this, the bovereignty of Kalkir Aja (shall last) just fortytwo years; and then king Ajitamja ya shall establish himself at Indrapura."13
The following table gives the gist of the above passage - The year of Palaka's - The year of Maha
coronation S v ira's nirvana. Palaka
ruled 60 years. Vishaya-bhaibh ujaḥ , 150 Morondas Pashpamitras
30
12
* Read Trago.
→ [Perhaps the RAshtrakata king Govinda II., the son of Krishna 1.-J. F. F.)
. lit. "who had (the name of rajan with tatsa at the beginning."
• This king Nanna in alluded to in 11. 9-10 of a Rashtrakůta inscription published by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. for 1893) :
लक्ष्मीसनाथवपुरजसुचक्रपाणिनिर्वाच्यविकमनिबद्धबलिः क्षितीशः। गोविंददेव इव नत्रभुजंगदों
गोविंदराज इति तस्य सुतो बभूव ।। • See note 1 above. sc. Mahåvira.
• Vishaya-bhabhujal may perhaps mean 'native rulers,' as distinguished from foreign conquerors.
Vatsaraja, the lover of Vase vadatta, was a Maranda :
तीक्ष्णस्यारेस्स किल कलहे युद्धशौंडो मुरुंडः प्रयोतस्य प्रियदुहितर वत्सराजोत्र जहे
Pirsulbhyudaya. 10 The original, being in Nagart characters, doen not show for certain whether we should read Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra.
"Bhattubipa, though used in the singular, must be the name of a dynasty, not of an individual sovereign. » Ajitamjaya was the son of Kalkiraja :T: 7 fara frare: 11
Uttarapurina. Indrapura on very easily be identified with the modern town of Inddr or Indor in Central India.

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MAY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
143
240
Vasumitra and
porary with himself (Saka-Samvat 705; A.D. ruled
years. Agnimitra
783-84), and gives no hint whatever as to the The Ass-kings" - 100
interval that had elapsed between Ajitamjaya Naravahana
and himself. And I have not been able to Bhattabâņa
obtain any other mention of this king AjitamGuptas
231
jaya, or of his father and predecessor Kalkiråja, Kalkirja
whose name, occurring elsewhere only as that Then Ajitamjaya began to rule.
of the tenth and future avatára of the god According to this account, the Guptas began !
Vishạo, is peculiarly suggestive of this part of to rale after the lapse of seven hundred and
the passage, at any rate, being purely imagitwenty years from the nirvana of Mahavira.
native. The date of this latter event has not as yet
Jinasena has hit off pretty accurately the been satisfactorily and finally settled; but the
duration of the Gupta power; for the latest majority of Orientalists accept B.C. 527-26.
inscriptiordated in the Gupta era, which If we reckon from this date we arrive at
specifically associates the era with the conA.D. 193-94 as the initial date of the Gupta
tinuation of the Gupta rule, is that recorded in rule, which then, according to this Purana,
the Khôh plates of the Parivråjaka Maharaja extended over a period of two hundred and
Samkshobha of the year two hundred and
nines (A.D. 528-29.) But the information thirty-one years.
given by him in the preceding lines, even if NOTE BY MR. FLEET.
right in respect of the succession of dynasties, In order to apply the above passage properly must be wrong as regards the duration of each for chronological purposes," we ought to know of them. For, calculating backwards from what date Jinasena assigns to Ajitamjaya, the A.D. 319-20, the known commencement of the last of the kings mentioned by him, and then the Gupta era, the result, according to Jinacalculate backwards from that date, instead of sêna, for the nirvana of Mahavira, is B. C. forwards from the time of the nirvana of 401-400, later by a century and a quarter than Mahåvira. Mr. Pathak, however, tells me that the generally accepted date referred to by Mr: Jinasêna does not make Ajitamjaya contem. | Pathak above.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX, COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 116.) Hope,-Nědêzhdi, (M.)
HORSE-DEALER, -Gry-engro, (Eng.) HORN,-Shing, (Tch.); shingh, (Psp. M.); shặng, HORBE, A KICKING-Del-engro, (Eng.) (M.); shing, (M. 8)
HORSE-KEEPER,-Herdelezhtu, (M.) HORNED.-Shingalô, (Tch.)
HORSE-RACING, -Gry-nashing, (Eng.) HOBNY,-Shinghêsgoro, (Tch.)
HORSE, A GRBY,-Parnô, (.) HORSE,-Grestur, gristur, gry, (Eng.); gras, HORSE-SHOE, -Petul, (Eng.); nalchas, pètalo, grastê, (Span. Gip.); daväri, grast, gras,
(Tch.); nal agöri, (As. Tch.); såster, gra, (dim.) grastoro, grai, (Tch.); gråst,
sastri, sastri (M.); petalo, (M. 8) (Psp. M.); agori, agora, (Ag. Tch.); grast, HORBE-SHOE, maker of-Petul-mengro, (Eng) (M.); gara, grast, (M. 7)
HORSE-STEALING,-Gry-choring. (Eng.) Horse, draught,-- Telegre, (M.)
Hose,-Kholov, (M. 7) HORSE, of or belonging to,-Grastano, grastês. Host,- Gazhô, gazha, (M.) koro, (Tch.)
HOSTE88,- Gazhi, (M.) 1. This passage has also to be compared with the Samvat, ap to A.D. 1264 (ante, Vol. XI. p. 241.) And extract, commencing with PAlaka, from the PrAkrit one of the Kathi&wAd inscriptions, vix, the Morbt plate GAthda, given by Dr. Bühler, ante, Vol. II. p. 362 f.
of A.D. 804, actually associates the name of the Guptas 15 Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 15. The expression with the era, if in line 17 (ante, Vol. II. p. 258), where is Nav-åttare-bda-sata dvay Gupta n ipa-rdjya-bhulau there is obviously an error of some kind or another, frimati pravardhamana-vijaya-rdjye Mah.vayuja. gopt is a mistake for gaupte. But the instance viven sariuvatear! &c.-We have very much later dates in the above is the latest one in which the duration of the ers; e.g. in Népal, without any name being allotted to Gupta sovereignty is connected with the era. it, up to A.D. 854 (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 345, inscription 1 16 ante, Vol. XIV. p. 342, note 1. P.) and in Kethiswd, under the name of the Valabht

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144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
9)
Hot - Tatto, (Eng.); tablo, tatto, (Tch.); tattêi,
(As. Tch.) HOUR, -Ora, yora, (Eng); ora, (Tch.); chas, (M.) House, -Ken, keir, ker, (Eng.); kher, kfer, her,
ker, (dim.) keroro, (loc.) kerê, (Tch.); guri, gur (As. Tch.); ker, (Pep. M.); khěr,
(dim.) khororo, (M.); kher, (M. 7) HOUSE OF A JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, -Pokiniskoe
ker, (Eng.) HOUSE-BREAKING, -Keir poggring, (Eng.) HOUSEMAID, -Keir-rakli, (Eng.); pokoyova, poko
yôvě, (M.) How,-Sar, sau, (Eng.); sar, (Tch.); sar, (M.);
ani, (M. 7) HOW MANY P Kebôr, (Pep. M.); sôden, sodën, HOW LONGPS sode, sodi, sade, (M.) How MUCH-Sau kisi, kisi, (Eng.); quichi,
(Span. Gip.); abôr, kebôr, kett, (Tch.); ket!, (Psp. M.); sôden, sodên, sode, sodi,
adde, (M.); kazom, keti, (M. 7) HULK FOR CONVICT8,-Berro, bêro, (Eng.); bero,
(Span. Gip.) HUMAN.-Lachighiðskoro, (Tch.) HUMANITY,-Manuship, (Tch.) HUMBLE,Kharnd, siknd, (Tch); ķharno, (M. 7),
sikno, (M. 8) HUMBLH ONESELF, to,-Khârniováva, (Tch.) HUMBLY ONESELF, to cause to,-Kharniarkva i
(Tch.) HUMILITY,-Kharnipë, (Tch.) HUMP,-Khôchika, (Tch.) HUNDRED,Shel, shil, shevál (Tch.); shil, shel,
(Pep. M.); shol, (M.); shel, (M. 8) HUNDREDWEIGHT, --Cégnari, (M.) HUNG,-Nashado, nashko, nasho, (Eng.) HUNGER,Bokh, (M., M. 8) HUNGRY,Bokkalo, buklo, (Eng.); buklo tan,
(Hun. Gip.); bokhaló, (M.) HUNGRY, to be,BokAliováva, (Psp. M); bokha
l'ováva, (M.) HUNT,-Pol'uvâne, věnât, (M.) Hunt, to-Palladava, (Tch.) HURLER, -Wusto-mengro, (Eng.) Hunt, to-Dokava, dukôra, (Eng.); musaráva,
(M., M. 8) HUSBAND-Rom, rommado, (Eng); rom, (M.) Hur-Kólyba, (Tch.) koliba, (M.) Hut, little,-Kolibaco, (M.) Hut, of or belonging to,-Kolybôngoro, (Tch.)
I XYBELJ,-Mi kokoro, (Eng.) ICE, -Buzia, (Tch.) IDIOTIC, --Levavdô, (Tch.) 11.-I8, (Eng.); te, (Tch., M. 8) IF IT WAS, -Sas, (Eng.) IGNORANT,-Yogmas, (Tch.) IMAGE,-Dikkipen, (Eng.) IMMEDIATELY,-Endată, ondata, (M.) IMMER82, to, -Bolava, (Tch., M. 7) IXMORTAL -Vimulo, (M.) IMPLEMENT OF IRON, -Chinkerdo, (Tch.) IMPOSSIBLE, -N&etis, (Eng.) IMPRECATION,-Arman, armania, (Tch.) IMPRISONED, -Pandlo, stardo, (Eng.) IN,-Inna, inner, drey, ando, (Eng.) IN NO MANNER, -Asarlas, (Eng.) IN THAT MANNER, -Dov-odoyakoenos, (Eng.) IN THIS MANNER,-Kavokoiskoences, (Eng.) INCREASE,Bariováva, (Pap. M.) INDEBTED.-Pazorrhus, (Eng.) INTANT,-Tiknô, (Pap. M.) INHABIT, to, -Lodava, (Tch.); boubava, (Pap. M.) INJURY,-Kushipê, (Tch.) INJUSTICE,- Band'imas, (M.) INSIDE, -Andrál, (M.) INN,-Kitchema,(Eng.); traktörna, traktérne, (M.) INN-KEEPER, -Hanlo, kitchema-mengro, (Eng.);
england, (Span. Gip.); cf. LANDLORD. INQUIRE, to-Pucháva,(Eng.); pucháva, pacháva,
(Tch) INSECT, -Pishen, (Eng.) INSIDER-Wendror, (Eng.) INSTRUMENT OY MUSIC,-Sazi, (Tch.) INSULT, to,-Kush&va, (Teh., M. 7) INTELLIGENCE, --Goti, godt, gudt, (Tch.) INTELLIGENT -Godialô, godi&vêr, godiakoro,
. (Tch,) INTO,-Adrey, (Eng.) INTOXICATED, -Matto, (Eng.); matto, matts
måmini, matto gargashi, matto koro, matticano, (Tch.); zerkoshi, (As. Tch.);
mato, mat'Arno, (M.) INVALID,-Naisváli, (Psp. M.) IRABCEBLE, -Jungklo, (Tch.) IRON,--Saster, (Eng.); shastfr, sastfr, slatêr, santri,
(Tch.); lui, (As. Tch.); shastir, shastri, (Pep. M.); sster, sastri, sdetri, (M.);
shastir, (M. 8) IRON, of or belonging to,--Sasturno, (Toh.); -
truno, (M.) IRONMONGER, --Saster-mengro, (Eng.) Is, Se, (Eng.) IT, -Lou, li, i, (Eng.) IT IS POSSIBLE.-Astis, (Eng.) ITex,-Eange, (Enys ghel, gher. (Toh.); khanitri,
(As. Toh.); ghér, (Pep. M ); ger, (M. 7) ITCFT,–Gheralo, (Pap. M.)
I
1,-Mi, man, (Eng.); me, (Tch.); me, mi, (M.);
me, (M. 8) I ALONE,-Mi kokoro, (Eng.) I AND, -Møya, (Tch.)

Page #177

MAY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
145
KI88, to-Chamáva, (Eng.); chumider, (Toh.,
Pep. M., M.) KITE,-Změu, zmiy, (M.) KITCHEN-UTENSILS,-KhArkoma, (Tch.); ķhar.
koma, (M. 7) KITTEN,-Měcěshôra, mecěshoarē, (M.) KNEAD, to,-Uehleráva, (Tch.) KNEE,-Chong,(pl.) chongor, (Eng.); koch, chidini,
(Tch.); kôch, (Pep. M.); cbang, (M.);
koch, (M. 7) KNITE,-Churi, (Eng.); chorf, churt, chindall,
kupidi, (Tch.); churi, (Pep. M., M. 7):
shurt, (M.) KNITE-GRINDER -Churi-mengro, (Eng.) KNIT, to,-Kaváva, khuviva, (Tch.); khuviva,
(M. 7)
KNOB, KNOT, -Kochak, (M. 7) KNOCK DOWN, to,-Pashlik keráva, (Tch.) Know, to, - Jinkva, (Eng.), pinjaráva, pincharave.
jandva, (Tch.); (pres. 1) janêmi, (As.) Tch.); zhandva, (M.); jangva, (M. 7);
prinjanava (M. 8) KNOWN, to be,-Pinjárghiováva, (Tch.) KNOWING-FELLOW, &-Jinney-mengro, (Eng.) KNOWLEDGE --Jinnepen, (Eng.); vēste, (M.) KREUZER, (a coin)-Griycår, (M.)
JEST,-Figl'uri, (M.) Jew,- Jut, (dim.) jutoró, (Tch.); jut, (Pep. M.,
M. 7); zhidovu, zidos, (M.) JEWEL-Minriclo, (Tch.) JEWELLERY,-Rupuibe, (Tch.) JEWEBB, -Zhidóñka, (M.) JEWI8H.-Jutno, (Tch.) JOIN ONESELT, to,-nt'egosard'ováva, (M.) JOINED,-Ent'egomt, entegomi, (M.) Joke, to-Shoguisaráva, (M.) JOURNEY, to,-Jalâva, (Eng.) Joy,--Loshanibê, (Tch.) Joyous,-Loshano, loshanutně, (Toh.); loghano,
(M. 8) Jorous, to be.---Loshániováva, (Tch.) JUDGE.--Borobeshemeskeguero, (Eng.) JUMP, to,-Hoktáva, (Eng.) Just 80,--Huey, (As. Tch.) JUSTICE,-Chechepi, chechipi, chechimas, kanónu,
zhudekata, (M.) JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, -Poknies, (Eng.)
к KEEP, to-Garáva, (M.) KEEP UP, to,-Atch&va opre, (Eng.) KERCHIEY,-Diklo, (M.) KERNEL,-Shiru, (M.) KETTLE,-Kekkauvi, (Eng.); kakkari, kakkavi,
(Tch.); kakavi, kakavi, (M., M. 7). KETTLE-IRON, -Kekkauviskey saster, (Eng.) KEY,-Klism, klisn, (Eng.); kilidt, klidt, (Tch.); .
jup, (As. Toh.); key, (M.); klidi, kulcho,
(M. 7). KEYHOLE, -Klism-hev, (Eng.) KICE,-Lakhki, lakhtf, (Toh., M. 8) Kick, to,-Lakhkt dåva, lakht dáva, (Tch.); laht
dåva, (Pep. M.) KID LEATHER,-Khel, (As. Tch.) KILL, to-Morava, moráva, (Eng.); chinava,
(Tch.); mudaráva, (M.) KILLED,--Moreno, (Eng.) KIND, (subst.) Shihi, shihi, (Toh.) KINDLE, to,-Tarita, (Tch.); phabarkva, (M.);
thardva, (M. 8) KINDXE88,-Lachipe, (Toh.) KING,-Krallis, (Eng.); dakar, dakhår, takar,
takhir, taghar, krális, (Toh.); tahlar, taakar, (Pap. M.); kirayi, kriyu, krul'u,
králu, (M.); dakar, kralis, (M. 7) KING's Box,-Krulevich, (M.) KINGDOM,-Dakaribe, (Tch.); ěmpěršote, ompar.
aciya, omparaofye, ěmpěrěolye, (M.) K188,-Chamis, (Eng.); chupendi, (Span. Gip.);
cham, chumf, chumidibé, (Tch.); mutis, (As. Tch.); chumi, ch&m(Pop. M.); chumb, (M. 7)
LABOUR,-Kairipen, (Eng.) LABOUR, to-But'aráva, (M.) LAOB,-Dori, (Eng.); shndru, (M.) LACERATE, to,-Flekuisarkva, (M.) LACKEY,--L'Okay, l'okay, l'ok'&yi, l'okayi, l'okayu,
l'Okayos, (M.) IR LAD,-Chal, mushipen, raklo, (Eng.); murah,
mrush, (dim.) murshorô, raklo, (Toh.) :
murah, (M. 8) LADLE, -Polontku, (M.) LAKE, Y&zo, yazu, (M.) LADY,-Aranya, rawnie, araunya, (Eng.); aranye,
(Hun. Gip.); rinni, khulanf, (Tch.); ray,
stăpănă, (M.) LADY young, T'ira, (M.) LAMB,-Bakrorð, bakrichô, (Tch.); bakrishô, (M.) LAWB, of or belonging to-Bakrichano, (Tch.) LAME,-Lang, lango, (Eng.); panko, pangô, (Pap.
M.); lang, (M., M. 8) LAME, to,-Pangherava, (Pap. M.) LAXP,-Likhnåri, fangri, fenghiardo, (Tch.) LANCER8,-Bustikkoro, (Tch.) LAND,-Cěnátu, o nato, t'em, (M.) LANDLORD,-Hanlo, (Eng.); gazda, gazho, gazhd,
gospodar, (M.); se INNKEEPER. LANGUAGE, Sbora, sboros, (Tch.) LANTERN, -Mamli-mengro, (Eng.); diklo, (Toh.) LAP,-Pust't, poset't, (M.)

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LARGE, Baro, (comp.) baredêr, (Tch.); adică, adica, (M.); baro, (M. 7) LAST,-Palalunô, palalutnô, (Tch.) LAUGH, to,-Salava, (Eng.); asava, (Tch., Psp. M., M., M. 7); khastiri, khesti, (As. Tch.) LAUGH, Asaibê, (Tch.) LAUGH AT, to,-Khokhavâva, (Tch., M. 7) LAWYER,-Rokrenguero, (Eng.) LAY, to,-Shuvava, (M.) LAY DOWN, to,-Továva, påshliovâva, (Tch.); thoâva, (M.); thováva, (M. 8) LAY DOWN, to cause to,-Pashleråva, (Tch.) LAY, to (eggs),-Bilva, (Tch.); kerava, karava, (M.)
LEAD, Archich, plúmbu, plumb, (M.); moliu, (M. 8)
LEAD, to,-Anâva, (Tch ); ongĕrâva, (M.) LEAF,-Pattin, (pl.) pattinor, (Eng.); patia, (Span. Gip.); patrin, patr, pati, patri, fillo, (Tch.); chilo, (As. Tch.); patrin, (Pap. M.,. M.); patr, (M. 8)
LEAP, to,-Hoktáva, (Eng.); dukhkiva, (Tch.); dekhviti, dekhavti, (As. Tch.)
LEAPER,-Hokta-mengro, (Eng.)
LEARN to,-Shikliovâva, (Pap. M.); set'ovâva, (M.) LEARNING, Sherro's kairipen, (Eng.) LEAST, at,-Makar, měkår, (M.) LEATHER,-Cham, (Eng.); morti, perchâs, (Tch.); meshin, mezin, (As. Tch.); morti, (Psp. M., M. 8); cipa, (M. 7)
LEAVE, to,-Mekâva, (Eng.); mukava, mukhava, (Toh.); mekáva, shudâva, (M.); mukava, (M. 8)
LEAVE BEHIND to,-Mekâva, (M.) LEECH, Pivavicha, (Tch.) LEEK,-Purrum, purrun, (Eng.) LEFT,-Bango, (Eng.); stengo, (M.); styng, zervo,
(M. 8)
LEG,-(pl.) Heres, heris, (Eng.); jerias, (Span. Gip.) chang, chank, Tch.)
LEGs, one who has,-Changunô, (Tch.). LEND, to,-Emprumutiâva, omprumutisar&va, (M.) LENGTH, Duripê, (Tch.); lungo, (M.) LET,-Mekâva, (Eng.)
LET DOWN, to,-Hularâva, (M.) LET Go, to,-Mekâva, (M.)
LETTER, Lil, china-mengri, (Eng.); lil, (M., M. 8) LIAR,-Hoffeno, huffeno, (Eng.); khokhavnô, khokhamnô, khokhannô, (Tch.); elketri, (As. Tch.); khokhamnô, (M.) LICK, to,-Charåva, (Tch. M., M. 7) LICKS HIS LIPS, one who,-Chardicanê-vustêngoro, (Toh.)
[Mar, 1886.
LIE DOWN, to,-Sovêva tuley, (Eng.) LIFE,-Merripen, mestipen, jibben, (Eng.); jibê, (Teh.); mejende, (As. Tch.)
LIFT UP, to,-Lazdava, (Tch.); (imperat. 2) lishdê, (As. Tch.); musarâva, vazdáva, (M.) LIFT ONESELF UP, to,-Pornisard'ováva, (M.) LIGATURE, Bandipê, banloipê, (Tch.) LIGHT (adj.)-Loko, (comp.) lokodêr, (Tch.); lokô, (Pap. M., M.8); linu, (M.) LIGHT, a,-Dudê, (Eng.); mumeli, (M.) LIGHT, to,-Alavava, tarâva, (Tch.); yak lekáva, (As. Tch.); sfinciâva, (M.); tharava, (M.) LIGHT A FIRE, to,-Hatchâva, (Eng.) LIGHTNESS,-Lokipê, (Tch.) LIGHTNING, Malano, maloney, (Eng.) LIKE, (adv.)-An, ani, in, enf, (Tch.); varf, (As. Tch.)
LIE-Hokkano, (Eng.); khokamnibê, khokhaimbê, (Tch.); elki, (As. Tch.); khobaimpé, (Pap. M.)
LIE, to,-Hokkáva, (Eng.)
LIKE, to,-Kamâva, (M.) LIKEWISE, Asâ, asau, (Eng.)
LINDEN-TREE, Tey, t'êyu, kyêyu, (M.)
LINEN, Pokhtan, (Tch.); yismata, (Pap. M.); pokhtan, (M. 8)
LINEN-MAKER, or seller,-Pokhtanêskoro, (Tch.) LINGUIST,-Lav-engro, (Eng.)
LINK, ZAves, (Tch.)
LIP, Vusht, vust, vush, usht, (Tch.); osht, (As. Tch.); vast, (Psp. M.); (pl.) usht, (M.); vusht, (M. 8)
LIP, (dim.)-Vustorô, (Tch.)
LITTLE,-Beti, tawno, tawnie, tikno, (Eng.);
chinoro, (Span. Gip.); khurdo, (dim.) khurdorô, (comp.) khurdedêr, tikno, (comp.) tiknedêr, (Tch.); khandi, (Psp. M.); cognô, cononô, cenunt, conônu, khurdo, (M.); khurdo, (M. 7); tikno, (M. 8)
LITTLE, a,-Cěra, cerâ, cerě, (M.)
LIVE, to,-jibava, (Eng.); jivåva, (Tch., Pap. M.; M. 7); beshava, (M.) LIVED, to have,-Jivghiovava, (Tch.) LIVELIHOOD, Jibben, mestipen, (Eng.) LIVER,-Bako, bukka, (Eng.); vendery, (M. 8) LIVER COMPLAINT,-Bukka, naflipen, (Eng.) LIVING, (adj.)-Zhudô, (M.)
LIVING, (sub.)-Mestipen, (Eng.); mestipen, bestipen (Span. Gip.)
LIZARD, Kholistrava, (Tch.) LOAD, Behri, (As. Tch.)
LOAD, to,-Ladaváva, (Tch., M.); shuviva, (M.) LOAD A PISTOL, to,-Maráva, (M.) LOADED, to be,-Lad&vghiováva, (Tch.) LOAM,-Chik, (M.)
Lock,-Klism-engri, (Eng.)
LOCUST-BEAN, Shengûri, (Tch.) LOG,-Kasht, (M.)
LONDON,-Boro-gav, Lundra, (Eng.) LONG, Dugo, (M. 7)

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LONGING, Duru, (M.) Loox, to,-Dikava, (Eng.); akushâva, rodáva, (M.) LORD,-Raia, rye, (Eng.); khulâi, râi, (Tch.); ray, rayu, stěěn, stěpěnu, (dim.) rayorô, (M) LORD, of or belonging to,-Khulanô, (Tch.); rayikanů, (M.)
MISCELLANEA.
LOSE, to,-Nashâva, (Eng.); najabar, (Span. Gip.); nashavâva, nashâv kerava, (Tch.) nashavâva, (Pap. M.); khasarâva, (M. M. 7)
Loss,-Ziyan, (M. 8)
LOST,-Nashado, (Eng.)
LOST, to be,-Nashâvghiovava, (Tch.) LOUSE,-Ju, (pl.) javior, (Eng.); juv, (Tch., Psp., M., M. 7), Cf. NIT.
LOUSY, Juvalo, (Eng.); juvalô, (Tch.). LOUSY, to become,-Juvâlioviva, (Tch.) LOVE, Dukaibê, dukanibê, (Tch.); manghishê, (As. Tch.); drag, (M.)
LOVE to, Kamava, kamellôva, kamova, (Eng.); dukâva, (Tch.); kamâva, (M.) LOVE ONE ANOTHER, to,-Endragostisard'ovava, (M.) LOVE-AFFAIR,-Dragoste, (M.) LOVELY,-Linu, (M.)
LOVER, a,-Kamo-mescro, (Eng.); dukanô, châino, (Tch.); piramnô, (f) piramnt, (M.) Low, Sikno, (Tch., M. 8); büna, bünoz, (As. Tch.) LOWER, to,-Téliovava, (Tch.); mekâva, (M.)
THE VIJAYANAGARA GENEALOGY. In the course of certain correspondence with a literary opponent, Dr. G. Oppert' has referred to my two papers on the Karnata dynasty; and,though condescendingly admitting that my reprint of the two grants "is on the whole pretty correct," adds that "Dr. Hultzsch, being led astray by foregone conclusions, perhaps also misled by the repeated re-occurrence of a similar succession of names, committed himself to a series of blunders."
Epilogue to Ne Sutor Ultra Crepidam, p. 78. ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 125, 153.
The accusation directed against me by Dr. Oppert recoils on himself. The names printed in italics in his genealogical table, are mere repetitions of persons previously named. A grant of Ranga III. and five grants of Venkata II., ink. impressions of which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Burgess, are identical with the two published grants down to Tirumala III., the father of the two donors. As the dates of these six grants range between Saka 1497 and 1535, Pedavenkata, whose grant is dated in Saka 1558, cannot have belonged to the fourth generation after Ranga III.
LUCK,-Bokht, mestipen, (Eng.); mestipen, bestipen, (Span. Gip.); bakht, (Tch.) LULLABY, Suttur-gillie, (Eng.) LUMP,-Boc, (M.) LUTE,-Lauta, (Tch.)
LYING down,-pashlo, (Tch., M. 8) M
147
MISCELLANEA.
MAD, Diviou, (Eng.); denilô, dinilô, dilinô, (Tch.); lùvali, (As. Tch.); hegedüsh, (M.) divio, (M. 7)
MAD, to become,-Deniliováva, (Tch.); d'il'ovava, (M.)
MADHOUSE, Diviou-ker, (Eng.) MAGAZINE,-Magazinu, magazěnu, (M.) MAGNATE,-Raia, rye, (Eng); khulai, râi, (Tch.) MAGPIE, Rokrenchericlo, kakkaratchi, (Eng.) karakâshka, kakaráshka, (Tch.) MAID-SERVANT,-Hargata, (M.); sluga, (M. 8) MAIDEN, Rakli, (M.)
MAINTAIN, to-Zabaviâva, (M.) MAIZE, Kukuruzo, kukurázu, kut'alô, (M.) MAJOR,-Mayoru, (M.)
MAKE, to-Kerava, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M., M. 7) gheråva, kěráva, karåva, thôava, (M.) MAKE, to cause to,-Kerghis kerava, (Tch.) MALE, Nêre, (As. Tch.) MALE-BIRD, Bosno, boshno, (Eng.) MALEDICTION,-Beddaa, (As. Tch.) MALICIOUS, Tippoty, (Eng.)
and Venkata II., which he did according to Dr. Oppert's table. The key to the difficulty is sup. plied by stanza 28 of the Kondyâta grant (= stanza 25 of the Kallakursi grant), which runs thus:wowtrait: showaught
कल्याणीवशालिनस्तनुभवा [:] पञ्च प्रपञ्चावने । रक्षा नीतिः समभवन्शीरापगाकामिनी गीर्वाणायभूरुहा इव बुधश्रेणीष्टदानोत्सुका ॥ "Formerly from the famous king Ramaraja, who resembled divine Råmabhadra in appearance, and who possessed prosperity and majesty, there sprang five sons, who were able to protect the world, who followed the path of policy, and who longed to grant the desires of the crowd of wise men, just as the (five) trees of paradise which had sprung) from the milk ocean."
The word parvam, formerly,' suggests that the genealógist refers to another Rama than Rama VI., viz. to Rama II.; and the correctness of this supposition is proved by two facts:
1. Venkatadri (styled Venkata I. by Dr. Oppert) is called the younger brother of
In order to avoid confusion, I adopt Dr. Oppert's numbers.
For particulars on these grants see t. c. p. 155.

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[MAY, 1886.
Pedavenkata's grandfather, in stanza 31 of the Kallakursi grant:
2. Dr. Oppert's table furnishes an additional proof, as it gives the names of the four brothers of Ranga II., to whom each of the two grants published by myself alludes.
In this manner the miraculous double string of similar names disappears. Dr. Oppert's Ranga VII. and his two sons Pedavenkata and Chinnavenkata are identical with Ranga II. and his two sons
Pedavenkata and Chinnavenkata (Pinavenkata in the grants); and Venkata V., his son Ranga VIII., and his grandson Gopala, with Venkata I. (Ven. katAdri in the granta), his son Ranga IV., and his grandson Gopala.
These corrections having been made, Dr. Oppert's table agrees, as far as I can control it, with my revised table of the Karnata dynasty."
E. HULTZSCA. Vienna, 12th March 1886.
BOOK NOTICES. JOURNAL OF THE BOMBAY BRANOR OF THE ROTALI "B.O. 150, the date now commonly accepted for ABLATIC SOCIETY, Vol. XVI. No. XLIII. 1885.
"Pataljali."--To this paper Dr. Peterson has Library. Townhall, London: Trubner and Co. attached A "Note on the date of Patafljali" pp. 161 to 880, xix. to xliii., and Index i. to v.
(p. 181ff.), with the object of showing that the Two full years elapsed between the issue of grammarian in question lived in the time of a king No. XLII., the first half of this volume, and the Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra, who was conquered isque, at the end of February of this year, of the by the Early Gupta king Skandagupta; 1. e., iu present Number which completes it. It is much accordance with Dr. Peterson's view of the epoch to be wished that the Secretary would follow the of the Gupta era (published by him in a subeequent example of the Royal and the Bengal Asiatic paper and noticed below), about the middle of Societies, and issue smaller parts at frequent the fifth century A.D. The question depends in intervale, thus providing for the more speedy the first place upon a grammatical example, given publication of the papers submitted to the Society, in his Mahdbhdshya by Patalijali, --iha Pushpainstead of keeping them locked up from the mitran ydjayamah, which indicates that Patati public for so long a time. It is also desirable jali lived in the time, and perhaps at the court, that the papers published in the Journal should of Pushpamitra. But, whatever may be shown invariably be headed by the dates on which they hereafter to be the real truth as to Patañjali's date, are read before, or submitted to, the Society. the rest of Dr. Peterson's argument, as to the In previous volumes, it has been the custom identity of this Pushpamitra, loses its validity, usually, though not quite always, to give this in consequence of the fact that the passage information; in the present Number, it has in the Bhitart inscription, on which he relies, is been uniformly omitted. The Index is meagre, -not samudita-bala-koshat.Pushyamitram cha and gives a very inadequate idea of the various jitud, as he gives it on Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's contents of the volume. It has been prepared, authority but samudita-bala-koshdn-Pwahya. however, in accordance with the custom for mitrdmacha jitud. Skandagupta conquered, not a previous volumes. The practical value of these particular king named Pushyamitra, but the tribe. volumes would be much enhanced by full and confederacy, or dynasty, of the Pushyamitras. detailed Indices. The Editor himself can hardly Art. XIII. & "Note on Bedardyana" (p. 194ff), be expected to do this work alone. But much by the Hon'ble K. T. Telang, is directed might be done in this direction by securing the against Professor Weber's inclination to identify co-operation of the scholars whose papers are this writer, the author of the Brahma-Stras, printed in the Journal ; each of them would with Suka, one of whose pupils was Gaudapáda, probably gladly assist by indexing his own con. the teacher of Govindanaths, who again was the tributions.
preceptor of SamkarachArya; on which identiAs to the contents of this Number -in the first fication Prof. Weber would refer Badardyans paper, Art. XII. "On tbe Auchityalankdra of conjecturally to between 400 and 500 A.D. Mr. Kshemendra" (p. 167 f.), Dr. Peterson draws Telang's opinion is that "the Brahma-Satras special attention to & verse, cited in the Mahu- "date back to a far remoter age than that which bhdshya, and now found to be quoted by Kehé. " Professor Weber assigns to them" me above; mêndra (A.D. 1050) and assigned by him to but he does not appear to be prepared at present "Kumaradana, an author whose date is not to suggest an absolute date for them and their
known, but who, from the specimens of his author. style available in the later anthologies, cannot," Art. XIV. "The date of Patañjali; A Reply Dr. Peterson contends, " be placed ao far back as to Professor Peterson" (p. 199 ff.), is a paper by
1. c. p. 156.

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BOOK NOTICES.
149
Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, who, in respect of the more special point relied on by Dr. Peterson, applies himself to showing that the Pushpamitra (or Pushyamitra) in whose reign Patañjali lived, must have been Pushpamitra the Sunga, of the second century B.C. In a footnote on p. 217, he points out that, on my reading of the passage in the Bhitari inscription, it refers to the Pushyamitras as a tribe, not to an individual king named Pushyamitra. He also quotes some other interesting historical allusions in the Mahabhashya, tending to support his and the late Dr. Goldstücker's) selection of the middle of the second century B.C. as the proper date of Patañjali.
Art xv. "Five Copper-Plate grants of the Western Chalukya Dynasty from the Karnal District" (p. 223ff.), is a paper by myself on four grants sent to me for examination by Mr. R. Sewell, M. a. s., and a fifth obtained otherwise. The paper is accompanied by lithographs of the plates, executed very successfully in the Survey of India Offices, Calcutta No. 1 is the revised text of the inscription dated in the first year of Adityavarman, a son of Pulik gáin II., which was originally published by me in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 668., and which brought Adityavar. man's name to notice for the first time. Nos. 2 and 3 are inscriptions of Vikramaditya I., another son of Pulikesin II., now published for the first time, and dated in respectively the third and the tenth years of his reign. The chief interest of these two inscriptions is, that they are undoubtedly genuine inscriptions of Vikramaditya I. and show that he reigned for at least ten years; and that, in connection with Adityavarman's grant, they shew that, in spite of the reverses which the Western Chalukyas appear to have suffered after the death of Palikesin II., the continuity of their rule was maintained over at any rate such portions of their dominions as lay in the Karnal direction. No. 4 purports to be another inscription, also now published for the first time, of Vikramaditya I., without date; it is possibly spurious. No. 5, from Togarchéļu, is the revised text of an inscription, previously published by me from somewhat imperfect materials in the Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 85ff., of Vinayaditya, the son of Vikramaditya I., dated when Saka-Samvat 611 had expired, and there. fore when Śaka-Samvat 612 (A.D. 690-91) was current, on the full-moon day of the month Karttika in the tenth year of his reign.
Art XVI.“ Wilson Lectureship: Develop. ment of Language and of Sanskrit" (p. 245ff.); Art. XVII.“ PAli and other Dialects of the Period" (p. 275ff.); and Art. XVIII. "Relations between Sanskrit, PAli, the Prakrits, and the
Modern Vernaculars" (p. 314ff.) by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, are Noe. I. II. and VII. of the Lectures delivered by him as the First Series of the University of Bombay Wilson Philological Lectures. A foot-note on page 245 tells us that they have, on Dr. Bhandarkar's offer, been printed in this volume in connection with the controversy as to the date of Patañjali. The conclusions at which Dr. Bhandarkar arrives, on lipguistic development and similar grounds, are that Påpini must be referred to about the eighth century B.C.; that Yåska must have flourished about the seventh or sixth century B.O.; that, as regarde Katyâyana, we may accept the popular tradition which refers him to the period of the Nandas, i.e. to about the first quarter of the fourth century B.O.; and that Patañjali lived in the middle of the second century B.C. As regards the languages, bis conclusions are—that the Middle Sanskrit, or the Sanskrit of Yaska and Panini, continued without any important corruption down to Yaska's time. " After his time, however, i.e. about the seventh "or sixth oentury, the elaboration of the PAli, or "Low Sanskrit as it might be called, began in a " decided manner; and the language continued "to be spoken up to the time of Patailjali." .... "The Prakrits must have begun to be formed "about that time, but they did not then attain "any distinctive character; and the vernacular “speech probably did not finally leave the PAli "stage till a very long time afterwards." ... "The growth of the specific Prakrits ... must "be referred to the early centuries of the Christian
"era." ... "About the sixth or seventh century, | the Apabhramba was developed in the country "where the Brajabhash& prevails in modern times."
... And finally-" The modern vernaculars "seem to have begun to assume a distinctive "character about the tenth century. In the "copper-plate inscription containing the name of "Bhaskaracharya, dated 1128 Saka or 1206 A.C., " which I once mentioned before, Marathf appears 4 in its specific character; and so also does Hindi "in the work of Chand, who flourished about the "same time."-Coupled with their own intrinsic value, the bearing of these Lectures (indirect though it is) on the Patañjali controversy, which is the subject of two of the preceding papers in this volume, may be accepted as sufficient reason for the printing of them in the Society's Journal on this occasion, as a special case. But it is to be hoped that this is not to become a precedent for the future publication of all the Wilson Lectures in this way. The present three Lectures, with the short Note attached to them (pp. 343ff) occupy one

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hundred and one pages out of the two hundred and twenty-three of which this Number consists. The funds of the Society, as far as they are expended on its Journal, are intended for the publication of papers read before the Society itself, and for the cost of plates to accompany them; not for the publication of outside papers and lectures, which ought to be otherwise provided for.-Dr. Bhandarkar's first Lecture is headed by the invocation Namaḥ Paramatmané,
Reverence to the Supreme Spirit!" This is quite out of place in an English Society's Journal; as also is the analogous Om! Ganééâya namah! "Om! Salutation to Gaṇeśa!" at the commencement of Count A. De Gubernatis' Sanskrit address, published at p. xxviii.ff. of this Number. In both instances, these excla. mations should have been cancelled by the Secretary in editing the volume.
In Art. XIX. "A Copper-plate Grant of the Traikaṭaka king Dahrasêna" (p. 346ff.), Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji gives an account, with text and translation, of a new and interesting inscription, now published for the first time, from some plates forwarded to the Society by Mr. J. G. White, Bo. C.S. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji considers that the king's name as given here, Dahrasena, is a corruption, or popular pronunciation, of 'Dharasêna.' The inscription is dated in the year 207 of some unspecified era, which he considers to belong to an era established by the Traikaṭakas, and commencing A.D. 249. He refers, in this connection, to Dr. Bird's Kanheri plate, as being dated specifically in the year 245 of the era of the Traikaṭakas. He also notices, in order to reject it on grounds which in themselves are scarcely sufficient, Dr. Bhandarkar's inclination to take this as the era of the Rashtrakutas (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 35f.) But, in order to prevent the possibility of any suggestion as to a Rashtrakuta era being thrown out again on the same grounds, he should have explained more fully why Dr. Bhandarkar is mistaken in this respect, and how the mistake arose. The original Kanheri plate has been lost sight of; and all that is now available for deciphering it, is the imperfect lithograph published by Dr. Bird. In re-editing this inscription in No. 10 of the separate publications of the Archaeological Survey of Western India, p. 57ff., Dr. Bhagwan. lal Indraji read Trikáṭakánám, with the remark "the tri in Bird's copy looks like stra; but the "upper part must be for the circle denoting i, "badly formed." Dr. Bhandarkar then accepted the reading of Strakúṭakandi, and took 'Strakata' as either an abbreviation of, or
[MAY, 1886.
a mislection for, Rashtrakuta; and hence arose his theory as to the Rashtrakuta era. It is perfectly plain, however, that Dr. Bird has only given a somewhat imperfect representation of ttrai, in which the t, followed by. r, is doubled (in accordance with an early custom of orthography), and that the correct reading of his plate was Tiraikuṭakánám.-Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's notice of a new inscription of so much interest should have been accompanied by a lithograph, for which the original plates afford very good materials.-In his text, he has twice (in lines 2 and 3 of the second plate) written the upadhmaniya, instead of the jihvdmúltya, before ka; the mistake, of course, is a self-evident one, but it is one that should not have occurred. In the translation, the words Buddhagupta-datakam-djnd certainly do not mean "to my Dátaka, Buddhagupta, these commands."The text of this inscription is printed according to a peculiar arrangement which sacrifices nearly a quarter of the space available for each line, in favour of the remark "Line 1 ends" and the entries below it, and yet leaves it a troublesome matter to find out where the lines do end! The only practical method of editing inscriptions for the necessary purposes of reference to the lines, and of finding without trouble in a lithograph any doubtful passage that requires comparison, is to place the numbers at the commencement of the lines, and to begin each line of the original with a fresh line in the printed version. In the Number under notice, this same objectless arrangement is followed also in Art. XX. by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji and in Art. XXIII. by Dr. Peterson, though not in Art. XXI., another inscription by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, in which the proper method of arranging the lines is followed. In respect of prose passages, there is nothing whatever to be said in favour of this arrangement. In respect of passages in verse, there is perhaps no particular objection to an editor arranging them according to the lines of the verses, if he thinks it looks nicer; but nothing is achieved thereby, except waste of space and inconvenience of reference; and, when that arrangement is adopted, a better method of marking the commencement of each line of the original must be devised than that used in this Number.
In Art. XX. "Transcript and Translation of the Bhitari Lât Inscription" (p. 349ff.), Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji gives his own reading of this inscription, with a translation of it, from his personal examination of the stone. This paper is accompanied by a lithograph, the cost of which might well have been saved. It gives a reduction of an "eye-copy" made by Dr. Bhagwanlal

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Indraji in 1869; i.e. it represente, not the original as it existe, but the original as Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji saw it and succeeded in tracing it, which is a totally different thing. Lithographs of this description are now quite out of date.--This version may be a slight im. provement on the last published, Dr. Bhau. Daji's (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 59ff.) But the general editing of the paper is careless to a degree, and destroys whatever value it might otherwise have possessed. Setting aside minor points, such as the omission to correct what may be assumed to be printer's errors; the nge of Lichchhivi in line 3 of the text, but, in the translation, Lichchhavi, without any com. ment on the variation ; &c. &c.,-the verses are treated in the most erratic manner. In the text, they are numbered down to verse 4; but the remaining eight are left unmarked. In the translation, they purport to be numbered down to verse 7; but 1 includes the whole of verse 1 and half of verse 2; 2 includes the second half of verse 2 and the whole of verse 3; 3 represents in reality verse 4; 4 representa verse 5; 5 represents verso 6; 6 represents verse 7; 7 re- presents verses 8, 9, and 10 ; and verses 11 and 12 are left unmarked. On p. 353 we have the curious remark:-"We learn from this inscription that his" (Samudragupta's) son and successor Chandrugupta the second was named Lichchha- viduhitri." This involves a slight impossibility, since Lichchhavi-duhitri means "the daughter of Liohobhavi." an epithet hardly applicable to Chandragupta II., or any other of the male sex ; and also a double mistake, inasmuch as what is really intended-Lichchhavi-dauhitra, "the daughter's son of Lichchhavi,"-is an epithet, not of Chandragupta II., but of his father Samudra. gupta. In connection with the Patasījali con troversy, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji enters into a variety of remarks, and, among them, quotes me, at secondhand, as having furnished Dr. Bhan. darkar with the reading Pushyam itrar grihítva in line 11. He proceeds to say "the whole line, "Bhandarkar adds, is, in Mr. Fleet's judgment, "capable of being read " What this mysterious sentence means, is not explained. But, as to his preceding remark, I have never adopted the reading of grihatod that he attributes to me, for the simple reason that, the vowel before tvd being unmistakably short, the word must be jitvd. Nor do I find it altogether certain that even Dr. Bhandarkar has attributed tha alleged reading to me What that gentleman says (p. 217. note 8) is "He reads you but instead of free there " is in his copy Tecar distinctly. But he says "the whole line is quite capable of being read
"araferner gouf ." The second sentence certainly seems to attribute grihftvd to me; but not so the first, the plain grammatical meaning of which is that Dr. Bhandarkar himself saw grihitud in the impression that I showed him; not that I read grihftvd to him. And this mean. ing is in accordance with his remark in the text of his paper, that he himself could read grihftvd in Dr. Bhau Daji's lithograph. This, however, is a matter that is not worth further discussion. The point that we were concerned with was the reading of the twelve aksharas before cha jitvi. Dr. Bhandarkar wished to test, in order to corroborate or disprove it, Dr. Bhau Daji's published reading of samudito-bala-kúšam=Pushyamitran grihitvd, and Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's proposed reading of samudita-bala-koshat, &c. I told him that the passage certainly did introduce the base Pushyamitra ; and that, though I was not prepared to give him then an absolutely final reading, I was inclined to prefer the accusative plural, Pushyamitrams=chu, with a preceding accusative plural in apposition with it, to the accusative singular, Pushyamitran-cha, with a preceding accusative singular, or with an abla. tive before it; and this is the point that he brings out in the second sentence quoted by me above from his footnote. This was in March or April 1885. Afterwards, in England, when work. ing again on this inscription, I made up my mind finally that the reading was two accusatives plural in apposition, samudita-bala-koshdn-Pshyamitrdmt=cha jitvd (the only possible doubt being whether we should read Pushyu or Pushpa); and I notified this to Dr. Bhandarkar some months ago, soon after seeing his "Reply to Professor Peterson.” I have entered into the point at some length here, because the passage really is one of some importance. I have to add that, before discussing the readings of others, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji should make sure that his own readings are correct. In his translation, he gives “having .....conquered Pushya. "mitra "; but, in his text, he gives the nominative case, Pushyamitras-cha jitvd, which, whatever it means, certainly has not the meaning of the translation. We might take this as a printer's error, overlooked by the author, for Pushyamitrañ=cha; but Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji repeats the same reading on p. 351, with a foot. note, and leaves no doubt about it by the emphatic remarks "the next sign is bcha," and "the ..... is quite distinct."- At the end of his paper, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji throws in his adherence to the theory of A.D. 819 me the commencement of the Gupta era. In connection with this, he quotes the years 98 and 129 as the

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earliest and latest dates for Kumäragupta. But we have the well-known Bilsad inscription of Kumaragapta, which is dated, in words, in the year 98 (Archæol. Sure. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 19, and Plate viii.); and General Cunningham quotes a coin of his which gives the date of 130 odd (id. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Plate V. No. 7.)
Art. XXI."An Insoription of Asokavalla." (p. 357 ff.), by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, gives his text and translation, with remarks, from an impression sent by General Cunningham. This is a Buddhist inscription of the twelfth century A.D., and is of interest as tending to support Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's previous suggestion (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 347) that the date of Buddha's nirvana, relied on in the Gaya inscription of the year 1813 from that event, is the Peguan date, B. O. 638.--Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji origi- nally read the name of the king as Asokachalla. He now corrects this into Agokavalla, and is probably right in doing so. But what is his authority for saying that the second part of the name, valla, is a contraction of vallabha P-His treatment of the details of the date, in line 12, is wrong. He reada Bhadra di 8 rd 29, and translates "the 8th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada, the 29th solar day." But there is nothing in the text, even as he gives it, to represent the
dark half " nor is it explained by him how rd comes to mean " the solar day." The real reading of the original is Bhadra-dind 29.
Art. XXII. "Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche," (p. 361 ff.), by Pandit Durga Prasada, gives, in a tabular form, the results of a careful examination, based on independent sources, of Professor Böhtlingk's collection of Sanskrit proverbs and lyrical pieces. The paper consists of emendations and brief notes which, judging from the two specimens to which particular attention is drawn on p. xxii., will be of considerable use to students of the original collection.
The concluding paper, Art. XXIII. " An in. scription from Kotah" (p. 378ff.), by Professor Peterson, gives his revised version of an inscription edited by Professor Kielhorn in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 162.-This paper is accompanied by a lithograph, which might as well have been omitted : apart from its peculiar colour, the details of it shew, either that the preparation of it was not properly supervised, or, more probably, that it reproduces a very indifferent impression. I am not at present in a position to say how far Dr. Peterson's rendering of the text is an improvement on Prof. Kielhorn's; but I notice that in the first line he follows a slip of Prof. Kielhornin writing the upadhmaintya, instead of the jihvdmúllya, before k; even his own
lithograph suffices to shew that the original has the jihvdmuliya, as of course might be er. pected, Svátadvip.dnukdrdl=kevachid, &c.-" This "inscription is dated in the 796th year of the "Lords of Málava," which corresponds, as Dr. Peterson tells us further on, to A.D. 740, since "it can be shewn that this era of the Lords of "Malwa is no other than that now known as the "Vikramaditya era." The proof is furnished by an inscription at Mandasôr, discovered under my direction, and incidentally mentioned first by Dr. Bhandarkar on p. 219, note 10, which gives for Kumiragupta the date of the year 494 of this era; or, according to the original," when four hundred and ninety-three years had elapsed by (the reckoning from the tribal constitution of the MAlavas." Dr. Peterson's proposed translation of this date (p. 381), is slightly different, - " when four-hundred and ninety-three years from the establishment (in the country P] of the tribes of the Malavas had passed away." He admite, however, that gana-sthiti, which I render by tribal constitution,' may have another meaning than that which he has suggested for it. And, in passing, in connection with the understanding of these MAlava dates, I would deprecate the translation of Malavesandm by the specific expression of the Lords of Malava" (Prof. Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 163; and Dr. Peterson, in the paper under notice, p. 380), or by " of the kings of MAlava" (Dr. Peterson, in his translation, p. 389). It is safer at present to use the legs binding expression of "the Malava lords ;" especially as an inscription at Gyárispur' or
Gyaraspur,' dated when the year 936 of the era had expired (Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 33f. and Plate xi.), uses the simple expression "MalavaKala," in commenting on which General Cunningham in 1880 recorded his opinion that this MAlava era must be the same as the era of Vikramiditya of Ujjain. Following Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in erroneously quoting Gupta-Samvat 98 and 129 as the earliest and latest known dates of Kumaragupta, Dr. Peterson proceeds—" What is the era in the " 494th year of which Kumaragupta was "ruling the wide earth? This is a question to which "I take it there can be but one answer. It is the "era now known as that of Vikramaditya. This "can perhaps be most effectively demonstrated "by beginning at the end, and assuming for the "sake of argument what I desire to prove. "Kumaragupta, then, let us take it, was reigning "in the year 49.1 of the Malava era, that is, of the " Vikramiditya era, that is, in the year AD. 438. "Kumaragupta's earliest and latest known dates, " in the era of his House, are 93 and 129, that is, "the years A.D. 407 and 448. On our hypothesis

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“then the Mandosar inscription falls easily with "in the time at which Kamiragupta is known " to have been reigning: and there is no other " era known to be which will give us the same "result. The MAlava era and the Vikramiditya "ern are tberefore one and the same. It is taken " for granted in the above that the initial year of "the Gupta era is A.D. 319. But with Oldenberg "And Bhandarkar I hold that no apology is "required for such an assumption. Those who "still hesitate may rather fairly be challenged to "show how any other theory of the Gupta era " can be made to fit in with the Mandosar in "scription." I fully agree with Dr. Peterson in his results. In spite of my previous inclination to accept General Cunningham's view of A.D. 166 us the epoch of the Gupta era, and consequently to accept, of Albfrúni's rather ambiguous state. ment, that part as correct which says that it was the downfall of the Guptas that took place in A.D. 319-20, these results forced themselves upon me directly I obtained a complete and fully intelligible impression of this new Mandasor inscription. And they must, I think, be apparent to any one who has the epigraphical data before him, and gives them due consideration. But I would avoid Dr. Peterson's method of taking for granted the points that have to be proved, and of ignoring several other points of importance that require to be disposed of. The case may be put briefly thus :-The Gupta inscriptions and coins give us, for Kumáragupta, the extreme limits of Gupta-Sarhvat 96 and 180 odd. We may take 113 as the mean of these. The result, for this mean, is-1) according to the late Mr. Thomse' view A. D. 191 ; (2) according to General Cunningham's theory, A.D. 279; (3) according to Sir E. Clive Bayley's, A.D. 303; and (4) according to one interpretation of Albirûni's statement, A.D. 432-33. Then applying the Malava era to these results, we must look for its epoch close to respectively (1) B.C 302; (2) B.C. 214; (3) B.C. 190; and (4) B.C. 61-60. But the first three results each entail the supposition of a brand-new era, hitherto unheard of, and utterly unexpected. We must not overlook the fact of the existence of coins, first brought to notice by Mr. Carlleyle (see Archæol. Suro. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 165ft., and Vol. XIV. p. 149ff. and Plate xxi. Nos. 19 to 25), which have on them the legend Malavdndi jayah," the victory of the Malavas," in charac. ters ranging, in General Cunningham's opinion, " from perhape B.C. 250 to A.D. 250." These coins shew that the Malavas existed, as a recog. nised power, long before the time when, as I consider, their "tribal constitution" took place. And, if we have to invent a new era, these coins
might justifiably induce us to select as its epoch B.C. 223, as fixed by General Cunningham for the death of Asoka (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I. p. vii.), or some point thereabouts. But this entails, as I have said, the invention of a brand-new era; a remedy that must, if possible, be avoided. And it further creates the palæographical difficulty-and, within oertain limite, palæographical evidence must be accepted-that it forces the Kota inscription of the MAlava year 795, and the Gyárispor' inscription of the Malava year 936, back to respectively A.D. 572 and 713; periods to which, from their alphabets, they cannot possibly belong. The fourth result, on the contrary, brings us so very close to B.C. 57, the epoch of the already existing and well-known Vikrama era; and at the same time satisfies so well the palæographical requirements of the case; that we are compelled to find in it the solution of the question, and to adjust the equation of the dates thus,-- GuptaBathvat 113 (the mean date for Kumaragupta)
+A.D. 319-20 = A.D. 432-33; and Málava-Sarvat 493 - B.C. 57-56 - A.D. 436-37. This new Mandasör inscription, therefore, proves two things :-(1) that Albtrani's statement that the Gupta era began A.D. 819-20 is certainly correct, but the rest of his statement, that this era marked the epoch of their downfall, not of their rise, is wrong ;-and (2) that, under another name, the Vikramaditya era did undoubtedly exist anterior to A.D. 544. which was held by the late Dr. Fergusson to be the year in which it was invented.
J. F. FLEET. 7th March 1886.
THE Corks OF THE GREEK AND SOYTHIC KINGS OF
BACTRIA AND INDIA IN TE BRITISH MUSEUX, by PERCY GARDNER, LITT. D.; edited by REGINALD STUART POOLE, LL.D. Printed by order of the Trosteen, London, 1896. 8vo. pp. lxxvi. and 198 ; and Plates i. to xxxii. This valuable little volume contains a great deal more than might be assumed from its unpretend. ing secondary title, a "Catalogue." The authors give as in the first place an introduction, dealing very fully with the Historical Outlines of the period to which these coiris relate. This is followed by some brief remarks on the Inscriptions, Monograms, Types, and Weights of the Coins, supplemented by a list of the Normal Weights of Coins a table of the Aryan Pali alphabet as found in the ooing, and a sketch of some of the principal Prekpit legends, with their Greek equivalents and English renderings. Then follows a very detailed and careful account of the coins themselves, rapplemented by twenty-nine very fine autotype plates and three photolithographic. The book will be invaluable to numismatiste, and to all others

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who are interested in any way in the history of the us some specimens in this Journal, Vol. XII. period with which it deals.
p. 6ft. and which are sufficiently numerous to The series commences with the coins of Andra- overlap Chandragupta I. and Samudragupta (as is goras, king of Parthia (), circa B.O. 300, and ends
| required), as well se to fill up the interval. with those of Kanerkes (Kanishka), Hooerkes As regards the mysterious" Bazodeo or Vasu. (Huvishka), and the mysterious" Bazodeo déva, the authors refer to one inscription of his, (Vasudêya).
which," it rightly read," world shew that "he Some of the historical problems involved are as * sometimes dates from year 5 of the era, which yet hardly ripe for discussion. I notioe, however, "will give to his reign the impossible length of 94 specially, that the authors follow Mr. Ferguson in "years." This led Professor Dowson to suggest holding that the "Saka era," the epoch of which is that Vasudeva was general name given to the A.D. 78,"starts from the date, not of the de- kings of the Kanishka dynasty by their Indian "struction of the Sakas, but of the establishment subjects. Apart from this suggestion, the point " of their empire in India under Kanerkes," or, 48 is of considerable importance we bearing upon a a footnote adds, "perhaps Kadphises II., as it is theory which I can find no possible grounds for "Kadphises who begins the ingue of Indo-Sythic accepting as probable in respect of the early kings "gold coins; and Kanerkes' earliest date is the of India itaelf,-that Kanishka, Huvishka, and "year 9."
Vasudeva recorded their dates on the same prin. In passing, I would notice a point suggested to ciple as the Kasmirians in their LékukAla; i.e. me some little while ago by Dr. Hoernle, viz. that, with the omission of the hundrede. I think that instead of speaking of Kadphises I. and Kadphises neither this theory, nor Professor Dowson's sugII., it would be advisable to refer to them always gestion, need be had recourse to, in order to by their full names of respectively Kozola- or explain Vasudeva's supposed date of the year 5. Kujula-Kadphises and Ooemo-orHima-Kadphiaes. A reference to the published lithograph (Archeol. No explanation of the syllables kadphises has ever Surv. Ind. Vol. III. Plate xiii. No. 2); « compari. yet been established; and, in speaking of these son of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table of the two kings as Kadphises I. and II., we may be, and ancient Nagart Numerals (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. very likely are, committing some such soleciam as p. 442.); and an unbiaseed consideration of the if we were to speak of, for instance, Diodotus and requirements of the case, should satisfy anyone Apollodotus as respectively Dotus I. and Dotus II. that what we have is, not the symbol for 5, but
To return to the date of Kanishka and Huvish- either an imperfeotly preserved, or an imperfectly ka,--the general set of opinion of experts now oer. represented, form of the symbol for 70, which of tainly is that Kanishka did establish the Saka course fits in perfectly well with Vasudeva's other era, or at least began to reign very shortly after dates, ranging from 44 (but P 74) to 98. the establishment of it by some member of his
J. F. FLEET. family. The chief obstacle to the general accept- 13th March 1886. ance of this view is the theory that the Early Gupta coinage comes numismatically immediately Lars OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN PRIVATE LIBRA
RIES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. Compiled, arranged, and after that of Kanishka, Harishka and Vasudeva;
indexed by GUSTAV OPPERT, PE, D. - Vol II. 1885. and, as it is now known that the Gupta era did Madras, Government Press. Pp. ix, and 894. begin A.D. 319, the interval of one hundred and
This volume and the preceding, giving together forty years between this date and on the Saka a list of 18,797 manuscripts, would seem at first era theory) A.D. 176, the latest date of Vasudeva sight to offer a very promising field of research does not fit in with the theory. On this point I to Sanskrit Scholars, and thus to make a very would remark,--and it cantot be urged too ample return for the expense that they have cost strongly,--that numismatic (and palæographical) the Government in publication, and for the time theories must be subordinated and adapted to and trouble that the compilation of them has such facts and dates as are established by definite coat Dr. Oppert himself and a more serious epigraphical records. To adopt the reverse pro- matter still the various District Officers through cess, and interpret epigraphical records so as to whom he has obtained so many of the materials. suit numismatic (and palæographical) theories, is A closer examination, however, leads to very utterly unreasonable, and can only end, as it so different results. often has, in hopeless confusion. In the pre
The full form of the Catalogue used by Dr. sent case, we have ample materials for filling up Oppert contains eleven columns. Cole. 6 to 11, the interval between Vasudeva and the Early however,-intended for respectively the Substance Gupta kinga, in the later Indo-Soythian coins and Character; Pages; Lines; In whose Posses. of the Panjab, of which Mr. Thomas has givension; Age of the MS; and Remarks,- are actually

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printed only in the case of 4,996 manuscripts, vis. Name. Of these, Columns 4 and 5 are avowedly 3,368 out of 8,376 in Vol. I, and 1,628 out of filled in on speculation; as Dr. Oppert tells us in his 10,421 in Vol. II. The necessity for Col. 9, "In Preface to Vol.I.-"The columns containing the whose Possession," is hardly apperent, as it subject matter and the author's name having only repeats the entry prefixed as a heading to rarely been filled up by the Pandite, I have sup. each separate list. Take, for instance, Vol. II. plied this deficiency to the best of my ability: the Nos. 7.469 to 7,856. These are preceded by the contents of the columns are therefore enclosed in heading "His Highness the Maharaja of Pudu. brackets." We may, of course, credit Dr. Oppert kõta ;" and yet each of the 387 entries has opposite with having filled in many of the entries cor. it, in Col. 9, either " His Highness the Maharaja," rectly; e.g. Vol. II. No. 1134, Mülatimadhava, or "Ditto," as the case may be; this, surely, is "(Nataka) (Bhavabhūti);" No. 1697, Raghuvaba, rather an unnecessary waste of space. Col. 10, "(Kavya) (Kalidása);" No. 3082, Siddhanta"Age of the Manuscript," is filled in, pretty con- kaumudi, “(Vyakaraṇa) (Bhattējidikshita);" and stantly, from the statement of the owners of the No. 1446, Atharvaņavēda,"(Vēda)." But his manuscripts, and may probably be taken as fairly knowledge of subject-matters and author's names correct in respect of such entries as Vol. II. can hardly be universal, and his memory infal. No. 2106, fifteen years; No. 2110, twenty years; lible. And it is quite impossible that the entries and even No. 2118, eighty years. But it nowhere in these columns can be correct throughout. contains any details of the dates, in support of The two columns in fact, simply resolve them. the entries that are made; though we should like selves into Cols. (1) No. (2) Name of the MS. particularly to know on what authority Vol. II. in Dēvanāgari; and (3) Name of the MS. in No. 662 is entered as two thousand years old ; | Roman; or, in other words, into merely a long No. 438, as twelve hundred years; Nos. 657 and string of 18,797 titles, of the kind which is not of 664 each as one thousand years; or even, to come the slightest use for any practical purposes, and down to comparatively modern times, Nos. 1,962, the insufficiency of which was commented on in 1,963, and 1,964 each as six hundred, and No. 1,967, very pointed terms by Mr. Whitley Stokes, in his as five hundred years old. The first of these 'note written on the 6th August 1868, when the entries, Vol. II. No. 662, is one that specially at- question of Sanskrit Manuscripts was first taken traots attention. For, if it can be substantiated, up by the Government of India (see the Papers M, trom Dr. Oppert giving no special remark relating to the Collection and Preservation of the discrediting it, we might suppose it can be, -it Records of Ancient Sanskrit Literature in India, will give an interesting corroboration of. Dr. Calcutta, 1878.) Rajendralal Mitra's theory, that the Hindus must There is nothing to he gained by going any bave known the art of making paper at least two further with the present series of volumes, thousand years ago! But perhaps it is one of the which with the silence of their Prefaces as to "evidently incorrect" entries alluded to in general anything of importance in the Lista, only give in a terms by Dr. Oppert in his Preface to Vol. I. P In printed form the preliminary memoranda which Col. 11, "Remarks," the entries are so few and far Dr. Oppert should have kept to himself as the between us to be practically none at all, and are basis for detwiled personal inquiries, and thus, oonfined almost throughout to such statements as eventually for the publication of useful lists. "Two Copien," "Three Copies." In Vol. I. there What we require for Southern India is a series indeed are a few entries of a more ambitious kind; of Reports like those given us by Dr. Bühler and such as No. 2, "Such works are also written by Rá. Dr. Peterson for Western India and Rajputång, minujkokrya and Madhavio rya"; No. 4, "Vyzsa by the late Dr. Burnell for the Tanjore Library, is the reputed Author of most of the Puranas," and by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra for Northern India No. 740, “With a commentary; Parājarabhatta and Bengal; bringing discoveries of importance to is also called Bhattarya or Bhattar"; No. 812, prominent notice, and giving, not simply mere "Vidyaranya is another name for Sayaņácarya." strings of names, but full details of the author. But neither of the two volumes contains in this ship, contents, condition, and details of the date of column any entries of a practical and useful kind, each mann.cript,-extracts sufficient to shew the as tending to give any hint as to the value and recension to which it belongs,--and, in individual importance of the particular manuscript remarked cases, such other information as will naturally on.
suggest itself in the course of research. The For the remaining 13,801 manuscripts, we have work, of course, is one that entails a great deal only the first five columns of-1) No.; (2) Name of of labour and patience, and can only progress the MS. in Dāvanigari; (3) Name of the MS. in slowly. But it deserves, and requires, to be done Roman; (4) Subjeot-matter; and (5) Author's systematically and thoroughly, if it is done at all.

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[MAT, 1886.
The present system, as exhibited in the volume TAY , A t; and refra, maftfar. The now under notice and its predecessor, simply same mistakes occur in the Calcutta Ed. of 1875; serves no practical purpose whatever; and it is but the Bombay Editors have corrected a fourth a pity that Dr. Oppert's time and energy should be mistake of that edition. expended so fruitlessly.
On II. 17 we have the note *** -
J. F. FLERT, rarea - 4r fattat Tr. 23rd March 1886.
Fame T TATTRIC" ft. The Editors have
copied from the Calcutta Ed., but, trying THX KIRATARJUNIYA OF BHARAVI, with the COXIN perhaps to give some sense to the passage, they
TART OF YALLINATHA. Edited with various road- have added a mistake in compounding the two ings by N. B. GODABOLE, B.A., and K. P. PARABA. Printed and published by the proprietor of the words Parafaret of that edition. It should of Nirnaya-Sagara Press. Bombay: 1886.
course have been * FUTETTON " Of the private publishing-firms of Bombay,
केवलं श्रयमाणेव किया निमित्त कारकभावस्थापित none seems more anxious than is the Nirnaya
Tari" fat. . Sagara Press, to furnish the student of Sanskrit
The Commentary on II. 27, as printed in the with clearly printed, well got up, and moderately
Bombay Edition, is a regular mine of mistakes. priced editions of the classical works of Sanskrit
In the first place, a well-known definition has literature. The list of books already brought out
been, with two mistakes, thus copied from the by that press, includes amongst others several
Calcutta Ed.-star works of Kalidasa, the Ratndvali, the Dasakumd
HT racharita, and the Kirdtarjunfya. Other works
RIT: Secondly the interpunctuation of the are in the press; and more are to follow, if
whole passage, in which Mallinatha discusses the sufficient assistance and encouragement be given
compound pfit, shows that the passage bas by the public. The principal editors appear to not been understood; and the words for be Mr. K. T. Paraba, and Mr. N. B. Godabole, | शुक्ल and बलाकायां tor बलाकायाः prove that the B.A., and, if I remember rightly, formerly a Editors have again been copying. And lastly, the Jagannath Shankershet scholar of the Bombay final remark TT TTTE :-"tat off is University. In Europe it is unfortunately some.
T HAT rest Farfor shows, not merely what difficult to get hold of books published in
they have been copying, but also that they have India. But having succeeded in procuring a copy
taken no trouble to understand what they were of the Kirátárjunkya brought out by the Nirnaya..
putting before the public. Had they made any Sågara Press, I consider it right both to the
attempt to do so, they would probably have dispublic and to the enterprising publishers, to
covered that the words a f an of the state plainly what opinion I have arrived at by
Calcutta Ed. stand for qerfrafts, and it an examination of a portion of this Edition.
In few words, it is this, that Messrs. Godabole स्थात् tor बालिझ्यात. and Paraba have given us in this edition' little | Proof of copying may also be afforded by more than a reprint of a Calcutta print;-that, W AT for iraft on II. 20; by the sign of As regards the commentary, they have taken interpunctuation before i t on II. 85; by no great trouble to understand what they have M at for on II. 39; and by other mishanded to their printers ;-and that, for the part takes which have been reprinted. which I have had the patience to study, they do To give the editors their due, I must add that not appear to have consulted a single one of the they have appended to their edition an alphabe. aany MSS. which must have been within reach. tical index of the verses of the Kirdt drjun fya.
A few examples out of many may prove this: On the whole, the first edition of the Kirdidr. On II. 19, in which verse the word TOT occurs, juniya, published at Calcutta in 1814, may be we read the note "T " P ereit Part:. said to be still the best. Many of its mistakes At first, we are inclined to consider Fer må have been repeated, while others have been misprint for me. but when we find the same
added, in the later editions. May we hope that misprint in the Calcutta Edition of 1875, w9
the Superintendents of the Bombay Sanskrit begin to suspect that the Bombay Editors have
Series will arrange to put us in possession of
trustworthy and correct text of MallinAtha's copied. On II. 7 Mallin&tha is made to say "apartara
excellent commentary on a poem which, for many
reasons, is one of the most important and attrac. पर: प्रथमपुरुषेऽप्रबुण्यमानो ऽबस्ति" इतिभाबकारः ।
tive works of the classical literature of India P T u rut . Here there are three
F. KJELHORN mistakes. भवतिपरshould have been भवन्तीपर Göttingen.

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JUNE, 1886.]
PRIDE ÁBASED.
PRIDE ABASED. A KASMIRI TALE.' BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. &c.
IN times long past there lived a certain king,
who was so occupied with, and so proud of, his own thoughts and words and actions, that his name became a proverb in the land. "As selfish as our king," "As proud as our king," the people used to say. As will be supposed, the courtiers and Wazirs of this king were thoroughly tired of hearing him and of having to add fuel to the fire by assent and flattery:
"Ah! where is there such another country as this, such soil, so well irrigated, and so fertile ?" he would ask.
rode forth at their head, and sent messengers in every direction to challenge the people to fight.
For a considerable time he would seem to have inspired all countries and all peoples with awe, because nobody accepted the challenge, there being no pretext for such slaughter as there would be in a big battle, unless it was to satisfy this selfish and proud king. But at last another king appeared with his army and defeated the selfish and proud king; and took away all his kingdom and all his glory and all his power.
Here was an end to his pride. Crushed in spirit he disguised himself and escaped with his queen and two sons to some place by the side of the sea, where he found a ship ready to sail. He asked the captain to take him and his little family on board, and land them at the place whither he was sailing. The captain agreed; but when he got a glimpse of the
"Nowhere anything to be compared with it, beautiful queen he changed his mind, and deO king!" termined to fulfil only a part of the agreement --and to take the woman only. "What a beantiful mistress she would make !" he thought, "and what a lot of money I could get if I wished to sell her!" So when the moment for starting arrived the queen first embarked; and then, just as the king and his two sons were about to follow, some strong, rough men, who had been suborned by the captain, prevented them and held them tight, till the ship was well out to sea.
"Ah! yes;" and then His Majesty would stroke his beard and draw a long, breath, as though overburdened with a sense of his own greatness.
Nearly every audience of the king was disturbed by such performances as these. It was becoming very wearisome; and the more so as the king was a man of moderate attainments, and his country and people, also, were of an ordinary character. At length some of the Wasirs determined to answer him truthfully the next time he put such questions to them. They had not long to wait for an opportunity. "Think you," said his Majesty," that there is another king greater than I, or another kingdom more powerful and glorious than mine."
Loudly wept the queen when she saw that her husband and two boys were being left behind. She smote her forehead, tore her clothes and threw herself upon the deck in great distress; and finally swooned away. It was a long swoon, and although the captain used several kinds of restoratives yet for more than an hour she remained as one dead. At last she revived. The captain was very attentive. He' arranged a nice bed for her, brought her the best of food, and spoke very kindly; but it was all to no purpose, for the queen refused to look at him or speak to him. This continued for several days, till the captain despaired of ever getting her love and therefore determined to sell her.
"Nowhere, O king!" the Wazirs and courtiers would reply.
"Where are there such just and clever laws, and such a prosperous people ?"
"Nowhere else, O king!"
"Where is there such a splendid palace as mine ?"
"Yes, O king, there are," they replied.
On hearing this unusual answer, his Majesty got very angry. "Where is this king? Tell me quickly," he said, "that I may take my army and go to fight with him."
Be not hasty, O king," they replied. "Consider, we pray you, before you act, lest you be defeated and your country ruined." But the king became more angry than before. He ordered his whole army to be assembled, and as soon as they were ready, he
157
Told me by Brahman named Mukund Bayd, who resides at Sutha, Srinagar,
Now there was in the same ship a great merchant, who seeing the queen's exceeding beauty,
[Why are the Kasmiris so fond of ship' stories ? It is a point worth investigating.-ED.]

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and hearing her refuse the captain's sait day child. Evidently God has sent you to me. after day, thought that perhaps he might bay Will you be my own children and learn to fish, her, and win over her affection. Accordingly he and live in my house P" Of course, the poor offered the captain a large sum of money for boys were only too glad to find a friend and the woman, and she was handed over to him. shelter. "Come," said the fisherman kindly, Most earnestly and perseveringly the mer- leading them out of the boat to a house close by, chant tried to please her and make her love "I will look after you." The boys followed him, and eventually he so far succeeded, that most happily and went into the fisherman's when he told her that he had bought her for a house; and when they saw his wife, they were large sum of money, and, therefore, she ought to still better pleased, for she was very kind to consent to marry him, she said, "Although the them, and treated them like her own real sons. bargain between you and the captain is void, The two boys got on splendidly in their new because the captain had no right to dispose of .home. They went to school, and in a very me, I not being his, yet I like you and will short time learnt all that the master could marry you, if you will agree to wait for two teach them. They then began to help their years, and if during this period I do not meet adopted father, and in a little while became my husband and sons again." The merchant most diligent and and expert young fishermen. complied, and looked forward in blest anticipa- Thus time was passing with them, when it tion to the completion of the period of probation. happened that a great fish threw itself on to
As soon as the vessel was out of sight, the the bank of the river and could not get back hired men released the king and his two boys. into the water. Everybody in the village
t was useless to seek revenge even if his Ma went to see the immonse fish and nearly jesty had any desire for it; and so he turned everybody cut off a slice of it and took it home. his back on the sea, and walked fast and far Some few people also went from the neighwith the two boys, who wept and lamented as bouring villages and amongst them was a they ran along by his side, till he reached a
maker of earthenware. His wife had heard river, somewhat shallow, but swiftly-flowing. of the great fish and urged him to go and get
The king wished to cross this river, but there some of the flesh. Accordingly he went, was not any boat or bridge, and so he was although the hoor was late. On arrival he obliged to wade it. Finding his way very care- found nobody there, as all the people had satisfully he got across safely with one of his sons, fied themselves and returned. The potter took and was returning to fetch the other, when the an axe with him, thinking that the bones force of the current overcame him and he was would be so thick as to require its aid before drawn down beneath the waters and drowned. they could be broken. When he strack the
When the two boys noticed that their father first blow a voice came out of the fish, as of had perished, they wept bitterly. Their sepa- some one in pain. The potter was very much ration, too, was a further cause for grief. There surprised. "Perhaps," thought he, "the they stood, the one on this side of the river and fish is possessed by a bhút. I'll try again; the other on that side of it, with no means of whereupon he again struck. Again a voice reaching one another. They shouted to each came forth from the fish, saying, "Woe is other, and ran about hither and thither in their me! Woe is me!" On hearing this the potter, grief, till they had almost wearied themselves thought, “ Well, this is not a bhat evidently, to sleep, when & fisherman came by in his but the voice of an ordinary man. I'll cut the bout. Seeing the great distress of the boys he flesh carefully. May be that I shall find some took them both into it, and asked them who poor distressed person." He began to cut they were, and who were their parents. And away the flesh carefully, and presently he they told him all that happened.
descried a man's foot--then the legs appearedWhen he had heard their story, he said, "You then the body and head, all entire. "Praise, have not a father or mother, and I have not a praise be to God," he cried aloud, "the soul is in
Cl. Wide-awake Stories, p. 429," Points in Marriages," ing in trpes, animating carcases and deluding or doNote B.
vouring human beings. Compare the legend of Sanvar and Nir, Legends of • Cr. Indian Fairy Tales, pp. 75, 76, also Wide-anake the Panjab, Vol. III. p. 97 ff.-- ED.)
Stories, p. 411, where instanoes of "'Living in animals' • Built, a malignant spirit haunting cemeteries, lork. I bellies" are enumerated.

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PRIDE ABASED.
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him yet." He carried the man to his house as After a few months, however, his health fast as he could; and on arrival did everything gave way. Such strict attention to public in his power to recover him. A great fire was affairs was too much for him; and, therefore, the soon got ready, and tea and soup, given. The court physicians advised him to seek relaxajoy of the potter and his wife was very great tion in out-door exercise. So sometimes his when they saw that the stranger was reviving. Majesty went a-riding, sometimes a-shooting,
For some months the stranger lived with and sometimes &-fishing. He got especially these good people and learnt how to make pots fond of the latter amusement. Knowing this, and pans and other articles; and thus helped a fisherman came to him one day and said, "Be them much. Now it happened just then that pleased, your Majesty, to accept this fish the king of that country died (for kings die as which came into my hands this day." The well as other people), and it was the custom of king was delighted to see such a large fish and the people in that country to take for their inquired when and how it had been caught. sovereign whosoever the late king's elephant The fisherman explained everything to the and hawk might select. On the death of king, and manifested such knowledge of, and the king the elephant was driven all over interest in his calling, that his Majesty got to the country and the hawk was made to like the man, and ordered him to be ready at fly here, there, and everywhere, in search of any time to go with him on fishing expeditions, a successor, and it came to pass that before that he (the king) might learn everything whomsoever the elephant bowed and on who- about the art, and be able to land big fish like soever's hand the, hawk alighted he was the one just presented to him. supposed to be the divinely chosen one. So "Your Majesty is very good and gracious, and the elephant and hawk went everywhere, and whatsoever your Majesty commands is accepted in the course of their wanderings came by the of all men as right and proper and just; house of the potter and his wife, who had so but be pleased to listen for a moment to your kindly sheltered the poor stranger that was servant. In my house are two sons, who are found in the stomach of the fish. It chanced that stronger and cleverer than I am. If your as they passed the place the stranger was stand. Majesty will order it, I will take care that they ing by the door,--and behold, no sooner did are always ready to attend on you." the elephant and hawk see him, than the one The king agreed. Whenever he went a-fishbowed down before him and the other percheding, he always took these two boys with him. on his hand. "Let him be king, let him A familiarity sprung up between his Majesty be king," shouted those people who were in and the boys in consequence. His Majesty got attendance on the elephant, as they prostrated exceedingly attached to them, they were so themselves before the stranger and begged
sharp and clever and handsome and good, that him to go before them to the palace."
he finally arranged that they should generally The ministers were glad when they heard be with him, no matter what his occupation. the news, and most respectfully welcomed their | Just about this time the merchant who bought new king. As soon as the rites and ceremonies
the wife of the poor king who had been supnecessary for the installation of a king had posed to be drowned, visited that country for the been fulfilled, his Majesty entered on his duties. purpose of trading. He succeeded in obtaining The first thing he did was to send for the an interview with the king, and opened out all potter and his wife and grant them some land his precious stones and stuffs before him. The and money. In this and other ways, such as king was very much pleased to see these wonjust judgments, proper rules, and kindly no- derful treasures, and asked many questions tices of any and all who were clever and good, about them and about the countries whence be won for himself the best opinions of every they had been brought. The merchant told subject and prospered exceedingly.
him everything, and begged permission to trade This is the only instance I know of hawk sharing Vacant throne by kneeling down and salating the with the elephant the right of selection of the successor
favoured individual as he passes by. Cf. also Foll-Tales to the throne.
of Bengal, p. 100, wherein this custom is mentioned, CH. Wido-awake Stories, p. 141, where the king having "Early in the morning the elephant went about, some rooontly died the kimorod elephant is brought out and all times to distant places, and whosoever was brought on the inhabitants of the place have to march pant it in its back was acknowledged king by the people." of single fille, that the animal may élect some one to the also Wide-asoako Stories, p. 327.

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HESTERILI! THIRD
in that country, and sought protection from his became like father and mother to them. A Majesty. The king rèadly granted the mer- year or two ago, all this happened, and chant's request, and ordered that some soldiers the two boys are supposed by every one to be were to be at once told off for this special duty, the fisherman's two real sons. O brother, we are and so arranged that one of them should be on these two boys! And there you have my story." guard always in the courtyard of the merchant. The story was so interesting and its finish so He also sent the fisherman's two sons to sleep wonderful, that the younger brother was more on the merchant's premises.
awake than before. Its narration had also at One night these two boys, not being able to tracted the attention of another. The merchant's sleep for some reason or other, the younger asked promised wife, who happened to be lying awake his brother to tell him a tale to enliven the oc- at the time, and whose room was separated from casion, as it was miserable lying down there with the shop by the thinnest of partitions only, overonly the glimmering light of a little oil lamp. heard all that had been said. She thought The elder brother said: "All right, I'll tell you within herself, “Surely these two boys must be one out of our own experience," and began :- my own song."
"Once upon a time there lived a very great, | Presently she was sitting beside them and learned, and wealthy king, but he was very began asking them all sorts of questions. Two proud. This pride led the poor king to the 1 years or more had made a great difference in direst rain and grief. One day, when going both of the boys, but there were certain signs about with his army, challenging other kings to that a hundred years would never efface from come and fight with him, one great and powerful # mother's memory. These together with the king appeared and conquered him. The defeated answers which she had elicited from them assured king escaped with his wife and two sons to the her that she had found her own sons again. The son, hoping to find some vessel, wherein he and tears streamed down her face as she embraced his family might embark, and get away to them, and revealed to them that she was the some foreign land, and there forget all their queen their mother, about whom they had just troubles. After walking several miles they been speaking. reached the seashore, and found a vessel about She told them all that happened to her since to sail; but alas! the captain of that vesselshe had been parted from them; how the capproved to be a very wicked man. He took the tain of the vessel, finding that he should never be beautiful queen, and then, when the king and able to get her to live with him, had sold her his two sons were going to embark, some men, to the rich merchant ; how this rich merchant hired by the captain, kept them back till the had been very kind to her, and really loved her, vessel had sailed out of sight. Oh! what a and was a thoroughly good man, besides being terrible time that was for the poor king! With clever and wealthy; and how she, thinking what & sorrow-sick heart he turned away with that she should never meet with her husband, his two sons! He walked many miles, not their father again, had promised to marry this knowing whither he went, till he came to merchant at the end of two years, only three a swiftly-flowing river. As there was no days of which remained now. She explained bridge or boat near, he was obliged to wade that she did not like the merchant enough to across. He took one of his boys and got over become his wife, and so she wished to contrive safely, and then was returning for the other, some plan for getting rid of him. when he stumbled over a stone, lost his footing, "The plan is," she said, "for me to pretend and was carried away by the fierce waters; and to the merchant that you attempted to violate has not been heard of since.
me. I will pretend to be very angry, and not "You can imagine the state of the two boys. give him any peace, till he goes to the king and It was night and they had neither food nor asks his Majesty to punish you. Then the bedding, nor did they know where to go, nor king will send for you in great wrath, and will how to get to one another. At length a fisher- inquire about this matter. In reply you must man came along in his boat and seeing these say that it is all a mistake, for you quite regard two boys crying he took them into his boat, me as your own mother, and in proof of and afterwards to his house, and got very fond this you will beg his Majesty to send and of them, and so did his wife, so that they both fetch me, that I may corroborate what you say.

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PRIDE ABASED.
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Thun will I declare you to be my own dear the captain of a vessel, the wife was stolen and sons, and beseech the king to allow me to go taken away to far distant regions, where she free of this merchant and live with you where became engaged to a wealthy trader; while the I may choose for the rest of my days."
exiled king and his two sons wandered in The sons consented to her proposal, and the another direction, till they came to a river, next night, when the merchant, also, was sleep- where the king was drowned. The two boys ing on the premises, the woman raised a great were found by a fisherman and brought up by shout, so that everybody was awakened by the him as his own song. noise. The merchant asked what was the matter. "These two boys, o king, are before you, and
"The two boys, who look after your shop, I am their mother, who was taken away and sold have tried to violate me; so I shouted, in order as a wife to the trader, and who after two days that they might desist."
must altogether live with him. For I promised Hearing this the merchant was much epraged that if within a certain space of time I should He immediately bound the two boys, and as soon not meet with my dear husband and two as there was any chance of seeing the king, he sons again, then I would be his wife. But I had them taken before his Majesty and explained beseech your Majesty to relieve me of this man. the reason of their thus appearing before him. I do not wish to marry again, now that I have
“Whut have you to say in defence of your my two sons. For the reason that I might get selves ?" inquired the king. “Because, if this an andience of your Majesty, this trick was is true we will at once order the execution arranged with the two boys." of both of you. Is this the gratitude you manifest | By the time the woman had finished her for all my kindness and condescension towards story, the king's face was suffused with tears, you? Say quickly what you may have to say." and he was trembling visibly. Presently,
"Oking, our benefactor, we are not affrighted when he had slightly recovered, he left the by your words and looks ; for we are true throne, and walking towards the woman and servants. We have not betrayed your Majesty's the two boys embraced them long and fervently. trust in us; but have always tried to fulfil your “You are my own dear wife and children," Majesty's wish to the utmost of our power. he cried, "God has sent you back to me. I, The charges brought against us by the merchant the king, your husband, your father, was not are not correct. We have not attempted to | drowned, as you supposed; but was swallowed violate his wife; we have rather always re- by a big fish and nourished by it for some days, garded her as our own mother. May it please and then the monster threw itself upon the your Majesty to send for the woman and shore and I was extricated. A potter and his inquire further into this matter.
wife had pity on me and taught me their trade, The king assented, and the woman was and I was just beginning to earn my living by brought. Is this true," he said, "which the making earthen vessels, when the late king of merchant, your affianced husband, witnesses this country died and I was chosen king by the against the two boys."
elephant and the talcon, I, who am now "O king," she replied, “the boys, whom you standing here." gave to help the merchant have most carefully Then his Majesty ordered the queen and her tried to carry out your wishes. But the night two sons to be taken to the palace, and he ex. before last I overheard their conversation. The plained his conduct to the people assembled. elder was telling the younger brother a tale, The merchant was politely dismissed from the made up out of his own experience, so he said. country. As soon as the two princes were old It was a tale of a conceited king who had been enough to govern the country, the king commitconquered by another mightier than he, and ted to them the charge of all affairs, while he obliged to fly with his wife and two children retired with his wife to some quiet place and to the sea. There, through the vile trickery of spent the rest of his days in peace."
• This story should be compared with its most inter 1108 A.D., and borrowed professedly from the Arabian enting variant, "Plaoidus," a tale from the Gosta Roma. fabulista. norum, mediaval oompilation of tales from Roman his- Another variant of this story is to be found in Tibetan tory. The collection was much enriched with tales of Talos, the story of "Kriss Gautami," pp. 222, 283. A all kinds and conntries, but especially with those derived third variant in the story of "Swet-Basanta" in Folktales from eastern souroes, such as the Clericalia Disciplina, of Bengal, pp. 99-107. Another is that of "Barwar and #work by Petrus Alfonsus, a Christian Jew, who lived in Nir" in the Legends of the Panjab, Vol. III. p.97 .

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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA, WITH AN APPENDIX ON THE
AFFAIRS OF HIRAT. Translated from the Tarikh Sultáni of Sultan Muhammad Khan Bdrukudi.
BY E. REHATSEK. In his preface the author of the Tarikh 1841 at Kabul he ascribes to the fact that Sultani, who is probably still living, mentions Nizamu'ddaulah, the newly appointed waxir, the sources used by him when compiling his who was a Bárukzâi, had procured an order work-some already well-known to us-which from Sir W. Macnaghten for the deportation are as follows :-For geographical and statisti. of five Durrani Khâns to Peshwar. This made cal information the Grammar of Goldsmith them determine to rise the very next day in (sio), the Mirátu'lwazah and the Jám-j-Jam; arms to expel the foreign invaders, and thus for the rise of Islâm and the Lôdî and Sur was brought on the evacuation of Kabul by dynasties, the Tarikh-i-Farishtah, Sir John the British forces. There was no long plotMalcolm (sic) and the Mahzan Afghániah; for ting, conspiracy or preparation, and the out. the history of the Ghiljai and Durrâni tribes break would not have taken place, but for the the Jahan-kushd-i-Nadiri and the Majm'ú obnoxious order issued so rashly and perempAbdali; for the Saddozâi dynasty the Memoirs torily. Before this, too, the exile of Şamad of Shah Shuja'a written by himself; and for Khân Popalzâi, which the same Nizâmu'ddaulah the affairs of the Muhammadzâi dynasty the induced Sir W. Macnaghten to.decree, accordinformation given by the Sardár Sher Ali Khân ing to our author foreboded evil, and became son of the deceased Sardár Mohrdil Khan a cause of ruin to Shah Shuja'a, and of despair Muhammadzki, by Qazi Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, to the population as well as to the army. and by the author's own father; as well as by This opinion, however, must be an exaggerated Beveral other Barukzâi and Durrani chiefs, all one, unless Samad Khân was a man of very of whom were still alive when the book was great local influence; but for all we know, such written, and whose statements the author may actually have been the case. General trusted the more as they had themselves taken Elphinstone, althongh he was commander of an active part in the events described in it. the British forces, is not even once mentioned,
The Tárikh Sulțáni, which consists of 291 and this must be attributed to the fact, that pages 8vo, was completed in 1865, but was litho- being an invalid, scarcely able to mount & graphed only in 1881 after the author's return horse, he never appeared in public and remained from a pilgrimage to Makkah. The author is totally unknown to the Afghans; whilst the a Barukzki, and describes events from an political officer, Sir W. Macnaghten, who Afghan stand point. He gives a promise of transacted all business, was by them considered impartiality in his preface, and not only has supreme, and is accordingly called the plenihe kept this, but, as will appear from the foot- potentiary wazir and even Lord, by our author. notes illustrating the translation, he is also With this preamble we may now proceed to remarkably correct in his facts and dates; the the translation itself : difference in the latter from those in Kaye's On the seventh of the sacred month'Žu'lq'adah War in Afghanistan amounting generally to a 1250 A.H. [7th March 1835 A.D.) Shah Shuja's few days only, and as to the former, we departed by way of Sind to the town of possess no means of impugning them. He had Lodiana, where he lived for a while quietly, but not at his disposal the farrago of despatches, allowed aspirations to royal power to occupy reports and correspondence upon which Earo his mind, as will be narrated. pean historians base their accounts, but he He had spent all his life in campaigning and naturally possessed a better insight into the fighting, but unprofitably, as he himself states affairs of his own country than any foreigner in his Memoirs :-"It is evident to the minds could possibly have.
of intelligent persons that great Sultans have Thus he very soon discovered the insignificant encountered many adversities of this kind, position of Shah Shuja'a, as a mere puppet in and that most of them have suffered hardships the hands of the English officers, and often in times which favoured mean upstarts. I alludes to it as though it were a matter of and my adherents have never been, and are course. The outbreak of the 2nd November not now, much dismayed by the flight of our

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troops, the inconstancy of fortune, and the fatigues of marching; but we are aggrieved at the consequences, and our hearts are lacerated, because we have been disappointed, in spite of most strenuous efforts, in the realization of our hopes. We underwent immense trouble in collecting troops and stores for the contest, but all in vain. Nevertheless the portals of divine beneficence are open, and my hands are stretched forth to the Lord of Might. As long as the soul bestrides the charger of thy body, O Shuja'a Shah [i.e. Valiant King], never let the reins of hope escape from thy hands! If treacherous fortune break thy heart a hundred times, comfort it again and again, trusting in the aid of God; for it is not unlikely that the Lord of kings and angels will grant the prayer of an humble suppliant."
After Shah Shuja'a had spent fully four years in the town of Lodiânâ, the Queen of England, having conceived the design of conquering Afghanistan,' ordered Lord Auckland, the Governor-General of the Company of Hindustan, to cultivate the friendship of Shah Shujaa. Accordingly Lord Auckland appointed Mr. [sic] William Macnaghten, the envoy [at Lâhor] to be commander of the army which was to aid Shah Shuja'a, and this envoy concluded between the three powers, namely, the English, Ranjit Singh [of Lâhor] and Afghanistan, a treaty, the contents of which were as follows: Firstly, that an English army shall accompany Shah Shuja'a to Kâbul, and restore to him the country of his ancestors. Secondly, that no one shall claim the countries subject to Ranjit Singh on this side of the river [Indus] or on the other side in Sind, the Sabah of Kasmir and Peshawar with its dependencies, and the Subah of Multan with its surrounding districts: and that the said Shah shall, after the capture of Kâbul and of Qandahår, send annually to Ranjit Singh by way of gift, young horses, exquisite and abundant provisions, including delicious fruits, which Ranjit Singh shall in his turn reciprocate by not failing annually to forward to the court of Shah Shuja'a Indian goods of high value,
The declaration of the Governor-General, dated Simla, the 1st October 1888, however, runs thus :-"The Governor-General confidently hopes that the Shah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his subjects and adherents; and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of Afghanistan established, the British army will be withdrawn."
This is the so-called tripartite treaty, the whole of
163
such as Kasmir shawls, golden lunghie [turbans], kimkhábs [brocades], &c., according to his requirements. Thirdly, that whatever sums may enter the treasury of the Shah by way of good fortune from some Durrânî Khânzâdahs or from others, shall be equally divided between him and Ranjit Singh. Fourthly, that Ranjit Singh shall send annually to the Shâh a subsidy of two lakhs of guldár rapees [i.e. of the Nânakshâhî or Guldår currency] and five thousand Musalman sawárs from the town of Peshawar; and that a portion of the Sind country shall, from generation to generation, belong to the Shah. Fifthly, that if during the reign of the Shâh in Afghanistân any calamity threaten him from the western side he shall avert it, but in case of his inability to do so singly, he shall ask aid from the English and from Ranjit Singh, in conjunction with whom the said trouble shall be removed."
The above treaty having been agreed to, and duly signed, Shâh Shuja'a started on the 23rd of the great month Sh'abân in the year 1255 [1st November 1839] with the English army, resembling the waves of the sea and led by Mr. [sic] William Macnaghten, from the town of Shikarpûr [in Sind]. After viewing the presents of Ranjit Singh and the gifts of the Nawab Bahawal Khân 'Abbâsî [of Bahawalpûr], which consisted of Arab horsea, camels, two big cannons, a sum of money, cloths of gold and silk, with many other exquisite goods, properly exposed in order, according to ancient usage, the Sahibs of exalted dignity [i.e. the English Commanders] desired the English troops which had joined the standard of Shah Shujaa, to salute him; and they, having adorned themselves according to their custom, paid their respects to him, whereat he was as pleased as if the seven climates had fallen under his sway, and presented the officers with pashminahs (woollen cloths), whilst he gave cash to the soldiers. Then the Amirs of Sind were asked for tribute, but as they were filled with evil intentions, they first prepared to fight : however, after seeing English troops arriving by water and by land in countless numbers,
which may be perused in a far more correct form, in Vol. I. pp. 319-321 of Kaye's History of the War in Afghanistan. The treaty was concluded and signed at Lahor on the 26th June 1888.
3 The date given above is too late, and probably the copyist's mistake, not the author's. "The Shah and his contingent moved from Shikarpur on the 7th March." Kaye's History of the War in Afghanistan, Vol. I. p. 412, footnote.

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like the waves of the boisterous sea, they the contents of which were as follows: yielded and paid the sum of twenty-eight lakhs | Firstly, that on the part of the English Governof rupees according to the previous custom, ment an envoy shall always remain with of which amount the şahibs [the English) Shah Shuja'a, who on his part shall likewise gave fifteen lakhs to Ranjit Singh, and thirteen keep one with the English for the transaction to the Shah, as had been agreed upon.
of business. Secondly, that Shah Shuja'a shall After that the two allied powers marched in admit no European into his service nor into his the direction of Qandahår till they reached country, without first informing the Sahibs of Kudni, which is thirty karahs distant from the exalted dignity i.e., the English administratown of Ahmadsbåhi. The Sardárs of Qan- tors) and obtaining their consent. Thirdly, dahár, desirous for an encounter, hastened that the regular troops of the English shall with their infantry and cavalry to the fort be under the command of their own officers of Fathu'llah Khân, which was near, and gar- for the performance of duties approved of by risoned it. About this time Kadů Khin Moh- both powers, but that the number of officers mand, a celebrated trooper, in the service of and of English administrators shall not exceed the Qandahar Sardârs, stole an elephant belong- fifty persons; and that the wages of the said ing to Mr. William Macnaghten whilst grazing, troops shall be paid by Shah Shuja'a from the and took it away. At this period also Haji treasury of his own government. Fourthly, that Khân Ka kari dissolved his connection with the in commercial matters the English administraSardars, and presenting himself with his follow. tors shall be permitted to take any measures, ers to the Shâh during the night, informed which in their opinion will promote the welfare him that certain of them, who had the day be of traders. This treaty between the two fore given out that they would make a night governments was concluded on the 7th May attack (on the English], had mounted their 1839 A.D., i.e., the 22nd of the glorious month horses under that pretext and had returned to Safar 1255 A.H. the town, whence they had taken their families Meanwhile a strange event took place, which and had fled towards Persia.
became an occasion of dismay to all MusalThe next day the united armies marched on mâns, and especially to the Afgháns. One together and halted near the canal of Fathu'llah day a maiden was walking from the city Khân, where the Sardárs had been stationed. towards the villages, when one of the white On the 12th of the glorious month Şafar, on a soldiers (yaki ds sipdhián görah) under the Sunday, in the year 1255 [27th April 1839]" influence of drink, forcibly took hold of her, the troops pitched their tents on the outskirts carried her into a dry water.course, and disof Qandahår, and on the next day Shah Shujaa honoured her. The cries of the girl attracted went with Mr. Macpaghten and his compa- the attention of some persons by the roadside, nions to the castle of the city, where they took and when what had taken place became ap their abode. Shah Shuja'a undertook no known, her father collected a great crowd and business without their consent, and commenced went to the royal darbár to seek justice. Shah to administer the civil and military affairs of the Shuja'a had really no authority, and the Sahibs country under a constant anziety to please them, of exalted dignity made abundant excuses ; but He summoned from the Garmsir [in Southern the circumstance appeared so abominable to Afghanistan] an Ishaqzâi, Haji Dost Mohammad all the Musalmans, especially to the Afgháns, Khân by name, who was a son of Sardár an unusually hot-tempered and jealous race, Madad Khân, and showed him abundant that although they remained outwardly quiet favours. Of all the Sardárs he honoured the from fear, the blood of the Durrânî Khang two Hajts most, namely the one just named, and boiled with rage, and they said to each other :Haji Taj Muhammad Khân Kakari, better known " What will become of our honour, when the as Haji Khân (and mentioned above).
arrival of the Shah has been inaugurated by In Qandahår the English commanders again such an antoward event? It has now become concluded a new treaty with Shah Shuja'a, evident that the authority of the Padshah is
• The name of the town is not given by the author, Kaye says nothing about this new treaty, but only bat it was probably Qandahir.
describes the show held on the 8th of May in the plains of Kayo, op. cit. Vol. I. p. 422, has the 25th April, which Qandaher As a recognition of the restored sovereign. "The is a trifling difference only.
whole affair was a lamentable failure." Yol. I. p. 425.

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merely nominal." Although all the Durrani Khậns, especially Hâji Dôst Muhammad Khân Ishågzâi and Haji Khân KAkarî, gave evident proofs of their grief, they managed to retain their equanimity externally; and their displeasure became known to the Shâh only during the march for the subjugation of Kabul, when they began to manifest their discontent, the first cause of which was the above-mentioned misadventure of the maiden, and the second was the disappointment of HÂji Khan in the hope he had cherished of obtaining the high post of Wazir of Afghanistan.
After having on the 11th of Rabi'u's-sni 1255 AH [24th June 1839] appointed the Shahzâdah Fath Jang to be HAkim [Governor of Qandahår, and the Sardár Muhammad Ata Khân, son of the Sardar Samandar Khân Bami. zâi to be his Lieutenant, the Padshah marched' with the English commanders and their warlike troops in the direction of Kabul; whilst Haji Dôst Muhammad Ishaqzai, Haji Khân KAkari, Muhammad Taqi Khân Vakil, Naru'd. din Khân son of Yahya Khân BÂmizki, with most of the Durrani Khans, excepting Sik Andar Kbán Bamizki, obtained leave for a few days on the pretence of not having prepared baggage for the march, and remained in Qandahår. The Eng. lish army reached Ghazni on the 17th of Rabi'. ta's-gant [30th June 1839],' and after the Sahibs of exalted dignity had reconnoitred all sides of the Hipar (Castle) of Ghazni, they expressed to each other an opinion that Major Leech and Major Todd had drawn up a defective plan of it and had described it in a manner differ ent from the reality, and said that if such had not been the case, they would not have left their siege-guns at Qandahår. After that they came down [from the heights) in the vicinity of Mazar 'AJI LALA in the rear of the minarete, and selected a position. Next day, when the ŞAhibs of exalted dignity were considering how to conquer the fort, news arrived that & Ghiljai, Mihtar Máså by name, who dwelt in the town of Zarmût, was about to arrive by way of the mountains, with twelve thousand men, for the purpose of fighting, and that Muhammad Afzal Khân, the son of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khân, was likewise ready for & contest, and was stationed at a distance of two karahs with two thousand sawdrs. Shah
Shuja'a instantly despatched the infantry, which was at hand with two cannons, to meet them, and the ghárís (crescentaders] having been shamefully defeated after a brief contest, fled into the mountains. During the second night at two o'clock in the morning Mr. William Macnaghten came to the Padshah (Shah Shuja'a) and informed him that in two hours a mine would be sprung, and the Higår of Ghaznî conquered ; and asked the Padshah if he would like to witness the spectacle by ascending to the top of Bahlal Şahib's vidrat (shrinel. Accordingly the Padshah immediately betook himself with a few courtiers to the said locali. ty, and as soon as he arrived on the one side the English cannons were fired, whilst on the other the mine was sprung ; whereon the gate of Bahlal was blown up by the force of the gun-powder and razed to the ground :-as the Kasmiri poet Hamid says :
Suddenly the fire rose high from the fort : Its smoke sent a lasso to the celestial sphere. From the earth & conflagration burst, Like the fire of hell up to the sky: When it overturned that fort-wall from the
roots, The fire and smoke became euch, That the planet Mars was of the companions of
the pit.' The Shah blazed up like fire from joy: He ordered the troops to attack.
All the English forces having entered the city indulged in plunder and rapine, so that those diod, whose cap of life had booom brimful with the wine of fate; and the rest, men and women, having been captured, were thrown into prison. The Sardar Ghulam Haidar Khan, son of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, who had been the Hâkim [Governor of Ghazni, being desirous of avoiding the consequences of such a calamity (as imprisonment], intended to let himself down from the ramparts of Malik Muhammad Khân by means of a lasso, but hesitated to throw himself down ;' and having prepared to submit to the decree of God, fell likewise, after a while, with his family, into the grasp of fate and was oonfined ;-8 Hamid the Kasmiri poet says: When that ripe man, was bound with raw
hideas The sphere said:-'A royal falcon came into
the net.'
According to Kaye, Vol. I. p. 436, the army halted at Qandahår from the 85th of April to the 27th of June.
. On the 21st of July 1899, Kayo, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 487.
See Quran, Ch. LIY. T. 4.

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He was taken to Shah Shuja'a-u'l-Mulk who, the administration of military and civil affairs, after threatening and reproving him, spared acting so closely in conformity with the wishes his life at the intercession of the English, to of the English, that not a hair's breadth of whose camp he was then conveyed. Yaqût difference arose between them. He appointed Khan, the eunuch, with others, was ordered to Mirza Haidar Ali Khân, the army-writer, with take charge of him and of his family.
the approbation of Colonel Claude Martin This event caused so much aneasiness to Wade, to be always with the Salibs of exalted Afzal Khan that he went to his father, who dignity as an agent and secretary. He likewas encamped with his army at Arghandai, and wise so managed the transactions between the gave him a true account of it; whereon the Amir two powers, as to maintain and to augment Dost Muhammad Khân despatched his brother mutual barmony. Nawab Jabbar Khân to Shah Shuja'a and When Shah Shuja'a had become convinced of to the English, under the pretext of making the tardiness of the Qandahar Khâns in arriving, arrangements for his family, but in reality to and of the negligence of Haji Khân Kakari in ascertain the state of affairs. The Nawab elicited, pursuing the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, he after many interviews, the answer from the cast into prison the said ħaji Khân, and the English, that if the Amir Dôst Muhammad Haji Dost Muhảmmad Khân Ishaqzai, and also Khân with his family would consent to go to Naib Amir Birukzâi, Mulla Rashid Barukzâi and Hindustan, the English Government would cer- Åå Husain Farsi-zubân, the last three of whom tainly give him one lách of rupees per annum; had been confidential advisers of the Amir Dôst and he returned and conveyed this information Muhammad Khân. He had also several other to the Amîr Dôst Muhammad Khân.
men, who were Khâns in Kabul, taken and The Amîr, meanwhile, experienced much put into prison. Haji Dôst Muhammad Khân faithlessness and ingratitude from his own Ishaqzai died in captivity from a disease he troops, who, under the Khân Sbirin Khân had, and thus liberated himself from the prison Qizlbásh, broke out into open revolt against of this perishable world. After this Haji him, robbing him publicly, and committing | Khân KAkari was set at liberty. depredations of provisions and goods even in When the Shahzadah Timar, the eldest son of his own camp. This so distressed the Amir that Shah Shuja'a arrived in company with Colonel he blew ap his powder magazine and fleeing with Clande Martin Wade from the Pañjab and his family in the direction of Turkistan, took | Peshawar through the Khaibar Pass, Abdu'shrefuge with the Padshah of Bokhârî, as will shukur Khan Ishaqzâi, who had during thirty be narrated if it pleaseth Allah the Most High. years been plenipotentiary agent of the Padshah
The Darráni Khans who had, as mentioned at Lôdianî, likewise arrived at Kabul in the above, remained in Qandahår to make pre- retinue of the Shahzadah. The Padshah, parations for their troops, did not leave it until after bestowing upon him a robe of honour, they heard of the conquest of Ghazni, when with the approval of the English, made him they hastened as quickly as they could to Wazîr and NÂib of his government. Some time Kâbul, Shah Shuja'a, in concert with the afterwards Sardar Muhammad Zaman Khan, English, then despatched a number of troops in son of Nawab Asad Khân, with his son and command of Captain Outram and of ħajt Khân brothers, Sardar Amîr Muhammad Usman, Kákari, in pursuit of the Amir Dôst Muham- son of Nawab Şamad Khân, and the sons of the mad Khân, but as the Haji was negligent, he Sardar Amîr Muhammad Khân, who were all returned some time afterwards without effect- cousins of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khan, ing his purpose; and when Captain Outram
arrived. They kept up their position and arrived hu reported the matter.
dignity, and the English showed them many When Shah Shuja'a entered Kabul with the civilities; and although the honours enjoyed English commanders and the English army by the Barakzai tribe were extremely distasteful on the 1st of Jumadu's-sâni [12th August to the Padshah, he said nothing for the sake of 1839]" he occupied himself constantly with the English.
0 According to Kaye, Vol. I. p. 460, the British Army appeared on the 6th of August before the walls of Kabul, and the Shah entered the city on the following day.
11 It was on the 3rd September that Cotton, Burner, and other British Officers, with a guard of honour, went out to receive the prince. Kayo, Vol. I. p. 457.

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After an uninterrupted sojourn of nearly four respects; but being overcome by groundless lunar months, when the trees had lost their fear went instead to the múz'a of Safedkôh. foliage, and the snow was falling, the Shah His apprehensions arose from his perceiving determined to spend the winter at Jallalabad, that the Padshah bore nothing but the title, and departed from Kabul on the 24th Sh'aban and that in reality the English Government [2nd November 1839] after having appointed enjoyed all the power. Fanaticism was an the Shahzadah Timur to be governor of Kabul additional motive for his retirement, from with 'Abdu'sh-shukur Khân for his lieutenant, which no friendliness could draw him. Acand Alexander Barnes, who remained behind as cordingly the Government determined to raze his agent. It happened also that whilst the Pad all his fortlets to the ground; but he posshah and the English were dwelling at Nîmla, sessed in Jakản on the outskirts of the the Shahzadah Muhammad Akbar, who was the Safedkôh a strong fort rising into the blue most intelligent son of the Shâh, and cousin tosky, and eluding all the efforts of the 'aamil of Dôst Muhammad Khân, died of a grave malady, the Ghiljâis to destroy it. Some troops were 80 that a further stay at Bagh-Nimla was an- therefore despatched, who effected that purbearable to the Shảh. He, therefore, sent the pose. An English force was also sent in corpse to Lamghân, where it was buried in the command of Mr. (sic) Conolly, because the vicinity of the blessed mazár of [the saint] Khôkis, who live to the south of Jallalábad, had Mihtarlak, and himself departed to Jalla- revolted and refused to pay their dues, but lâbâd.
before the troops arrived they agreed to pay ap On arriving there, Sayyid Hashim, the Hakim on condition that a reduction should be made. of the town of Kuner, and a partizan of the A reduction of twelve hundred rupees was Amir Dôst Muhammad Khâo, failed through granted. Moreover, the road through the fear to come in to pay homage, and so was Khaibar Pass and from JallalAbåd to. Kabul [held to be refractory, Accordingly a detach- being infested by robbers, an agreement of the ment of English troops with several .cannons happiest kind was concluded with the Ghiljai and one hundred sawárs of Abdu'llah Khan Khảns and chiefs of those parts, so that henceChakzai were despatched under the command of forth no traveller was molested. Mr. (sic) Macgregor to remove Sayyid Hashim, After this Shah Shaja'a undertook a pilgrimand to instal in his place Bahâu'ddin Khan. age to the blessed tomb of Mihtarlak (to whom Sayyid Hashim took refuge in his fort and stood be salutation !) which is situated in Lamghan, the siege bravely several days, whereon the where Mirza Ibrahim Khân, the munshibashi English determined to undermine and blow up of the Government, who was the Hakim of the gate, as they had done at Ghazni. But the Tajiks in Lamghản, entertained the troops after they had done so, they found, when and the Padshah with handsome banquets. making the assault, that an extremely thick The Padshah then returned again to Jallalabad, wall had been erected in rear of the gate, and and remained there till he went in company they could effect nothing. The rain being very with the English officers 'to Kabul, where he violent, and the assault fruitless, the English arrived on the last of the victorious month of were compelled to return to their tents. Şafar in 1256 [2nd May 1840]. Meanwhile Sayyid Hảshim, who was very While the English officers were on their way frightened, considered this opportunity to be from Qandahar they had approved of the muz'a the best for escaping. Accordingly he mounted Dillån Rabât, which is situated on the western a charger and fled into the mountains, where- milz'a of Chashmå Maqur, and conceived the on the above-mentioned officers installed idea of building a fort there. Accordingly Bahâu'ddin Khan in his place and returned the ShAhzâdah Timur was sent in that direction to Jallalábâd. On the other hand 'Abdu'l-Aziz with English troops, and returned after an Khan Jabbar Ghiljai, who was a confidential absence of some months. friend of the Amîr Dost Muhammad Khan, Meanwhile some well-meaning persons brought and whose foster-sister the Amir had married, to the notice of Shảh Shaja's that the trade of having previously found grace with the Pad the courtezans was getting very brisk, and that shah and the English, came to pay his any man [i.e. British soldier) could satisfy his

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lust for a small sum of money, because hand information that the Amir Dost Muhammad some females splendidly attired and bewitch- Khan, having escaped from Bokhara, had ingly adorned were boldly frequenting the arrived at Halm, and had made from thence, houses of profligates as often as they chose; with the aid of the Azbaks an attack upon but that this increase in wickedness would Bamian, but had been defeated and bad then inflame the religious sentiments of the popula- gone to Kōhistân. Mîr Masjndi Khan, who tion; (saying:]
was a Sayyid of authentic descent, had there"If no one steps this torrent
upon made preparations for a ghazá (crescenIt will produce much devastation."
tade] to accelerate the arrival of the Amir Shâh Shaja'a being frightened by these Dôst Muhammad Khân. When Shah Shuja'a words, alluded to them covertly and enigmati- became aware of this movement, he despatched cally in a conversation with Mr. William his son, the Shah zâdah Timur with some Macnaghten, who replied :-"Whenever sol- Durrani sawars, accompanied by Mr. Alexander diers are prohibited from doing such things, Burnes and General Shiell and their forces, to they become subject to anaccustomed mala- Kohistán. A conflict took place when the dies." As the Shah desired to please the troops reached the múx'a of Khwajah Khizar, English he said nothing more on the subject. situated near Charikar and belonging to Mir
As long as Mullâ `Abdu'sh-shukûr Ishaqzai Masjadi Khan Bahadur, who was bold enough enjoyed full power, by his good management to offer resistance with only fifty warriors; of affairs the Padshah's total want of but the artillery soon made a breach in the authority did not become publicly known, till fort-wall and the order to storm it was given. a man became obstreperous, on the strength of The Mir now perceived that his position was his friendship with Alexander Burnes, about hopeless, but as life is of use only with a criers being sent through the city (of Kabul) fair name and a brave one, according to the to fix the price of grain, or on account of saying, "If thou abide even one moment only some other trouble. 'Abdu'sh-shukur Khan in the world, be a man," it became necessary reproved him for form's sake, and some per- to sacrifice it. Accordingly, in order to attain sons in the crowd taking the part of the man martyrdom, the defenders of the fort ranged said: "If the Padshah has no authority, why themselves with drawn swords on both sides should 'Abdu'sh-shukur be cajoled " Ames- of the breach, shouting "We belong to Allah, senger of Burnes soon after arrived, and MulA and unto him shall we surely return," and
Abdu'sh-shukar (instead of resenting this im- fought so valiantly that they struck down their pertinence] made excuses to him, saying assailants as they arrived, in such numbers that "I did not know that the man was your their corpses, heaped one upon the other, might dependent." However, while he was wasir he almost have served as a ladder for mounting up kept [the real state of] matters secret, and to the fort. Mr. Conolly also having quaffed managed affairs so smoothly, that the popula- the bitter draught of death in this severe tion trusted the Shah :
struggle, the day-book of his life was folded up. Appoint a God-fearing man over the subjecta, When the General (Shiell) perceived that on Because a virtuous man is the architect of the account of the bravery of Mir Masjad Khan kingdom
it would be impossible to take the fort, he But Mr. Macnaghten and Alexander Burnes gavo up the attempt and withdrew his troops disregarded all consequences, and being dis- from the breach. Mîr Masjadi Khan, whose pleased with 'Abdu'sh-shukur on account of the bravery was worthy of all praise, likewise abovementioned fracas, removed him from his abandoned the fort during the same night, and post, and appointed in his place Muhammad after joining the Amîr Dost Muhammad Khan Ugmân Khân, the son of the Wazir Wafadar was again attacked. First the Indian troops Khan, because he always acted according to advanced, but the Sardar Muhammad Afzal the wishes of the English.
Khan meeting them like a furious lion cut many About this time Shậh Shaja's received of them to pieces, and those, who survived,
Gurin, ch. i., . 151. - is
been killed by
petty fortron Poor Edward Conolly (Arthur's next brother) has | Kohiko." Kayo, Vol. I. p. 557.
dubious hand at
in

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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA.
169
fied; whereon the English forces advanced and he was ander the necessity of turning from that side to the other.
The English officers had promised to pay a reward of two lakhs of guldár rupees to any one who would slay the Amîr Dôst Muhammad Khan, and bring them his head. He accordingly, finding no refuge in any other direction, was under the necessity of hastening with two sawars in the evening to Macnaghten, who received him honourably, and treated him kindly, although he first said :-"The Shah must make his salám."16 But innate pride prevented the Amir from complying, whereon Macnaghten excused him, acted according to his wishes, and, having afterwards sent for his family to Ghaznî, forwarded him together with them to India. The family remained in Lodiânî where it was lodged in royal houses, but the Amir was sent to Calcutta, where a yearly stipend of two ldkhs of gulddr rupees was assigned to him. On the other hand, in Kabul Shah Shuja'a was in the sight of intelligent persons held as of no account. Indeed his dignity had departed from him, as if he bad fallen from heaven down to the earth.
About this time the Shahzadah FathJang, who was Hâkim of Qandahår, felt aggrieved at some words that Major Leech had said to him, and having, at the request of Shah Shuja'a, come to Kâbul, his own brother Safdar Jang was appointed to his post,
The winter having again become severe, Shah Shuja'a appointed for the second time the Shahzadah Timur Governor of Kåbal, and departed with the English Officers to Jallalábad, where the following events took place during his sojourn :
The Sanko Khel tribe, which lives among the various sections of the Shinvaris, had robbed them of several flooks of sheep, on account of some long standing domestic feud. Accordingly some English troops and a company of the Sawara Janbaz Shahi (Mounted Royal Bodyguard) were despatched to punish the Sanko
24 "The native troopers fled like sheep. Emboldened by the craven conduct of the British osvalry, the Afghan horsemen rode forward, driving their enemy before them, and charging right upon the position of the British, until almost within reach of our guns. The Afghan Babres told with cruel effect upon our mounted men. Lieutenants Broadfoot and Crispin were out to pieces and Dr. Lord was killed by a shot from a neighbouring fort which tore out his bowels." Calcutta Review, Vol. VII., for January-June 1847, p. 58 ; also Kaye, Vol. I.,
Khels, who, however, took refuge in the moantain passes near them ; so that the troops could only destroy and burn their fortlets, and then return.
Another strange event which happened was, that one day Mr. Macgregor produced three pieces of paper with the Shah's seal and handwriting on them, addressed to the chiefs of Kohistân, inciting them to revolt, and to wage a jihdd (crescentade) against the English. The Shâh knew that these writings were altogether forgeries, but was amazed on identifying his own seal and chirograph. He accordingly summoned Mirz& Ibrahim, the Manghibashi, into his presence, and asked him for an explanation. After a little reflection the Mirzê declared that some disloyal person must have obtained possession of the three papers and skilfully changed the contents by erasing (or washing out] some words, and substituting for them some othera of a treacherous import. When the manner in which this forgery had been committed became known to the Shah be sent for Mr. Macgregor, and pointed ont to him the vestiges and marks of the first writing, which could yet be discerned on the papers when attentively examined, whereon his suspicions likewise disappeared. The Shah then said to the English officers that the benefits they had at times bestowed upon the Baruk. zâi tribes would all certainly be requited by treachery, and that they would produce other papers of the same kind.
He also said: "All this is the consequence of appointing Nişámu'ddaulah to be wasir, especially at a time when he has made common cause with Jabbar Khân, Muhammad 'Ugman Khan, Muhammad Zaman Khan, and the like, and has made Mirza Imâm, Burdi Khan, Mastifi 'Abdu'r-Razzaq Khan, Mirza Ahad Khan and Naib Amir Barukzki his agents. I I had possessed any authority I would not have left alive one of the Barakalis, especially the sons of the Sardar Paiņ&A Khan. If you deal with the BarakzAis according to the P. 564. This content is described at some length by both, and has been almost literally copied in both these works from Mohan Lal's Life of the Amer Ddat Muhammad. The conflict is in all the three books called the battle of Purwandurreh (Parwandarrah), but our text does not mention this name, nor indeed gives us detailed an nooount of the fight as theirs the whole of which, however, As already mentioned, is referable to one source only.
w An Oriental salutation inferring inferiority.

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maxim that a foe is to be reconciled by their pay; but in vain, until one day Şamad benefits, you are mistaken. The reverse policy Khân Popalzai made the same request as on of striking off your enemy's bead with the former occasions. As this took place in & sword is the proper one. But you can take your general Darbár, the Padshah was necessarily choice." As they were, however, expecting obliged to turn to Nizamu'ddaulah and to to conciliate that valiant tribe, they did not ask him what he thought of the complaint, care to answer the Shah.
and on the latter replying that it was contrary After that the Shah became anxious to make to the truth, Şamad Khân exclaimed :-"You a pilgrimage to the blessed mazár of Mihtarlak are certainly a liar; you cultivate the friend(to whom be salutation and to pay a visit to ship of the Padshah's enemies, while you cause his beloved mother, and fulfilled both inten- the hearts of all his loyal subjects and welltions. After his return Nizâmu'ddaulah, who wishers to bleed." Then mutual and hot was desirous that no one besides himself should recriminations followed, to avoid hearing enjoy the confidence of the Padshah's Govern. which the Padshah rose and left the Darbár ment and of the English officers, considered it hall, whereon Nizâmu'ddaulah, who had lost all proper for his interest to bring about the ruin self-possession, waited upon Mr. Macnaghten of Ibrahim Munshi, whom the Shih greatly with his complaint and said :-"To-day I trusted. Accordingly he said that Lamghân, have been insulted in pablic Darbár, and if no which the Tajiks had rented to him, was his reparation is to be made, what answer shall own freehold, and no solicitations of the Mun. I give tomorrow to others ? and where shall I shi could extort the money due from him to seek a refage from their bad acts and impudent the Government for it), nor could the Padshah words P" Thereon Mr. Macnaghten indited himself effect anything, because he was unwil the following letter to Shah Shuja'a :ling to act against the wishes of the English "Şamad Khân is a silly impudent fellow and officers (for which reason all the Khâns and by no means worthy to be present at a royal servants of the State despaired of his position, Darbár. If he be expelled from the country and knew that his reign had come to an end). he will be excused from being present." The
Not long after his arrival from Lamghan, Pådshah, who considered the words of the Shah Shuja'a returned in company of the Sahibs English officers as commands from heaven, of exalted dignity to Kabul, and appointed prohibited him nolens volens from making his with their approbation the Shahzâdâh Timûr to appearance [in Darbar]. be Governor of Qandahár; also his haram, The event just narrated became a cause which he had called from Lodiânâ arrived in of ruin to the Padshah and of despair to the Kábul in the month Rab'iu's-sêni, in the year population, as well as to the army. Indeed 1257 [between 23rd May and 21st June 1841). the wickedness of Nigamu'ddaulah reached at
When Nizamuddaulah Muhammad 'Usman last to such a height, that the Padsbah could not Khân, son of Wazîr Wafadar Khân, had attain- bestow a single copper from the revenues ed full authority, and knew that his power | upon anybody. He was moreover, from want 88 wazir was paramount, he became so puffed of authority, unable to continue the allowances up and haughty that he treated persons of granted to the blessed masdrs of 'shiqs and both low and high degree with equal scorn. 'árife, which no one had stopped from ancient He kept most of the salaries of the Darrant days to the present times; and whenever any one Khans and of others in arrears, so that a few appealed to him he only uttered the words of them, whom he believed to be not only "orders will be issued," knowing full well that devoted to his interests, but reckoned as his nothing would be done, but being desirous of servants, often brought it to the notice of the keeping up appearances. Padshah that the Ghulamsas had not received
(To be continued.)
10 The Ghulam here mentioned are the same as the "Corps of Ghuldma of Ahmad Shah AbdAll, organized by him. Aware that a combination of chiefs, or even dis. oontent among tribesmen, might result in his army leay. ing their standards, and returning to their own homes, he had organized a special force dependent on himself,
and hence called Ghulam Shahi. He followed in this respect the example of Nadir Shah, and recruited the corps from the Tajiks and QizlbAshes of Kabul, the Yusufzais of Peshawar, and from amongst the strangers dwelling in the Afghan cities.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
171
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. IV.-Véméi and the Thieves. I listened as she thus related to them the destiny One night as a party of thieves were prowling of the king's son :about in search of booty, they happened to fall "This poor boy, I am sorry to say, has a in with the goddess Vêmâi, going along at full very bad future before him, although he is born speed with a tray on her head. Taking her a king's son. He will lose his parents at the to be a human being, they eagerly went up to age of twelve and will then be deprived of his her, and found that the tray she carried was legitimate possessions by an asurper, who will of solid gold, and contained, besides rice, kanka," condemn him to pass his life as a prisoner and other objects of good omen and a pair of within the walls of a castle. He will, howdice set with diamonds and pearls. Glad to ever, manage to break his bonds after some find such valuable booty within their reach time, and escaping from the castle, will betake they attempted to lay hands on the treasures, himself to a jungle, where he will pass the rest when Vâmâi cried out in an authoritative of his life in ekeing oat & precarious sustenance voice in which was mingled a tone of entreaty, by hunting small game." -"Keep away, my friends, and touch me not, Thus saying the goddess departed. The for I am the goddess Vêmái, and am hurrying thieven, outlaws though they were, loved the to the palace of the king, unto whom a son king, who was good and pious, and were, therehas been born, in order to write his destiny. fore, very much distressed on learning of the Pray, therefore, do not detain me,”
misfortunes that were to befall the prince. "We would willingly allow you to go," said
Nearly twelve years after this all that the thieves, “if you, by way of corroborating
Vēmâi had foretold came to pass, for the good your statement, tell us what is to be the destiny Raja died and his Raņi followed him soon of the king's son."
after, leaving the poor boy an orphan under "I regret," said the goddess, "that I am the care of an ancle, who soon usurped the unable to gratify your curiosity, for I myself throne for himself, and closely confined his have no idea at present of what I shall write nephew in & castle. The thieves, whose sym. down; I have only to throw these dice and pathies the prince had enlisted almost-from await the result, and then write down the his birth, and who were following his fortunes secret of the child's destiny just as it is revealed all the while, befriended him at this juncture, to me."
found means to get him outside the prison “Very well then," said the thieves, "we walls, and hid him in a jungle. Knowing, allow you to go on your errand, on the con however, that the boy was foredoomed to live dition that, on your return from the palace, you on small game they were determined to baffle tell us the destiny of the boy, as it is revealed
his destiny at least in that particular; so they to you."
provided him with a bow and arrows and set The goddess agreed to this and departed, him to hunt in the jungle. The rabbits, deer, while the thieves remained where they were, and so on, as if aware that he was to get his awaiting her return.
living out of them, marched past him and After finishing her business at the king's almost threw themselves in his way, but the palace Vêmâi, true to her promise, hastened to thieves would, by no means, permit him to the spot where she had left the thieves. As shoot them; as soon, however, as an elephant or she approached them they noticed that she such other big game came in sight, they bade was downcast and wore a sad look. Never. him discharge his arrows at them. As the forest theless they flocked around her and eagerly was full of elephants, rhinoceroses, and the like
· Vémfi is supposed to be the goddess who determines the destiny of man. She is popularly believed to visit anseen the bedside of the new-born infant on the sixth night after its birth and to write out its destiny. Under this belief superstitious people place on that night, . tray containing a blank sheet of paper, & pon, ink, 2000anat, and the red powder used for making marks
on the forehand on auspicious occasions near the baby's cradle. They, however, do not expect to hoo any writing on the paper, but are content to believe that the child's destiny has been determined during the night.
A red powder used for marking tho forehead on auspicious occasions such as Birthdays, Weddings, &c.

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[JONE, 1886.
the young prince managed to bag one of these by putting him in the way of killing large huge creatures almost every day, and the sale game they started him fairly in life as a of their hides and tasks realised large sums of merchant in ivory and skins, and thus saved money.
him from the privations he would otherwise In this way the thieves succeeded in baffling have suffered by being doomed to live on small the destiny of the boy in one respect, because I game only.
MUDYANUR PLATES OF SAKA 261 OF THE BANA KING MALLADEVA-NANDIVARMAN.
BY LEWIS RICE, C.I.E., M.R.A.S. This grant consists of five copper-plates, 87 | Bali, the lord of the Dänavas, was descended inches by 25, strung on a metal ring, uncut, a promoter of his race, the king Nandiwhich is secured by a metal seal, 14 inches in varman. His son, Vijayaditya-Deva, diameter, bearing in relief the image of the ball next succeeded to the kingdom, and in turn recumbent, Nandi, with the sun and moon was followed by his own son, a glory to above. The outer side of the first plate the B&D & race, Sri Vad hûvalla bbaand both sides of the last plate are blank; Malla de va-Nandivarman, the donor of but there are traces of an inscription on the the grant. He is described as the roler over a former, which has been effaced. From so much seven and a half lakh country containing twelve as appears, it is evidently the beginning of thousand villages, situated in the Andhra Ganga inscription, containing the usual phrases, mandala or Telaga country. One of the ascripas in the Hosûr and Någamangala plates, tions in his praise, being a complimentary referdown to Harivarman. The plates belong to a ence to Buddha, strikes me as most unusual in resident of Mod yanûr (the Mudiyanür of a Brahman grant. It says of the king (line 15) line 28) in the Mulbågal Taluka of the Kolar that "in compassion for all living things in the District in Maisar, and were found a few years three worlds he was like Bodhisattva," going ago in the court-yard of his house by some on to compare him in other qualities with boys who were digging about in play.
Virabhadra, Mahêndra, and Kårttikêya. It proves to be the charter of a gift of At the end, the carpenter (tvashtri) Nandithe village of Mudiyanür or in its Sanskrit form varmichåryya states, in the first person, that he Ch û dågrama, to twenty-five Brahmans, inscribes the grant by order of Vadhávallabhamade by the Båņa king Vadhiyallabhs
Malla. The king, calling himself VadhûMallad & ve-Nandivarman, in the Saka vallabha-bhpati, also in the first person, conyear 261 (A.D. 339-40), the twenty-third of his firms the grant as long as the sun and moon Own reign, while he was staying at Åvani. endure. The Sarvapradhana, or general The langaage is Sanskrit throughout, very full minister, the Dandadhipa Vaivasvata, then of mistakes: the characters are Pârvada-Hale- records that he has carried out the order. Kannada. There is a constant insertion, un- The inscription closes with the two words necessarily, of visarga before the initial p of a vyadhanam ullégan, the meaning of which is following word, a practice which seems pretty not apparent, though the latter seems to refer general in old inscriptions in this character. to the writing.
The opening lines are in praise of Siva. Of the professed date of this inscription, I Then follow praises of Vishga, with the view express no opinion. It is left to the judgment of introducing him in his connection with of those who feel able to pronounce upon it." Bali in the Vámana or dwarf incarnation; But as regards the other contents of the but some of the ascriptions are such as belong grant, we are not without information to guide only to Siva. From Mahabali or the great ns. From the inscriptions formerly published
It should not be overlooked that the Ganga grant etraced from the first plate comes down to Harivarman, whose reign is assigned to Saka 109 to 210.-[But see ante, Vol. VIII. p. 9121. And, having now seen the
present plates, I consider that this grant is certainly spurioms, at any rate so far as the date is concerned. The Characters are, roughly, of much the same type as those of the Merkers and Nagamangals plates.-J.FF.]

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A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
173
by me which first brought the B Aşa kings to Pallavas were in possession of Kanchi and light, it was found that they claimed to be of Mahabalipura early in the 7th century A.D., the MahAbali or Mahfvali race, and we obtained and that both they and the MahAmallas or the names of B &ņa-Vidyadhara or Mab Abalis soffered defeat at the hand of the Vikramaditya, and Prabhu-Méru. The grants Chalukyas in the second half of that century. published by Mr. Foulkes added considerably That the Baņa kings continued to flourish to our knowledge by giving us the following in the east of Maisûr subsequent to their regenealogy, with certain historical references :- storation, there is abundant evidence in inscripBali.
tions. From one at Mapigatta-Gollahalli, we
find a Banarasa ruling in Saka 821 (A.D. 899Bâņa.
900); and from & fine stone at Kendatti
Madivala, we learn that he was contemporary Bảna Adhirdja,
with the Ganga king Nitimârga and with followed by many kings. Then
Nolambadhiraja. The latter, from inscriptions Jaya-Nandivarman, ruling
at Bêtma igala, was ruling in Saka 826 (A.D. territory to the west of the Andhra country. 904-5) Of Nitimârga I have obtained many
inscriptions. He was ruling in Saka 831 (A.D. Vijayaditya.
909-10), and bore the titles Kongaņi-Varma,
Dharma-mahadhiraja, Satyavákya, Râchamalla Bri-Malladdva, Jagadêkamalla. . and Permanadiga!.
The Båņas are met with down to a late Bâņa-Vidyâdbara.
period. For, my conjecture that the inscrip
tions at Srivilliputtur in Tinnivelly of A.D. Prabho-Mèru-Deva..
1453 and 1476 belonged to them, proved to
be correct, as ascertained by Mr. Sewell at the Vikramaditya.
time. Two kings of this family, styling them
selves Mahávali-Vâọa (for Bana) Adhiraju, thus Vijayaditya, Pukkala-vippuva-ganda. seem to have got possession of the Pandya
throne in the latter half of the 15th century. Vikramaditya, Vijayabáhu.
To return to our grant. The reference to Then the Chôļa king Vira-Nárayaņa the Nandi hill and the PAlir, at the commencesuddenly aprooted the Båņas; but ment, is interesting. The PÅler throughout its they were restored eventually by
course, as formerly pointed out by me, would the Ganga king Kesari or
seem to be identified with the MahÂvali or Prithivipati, in the person of
BÂņa line, from its source in Nandidurga to Hasti-Malla.
its mouth near the celebrated Mahabalipura. The present grant, so far as it goes, con- Among the titles of the restored dynasty were irms this pedigree, and is made by the king " lord of Nandi" and "having the crest of a here called Sri-Mallad êva, Jagadēkamalla, bull," and here we have Nandi on the seal of the the father of Baņa-Vidyadhara. If, as seems original line. Also, if I am not mistaken, the probable, the Ganga king wbo restorid the small coins sometimes picked up at Mahâbali. Båņas, was the predecessor of Sri-Purushapura, have a Nandi on them. who began to reign Saka 649 (A.D. 727-28), The village of Å vani, from which the grant or that king himself, this would give us a date was issued, is a celebrated place. It is said to to which the overthrow of the original line be Avantika kshetra, one of the ten must have been some time anterior. And to places of greatest sanctity in India. Here arrive at the reign in which our grant was Valmiki, it is stated, had a hermitage : here issued, we have to reckon back six generations RAma oncamped on his return from the beyond that event. We also know that the expedition against Lanka : hither Sitâ repaired
Mys. Ins. p. 904, Intro. p. xlix; onte, Vol. X. p. 86. ..See Nelson's Madura Manual, Part III. p. 83 ;
Salom Manual, Vol. II. App. p. 869; ante, Vol. XII. Sewell's Madras Antiguities, Vol. II. p. 223. Pp. 6 and 187.
ante, Vol. X. p. 88. ante, Vol. XIII. p. 190, note 10.

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when put away by him, and here gave birth to her twin sons Knéa and Lava, who were brought up by Valmiki. It is now the seat of a Guru of the Smarta sect, and contains an interesting group of large temples dedicated respectively to Râma, Lakshmana, Bharata, Satrughna, and Vâli-Sugriva. From inscriptions it would appear that they were originally erected about Saka 850 (A.D. 928-29.)
Hodali, which gives its name to the district in which Madyanûr was situated at the time of the grant, is still so called. The boundary villages mentioned are easily identified. Uttagrama is Uttanûr; Kuladipa is the village now called Koladêvi; Kottamangala and Kolattûr still bear the same names. Kanakad våraparvata is the only place that is doubtful; the name is probably a translation of some vernacular name like Sonnabâgilu.
[JUNE, 1886.
It remains to say a word with reference to the Brahmans to whom the grant was made. Of the four named, it will be seen that three, after their gôtras have been given, are described as súmanya-charana. Of this I have been unable to obtain any explanation, though we have a sect of Drâvida Brahmans called Bri. hachch. rapa. The story is that Agastya had been engaged for the performance of a great sacrifice by a Pandya king, who sent invitations to Brâhmans in distant places to attend. Those who received the notice early, came away at once, but those who got it later and had farther to come, did not arrive till the ceremonies bad begun. From this circumstance the former got the name of brihat-charana, the 'big striders' or fast walkers'! Similarly the others may have been distinguished as sámánya-charaya or 'ordinary walkers' !
TEXT.'
First Plate.
1 Ôm namaḥ Sivaya(h) Nandy-ikhya-sailôtkata-kata-pitha-Mandakini-vârinidhir
dhdharêéa[b] Dêvêndra-brindaraka-vandaniya (b)-på
2 daravindyê jayati pranamyah || Svasty astu bhu-bhudharâdhisa-tanayalingya. vaksha-sthalaḥ śirasy-âmṛita-"
3 bhu-chandra-dhârinô dayaya bhuvaḥ sakala-bhuvana-prasådan?' bhûta-yasasô bhâsuratara-taranga-tarala
4
jala-jaladhi-sthita (b)-bhajanga-sayana-sayinah Kamalanabhasya vikrama-trayarambha
lôbha-praksharita-kara-cha
5 rana-saroja-lauchanâlôkanaika-hêtubhata-dana-vibhavasya
maha-Bali-namadhêya (b)-Dâ
navêndrasya vamsa
6 savṛidhdhi" kârêpôdbana (b) "kritayacharaṇa-labdha-sukritôpaniyata-dvija - vara - ghushyamana-punya-ghosha-ni
7 rdhdhûta-duritâri[r] balavad-ibhanga-dalaha" vijrimbhamiga-turaga-nata-niru. dhilâdhikrin-vakra-sainyaḥ sa
8 masta-narêndra-lôka-vandyamânah pratipa(b)-pribhātviṭhavi-vakaha[b] rêndrayata-bahu-dandêss chandêsa-nirjja
Letters which are redundant, are put in ordinary
brackets; and letters supplied, in square brackets.
Read padáravinds.
10 Read prasddhant. Pulbana.
Bead am ita.
11 Read vriddhi.
13 Read dulah.
Second Plate; First Side.
9 ta-karila-khadgah kayûra-hara-dyuti-râjitângah kirita-haripitha-labdha" sa-Nandivarmma" dhṛita-raja-dharmma
10
tatah tasyôttama-sunu[s suna]mad-bhânu-mayúkha-jala."prôtphulla-pamkê[ru]hasannibhâsyah pranimakrit(a)-kshani
11 ya-mauli-mâlâ-nishrishta-prabhâ-mandala-pada-pithah namna Vijayâditya-dêvô nija
bhaja-bala-vilu
12 pta-durvvara-vividha-vairi-vibhavaḥ
sa-jala-jaladhara-thâna-"gambhira-galakṛita-gharjja
nabhipurita-dig-a
kshônîdha
1P niruddh Adhikrin.
Bead labdha.
Read jóla.
so Bead niarishta.
18 Bead dandas
1 Bead varmma.
10 P kehattriya. ip dhvána.

Page #207

JUNE, 1886.7
A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
175
13 ntarala[b] någa-khadgas chatula-rana-ranayamAna-nipâtita(h)-praharana-janita-vraņa.
gaŅAbharaṇa-vapushå vi. 14 rajamânah kritavan Adhi[r]jyam sit tasya tâdpisah srimat-Bâņa-vamśa-kamali.
kara-prabodhana-Jinakarasya" 15 sdnos tribhuvana-madhya-varttinath prâņinâm parama-käruņakathaya" Bodhisatvôpa - mânasya virataya
Second Plate; Second Side. 16 Hara-hita-Virabhadra-sannibhasya råj[y]Adhåradaya Mahendrôpaminasya mukhá
phalat-sêvista]tayå vårir17 bi-sadțišasya Mêru-pratinidhy-êkêchal-aišvarygât Karttiköyánukariņaḥ pratidinam
Umå-nirupita-pramo18 da-hêtoh | apicha" yudhy êva paryyabhavanti dvishantah iva gajah krudhva?
sitihasya saktyâ bahu-pródghâta19 khadgadhruta"-pavana-bihas" chanda-ghaténa yasya froņi-bhârâlasatvas".chalita-gati.
mano-hårinám vå20 dhûnåtizo yasmin lagnâni(1) chêtasy amala-kuvalayakshini naiva(h)payânticil]
tasya tîdrisaste viśvambharå-va21 layabharaṇadirgha-båhôr ahärahar-anivardhdhamina-sakti-trayasya Andhra-mandale
dvadasa-baha22 sra-gråma-sampâdita-saptârdhdha-laksha-vishayadhipatêr aparimita-chitur-asrama-vyava.
sthacharaņa-karana-Sri-Va 23 dhåvallabha-Malladêva-Nandivarmména Åvanya-purð sthitva eka-shasty-uttaradvaya-saté Sakabdah" pravardhdhama
Third Plate; First Side. 24 nâtmanah trayð-vimsati-varttamana-Vilambi-samvatsard Karttikasukla-paksh8 trayd
daśyam Sômavård A. 25 évinyam nakshatré(ti) Bharadvája-gộtra-såmanya-charana-sri-Rudra-Bhatta-sarmmag.
Kausika-gôtra-Trilochana-Bha26 ta-sarmmaņa Kauņdalya-gôtra(h)-såminya-charaņa-Trivikrama-Bhatta-sarmmaņa Kâs
yapa-gôtra-sâmánya-charana-Nard27 yaņa-Bhatta-sarm m[an]á cha sabê nana-gôt;ibhyol," pañcba-vimsati-viprêbhyas tat
pâda-prAkshâļanam kļitvå Ho28 dali-vishayê Mudiyandr-nnâma-grâma adaka-dhârâ-pûrvvai maya dattaṁ | asya
grâmasya simôchyatê 29 purvvayan disi Kuladipasya samipo kanishthayama-tatakasya séto[h] tatra dakshiņa
aruna-sthala paśchima(b)-plavam tatra 80 dakshiņ8 aśðshya-bil&-sthala-våpi-varim tatra purvvam Kuladipaí-jaldgras-spingan
tatra dakshiņê Kana31 kad vara-parvvatasya samipé kabja-saila[b] tatra paschimê Bairamangala-tatakajalagrasyttare
Third Plate; Second Side. 32 kubja-sailkgrasoshya"-påshiņa-vApt tatra paschimé paschima(h)-plava-sarit-pram&ņdna
rijva-gata-paschimê kubja-sai. 33 la-dvaya dakshiņê avata-nivatasya paschim-Otta-grâmasya Kottamangalasya trikůta
brihat-påshåņa-parkti-ma
# Read dinakarasya.
Read karunikataya. ** Read mukta phala.
Here follows a slaka in Sragdhard metre, full of mistakes.
Read gajah kruddha. 1 Read khadgadhruta.
# Read brihat. 50 Substitute sundartņām. * Read sakabde. 3. Read varanh.
** Read bhardlasatudt. * Read varmmana. * Read gotrebhyah. * Read Midshya.

Page #208

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
34 dhya[b] dakshina(b)-plavam-sthalâtôttarê svalpa-krishna-pashana-paṁktis
sahitôttara
plava-sarit-sangama-sva
35 1pa-nadi-tatê sila-sthalam tatra marutyê Utta-gråma-maha-taṭakasya pratimukhe
jala-samîpê si
36 14-athala-pakti[b] asya jalagrasyôttaråsanna-bhinna-svalpa-bila-sthalam tatôttaré purvva-pla va]-sarit tatôtta
37 re
brihat-pashana-paṁkti-paschima-plava-sarit-mûlam tatra (h) pashana-paṁktyôttare brihat-pashana-tatôttarê Utta
38 gramasya Kolattûr-nnâma-grâmasya
kâra-avaṭaḥ
Fourth Plate; First Side.
39 tatra půrvittard paschima (h)-plava-sarit-sahitôttarâsanna-brihat-pashanam tatra parrram amba-plavaayattar
40 tatra pûrvvam kanisḥta-tataka-sahitam tatra purvvam Kolattar-nnâma-grâmâgnêya. simasya Kuldipasya
41 trikúta-saila-sthalam tatra dakshine aruna-sthale sthåpita-pashanam tatra dakshine Kuladipasya 8A
42 mipe kanishțâyâmas-sêtôttarê simâvalaya samaptaḥ | bhumim yaḥ pratigrihyoti yach cha bhûmim pra
43 yachchati ubhau tau punya-karmmâṇau niyata (h)-svarggagaminau | bhûmi-dânan tu yat punyah na bhûto na bhavishya
44 ti yasyêva harapan-nai(?)tva(?) na bhûtô na bhavishyati
datta rajabhis Sakarajibhih yasya ya
45 sya yada bhûmiḥ tasya tasya tada phalam svadattam
harêti vasundhara [m] shashtim varsham sa
[JUNE, 1886.
trikůța-kanishṭama-tatâ ka-jalâśayê bâlachandra
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
46 hasran vishtâyẩm jây tê krimih | hiranyam êkam gầm êkem bhamyim apy Akam
amkuram haran narakam A
47 pnôti yavad A-bhûta-samplavam | na visham visham ity Ahu[b] brahmasvam visham uchyatê. visham kakinah hanti bra
TRANSLATION.
Om! Obeisance to Siva! He, the ocean to (which flow) the waters of the Mandakini whose throne (or source) is on the lofty peak of the mountain called Nandi, lord of the
Be? pratigrihniti.
Read dandt.
Read Sagarddibhiḥ. Read tatévdicharyya. Read vd. "Bead Chida.
bahubhir vvasuda
paradattar va yo
48 hmasvam putra-pautrakam brahmas vam pranayad bhuktâm dahaty â-saptamaṁ kulam tatêvaśchauryya".rûpêna daha.
49 ty â-chandra-târakam | vikramêya tu bhôktriaâ[m] dasa-pûrvvâ[n] daśâparân lôha,
chûrnnâsma
50 chûrnnas cha visham vê jaraya[n] naraḥ| Vadhavallabha-Mallasya vachanênaiva sasanam tvashta Nnandi-varmmâcharyya dânasyasya
51 likhamy ahani ||
YAvat soma-sahasramśu tavat tishtati saśvatal Chûda." gråmam pradasyâmi Vadhu
52 vallabhabhûpati[h] | Ittham kritam sarvvapradhanam Vaivasvata-dandadhipêna ||
Vyadhanam" ullêgam
37 Read yas cha.
Read bhutan.
41 Read #kakinam. 43 Road charnni. Read tishthati.
earth, his lotus-feet worthy of worship from Devendra and the gods, triumphs, the adored!
(L. 2.)-Be it well! His breast embraced by the daughter of the bearer up of the moantains of the earth, bearer on his head of the
40
47 Peddhanam the meaning of these two words at the end is not apparent.
The only river whose source is actually attributed to the hill of Nandi or Nandidurga is the PALAr or Kahtra-nadi, though seven rivers rise in the same group of hills.
As this is understood to mean Parvati, the consort of Siva, the statement seems misapplied to Vishnu.

Page #209

JUNE, 1886.]
nectar-producing moon," source of mercy, his glory illuminating all worlds, reposing on his couch the serpent in an ocean whose waters are flowing in shining waves, was Kamalanabha (Vishnu);-on whose starting to take the three strides, manifesting desire with the signs of hands and feet, was established the fame, as the only giver of gifts in the world, of the great Bali, lord of the Dânavas;-the cause of the increase of whose race, freed from the enemy of sin through the sound of the blessings chanted by great Brahmans possessed of all merit acquired in the constant exercise of holy rites, having a force composed of mighty elephants, his terrible army led by commanders the prancing of whose restive chargers stopped the motion of the earth, worthy of reverence from all the kings in the world, his breast the abode of valour and government, the rod of his arm as long as the world-bearer (Adisesha), his dreadful sword unconquered by the most powerful kings, his body glittering with the radiance of garlands and epaulettes, having obtained the crown and the throne, was Nandivarman, the upholder of royal
A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
virtues.
(L. 10.)-After him, his excellent son, whose face was like a lotus opening to the light of the rays of the morning sun, his footstool illuminated with the radiance caused by the crowns and garlands of prostrate kings, by name Vijayaditya-Deva, possessed of many kinds of wealth won from his enemies by the strength of his own arm, filling all quarters with the shouts from his deep throat resembling thunder from the storm-clouds, having a serpent-like sword, his body glorious with groups of wounds from the stroke of warlike weapons in the moving fight, having governed the kingdom :
(L. 14.)-There was, in like manner-a sun in awakening the lotus-lake of the Bån a racehis son, who in compassion for all living things in the three worlds was like Bodhisattva, in valour the equal of Virabhadra beloved of Hara, in protecting the kingdom like Mahendra, in possession of pearls the equal of the ocean, in
Like the foregoing, this is descriptive of Siva and not of Vishnu.
Prabhu-, mantra, and utadha-fakti.
177
having a (mount) Mêrn of unique immovable wealth resembling Kârttikêya, daily the cause of manifest joy to Umâ; as elephants tremble at the might of a raging lion so were his enemies overcome in battle by the wind of the strokes of the sword uplifted in his hand; the bright lotus-eyes of women, fascinating in their gait from the weight of their loins, being attracted to him could not be taken off again.
(L. 20.)-By him, being such a one, his long arms an ornament to the circle of the earth, daily adding to the three kinds of power," ruler of a seven and a half lakh country containing twelve thousand villages, in the Andhra mandala, cause of continued prosperity to the four castes,-(viz.) by Sri-Vadhuvallabha-Malla deva-Nandivarman, being in the town of A vani, in the Šaka year two hundred increased by sixty-one, the twenty-third of his own reign being current, in the Vilambi samvatsara, on the thirteenth (day) of the dark fortnight of Karttika, on Monday, under the constellation Gemini, to Śri-Rudra-bhatta-sarman of the Bharadvaja gotra and sámánya-charana, to Trilochanabhatta-sarman of the Kausika gotra, to Trivikrama-bhatta-sarman of the Kaundalya (sic) gótra and sámánya-charana, to Narayana-bhaṭṭasarman of the Kasyapa gotra and sámányacharana, and including them to twenty-five Brahmans of various gotras, having washed their feet, the village named Mudiyanûr in the Hodali vishaya, is, with pouring of water, by me given.
(L. 28.)-The boundaries of that village are (here) stated:-(here follow the boundaries in great detail, and then various imprecatory verses).
(L. 50.)-By order of Vadhuvallabha-Malla, I, the carpenter Nandivarmâcharya, inscribe the charter of this grant. As long as moon and sun endure, for so long in perpetuity, I king Vadhuvallabha, make a gift of Chuda-grama." Thus was it done by the Sarvapradhana, the Dandadhipa Vaivasvata. The grant is written (?)
ss This is the translation into Sanskrit of Mudyanúr. Fyddhanom ullégamh; the meaning is not apparent.

Page #210

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1886
(M.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 147). MAN, -Manush, monish, mush, (Eng.); manus, MELON, WATER, -Shofti, (As. Tch.)
(Span. Gip.); manish (dim.) ma ushoro, MELT, to,Bilåva, (Tch., M. 7) (Teh.); ñêre, mêru (As. Tch.); manush, MELTED, to be,-Bilêniovava, (Tch.) (Pep: M., M. 8); gazhô, gazhd, mangsh, MENTION, to,-Pomenikva, pomenisaráva, (M.) rom, (dim.) romurô, (M.); mero, mursh, MERCHANT,Neguctoru, neguctori, negucitor, (M. 8)
(M.) MANE,-Kðama, (M.)
MERCHANDISE,-Kiriye, (M.) MANGEL-WURZEL-Dip, (As. Tch.)
MIDDAY,-Mezmêri, mesmeri, myazě, myaza, MANGER,-Åslia, pakhni, (Tch.)
myadza, (M.); mismiris, (M. 8) MANGY,-Ghelalô, gheralo, (Tch.)
MIDDLE--Mashkarål, (M.) MANTLE,-Urydibe, (Tch.); mantao, (M.); plash MIDDLE, in the --Maskare, (M. 8)
chos, ( M8) -
MIDNIGHT,-Yékpdsh arått, (Tch.) MANY,-Azôm, (Tch.)
MIDWIFE,-Mormusti, (Eng.); mami, (M. 8) MAPLE, -Paltinu, (M.)
MILE, -Mea, (pl.) millior, (Eng.); mil'a, posht, MAKE-Grasni, grasnakkur,(Eng.); grastnt, gras.
ni, granf, (Tch.); grastnf, (Psp. M.); MILE-STONE, - Mea-bar, (Eng.) graznf, yêpa, (M)
MILE, --Tud, (Eng.); tut, (Tch.); tut, sut, (Pop. MARJORAM,-Khribnos, (Tch.)
M.); kir, pir,(As. Tch.); thud, (M., M. 8) MARK,-Měddha, (M.)
MILE, to, -Dosháva, pishava, (Tch.); dushava, MARKET,-Fôros, (Tch., Pep. M.)
(M.); dosháva, (M. 7) MARRIAGE, -Romipen, (Eng.), biâv, (Tch.); biAv, MILK, SOUR, -Yoghurt, (Toh.); mast, (As. Tch.) piâv, (Pep. M.); nunta, (M.)
MILKMAID, -Tudlogueri, (Eng.) MARRIAGE-GUEST,-Nuntash, (M.)
MILKMAN,-Tudeskoro, (Tch.) MARRIED,-Rommado, romm'a, (Eng.)
MILKY,-Tudalo, (Tch.) MARRIED, to be,-Kununisard'ováva, (M.)
MILL-Poggra-mengri, (Eng.); vasid, (Tch., Pap. MARRY, to,Pandrevåva, (Tch.); nuorisard'o.
M); asdă, (M.); asyav, (M. 7) vâva, onsurisard'ováva, kunaniáva, kunu. MILLER,-Waro-mescro, pauno-mengro, (Eng.) nisaráva, mēritigard'ováva, (M.)
vasiavéskoro, (Tch.); morfri, morar, (M.) MARSH-FLOWER-Tafa, (M.)
MILLET,-Kurmt, (Tch.) MAST.-Bero-rukh, (Eng.); akialdni, (Tch.) MILL-STONE,-Rězhnica, (M.) MASTER. -Dômnu, mêshtero, mêshteru, ray, riyu, MINARET,-Bashavdi, (Tch.) (M.); ray, (M. 8)
MIND.-Zi, (Eng.); minte, (M.) MATTER,-Bee Pus.
MINE, (sub.), -Ogna, (M.) MATTRE88,-Kozákos, (Tch.)
MINE,--Miro, miri, (Eng.); mos minro, (Tch.); MAY, (month of),-May, M.)
meki, (As: Tch.) Me, to, (dative), - Amande, (Eng.)
MINISTER, -Ministru, (M.) ME, (acc.),--Man, (Tch.); man, ma, (M.)
MIRROR, -Dikliardo, gledalo, yalf, (Tch.); avini, MEADOW,--Livado, livardo, (Tch.); mal, málo,
(Ag. Tch.) málu, poyána (M.)
MISCARRY, to,--Márghiováva, (Tch.); shuddva, MEAGRE,-Kiehlô, sanno, (Tch.); kishlo, (M. 7)
shuvava, (M.) MEAL, a funeral,-Prazniko, (M.)
MINER-Wöngar-kamming mush, (Eng.) MBAL-Bee FLOUR.
MIBERABLE. --Chungalô, jungalô, zungalo, bi-bakhMEAN, (adj.),-Prost, (M.)
tiAkoro, (Tch.); chungalo, (Pep. M., M. 7) MEASURE,-Medisin, (Eng.); mosdra, (M.)
MISFORTUNE, --Chingår, chungár, (Tch.) MEASURE, to,-Měsurisaráva, (M.)
MOCK, to,-Prasáva, (Tch., M. 8) MEAT ---M&s, (Tch., Psp. M.); mási, (As. Tch.); MOCKED, to be,-Prasániováva, (Tch.) mas, (M.)
MODESTY,-Laj, lach, lajaibê, (Tch.); pachi, (Span. MEDIATOR,-Mizhlochio, mizhlochio, mizhlochi,
Gip.); laj, (M. 8) (M.)
MOLE, -Povo-guero, (Eng.); korê kermusê, (Tch.) MEDITATE, to,-T'it'iAva, (M.)
MoNDAY, Luyô, luy, (M.) MEDICINY,--Drab, drav, (Eng.); opdr, (As. Tch.); MONEY,-Luvvo, (Eng.); love, rup, (dim.) ruporu, doftoriya, (M.)
(Tch.); orp, (As. Tch.); love, (Psp. M.); MOET EACH OTHER, to, ---Malad'ováva, (M.)
love, lovi, parále, zhělta, (M.); lovo,(M. 8)

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JUNE, 1886.]
MONEY, of or belonging to,-Rupéskoro, lovêngoro, (Tch.)
MONEY-CHANGER,-Luvvo-mengro, (Eng.) MONK,-Kolagěru, (M.)
MONKEY,-Maimuna, (Tch.) MONTH,-Masek, (Tch.); masak, (As. Tch.); chon, måsek, (Pap. M.); shon, shan, shun, (M.); måsek, (M. 8)
MOON,-Dude, chân, (Eng.); hiv, chemut, (Hun. (Gip.); chon, (Psp. M.); chon, chomût, (Tch.); shon, shun, (M.); chomut, chon, (M. 7)
MORE, Komi, yerreder, buroder, (Eng.); po, (Tch.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
MORTAR, &,-Havâni, (As. Tch.)
MOTHER, Daya, dieya, die, mam, (Eng.); daia, die, (Rus. Gip.); dai, de, (Pap. M.); dâi, dêi, (dim.) daiori, dâle, dôle, (Toh.); dado, (As. Tch.); da, mâyka, mátka, mesa, (M.); day, (M. 7) MOTHER-IN-LAW,-Mamicholi, sashai, (dim.) sashiori, shashdi, sasti, shashuiori, (Toh.); shasti, shashti, (Pap. M.); sasof, sasut,(M.) MOUNT, to,-Ugliava, ukliava, (Tch.); ukliava, (Psp. M.)
MOUNTAIN,-Tal, (As. Tch.); mozhila, muzhila, play, (M.)
MOUNTED,-Uklistô, (Tch.) MOURNFUL,-Tugno, tug, (Eng.)
MOURNING,-Lipima, (Tch.)
MOUSE, Musso, mushô, massos, (Tch.); mishâkos, mushô, (Psp. M.); shôreku, shôrik, shoareku, (M.)
MOUSTACHE, Shoshanô, (Tch.) MoUTE, Mùi, (abl.) muy&l, (Tch., Psp. M.); zavar, zavád, (As. Tch.); muy, (M., M. 8) MUCH,-Bute, (Eng.); but, (comp.) buteder, butlô, (Tch. Psp. M.); buhu, (As. Tch.); but, (M., M. 7)
MUCUS,-Khalêa, (Tch.)
Mucus of the nose,-Lim, (Psp. M., M. 8) MUD, Chik, (Tch.); chik, chika, (Pap. M.); glôdu, (M.)
MUDDY, Chikalô, (Tch.)
MULBERRY, Dud, tu, (As. Tch.)
MULE, Joro, jornî, (Tch.); joro, (M. 7) MURDER, to, Murdarâva, (Tch., Psp. M.); mudarâva (M.) MURDERER,-Manushfari, (Tch.) MUSHROOM,-Khukhûnr, fiticha, (Tch.); khukhunr,
(M. 7)
MUSHROOM, of or belonging to,-Khukhunrêngoro, (Tch.)
MUSKET, -Pudinô, (Psp. M.) MUSTER, to, Mustrusarâva, (M.) MY,-miro, (Eng.); mo, minrô, mindô, (Tch.); mo, morô, muro, (M.); minro, (M. 8)
179
N
NAILS, (human),-Naior, (pl.) (Eng.); nai, (Tch., Pap. M.); nati, (As. Tch.); angi, (M.); (ag.) nai, (M. 8)
NAILS, (human), of or belonging to,-Naiêngoro, (Tch.)
NAILS, Sasters, sastris, (Eng.); sheritno, (Tch.); yerê, karfin, (M.); karfia, (M. 7) NAIL TO, on,-Contosaráva, (M.) NAILED ON,-Contumi, (M.)
NAKED, Nango, (Eng,); nangô, nangalô, (Tch.;) nangoldi, (As. Tch.); nango, (Pap. M., M. 8); nango, nanga, (M.) NAKED, to become,-Nânghiováva, (Tch.) NAKED, to make,-Nangheråva, nanghiaráva, (Tch.)
NAKEDNESS, Nangipen, (Eng.); nanghipê, (Toh.) NAME,-Nav, (Eng.); nav, naf, (Tch.); nam, (As. Tch.); nav, (Psp. M., M. 8) NAMED, to be,-Bushâva, kharáva, (M. 7) NAMELY,-Adekě, (M.)
NAPE OF THE NECK,-Men, min, (Toh.) NAPKIN,-Mesali, (Tch., M. 8); pâta, (Tch., NARROW,-Tank, tang, (Tch.); tang, (M., M. 8) NAVEL,-Pol, bor, por, (Tch.); navugori, (As. Tch.); pol, (Pap. M.); burtku, (M.) NEAR,-Pashê, pashpashê, (abl.) pashal, pacho, (Tch); nêlag, (As. Tch.); bashê, pashê, (Psp. M.); pash, pashě, (M.); pasho, (M. 8)
NEAR-SIGHTED,-Hegedari, (M.) NEAR, of or belonging to,-Pashalutnô, (Tch.) NECESSARY, to be,-Trebuâva, (M.); hum, (M. 7) NECESSITY,-Tryba, (M.)
NECK, Men, karlo, (Eng.); korf, korin, kurlô, (Tch.); kor/(M.); kori, (M. 7); men, (M. 8) NECK-CLOTH,-Men-pangushi, (Eng.) NEEDLE, Siva-mengri, sovie, su, subye, subie, (Eng.); suv, suf, (dim.) suvori, (Tch.); siv, (As. Tch.); sav, (Pap. M.); suv, (M. 8) NEEDY,-Choveno, (Eng.)
NEGRO,-Kaulo guero, (Eng.)
NEIGH, to,-Hremint'iava, hremintisaråva, (M.) NEIGHBOUR,-Pashemandutno, (Tch.); mejiyêsh,
(M.)
NEITHER NOR,-Ne-ne, (M. 8)
NEST, Ken, sas, tas, (Eng.); kaybu, (M.) NET,-Gond, gond, (M.)
1
NEW, Nevo, (fem.) nevi, (ing.); nevô, (Tch., Pep. M., .8); neve, (As. Tch.); nivô, (M.) NIGHT,-Rarde, (Eng.); ratt, (Tch.); arått, yast, (As. Toh.); rat, ratti, aratti, (Psp. M.); ret, (M.); rat, (M. 8)
NIGHT, as dark as,-Arâttiovel, råttilo, (Tch.) NIGHT, during the,-Aratti, (Tch.)
NIGHT, to stay through the,-Rat'aráva, rat'ardovåva, (M.)

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180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1886.
NIGHTINGALE,-Ratnilgen chiriclo, (Eng.) NIGHTLY,-Bardiakey, Eng.) NINE,-End, enis, intya, (Toh.); nbya, nu, (As.
Tch.); fniya, (Pap. X.); end, (M.); enes,
(V. 7) NINETEEW,- Desh-i-Inie, (Pap. M.) NINETY,- Iniyavardêri, (Pep. M.) NINTH - Ensto, (M.) NIT,-Lik, (adj.) likalo, (Tch.); likh, (M. 8); cf.
LOUBE. Nits, He who has,-Likêngoro, (Tch.) No.--Ne, kek, kekko, chi, (Eng.); na, nána, nånai,
nisti, netik, nánasti, nánastik, ne ne, ma, (Tch.); na, nanki, nastf, ma, (Pep.
M.); ba, (M.); (see Nor.) NO MORE,-Kekkomi, (Eng.) NOBLEMAN, Ghalti, (AB. Teh.); rãi, Pop. M.). NOBLENE88,- Strashnichiye, (M.) NOBODY,-Jenő, (Tch.) NOCTURNAL.-Rattutno, arattutno, rattiakoro,
(Tch.) Noise-Gudlí, godli, (Eng.) Norz-Chee, kek, kekkeno, (Eng.) NONSENSE, -Dinnelipênes, (Eng.) Noon,-Yékpash dives, (Toh.); nimru, (As. Tch.);
mezmêri, mesmêri, mydzē, myaza, myadza,
(M.) No one,-Kayak jend, (Pep. M.) Nose,--Nok, (Eng.); rutunf, (Tch., M. 8); nak,
(As. Tch., Pap. M., M.); nakh, (M. 8) Not, MA, kek, na, ne, (Eng.); na, nichi, nieh,
(M.); chi, (M. 7); na, ni, (M. 8); see No. NOT ANY,-Kekkeno, (Eng.) NOTHING.-Vanesha, (Eng.); hich, ich, chi, chichi,
chiti, (Tch.); na (ma) nishta, (M. 8) NOURIBH, to,-Parvaráva, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 8);
hréniáva, hronisarava, (M.), see FEED. NOURISHMENT,-Hráno, merind'e, (M.) NOVELTY,-Nevibê, (Tch.) Now,-Kanau, knau, kana, (Eng.); akana, okand,
akai, kâi, akangha, (Tch.); akanA, okan,
(Pap. M.); akana, aka, (M.); akana, (M. 7) NUN-Rashani, (Tch.) NUR8,-Daya, dieya, (Eng.); mámkě, (M.) Nut,-Pedloer, penliois, (Eng.); akhôr, akôr,
(Tch., Pep. M.); akhor, (M. 7); peledan,
(M. 8). NUT-TREE, -Akhorin, akorin, (Pep. M.)
OBSCURE,-Biavelikkoro, (Toh.) OCEAN-Okyans, (M.) ODOUR, -Sung, (Tch.); shimg, (M. 8) Or,-De, kata, kat, (X.) OTTERING,-Kiribe, (Toh.) OTTICER,Cheribashi, (Toh.) 07 MO UAE,Kek-kushti, (n.) OIL, -Maklo, (Tch.) OIL, linseed, Pabard8, (Toh.) OLD-Pureno, puro, (Eng.); phuro, puro, (comp.)
phuredêr, purano, phurnô, (Toh.); panari, vidi, (Ag. Tch.); phuro, phard, paro, furo, purano, (Pep. M.); bharů, pharð, (M.);
phuro, purano, (M. 8) OLD, to become, -Phuriniováve, (Toh.) OLD, to grow,-Phoriováva, (Tch., Pep. M.). OLD AGE,-Phuribe, (Tch.) OLD CLOTHES MAN,-Eakijis, (Tch.) OLD MAN,-Phurô, phurd, (M.) OLIVE,-Maklicha, (Tch.); zeiti, (As. Toh., M. 8) ON-Pe, pre, (M.); opre, (M. 8) Once.-Yekorus, (Eng.) ONE,-Yek, (Eng.); yek, (Tch., Pep. M.); ydka,
(As. Tch.); ek, yek, (M.); yek, (M. 7) ONE'S OWN,-Nogo, (Eng.). ONION, -Purrum, (Eng.); puram, (Tch., Pap. M.,
M. 8); bevezi, pivaz, (As. Tch.) ONION, of or belonging to Purumêngoro, (Tch.) ONLY,-Yekoro, (Eng.); numây, numay, num, (M.) OPEN-Pinrô, poravdô, (Tch.); poravdo, (M.);
pinro, (M. 8) OPEN, to,-Pinavêva, pinraváva, poravkva, (Tch.);
puterava, (M.) OPEN THE EYES, to,-Enkalaváva, (M.) OPENED, to become, Pinriováva, (Tch.) OPENING, ķhěă, (M.) OPENING IN A PAIR OF BELLOWS,--Privichi, (Tch.) OPPOBITE,-Mamti, perdal, perdalutnô, (Tch.);
gharshu (As. Tch.); mamai, (Pep. M.) OPPOBITE, he who is,-Mamntno, mamutnano,
(Tch.) OPPOBITE to,--Mamuyal, (Tch.); mamuy, (M. 8) ORCHARD.-Paub tan, (Eng.) OR-Or, vor, (M.) ORDURE,-Hin, (Eng.) ORIFICE,-Mti, (Tch.) OTHER, -Yavêr, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 7) OTTER,--Vidra, (M. 8) OUR, -Moro, (Eng.); amaro, (Tch.); emeki, (As.
Tch.); amaro, amarðă, amard, (M.);
amaro, (M. 7) OUT, (not within),- Abri, (Eng.); avri, (Pap. M.);
bi, (M.); avri, (M. 7) OUTER, -Avryal, (M.) OVEN -Bov, (Tch., Pep. X.); boð, (M.); bov, (M. 7) OVER,Pawdel, (Eng); oprál, (M.) Over the water,-Perdal, predA), (Pep. M., M. 8)
0
Or-Stezhåri, (M.) Oats, --Jobis, (Eng.); pusavdi, (Tch.) DATA,-Sauloholomus, (Eng.); khasloibo, sovel,
(Tch.); sovel, (M. 8). Okey, to,-Kandava, (M.) OBLIGED (compelled), to be,--Musaráva, (M.)

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Jonz, 1886.]
INDRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS.
181
INDRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS.
BY PROF. F. KIELHOEN; GÖTTINGEN. Profowor Bählor's notice of Professor fortunately, instead of quoting those scholars Peterson's Second Report on the Search for by name, he introduces their statements by Sanskrit M88. (ante, Vol. XIV.p.354) has again such vagne expressions as Kaschit, Kéchit, drawn my attention to Professor Peterson's Bks, Anyé, Aparé, etc. What grammarians were discovery (Report, p. 65), that “the Indra gram- | meant to be denoted by these terms, I first mar" commenced with the words Parerat learnt from the marginal notes in a MS. of a
ati. "To light upon a passage"-50 Professor small portion of Hémachandra's grammar Peterson says, -" which actually quotes the which is in my possession, and I subsequently first words of Indra's grammar, while us yet discovered that the names there given have scholars are disputing as to whether such a been taken from a commentary, called Nydea, work ever exiated, is indeed a reward for on Hêmachandra's Brihadvritti. Of this much fruitless toil." And Professor Bühler Nyása I have now been able to read through adds :-" This discovery settles, indeed, the MS. of the Deccan College (No. 282 of question, if an Aindra grammar really existed." 1873-74), which, I regret to say, does not
It would seem that, in the opinion of both go beyond the first Pâda of Adhyâya II. of scholars we have now at last got actually a Hêmachandra's grammar; and from it I give quotation from that Aindra grammar which, the following names of grammarians or works according to the late Dr. Barnell, preceded the on grammar, which H&machandra is supposed grammar of Påņini, and that, according to their to refer to : views, such an Aindra grammar has really Indrag 8 min. Fol. 116 Indragômi-K 14existed, or may, as Professor Bühler suggests, paka-prabhsitayal [Hémachandra:
. still be in oxistence. Much as I rejoice at.
T
h at TOSTART TATO Professor Peterson's discovery, I cannot but FET ). Fol. 12a Indragomi-Chandra think that the conclusion drawn from it- prabhsitayal; Fol. 15a Chandrándragomisupposing it to be as stated'-is & somewhat prabhsitayaḥ [Hêmachandra: hasty one.
समासार्थवे नेच्छन्ति । सन्मते प्रिवदुबे मिवनये I have indeed been long aware of the fact Tora T 1). [Besides, my own M8. that * grammar composed by Indra must have has Indra-Chandran Fol. 53a). existed, because I knew that that grammar Utpala. Fol. 136 4:1 OThad been used by Hêmachandra. But as the water TT: 1; Fol. 18b;-Fol. 146. faller name of the author of that work is Utpaládayaḥ; Fol. 16a twice. Indragðmin, just as Chandra's faller name Kal & paka; Fol. 256, (and Kalapaks in is Chandragðmin, I feel no inclination to make my own MS. Fol. 53a); Fol. 36 Kâlâ pakadyah; it older than Påņini. And my opinion as to Fol. 116 Indragðmi-Kalapaka-prabhsitayah. ita comparatively recent origin is confirmed Kåsik & kåra. Fol. 116 KibikAkarádayah. by an examination of the statements that are Kshiras våmin. Fol. 136 free scribed to it, a writer who copies from the wife WTO wafacerea : Fol. 159 Värttikas on P. I. 4, 3 and VIII. 3, 1, cannot forms only forrad,
T ; Fol. be older than Påņini, -as well as by the fact 20a Chandra-Bhôja-Kshirasvâmi-prabhțitayah. that Indra or Indragồmin is mentioned in com- Chandrag 8 min. Fol. 12a Indragðmi. PADY with grammarians or grammars like Chandra-prabhțitayah ; Fol. 13a Chandra-preChandragðmin or the Kaldpaka,' about whose bhpitayah; Fol. 15a Chandrendragðmi-prabhri. relation to Panini there can be no doubt. tayah; Fol. 18b Chandrådayah; Fol. 20a
H&m chandra mentions the views of Chandra-Bhoja-Khirasvâmi-prabhsitayah; Fol. other grammarians most frequently; but, un. 23a Chandragðmi-Devanandy-adayah; Fol. 240
1 So far w I know, there is only one Indrs grammar about which there has been any dispute, vis. that Indra Tammar which according to Dr. Burnell is older than
The Ealdpaka, or kaldpardtra, or Kaumdra-vydka
rana, or more commonly Kdtantra, composed by SrlBarvavarman, " after the Satrs compoued by Bhagavat Kamera, and at his command." See the extrots from the commentaries in Eggaling's edition.
Plnini.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Chandragomiya-matam; Fol. 246 ChândraBhôjau. [Besides, my own MS. has Fol. 50b Chandrah, and Fol. 53a Indra-Chandrau].
Durgasimha Fol. 226.-Fol. 15a Durgasimha-Śrutapâlâdiḥ; Fol. 246 Durgab.
Dovanandin. Fol. 16a
s
स्त्रीलिङ्ग उक्तः scil वातप्रमीशब्दः; Fol. 2la काराशब्दे तु देवनन्दी, scil. इच्छति, in काराभू; Fol. 246.-Fol. 86 Dêvanandyadayah; Fol. 16a;Fol. 23a Chandragômi-Dêvanandy-âdayaḥ.
Vamana. Fol. 16a Vâman-âdayaḥ [Hêmachandra_says: केचित्यन्तात्क तिशब्दादेवेच्छन्ति scil. जस्सोर्लुपम् ; they form therefore कति, but not fa.]
[JUNE, 1886.
chandra says सख्यौ पस्यौ । पताविति कश्चित् ।, aud the Nyäsa adds कच्चिदिति । दुर्गसिंहश्रुतपालाहि ].
Bhoja. Fol. 16a;-Fol. 156 Bhôja-prabhṛitayah; Fol. 20a Chandra-Bhôja-Kshirasvâmiprabhṛitayah; Fol, 246 Chândra-Bhôjau.
Pânini. Fol. 200 Panini-prabhritayah; Fol. 186 Paniniy-âdayaḥ; Fol. 19a Paninisûref); Kakkala (se); Jayâdittrânusârinah. ya; the Dhâtupârâyanikâh opposed to the Vaiyakaraṇaḥ; a Nyása and a Nyâsakâra; the Bhashya, Bhashyakara, Bhashyakṛit, Bhashyakâra-Vârttikakarau, and Sriśêsharaja (i.e. Patanjali); Vatsa- Rishabhau (यतः शतृप्रत्ययान्तं महदिति रूपं लाक्षणिकं कप्रत्ययान्तं तु प्रतिपदोक्तंम् । एतच वत्सऋषभावूचतुः 1) ; the Visránta (विश्रान्तादी); the Vaijayantikara; and a marginal note explains the word by Jinêndra-Bhôja-Panini-prabhritayal].
Now from the above list it will appear, that Hemachandra in the compilation of his own grammar has used exactly those grammatical works which we might have expected him to use, viz., besides the Pániniya and its commentaries, the grammars of Chandra, Śâkațâyana (who, of course, has nothing to do with the old Sakatâyana), Bhôja, and Vâmana; the Jainendra, the Kalapaka, the writings of Kshirasvamin, and similar works. Certain it seems, that he has known nothing older than Panini, and we shall probably not be far wrong, when we assume that the grammar of Indra or Indragômin bore a somewhat close relation to either the grammar of Chandragômin or the Kalá
Visrantavidyadhara. Fol. 116 [Hêmachandra says: कश्चित्तु स्वरजयोरनाहिस्थबोर्बकारव - कारबोधयवस्यवर्णादन्यतोऽपि लोपमिच्छाते । अध्यारूड चासाविन्दुध मध्विन्तु। श्री
तस्या उदयः साध्नुश्य इत्यादि ।, and the Nyasa adds कश्विस्थिति। विश्रान्तविद्याधरः ।]; Fol. 96 Virkntavidyadhar-idayah fr स्थानेऽनुनासिके वानुनासिकमिच्छन्ति । स्वक् के इति fr]; Fol. 18a; [besides, my own MS. Fol. 446].
Sakata or Sakatayana. Fol. 136 [and my own MS. Fol. 53a] Sakata; Fol. 16a, Fol. 21a Sakatayana; [my own MS. Fol. 506 Sakata yanah]; Fol. 12a, Fol. 13a, Fol. 15a, Fol. 18a Sakatayan-âdayah.
Sratapala. [My own MS. Fol. 53a]; Fol. 15a Durgasimha-Śrutapâlâdil [Hêma
While I am obliged to Mr. Pathak for having set me right about Pajyapada (ante, Vol. XII. p. 19), I still believe that Devanandin was the author of the original Jainendra-vyakarana. If that grammar is correctly described by the term anékailsham vyakaranam, which even Prof. Peterson appears to admit (Report, p. 68), it follows with absolute certainty from the examples Daivanandinam anekaidehash vyakaranam and Devopajam anékas@sha-vyakaranam, that Devanandin was the rat who invented or proclaimed that grammar. Any Sastri conversant with the rules of grammar can tell whether I am right or wrong. I may add, that that rocension of the Jainendra, which has been commented upon by Somadeva, cannot be the original one, because it does contain the Ekasha-rules, and I have no objec tion to its being ascribed to Gunanandin. Lastly, I regret that Professor Peterson was unable to consult the Deccan College MSS. described by me (ante, Vol. X. p. 75), but they certainly had not gone to Germany Report, note on p. 69), nor have they gone there
even now.
[In addition to the above my own MS. Fol. 506 makes Hemachandra quote the opinion of Ratna mati, called Ratnamatir bauddhaḥ, in the words ; राधीश्वर्थविषयाद्विप्रष्टष्यादिच्छत्वन्यः । लाभाय राध्यति । लाभाव राधयति । लाभाय साधयति । लाभायेक्षेत । लाभाव पश्यति ।. And the Nydsa cites, on its own account, the following: Upadhyaya ( यदाह उपाध्यायः । अट्ट इत्येतस्मात्षष्ठधामापुलित्येव
A
In the Ganaratnamahodadhi p. 2, Vamans is described as the author of the Virántavidyadharavyakarana; the same work mentions, p. 167, a Nydea on the Viranta, and p. 131 a Virántanyasakrit. Brihadvritti of Vamana is quoted, id. p. 452; and Vamans also composed a Lingánussana in 34 Arys, which seems still to exist. In the Nyasa, from which I have quoted in the above, Viárantavidyadhara is certainly intended to be the name or the epithet of a man, not of a grammar; the name of the grammar appears to be Viiranta. Compare Katantra as the name of SarvaVarman's grammar, and Mushți as that of Malayagiri's (Mushtikrit P).
Ratnamati is often quoted. The man here intended I suspect to be the same as Ratna-áripadah, who appears to have composed a commentary on the Chandra-vyakarana, and who is cited (with Vimalamati) in Anandadatta's Paddhati.

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JUNE, 1886.) THE CHANDRA VYAKARANA AND THE KASIKA-VRITTI.
188
paka, together with which it is mentioned. As son and Bhandarkar, who already have done regards the first Sætra of it, for the discovery of so much for the preservation of Sansksit MSS., which we are indebted to Professor Peterson, to purchase as many commentaries on HemaI believe that Hêmachandra has imitated it in chandra's work as they can lay hold of, because his own rule Chie,' which in his grammar I believe that such commentaries will furnish follows immediately upon the Satras 97641 many valuable notes on the history of Sanskrit सिद्धिः स्वाहादात् ।
| grammar. If the information at my command I cannot conclude these remarks without be correct, there must still be in existence two requests. In the first place, I would urge | a Brihannyása, called Sabdamahárnava, my fellow-students to cease speaking of an Nyása by Dharmaghôsha, one by Ramachandra, Aindra grammar, or of the Aindra school of Laghunyása by Kanakaprabha, and similar grammarians, terms for which, so far as I works. They will probably not be pleasant know, there is no justification, and which are reading, but if Professors Bhandarkar and only apt to mislead And secondly, I would Peterson will giye me the chance, I will try to earnestly request my former colleagues, Peter- make the best of them.
THE CHANDRA-VYAKARANA AND THE KASIKA-VRITTI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. Tradition tells us that the Chandra-Vya G Fs, which is a rule of Chandra's. The karana is older than the Kásikd-Vritti. The addition of a to , in the sense of ry, is kindness of Professor Oldenberg, who has taught again in the Kasiká on Påộini V. 2, 122, placed at my disposal his copy of the fragments where the note to that effect is taken from the of Chandra's grammar which are at Cam-. Mahabhdshya. bridge, enables me to prove that the compilers On Pâņini IV. 3, 8 the Kasiká has the note of the Kdikd have diligently used that gram.
I I Chandra's rule is mar, although they never actually mention it. मण्यादिभ्यां मः In the Mahabhdshya on Pimini On Påņini IV. 1, 54 the Käsiká has the note IV.3, 23 fer is formed (not with #, but) z fet Thelg, which is not found |
with R . in the Mahábhashya. The three words are On Paņini IV. 3, 144 the Katika has the taken from Chandra's rule, which corresponds note एकाची नित्यं मयटमिच्छन्ति, तदनन किवते. to Paņini IV. 1, 55, Tede n of Chandra has the rules THTHI TATTI जगजगावकण्ठात्.
On Pâņini IV.4, 29 the Kdáika has the noto On PAņini IV. 1, 68 the Kásika has the note Sayt: Inferthi Chandra's y cercetat
: : which is rule is Terrar not in the Mahábhdshya. Chandra has the rule 1. On Panini IV. 4, 78 the Kabiká has the note
खइति योगविभागः कर्तव्य इष्टसंग्रहार्यः। उत्तरधुरीणः । On Paņini IV. 1, 85 the Katika has the note दक्षिणधुरीणः। Chandra has the rule सर्वोत्तरबमाचेति वक्तव्यम्, which is not in the Maha- T : bhashya. Chandra has ut, in his rule faraftar- On Pånini IV. 4, 101 the Kásikd has the note दित्यबमाण्ण्यः
Sca r i TT: Ang. It On Påņini IV.), 156 the Kášiká has the note was Chandra who taught the addition of either स्ववादीनां वा फिव्वक्तष्य: Chandra has the rales sufix; for his role is 90 v. - ( ST: Re :
On Panini V.1, 12 the Kasiká has the note On Påņini IV. 2, 42 the Kábiká has the note ayte faracenaft. It was Chandra • The Pandits of Tibet are certainly right when they grammar of Parini (ib. p. 64). See Barnell, On the say that the Chandra vydkarana agrees with Panini, Aindra Grammar, p.5. and they may be therefore supposed to be right in main. * Explained by him: Elaftrat
p o garataining that the Kallpavydkarana agrees with the Indrapydkarana, (see Schiefner, Taranthe, P. 64), 1.6.,
काललिजन्स्वानसंख्यापरिमाणापत्यवीप्सालुगवर्णादीनां संज्ञाना MI take it, the grammar of Indragómin. Indragðmin परात्रिस्यं नित्यादन्तरङ्गमन्तरजनचानवकाश बलीय इत्यादीनां would, in my opinion, be the same as Indradhruva (id. p. 63), and TiranAths is quite right, when he says that in न्यायानां च लोकाइयाकरणसमयविदः प्रामाणिकादेव शास्त्रAryadna the Indravy karapa did not appear before the प्रवृत्नये सिद्धिर्भवतीति वेदितम्यम् ॥.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Jun, 1886.
who did so; for his rule is farta: wait (withont 4.)
The second explanation, which is given in the Kdorika of Påņini V. 1, 94, was the one adopted by Chandra; for his wording of the rule is सरस्व ब्रमच.
On Pipini V. 1, 126 the Kdóiká has the note H e t af men. Chandra has the rule सहिपतर्वनिम्बोपः
When on Pånini V.1, 131 the compiler of the Kalikd asks
far, he shows that he knew Chandra's rule waitftat Sant And by his remark उत्तरसूवात्संज्ञामहणमनुष्यते on Pamini V. 2, 81, he indicates that he was acquainted with the wording which Chandra had given to the rules 81 and 82, g li and प्राबोअमस्मिन.
On Pinini V.2.128 the Katiká has the note T ita Chandra's wording of the rule
चारोगगहितामाणिस्थावस्वानादिनिः On Papini V. 3, 12 the Kúbiká has the note
I I Chandra has the rule SATA On Påņini VII. 2, 48 the Kásiká has the note
afa topat. Chandra does read after of:. On Papini VII. 2, 49 the Kalikd has the note केचिदन भरज्ञपिसनितनिपतिपरिवाणामिति पठन्ति. Chandra does read frafafayfarefcx:.
On Påņini VII. 3, 17 (see also on V. 1, 55) the Katika has the note भसंज्ञाशाणकुलिनानामिति कैचिल्पन्ति . Chandra has कुलिज, in hia rule संक्वाबाः संवत्सरपरिमाणस्यासंज्ञाचाणकुलिजस्व.
These instances, to which I might add many others even from the incomplete copy of Chandra's grammar which is accessible to us in Europe, will sufficiently prove, that the
authors of the Karikd-Vritti knew that grammar and used it in the compilation of their own work. They will also show that Chandra has not, like some of the later grammarians, merely copied from the Ashtadhydy, the Värttikas, and the Mahabháshya; but that ho also has either tried to improve on those works himself, or has in addition to them used other works, which do not seem to exist any longer."
Strange it appears that the compilers of the Kariká should never have mentioned Chandra and his grammar; that they should not have done so even in connection with rules such as Påņini II. 4,21 ; IV. 3, 115; and VI. 2, 14, where by quoting the Chandra-Vyakarana they would, one might say, have much more vividly illustrated Påņini's meaning, than by the examples which they have actually given.
It is one of the characteristio features of Chandra's grammar, that, --while it retains the most artificial terms of Paņini's grammar, such as wa, ow, y and others, some of which have not met with general acceptance even in PAņini's own school,---it discards a large number of other terms, many of which have been found Bo appropriate or useful, that they have been adopted even by European grammarians. From Guna and Vriddhi, Chandra goes back to addh and adaich; from Sariprasarana to yana ik or igyanah; Vriddha of course had to become ádaichádyach. For Upasarga, Chandra always employs prddi; for Sarvanáman, sarvadi; for Taddhita, anádi; tak or tafiána serve him for Atmané pada; and the reverse, atañ, for Parasmaipada. Dvandva is expressed by chartha ; Bahuvrihi, by anyartha; and Dvigu, by sa khyádi; Upadhd is upanta ; Upasarjana, apra
1 TAranAtha's account of the composition of the on Panini II. , 21 -4 149 54 Chandra-Vylkarana is as follows " Again come to the
wrong. The right reading in to y south of Jambudvipa, he (.e. Chandragomin) saw in the
E. temple of the Brahman Vararuchi the structure of the
See ante, Vol. X. p. 77. Panini's grammar was called grammar, which had been heard by the Nage, and the the aktlakam vydkranam, because it contains no defini. commentary on Panini composed by the Naga Sesha. tions of expressions like 99. See Papini L. 2, 87.
A commentary must contain few words, but many Haradatta explains 1915ruturante t thoughta; must contain no repetitions, and form a whole. But the Nage is very silly, has many words and few
राहतम् , or पूर्वाणि व्याकरणान्यपतनादिकालपरिभाषायुक्तानि thoughts, and is incomplete. After having expressed area TL; Jinendrabuddhi RIE this censure, he composed, as a commentary on Panini, the Ch 1ndra-Vydkarena with the appendices." And
HTT T ; the Madhaviyadhtavritti FesAgain Tkranatha says:-"From that time till now, fr 1974 .-What innovations VyAdi and Chandra gmin's work has spread widely. inasmuch as orthodox, well as heterodox people, stady by it; but
A pitali made, it is difficult to say ; regarding the former, the Samantabhadra (a grammar oomposed in Molas by Haradatta has the note a (or gera?) samt Chandraklrtti) soon disappeared, and it is not known whether any copy of it is still in existence."-Schiefner,
48 TTT; Jinendrabuddhi has 89394 P. 168 and 185.
करणमिति | म्यारिरपि युगपत्कालभाविनां मध्य दशःकरणानि It does not som quite unnecessary to repeat here, that the roading of the published odition of the Kalikdy f
6

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dhdna ; Avyaya, asainkhya; Karman; ápya; Sakarmaka, sápya; Akarmaka, avyápya; etc. After this we can well understand why the Chandra-Vydkarana, by some kind of exaggera. tion, should have been termed the asajakah vydleuranam," the grammar without technical terms;" and I repeat that the phrase - H T T would have afforded a most appropriate example for Påņini II. 4, 21, etc.
Nor can I quite understand why Chandra's grammar, and those who studied it, should have been passed over in the commentary on
Paņini V. 1, 58 and IV. 2, 65. When the authors had occasion to speak of the three Adhyâyas of Kibakpitsna's Sætra, of the eight of Panini's, and of the ten of Vynghrapad's, they surely could not have helped thinking of the Satra of Chandra, which contains six Adhyâyas. Averse though I am to conjecture, I would venture to ask :-Was the Chandra-Vyakarana good enough to be copied from, but too modern a work to be honourably mentioned together with the Sůtras of sages like Kasakpitsna and others, of which Jayaditya and Vamana probably knew very little more than we do po
MISCELLANEA. GENERAL CUNNINGHAM'S
settlement of the epoch of the era, otherwise ARCHÆOLOGICAL REPORTS.
than as being one of the numerous side-issues I observe that, in the last number of the Indian that have to be disposed of before any settlement Antiquary, it is pointed out that General Cun. of the main subject will be accepted as final by ningham's Archæological Reports only require general readers. But, as such, it appears to me to careful and systematic indexing for their practical require to be discussed. value to be recognized. I am engaged in pre. Sir E. Clive Bayley's theory that the sch paring full analytical index, which will be of the Gupta ora fell AD. IN.
T
i l published by the Government of India as # sepe- Cunningham's theory of A.D.
wrted, rate volume uniform with the Reports. I karo or was apparently supported by tronomical made indices to twelve volumes, and hope to calculations of the details of the date in Badha publish the combined Index by the end of the gupta's Bran pillar inscription, Mud of thd sasivat year; but my leisure is scanty, and I cannot saras of Jupiter's twelve-year cycle mentioned in promise any definite date.
the dates of the inscriptions of the Parivrdjalis Any suggestions offered by readers of the Indian Mahardjas Hastin and Samkehobha. But tho Antiquary will be welcome.
real key-note to it is to be found in his belief,
V. A. SMITH and Mr. Thomas', that certain coins of 'Syalapati' Basti, N. W.P., 6th April 1886.
of Kabal have on them dates accompanied by the syllables ga, gu, gupta, or guptasya, which
were supposed to stand for "Guptasya kedl,"and to A NOTE ON THE COINS OF
denote "the Gupta era," and in his argument THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL.
that the dates of these coins, in order to fit in with In connection with the general subject of the the period of A.D. 887 to 916 assigned by him to Gupta era, on which I shall have occasion shortly Syalapati,' can only be reckoned from A.D. 189 to submit some special remarks, I take this oppor. or 190. tunity of putting together a few notes that I But,-irrespective even of the extreme impro. made about three years ago, when I first read bability of such an expression as Guptanya kala, Bir E. Clive Bayley's Paper, with its Postscript, "the era of Gupta," being used to denote an era "On certain Dates occurring on the Coins of the which, though used by the Guptas, was certainly Hindu Kings of Kabul," published in the Numis. not founded by, at any rate, the Mahardja Gupta, matic Chronicle, Third series, Vol. II. p. 128ff. the first of the family mentioned in the inseripThe question now opened has no bearing on the tions, this theory of A.D. 190 lins, so far us
Soo the quotation from Kshirasv Amin, Prof. Aufrecht pp. 185, 187) read and translated Guptaaga kind (for in z. d. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. XXVIII. p. 105.
kald)-ganandth vidhayn, counting from the era of To the poetioal passages collected from the Kafik.
Gupta." But the real reading in Gupta-prakaw ganar Vitti, ante, Vol. xiv. p. 327, I would now add :
vidhdya, "making the calonlation in the neckoning of On Papini V.2, 22.
the Guptas." war: arh .
This is very different thing. And the
real significance of the expression is it very clear This expression has been supposed to oocur in line indication that this date was being recorded in an ere 15 of the Junagadh rook inscription of Skandagupta,
which was not the customary one for that part of the whero Dr. Bhau Daji (Jour. Bo. Br. R. Ae. Soc. Vol. VII.
country. Pp. 123, 120; and Archæol. Suru. Wout. Ind. Vol. II.

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the above-mentioned grounds are concerned, There remain Nos. 3, 4, and 5, which are read absolutely no support whatever.
respectively as "Gupta" with two doubtful Of the coins in question, those that have the figures, "98 Gu," and "99 Gu;" meaning (6)98 clearest datos on them are Pl. vii. Nos. 24 to 27, and (6)99. And these are unfortunately not so belonging to some unnamed king. They are not easy to deal with, since, though the signs that attributed to Byalapati'; but are considered to are supposed to mean Gupta must be in reality be rather more recent. It is admitted, however, numerals of some kind or another,-there is that they belong to the same series; and I take nothing in Sir E. Clive Bayley's Table, and I can them first because they are so very clear. If we obtain nothing elsewhere, to explain their value examine them with the help of Sir E. Clive as numerals. But, in attempting to find a proper Bayley's Table of Numerals in Pl. vii., it is evident reading of them, we must in the first place notice at once that No. 24 reads, not " 802 Ga," but that the sign which, on Nos. 4 and 5, Sir E. Clive simply "804," with nothing after it; and that Bayley interprete as the figure 9, and enters as Nos, 25, 26, and 27 read, not "812 Gu," but simply such in his Table, occupies exactly the position "814," again with nothing after it, the figures which is filled in Prinsep's coin, noted below, by being in fact absolutely identical with those a symbol resembling a crescent moon on the top of which Sir E. Olive Bayley himself read as simply a short staff with a cross-handle; and this suggests "814" on Nos. 19 to 23, 29 to 31, and 34. In these that the sign in question is not a figure at all. instances, the supposed Gu is nothing but the sign In the hope that some of the readers of this Journal that makes the difference in these numerals may POBBeBe a clue to their real meaning, I now give between a 2 and a 4. And Sir E. Clive Bayley's a reproduction of a the signs that were reading further involves the peculiar anomaly supposed to mean 9 Gupta. The lithothat the figures have to be read in one direction, graph was issued by Sir E. Clive Bayley as capable from the rim of the coin, and the supposed Gu in of being " accepted as a fair rendering of the usual the opposite direction, from the inside of the coin form of the word." But it will be admitted, at once which results in the curious arrangement of "802 and generally I should think, that it answers ng" and "812 np."
in no way whatever to the usual form of the We have here to note that Sir E. Clive Bayley word, and cannot be so interpreted in accordance reported that Mr. Thomas would read the whole with any known alphabet, even though we date in one direction, from the inside of coins, should follow Mr. Thomas in looking upon it as and would interpret it as "Gu 617," denoting the "a degraded and contracted form of the word.” initial date of Samanta's dynasty according to the 1 In trying to find out what these sighs do mean, Gupta era; "and, accepting 319 A.D., according it must be noted that coin No. 3 in Pl. i. gives to Albirúni's statement, as the actual date of the some indications to the effect that the first sign Gupta era, would thus place Samanta's accession as given above, is imperfect on the left side, and in 938 A.D." Allowing for the possibility of the that in its complete form the left side was exactly firat sign being capable of meaning Gu, this way of similar to the right; the whole sign, in fact, being interpretating the figures seems to be equally well something like two crescent moons, back to back, borne out by Sir E. Clive Bayley's Table. But the connected with a bar. first sign cannot mean Gu, and does not inean Also, any information bearing on 'Syalapati's Gu. And a reference to the Table will shew im. real date would of course help much to clear up mediately that the figures have to be read, as Sir the point. And in connection with this, I would E. Clive Bayloy read them, from the rims of the draw special attention to his coin figured in coins; and that the dates are in reality nothing Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 304, Pl. xxv. No. but 80% and 814, as I have pointed out above. 2, which, as now explained by Sir E. Clive
The coins of Syalapati' himsel are Pl. i. Nos. 3 Bayley's Table, gives the unmistakable date of to 5, and 7 to 10. Of these, No. 7 is read as " 707," 814, traces of which are also discernible in No. 1 and No. 8, 9, and 10 as "727," without any sup- on the same plate. This No. 2 has behind the posed reference at all to the Gupta era; and these horseman the same monogram, wu, (not !!) as Sir readings are in accordance with the Table of E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 25, 26, and 27 have; also, Numerals, if the dates are read from the rim of the As explained by No. 1, it has in the upper corner coin like the dates of Nos. 19 to 27, 29 to 31, and in front of the horseman, the same symbol (inter84, referred to above. On the other hand, if we preted by Sir E. Clive Bayley on his No. 20 as a might read the figures on these seven coins from | rude imitation of adal) that appears in the same the inside, there appears no particular objection position on others of these coins, and resembles a to interpreting them as respectively "808" and crescent moon on the top of a short staff with a "868."
cross-handle. These points of similarity suggest

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that possibly Sir E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 25, 26, and 27 (and others) belong really to 'Syalapati,' though his name is not on the obverse. And the unmistakable date of 814 on at any rate Prinsep's Essays, Pl. Ixv. No. 2, further suggests that the figures on Sir E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10, should not be read as 707 and 727. Sir E. Clive Bayley places Syalapati' in A.D. 887 to 916; which would agree very satisfactorily with the date of 814 on Prinsep's coin, if we might refer it to the Saka era, with the result of A.D. 892-93. On the other hand, General Cunningham, in the Archæol. Suro. Ind. Vol. XIV. p. 45, places him rather earlier, about A.D. 800, but quotes no authority for this. I have not been able to find any other information as to the probable date of 'Syalapati.'
J. F. FLEET. 22nd April 1886.
A NEW GRÁNT OF DHARASENA II. OF VALABHI. I have received from Mr. Wajeshankar Gauri. shankar of BhÅwnagar, through Colonel J. W. Watson, Political Agent, Kathiwad, impressions, with text and translation, of a new copper-plate ingcription of the Mahardja Dharasena II. of Valabhi, dated (Gupta)-Samvat 252 (A.D. 571-72), from the village of Jhar, in the Amrelt Pargana in Kathiawad. The plates were found by Mr. Wajeshankar, and are in his possession. It is not necessary to publish the grant in full; but a description of it will not be out of place.
The inscription is on two plates, measuring roughly about 111' by 8", and appears to be in a state of excellent preservation. The first plate contains 16 lines of writing; and the second, 18. The characters are of the ordinary type of the Kathiawad alphabet, of the period to which it belongs. The language is Sanskrit throughout.
The text follows the draft of the three grants of the same Mahardja, published in this Journal, Vol. VII. p. 68f., Vol. VIII. p. 3018., and Vol. XIII. p. 160ff., and all dated in the same year, 252, but on the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight
of the month Vaisakha. I note below a few passages in which the present grant tends to eluci. date the correct text of the draft.
The contents are, in brief, as follows:- There was the illustrious Sendpati Bhatarka (line 3), a most devout worshipper of the god Mahéévan, who was possessed of glory acquired in a hundred battles fought with (i.e. against) the large armies, possessed of unequalled strength, of the Maitrakas, who by force compelled their enemies to bow down before them. His son was the illustrious Sendpati Dharasena (1.4), « most devout worshipper of the god Mahêśvara. His younger brother was the Mahardja Drôn asinha' (1.7), a most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara,
-who was anointed in the kingship by the partmount master in person, the sole master of the circumference of the territory of the whole world.-His younger brother was the Mahardja, the illustrious Dhruvasena (1.9), a most devout worshipper of the Holy One. His younger brother was the illustrious Mahdrilja, Dharapatta (1. 10), a most devout worshipper of the Sun. His son was the Mahardja, the illustrious Guhasena (1. 15) . most devout wor. shipper of the god Mahesvara. His son is the Samanta and Mahardja, the illustrious Dharssê na' (1. 19) a most devout worshipper of the god Mahêsvara.
From the city of) Valabh (1.1), he, Dhara. sên a, being in good health, issues his commands to all his Ayuktakas, Viniyuktakas, Drangikas, Mahattaras, Chagas, Bhagas, Dhruvddh ikdranikas, Saulkikas, Prdtisdrakas, Dandapatikas, Chauriddharanikas, &o., that he gives as a brahma. déya, for the purpose of maintaining the rites of the five great sacrifices of the bali, charu, vaidvad agnihotra, and atithi (1. 27), to the Brahman Chhachchhara (1. 22), an inhabitant of the town of Brahmapura, & member of the Bhargava gótra, and a student of the Maitrayapaka-Manaraka (lakha)-(1) the village of Vatagram (1. 22), in the Dipanak a patha and the Bilrakhata sthall; (2) one hundred paddvartas (of land) (1. 23) within the area of Bilvakhet, in
* See Dr. Kielhorn's explanation of this passage, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 328.-I find that Dr. Bhau Daji, in 1864, had an idea as to the correct interpretation of this page sage. He wrote (Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. Soc. Vol. VHI. p. 244. "A sentence in the copperplate, which has hitherto not been translated correctly, shews that they" (the rulers of Valabht) "triumphed over . sun-worshipping people (Maitrakas)"
The epithet ért is not used here.--In line 5, the read. ing of this grant is pragastatara-vimala-mauli-manirXnano-Adi, &c.
parama-ramin.-The emperor in question Wa Y.bodharman, for whom we have the date of Malays. Batavat 589 (A.D. 582-83) expired, in one of the Mandeer inscriptions.
• bhagavat; an epithet of Vishnu, Siva, and Buddha; but especially of Vishnu, whom it probably always
denotes when there is no express intimation to the contrary.
In line 91., the reading in ddaka-prakshatit. MbandKali-kalankab; and in line 10, prathita is omitted hatore mahima.
In line 12, the reading is savyg-peda; in line 131 atijayanah baranágat-abhaya-pradana do.; and in kino 15, mahardja-frl-Guhaanah, not fri-mahardja-Gula nan.
In line 15, the reading is santana-vispita Jaknault. in line 16. paftvyamana, and sarasam, not sarabha.com in line 16, Akshmi-paribhogo, and vikram-pasartpripta and in line 19, paramamahagvarapadmanta-mahardja fri Dharaanalaisal to.
Or perhaps thanayuktakas. The text looks like sarvodnedva sydnedykt go, but it may perhape bo wrudn-fra sthandyuktaila go.
ma-taka

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the northern boundary, to the north of the division called Bhatárkaphêda, to the east of an ant-hill, and to the west of the road or river called Amrilikavaha ; (3) in the same eighth region of the compass, an irrigation-well (1. 23), with twenty-five påddvartas of land ly 2 round it; (4) in the eastern boundary of the village of V 618 padraka (1. 24) in the Jhari athall, one hundred and sixty paddvartas (of land) on the south of the high-road, on the east of the field of Jhajjhaka, on the west of the junction of the boundaries of Dadhikapaka, and on the north of the field of Khandaka or (P Viņhaka), & resi. dent of the village of Bhramarakalyagrama;- and (5) twenty-five pdidvartas (of land) (1.26) in the southern boundary of the same village.
Lines 28 to 32 contain the usual mandate against interfering with the full enjoyment of the grant ; and two of the customary benedictive and im. precatory Terses.
These are followed by the statement, in line 83, that the Dataka was Ohirbira, and that the charter was written by the Sandhivigrahadhi. krita Skanda bha ta. Then comes the date, in numerical symbols, of the year 252, the fifth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra. And the inscription ends with the endorsement—"(This is) the sign manual of me, the Mahardja, the illustrious Dhara sê na."
J. F. FLET. 23rd March 1866.
Dv&saptaty-adhikeshu hi
batêshu saptasu gatêshu Gaptânám [lo] Bathvateardshu masi cha
Bhadrapada bukl/kla)-pamchamyan 11 SilAchAryêpa krita
Gambhatåyån sthitêna tikanishi samyag-upayujya kôdhya
matsarya-vinákritairdrye(rynih 11 This passage gives Gupta-Samvat 772 (expired), the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, as the date on which this portion of the Commentary was completed by SilAcharya, at Gambhata (P Cambay).
The second passage, on p. 2560, at the end of the whole book, is in prose, and runs
Saka-npipa-kalatita-samvatsara-batēsashu saptasu ashtänavaty-adhikeshu Vaisakha-buddhaparfchamy&m Achåraţika kpit-êtil ba | Samvat (page 2566 ends here; and the next page, containing the repetition of the date in figures, and the last final words of the author, is lost).
This passage gives Saka-Samvat 798 (expired), the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha, as the date of the completion of the whole Commentary.
The two passages, indicating, as they stand, that Silacharya treated the Gupta and Saka eras as identical, obviously contain a mistake of some kind or another, which must be attributed to a pedantic desire on his part to introduce a mention of an era, -whether the Gupta or the Saka, as the case may be, with which he was only imperfectly acquainted. And the mistake cannot be cleared away, unless we can obtain some independent record of the real date of Silacharya,sufficient to shew whether the Achdratkd was written during Gupta-Samvat 772 to 798 (A.D. 1091 to 1117), or during Saka-Sarvat 772 to 798 (A.D. 850 to 876).
The passages, however, are of some interest, in shewing that, in Stacharya's time, there was still
recollection of the fact that the era, which must have been known best from its use by the rulers of Valabht, and which came eventually, in Kathiawad, to be called the Valabhi-Samvat, -was connected originally and specially with the Gupta kings, by whom it was introduced into Kathiawad and the neighbouring parts.
J. F. Flat. 31st March 1886.
TWO PASSAGES FROM THE ACHARATIKA.
At page 141 f. above, Mr. K. B. Pathak has published an interesting passage from the Jain Harivanía, which mentions the Early Gupta kings, and, in giving a regular succession of dynasties, including them, from the nirudna of Mahavira, purports to have a bearing, though a wrong one, on the question of their epoch.
I now give, as another literary curiosity of a somewhat similar kind, two passages from the commentary named Acharaţkd by SilAcharya on the Jain work called Acharangasútra,- from a manuscript, supposed to be about three hundred years old, shown to me in the early part of 1883 by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji.
The first passage, on pp. 2076 and 208a, is in metre, and runs
10 atrait-dahtama dig-bhagd; 1. e, in the same northern the anthor from other souroen." boundary of Bilvakhta.
Read fatéshu. Since writing this Note, I have found an allusion by Dr. Bhau Daji, in 1864, to what is evidently the same
The Saks era was need 80 rarely, if at all, in Gujarat manuscript, though he quoted only the Gupta dato. He
| and K AthiAwad, that probably the Gupta ers gives the wrote (JOMT. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. VIII. p. 246)—"I real date for SilachArya. And I would throw out. have a Jains manuscript which is dated in the 772nd suggestion that possibly a mistake of the same kind may Year of the Guptakals; but upfortunately the corros. Bobolint for the dates, Saks-Earn Yat 400 and 417, of the ponding Vikrams or Aliv Abans'a year is not given nor apparently spurious UmétA and 11A grants of Didda II. is it possible at prosent to sacertain the exact date of ! (ante, Vol. VII. p. 617., and Vol. X . p. 11511).

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THE EPOCH OF THE GUPTA ERA.
THE EPOCH OF THE GUPTA ERA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E.
UN
NTIL the discovery of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman, which I publish at page 194ff. below, the only direct information available as to the Epoch of the Gupta Era was the statement of Abu Rihân Albirûnî, who, writing in the first half of the eleventh century A.D., left on record the following notes, as taken from M. Reinand's French translation of the original in his Fragments Arabes et Persans, page 138ff.-" People employ ordinarily the eras of Sri-Harsha,' of Vikramaditya, of Saka, of Ballaba', and of the Guptas. 'Ballaba,' who also has given his name to an era, was the prince of the town of Ballabha' (Valabhi), in the middle of Aphilwaḍa, at a distance of about thirty yojanas. The era of 'Ballaba' is subsequent to that of Saka by two hundred and forty-one years. In order to make use of it, we take the era of Saka and deduct at the same time the cube of six (216) and the square of five (25). The remainder is the era of 'Ballaba. This era will be discussed in its place. As to the Gupta-Kala (the era of the Guptas), we understand by the word gupta certain people who, it is said, were wicked and powerful; and the era which bears their name, is the epoch of their extermination. Apparently 'Ballaba' followed the Guptas immediately; for the era of the Guptas also commences (with) the year two hundred and forty-one of the era of Saka. The era of the astronomers commences (with) the year five hundred and eighty-seven of the era of Saka. It is to this era that the Khandakataka Tables of Brahmagupta are referred. This work has among us the title of 'Arkand.' According to it, placing ourselves in the year 400 of the era of 'Yezdirdjed,' we find ourselves in the year 1088 of the era of SriHarsha, the year 1088 of the era of Vikramaditya, the year 953 of the era of Saka, the year
As is shown by Albirant's statement further on, this is not the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, commenoing A.D. 606 or 607, but an earlier era, commencing B. C. 457, of which we have no epigraphical record, and, in fact, no information beyond Albirûnl's statement that it existed, coupled with a remark that, in a Kasmir almanack, he had found the epoch of it put forward to Vikrama-Samvat 664 (A.D. 607-8), whence "he felt some doubts that he had not found the means of resolving."
This is quite an imaginary name, which must be
189
712 of the era of 'Ballaba' and of that of the Guptas."
According to the above extracts, Albirûni seems to state in the first instance that the Gupta-Valabhi era began when Saka-Samvat 216 +25=241 (A.D. 319-20) had expired; and this is borne out by his making the year 712 of this era correspond with SakaSamvat 953, the difference being exactly 241 years. In his next mention, however, he apparently speaks of it as commencing with Saka-Samvat 241, i. e. when 240 years had expired. While in a third passage, a little further on in the book," in explaining how the Hindus arrived at the date (January, A.D. 1026) of the taking of Sômnathpâtan by Muhammad of Ghazni, he tells us that they first wrote down 242, then 606, and then 99, with the result of Saka-Samvat 947 (A.D. 1025-26); and here, though he does not expressly mention the Gupta-Valabhî era, there can be no doubt that the first figures refer to it; and they seem to indicate that, in this calculation, the epoch of the era fell when Saka-Samvat 242 had expired.
We have thus three years to choose between for the epoch of the era,-Saka-Samvat 240, 241, or 242, expired; i.e. Saka-Samvat 241, 242, or 243 current,-involving a question that can only be settled by accurate calculations of the data available from the inscriptions, published in detail, so that general readers may see that the processes are satisfactory. And I would here point out that, before any of the existing Tables can be utilised for these calculations, at least the following preliminary points must be settled,-(1) whether the years of the Gupta era had a distinct arrangement of their own; or whether they followed the scheme of the years of the Kaliyuga, Vikrama, or Saka eras; (2) if they were identical with
attributed to Albiránt fancying some connection between the name of the city of Valabht and the Sanskrit word vallabha, which was very often used as a proper name, but not in the case of any of the rulers of Valabht. But, setting aside this mistake about the name, which is rather like that of his treating Saka as the name of an individual, instead of a dynasty, Albtrant is of course speaking of the era that was used by the wellknown rulers of Valabhi.
Fragmente Arabes et Persans, p. 146.

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the years of the Vikrama era, whether they the accession of a king, or from any particular followed the northern reckoning, with the event, but, for convenience of comparison, was year beginning with the new-moon of Chaitra, regulated from the completion of four of or the Gujarat and southern reckoning, with the Jupiter's sixty-year cycles from the commenceyear beginning with the new-moon of Kárttika, ment of the Saka era. seven months later; and (3), after deciding The other school accepted A.D. 318-19 for the the previous points, whether, in the arrange- downfall of the Guptas, and took the Valabhi ment of the months, the bright fortnight era of Arjunadeva's inscription, which indiscame first, according to the custom of Gujarat, putably began then, as being separate altothe Dekkan, and Southern India, or the dark gether from the Gupta era, and as having been fortnight, according to the custom of Ujjain established in commemoration of thut event; and Benares.
and began then to look about for an earlier But, whatever may be the final settlement of date for the establishment of the Gupta dynasty these points, the fact remains that Albiruni and their era as used in their own inscriptions. had information given to him of the existence The chief exponents of this school' bave been of an era, coupled with the name of the the late Mr. Thomas, who held that the era was Guptas and of the city of Valabhi, which began identical with that of the Sakas, commencing A.D. 319-20, or within a year on either side of A.D. 78;-General Cunningham,' who finally that date, and which it is convenient to us to fixed on A.D. 167 ;-and Sir E. Clive Bayley, 1° speak of as the Gupta era. And, that this era who selected A.D. 190. was actually used in connection with the name There was, of course, much to be said from of Valabhi, at any rate, is proved by the either point of view. And, in default of deVerkwal inscription of Arjunadeva of Anhil. finite evidence settling the question one way wad, in which the leading records of the or the other, perhaps the strongest argument year are Vikrama-Samrat 1320 and Valabhi- against the views held by Mr. Thomas, General Samvat 945.
Cunningham, and Sir E. Clive Bayley, was to So much was certain. But it was felt to be found in the following anomalous position, be highly improbable that the era of the Guptas which had occasionally been noticed more should date from the epoch of their extermina- or less directly, but had never been disposed of. tion. And students of the subject divided It was held by all that the Rulers of Valabhi themselves almost at once into two schools. came immediately after the Guptas. It was
The first, represented most publicly and also held that in A.D. 318-19 they founded the with undeviating tenacity up to the last by the city of Valabhi, and established the Valabhi late Mr. Fergusson, accepted Albiruni's state- era dating from then, in commemoration partly ment as to the epoch of the era, but-on the of that event, and partly, of the Gupta rule analogy of the statement which he also seems to having then ceased and the power having make, that the Saka era, too, dated from the passed into their own hands. And yet,-As is overthrow of the Sakas; a statement which, shewn by, amongst other things, the fact that if made, was certainly wrong.-rejected the Bhatarka, the founder of their family, came addition that it dated from the downfall of the only one generation before the year 206, the Guptas; and took A.D. 318-19 for the date of earliest date that we have in the era used in rise of the dynasty, as well as the establish their own charters,--they did not allow this era ment of the era, --selecting this particular year of their own, established under such memorable on the theory that the era did not date from circumstances, to supersede the Gupta era ;
• ante, Vol. XI. p. 241 ff.
See especially Four. R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. IV. p. 818., and Vol. XII. p. 2598. • Jour. R. Ar. Soc., N. 8., Vol. XII. p. 271.
In sooordance with these views, Dr. Bühler fired on about A.D. 200 (ante, Vol. VII. p. 80). But I have not quoted him as a public exponent of the theory, because the full discussion of the matter that he promised (ante, Vol. X.p. 283) has not been issued; and it is impossible to say how far his views might have changed in writing it, even before the discovery of my Mandosor inscription;
especially as his earlier opinion was in favour of A.D. 310 (808 Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 81, note 1.)
• See especially Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 70; and Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. XIII. p. 524.
Archæol. Sury. Ind. Vol. X. p. 1118; and Indian Eras, p. 53ff.
20 In the Postscript to his "Remarks on certain dator occurring on the coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul," published in the Numismatic Chroniclo, Third Series, Vol. II. p. 1984. nee page 1851. above.

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but, as shewn by the Alinâ plates" of Siladitya | details for actual computation. Nor does the VII., dated (Gupta)-Samvat 447, they continued inscription now brought to notice. But, in its the use of the Gupta era for, in accordance mention of Kumâragupta, it answers the purpose with the three starting-points given above, equally well. respectively 206, 294, and 318 years at least, Turning to the Gupta inscriptions and coins, after the establishment of their own era! This the earliest and latest dates that we have for surely involves an improbability far greater Kumâragupta are, respectively, Gupta-Samvat than any other, of whatever kind, that can be 96 and 130 odd. The first is established by his imagined in connection with the whole subject. well-known Bilsad pillar inscription;" and And to this I will only add here that, during the latter, by one of General Cunningham's the first six generations, inclusive of Bhatarka, coins." Lest, however, the coin date should when they were mere feudatory Sénápatis and be looked upon as at all doubtful, we must note Maharājas, the Rulers of Valabhi had, as a also his Mankuwâr inscription, 18 dated Guptamatter of fact, neither the authority, nor the Samvat 129. And, of these extreme dates we power and opportunity, to establish an era of may take Gupta-Samvat 113 as the mean. their own at all; and that, if an era had been Applying this to the various theories regardestablished by the first paramount sovereign of ing the Epoch of the Gupta era, it representsthe family, Dharasêna IV., he would, like (1) according to Mr. Thomas' view, A.D. 191-92; Harshavardhana of Kanauj, have dated it from (2) according to General Cunningham, A.D. his own accession, and not from the original 279-80; (3) according to Sir E. Clive Bayley, rise of his family.
A.D. 303-4; and (4) according to Mr. Fergusson, In order to arrive at any prospect of a final A.D. 431-32. settlement of the question, what was wanted Next, applying to these figures the date was a date for one of the Early Gupta kings, of MÁlava-Samvat 493 (expired), recorded for recorded in some era other than that which was Kumaragupta in the inscription under notice, specially used by them in their own inscrip- we find that the initial point of the MAlava era tions. This has now at length been found in my must lie within a few years either way of (1) new Mandasör inscription, which, composed B.C. 302; (2) B.C. 214; (3) B.C. 190; and and engraved in the year 529 (expired) from (1) B.C. 62-61. the tribal constitation of the Malavas, gives us, The first three results, however, each entail through his fendatory Bandhuvarman, the date the supposition of a brand-new era, hitherto of the year 493 (expired) of the same era for unheard of, and entirely unexpected. At the Kumaragupta,
same time, as regards the second possible result This was not the first instance that had been of about B.C. 214, we must not overlook the obtained of the use of this era, which may for existence of certain coins, found in large numconvenience be called the Málava-Samvat. For bers at Nagar in the north of Malwa, about it is obviously identical with the era which is forty-five miles north of Kot, and originally alluded to in the Kapaswa inscription" dated brought to notice by Mr. Carlleyle," which in the 795th year (expired) of the Mâlava lords, have on them the legend Malavándri jayah and is also mentioned, under the specific name "the victory of the Malavas," in characters of the MAlava-Kála, in a fragmentary inscrip- ranging, in General Cunningham's opinion, tion, dated in the 936th year (expired), at Gya- "from perhaps B.C. 250 to A.D. 250." These raspur' or 'Gyárispur' in Central India. But coins shew that the Mâlavas existed, as a though, in commenting on this latter inscrip- recognised and important clan, long before tion, General Cunningham expressed the opinion the time when, as I consider, their "tribal that this Mâlava era must be the same as the constitution," which led to the establishment of era of Vikramaditya of Ujjain, this point has not their era, took place; and so also, in the other hitberto been capable of proof; for the reason direction, does the mention of them in the that neither of these two dates gave sufficient Allahâbâd pillar inscription, among the tribes 11 ante, Vol. VII. p. 791.
15 id. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Pl. v. No. 7. Wante, Vol. XIII. p. 1628.
20 id. Vol. X. p. 7, and Pl. iv. No. 2. » Archaol. Surt. Ind. Vol. X. p. 83., and Pl. xi.
11 id. Vol. VI. p. 165 f., and 174 1. ; see also id. Vol. u id. Vol. XI. p. 19, and Pl. viii.
XIV. p. 149 ft., and Pl. IIx. Nos. 19 to 25.

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conquered by Samudragupta, shew that down to his time at least they maintained their tribal constitution and importance. And, if we were compelled to have recourse to a new era, these coins might justifiably induce us to select as its epoch B.O. 223, the date fixed by General Cunningham for the death of Asoka ;" which would make the present date of Mâlava-Samvat 493 correspond with A.D. 270, or well on into the first decade of Kumaragupta's reign according to General Cunningham's theory. But this entails, as I have said, the supposition of the existence of an era, of which not the slightest indication has ever yet been afforded by the very numerous inscriptions that have now been examined from all parts of the country, and this is an expedient that must by all possible means be avoided. And, further, it forces the Kota inscription of MAlava-Samvat 795, and the Gydraspur' inscription of Mâlava-Samvat 936, back to respectively. A.D. 572 and 713; periods to which, from their alphabets, they cannot possibly belong. And thus-since, within certain limite, palæographical evidence must be accepted,- it creates a paleographical difficulty that is insuperable. So also does the third result, to practically the same extent; and the first, to a still more marked degree.
The fourth result, on the contrary, satisfies all the palæographical requirements of the case. And it brings us so very close to B.C. 57, the epoch of the well-known Vikrama era
-(an era, moreover, which by the tradition of later times is closely connected with the country of the Malavas, through the name of its supposed founder, king Vikramaditya, whose capital, Ujjain, was the principal city in MAlwa), -that we are compelled to find in it the solation of the question, and to adjust the equation of the dates thus, Gupta-Samvat 113 (the mean date for Kumâragupta) + A.D. 319-20 =A.D. 432-33; and Mâlava-Samvat 493—B.C. 57-56 = A.D. 436-37, which of course falls well within the seventeen years of Kumâra- gupta's reign remaining after his mean date.
My new Mandasôr inscription, therefore, proves :-(1) that Albirani's statement, that the
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicanum, Vol. I. Preface, p. vii. » Jour. R. 41. Boc., N. S., Vol. XII. p. 268.
* This is also recorded in the other inscription of Biradeva I., No. 5 of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji'e Nepál series, ante, Vol. IX. p. 16811. Bat, unfortunately for the general chronological resulta arrived at by him from
Gupta era began within a year or two on either side of A.D. 319-20, is certainly correct;-(2) that the rest of his statement, that this was the epoch of the extermination of the Guptas, and not of their rise to power, is as certainly wrong:and (3) that, under another name, connecting it with the Mâlava clan, the Vikrama era did andoubtedly exist anterior to A.D. 544, which was held by Mr. Fergusson to be the year in which it was invented.
This inscription is, I maintain, in itself sufficient to prove these points. But, if any hesitation should still be felt about accepting them, and if any further confirmation of them is required, we have only to turn to the GölmAdhitôl inscription of the Maharaja Siva. dêva I. of Mânagriha in Nepal, discovered by Mr. C. Bendall, and published by him in this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 97f.
It is dated in the year 318, without any specification of the era. But the clue to the construction of its date is given by its mention of the Mahásámanta Ansuvarman, as the contemporary of Sivadêva I.
Aníuvarman's approximate dato, vis, about A. D. 637, was very well known from Hinen Tsiang's mention of him.". And, as the Nepál series inoluded three inscriptions of Anuvarman himself, Nos. 6, 7, and 8, dated respectively in the years 34, 39, and 45 (P)" of an unspecified era, and another, No. 9, of Jishņugapta, dated in the year 48, and mentioning Ambuvarman, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji very properly referred these dates to the era established by Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and commencing with his accession in A. D. 606 or 607, with the results of A. D. 640-41, 645-46, 651-52 (P), and 654-55.
This much being quite certain, it follows that the date of 318 for Sivadêva I., the contemporary of Amsuvarman, must of necessity be referred to an era commencing just about three hundred years before that of Harsbavardhana. And the era which exactly meets the requirements of the case is the one commencing A. D. 319-20; for then 318 + A. D. 819-80= A. D. 637-38, which is in quite sufficient those inscription, the date of divadeva I. is there broken away and lost.
#Bee Boal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 81; also ante, Vol. XII. p. 429, and Vol. XIV. p. 345.
The second symbol is doubtful; but it is either 4 or 8.

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accordance with A.D. 640-41, the first date which & conquest so extensive as that of the that we have for Arsuvarman.
whole of Northern India and Nepal would We have now to consider how this era of most certainly have been recorded, give not A. D. 319-20 came to be introduced into Nepal. the slightest hint of any such event; in fact, with
This can only have been effected through a the exception of the allusion to the overthrow conquest of the country, by either the Early of the Maitrakas by Bhatarka, from beginning Guptas or the Rulers of Valabhi. As to the to end they give absolutely no detailed inforRulers of Valabhi-I have already had occa mation at all in connection with any of the sion to remark that, for the first six generations, successes claimed by the members of this inclusive of Bhatarka, they were mere feudatory family. And, even if Dharasêna IV. did Sánápatis and Maharajas; and these members conquer Népal, and did introduce there the of the family, at any rate,-even if we admit for era commencing A.D. 319-20, the question the moment that they established this era, -can- still remains, and cannot be answered, -Why not possibly have conquered Nepal, and cannot should he act with such extreme inconsistency as have had anything to do with the introduction of to introduce there this supposedly unused era, the ora there. The first of the family who claimed instead of the Gupta era which he himself, and to be a paramount sovereign is Dharasóns IV., his successors, continued to employ for all the with the dates of 326 and 330, and with the titles official purposes of their own kingdom ? of Paramabhatáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Turning now to the Early Guptas, the case is Paramésvara, in common with all his successors, 1 very different. There can be no doubt that their and also with that of Chalcravartin, which, not era, whatever may have been its epoch, was being assumed by any of his successors, may well known in Nepal at an early date. Kuperhaps indicate that his power was more exten- maradevi, the wife of Chandragupta I., was sive than theirs ever was. Now, in passing, if the daughter of Lichchbavi, or of a Lichchhavi we refer his first date of 326 to A.D. 319-20, prince; 1.e. she belonged to the very family from the result, A.D. 645.46, brings us to a very suit- which, according to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's able period indeed for him to assume the position inscription No. 15, the earliest historical rulers and titles of a paramount sovereign, viz. to the of Népal sprang, and to which, as shown by commencement of the anarchy which, as Ma- his title of Lichchhavikulakëtu or the banner twan-lin tells us," attended the death of Har- of the Lichchhavi family,' Sivadova I. himself sbavardhana, "the warlike lord of all the region belonged. Further, in the Allahâbâd pillar of the north." It ended in the complete disrap- inscription Népal is expressly mentioned among tion, for the time, of the kingdom of Kananj. the countries conquered by Samudragupta. Amía varman became paramount in Népal, and And, finally, the Kahkum pillar inscription Adityasona in Magadha; and the opportunity shews that Skandagapta's empire extended at was of course taken advantage of by Dhara- any rate up to the confines of the country. sēns IV., to assert his independence in the west Now, in my paper on “The chronology of the of India. But, to say nothing of the improba- early Rulers of Nepal," I have shewn" that the bility of the thing on other grounds, the fact Nepal Varnsdvali has possibly preserved for us, that ATMsuvarman became king of Nepal is in unconsciously, a reminiscence, not only of the itself enough to prevent our admitting the introduction of the Gupta era into that connpossibility of a conquest of that country by try, but even of the actual year of its introducDharagêna IV. Referring the same date of tion; vis. Gupta-Samvat 88, when Chandragap826 to the earlier three proposed epochs, we ta II. was on the throne. This special point is have respectively A.D. 408, 497, and 520. For one for further investigation. But it is impossible these periods there is, perhaps, no particular to doubt that the Gupta era must have been objection to our assuming, for the sake of perfectly well known in Nepal, and must have argument, that Dharagêna IV. may have exten.' been used there. It is also precisely the era that ded his power over a considerable portion of would be adopted and hereditarily clang to by Northern India. But the Valabht charters, in the Lichchhavis, connected as they were by
anto, Vol. IX. p. 20.
* ante, Vol. XIV. p. 845€.

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marriage with the Early Guptas. And their I submit, therefore, that, though it may not special attachment to the era in which the date in itself prove the case in the same way that of Sivaddva's inscription is recorded, is shewn my Mandasor inscription does, Mr. Bendall's by its being continued by his Lichchhavi Gölmadhitël inscription farnishes the most Buccessors down to at least the year 435, as valuable corroboration that we could look for shewn by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription of the results derived from the Mandasor No. 3, in spite of the systematic adoption. record; and, -though I shall be very glad to meanwhile of the Harsha era by their neigh- see the matter argued in this Journal, as well bours, the Suryavamsi or Thakurt rulers of as it can be, from any other point of view,Kailâsakatabhavana. And, as I have shewn that the two inscriptions together give absoabove, the era in which Sivadêva's date is lutely conclusive proof of the correctness of recorded, must have begun A.D. 319-20. I those results.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS..
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 141.) . No. 162.-MANDABOR INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND BANDHUVARMAN.
THE MALAVA TEABS 493 AND 529. This inscription, which is now published for, Guru(vara) or Thursday, the fifth day of the the first time, is from Das 8r, or socordingbright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, - to the official and more general form of the the ancient Sanskpit name of the place was name, M&ndasôr, the chief town of the Dasapura, by which it is mentioned also Mandasör District of Scindia's Dominions in in line 2 of an earlier. Nasik inscription of the Western Malwa Division of Central India. Ushavadata.' This, in its modern form of It came to my notice throagh information Dasor, is the name by which, in preference to given by Mr. Arthur Salivan, who, in 1879, Mandasör, the town is still habitually spoken of sent to General Canningham, from Man by the villagers and agriculturists of the locality dasôr, & hand-copy of a fragmentary pillar and neighbourhood, and even as far as Indôr. inscription of a powerful king named Yako- And in some bilingual sanads or warranta, dharman. I saw this copy in 1883, and, of about a century and a half ago, I found recognising in it the name of Mihirakula, sent this form, Dasor, used in the vernacular pasmy oopyista, in March 1884, to take impressions sages, while the Persian passages of the same of this fragment and of any other inscriptions documents gave the form Mandasor. So, that they might find. In the search made by also, Pandits still habitpally use the form them, thoy discovered the present inscription, Dakapara in their correspondence. The And also an entire daplicate copy of the pillar local explanation of the name is that the place inscription of Yasodharman, which had escaped was originally city of the Puranio king the notice of Mr. Sulivan. I myself visited Dasaratha. But, on this view, the modern Mandasör in February 1885.
name should be Dasrathôr. The true explanaAs recorded in the present inscription, and tion evidently is that, -just as now the in another which is on a white stone built into township includes from twelve to fifteen the wall on the left hand inside the inner gate ontlying hamlets or divisions ; Khilchipar, of the eastern entrance of the Fort, and is Jankapura, Rampariya, Chandrapura, Balagañj, dated (Vikrama)-Samyat 1321 (A.D. 1264-65), &o., -80, when it was originally constituted,
# This is the latest date available for the present artament. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji', inscription No. 4 given the date of the year 585, in of course the same ere, but the contents of the record are no matilated, that it is impossible to stamp it, apart from the use of th's on, Lichahhavi insoriptio
Indian Atlee, Sheet No. 85. Lat. 34° 8' N.; Long. 758 E.-The Mandosor, Manderar, Mandisore, Man. dosar, Mandaur, Mundecor, and undesoor,' of maps, &o.
Archaol. Surv. Wort. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 99, and Pl. 14. No. 5.
We may compare the use by Pandite, of Ahipart and Nakhapan for respectively Sampgaum and Ugargol in the Belgaum District, except that it is doabtta whether these are original Sanskrit nano, or only pedantio Sanskrit translations of original vernaculit names.

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it included exactly ten (daba) such hamlete river. This monolith is now partially buried, pura). As regards the fuller form of Mandasôr, in an upright position. The part projecting by which alone the town is known officially | above the ground is about 10' 0high and and is entered in maps, I cannot at present | 1' 9' square, covered with sculptures in the explain the origin of it. But Dr. Bhagwanlal very best old style. A socket at the top shows Indraji suggested to me that it may perhaps that it supported a beam; and, as it is sculprepresent Manda-Dalapura, “the distressed tured on all four sides, it cannot be the jamb or afflicted Dasapura," in commemoration of of a doorway, bat must be either an upright the overthrow of the town, and the destruction of an arch or a pillar of a temple. Exclusive of of the Hindu temples in it, by the Musalmans. floral patterns towards the top, each face shows And, as tending to support this enggestion, I two panels of figure-sculptures, one above the would mention that one of the Pandits whom other; and the villagers say that the monolith I questioned on the spot, gave me Mannada- has been gradually sinking each rainy season,
Or as another form of the name. The true and that they can remember having seen six explanation, whatever it may be, wonld pro- more similar panels of sculptures on each face ; bably be found in the Dasapura-Máhatmya, this would make the height of the monolith not which is extant, but which I did not succeed in less than at least thirty feet. From the sample obtaining for examination.
furnished by the part that is still above the Exclusive of the outlying hamlets, Mandagor | ground, this monolith well deserves to be consists of a fairly large town, close on the entirely raised out of the ground, and the north or left bank of the river Siwand, with a sculptures on it examined and reported on Fort of considerable size between the town by the Archeological Survey Department. and the river. The Fort, which is of Musalman The present inscription is on a stone slab, construction, is said to have been built with apparently rather good and dark sand-stone, stones brought from ruined temples at Mad, built into the wall on the right hand half-way otherwise called Afzalpur, about eleven miles down a small flight of steps leading to the river sonth-east of Mandasör; and the foundations in front of a mediwval temple of the god and walls of it are full of stones, both Mahadeva (Śiva) at the Mahadeva-Ghật, which sculptured and plain, which evidently come is on the south bank of the river, just opposite from demolished Hindu temples. But,-in the Fort, and I think, in the limits of the addition to the magnificent columns which hamlot of Chandrapura. There are no sculpI shall describe in connection with the duplicate tures on the stone. The writing covers, except pillar inscription of Yaddharman, there are for a margin of about half an inch, the whole still sufficient remains, lying all about Mandasör, front of the stone, about 2'7*' broad by 1:43 to shew that Mandasor itself was full of ancient high. It has been a good deal worn away about Hindu temples and other buildings, abounding tho centre of the stone, and also the stone is with specimens of the very best style of archi- chipped at several places round the edges; but tecture and sculpture. A full examination only a few letters here and there are really of the architectural remains, in the course of illegible, and these can in each case be easily which further inscriptions would probably be sapplied. The characters give a good specimen discovered, was out of my power. But I of what may be called the Western Malws noticed specially a very fine well just inside the alphabet of the fifth century A.D. They eastern entrance of the Fort; colossal bas. belong, in general features, to the South India relief image lying near this well; -and a class of alphabete; but they include two letters romarkably fine sandstone monolith in the borrowed from the Northern alphabets, vis. the hamlet of Khilchipur, on the south, across the distinct form of the lingual d, e.g. in tadil, line
• He also told me that, even to the prasent day, the being shown to me, this turned out to be only a small Nlqar Brahmans of Mandasor will not drink the water four-sided obelisk, roughly four or five foet high and of that place, because of the oppressions formerly prao foot or so aquare, of quite modern construction, with tised on them by the Musalmans there.
rade NAgart writing on it which may perhaps be a hunThe 'San And Beu' of mapa, &o.
dred years old, but oertainly not much more. My visit to • The villagers told me that at Khilohtpur there was this obelisk, which I had hoped might turn out to be of very large monolith column, with an inscription on it, importance, led to my noticing on the way the monolith rapposed to be two thousand years old. But, on ito that I have described above.

Page #228

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1886.
6, and chudá, line 17, and also the rare lingual reign of a king named Kum&ragupta, who, dh, e.g. in dridha, lines 9 and 11. The average from the description of him in line 13 as sovesize of the letters is ". -The language is Sans- reign of the whole earth, can be no other than krit; and with the exception of the opening the well-known Kumâragupta of the Early Siddham and the concluding words in line 24, Gupta dynasty. Under him, the governor at the entire inscription is in verse. In respect Dasapura was Bandhu varman, the son of orthography, we have to notice (1) the of Visvavarman. It then proceeds to record occasional use of the jihvámúliya and upa- that, while Bandhuvarman was governing at dhmániya; e.g. jagatah=kshaya, line 1; ganaite Dasapura, the guild of silk-weavers built at kham, line 8; pravisritaik-pushnáti, line 2; and that city a temple of the Sun, which was comabhitámrah-páyát, line 3; but not, for instance, pleted when four hundred and ninety-three in avabhugnaih kvachit, line 5; parah kripand, years had elapsed, "by (the reckoning from) line 14; rajah-pinjaritais, line 5; and pratimd- the tribal constitution of the Mâlavas," and nitáh pramudita, line 9; (2) the occasional therefore when the four hundred and ninety-. doubling of t, dh, and bh, in conjunction with fourth year (A.D. 437-38) was current, on the a following r; e.g. chittréna, line 12; roddhra, thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of the line 18; and abbhra, line: 6; (3) the same of month Sahasya (December-January). Afterth and dh, with a following y; e.g. patthyan, wards, under other kings, part of this temple line 9; and sváddhyāya, line 8; and (4) the fell into disrepair. And then it was restored name of dh, with a following v; 0.g. addhvádi, by the same guild, when five hundred and line 3.
twenty-nine years had elapsed, and therefore The inscription, which belongs throughout when the five hundred and thirtieth year (A.D. to the solar form of worship, rarrates in the 473-74) was current, on the second day of the first place how a number of silk-weavers im. bright fortnight of the month Tapasya (Februmigrated from the Lâ¢& vishaya or district ary March). This second date is, of course, into the city of Daśa pura; and how some of the year in which the inscription was actually the band took up other occupations, while composed and engraved; since we are told at those who adhered to their original parsait the end that it was all composed by Vatsabhatti, constituted themselves into a separate and and the engraving throughout is obviously the flourishing guild. It then refers itself to the work of one and the same hand,
Text. 1 [Sid]dh[a]m [11] Y[6° v]rit[t]y-a[r]ttham=apásyaté sura-gaņais-siddhais=cha siddhy.
artthibhiraddhyân-aik-agra-parair-vid hêya-vishayairem môkah-artthibhireyyógibbih 1 bhaktyå tiyra-tapôdhanais-cha munibhis=s&pa-prasada-ks hamairahetur-yyô jagatab=kshay-abhyudayayðh-påyåt=s& vô bhåskarah (11) Tat[t]va-jõâna vido=pi
yasya na vidur=brahm-argha2 yo-bhyudyatâl-kpitanam yas-cha gabhastibhih pravissitaih-push[n]âti 10ka-trayam
gandharvv-âmara-siddha-kinnara-narais-samstdyatê-bhyatthit bhaktêbhyas-cha dadáti yê=bhilashitam tasmai savitre namal (11) Yaho-pratyaham prativi.
bhâty=udayachalêndia-vistirņņa-tunga-bikhare-skhalit-Amíu-jalaḥ kshib-angana3 jana-kapola-tal-Abhitamrah-pâyât=ga Vassu-k[i]ran ábharaṇô vivasvan (11) Kusoma".
bhar-ånata-taruvara-dévakulasabha-vihárs-ramasi(ni) yât i Låta-vishayannag-avritasailkj-jagati prathita-silpaḥ (11) Tê" désa-partthiva-gan-apahřitáh prakasama
addhv-adi-jâny=-viralány=asukha4 ny=apasya | jât-Adara Dasapuram prathamar manôbhir=anv=agat&s=sa-sata-bandhu.
janâs=samêtya | Mattêbha-ganda-tata-vichyuta-dana-bindu-sikt-pal-Achala-sahasravibhůshi (sha)nayah (1) pushp-dvanamra-taru-manda-vataṁsakay& bhūméhparan=tilaka-bhatam-idam kramêņa | Tati-ottha-vriksha-chyute
See page 189 ff. above. From the ink-impression. Metre, Sardúlavikridita; and in the next verse,
10 Metre, Vasantatilaka. Metre, Arya. 19 Metre, Vasantatilaks; and in the next verse. 1 Metre, Upendravajr; and in the next two Tertes.

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Page #231

JULY, 1886.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
197
5 naika-pushpa-vichitra-tir-Anta-jalani bhantil praphalta-padm-Abharaṇini yatra sa
råmsi karandava-sat kulani 11 Vilola-vichi-chalit-Aravinda-patad-rajah-piñjaritais-cha hamsaih! Sva-kesar-Odåra-bhar-Avabhagnaih kvachit-saramsy-amburahai-cha
bhånti (11) Sva-pushpa-bhâr-åvanatair=nnagêndrair=mada6 pragalbh-ali-kala-svanais-cha ajasra-gabhis-cba par-anganAbhir-yvanani yasmin
Bamalatkritâni | Chalat-patákányabala-sankthâny=atyarttha-buklany=adhik-Ônnatânii taqil-latå-chitra-sit-abbhra-kata-tuly-pamânâni grihiņi yatra || Kailasa".
tunga-dikhara-pratimâni ch=Anyány-ábhanti dîrggha-valabhi7 ni sa-vêdikáni gândharvva-sabda-mukharâni(qi) nivishta-chitra-karmmaņi 10la-kadali
yana-sobhitani | Prasada-mAlAbhir-alamkritáni dharam vidáryy=aiva samutthitâni | vimana-mála-badpisani yattra gribâņi půrnn-êndu-kar-Amalani !! Yad",
bhâty-abhiramya-sarid-[a]vayêna chapal-ôrmmiņa samapagadham 8 rahasi kucha-sklinibhyÂm Priti-Ratibhyam Smar-Aigam-iva | Satya' kshama-dama
sama-vrata-sancha-dhairyya-sväddhyâya-vșitta-vinaya-sthiti-buddby-apétaihi vidyatapô-nidhibhir=8-smayitais-cha viprair=yyad-bhrájate graha-ganaik=kham=iva
pradiptaih 11 Atha" samétya nirantara-sangatair=aharahah-pravijrimbhita9 sauhrideh [*] nipatibhis=suta-vat-pratim[â]nitaḥ pramudita nyavasanta sukhan
pard 11 Sravana "O-[sa]bhaga[m] dh[&]nurvvaidya[m] dridban parinishțhitaḥ sucharita-sat-âsangab-kêchidevichittra-katha-vidah | vinaya-nibhritis=samyag-dbar. mms-prasanga-parêyaņáh-priyamu-parushan patthyam chânye kshama bahu
bhAshitom 11 10 Kêchit"-gva-karmmany-adhikasetath=&nyair=vvijñâyats i yôtisham-ktmavadbhihi
adyapi ch=ânge samara-pragalbhábækurvvanty-ariņam=-hitam prasahya (1) Praja" manojña-vadhaval prathit-ru-vams& vams-anurupa-charit-Abharaṇas-tath-anya i
satya-vratah pranayinim=upakara-dakshi visrambha11 [půryva]m-apard dridha-sauhșidas-cha 11 Vijita"-vishaya-sangairaddharmma-silais
tath-ányair-m[ri]dubhir-adhika-sat[t]vair=118kayâtr-marais-chasva-kula-tilala bhAtairamukta-rågair-adårair-adhikat=abhivibháti srônir-evam-prakáraih 11 TA
runya"-kanty-upachitôpisuvar şahåra-tâmbala-pushpe-vidhin sama12 [lamkri]tô=pil nåri-janah priyam=upaiti na tåvadagry&('rya) ykvan=na pat
tamaya-vastra-y[u]gåni dhatte i Sparía (va]tá" varņņântara-vibhaga-chittrona nêtra-subhagêna 1 yais-sakalam-idamkshititalam-alamkritam patta-vastrena II
Vidyadhari-ruobira-pallava-karnnapüra-vát-brit-Asthirataratin pravichintya 13 [18]kam manushyam=arttha-nichayamarcha tatha vibalAmg=téshår subha matir
abhadrachala tatasuta | Chatus"-samudr-An[t]a-vildla-mêkhalam SumêruKailasa-brihat-payodharám! Van-ånta-vânta-sphața-pushpe-hasinim Kumaragapte
prithivira praksati Samana".dhis-Sukra-Bribaspatibhyam lalåma-bható bhuvi 14 partthivånith Iranisha yah Pirttha-samana-karmma babhäva gôpti ngipa-Viáva
varmma 11 Din" apulampana-parab kripan-frtta-vargga-sandh[4]-pradedhika. dayalur-antha-nAthah kalpa-drumab prapayinâm-abbayar pradesache bhitasya y8 janapadasya cha bandhar-isit ! Tasycatmajah sthairy-nay-pa
panrio bandhu-priyo 15, bandhureiva prajánån bandhy-artti-hartta npipa-Bandhuvarmne dvid-dripta
paksba kshapan-aika-dakshahi Kantda yavá rana-patar-yvinay-invitab=che raje āpi sang=upasțité na madaih smay-Adyaiḥ 1. bringåra-murttir-abhibháty un alakit-pirapoņa yai-kasamachd psiva dvitigah 11 Vaidhavya- tivre
vyasana-kshatánar * Matre, Upajati of Indra vajra and Upendravajzl. 1 Meteo, Malint.
Metro, Vheritatilaka. u Metro, Vasantatilaka.
Metre, V Metre, Upajati al Indra ajrl and Upendravajra.
#Metro, Arya.
entatilaks. I 17 Matre, Vodafasthe.
Motare, Upendrive 11 Motro, Aryh...
Metre, V antatilaks. » Metre, Vasentatilak.. Metre, Indravajra. # Metre, Drata vilambita. * Metre, Haript..
* Metre, Vasantatilake. * Metre, Indravajra. * Metre, Vasentatilaka. ** Metre, Upejata of Indrarajrd and Upendrarajza.

Page #232

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1886.
16 amri(smri)två yam-adyapy-ari-sundariņâm bhayâd-bhavaty-ayata-lòchanânâm ghanastan-ayasa-karah prakampal Tasminn"-va kshitipati-vri(vri)shê Bandhuvarmmany-ndáre samyak-sphitam Dasapuram-idaṁ pâlayaty-unnat-âmsê silpAvaptair-ddhana-samudayaiḥ paṭṭavayair-udaram árêpîbhûtair-bbhavanam-atulam
karitam
17 dipta-raśměl Vistropa-tunga-dikharaṁ sikhari-prakasam-abhyudgat-ênd v-amalarasmi-kalapa-gauram yad-bhati paśchima-parasya nivishta-kanta-chûḍamanipratisaman-nayan-Abhiramaṁ Rama-sanatha-[ra]chanê dara-bhâskar-âméu-vahnipratapa-subhage jala-lina-minê chandrámán-harmyatala18 chandana-talavrinta-har-Opabhodha (ga)-rahitê hima-dagdha-padme | Rôddhra-priyamgukâlê tusharataru-kundalata-vikosa-pushp-asava-pramud[i]t-ali-kal-Abhiramê Smara-vasagakaga-karkkasa-sita-vita-vega-pranritta-lavall-nagan-aikasa khê || tarapajana-vallabbkigand-vipula-kita-pin-bra
19 stana-jaghana-ghan-Alingana-nirbhartaita-tuhina-hima-pâté | Malavânâm gana-sthitya yat[] sata-chatashtayê tri-navaty-adhikê-bdânâm-ri(ri)tau sêvya-ghana-svanê II Sahasya-masa-suklasya prasaste-hni trayodaśê mangal-âchâra-vidhinâ prâsâdô= yam nivesitab II Bahunk samatitena
bhavannsyn 20 kalên-ânyais-cha pártthivaiḥ vyasiryyat-aika-dêśô-sya bhavanasya tatô-dhunâ I Sva-ya-v[](vi)ddhay sarvvam-aty-udaram-udârayê 1 samskaritam=idam nabha[b]bhayaḥ śronya bhanumato griham | Aty"-unnatam-avadatam sprisann-iva manôharaih sikharaih éasi-bhânvôr-abhyudayêshv-amala-mayûkh
Ayatana.
21 bhutam | Vatsara-satéshu pamchasu visaṁty"-adhikeshu
navasu ch=âbdêshu | yateshv-abhiramya-Tapasya-masa-énkla-dvitiyâyâm II Spashtзirasôkataru-kotakasimduvara-lôlâtimuktakalata-madayantikânâm pushp-ôdgamair abhinavair=
adhigamya nûnam-aikyam vijrimbhita-saré Hara-pû (dhú)ta-dêhê 11 22 Madhu-pina-mudita-madhukara-kul-opagita-nagan (n)-aika-prithu-sakhê kalê nava-kuSasin-êva nabho vimalam sum-bdgama-damtura-kâmta-prachura-rôddhré 11 kaus[t]abha-manin-dva Sarigino vakshaḥ bhavana-varêņa tath-êdam puram= akhilam-alamkritam-udaram | Amalina" éagi
kamala-målâm-amsa-saktâm
23 lekha-damturam pingalanam parivahati samûham yavad-168 jațânâm cha Sarigi bhavanam-idam=udaram tavad-astu Śrêny-âdéséna bhaktyâ cha kâritam bhavanam raveh ch-byam prayatnêna rachità Vatsabhaṭṭina II 24 Svasti kartri-lékhaka-vachaka-érôtribhyah
Siddhir-astu ||
(and) who is the cause of the destruction and the commencing (again) of the universe! Reverence to that Sun,-whom (even) the Brahmanical sages, though they knew the knowledge of the truth (and) exerted them. selves, failed to comprehend; and who nourishes the whole of the three worlds with (his) rays diffused in all directions; who, when he is risen, is praised by Gandharvas, gods, Siddhas, Kinnaras, and Naras; and who grants (their) desires to those who worship (him)! May
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained! May that Sun protect you,-who is worshipped by the hosts of the gods for the sake of existence, and by the Siddhas who wish for supernatural powers, (and) by ascetics, entirely given over to abstract meditation (and) having worldly attractions well under control, who wish for the final liberation of the soul, and, with devotion, by saints, practising strict penances, (who wish to become) able to counteract curses;
33 Metre, Mandkrant.
3 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and in the next two verses. as Metre, Ary.
a Metre, Bloks (Anushtabb); and in the next three
verses.
31 Metre, Ary; and in the next verse.
apriian is the nominative singular of the masculine;
vikața
śāśvatan=
pûrvvâ
whereas the neater, spriat, in apposition with griham, is what is required. This, however, would not suit the metre. The only emendation that suits the metre, is to alter the construction and read nabhaḥ spritat-tva. Read vinssaty. 40 Metre, Vasantatilaka. Metre, AryA; and in the next verse. 43 Metre, Malini.
45 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).

Page #233

JULY, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
199
that Sun, decorated with glorious beams, forked lightning. And other long buildings protect you, who shines day after day with on the roofs of the houses, with arbours in the mass of (his) rays flowing down over the them, are beautiful, being like the lofty sumwide and lofty summit of the lordly mountain mits of (the mountain) Kailasa; being vocal of dawn, (and) who is of a dark-red colour with songs (like those) of the heavenly chorislike the cheeks of intoxicated women !
ters; having pictured representations arranged (L. 3.)-From the district of L & ta, which is in them); (and) being adorned with groves of pleasing with choice trees that are bowed down waving plantain-trees. Here, cleaving asunby the weight of (their) flowers, and with tem- der the earth, there rise up houses which are ples and assembly-halls of the gods, and with decorated with successions of storeys; which viháras, (and) the mountains of which are are like rows of serial chariots; (and) which covered over with vegetation, to (this) city are as pure as the rays of the full-moon. This of Dasapura there came, full of respect, - (city) is beautiful (through) being embraced first, in thought; and afterwards (in person) in by two charming rivers, ** with tremulons waves, a band, together with (their) children and kins- as if it were the body of the god) Smara men, -men who were renowned in the world (embraced) in secrecy by (his wives) Priti and for (skill in their) craft (of sille-weaving), and Rati, possessed of (heaving) breasts. Like the who, being manifestly attracted by the virtues sky with the brilliant multitudes of planets, it of the kings of the country, gave no thought shines with Brâhmans endowed with truth, to the continuous discomforts produced by patience, self-control, tranquillity, religious the journey. And in course (of time) this (city) vows, parity, fortitude, private study, good became the forehead-decoration of the earth, conduct, refinement, and steadfastness, (and) which is adorned with a thousand mountains abounding in learning and penances, and free whose rocks are besprinkled with the drops of from the excitement of surprise. rut that trickle down from the sides of the (L. 8.)-So assembling together, (and) day by temples of rutting elephants, (and) which has for day received into greater friendship by (their) (its) decorative ear-ornaments the trees weighed constant. Associates, (and) honourably treated down with flowers. Here" the lakes, crowded like sons by the kings, in joy and happiness with kárandava-ducks, are beautiful, -having they settled in this) city. Some of them the waters close to (their) shores made varie. (became) excessively well acquainted with gated with the many flowers that fall down the science of archery, (in which the twanging. from the trees growing on the banks, (and) of the bow is) pleasing to the ear; others, being adorned with full-blown water-lilies. devoting themselves to hundreds of excellent The lakes are beautiful in some places) with achievements, (became) acquainted with wonder. the swans that are encaged in the pollen that ful tales; and others, unassuming in (their) falls from the water-lilies shaken by the tremul- | modesty (and) devoted to discourses of the true ons waves; and in other places with the water- religion, (became) able to say much that was lilies bent down by the great burden of their free from harshness (and yet was) salutary. filaments. Here the woods are adorned with some excelled in their own business (of silk. lordly trees, that are bowed down by the weight sceaving); and by others, possessed of high of their flowers and are full of the sounds of the aims, the science of astrology was mastered; flights of bees that hum loudly through intoxica- and even to-day others of them, valorous in tion (caused by the juices of the flowers that they battle, effect by force the destruction of (their) suck), and with the women from the city who enemies. So also others, wise, possessed of are perpetually singing. Here the houses have charming wives, (and) belonging to a famous waving flags, (and) are full of tender women, and mighty lineage, are decorated with achieve(and) are very white (and) extremely lofty, ments that befit (thoir) birth; and others, resembling the peaks of white clouds lit up with true to (their) promises (and) firm in friendship
* The original has, as far as line 8, the relative con struotion, which I have changod, for convenience of translation, into the absolute.
Of these rivers, one of ourse is the_Siwand, on the north bank of which the town stands. The other must
be the Sumll,' which now flows into the Siwand about 1 three milou to the north-east of the town.

Page #234

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1886.
with the socompaniment of confidence, are skilled in conferring favours upon (their) intimates. (And so) the guild shines gloriously all around, through those who are of this Bort, and through others who, -vercoming the attachment-for worldly objects; being characterised by piety; (and) possessing most abundant goodness,-(are) very gods in an earthly habitation.
(L. 11.)-(Just as) a woman, though endowed with youth and beauty (and) adorned with the arrangement of golden necklaces and betelleaves and flowers, goes not to meet (her) lover in a secret place, until she has put on a pair of coloured silken cloths, -(80) the whole of this region of the earth, is (almost superytuously) adorned through them, (as if) with a silken garment, agreeable to the touch, variegated with the arrangement of different colours, (and) pleasing to the eye.
(L. 12.) -Having reflected that the world is very unsteady, being blown about by the wind like the charming ear-ornaments, (made of) sprigs, of the women of the Vidyadharas; (and similarly) the estate of man; and also accumulations of wealth, large (though they may be), - they became possessed of a virtaons (and) stable understanding; and then ;-* '
(L. 13.)-While Kum Aragupta was reigaing over the (whole) earth, whose pendulous marriage-string is the verge of the four oceans; whose large broasts are the mountains) Sumêru and Kailasa ;"' (and) whose laughter is the full-blown flowers showered forth from the borders of the woods ;
(L. 13.)-There was a ruler, king Visvavarman, who was equal in intellect to Sakra and Brihaspati ; who became the most eminent of princes on the earth; (and) whose deeds in war were equal to those of) Partha ;-who was very compassionate to the unhappy; who fulfilled his promises to the miserable and the distressed; who was excessively full of tenderness ; (and) who was a very tree of plenty to (his) friends, and the giver of security to the frightened, and the friend of (his) country
(L. 14.)-His son (was) king Bandhuvar
man, possessed of firmness and statesmanship; beloved by (his) kinsmen; the relative, as it were, of (his) subjects; the remover of the afflictions of (his) connections; pre-eminently skilfal in destroying the ranks of (his) proud enemies. Handsome, youthful, dexterous in war, and endowed with humility, king though he was, yet was ba never carried away by passion, astonishment, and other (evii sentiments); being the very incarnation of erotic passion, he resembled in beauty, even though he was not adorned with ornaments, second (Kamadeva) armed with the bow that is made of flowers, Even to-day, when the long-eyed lovely women of (his) enemies, pained with the fierce pangs of widowhood, think of him, they stagger about through fear, in such a way as to fatigue (their) firm and compact broasts.
(L. 16.)-While he, the noble Bandhovarman, the best of kings, the strong shoul. dered one," was governing this city of Daiapurs, which had been brought to a state of great prosperity,-& noble (and) unequalled temple of the bright-rayed (Sun), was caused to be built by the silk-cloth weavers, as a guild, with the stores of wealth acquired by the exercise of their) craft;-(a temple) which, having broad and lofty spires, (and) resembling a mountain, (and) white as the mass of the rays of the risen moon, shines, charming to the eye, having the similarity of (being) the lovely crest-jewel, fixed in its proper place), of (this) city of the west.
(L. 17.)-In that season which unites beputiful women with (their) lords; which is agreeable with the warmth of the fire of the rays of the sun (shining) in the glens; in which the fishes lie low down in the water; which on account of the cold) is destitute of the enjoyment of the beams of the moon, and (mitting in the open air on) the flat roofs of houses, and sandal-wood perfames, and palmleaf-fans, and necklaces ;-in which the waterlilies are bitten by the frost; which is charming with the humming of the bees that are made happy by the juice of the full-blown flowers of the ródhra and priyayu- trees and the jasmine,
- The context is " noble (and) unequalled temple of the bright-ryad (Sun) was caused to be built," &o, in line 16; all that intervenes, is by way of parenthesis.
Conf. B Chat-Sarichiti, xliii. 35, where the earth is doscribed as having the mountains of sunrise and sunset for lipe, and the Himalaya and Vindbys for
breasts.
This, again, is a second parenthes's, the real context of the preceding vore being the description of Bandhu varman in line 148.
lit. 'high-shouldered. 30 The winter.

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JULY, 1886.)
A GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161.
201
creepers ; in which the lavall-trees and the elapsed; on the charming second lunar day of Bolitary branches of the nagand-bushes are the bright fortnight of the month Tapasya ; made to dance with the force of the wind that in the season when (Kamadeva), whose body is harsh and cold with particles of frost; (and) was destroyed by Hara, develops (hie wnin which the cold induced by) the falling of frost ber of five) arrows by attaining unity with the and snow is derided by the close embraces of fresh bursting forth of the flowers of the aboka the large and beautiful and plump and bulky and kedtaka and sinduvára-trees, the pendulous breasts and thighs of young men and (their) atimuktaka-creeper, and the wild-jaamine; mistresses, completely under the influence of when the solitary large branches of the nagandlove ;-wben, by (the reckoning from the tribal bushes are full of the songs of the bees that are constitution of the Malavas, four centuries of delighted by drinking the nectar; (and) when years, increased by ninety-three, had elapsed; the beautiful and luxuriant nodhra-trees swing in that season when the low thunder of the to and fro with the fresh bursting forth of muttering of clouds is to be welcomed (as (their) flowers,--the whole of this noble city was indicating the approach of warmth again); decorated with (this) best of temples; just as on the excellent thirteenth lanar day of the the pare sky is decorated with the moon, and bright fortnight of the month Sabays, this the breast of the god) Barngin with the kaustutemple was established, with the ceremony of tha-jewel. As long as the god) fáa wears a auspicious benediction.
mass of tawny matted looks, undulating with (L. 19.)-And, in the course of a long time, the spotless rays of the moon (on his forehead); under other kings, part of this temple fell and (as long as) (the god) Barngin (carries) a into disrepair ; 80 now, in order to increase garland of lovely waterlilies on his shoulder; their own fame, the whole of this most noble 80 long may this noble temple endure for honse of the Sun has been repaired again by the ever! munificent corporation; (this temple) which is (L. 23.)-By the command of the guild, and very lofty (and) pure; which touches the sky, from devotion, (this) temple of the Sun was as it were, with (its) charming spires ; (and) caused to be built; and this (eulogy) that prewhich is the resting place of the spotless rays cedes was, with particular care, composed by of the moon and the sun at (their) times of Vatsabhatti. Hail to the composer and the rising. Thus, when five centuries of years, writer, and those who read or listen to it)! increased by twenty, and nine years, had | Let there be success!
A GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; VIENNA. Besides the large Såsbah temple inscription And he has failed to observe that the genesof Mahipala, which has now been properly logy of the kings closes with stanza 9, although re-edited by Prof. Kielhorn (ante, p. 33 ff.), -if not the context-the sigo of interpunctuaDr. Rajendralal Mitra has transcribed and tion after that stanza might have attracted his
translated also the following mutilated in- attention. Manôratha and Madhusddana were scription, discovered by General Cunningham no kings of Gwalior, but the former was the in the fortress of Gwalior and now preserved secretary of Bhavanapala, and the latter a in the Museum at Lucknow, where I copied grandson of Manôratha. The date of the init. As the letters of this inscription, so far scription falls within the reign of Mahipala's as they have been preserved, are large and guccessor, whose name has been lost in stanzas distinct, Dr. R. Mitra has misread only about
7 to 9. & dozen syllables. But he has not attempted The contents of the inscription are, in brief, to decipher that portion of the first line as follows :-Stanza 1 gives the name of Bhuwhich is still readable, and which contains vana páfa, who is the No. 5, MAladdva, also no less than three names of royal personages. called Bhavanapâla and Trailokyamalla, of
Jour. Bong. As. Soc. VOL. XXXI. p. 418. • Archeol. śwry. Ind. Vol. II. p. 354.
Jour, Beng. 41. Soc. Vol. XXXI. pp. 402., p. 400: Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. II. p. 374.

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Prof. Kielhorn's paper, ante, p. 35.-His son genealogy of the builder of the temple was (st. 2) was Aparajita, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 6, introduced.--Stanzas 11 to 13 give the name Dêrapala. The son of Devapála (st. 3), and of Mandratha of Mathara, the secretary of the son's son of Bhuvanapala, was Padma- Bhuvanapala,' who was married to Bhava ().pala, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 7 of the same name. His son (st. 14 to 16) was Mânio handra,
-Of stanza 4 enough does not remain to show who caused to be built a temple (Kirtana) its purport.-Stanzas 5 and 6 give the name of containing statues of Smarári (Siva) and other Mahipalad é ya, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 8 of gods, and who married Râsagati ().-Their the same name, the king of Gopalikêra.' son (st. 17 to 20) was Madhusudana. Stanzas 7 to 9 seem to refer to the death of His younger brother 21 and 22) was Mahipala, and must have recorded the name of A b â chandra, who caust temple of Hara his successor; this name, however, is not now (Śiva) to be built. extant. At the end of stanza 9, a peculiar Stanza 23 records that the inscription was comsign of interpunctuation marks the close of the posed by the Nirgranthanatha Ya God dva. rasisavali; thuse –
Stanza 24 contains an invocation of the god Bhava (Siva).
The concluding prose passage records that (the linga of the temple mentioned in stanza 22)
was set up on the sixth day of the bright The incomplete stanza 10 seems to have fortnight of the month Magha, when eleven contained an invocation of the god Bhava (Siva) | hundred and sixty-one years had elapsed from and of his wife Aparna (Uma), by which the the time of king Vikramárka.
TEXT. 1 [uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu-]TTEIT
forferfolu-uu-vu-Ulr: 1 [ . . . . ] roft - vrata: ......
II (RJ T EU TANTOT ... TUTTI
... jaft: 49[ES: - PUTII CU PT quarto " Far TT962 [-I--u--vu-u----U--uv-u[fr]11 [] THEY
तापावनबारिमौलिखगभ्यर्चनीयांडिपीठोपकण्ठः। अधिष्ठाय गोपालिकेराधिपत्ये वभौ भूमिपालो महीपालदेवः॥ [4] प्रतीपाखिलापियक्षीदवक्षो य एकातपत्रान्धरित्री व्यधत्त । दिशान्तिकुम्भस्थलीशंखभूषां
स्वकीसिन्विलोकीतटान्ते न्यधन ।। [१] वैवस्वतकरदण्डाभिष्टे प. 3 [uuuuuuuuuuu-IuuuuuuuuuuuuuuftTT 11 [O] Tref RTIT : for: STETTY:
Art - रणरिव दुःसहत्वं चस्वावहदिशि दिशि प्रसरन्प्रतापः।। [6] उदारसमरारम्भो दूरेस्तु कुरुते रिपून। यस्यप्रयाणवाापि पलायनपरावणान् ।। [१] ॥ भवस्य भालाम्बकवर्मभेदं रुणध्वपालकचू.
• The yamaks proves that Aparajita has to be taken | Suru. Ind. Vol. II. P. 362. On kirtana, 's temple,' see
proper name and a biruda of DevapAls, whose name ante, Vol. XII. p. 229, 289. occurs in stanza 8.
for the probable site of this temple see Archæol. . This seems to be the original form and the immediate
Surv. of Ind. Vol. II. p. 364 and Plate lxxxviii. source of the modern Dame "Gwalior,' or correctly
20 Probably the word prašastim has to be supplied with Gw Alher. In Prof. Kiellorn's verses 6 and 81, the name
purvam etam. Yasodēva modestly calls himself "the that is used is Gopadri, 'the mountain of Gops'; and in
home of the arts, whose banner is poetry displayed in the
sir Bhdeh48." other inscriptions Gopagiri and other synonyms.
What these six Bhashas are, we learn
from a stanza quoted by Jonarkja on stanza 34 of the • Similar signs of interpunctuation occur at the end
25th oanto of Mankha's Srikanthacharita :of the Kota Buddhist inscription of the Samanta Deva. datta (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 16) and of a Gwalior inscription
संस्कृता प्राकृता चैव शूरसेनी तदुद्भवा । of Bhojadeva (Journal of the German Oriental Society,
ततोपि मागधी प्राग्वत्पशाची देशजोत यत् ।। Vol. XL. p. 38). Stanza 12.-"Brihaspati (aven) in unable (Gurur
Compare also Kalhana's Rajatarangint, VII. 611, Inghuh) to praise (suficiently) the knowledge of the
where prince Harsha is called sarva-bhdah dan sat-kavih. essence of arithmetio and of all manners of writing
Yabaeva ww a friend of the poet Manikantha, who (lipi), the virtues, and the deeds of this man, who used
composed the Slabsha insoription, and he it was who wrote to write down the expenditure, the income, the com
out that insoription. There he is called DigambarArka mands, and the compositions of king Bhuvanapila."
and described is aléaha-bhdahden kavik (ante, p. 46). . This may be the small Sababu temple ; Archool. " Read (.1).

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NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
208
4 [--- -------------] सदा गच्छतु कालयज्वा ॥ [१०] श्रीमान्व
भूव मथुराभिजनो विमायः कायस्थवंशविपिनांवुधरः प्रहृष्टाः। शिष्टास्त्रिवर्गपथगामिमनोरथस्य यस्याध्यगीषत मनोरथ इत्यभिख्याम् ।। [१२] भुवनपालनृपद्रविणव्ययागमनियोगनिधन्धन लेखिनः। गणि
ततस्वसमस्तलिपिज्ञतागुणकृतस्तवनेस्य गुरुलघुः ॥ [१२]. कांतानका5[000-00-~------ललिताड़यष्टिः । स्पष्टीकृतात्मकुलशी
लकलानुभावा भावानुरक्तिपरमास्य रमेव विष्णोः।। १३] यो मानिनां कैरवकुड्मलानां प्रहाद[नं त्तमधादिवन्तुः। स मानिचन्द्रश्चतुरणवान्तभ्रान्तोरुकीर्तिस्तनयोस्य जज्ञे । [१४] स्मरारिपूर्वामरमूर्तिम
न्दरोदरास्मस्मप्रकरार्पितध्वजैः। मरुद्भुतैस्त यदङ्गिनामधान्यचीकरत्कीर्तनमा- . 6--0-॥१५ --- -- -- -विधानेषु यतस्तदीया। शुचिस्मितो
लासितहारकान्तिस्ततो जनै रा[सगतिनिरूचे॥ [१६] विजगद्विततात्मयशोविसदीकृतदिवस तयोस्तनयोभिजनोजवलसवनिजान्वयजाजरविः। मधुसूदन इत्वजनिष्ट विशिष्टगुणप्रणयः स्तुतयोगुरुवारगुणं
प्रति संप्रति य विदुषाम् ॥ [१७] यशोविकासो मधुसूदनस्य मास्मन्मयूखा7 [ . - . -- * ---- -----.] चूर्यमाणः क्षयमापर्दिदुः ।। [२८] येन
बिलोकजनताशयथुद्धिहेतुर्द्धम्मोपि निर्मलतमः क्रियते स्म शस्वत्। तस्यावदातचरिताबुतवर्णनायामोजो विजृम्भितमहो यदि शारदायाः ॥ [१९] करांजलिपुटोद्धृतं जलमिवैष अस्वत्सुधीः समप्रजगदंगिनां
प्रगलवायुरालाचयन् । श्रुतेधितशावुसंशामितरागपात्रार्पि8 [--- -------------]। [२०] आशास यःशिष्टजगज्जनस्य श्रिवं
न्यधारात्मकरायकृष्टां। जना यदीयावरजं तमाशाचंद्र जगुः प्रीतगुरुं सवृत्तं ॥ [२१] पतितप्रपतत्पपतिष्यदमर्त्यगृहोद्धरणः स्वभुजार्जितशुद्धधनष्ययवृहितपुण्यनिधिः। यतिविप्रवरानविपनजनातिहरो भवनं
भवनाशकरस्य हरस्य स कारयति स्म कृती ।। [२२] विदांबुजवनरविः श्रीज9[---------00--] निग्र्मथनाथः । यः षड्भाषाविततकविताकेतु.
हम्म्य कलानां पूर्वामेतामकृत स मुनिः श्रीयशोदेवनामा ।। [२३] मनोभवांधकारातिविघातकरणो भवः। दद्यातः सम्पदो देवो यो गजाजिनभूतिभृत् ।। [२४] ॥ श्रीविक्रमार्कनृपकालातीतसम्वत्सराणां"मेकषष्टयधिकायामेकादशशत्यां माघशुरुषष्ठयाम्प्रतिष्ठाभूत् [1]
NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. 3.-ON SOME DOUBTFUL VARTTIKAS. regarded as Varttikas. With the permission of While trying to reconstruct the Vårttikas of the Editors, I intend in this Journal to discuss Katyayana from the Mahâbhâshya, I have some of those doubtfnl Vârttikas, and I hope never ventured to hope that my attempt would that scholars who are versed in the subject, from the beginning be successful in every and to whom ancient MSS. are more readily particular. I indeed feel convinced that the accessible than they are to myself, will take an general principles which I have followed are interest in the matter and assist in the final correct, and I believe that my edition is likely settlement of a question which is of some to present a fairly true picture of what Kamoment for the history of Sansksit grammar. tyayana's work was like, before it was embodied Not counting the 14 Pratyahara or Sivaby Patañjali in his own work. But I have satras, the total number of rules of Panini's always been ready to admit, that, in individual Ashtadhyâyi in the published text is 3983. cases, the comparison of older or better MSS. According to my edition of the Mahabhashya, than those are which I had at my disposal, the Kåtyâyana has appended notes to 1245 rules superior knowledge of other scholars, or my only, and Patañjali has, independently of Kiown researches, may prove that I have been tyayana, attached remarks of his own to 468 wrong; and there certainly are Vårttikas in my other rules. The remaining 2270 of Panini's edition, about whose right to be there I myself Sûtras are not directly treated of in the Mahafeel doubtful, just as in that portion of the bhâshya, but I may state incidentally that by text which I have assigned to Patañjali, there far the greater number of them have either occur some statements which may have to be been actually quoted by Patañjali, or can
" Read निबन्धन.
13 Cancel the anuevara.

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be shown to be necessary for the formation of those who wish still further to pursue this words which have been made use of by that subject, I may add that there are between 25 scholar in the course of his arguments. and 80 instances, where the reference contained
As Katyâyana in his Vårttikas has treated of in a first Vårttika is not to the rule under somewhat less than a third of Påņini's rules, which it is actaally placed in the Mahâbhiand as he has not told ns in figures to wbich shya, bat to a preceding rule, or where a particular rulo he intended to append a remark Vårttika, which according to the Mahabhaor a set of notes, it might be expected that he shya heads the Vårttikas of one rule, really would have endeavoured to remove our doubts belongs to the Varttikas of the preceding in this respect by some other device, that in rule, and that a few times. We are referred by some way or other he would have pointed out a Vårttika not to PÅņini's role itself, but to the the Satra, to which a Varttiks or a string of Gana appended to it. Thus mach is rendered Vårttikas must be understood to belong. And certain even by a study of the MSS., that in I believe that he really has done this, and that the vast majority of cases KÅtyâyana has clearly the device which he adopted furnishes a means indicated the rules to which his notes refer, of occasionally testing the accuracy of the and the presumption therefore is that he has MSS., and tends to enable us in a number of intended to do so everywhere. If his Vårttikas doubtful cases to distinguish between his own were taken out from the Mahabhashya and remarks and those of his successor and com- printed as a separate work, we should bave no mentator Patañjali.
difficulty in pointing out the Satra to which When in the MSS. we examine what in any given Varttika or number of Varttikas accordance with the general method of the belong. Mahabhashya ought to be regarded as Varttikas, The case is different with many of the notes, we find that in the case of about 1200 which Patanjali has appended to Påņini's Sätras the first of a set of Varttikas, or the rules. When Patanjali tells us Terrat one Arttika that may have been appended farmer (Ed. II. p. 279, 19), we suspect to a rule, contains some distinot reference to indeed that we are directed to add a certain that rale; that it is worded in a manner which suffir, which has been taught by PÅpini, to at once renders it apparent to which rule of | गण and सहाब, but that that suffix isa, we Påņini's the Värttika or the string of Vårtti. know only when Patañjali's note has actually kas belongs. No less than 131 times Katy- been appended to or placed under P. IV. 2, 43. yana has repeated & whole rule of Panini's, What Patañjali has taught in this particular absolutely unchanged, at the commencement of instance, Kâtyâyana would have expressed in the first Varttiks which he was attaching to a sentence like to
arranger that rule. In numerous cases a first Vårttika Tor T erra, a sentence from contains the whole rule to which it belongs, the wording of which it would have been clear altered only so far as to allow of its being at once that the suffix to be added is , while construed with the other words of the Var. from the position assigned to it in the order of
ika. In a very large number of instances the Varttikas, we should have inferred with first Vårttika commences with the first word or certainty that the saffis alluded to is the words of a rule, or reports that portion of it are taught by Panini after the suffix : in to which the remark oontained in the Varttiks other words, the roof P.IV.2, 43. Similar is meant specially to refer. Thus, in the case rules of Patañjali's occur ander P. III. 1, 16 of 24 rules of Paņini's which teach the meaning
P. III. 1, 145 frafas of technical terms, it is the technical term form , P. III. 3, 17 taught in a rule, compounded with the word T rg, P. V. 2, 129 RON
, HTT, that is placed at the beginning of a P. VII. 2, 68
and elsewhere, first Vårttika. Similarly, in the case of about and make it clear that Patañjali did not consider 50 rules which teach the addition of suffixes, it necessary to indicate, by the wording of his the particular suffix taught in a rule, compound- notes, to which of Påņini's rules a particular ed with the word is made to head the note refers. His notes of this kind receive a Varttika or Vårttikas attached to a rale. For meaning only when they are actnally put under

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205
the text of the Sätras ; taken by themselves these statements may perhaps be considered to they are unintelligible.
contain a reference to the Stras to which they It is from such considerations as these, that are attached; but the former has at any rate in my edition of the Mahabhåshya I have been omitted in the MSS. KgB., and the latter occasionally given, as a remark of Patañjali's is rendered superfluous by Katyayana's own what the authority of some of the MSS., some- Vårttika 20 on P. I, 1, 72. Apart however times the best MSS. at my command, would from these, there are other Vårttikas abont otherwise have made me regard as a Várttika. which I feel or have felt doubtful, and I havo In Vol. II. p. 120, 1. 18, all MSS. except K. therefore put together the following list of all have youwate : 4474416 * tfa - first Vårttikas in which I fail to discover with UK. has only at
6 . If certainty any distinct reference to the rules of in this case the MSS. GAA EgB were right, Paņini under which they are placed in the MSS.
M ET would be a Vårttika; but it P. I. 4,24 TSI 7.-Vårt. 1 yocer cannot be a Virttika on Panini's rale परोसे लिदू विरामप्रमादार्थानामुपसख्यानम्. If this were really because it does not contain any reference to a Varttika, we should expect it to contain the that rule. The first Varttika on that rule mustword 79TT TETT, just as Vårt. 1 on P. I. be a forrella and all the MSS. 4, 49 contains the word darat, and Virt. excepting K. must be wrong. In Vol. II. 1 on P. I. 4, 54 returare. When we strike p. 217, 1. 12, GAEgB. have afatetat - it out from the list of Vårttikas, we have the
frarferant ftat afrit , aK. have expected reference to Paņini's rule in the word only
that get : Here |भपादानसंज्ञा of what in my edition is now again a farat ara : cannot be a Vårttika,
Vårt. 2. because it contains no reforence to the rule P. II. 3, 2 for frstar.-Vart. TETTE; the first Vårttika on that rule T
e em. The MSS. AKK. omit must be पुरोगाशस्वायां तद्धितलुग्वचनम्. In Vol. this. If it be really & Värttika, it should II. p. 278, 1. 20, all MSS. except K. have be made to commence with fea r , just as RTI F
R , but Tercan for the there is Torfit in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 13, reasons given above not be regarded as a Vart- gaano in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 18, 9tika on P. IV. 2, 39. The same reasoning I Prva in VArt. 1 on P. II. 3, 28, and iftspeaks again formare on P. IV. 2, 40, fut in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 36. T on P. IV. 2, 87 and other statements P.III. 3, 157, reorits Patet.-Vårt. Twhich some of the MSS. have given as Vart- देवन चेत. MS.A. has sच्छा काममवेदन चेत्, but I tikas.
should like to know if this reading is given by I confess that the principle which I have other MSS. The Kasika-Vritti has 7795 tried to explain here, has not from the very इति वक्तव्यम् beginning been so evident to myself as it is at P.V.3,66, starat 699.-Vårt. 1 an present. I now know that some statements, ATENTIE
7. This Vårttika, which I have printed as Varttikas, have as for such it must be, appears to offer two difficullittle claim to be such as others which I have ties which I should wish to see removed. In already rejected. Such are
on the first place, it should, in my opinion, contain P. I. 3, 27, which is omitted in the MS. K.; the term TT, which would show to what rulo the same on P. I. 3, 28, which also is omitted the Vårttika belongs, and which does appear in in the same MS.; VTT on P. III. 1, 10 Patañjali's explanation. And secondly, I canwhich originally was left out in the MS. Dec- not get any satisfactory meaning out of facan Coll. 99 of 1881-82; and on P. III. T TTTTT. The forms to be explained are 2, 83, and in on P. V. 2, 101, which both पचतिरूपम् पचतोकपम् पचन्तिरूपम्. रूपए being a are given by all the MSS. known to me. I do warthika suffix, a derivative formed by it not feel so certain about 1997 on should take the gender and number of the P. I. 3, 16, and o ut on P. IV. 4, 41, because primitive word, to which is affixed. Now
The letters K. G, A. &o., denoto the M89. described in the prefaces of Vol. I. and II. of my edition of the Mahabhlahya.

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in this case the primitive words have no P. VI. 3, 3, T UTTE T art:-Vârt, gender at all, and they are singular, dual, or 1, 3 04r74. AB. and originally E. bave plural, whereas the words formed by 59 have तृतीबायां भञ्ज', E. by alteration तृतीयाया अख', & gender, vis. are neuter, and are all singular. One would expect the Vårttika to commence This must be accounted for, and is accounted with our art, just as Vårt. 1 on P. VI. 3,2 for, by the final portion of the Vårttika which commences with you , and Vårt. 1 on teaches that st is the termination of a deriva- P. VI. 3, 21 with att tive formed by the addition of 59 to a primitive P. VII, 1, 39, gi litteraturster word which is a verbal form. Unwilling as I - Vårt. TarfurstenT TOITETTUTTE. AE. am to alter the text, I would suggest that we omit this; a. and B. omit it too, but the onght to read
tre ia 5991 former has a stop and the figure 2 between SFTTTT:"As (derivatives formed by medns art and are in the next line, and B. has & of svarthika suffixes) take the gender and stop in the same place. I hardly think that it number of the primitives, it is necessary to can be rejected from the Virttikas, because in state that a derivative in 5.99 (does not do 80, that case it would be difficult to explain, why but) takes the termination se when the primi.
Patañjali should have made the subsequent tive form, to which 599 is added, is a verb." statement rai T
& P.V.4, 68, ATS -Vârt. 642 IT- separate rule. वद्विगुबन्त पुरुषबहुव्रीहिसंज्ञाः. Here we expect to P. VIII. 1, 66, f .-Vart. T IT. be told in the Vârttika, of what storzított... ERST: a. All MSS. Lave this, but I doubt its are the प्रयोजनम्. The word प्रयोजनम् appears being a Vârttika, as it stands. altogether 41 times at the commencement of a P. I. 4, 60 a.-Vârt. 1 ETTER; Vårttika, but in all these cases that, whose pur. Vårt. 2. TINTE irer. Vårt. 1 is given by all port is stated in such a VArttika, has been given MSS., but DKEg. read after TETETT . to us in a previous Vårttika (Vol. I. p. 87, 1, 17; Vårt. 2 is omitted in K.; E. has it added 97, 15; 154, 9; 159, 9, etc.). Seventeen times in the margin; g. omits it, but has the figure प्रयोजनम् stands in the middle of a Varttika, and | after पुनश्चनसौ छन्दसि below. पुनश्चनसौ छन्दसि is it is then preceded by a word in the Locative quoted thus by Patañjali in Vol. I. p. 377, 1. or Genitive, which contains that of which 19; it is there called a Várttika by Nagôji. the purport is to be explained by the Värttika bhatta, and is considered one also by Haradatta (Compare e.g. Vol. II. p. 47, 1. 1 aaaa on P. II. 1, 72 (grate THE Ut fact, p. 402, 1, 3 PTT TA a rrara Tra fa). I can only curadu, or Vol. III. p. 141, 1. 5
S T- state that we miss the expected reference to स्य प्रयोजनं स्तोकादिभ्योऽलुगानडिकोइस्वनलोपाः | Påņini's role, which, if the two Vârttikas were p. 179, 1. 12 RICET TU YETT- removed, would be contained in what in my
2). In accordance with this universal prac- edition is now Vart. 3. tice of the author of the Vårttikas, I would 1 P. II. 2, 8, 8.-Vârt. 1 a 9; Vårt. 2 suggest that we ought to read the Vårttika Y TO: ; Vârt. 37 Target:.-P. II. 2. under discussion either समासान्तस्खे or समासा- | 10, न निर्धारणे.-Vart. प्रतिपदविधाना च.-Pataiन्ताधिकारस्य प्रयोजनमव्ययीभावबिगुबन्दसत्पुरुषबहुप्री- jali, in the words प्रतिपाविधाना च षष्ठी न समस्थत fi: .
sfa Tara on p. 412, l. 20, appears certainly P. VI. 1, 28, car: 41.-Vårt. TEXT : to ascribe the statement saneTTT to the All MSS. have this, but, as it stands, it cannot, Vårttikakára, but we miss in the Vårttikas in my opinion, be regarded as & Vårttika. themselves some distinct indication of the Moreover, considering that MRT & well' does fact that the three first refer to P. II. 2, 8, not appear to be used in the older literature, and the last to the prohibitive rule P. IL. 2, 10. that, on the other hand, the verb c is frequently P. II. 4, 3, ME T TE.- Vårt. 1 pit; used in connection with or the stem of the Värt. 2 orei r. Vårt. 1 is omitted by the Bôma-plant,' and that in Rigveda VIII. 9, 19, MSS.gB., and Vårt. 2 by AkKEgB. The term we actually read ftaret TT, one may suot for is used by Katyayana Vol. II. fairly feel inclined to question the correctness p. 114, 1.7, and Vol. III. p. 217, 1. 17, just as he of the reading TTET:
elsewhere employs at fasurat, and aft,

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instead of लद, लुह, and, लु, the two statements are at once recognized to be such words as are given above can nevertheless not be regarded spoken of by Paņini in his rule. as Vârttikas, so long as the first of them contains P. VIII. 2, 17, 11.- Vårt. 1 ; Vårt. no reference to Pâņini's rule. This objection2 f t The wording of these two Vârtwould be removed, if we were allowed to read tikas may perhaps be accounted for in a similar मनुवादे चरणानां स्थणो.
way. The Vårttikas preceding them belong P. III. 1, 17, MENTO : .- undoubtedly to P. VIII. 2, 16; and when then Vårt. 1 gramafdrui; Vârt. 2 frere. The immediately afterwards Katyayana teaches MSS. KK. omit the two Värttikas and read something regarding two bases that end in, we aragrafferiaza 28; exactly the same must understand him to refer to that which reading we find in the Kabika-Vșitti.
is spoken of by Pâņini in the rule following P. IV. 1, 85, facule cuffie T Z : upon VIII. 2, 16. Vart. 1 वाकृतिपितृमतां छन्दस्युपसंख्यानम्. Several I will finally mention a few cases, in which MSS. omit this and some of the following Vârt- it may be doubtful whether a certain statement, tikas up to Vârt. 8. In none of the eight MSS. which in my edition has been ascribed to which I have compared does the first Vårttika Patañjali, might not, for the reasons which I contain any indication of the Sûtra to which it have explained in the above, perhaps be better belongs. We may conjecture the correct read- regarded as a Vårttika ing of the Virttika to be ण्यप्रकरणे वाजतिपितृमतां On P. L. 1,75, एक प्राचां देश, I have printed bryter, and this reading we actually as a remark of Patañjali's T a le or find in the Benares edition of the Mahâbhâshya. Para T52. I was at the time surprised,
P. IV. 3, 131, tafashifany.-Vårt. 1. that Patañjali should have repeated the words a ufert: Várt.2 raforat . of Påņini's rule, but the MSS. then at my
These two Vârttikas (which have been received disposal did contain those words, and they did into the text of Påņini's grammar) have not in any way suggest the idea, that a Vårttika nothing to do with the particular rule P. IV. might have disappeared. I now find that the 3, 131, but they may be regarded as additions MS. A. does omit एद प्राचां देशे before शैषिकेto the whole chapter, which begins with the fora, and further consideration has convinced rule 120 and ends with 131. Similarly the me, that either the MS. A. is right or that Vârttika 377 T T aloqarasa
a Virttika has disappeared ; on the latter has been placed under P. IV. 1, 75, which is alternative we should have to read एड प्राचां the last rule in the chapter treating of the for. Orang 1111 qraf t arafa mation of feminine bases ; sprere t T9h5241 Tartat 5 YTH ander P. VI. 2, 91 etc. On P. II. 1, 23, RUN, I have assigned to P. VI. 3, 109,
T etra uren-Várt. 1 Patali jali the statement दिगोस्तरपुरुषत्वे समा. f azerceu a T. Several MSS. Ara: To , but I now feel almost certain omit this and some of the following Vårttikas. that this is really a Várttika. When however We must, it seems, assume that TATTY and we compare such Varttikas as अव्ययीभावस्याव्यother words explained in the Vårttika's had TO
Tart: on P. I, 1, 41, been put down in the Gaņa auf, and that at past feed on P. III. 1, 39, or the reference therefore is to the Gaņa. Similar F ica Trat on P. V. 3, 1, we references to Ganas we have on P. IV. 1, 4; should expect to read दिगोस्तत्पुरुषत्वे प्रयोजनं IV. 1, 151; IV. 2, 49; and V. 2, 116.
HATET HT:. P. VI. 3, 122, RT 52H
.
On P. IV. 1, 16, N, I may have been Vårt. 1 HTTür: fan; Vårt. 2 qat wrong in rejecting the reading of the MSS. FRITT. Both Vârttikas are omitted by some of EgB., which before 1944 ut have the Vårt. the MSS. The reference to Panini's rule may tika 71972980 : aacuta. But if, consist in this, that are and are are bases what seems very probable, this is really a formed with the suffis Tal, which is mentioned Vürttika, I should expect Patañjali's explanain the rule. A similar case we find in sfera. tion to be आपत्यग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । किं प्रयोजनम् । freitfady: on P.IV. 1, 39, which undoubt afragrau T a ft i Compare edly is a Várttika, and where are and fa le.g. Vårt. 1 on P. III, 4, 2, Vârt. 1 on P. VI. 1,

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6; Vârt. 1 and 2 on P. VI. 1, 58; Vârt. 1 on P. VI. 1, 108; Vârt. 1 on P. VI. 1, 171.
On P. V. 4, 103,
refer, I have given as a remark of Patanjali's the statement भनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि वेति वक्तव्यम्; the MS. 2. omits here अनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि and g., a very indifferent MS., has the same words twice. The repetition of Panini's rule at the beginning of this statement must again make us suspect that a Vârttika has disappeared in the MSS., and that we ought to read - पुंसकाच्छन्दसि वा ||१|| अनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि वेोते . It is true that Kâtyâyana, when he wishes to make a rule of Panini's optional, generally employs the word (compare e.g. Vârt. 1 on P. III. 1, 27, Vârt. 1 on P. V. 1, 10, Vârt. 1 on P. VIII. 2, 103), yet on P. III. 3, 156 हेतुहेतुमतोर्लिङ्, we have the Varttika हेतुहेतुमतोर्लिङ्गा, to which अनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि
would be similar in every respect.
The doubts and conjectures, which I have expressed in the above, are in the first instance suggested by the principle that the first Vårttika on a rule must contain some distinct reference to that rule. There are other matters, on which I should wish to elicit the opinions of Indian scholars.
4
We frequently find in the Mahabhashya statements, which end with the word, 'something has been said,' 'a remark has been made. They are invariably followed by fang what has been said ?' When we examine the answers to this question, we are struck by the fact, that almost everywhere they con. sist in one or more Vârttikas met with in different parts of the Mahâbhishya. We are thus led to the conclusion that the statements ending with 3 are themselves Varttikas, and that in them Katyayana is referring us to other Vârttikas, which generally precede, sometimes follow, the Vârttikas ending with उक्तम्. And our belief in the soundness of this conclusion is strengthened, when we examine those statements a little more closely.
When we try to ascertain what Vârttikas Katyayana may have appended e.g. to P. I. 1, 60, अदर्शनं लोपः, the first Vārttika to present itself will be rearracing. It is explained by Patanjali as other Vârttikas are, with this difference only that the comment on the words preceding has taken the form of an introductory remark. It does contain
[JULY, 1886.
the necessary reference to Pânini's rule, for like other Vârttikas on Samhjá-rules it does begin with the technical term defined by Panini, compounded with arr. It must be considered a Vârttika, because the wording of the sentence which in my edition is given as Vârt. 2, and which undoubtedly is a Vârttika, shows that there must be a Vârttika preceding it, and because in the preceding we find nothing that could possibly be regarded as one, excepting our लोपसंज्ञायामर्थसतोरुक्तम्. “The remarks that have been made," and to which we are referred by उक्तम्, are इतिकरणोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः and सिद्धं तु नित्यशब्दत्वात्, the former being the Vârt. 3 on P. I. 1, 44, and the latter the Vårt. 9 on P. I. 1, 1.
Now, what I have proved in this one instance may be shown to be true elsewhere, and it be comes evident, that by the Vârttikas described Katyayana has furnished a means of testing to some extent the value of any attempt at reconstructing his work. For whenever we find a statement of his ending with 3, our Varttika-pátha, if it be right, must contain the Vârttika or Vârttikas, to which he refers us. And when, to give a somewhat striking instance, in the Vârt. 10 on P. I. 2, 45 he tells us "that he has said something regarding the question as to whether letters have a meaning or not," and when, in order to show what Katyayana has said, Patanjali quotes the seven Vârttikas on pp. 30 and 31 of Vol. I. of my edition, exactly as they have been printed there, it will appear probable that the principles followed in the reconstruction of the Vârttikas were correct. On the other hand, the question किमुक्तम् should everywhere be answered by Varttikas only; and if anywhere in the Mahâ. bhashya it should have been answered differently, it must be possible to substitute a Vârttika or Vârttikas for the answer actually given by Patanjali. If in any particular case it should be found impossible to point out the Vârttika to which Kâtyâyana could have referred us, such a case should either make us doubt our having fully understood the drift of his remarks, or suspect some fault in our method, or in the readings of the MSS, used for the reconstruction of his work,
In my edition the number of Vârttikas ending with is 45; not one of them has been given in the Calcutta edition of Pânini. 38

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times we are referred by 3 to something favourable to the retention of the second Vår. which precedes the Vårttika containing the ttika, I might probably suggest that Patañjali word ; 7 times to what follows. 36 ought to have referred us to the Vârttika times Patañjali has answered the question tra: arco Ton P. III. 2, 178. fah by quoting one, two, three, five, or Of more frequent occurrence even than the even seven Vârttikas exactly as they are given Värttikas described, taking them all together, in the edition; thrice he has considered it is another Vårttika, to which the same general sufficient to quote only part of a Vârttika; remarks are applicable, -I mean the Vârttika and four times he has quoted a Vârttika, but T. It has been shown elsewhere, that completed it by words of his own. Once (in Katyayana has not merely stated his doubts Vol. I. p. 229), instead of quoting the actual and objections in regard to some of Påņini's text of the Vârttika, he has given his own rules, but that often he also has shown how explanation of it. Once only has Patañjali those doubts may be solved and the objections referred us to a remark, which is purely and removed, and it is mainly for the latter pur. exclusively his own, and it is this particular case pose that the Vårttika
has been that has induced me to discuss this matter under employed by him. For, when making use of the head of the as yet) doubtful Vårttikas. this phrase, he thereby intimates that an
To the rule P. VI. 4, 66, Kátyâyana ap- objection raised is met, or an additional rale pends the exception (Vårt. 1), that is not rendered unnecessary, by some Vârttika or substituted for the final of T, UT, etc. before Vårttikas in another part of his work, Vårt a suffix commencing with the letter , and tikas to which we are referred by the very as an instance in point he quotes the word words , and which after the usual
GTF, which occurs e.g. in Vaj. S. VI. 19. question Pang a re generally pointed out by Patañjali then raises the question, how with Patañjali. On P. III. 1, 30, after having such an exception one is to account for the stated (Vårt. 1 and 2) that the Anubandha words start and start, in which apparently of the suffix fre would by P. I. 1, 5 prevent has been substituted before & suffix com- the substitution of Vriddhi in area, Kâtyä. mencing with . This question is answered yana adds (Vårt. 3) T T "or it is as stated"; in the sentence (Vart. 2) werdt fraefta in other words, he refers us to the Vårt. 4 on
"as to frerit and drait you are referred P. I. 1, 5, in which he himself has explained to what has been stated”; and Patañjali by why that rule of Pâņini's can have nothing way of explanation tells us that the statement to do with a hea. In Vol. III. p. 2 and also alluded to is frete afa
p. 440 he similarly refers us to the four VtrTERTE I-" here we have no substitution of ttikas 2-5 on P. I. 1, 21, in Vol. II. p. 242 to
for the st of NT and , but that of Sampra- the six Vârttikas 4-9 on P. IV. 1, 163, and so skrana for the of ve and ca, (together of elsewhere. Here too we must in every case course with the operations attendant on or be able to point out the Vårttikas to which caused by the substitution of Samprasarana)." Katyayana can have referred us, and the proNow the statement quoted by Patañjali is bability here also is, that there is something certainly not a Vârttika, but is a remark made wrong in our work or in the MSS. which we by Patañjali himself in Vol. III. p. 197, 1. 22, I have followed, when we are unable to do so. and the alternative we have to face is this : In my edition the phrase s T occurs as a either Patañjali is wrong in citing his own Vårttika 55 times; among the Vårttikas apwords instead of quoting a Várttika, or pended to Panini's rules in the Calcutta edition the MSS. are wrong in reading धीवरी पविरीति I have not found it once. In 33 out of these
94 I Pag . We must either point 55 cases Patañjali has cited the Vârttikas, to out the Vårttika, which Patañjali should have which we are referred by the exactly as quoted, or substitute for at frafa
they are found in the edition. In 10 other किमुक्तम् । words such as उक्तमेतत्. I confess cases he has either quoted only part of a Vartthat, without having examined other MSS., I tika, or quoting a whole Vârttika he has do not venture to express any decided opinion; rendered its meaning more easily intelligible should such an examination, however, prove by adding words of his own, or he has given in

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his own words the sense of a Vårttika, not the of P. I. 4, 90; nor do I see how it could have actual text of it. Twice (Vol. I. p. 194 and been met in any other way. Such being Vol. II. p. 182) Patañjali refers ng first to the case, I consider that the words 3 TI Vårttika, and afterwards, objecting to Katya- Pal at the top of Vol. I. p. 447 of my yana's reasoning, to remarks of his own; and | edition are wrong and must be struck out, not. three times (Vol. I. p. 225, p. 423; and Vol. withstanding the fact that they are given by III. p. 223) he refers us to Vårttikas and at all the MSS. hitherto examined by me. the same time to other statements, which it is Similarly I, for the present, believe that the unnecessary to discuss here. Five times MSS. are wrong in giving as a Vârttika what (Vol. I. p. 141 ; Vol. II. p. 427 and 433; and is now Vârt. 3 on P. VIII. 1, 15, for there too Vol. III. p. 353 and 416) he has referred us the statement forfere wate r , only to remarks of his own, but in these cases to which we appear to be referred, is not a it is easy to point out the Vårttikas which he Vårttika. That statement occurs as part of should have quoted. Thus by the Vårttika Patañjali's commentary, e.g. in Vol. I. p. 390,
* T on P. V. 3, 88 and P. V. 4, 27, Katya- 1. 18, where we certainly might have expected yana can have referred us only to his Vårttikas Katyâyana to allude to it, had it been possible 6 and 7 on P. IV. 1, 92, where Patañjali him. for him to do so. It occurs too in Vol. II. self has given the very examples and are: etc., p. 418, 1, 24, where the Kasmir MS. apthe gender of which has occasioned KAtyâyana's pears to me to be right in omitting before it remarks on P. V. 3, 88.
the words उक्तं वा। किमुक्तम् ।, which have From this general survey it will appear found their way into all the Devanagari then, that in 53 cases out of 55 we have either MSS., just as the phrase a T has found been actually referred to the Vârttikas, to its way into some of the MSS. in Vol. II. which allusion is made by the phrase 3 , p. 173, 1. 23. On the other hand, I will not or that we, at any rate, can point out the Vår- conceal that, in Vol. II. p. 198, 1. 15, Patañjali ttikas, which should have been cited by Patañ- has introduced the statement for jali. It is different with the two remaining | लोकाश्रयत्वाल्लिजस्व by the words पठिष्यति cases, which on that very account demand a re , and that at any rate Någojibhatta more detailed discussion,
understands the Acharya there referred to to On P. II. 3, 8, Katyayana proposes to add be the Várttikakrit.' the rule (Vårt. 1), that of etc., when con- Besides the Vårttikas which I have treated veying the meanings spoken of in P. I. 4, 90, of in the above, there are some others, which etc., govern the Accusative, such a rule being I should call doubtful Vârttikas,' but to which considered necessary to prevent the omploy. I have nevertheless assigned & place in my ment of the Locative and Ablative cases edition, because in a first attempt I wished to taught in P. II. 3, 43, and P. II. 3, 10; and be guided rather by the MSS., than by my Patañjali adds that Kâtyâyana's rule would own views as to what ought to be a Vârttika prove advantageous also in enabling us to and what not. One or two examples may dispense with the word 8 : in P. II. 3, 43. show, that at least I have not been quite unThe Vârt. 2 at would lead us to expect conscious of the objections that might be that in the sequel Katyayana's additional rule
brought against the text given by me. By should have been rejected by means of some the Vårt. 10 THT on P. I. 1, 23, my other Vårttika of Kåtyâyana's. In reality edition makes Katyâyana, who in the preceding Katyayana's suggestion has been met, as re- Vârttikas has tried to amend Panini's role, gards the Locative, by the remark that Panini reject that rule altogethe', -reject it, without in his rule II. 3, 43, has said :, and, as his giving any reasons, and without intimating regards the Ablative, by showing that for that the rejection of the rule would be an reasons given the oft in P. II, 3, 10 can only alternative proceeding. Now this is altogether be the oft spoken of in P. I. 4, 88, not the oft
contrary to what we see Katyâyana do elgeI may add that Katy Byana has referred us to other and in the VArt. a RT ThreeVArttikas of his also in the Vart. 3 7 in Vol. I.
ET in Vol. II. p. 349. p. 58, in the Vårt. * a in Vol. I. p. 462, and p. 464,
scussion,

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JULY, 1886.]
where. Kâtyâyana always proves his propositions; he always shows what is the good of his proposals; when he suggests an alternative course, he tell us that he does so. When he rejects the rule P. III. 3, 119, he does so by saying गोचरादीनामग्रहणं प्रायवचनाद्यथा कषो निकष
wrong.
; when, after having discussed the rule P. I. 1. 44, he desires to show that that rule may be dispensed with, he says (Vârt. 19) si ar faracara. I am convinced then, that on P. I. 1, 23, Kâtyâyana could not have simply Baid बहुादीनामग्रहणम्, and that the Mare What appears to be a Vârttika is really a translation, into the language of Katyayana, of Patanjali's statement 'agrai महणं शक्यमकर्तुम्. – Chance repetition of Patañ jali's words has caused the reception into the text of false Vârttikas elsewhere. In his Vårt. 5 on P. I. 4, 52, Kâtyâyana states that that rule does not apply to अद्, खाद्, नी, and in the following Vârt. 6, which is
BOOK NOTICES.
BOOK OF INDIAN ERAS, with Tables for Calculating Indian Datos; by ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., C.I.E., Major-General Royal Engineers (Bengal). Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1883. 8vo. pp. xiv. and 227.
No publication of General Cunningham's is more useful than this Book of Indian Eras, but it does not seem to have attracted as much attention as it deserves, and has remained unnoticed by the Press. The author would have been better advised if he had published his book in England.
The large number of eras with which the treatise deals is a proof of the real progress made in Indian Archæology since Prinsep's time; that is to say, during the period of General Cunningham's active career. The initial dates of three of these eras, viz., the eras of Sri-Harsha of Kanauj, Lakshmanasêna of Bengal, and the Kalachuri kings of Chêdî, have been determined by General Cunningham himself.
The determination of the beginning of Sri Harsha's era was easy, and merely involved the confirmation of Aba Rihan's statement.
The statements of the various authorities respecting the exact initial date of the Lakshmana. sêna era are conflicting. General Cunningham on p. 76 says that he believes he has "succeeded in clearing up the difference"; but his conclusion is expressed in such a way that it is difficult for the reader to make out exactly what it is. A reference,
211
given by all the Dêvanâgari MSS., he is made to say that Pânini's rule does not apply in the case of provided that verb be not used in connection with beasts of burden. Here it is clear that Kâtyâyana would not have included वह in the list of verbs given in Vart. 5, if he had intended to make a special rule for it in a separate Vârttika. The special rule concerning is really, if I may say so, a Vârttika of Patanjali's on Kâtyâyana's Vårt. 5, and has taken the form of a true Vârttika, because Patañjali's words वहेरनियन्तृकर्तृकस्य were wrongly put twice in the MSS. Such has, I believe, been the case with what is now Vârt. 20 on P. II. 2, 24 (omitted in the Kasmir MSS.), with the Vårt. 4 on P. III. 2, 110 (omitted in the MS. K.) and in one or two other instances, and this is one of the reasons why I appeal particularly to those scholars, who have old MSS. within reach, to assist me in the task of improving my work.
however, to page 160 of Vol. XV. of the Reports of the Archæological Survey of India, shows that the General has adopted 1107 A.D. as the year I of this era; and the determination appears to be
correct.
There is no reason apparently to doubt the soundness of the arguments which fix 250 A.D. as the year 1 of the Chêdi or Kalachuri Samvat; and the determination of this era marks an important advance in the study of Indian Chronology.
It would be impossible in a brief book-notice to enter on a discussion of the vexed question as to the Gupta era, and, pending publication by Mr. Fleet of the inscription which, in his opinion, fixes the commencement of the era in or about 318-19 A.D., further discussion would, at present, be premature. It is, however, not inopportune to remark that General Cunningham's observations, both in the Preface and text of the work under review, will require very careful consideration at the hands of those who impugn the accuracy of his conclusions; and that his reply to Dr. Thibaut's criticism on his astronomical calculations, is, at all events, very plausible. I know nothing of astronomy, and cannot venture to say more.
A copper-plate inscription of Samudra Gupta, dated S. 40, is quoted on page 53. This inscription has not been published, and no information is given about it. Presumably it is the inscription

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mentioned in one of the Reports as having been formerly extant in Benares, but it would have been more satisfactory if the author had given some information concerning the document, before quoting it as an authority.1
Table XVI., which gives the initial days A.D. of each Hijra year, is one of the most useful in the book, and has the merit of being intelligible at a glance. Some of the explanations of other tables would be better if made a little fuller.
ibid
I have noticed the following misprints in addition to those enumerated in the list of Errata :Preface, page v. line 16, for 1789,168-9067 read 1789,767-9067 line 20, for 67 or 7 days over read leaves 6.7 or 7 days over 627 read 1027 Table III. Table II. Table II. Table I. Table IV. " Table III. ,, Table II. Table I. 8 1043 1013 The book under review contains much matter which invites comment; but I have already occupied my share of space, and must content myself with remarking that it is difficult to resist the conclusion that the dates of the Indo-Scythian kings are expressed in terms of the Seleucidan
10
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V. A. SMITH.
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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DIE KAÇMIR-RECENSION DER PANCAÇIEA, von Dr. W. SOLF. Kiel: C. F. Häsler, 1886.
It is a well-known fact that many of the most celebrated literary productions of India have come down to us in different recensions, greatly varying from each other in essential points, and frequently leaving an editor in doubt as to which to adopt as the best and most original form of the text. Thus, for instance, the Ramayana exists in three, and Kalidasa's Sakuntald in five recensions; and it certainly speaks more for the popularity than for the artistic value of the comparatively small poem now under consideration, that the three principal versions, in which we find it spread over India, coincide only in seven stanzas, and that these, moreover, exhibit a considerable variety of reading.
The Pañchásika was first published in 1833 by Professor von Bohlen, together with Bhartrihari's Aphorisms, under the title Carmen quod Chauri nomine fertur eroticum, from a Dêvanagari manuscript of the Indian Museum, No. 33 of
[This inscription will be published shortly in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. No. 60,
[JULY, 1886.
Colebrooke's collection. According to the com. mentary thereon, the poet, under sentence of death on account of his intrigue with a king's daughter, is represented as picturing to himself, in the presence of death, the charms of his be loved and the joys of bygone days, in fifty stanzas, each beginning with adyapi, "even today," the supposed pathos and tender beauty of which win for him the forgiveness of the incensed father and his consent to the union of the enamoured couple. In general conformity with Bohlen's text, the poem appeared again in Häberlin's Sanskrit Anthology, Calcutta, 1847, and in three more editions by native scholars, in all of which, however, Sundara is given as the name of the author. The reading on which these five editions are based, forms what Dr. Solf calls the Middle-Indian or Bengali Recension, and to it belongs also Manuscript No. 146 of the India Office, containing the text with a commentary by one Råmatarkavagisa.
Almost simultaneously with Häberlin's edition, a French scholar, M. Ariel, published in the Journal Asiatique for 1848, a new version of the poem, founded on two South-Indian manuscripts, both written in the Grantha character, and differ. ing but slightly from each other. The name of the author is here Chôra, but the hero of the tale is called Pandit Bilhana, and his love-story forms the larger part of the work, of whose 118 stanzas only 46 begin with adyapi. With this version tallies in most essentials a manuscript of the Bodleian Library in Oxford (Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 133b.), which the author of the present pamphlet designates the "South-Indian Recension."
The abovementioned Bilhana, a poet of the second half of the eleventh century A.D., is known as the author of the Vikramánkadévacharita, which was published in 1875 by Dr. G. Bühler, and in his introduction the learned editor first throws out the suggestion that the Pañchdbika might also be a work of his. Two years later, Dr. Bühler published his Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit MSS., made in Kasmir, Rajputáná and Central India, and here he was able to substantiate his previous surmise, by obtaining a manuscript of the Pañchábikd, "which settles all doubts about its authorship, and explains the origin of the anecdote connected with it." It is this third Kasmir or "North-Indian Recension" which Dr. Solf has now edited, translated into German, and annotated. His little work will be received as an interest
Plate xxxvii. The date that it purports to record, is the year 9, not 40. But it is a spurious grant.-J.F.F.1

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BOOK NOTICES.
213
ing and valuable contribution to Indian textual It should be remembered that the study of the criticism, although we doubt whether his new social structure of the early Arabs, which explanation of the origin and purport of the involves, of course, that of the Semitic races poem will meet with an equally ready acceptance. generally, is no abstract study, but includes
matters, without the proper comprehension of THE TAPROBANIAN; A Dravidian Journal of Oriental
which, many things observable in the habits and Studies in and around Ceylon, in Natural History, manners of modern Orientals-never matters of Archæology, Philology, History, &c. Edited by HCG: NEVILL, Ceylon Civil Service, F.Z.s., &c.
indifference to Englishmen in the present dayBombay: The Education Society's Press. London, are meaningless freaks of custom, and much of Trübner & Co. 1895-1896. Vol. I. Parts I. to IV. Super-royal quarto, pp. 128. With Plates to be
what is in the sacred books and traditions of issued subsequently.
three most important religions-Christianity, This Journal has been started with the object Judaism and Muhammadanism-is a mere tissue of collecting information from more specially the of incomprehensible texts. Any work, therefore, Dravidian districts of India and Ceylon. There which helps to clear up the dense mists in which is a large field of work open to it; and we heartily the subjects of kinship and marriage in the East welcome its appearance, in the hope that it may are still enveloped is not only weloome: it is of do for the south of India what the Indian Anti- practical importance. quary is doing for the more northern parts. Professor Robertson Smith goes steadily Judging by the fact that nearly all the articles up throngh his subject from point to point commenc. to date are from the Editor's own pen, the ing with the theory of the Genealogists as to the Taprobanian seems to have hardly become as yet origin of Arabic Tribal Groups and showing with as well known as it deserves to be; this, however, much cogency the errors it contains, the causes that is a point in which time doubtless will effect a led to them, and the literary forgeries with which change. It is desirable that in a period like they were supported. He then passes on to the disthis, when so much sound information is avail cussion of the kindred group and its dependents able, such mistaken identifications as that of the or allies, and the homegeneity of the kindred ancient Sürparaka with the modern Surat (p. 51) group in relation to the law of marriage and should be avoided; as also such untenable sug- descent. The very titles of these divisions of his gestions as that the Chalukyas "are named after subject will arrest the attention of the student the Keluksar, who annoyed the Zendic Arians, in India of social systems, which are in no way taking their name from 'Keluk' a wolf" (p. 51); connected with that of the Arabs by descent or or that the Haņas were the subjects of the mon- development; e.g., that of the Rajputs. The key-chief Hanuman (p. 111). But, setting aside opening sentences of the two chapters devoted to points like these, the four numbers of the Tapro. these points are strangely applicable, too, to much banian that have already appeared, contain a good observable in India among purely Hinda Societies. many interesting and valuable notes and hints on "The two principles underlying the genealogical the topics to which it is devoted ; and we hope system of the Arabs are that every tribe is a to see the Journal continue and posper.
homogeneous group, i.e., a collection of people of
the same blood and that the son is of the blood KINSHIP AND MARRIAGE IN EARLY ARABIA, by w
of the father." "An Arab tribe regarded itself ROBERTSON SMITH. Cambridge: University Press. as a group of kindred united by the tie of blood It would be quite impossible in the space allot- for purposes of offence and defence." The Proted to us to do justice to the arguments adduced fessor then by & natural transition goes on to in this remarkable book in support of Professor discuss the social laws of paternity, polyandry Robertson Smith's theory-if an opinion based with male kinship,-a very suggestive heading on the results of a fair discussion of all the to Anglo-Indians in a book on Arabia ;-and then available evidence can be so called--that the polyandry with kinship through women, which male kinship of the Arabs has been generated carries our thoughts at once to the state of from a system of kinship through women only by things still largely in existence in the South of steps common to a similar change in all rude India in a comparatively highly civilized society. societies, where such has taken place; and all And lastly in this connection and in pursuance we can do is to direet the attention of our of his general argument the author examines the readers to these arguments and to promise all difficult subject of female kinship and bars to students of the structure of society in the East marriage, on which so much always depends. much food for reflection and much guidance of The last and most interesting point, which a safe kind in the study of one its most important occupies the Professor's attention, is Totemism. and yet most difficult and complicated features. He is of opinion that the Arabs once had this

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system and his chapter concerning it, though The appendices are very interesting and useful professedly only a commencement of the investi. being a list of the musical instruments used in gation, is most suggestive throughout and Nepal, of the agricultural instruments, of the thoroughly worth careful study. It has often coinage, weights and measures, and measures of struck us that evidence is procurable in India of time, a Parbatiya and Newâri Vocabulary, severa a general prevalence of a like system now or at Newari songs in original with rendering, a bardic some earlier period, and as an instance of the list of the kings of Nepal, and a long catalogue existence of a custom at the present day pointing of Sanskrit MSS. collected by Dr. Wright and in this direction we would quote the following. now in the Cambridge Library. Many of the Musalmans of Kasar in the Pañjab, who are mostly descendants of old Pathân settlers,
A DICTIONARY OF ISLAM, by T. P. HUGHES, B.D., belong to the “Snake” Caste or Tribe (rdt ols)
M.R.A.S., eto, Allen & Co., London, and have special ceremonies, performed in honour This great work follows the same lines in cycloof snakes, which partake of the nature of ancestor pædic form as the author's short and, we must say, worship. Thus they hold that the snakes of the wonderfully accurate Notes on Muhammadanism present day are the descendants of a great king, as published in 1877. To the former work we have they themselves are. When they find a dead often had occasion to refer and have always done snake they clothe and carefully bury it and 80 with the certainty of finding correct informathink themselves free from the results of tion on the point looked for. That the volume poisonous snake bite. Prof. Robertson Smith before us has the same high claim on our conthinks that local observation would do much to fidence there can be no doubt-80 abundant are wards gathering more and conclusive evidence the signs of the care bestowed on it throughout as to the former prevalence of pure Totemism in its 750 closely printed pages. Arabia, and we would suggest that the existence! The author has wisely, in a first edition at any of such a custom as that just described is an rate, limited himself to an exposition of the encouragement towards investigations being pro. Sunni variety of the Muhammadan faith, treating ceeded with seriously in India with a like object the Shi'as and Wahhabis as dissenters and not. in view.
ing the differences in their doctrines from those
of the Sunnis. Keeping in view the numerical HISTORY OF NEPAL, Translated from the Parbatiys by strength of the great sects of Muhammadanism
MUNAHI SREO SHANKAR SINGH and PANDIT SRI this is undoubtedly the correct method of dealing GUNANAND: Edited by DANIEL WRIGHT, M.D., Cambridge University Press.
with Islam as a whole. Comparatively small as This is a translation by the Mir Munshf of the the number of the Wahhabis is, Mr. Hughes is British Residency at Khatmândů of a MS. Van quite right in paying such special attention to édvalt or Genealogical History of Nepal aided by their tenets as his articles prove him to have Pandit Sri Gunanand of Patan, a representative given them, since, as the Puritans of Islam, they of the family of the professional genealogists of have better preserved the original teachings of the country. The original MS. is in Parbatiya, that faith than its other followers have done. As mixed with Sanskțit and Newari. Dr. Wright, the proof-if proof were wanting of the great care editor, formerly Residency Surgeon at Kh&tmån. taken to include everything that bears upon or da, has edited it, so far as an editor with no pro- can elucidate the faith of Islâm Mr. Hughes has fession to Oriental scholarship can do so, from treated Sikhism as one of its sects, because Gura personal observations extended over several years
Nának really intended his doctí'ines to be a comof residence in Nepal. In this work he has promise between the two great faiths of the Pañjab received the aid of Professors Cowell, Eggeling in his day-Muhammadanism and Hinduism ; and Wright. The work is illustrated with chromo. and we would recommend the reader to study lithographs based on native drawings.
the article Sikhism contributed by Mr. Pincott as Such a work therefore gives the native view of one of the best expositions of that ill-understood the local history and must be taken for what is belief that has as yet been published. is worth, but in view of the revived interest in The presence of such a title as Sikhism among ancient Nepali History, consequent on the recent the articles in this Dictionary leads us to notice discoveries of inscriptions in that country more & pleasant and important feature of the book. than once alluded to in the last volume of this Articles of general import are not headed necesJournal, the work is undoubtedly one that sarily under the Arabie terms for the subjects disstudents should keep by them.
cussed but under their English equivalents :-.g.,
* The whole detail of this worship is to be found in Vol. II., Panjab Notes and Queries, note 554.

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we find magic, marriage, paradise, philosophy, sacrifice, Hell, guardianship and so on as article headings, though we find essentially Muḥammadan doctrines such as Qisús (Retaliation), Shirk (Idolatry), Masjid, Khutbah (Sermon), Hajj (Pilgrimage to Makkah) and so on under their appropriate Arabic titles.
BOOK NOTICES.
As specimens of the thoroughness with which the more important subjects have been discussed we would point to the articles Qur'an, 94 columns; Muḥammad, 63 columns; Marriage, 28 columns; and many others of like lengths. A Bibliography of all such subjects is added to each article, that under Muḥammadanism being specially noteworthy. Cross references, too, abound, and the work has been rendered all the more valuable by an Index to the Arabic technical terms scattered throughout the articles.
The Illustrations are very numerous and an admirable help to the elucidation of the descriptions in the purely descriptive articles. We specially note those under Prayer, Shoes, Muḥarram, Masjid, Marriage and Writing. This last article which is, by the way, from the pen of Dr. Steingass, is a capital résumé of the subject and the illustrations of the various scripts, though somewhat incomplete, are excellent of their
kind.
Mr. Hughes is to be congratulated on the success which has attended his efforts to present a trustworthy and unbiassed account of one of the great religions of the world to those who care to study it, and the much-maligned Missionary body in India on this fresh proof that its members-at any rate the leaders amongst them-do thoroughly understand the belief of those whom they have undertaken to convert to the doctrines of Christianity. Quite lately we had the pleasure to note the splendid mastery of his subject exhibited by the Rev. T. D. Bate in his Claims of Ishmael,though this was a book of another class to that under review and the work of a Missionary belonging to another sect.
With the Dictionary of Islám on his shelf no writer can be excused from mis-statements regarding the commonplace of Muḥammadanism; no Government Official, no Christian Missionary, and no Oriental traveller from ignorance on matters that require his attention.
RHODES IN ANCIENT TIMES, by Cecil TORR. Cambridge, University Press.
The object of this short treatise is to put together all the information regarding the ancient condition of the Island of Rhodes which has been collected by the research of the last fifty
215
years. The author has further pressed into his service all the literature of the subject that has come to his knowledge both in England and on the Continent. The result of his labour is a monograph both complete and useful.
The book discourses on the Geography, History, Polity, Religion, Art, Learning and Folklore of the ancient Rhodians so far as modern research has thrown light on these subjects, and it will thus be seen that by extending his observations upon so wide a field the author has given himself an opportunity of presenting a fairly complete picture of this society of days long gone by.
There is always something wonderfully fascinating in reading about the social economy of any of the ancient Greek populations, when well portrayed as in the present instance, and the ways of the people of ancient Rhodes are no exception to the rule. Much as we may admire-and much as some of us do idolatrously worship-the relics of their art and literature in an abstract way, yet it is the genuine humanity, so to speak, of the Greeks, so conspicuous in their doings, which wins our sympathy. For instance, what can be more deliciously human than the following:-It was a habit of the Rhodians to set up statues to their worthies as a "good example" to their successors, much as the modern Chinese Government deifies those whose example it wishes the public at large to respect and follow. However, this praiseworthy custom in time degenerated, as all such are apt to do, and by the time the Romans became the dominant people in those parts the setting up of statues came to be much abused. Every Roman who touched at Rhodes got a statue, till the possession of one there was a valueless honour. But this naturally created a demand for statues beyond the capabilities of the local supply and so "the Strategos would take off the old inscriptions and put up others till some figures had done duty for Greeks, Romans, Macedonians and Persians! Sometimes the Strategos was careless and assigned an old man's statue to a young man, or an athlete's to an invalid, or that of a general on horseback marshalling his troops to some man, too lazy to leave his litter!" The Cæsars were always allowed a new statue!
However, the bulk of Mr. Torr's book is occupied with much more serious matters than this, and we would instance his remarks on the guilds which covered the Islands, the system of selfgovernment, the administration of justice, and the methods of trade, as well worth perusal. The notices of the coinage and the chapters on Art and Folklore will interest specialists. On the whole the work is worth study for itself irrespective of the fact that it is so far the only complete

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résumé of recent research into the subject. Every gratis, and it is therefore a pleasure to note, statement is vouched for, chapter and verse, in from the cover of Part XXI., that such munici. footnotes, and there is a useful index.
ficent pecuniary support has recently been given by His Highness the Nizam, H. H. the Maharaja
Gaikwar of Baroda, H. H. the Maharaja Holkar, BURXA, AS IT W44, AS IT 18, AND AS IT WILL BE, by T. and Their Highnesses the Maharajas of Faridkote, G. Scort (Shway Yoe) London: Bedway.
Jeypore, Dhar, and Rewah. With such examples This little book is the outcome of a lecture de- as these before them, we may confidently hope livered before the Society of Arts, and is in reality that the work is in no chance of languishing from a rapid popular sketch of the History, Country want of recognition by the leading Native repreand People of Burma, written with literary skill sentatives of the country whose ancient legendary and in the lively style that distinguishes its history is thus being made so practically available author.
for the researches of general readers all over the There is, of course, little that is new in it; but world. And we are glad to take this opportunity the chapters on the Country and the People are of recommending the general work of the Society written as only he can write who has a close prac to the support of patrons of literature in Europe tical acquaintance with both, and come therefore and other countries. with a force that the mere student of books can never hope to rival. The historical chapter is a rapid--and withal an accurate-survey of the
ASIATIC RESEARCHES (Popular Edition), VOL. I. A
reprint by Brojendro Lall Doss, Calcutta. 1884-85. known facts about the history of the Burmese, Royal 8vo. pp. 383. which belong to the useful sort. They remind us
This reprint represents the first results of a very much of those sections marked History' in an
very commendable desire on the part of the Indian Gazetteer or Settlement Report, where the
publishers to reproduce in a handy, compact, and ancient history is dismissed in a very few words
cheap form the valuable series of volumes known and we are brought at once to events which
as the Asiatic Researches, which comprise many will directly elucidate modern facts. The book
of the writings, belonging to the latter part of is, however, readable throughout; much of it
the last and the early part of the present century, contains, as we have above observed, information
of Sir William Jones, Sir Charles Wilkins, and at first hand, and all its pages bear the stamp
other well-known Oriental Scholars, who gave the of a careful consultation of the best authorities
first start to the study of Indian Archæology, procurable. Can we say anything better of a
and carried it on so successfully until the Bengal purely popular work P
Asiatic Society was established. The original volumes have long been out of print, and can be
obtained only at an almost prohibitive price; and THE MAHABHARATA OF KRISHKA-DVAIPAYANA-VYASA; Translated into English Prose. Published by
the present enterprise of reprinting them will, PROTAP CHANDRA BOY; Bharata Press, Calcutta. therefore, supply a real public want, and has The last instalment that has been issued of every chance of success, if subsequent volumes are this extremely useful work is Part XXII., carry. only turned out as carefully and as well as the ing us down to the commencement of Section
one under notice. The plates of the present 295 of the Vana-Paroa. The translation has
volume do not altogether stand the test of comnow attracted much favourable notice by the parison with the originals from which they have Press, both in this country and in Europe; and
been reduced; and succeeding volumes will be it is almost impossible to say too much in eup. capable of some improvement in this respect. But port of an undertaking which, in addition to the more important part, of course, is the lettermaking the contents of this interesting Epic press; and this appears to be reproduced throughavailable to students unacquainted with Sanskrit,
out with Borupulous fidelity and care. On the is of the greatest practical use to Sanskrit scholars whole, the publishers are decidedly to be conalso, who, unable to find time to search the ori. gratulated on the general appearanoe of their first ginal text for passages that they require to look volume, and we may hope, from this specimen, that up, have now. a quickly progressing means of ready
.the others will be equally up to the mark. It is reference being provided for them. The under. much to be wished, though, that the publishers taking is one that involves a very heavy expen
would bring the work out in larger, or at least diture on the supporters of it, the Datavya.. more frequent, parts. At the present rate it will Bharata-Kavyalaya, or Society for the Presenta- take twenty years to complete, which, for the tion of the Bharata; since, like all its other worke, majority of students of such books, is rather too this Translation is distributed almost entirely long a time to have to wait.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
No. VI. Sacred Trees.
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY.
Ν
IN Revelations xxii. 2, is mentioned "the tree
of life which bore twelve manner of fruits, and yielded her fruit every month, and the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations.""" Now it is most interesting to find the symbol of the tree with its twelve leaves, or occasionally the same number of flowers or fruits," on Persian carpets to this day. I have seen it also on Yarkand carpets, on which latter the tree is represented in a more conventional form. To quote Sir George Birdwood's Industrial Arts of India:-"In Yârkand carpets the tree is seen filling the whole centre of the carpet, stark and stiff as if cut out in metal; in Persian art, and in Indian art derived from the Persian, it becomes a beautiful flowering plant, or a simple sprig of flowers; in purely Hindu art it remains in its pure architectural form, as seen in temple lamps, and the models in brass and copper of the sacred fig, as the Tree of Life."
In India two figs-the banian (ficus Indica) and the pipal (ficus religiosa) are held to be especially holy. The pipal, indeed, is so sacred that oaths are taken under the shade of it and merchants will sometimes object to have one near their stalls or shops, as they say that in such case they could not ask more than a proper price for their goods! It was beneath a tree of this species that Buddha attained nirvana; and a descendant of the sacred tree (quite a young one), under which it is believed to have taken place, is still worshipped at Bôdh-Gaya. According to Buddhist tradition, it was once desired to send a branch of the original tree to Ceylon, but no knife could be permitted to touch it. In the dilemma thus caused the tree came to the rescue, for a branch dropped off of itself into the golden vessel which had been prepared for it.
The following is a curious account of a sacred fig in the East. I was fortunate enough, when
217
On a fragment of a terra-cotta vase in the Museum of Antiquities at Copenhagen, supposed to belong to the Later Bronze Age, a tree is figured which the late Kamer Herr Worsaee calls the Tree of Life. It is present in connection with Sun-symbols; and a similar Treesymbol has been found in Ireland at New Grange, Drogheda.
The number seems to be invariable.
in Naples in 1883, to pick up at a street bookstall a copy of the works of Pietro della Valle, a Sicilian who visited India in 1623. In one place he speaks of a tree outside the town of Cambay, of the same kind as those which he saw on the coast of Persia, near Hormuzd where it was called lál. He adds, that it is unknown in Europe and that the Hindus style it bar (i.e. banian). The tree near Cambay was held in great veneration. "On account of its great size and antiquity the people visit it frequently, and honour it with the superstitious ceremonies belonging to their religion. It is dedicated to one of their goddesses whom they call Pârbati, and say was the wife of Mahâdeo, one of the greatest of their gods. At the trunk of this tree, not far from the ground, is a rudely sculptured circle which does not in the least resemble the human countenance, but according to their ideas is the face of their idol. They paint this circle of a bright red colour. The Romans did the same, for Pliny relates that they coloured the face of Jove with vermilion. Moreover, this sacred tree has always round it a circle of certain heart-shaped leaves, those belong to a plant which is here called pan, but in other parts of India betel."
Another interesting instance of a peculiarly sacred fig is to be found in the Fort at Allahâbâd, where there is a Hindu temple, which, owing to an accumulation of the soil, is some 20 feet below the present level of the ground, and can only be approached by descending a flight of steps. This temple is a great resort of pilgrims, and inside it the priests show the stump of a tree of the fig species, which they say miraculously throws out leaves at a certain season of the year. When I saw it the stump was perfectly bare of leaves, and had three or four branches, each about four inches in diameter and about three feet in length; they were clean cut at their upper extremities,
One of the notions of the primitive Aryan cosmogony was that of a prodigious tree, which overshadowed the whole world.
A state of complete holiness and rest according to some authorities of annihilation or absorption into the Deity according to others.
Viaggi di Pietro della Valle Il Pelegrino, In Venetia: MDCLXXXI., Presso Gian Battista Tramontino.

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and neither the wood nok the bark looked like that of a dead tree. Every year, at the annual fair which takes place at Allahabad, it is said that this tree certainly has leaves, but the apparent miracle is accounted for by the generally accepted belief (by Europeans) that the sergeant of the guard (it is a British fort) receives a bribe from the Brahmans to open the gates the night previous to the fair, and permit them to introduce a new tree. A similar idea also existed formerly in Scandinavia. Near old Upsala in Sweden, tradition says, there was a sacred tree which was always green, and the same thing is related of another tree in the Island of Gothland.
In Scandinavia, too, the trees most reverenced were the birch, which from its heart-shaped leaves, its pendulous branches, and its yellowish white bark more nearly resembles the pipal than any other European tree, the beech, the common ash, and the rowan or mountain ash. When speaking of the tree-worship there M. Holmboë says:_" In Norway one still meets with trees which are reputed sacred. A magnificent birch tree on a farm in the parish of Sognedal, in the diocese of Bergen deserves mention. The inhabitants of this place relate that no sharp instrument has ever touched this tree, and that anciently it was the custom once a year, at Christmas, to water it with fresh beer." We have here a combination of Buddhist ideas and the Hindu custom of offering libations.
In the Himalayas, where the pipal does not flourish, the deodór, which is a pine, is the sacred tree, as its name, "the tree of the gods;" implies. Groves of it are planted near the principal temples, both in the Satlaj and Kulla valleys.' In Mexico and Central America oy presses and palms ased in former days to grow near the temples, generally in groups of three. They were tended with great care, and often received offerings of incense and other gifts, but they do not seem to have been
dedicated to any particular god, as amongst the Romans, where Pluto had the cypress, and Victory the palm. Mention has been made by some authors on America of a cypress at Santa Maria di Tule which was one of the most sacred of South American trees, and whose trunk measured ninety feet in circumference at a height of six feet from the ground.
In Europe sacred trees' have been put to a more practical use, and instanoes innumerable could be given in which in ancient times Earopean courts of justice and other public assemblies were illegal, apless held in the open air, beneath the shade of some tree, most frequently the oak. The same idea prevails in Africa amongst the people of the Congo, where the village chief and the members of his family form the legislative and judicial council, which meets under a tree. It is stated that the ficus religiosa is the tree selected for this purpose.
Many of the English "Gospel Oaks," too, were planted to mark the parish boundaries, and it was beneath their shade that the clergyman read the Gospel on Ascension Day' (or Holy Thursday), when he with the parish officials and others assisted at the beating of the bounds. In fact, nearly all the celebrated oak-trees in England were boundary trees, e.g. the Shire-oak in Sherwood Forest. The beating of the bounds is practised in some of the Metropolitan parishes to this day. The procession consists of various charity and parish schools dressed in quaint uniforms, and provided with long willow canes. They are headed by the parish clerk, beadle, and other functionaries. In some cases the procession passes through houses and workshops, and, on the different spots being pointed out to them, which divide their respective parishes, the lads strike the ground vigorously with their canes. They are then generally regaled with buns and milk, given a small coin, and granted a half holiday.
• Buddhisme en Norvège.
+ The oak was the sacred tree of Great Britain, its name in Gaelio is de-darach, a very close approximation, in form at any rate, to the name given to the sacred tree of the Himalayas.
• Bancroft, Races of the Pacific States of South America.
• The oak was sacred to Thor, because of the red colour of its fresh-gut bark. In the Southern Peninsula of India it is worth noting that Parasur ma is frhled to have acquired Travancore by throwing his bestle are from one point to another; and in certain parts of the north of Europe the hammer (the emblem of Thor) was wed to take possession of Docoupied or newly purchased
land, as the owner drove over it in a cart. Jn Scandinavia this was done by lighting a fire upon the ground
10 Ascension Day is said to be always observed as & day of rest by the quarry-men who are employed on Lord Penrhyn's slate quarries in Carnarvonshire; not, how. ever, from any religious regard for the day, but on uooount of a superstition which has long been current in that district, that working on that day is invariably attended with some fatality. A few years ago with some difficulty the managers persuaded the men to work on that day; but each year there was a serious accident, and now very few of them will venture even to go in sight of the quarries on Ascension Day.

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Mention has been made above of the custom of making offerings to trees. Offerings are, of course, all the world over, made to all objects of worship, and among the Buddhists of Ladak or Western Tibet, and the LÂbaul valley, they are of a propitiatory nature. The people of those parts are in the habit of depositing stones engraved with sacred inscriptions on manis or walls of loose stones, before they undertake a journey, and also, I believe, when they register a vow. Similarly the Hindus at AhmadAbad in Gujarat hang up tiny horses made of white calico and stuffed with bran (which, however, more nearly resemble giraffes than horses) on the railings surrounding the tomb of a former Muhammadan ruler of that province before they commence any important work. They imagine that they thus insure its success. Tavernier, who visited India in the time of Akbar, also mentions that in his time it was the custom for pilgrims going to a temple for the cure of any disease to bring with them figures or models of the limbs affected, made either of gold, silver, or copper, according to rank or ability, as offerings to the god. At FattehpurSikri, near Agra, again, propitiatory offerings are made at the shrine of Salim Chishti, the friend of the Emperor Akbar. Certain Hindus are in the habit of jumping off a high wall into a tank below, a distance of about 60 feet, in order to amuse (or rather distress) European visitors. These men are said always to give a third or a fourth part of whatever they receive for performing this feat to the shrine of the saint. His tomb is in the courtyard, and they believe that were they to omit their offerings, they would perish at their next attempt to make this jump.
Offerings to shrines soon become 'uxtended to the trees in the neighbourhood, and such votive offerings, as an expression of thankfulness for blessings received, may be seen in every Roman Catholic country. At Lourdes in the Pyrenees they number hundreds of thousands of various kinds, in shrines by the wayside, and as pictures hung up in trees. At Nagkhanda (the Shoulder of the Snake) about 40 miles from Simlê, several small trees and shrubs on the highest point of a low mountain pass are decorated with votive rage. The
11. (A similar custom obtains near the tomb of Nizd. muddin Aulid near Debli.-ED.]
streamers thus formed are of various colours, and are, it is believed, thank-offerings placed there by native travellers on attaining the summit of the hill, which is at times encumbered with snow. When approaching Nâgkhandå from Simla, the grassy knoll on which these bushes grow much resembles a coiled snake, whence no doubt the name of the locality. In his Folklore of the Northern Counties of England, Mr. Henderson cites a similar custom in use at St. Helen's Well, near Thorp Arch in Yorkshire, where "the offering was a scrap of cloth fastened to an adjoining thorn, which presented a strange appearance ander its bundle of rags.” I have been told, too, that in certain parts of the South of Ireland the people are in the habit of hanging up shreds of cloth on the bushes or trees, but whether these are intended as propitiatory or is thank-offerings I have been unable to learn. Sir W. Onseley, in one of his works on the East, speaks of a monolith about 10 feet high, at a place called Tang-i-Karm in Persia, which is surrounded by a dwarf wall to denote its sacredness. The top of the stone is hollowed out, he thinks for fire, and it is locally known as the stone of the fire-temple. On a tree near it are remnants of garments left there as votive offerings by superstitions persons."
Holed stones and trees form a curious subject for speculation and the key to the secret seems to have been hit upon by Maurice in his Indian Antiquities, where he says, "The Indians are in the habit of purifying themselves by passing through a natural or artificial cavern, where the spiritual pilgrims enter at the South Gate, and make their exit at the Northern one, as was anciently the custom in the Mithraic mysteries." In parsnance of this notion in India certain stones which have natural holes in them, are regarded as sacred. Those persons or children who pass through such boles are held to receive thereby a "New Birth of the Soul." Under the same idea, the rulers of Travancore, who are Nairs by caste, are made into Brahmaṇs when they ascend the throne, by passing through a golden cow or lotus flower, which then becomes the property of the Brahmaņ priests. Two important instances of such holed
[For an account of these 'rag-bushes,' see anto, Vol, IX. P. 1500.-ED.

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stones are described in the first part of a workfeet in length. It consists of & vaulted cell 94 which has very recently appeared" embracing feet high, 7 feet 9 inches wide, and 11 feet the monuments of Cornwall only. One of these, long. An opening in the north side of the cell called the Tolven, sitasted near St. Buryan, 13 inches by 18 is called "The Needle." The has been used superstitiously within living original use for which this crypt and the singumemory for curing infirm children of their lar opening were intended cannot now be diseases by passing them through it; the ascertained with certainty, but there is a popuother near Madron is called the Men-an-tol. lar tradition that the Needle was in former Both are figured in Plate XII. (see p. 123 times used 'a test.' "They pricked their credits above) by the kind permission of Mr. Lukis. who could not thread the Needle," is the quaint The Tolven, a slab of large dimensions, has & remark of old Fuller in reference to the supbole 16 inches in diameter bored through its posed use of the opening. The idea of the centre, which was made by picking away the necessity for a spiritual or bodily new birth opposite sides equally. This stone has been controls probably the modern customs as to shifted from its original site by the tenant of certain pillars in the courtyard of the Mosque the house behind which it stands, in order to of 'Umar at Cairo, two of which are much make room for & pathway to his back door. closer together than any of the rest. Tho The Men-an-tol is on the moors, a short distance natives say of these that only an honest or a to the right of Lanyon Farm House, in the good man (one new born P) can pass between direction of Kara Galva. The hole in this them. latter stone is not a perfect circle, being 21 In Europe the purposely distorted branch of inches in diameter in one direction, and 18 in & tree, as well as the naturally or artificially the other. It stands exactly midway between perforated stone, seems to have been used" for two high stones which are in the same line with the purpose of curing diseases and thereby proit in the direction N. E. and S. W. The hole ducing as it were a "New Birth of the Body." ; has been made in the same manner as that in In 1883, when staying at the country. the Tolven, with this difference :-the counter- house of some Danish friends, whose estate is sinking is not equal. "This, it is obvious, was situated about 10 or 12 miles from Roeskilde, intentional--the deeper sinking is on the I one day, during a drive, passed through some eastern side of the stone." One of the most large woods, and at one point an old beech interesting features of these monuments is tree was pointed out of which one branch, the names by which they are known. Men at a height of about a foot from the ground, or maen is the word for stone both in Brittany formed a perfect bow, and was higher up again and in Wales to this day, and in the word united to the trank. This tree had most Tolven we find both the Welsh and the Nor- probably been operated upon when young, by a wegian word for a hole.
portion of the trunk being split, and held open Many curious superstitions still exist on the by wedges. My hosts informed me, that to their island of Tiru in Scotland, the property of certain knowledge up to within eight years the Duke of Argyll, and on the west side of previously, parents who had sick children, were it is a rock with a hole in it, through which in the habit of coming there from considerable children are passed when suffering from distances in order to pass their little ones whooping-cough and other complaints. Ripon through this hole, believing that thereby their Minster has beneath its central tower a crypt maladies would be cured. The ceremony was which goes by the name of St. Wilfred's Needle, not complete, however, till they had torna entered from the nave by a narrow passage 45 strip of cloth from the child's dress and tied
13 Prehistoric Stone Monuments of the British Isles, by Rev. W. C. Lukis, published for the Society of Antiquaries, London, 1885.
1. There is a mountain in Norway called Tolhattan which has an enormous natural hole in it, about 200 to 300 feet above the sea level. When viewed from a ship, as I saw it, the sky is seen through a vast square opening far above the spectator. A Norwegian gentleman told me that he had once walked throngh this hole, and it took him a quarter of an hour, which will give one some
idea of ita length. Possibly it was clambering rather than walking, for my informant remarked that the hole is gradually increasing in size owing to stones and rocks falling from its upper part.
Other explanations regarding this vault, make it confessional, or a place of penance, or #sepulohre for the host on Good Friday.
* It is said they are so still in some parts of England and in Scandinavia.

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it to this branch of the tree, in the belief that and carefully swathed up. If the part coalesced when this decayed, or was borno away by and soldered together, as usually fell out when the wind, the little sufferer would be healed, the feat was performed with any adroitness at showing thereby one use of the rag-bush. My all, the infant was cured; but where it still friends added that occasionally many such continued to gape it was supposed that the streamers might have been seen hanging on this method used would prove ineffectual." "We tree at one time. Gilbert White of Selborne have," he goes on to say, "several persons now says that in his time there stood at that place living in the village, who, in their childhood, "a row of pollard ashes which, by the long were believed to have been healed by this seams and cicatrices down their sides mani- superstitious ceremony, derived perhaps, from festly show that in former times they had been our Saxon ancestors, who practised it before cleft asunder. These trees when young were their conversion to Christianity." It is said severed and held open by wedges, whilst sick that a similar custom is still in vogue as children stripped naked were passed through the regards the ash tree in some of the Southern apertures under the persuasion that by such a counties of England, and that there also, process the poor babies would be cured. As soon children suffering from whooping-cough are as the operation was over, the tree in the made to pass through the loop formed by a suffering part was plastered over with loam bramble which has taken root at both ends."
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. V.-The Unfortunate Merchant. pecuniary assistance before so many people. Once upon a time there lived in a certain So he requested him to wait till all had left country a merchant, who was at one time very the court, and then going into his private apartprosperous, but having suffered great losses ments he ordered a water-melon to be bronght in trade, he came to be in such poor circum- to him; in which he made a hole, and, pouring stances that starvation stared him in the face. out its contents, refilled it with gold coins. As the king of the country knew him well, his Then summoning the merchant before bim, wife advised him to go to court, feeling sure he gave him the melon and said, "Take this that the king would do something for him. to your family, it is a refreshing fruit, and you
The merchant, however, felt reluctant to go will all enjoy it this hot day." to the king as a suitor, but when, after suffer- The merchant thanked the king, and ing great privations for a long time, he saw returned homewards very much grieved at that there was nothing left for his family receiving only a water-melon, when he expected but starvation, he made up his mind to follow something more substantial. As he was walkhis wife's advice, and one morning presented ing along on his way home, he met two travelhimself at the court, which he found crowded lers, who were yery thirsty and looked wistfully with many persons, who had come there on at the melon he was carrying, and being of a the same errand as himself. This sight rather very generous disposition and thinking that unnerved him, and he devoutly hoped the they needed the melon more than he did, he king would not recognize him. When his turn gave it to them and walked quickly home empty. came, however, to be ushered into the royal handed. presence, the king recognized him at once, and After passing many more months of privaasked what he could do for him. The mer. tion and misery, he was persuaded by his wife chant with great hesitation related his case, to go to the king a second time, in the hope of and the king, being & very thoughtful man, better lack. The king was, however, much feared that he would hurt the dignity of one surprised at the merchant's paying him a so respectable as the merchant, if he gave him second visit so soon after the first, but when he
"Since writing the above a lady friend has told me that when she lived in Wiltshire she well remembers this
being practised.

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beard that he was as poor as before, he thought of the two water-melons he had given him. he had invested the money he had given him The merchant related to his sovereign how he in trade and had lost it. He, therefore, filled had given the first to two travellers, who were a water-melon once more with gold coins, and very thirsty, and the second to hungry presented it to him.
beggar, who asked him for alms. The merchant was again greatly disappointed | The king laughed at the merchant for what at being sent away with such a trifle, but he he considered his folly, and told him what the two nevertheless made his obeisance to the king melons were filled with. His Majesty then and returned homewards. This time, however, filled another water-melon with precious jewels he resolved not to part with the fruit, knowing in the merchant's presence, and gave it to him, that it would be welcome to his starving admonishing him to be very careful of it. children. He had not proceeded very far, | The merchant went away rejoicing, full of however, when he met a beggar who asked hopes that the contents of the fruit would alms of him, saying that he was very hungry. enable him to start in life anew. Now it The merchant could not resist this appeal, happened that as his house was situated on and, having no money, gave the melon to the the other side of the river which passed beggar.
through the town, he had to cross it, and in When he reached home, his wife was sorely doing so, his foot slipped, and the fruit fell vexed at his bad luck, and wondered very into the water and was carried away by the much why the king, who was reputed to be very flood. The poor merchant wept over this mischaritable, should treat her husband so shab- fortune, and returned home cursing his evil bily, as to send him away with a melon every star. time he went into his presence. Being, how. He was now fully persuaded that it was the ever, of a persevering nature, she once more will of fŚwar that he should remain poor, and persuaded him to go to court and ask the thinking it useless, therefore, to struggle against king for help. He accordingly went there and destiny be resolved never to ask anybody for stood before the king as before. This time, help again, but to live as best he could till it however, before giving him anything the king should please Iswar that he should see better asked him to explain what use he bad made' days.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
By J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Contime from p. 201.) No. 163.-MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF YASODHARMAN AND VISHNUVABDHANA.
THE MALAVA TEAB 589. This inscription, which has not been previ- | point; but possibly this is the large and ancient ously brought to notice, is from a stone-tablet well, just inside the eastern entrance of the which, when shewn to me in 1885, was in the Fort, which I have mentioned at page 195 possession of Sir Michael Filose, K.C.S.I., above. at Ujjain, but which had come originally from the stone is a smooth and beautifully enan old well, somewhere in the lands of Das dr graved tablet, apparently of slate-stone, meaor Mandas or, the chief town of the Manda- suring about 1' 11" broad by 1' 6" high and Bôr District of Scindia's Dominions in the 21" thick. There are no sculptures on it Western Malwa Division of Central India, connected with the inscription. But, on the where it was found, in the course of repairs, back, which is divided into two compartments built up with the inscribed surface inside. I by what seems to be either a spear with a could obtain no aocurate information on the curved handle, or a shepherd's crook, there are
See p. 194 above, and note 1.

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engraved in outline, very roughly,--at the in mandinsi, line 22; (3) the doubling of t in upper corners, the sun on the proper right, and conjunction with a following r, e.g, sattru, line the moon on the proper left; and, lower down, 4; kalattrát, line 11; and páriyattrasya, line 16; on each side, a man on horseback, facing to and (4), the doubling of dh in conjunction with wards the central dividing sculpture; the following y and v, in addhydsita, line 16-17, horseman on the proper right side carries and addhvani, line 18, though not in other either & chauri or a sankha-shell in his left places. hand; the other horseman carries something As I shall show in a following paper, this in his right hand, but I could not distinguish inscription is of extreme importance, in supplythe object. These sculptures were engraved, ing, by its date, the key to the whole history of of course, when the tablet was fixed in the the period. It refers itself to the time of a position in which it was discovered, with the tribal ruler named Yaśdd harman, and of inscribed surface inwards; and it is owing to a king' named Vishnuvardhana, who, this position that the inscription has remained though he had the titles of Rajadhiraja and in so perfect a state of preservation. The Paramo svara, would appear to have acknowwriting covers the entire surface of the stone, ledged a certain amount of supremacy on the with a margin of from 1" to ly; and is part of Yasodharman. Vishnuvardhana's famil in & state of excellent preservation almost is mentioned as the lineage that had the aulikara. throughout, though there are just a few letters crest; but I have not been able to obtain any from which it was impossible to clear out the explanation of the word aulikara. The inhard incrustation of lime with which the writing scription is dated, in words, when the year was blocked ap from beginning to end, suffi. five hundred and eighty-nine had expired from ciently for them to come out quite perfectly the tribal constitution of the Mâlavas, and, in the ink-impression and so in the lithograph, therefore, when the year five hundred and At the ends of lines 1, 2, and 3, a few letters ninety (A.D. 533-34) was current; but no have been lost by the edges of the stone being further details of the date are given. The chipped here; and at some other places a few object of it is to record the construction of a letters have been damaged in the same way. large well by a person named Daksha, the But the only place where the missing letters younger brother of Dharmadôsha who was a cannot be supplied, is at the commencement minister of Vishņuvardhana, in memory of their of line 16.-The average size of the letters uncle Abhayadatta, who had formerly held the is . Differing from the Mandasör inscrip- same office. tion of Kamâragupta and Bandhuvarman, The genealogy of this family of ministers is No. 162 above, page 194 ff., the characters given; and it includes a somewhat noticeablo here belong to the northern class of alphabets, name in that of Bhânugupta, the wife of They include the very rare initial an, in Daksha's grandfather, Ravikirtti. Her date aulikara, line 5; and the rather rare dh, in would be just about one generation before that udúdham and gadha, line 7; ridha, line 11; of the king Bhanu gupta for whom we and adhdmi, line 18; also the separate sign for d, have the date of Gupta-Samvat 191 (A.D. as distinguished from d, in dimbara, line 17.- 510-11); and the coincidence of name and time The language is Sansksit; and, except for the is such, that it is almost impossible not to opening word siddham, and the two words at imagine some family connection between him the end recording the name of the engraver, and her. Bhậnugupta, of course, must have the entire inscription is in verse.--In respect been a Kshatriya; and Bhinugupta's husband, of.orthography, we have to notice (1) the use of Ravikirtti, was evidently a Brahman. But the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvára, in the ancient Hindu law authorised the marryransa, lines 6 and 9; ansu, line 9; ansam, line ing of Kshatriya wives by Brahma. And wo 11; and abhransi, line 12; (2) the use of the have an epigraphical instance of this practice dental nasal in bhaiyánsi, line 2, and yasinsi, in the Ghatotkacha cavo inscription of Hastiline 4, though we have the more usual anusvára | bhoja, a minister of the Vâkataka Múhárája jan Andra; lit. 'a lord of a people or tribe.
Archool. Sure. Ind. Vol. X. p. 3of. naridhipati; lit. 'a chief ruler of men."

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Dévasêna; it tells us that Hastibhôja's ancestor, was descended, in addition to some other wives the Brühmaņ Sôma, "in accordance with the of the Brahman caste, whose sons, and their precepts of revelation and of tradition" married descendants, applied themselves to the study a Kshatriya wife, through whom Hastibhoja 1 of the Vedas.
TEXT. 1 Siddham [11] Sa' jayati jagatain patih Pinkki smita-rava-gitisha yasya danta
kântih I dyutir-iva taditam nisi spumanti tirayati cha sphutayaty=adas-cha
visvain 11 Svayambhúro-bhùtânim sthiti-laya-sama)2 tpatti-vidhishu prayuktô yên=ajmi vahati bluvaninin vidhritnyei pitrit vatn
ch=inito jagati garimanaṁ gamayatî sa Sambla r=bhủyansi pratidisatu
bhadriņi bhava[tâm] # Phaņa"-navi-guru-bhar-[ikk][A]. 3 nti-dur-avanamram sthagayati rucham=indoremmandalan yasya murdhnim 1]
sa sirasi vinibadhnan=randhrißimasthi-milan srijatu bhava-srijo val klesa
bhangam bhujangah | Shashțya sahasraih Sagar-âtmajana m khâta[h] 4 kha-tulyam rucham-idadhanah1 asyadapan-adhipates-chiraya yaśinsi påyåt=
payasan vidhata 1 Atha" jayati janindrali Sri-Yasodharmma-namit
pramada-vanam-iveậntah sattru-sainyari vigâhya vrana5 kisalaya-bhaugair-yyo-nga-bhúshâm vidhatte taruna-taru-latî-vadevîra-kirttîr=
vvinâmya | Ajau" jiti vijayatê jagatim-punascha sri-Vishņuvarddhana
naradhipatih 80 Oval prakhyîta aulikara lazchhana atma6 vang yên=8dit-dita-padam gamitô gariyah Prâcho nripáp=su-bțihatas-cha
bahậu=udichah sâmni yudhacha vasa-gân=pravidhaya yena [*] nâm=
â paraṁ jagati kantam-adô durapam râjadhiraja-paramo7 svara ity=udadham 11 Snigdha's-syam-ambud-abhaih sth agita-dinakpito yajvanâm=
ajya-dhûmair=ambhô-meghyam Maghôn=ivadhishu vidadhatâ gâdha-sampanna
sasyâh samharshâd=våņinfnam kara-rabhasa-ipit-o. 8 dyâna-chât-aikur-agrå rijanvantô ramanti bhaja-vijita-bhuva bhûrayô. Féna
desah II Yasy-tkötubhir-anmada-dvipa-kara-vyaviddha-lodhra-drumair=uddhů.
tôna van-Adhvani-dhyani-nadad-Vindhyadri-randhuairebbulaih bilo. 9 ya-chchhavi-dhùmarêņa rajaså mand-årsa samlakshyate paryavritta-śikhandi-chan
draka iva dhyamam ravêremmandalam l 'Fasya's prabhôr=vvansa-kritám
nripanim påd-abrayâd=visruta-punya-kirttih | bhrityah sya-naibhritya-jit-a10 ri-shařka åsid vasiyân=kila Shashthidattah | Himavata' iva Gangas-tauga-namrah
praváhah sasabhrita iva Rovi-vâri-raših prathiyan [1 ] param-abhigamaniyah
saddhimân=anvavâyo yata udita-gari11 mnas-tâyatê Naigamânam || Tasy"-anakülah kulajat-kalattrât=sutah prasûtô yaśa
sam prasûtih Harêr-iv-ansam vasinam var-arham Varahadasan yat=
udáharanti | Sukritis-vishayi-tuigara růdla-mulam 12 dharayâm sthitim-apagata-bhangar sthêyasîm=idadhanam [1*) guru-sikharam=iv=
Adres-tnt-kulam gv-itma-bhůtyi ravir=iva Ravikîrttih Su-prakasam yyadhatta | Bibhrata subhram-a-bhraíši smarttam vartm=chitam satâm [1] na
visambvá (vo). 13 dita yena Kalâv=api kolinata ! Dhota-dhi-didhiti-dhvantin-havirbhnja ivmidhra.
rản [*] Bhậnaguptii tatah sadhvi tanayamsetrin-ajijanat 11 Bhagavaddôsha ityksit=prathamah karyya-vartmasu ala
Archol. Suru. Wort. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 140 and note. From the original stone. "Metre, Pushpitágra. • Metre, 'Sikharini.
• Metre, Miliui. Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajra. 1 Motre, Milini. * Metre, Visuututilaka; and in the next verse.
1. Metre, Sartalavikrilita. 15 Metre, Indravnjr:1. Metro, Malini. 17 Metre, trajati of Indravajni and Upendravajri. » Metre, Malinl.
19 Metre, Spka (Anushtulh): und in the next two versch.

Page #259

Mandasor Inscription of Yasotharman and Vishnuvardhan.-The Malas a Year 59.
མཇལ'Ea་པ་ནtཀགླིན༔ ah ayབསye༣F ཝུ་ *#a'' མཉིན.ྋur ༤pཙིn-'སྣུwwན་བསྐྱངས ་ ནི20 ཝ gཡཚོ་ཡཀཙཱan ནུམཀ-2 A# ༧ ༧༣༠༠oasuཀམnp:བྷི ན ནི ཙན་འཐིནམ།.•4 1༤ཀུན་ ༣r སཾསྐྱའམ3,༠པོ་སྤོisvམ།: .za/237 ༧ པཉྩམnt Eནུན གge/:ཥནཱjཙུeptཟurn :173#a 24cj81-td4 wསྐྱthཀ/0vརོ!ar༧༠ ལྷ༦༠&, མiruཀིeeev3:ནོནུ ༼ ༠༠ཏཾ བ ཀ་པྲལt-1པ :: རྨ dས་ ༧༠ 31༢༠vན@g4u@པ༣༣,༧༣༤ ནྟིg $ % ངའོ ངr+-19 -44xrd 1:|:ཀ སgན་པa+ བཏོsu+༩༧ནས་མི་ཀny-":"སྲི་བཟླ༦༡,
29 14 1:|# མཱ་རཱསྟ71aarསུམ་མ༥ -ruiE ཀམ་ཡུམ་སཾredre11ལ s v.wpg;པསྦྱང* མྱུའི༥24༠མE9ལོ་སྟོzཡུསཡཾན་.0༣:༡ན༢༥tl+ནས: པ #p3 41 །ནསvཀ u q17»1=པ་རྒྱུན པསྤྲོ 4:3:བཤུ༔“ཀཀུuiz, "}ནམ། འོ་བླ་3པ ༥cཐ༠ཡ2ཤཱན F4 2༧ཉྩR, ?པ9༣ ༤༣:rifiཔཎན༄༅Th!p:44:ufainན་7ག ཀrR: qn u/siu.ས1:|: wion in7 ། 8ya?nཀr: # ༡༤༧རྒྱུng,༧༡,ནམཱསཱཙོ་རྣམི་དq8 1 Yབ་Éབའིfarturrisprora1:32ས1) དྷ༣sp། བrཡསཔnzati ༠༤p3: 1 བའཐཱ། ཨཱན རུ ཟླ་172:21::ཏཔུར་ཐཾ gཔས ནུས༡༤ -3w.a j། [ཝནཱ མི 1#*cཔོ༼པོ། ༢9??q ཉཝིཤུལ་qr. ན་ནWནཱན རcuཚE4v51:འབཝན་ནུ༠?r《བབློn:༥, } པ བཤུཀ་ཀ༥༡pལ་པ་ བ -cv ཉི་ཤཊ་འTr) ལས་( 1 བཙིརཱུ་ལུ་མི་ལུ༠༠༩; nཔའ1༠༢པཉྩལཾ མྱུན པ| ཟླ3+( ནིy,
ས 11 grifierx.irནེp.uི ༔ བ? – འི་༣, ཨ་ནི འི དྷzin ? ས4tའི Tiའཨཱལ་ ལ༔ ནམཎཤཱཀ་
acཔར31-grjrn: 1:oཔའrs iནy ཁ པ 1ariའིeq3v3ns 1sཥrཇཔྲ་མཱཐུནྱཀq1,3 བun:༧ ཨོཾནཱཡོt a སཾ མ༧ ༠༩༩ ད༔ཨ་ནཱནིཧྥཎན་༣ ནས་ art?rd ཨ71ལ ( , ་༥ སྙམ སཱན་ | '3༠༔ ཀ94r 15 སྨམནནིབ་ཏུལ༔ བྱ RqIཔཉིའུཏrais༠ ནཱདg བ Q4:ནི་གti༣༠༧ནས་ .:༧༠༧ ལསྤྱིrསཾགསུམ: སov༠31པལ་ཀོE?13 nyq 1:14:19. སaཡུ; axado། ༔ ::* 1:|:༠ ཡཾ༤Qཀ༤ ཚེཀ༣ ཕྱི་རུ་“ལ།བྷynཔའི པཉྩན། ཐ༧ག པུཎྜིg:ཡསsiti
ཡ ར ༧༠ ན ཀྱིས་བྱིན་སྟབས།འོསྐུ་མཱཉྩསྤྲུrས མཉིམ་འཔ་ཐབཀt' ཉི གག་དrwa ཀ7 ། ༧ ༩ +-gifཀཱ་ {ཀ* པུ ༦: བ , ; v15?ཟནnu"3 raaiན བq1ཡབུyva, fqནEPa155:3yg, .འ༡ :18༧ པn-y':; ༑r? 1:|: »1:|ལ མ ༤༢༥qམཾ 3:433སན༠11རྟེནནa ནnཡ, at ༡མམྨymཅན43 v ནམ་
མg«T7 ཨ 11:༣ 21:1་་''t:
•R???1:|ཀ པཉྩ5
rgབ 1Es ng tn
rgya339༥ས 3པ༔ retr
a
1.F.ruT, no. 6.
W. GRIGOS. PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE .42

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Page #261

August, 1886.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
225
14 mbanam bandhavanam-Andhakânâm=iv=Oddhavah 11 Bahu"-naya-vidhi-Védha ga
hvarê=py=artha-margge Vidura iva viduram prêkshaya prekshamânab | va
chana-rachana-bandhê samskrita-praksite yah kavibhirwudi. 15 ta-ragam giyatê gir-abhijñaḥ || Praņidhi-drig-anugantrà yasya bauddhôna ch=
Akshņa na nisi tanu daviyo v=isty=a-dřishtam dharittryam (*) padam=
udayi dadhânównantaran tasya ch=abhût=sa bhayam-Abhayadattô nama 16 chi[nva]n=prajânîm | Vindhyasy"-Âvandhya-karmmâ śikhara-tata-patat-pându-Rêv.
Ambu-raśêr=ggolangûlail sa-hèlam pluti-namita-tarôh Pariyattrasya ch=adreh
&-sindhôr-antarilam nija-kuchi-sachiv-addhya17 sit-Aneka-desam rajasthaniya-vrit[t]ya suraguror=ive yo varnộinam bhktayê=pât 11
Vihita"-sakala-varṇn.Asankaram santa-dimbam Krita iva kritam=ētad=yêna
rajyam niradhil sa dhuram-ayam-idanim 18 Dôshakumbhasya sūnur-gora vahati tad-adhâm dharmmatô Dharmmadôshah II
Sva-sakham=an-ativâchchha (ñchha)n-durggame=ddhvany=8-sangan dhuram-ati. guru-bhkrim yo dadbad-bhartur-arthê vahati npipati-vesham kêvala
lakshma-måttram 19 valinam=iva vilamba kambalam bahalêyah 11 Upahita-hita-rakshA-mandano jâti
ratnair=bhuja iva prithul-Amsas=tasya Dakshaḥ kaniyan (1) mahad=idam=
adapånam khâtayâm-Asa bibhra20 ch=chhrati-bridaya-nitant-Anandi nirddôsha-nama 11 Sukh - Abrêya-chchhAyam parinati
hita-svadu-phala-dam gajêndrêņ=aragņam drumam-iva Kritântêna balina
pitrivyom proddiśya priyam=Abhayadattam pri21 thu-dhiya prathiyasetênádam kulalam=iha karmm-Oparachitam | Panchasa"
katëshu saradam yâtéshv=ékán=na navati-sabitëshu | Málava-gana-sthiti-vasite
kala-jñânaya likhitëshu | Ya22 smin"=kály kala-mida-giram kôkilanám pralapa bhindant-iva Smara-sara
nibhih prðshitinam manamsi | bhring-Alinâm dhvanir=anu-vanam bhÁra
mandrag=cha yasminn-adhůta-jyam dhanar-iva nadach-chbrayatë pushpa23 kåtôh | Priyatama"-kapitanam råmayan=baddha-råga kisalayam-iva 'magdhan
mânasam manininan [1] upanayati nabhasvån=unkna-bhangiya yasmin=
kusuma-samaya-misê tattra nirmmäpito-yam II 24 Yavat"=tungair=udanvan=kirana-samudaya sanga-kantam tarangair=alingann-indu
bimbam gurubhiraiva bhujaih samvidhatte sahrittÂm [19] bibhrat-saadh
Anta-lékhA-valaya-parigatim munda-malâm=iv=ayam sat-kapasatavad=i25 stam-amrita-sama-rasa-svachchha-vishyandit-Ambuh | Dhiman(n)" Dakshở dakshiņah
satya-sandhð hrimarnch-chhûrở vriddha-sèvi kritajñah baddh Otsahal svâmi. kårygêshv=a-khôdinirddôshồ=yam påta dharmmar chirâya 1 Utkirņņa Gôvindêna 11 TRANSLATION.
| May he, (the god) Sambha, confer many Perfection has been attained ! Victorious is auspicious gifts upon you,-employed by whom he, (the god) Pinakin, the lord of (all) the in the rites of (effecting the continuance worlds,-in whose songs, hummed with smiles, and the destruction and the production of the splendour of (his) teeth, like the lustre of (all) things that exist, (the god) Svayam. lightning sparkling in the night, envelops bhû," is obedient to (his) commands, for the and brings into full view all this universe! sake of the maintenance of (all) the worlds;
Motre, MAlint; and in the next verse. # Metre, Sragdhara. * Metre, MAlinl; and in the next two verses. as Metre, Sikharipi.
* Metre, Aryd.
Metre, MandAkranta. Metre, MAlini. * Metre, Sragdhara.
Metre, Salin. * lit. 'the self-existent one'; the epithet here denotor Rrahman.

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226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and by whom, leading him to dignity in the world, he has been brought to the condition of being the father (of the universe)! May the serpent of the creator of existence 80 accomplish the allayment of your distress,-(that serpent) the multitude of whose foreheads, bowed down afar by the pressure of the heavy weight of the jewels in (their) hoods, obscures the radiance of the moon (on his master's forehead); (and) who (with the folds of his body) binds securely on (his master's) head the chaplet of bones which is full of holes (for stringing them)! May the creator of waters," which was dug out by the sixty thousand sons of Sagara, (and) which possesses a lustre equal to (that of the sky, preserve for a long time the glories of this best of wells!
(L. 4.)-Now, victorious is that tribal ruler," having the name of the glorious Yasodharman, who, having plunged into the army of (his) enemies, as if into a grove of thornappletrees, (and) having bent down the reputations of heroes like the tender creepers of trees, effects the adornment of (his) body with the fragments of young sprouts which are the wounds (inflicted on him).
36
(L. 5.)-And, again, victorious over the earth is this same king of men," the glorious Vishnuvardhana, the conqueror in war; by whom his own famous lineage, which has the aulikara-crest, has been brought to a state of dignity that is ever higher and higher. By
35
30 bhava-srij. Originally, Brahman was the creator; Vishnu, the preserver; and Siva, the destroyer. But of course the Vaishnavas and the Saivas invested their own special gods with all three attributes. And, that bhava*ij here denotes Siva, is shown by the general purport of the preceding two verses, and especially by the mention of the chaplet of bones in this verse. He is always represented with a necklace of skulls, a serpent hanging round his neck, and the crescent moon on his forehead.
31 The ocean. The allusion in this verse is to the legend that the bed of the ocean was excavated by the Sons of Sagara in their search for their father's avamedha-horse, which was stolen from their custody by the sage Kapila, and was only found by them when they had dug down through the earth into the lower regions. Kapila, in his anger, reduced them to ashes; but subsequently restored the horse on the intercession of Amsumat, the grandson of Sagara. The obsequies, however, of the sons of Sagara remained unperformed, and their transfer to heaven was barred, until Bhagiratha, the grandson of Amsumat, brought the river Ganges down from heaven, and led it over the earth to the chasm made by the sons of Sagara. Flowing down through this, it washed their bones and ashes, by which they were raised to heaven. And, as such of its waters as remained in the chasm constituted the ocean, the latter was called sigara in commemoration of Sagara and his descendants.
[AUGUST, 1886.
him, having brought into subjection, with peaceful overtures and by war, the very mighty kings of the east and many (kings) of the north, this second name of "supreme king of kings and supreme lord,""" pleasing in the world (but) difficult of attainment, is carried on high. Through him, having conquered the earth with (his own) arm, many countries,in which the sun is obscured by the smoke, resembling dense dark-blue clouds, of the oblations of the sacrifices; (and) which abound with thick and thriving crops through (the god) Maghavan pouring cloudfuls of rain upon (their) boundaries; (and) in which the ends of the fresh sprouts of the mango-trees in the parks are eagerly plucked in joy by the hands of wanton women,-enjoy the happiness of being possessed of a good king. Through the dust, grey like the hide of an ass,-stirred up by his armies, which have (their) banners lifted on high; (and) which have the lodhratrees tossed about in all directions by the tusks of (their) infuriated elephants; (and) which have the crevices of the Vindhya mountains made resonant with the noise of (their) journeying through the forests,-the orb of the sun appears dark (and) dull-rayed, as if it were an eye in a peacock's tail reversed.""
(L. 9.)-The servant of the kings who founded the family of that lord was Shashṭhidatta,the fame of whose religious merit was known far and wide through the protection of (their)
janendra; see page 223 above, note 2.
This expression looks at first sight as if Yasodhar
man and Vishnuvardhana were one and the same person. But the general structure of this verse, as well as the use of the two distinct titles janndra and naradhiputi and and of the expression atma-vans, shews that this is not the case. "This same," simply means "this reigning king," in whose time the inscription is written.
3 naradhipati; see page 223 above, note 3.
35 I have not been able to obtain any explanation of the word aulikara; but it seems to denote either the hot-rayed (sun),' or the cool-rayed (moon).'-As regards lanchhana, a mark, sign, token, spot, which I render by crest, it is the technical term for the principal emblem impressed by kings on the copper-scals attached to their charters, and is quite distinct from the emblem on their dhvajas or banners. Thus, the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum had the suvarau garuda-dhvaja or banner of a golden Garuda,' but the sindhura-linchhana or elephant-crest' (e.g. line 43 of the Terdil inscription of Saka-Samvat 1045 &c.; ante, Vol. XIV. p. 18, and p. 24, note 24.) The Chalukyas, in all their branches, had the varihaláñchhana or boar-crest," which appears on the seals of all their charters; and the special connection of the lanchhana with the sasana or charter, is shewn by a passage in lines 73 ff. of the Korumelli plates of Rajaraja II.," on whose charter the mighty form, that of the first boar, of (the god) Vishnu, which lifted up the entire circle of the earth on the tip of (its right-hand) tusk, became in a pleasing way the crest" (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 85).
4
rájádhiraja. i.e."looked at from the wrong side of the feathers."
paramivara.

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AUGUST, 1836.]
feet; who by his resoluteness conquered the six enemies (of religion); (and) who was indeed very excellent. As the torrent, flowing high and low, of (the river) Ganga (spreads abroal) from (the mountain) Himavat, (and) the extensive mass of the waters of (the river) Rêvâ from the moon,-(80) from him, whose dignity was manifested, there spreads a pure race of Naigamas, most worthy to be sought in fellowship.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
(L. 11.)-Of him, from a wife of good family, there was born a son, resembling him (in good qualities), the source of fame,-whom, (being named) Varâhadása, (and) being full of self-control (and) of great worth, people speak of as if he were,an (incarnate) portion of (the god) Hari.
(L. 11.)-As if it were the sun (illumining) the mighty summit of a mountain, Ravikirtti with the wealth of his character illumined that family, which was made eminent by men who combined good actions with worldly occupations; which had its foundations well established in the earth; (and) which maintained a very firm position of endurance that was free from (any risk of) being broken;(Ravikîrtti), by whom, sustaining the pure (and) undeviating path of traditional law that is acceptable to good people, nobility of birth was shewn to be not a thing of false assertion (even) in the Kali age. From him, (his) chaste wife Bhânnguptâ gave birth to three sons, who dispelled the darkness (of ignorance) with the rays of (their) intellects, as if (she had produced three) sacrifices from a
fire.
(L. 13.) The first was Bhagavaddôsha, the prop of his relatives in the paths of religious actions, just as Uddhava (was) of the Andhakas,-who was a very Vêdhas in displaying much prudence in the hard-tobe-traversed path of the meaning (of words); who, like Vidura," always looked far ahead with deliberation; (and) who is with great pleasure sung of by poets, in Sanskrit and Prakrit construction of the arrangement of sentences, as being well versed in speech.
3 vis. love, anger, greed, joy, pride, and passion. 10. Interpreters of Vedic quotations and words.
An epic hero, the younger brother of Dhritarashtra and Pandu, described as the wisest of all prudent and sagacious people.
See Dr. Bahler's explanation: ante, Vol. V. p. 207. 3 c. Abhayadattá.-Doshakumbha, the father of
227
(L. 15.)-And after him there came that (wellknown) Abhayadatta, maintaining a high position on the earth, (and) collecting (in order to dispel it) the fear of (his) subjects (?); by whose eye of intellect, which served him like the eyes of a spy, no trifle, however remote, remained undetected, (even) at night;-(Abhayadatta), of fruitful actions, who like (Vrihaspati) the preceptor of the gods, to the advantage of those who belonged to the (four recognised) castes, with the functions of a Rajasthaniva" protected the region stretching from the pale mass of the waters of (the river) Rêvâ which flows down from the slopes of the summits of the Vindhyas, and from the mountain of Pariyâtra, on which the trees are bent down in (their) frolicsome leaps by the long-tailed monkeys, up to the (western) ocean, and containing many countries presided over by his own upright counsellors.
(L. 17.)-Now he, Dharma dôsha, the son of D ôshakumbha,-by whom this kingdom has been made, as if (it were still) in the Krita-age, free from any intermixture of all the castes, (and peaceable through) having hostilities allayed, (and) undisturbed by care,in accordance with justice proudly supports the burden (of government) that had (previously) been borne by him;-(Dharmadôsha), who,not being too eager about his own comfort, (and) bearing, for the sake of his lord, in the difficult path (of administration), the burden (of government), very heavily weighted and not shared by another,-wears royal apparel only as mark of distinction (and not for his own pleasure), just as a bull" carries a wrinkled pendulous dew-lap.
(L. 19.)-His younger brother, Daksha,invested with the decoration of the protection of friends, as if he were (his) broad-shouldered (right) arm (decorated) with choice jewels,caused to be excavated this great well, that bears the name of "the faultless" which causes great joy to the hearts of those that hear it. This great (and) skilful work was achieved here by him, who is of great intellect, for the sake of his paternal uncle, the beloved Dharmadosha, must be the younger brother of Abhayadatta, and the third and youngest of the sons of Ravikirtti and Bhanugupta.
bahulya; this meaning is not given in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary; and I owe it, and the explanation of one or two other passages in this inscription, to Pandit Durga Prasad, of Jaypur.

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228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1886.
Abhayadatta, who was cut off (before his time) perverted thoughts of disdainful women who by the mighty (god) Ksitâ nta, just as if he are angry with their lovers, as if they were were a tree, the shade of which is pleasant to charming fresh sprouts arrayed in colours, resort to (and) which yields fruits that are devotes itself to breaking down (their) pride,salutary and sweet through ripeness, wantonly) in that season this (well) was caused to be destroyed by a Tordly elephant.
constructed. (L. 21.)-Five hundred autumns, together (L. 24.)- As long as the ocean, embracing with ninety less by one, having elapsed from with its) lofty waves, as if with long arms, (the establishment of) the supremacy" of the the orb of the moon, which has its full assemtribal constitution of the Mâlavas, (and) being blage of rays (and is more) lovely (than ever) written down in order to devermine the (pre- from contact (with the waters), maintains friend. sent) time ;-in the season in which the ship (with it) ;-80 long let this excellent Bongs, resembling the arrows of (the god) well endure, possessing a surrounding encloSmara, of the cuckoos, whose utterances are low bure of lines at the edge of the masonry-work, and tender, cleave open, as it were, the minds as if it were a garland worn round a shaven of those who are far away from home; and in head, (and) discharging pure waters the flavour which the humming of the flights of bees, of which is equal to nectar! sounding low on account of the burden (that (L. 25).--May this faultless Daksha for they carry), is heard through the woods, like a long time protect this act of piety,-(he who the resounding bow of (the god Kamadeva) is intelligent, skilful, true to (his) promises, who has the banner of flowers, when its string modest, brave, attentive to old people, grateful, is caused to vibrate ;-in the season in which full of energy, (and) unwearied in the businessthere is the month of the coming on of Aowers, matters of (his) lord ! (This eulogy has been) when the wind, soothing the affectionate (but) engraved by Govinda,
NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from p. 211.) 4.-SOME SUGGESTIONS REGARDING THE VERBES occur singly, but sometimes two, three, four,
(KARIKAS) IN THE MAHABHASHYA. five, or even six verses are grouped together; Besides the Varttikas of Kâtyâyana, which and we also meet with a considerable number of are in prose, and to explain which is the half.verses, and even quarter-verses. main object of Patañjali, there occur, scattered The total number of these verses is about through the Mahabhishya, a number of verses 260. The motres in which they have been treating of grammatical matters. Some of composed are the following:these verses have been fully commented upon The ordinary Arya: about 40 verses. by Patañjali; of others he has merely given the Portions of an Arya : Vol. II. pp. 127, 129. general import, or he has appended to them an Giti: one verse and half: Vol. III, occasional remark only. Again, there are p. 216. verses which appear to repeat in a summary The ordinary Ś18ks : about 165 verses, way what has been already stated before in Three quarters of a verse: Vol. II, p. 29. prose; and still others, which are neither com, Half-verses: 16. mented upon, nor partake of the nature of Quarter-verses : 12. summary verses. Sometimes the discussion on Vaktra : 2.-Vol. I. p. 273; and Vol. II, a rule of Pâqini's is carried on solely by means p. 97. Half a verse : Vol. I. p. 63. of verses that are explained by Patañjali; on Vidyunmalá : 3.-Vol. I. p. 356; Vol. II. p. other occasions verses, commented upon or 203; and Vol. III. p. 350. without comment, precede the prose Várttikas A quarter-verse: Vol. I. p. 14, 1. 3 on a rule, or follow them, or occur in the midst (Payrol year ). of them. In a large number of cases the verses Samâni : 2.-Vol. I. p. 502.
midt; but it is very difficult to find a really satis factory meaning for this word in this passage.
ac. the spring.

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Indravajrå : 3.-Vol. I. pp. 96, 336; and When the term Siskavárttikakdra is opposed Vol. III. p. 52.
to the term Várttikakára (or Vákyakára), as Upajâti: 4.-Vol. I. p. 96; Vol. II. pp. 124, has been done by Kaiyața on Vol. III. p. 189, or 232; and Vol. III. p. 54.
by Bhartihari on Vol. I. p. 36, both of course Dodhaka : 12.-Vol. I. p. 484; Vol. II. pp. denote different persons; and in such a case it 65, 138; Vol. III. pp. 182, 189, 410, 423. was hardly necessary for Nagôjibhatta to tell us
Salinî : 4.-Vol. II. p. 72; Vol. III. pp. 206, that the Vårttikakára (or Vdkyakára) is Katyaand 247.
yana, and the Slókavárttikakura another.' But Vamsastha : Half a verse. Vol. III. p. 216. from this it by no means follows that the Totaka : 2.-Vol. I. pp. 334, 335.
Slákavárttikakára has been regarded by the Jagati:" One verse.-Vol. III. p. 409. commentators to be different from the ordinary
Irregular Trishtubh or Jagati verses occur besides in Vol. I. pp. 13, 144; and Vol. II. p. we have abundant proof for it, that both 123. As verses I am inclined to consider also Kaiyata and Nagôjibhatta (as well as Haradatta Vol. I. p. 362, 1.4 and 13; Vol. II. p. 60, and other commentators whose works have 11 and 4, and perhaps a few other lines, been examined by me) have considered Katy regarding which I have not been able to arrive yana as the author, not only of prose Várttikas, at any decided opinion.
but also of Várttikas in verse. When Kaiyata The name which by the commentators is on P. i. 1, 21 opposes the Várttikakdra to most frequently applied to these verses, be they the Satrakdra, the former must be understood commented upon or not, is that of Varttika. to be Katyayana, just as the Sátrakára can be Sometimes they are called by the faller name no other than Panini ; and, as the particular Ślóka-várttika, or ascribed to the slákavártti. statement ascribed here to the Värttikakarat kakára. Thus Bhartsihari assigns to the is a verse on P. vi. 4, 74, Kaiyaţa must have siskavarttikakára the verses in Vol. I. p. 36; taken Kâtyâyana to be the author of that Kaiyata the verses in Vol. II. p. 329; Vol. III. verse. Similar instances might be quoted pp. 189, 273, 402. Nagôjibhatta uses the from Nagôjihhatta's work. So far then, what term Siókavárttika of the verse in Vol. III. p. we learn from the commentators amounts 466; and a note in the MS. G. calls by the to no more than this, that in their opinion same name the verses in Vol. II. p. 383. some of the verses in the Mahâbhâshya are by That the terms Vdrttika, sloka, and flóka- Katyayana, and others by another author of várttika, when used with reference to verses, vårttikas. are equivalent, may be seen from the fact that But the commentators' assign some verses the verses in Vol. III. p. 402, by Kaiyata also to the author of the Bhashya. Thus ascribed to the $lákavárttikakára, have by Punyaraja ascribes to the Bhashyakúra the Nâgôjibhatta on P. viii. 2,22 been called simply verse in Vol. I. p. 356; Någôjibhatta calls the Várttikas, and that the verse in Vol. III. p. 466, verse 2 in Vol. III. p. 267 a Bháshya-sloka; and called szökavárttika by Nâgôjfbhatta, is called he states that the verses in Vol. II. p. 229– simply a Sloka by Kaiyata.
verses fully commented upon-belong to the * The special name of this particular kind of the wrong: in some of these cases a slight alteration of the Jagati metre does not appear to be known. The first text would have sufficed to set the metre right. line of the verse in Vol. II. p. 409 is wrong, and the last
Bhartrihari on Vol. I. p. 36:-- line is interesting, inasmuch as it has been curiously misunderstood by both Kaiyata and Nagôjbhara. Both वृत्तिसमवायार्थ उपदेश इति तदेव श्लोकवात्तिककारोऽप्याह. take the first word of the line
Kaiyata on Vol. III. p. 189:-afi a जगत्यनूना भवति हि रुचिरा
eragina
and NAto be fat, the Loc. Sing. of Ta, and they under
gojibhafta 1- TT: :
TOPY stand the meaning of the line to be, that the explanation given of will please everywhere, because it fully एवेति भावः. accounts both for the form and for the accent of that
Patañjali refers to the same voree by means of the word. Really, the first word of the line must be taken
word in Yol. I. p. 113, 1. 10, and Vol. III., to be the Nom. sing. traff. The author of the verse has
p. 188, 1. 16, indicating thereby that that verse at any rate mid all he had to say about it in three lines, and
is not his own. By A he refers to other verses in finding that his Jagatt verse required a fourth line, heV ol. II. p. 378 1. 6, and Vol. III. p. 400, 1. 13. Ho somewhat facetiously adds that a complete Jagati verse introduces verses with a TY Tua, Vol. I. p. 203; is indoed pleasing. I am well aware of the fact, that about six per cent. of the verses in the Mahabh Ashya are Vol. III. p. 181, 257, 410,

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Bhashyaksit, not to the Vårttikaksit.* All this contradict the latter; that a question, which (whether right or wrong) is mere conjecture; has been fully discussed and disposed of in the and so is another statement of Nâgôjibhatta's, prose, should not be raised and discussed again according to which the half-verse in Vol. II.p.292 in the verses; that the terminology employed belongs either to the author of the Bhashya or should be the same in both, and that at any rate to another Varttikakära. Någôjibhatta evidently its prose and metrical portions should contain had no traditional knowledge as to the author- evidence of having proceeded from one and the ship of the verses, and even when he tells us same school of grammar. We also might that the verse da ger in Vol. II. p. 393, fairly expect that the proge portion should not also found at Vol. II. p. 15, is taken from some entirely ignore that part of the work which Sastra or other, which probably is true, he must is in verse. be considered to state only his own opinion. If from such points of view we examine the
The case is different, when Kaiyata volun- verses which have been commented upon by teers the remark that the verse afert Patañjali, -and it is only these verses that in Vol. I. p. 484, which might be called a could possibly be regarded as Värttikas, --we summary verse, has been composed by Vya- shall indeed discover many reasons why such ghrabhûti.' A distinct statement like this verses should not be assigned to the writer of cannot have been invented by Kaiyata. It the prose Värttikas, while it might be difficult must have been copied from the works of older to bring forward a single argument in favour commentators, who may be supposed to have of their having been composed by Katyâyana. had good reasons for what they were reporting. In a previous article, I have shown that It is the only important statement that we owe about a hundred times Katyayana has referred' to the commentators, regarding the authorship us by the word or the phrases a to of at least one verse in the Mahâbhâshya. statements or arguments which occur in other
A priori there is no reason why Katyâyanaparts of his work; in all these cases the should not have written some of his Varttikas reference is to prose Värttikas; and there is not in verse. Among the few Vdrttikas of the & single instance in which Katyâyana has Bharadvajîyas, handed down to us in the Mahi-thus alluded to a statement in verse. I have bhâshye, there is one, in Vol. III. p. 199, 1. 19, similarly already" drawn attention to the which is in verse,-a sufficient proof, that a circumstance, that Katyayana parposely has combination of prose Värttikas and of Várttikas so worded the first Värttika on a rule, as to in verse could not in itself be regarded as indicate the role to which such Värttika must objectionable. But what we must demand of be understood to belong. Now it is a fact, & work written partly in prose and partly that 27 times in the Mahâbhâshya a first prose in verse (supposing that work to have been yárttika is preceded by verses, many of which composed by a scholar like Katyåyana), is, do contain some distinct reference to the role of that the several portions of it should form an Pånini's to which they have been appended, harmonious whole; that there should be some and that nevertheless, in every one of these connection between its verses and its prose cases, the reference to Påņini's rules is repeated statements, and that the former should not in the following prose Varttikas." Those who
• Nagijtbhata on Vol. II. p. 299:- 4450 ! See p. 209 f. above. एव न वार्निककृतः संपुटीकरणाभावात्.
In Vol. III. p. 223, 1. 15, Patafjali doos also refer us
to the verse on P. VI. 4127; but Katyayana's reference Nagojlbhatja on Vol. II. p. 229:-
49 is solely to the Varttiks 13 and 15) on P. VII. 1, 1. उन्यवानिककारस्य वेति विपतिषेधवानिककारस्तत्र जानातीति
See p. 204 above.
If the verse TTE: TE on P. III. 2, 115 were 277. NAgojfbhatta on Vol. II. p. 393 9 4 976:
Katy lyada's, he would not have repeated Terasz in
his Varttiks on that rule. If the verses on P. VI. 8, 46 कस्यचिच्छास्त्रस्यति बोध्यम्,
were his, he would have omitted HECT from his first Kaiyata on Vol. I. p. 484, 1. 17:—aparut
Vårttika. If the verse, with which the discussion on तिनाप्युक्त इत्याह जग्धिविधिरिति.
P. VII. 1, 73 opens, were Katydyana's, he would not
have worded his first prose Varstika, as he has done. In . TCTT: 7518 let out of armh- this last case, the very way in which Patañjali intro
duces the first Varttika, shows that now only K&tydyana what
is about to speak.

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would assign the verses to Katyayana, must | Vårt. 26 on P. I. 4, 1; or that the same certainly admit that here again he himself scholar, who in a prose Vårttika in Vol. II. would have completely and intentionally ignored p. 354 has taught us to form
with those verses in his prose statements.
the suffix 3, would in a verse in Vol. II. To adduce more direct proof, I would cer- p. 378 have derived the same word by means tainly deny that verses like those in Vol. I. of the suffix ; that in Vol. II, p. 301 he p, 33, Tada PTTGT, and p. 145, even though would have formed urofa with the suffix they have been fully explained by Patanjali, , and on p. 310 with stat; 62 and are on can by any possibility be ascribed to Katyayana. p. 236 with , and on p. 311 with 34. Those and similar verses stand in no connection Besides, I consider it altogether unlikely whatever with preceding or following Vårtti- that Katyayana would, for no apparent kas, and by themselves they are unintelligible. reason, have used the term for in They receive a meaning only when taken as the verses in Vol. II. pp. 284, 378, and 425, part of the discussions that have been started or that he would have employed for TKTE by Patañjali, and their presence cannot be the term g" in the verses in Vol. III. pp. 229, accounted for unless we assume that they have 247, and, 318, when he has never employed those been borrowed by Patañjali from elsewhere. terms in his prose Värttikas. It is also certain Nor can we assign to Katyayana verges like that a verse like that on P. V.2, 39, which those on P. I. 1, 19 or P. VI. 4, 74; for what speaks of a suffix TTG cannot have proceeded we learn from the former is really nothing from a scholar who elsewhere accepta Paņi. but what Katyayana has already told us in his ni's views of the formation of the words , Vårt. 5 on P. I. 1, 11, and the views propounded TETT etc.; the more so, when the concluding in the verses on P. VI. 4, 74 are contrary, portion of that verse is distinctly directed I should perhaps say, intentionally opposed, - against the prose Várttika of that scholar on to statements contained in the prose Värttikas P. V. 2, 37. I might go on quoting other on P. I. 1, 21; VI. 1, 95; and elsewhere.18 verses which are directed against the prose Similarly, it would be wrong to ascribe to Värttikas, others that try to improve on them, Katyayana verses like those in Vol. I. p. 36 and again others intended to explain them ;16 and Vol. III. p. 466; for the former of these but will conclude these arguments by statverses raises a question which has been disposed ing that in three instances (in Vol. I. p. 444, of by Kåtyâyana in the first Ahnika, and and Vol. II. pp. 86 and 117) Patañjali has the latter merely repeats the substance of distinctly intimated that the verses on which that scholar's Värttikas on the first Sivasitra. he happens to comment, are not by the author Again, it is impossible to admit that KatyAyana of the prose Várttikas," and that Katyøyana would in Vol. II. p. 267 seriously have dis- himself and his Várttika are mentioned in the cussed a question which he had settled in his verses explained in Vol. II. pp. 121 and 176."
13 The verses on P. VI. 4, 74, try to show that Panini's rule VI. 4, 72 may be dispensed with, which is not the opinion of Katyayang, they moreover suggest new rule of which they maintain that it will render K&tyyana's Vårttiks on P. VI. 1, 95 superfluong. In note 8 I have shown that Patañjali does not regard these versos A his own; the verses themselves prove, that they are not Khty&yana's.
It is really diffioult to say whether this term should be read gor . The authority of the MSS. is decidedly in favour of reading it, and I have read it mainly bocatise this gives a correct verse in Vol. III. 818, 1. 5. Perhaps I have attached too much importance to the metre, which, after all, is violated in many versos in the MahAbhashya. In the MSS. of the Jainindra grimmar, too, the term is read both g and .
Kalyats on P. V. 2, 89: grafara la
PICTI 9 Mar : (P.VI.8, 91) इत्यात्वं विहितम् | पूर्वाचार्यास्तु डावतुं विदधिरे ।.
Compare the verses in Vol. II. pp. 132, 210, Vol. III. p. 182; in Vol II. p. 214, and Vol. III. p. 218; and the
portions of versos introduced, after a prose Virttika, by areenager in Vol. II. pp. 29, 899, and Vol. II. p. 352; and, as an explanatory vérse, the verse in Vol. II. p. 72.
11 In the three instances given above Patañjali intro. duces verses, which are explained by him, by the words ay TE, after prose Verttikas. By the same phrase he introduces, after prose Varttikas, a verse on which he does not comment, in Vol. II. p. 38. By BTT BE he introduces verses, after other verses or after remarks of his own, in Vol. I. pp. 13, 63, 296, 335; Vol. II, pp. 87 217, 925; and Vol. III. p. 410. After a verse he introduces another verse by एष एवार्थः। अपर आह in Vol. I. p. 33; and by gegart: alone in Vol. I. p. 484 and Vol. III. p. 410. On Vol. I. p. 484 Ngôjibhatta is in doubt as to whether the verse so introduced is by Patanjali or by another. We should have expected to find the words ye garet: before the second verse in Vol. I. p. 500.
* Besides, the Bhagavan Katyab is mentioned in 80-called summary verse in Vol. II. p. 97.

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My opinion then of the verses which have believe, then, that in the caves alluded to been explained in the Mahâbhâshya, is, that Patanjali is merely reproducing, in prose, what they do not belong to Katyayana at all, but was before him in verse, and that only by chance, have been borrowed or quoted by Patanjali and not intentionally, he has repeated in his from other works. There is every reason to own discussions fragmentary portions of his believe that those works were composed after metrical originals. As typical instances of such the Várttikas. Though they were written in portions of verses, that must have been taken verse, their aim, so far as we can judge, was the from older works, I may quote the words in same which Patanjali himself has had in view in Vol. I. p. 14, 1, 3.
p ruty gftri, the writing his own work, to elucidate, or to cor- meaning of which in Patanjali's own language rect and improve on, the Värttikas, and to is foruf af forfat; the words forfaziat discuss matters connected with individual rules Fargoeit in Vol. I. p. 49, 1. 12; Taurat af of Paņini's or with the system of Pâņini's gram. et a in Vol. II. p. 127, 1. 11; A
T C mar, that bad not been touched apon by Katyâ-in Vol. II. p. 394, 1.5; Tefahr in Vol. yana. Moreover, we shall probably be doing III. p. 229, 1. 10; and their mother or in Vol. no injustice to Patañjali, when we maintain III. p. 280, 1. 12; all of which might and that he frequently has taken the substance of should have been omitted from the Mahahis discussions and many of his arguments from bhashya, and the accidental presence of which those older works, even where he has not merely shows that Patañjali is indebted to actually and distinctly quoted from them, For, his predecessors for the arguments which not to mention that such an opinion accords he happens to be propounding. The same with what tradition tells us were the circum- conclusion may be drawn from the occurrence stances under which the Mahâbhâshya was in the Mahâbhâshya of certain half-verses and composed, it is only by a supposition of this of some complete verses, which resemble the nature, that we can account for a curious fact smaller portions of verses spoken of in so far as which is sure to arrest the attention of the they too, by themselves, are meaningless, and student of the Mahâbhâshya.
which must therefore likewise be considered to It sometimes happens that in the midst of have been part originally of works that were Patañjali's prose discussions we meet with discussing in verse the same questions which quarter-verses or smaller fragments of verses, Patañjali happens to treat of in proge. Halfwhich taken by themselves are unintelligible, verses of this nature we find, e.g., in Vol. I. but which fit exactly into the discussions p. 16, 1. 10, Faroft TanteargeITTI TUTT, of which they form párt. They are not and and p. 284, 1. 6, in der Fragen cannot have been intended as quotations ; nor PATT!; complete verses in Vol. I. p. 33, 1. 16, can they be of Patanjali's own authorship, be-
PRITT p. 145, 1. 11
freer cause there is no conceivable reason why | sat; and elsewhere. Patañjali should suddenly have given utterance That Patañjali sometimes has merely reproto part of a verse, and because he repeats their duced the information which he had obtained meaning in prose. In fact, they might have from works composed in verse, might be been omitted without the slightest lose. Now shown also in another way. When we exa those portions of verses must have been taken mine, e.g., his remarks on P. VII, 3, 107, the from somewhere; where there were quarter- quarter-verse s-arü qui fe of course shows verses, there must have been whole verses; and us that in this particular point, he is not when those quarter-verses fit into Patañjali's giving us his own argument. But more prose discussions, they must have fitted into dis- than by this, we shall be struck by the cussions that were carried on in whole verses. I extraordinary construction garrada," in the
" In प्रनामहेते the adjective अर्हत qualifes पुत्र in galy; the whole phrase is equivalent to gate . I believe that all Putajali's remarks on P. VII. 3, 107 are based on statements that were in Yerae.-For other ungrammatical expressions, that occur
in verse, compare sg. Vol. I. p. 385 त्यावधि: and त्वमाता p. 838 arvat69 (for which Kaiyata zecords the various reading Thu 7); Vol. II. p. 188 FGT, and eft:; 229 T 4 ; Vol. III. p. 53
.

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last statement adduced by Patañjali. That in Vol. I. p. 71, p. 75, p. 181, etc." But it may neither he himself nor Kâtyâyana would have appear doubtful, if even the so-called sumwritten thus, is certain, and it is a relief to mary verses should be assigned to Patanjali. discover that the whole statement Algort To me it seems at least possible, that the comATT Tarind is really the end of a verse, and mentators may have misunderstood the nature that the bad Sanskrit finds some excuse in the of these verses. Their opinion is that Paexigencies of the metre. It is not difficult to tasijali, probably to assist the memory of the conjecture that the original verse belongs to
me that the original verse belongs to student, has given in those verses a résumé of the same writer to whom we owe the half-verse
the arguments which he has stated before in on P. VI. 1, 14. Similar proof is afforded, to
prose." But if Patañjali had really been 80 mention only one other instance, by Patai- kindly disposed, we might well ask, why in jali's remarks on P. IV. 2, 60. The state- the whole of the Mahâbhâshya he should have ment तस्येदप्रत्ययस्य च in the fifth line of these given proof of such disposition at the utmost remarks is again the end of a verse, and the on twenty occasions only, and why he should first line on p. 284 forms a correct half-verse, not have appended 'summary verses to discus. when we omit from it the word fut, which sions far more lengthy and complicated than is unnecessary, because a special rule is given those are to which such verses have been for it in the sequel. the sequel. Besides, the term
Besides, the term the attached. Nor can it escape the attention of and the word FC: in the line prove that we
the student, that occasionally the so-called sum. have to do with verses, 0 not with the prose of mary verses contain arguments or statements, either Katyayana or Patañjali.
of which there are no traces in the prose by Excepting, perhaps, the so-called Sarngraha- which the verses are preceded. The verse dlókas, or summary verses, there is really no in Vol. II. p. 65 speaks of irregularities of valid reason why any of the verses in the accent, that have not been mentioned before. Mahâbhâsbya should have been composed by The first verse in Vol. I. p. 500 compares the either Kâtyâyana or Patanjali. On the con- case in hand with an analogous case, while the trary, we have shown that many of the verses, discussion in prose has omitted to do so. Bewhich have been fully commented upon by Pa- sides, we have seen already that one summary tañjali, can certainly not be ascribed to Katya
verse--the Dodbaka verse in Vol. I. p. 484yana. And having proved that Patañjali has is reported to have been composed, not by Patanundoubtedly borrowed from older works which jali, but by Vyâghrabhati. Why should the same were in verse, we shall regard those works as the Vyâghrabhati not be the author of the Dodhaka source of those verses also to which he has ap- verse in Vol. II. p. 65, which contains distinct pended an occasional remark only-verses like traces of not being a mere summary verse, and those in Vol. I. p. 96, 1. 1-5, Vol. II. p. 137, 1. of the Dodhaka verses in Vol. III. p. 423 ? I 4-7,-or the meaning of which he has merely
erely confess I can discover no reason why the verses indicated in a general way-like those in Vol. spoken of should likewise not be regarded I. p. 147, 1. 12-13, p. 356, 1. 9-10,-as well as of rather as the source of those arguments which those verses which have been left without any Patañjali is propounding in his prose, han as comment and which clearly are meant to be summaries, repeating, for the benefit of an regarded as quotations-verses such as those inattentive student, those arguments in verse. इकक stands for उक्a se.g.does इकन् for ठन् in
the second half of verse 2 on P. VII. 1, 21 refers to P. the versos on Vol. II. pp. 284 and 898; for 8
VII. 1, 23. in Vol. II. p. 284; and for 3 in the verses ia Vol. II.
See Negójtbhatta on Vol. I. p. 373, 373 p. 310; F stands at the end of verses, e.g. in Vol. II. Tra; Kaiyata on Vol. I. p. 401, qat garatur pp. 258, 292; Vol. III. pp. 67, 140, and 466. A clear instance of how Patafjali is quoting from
horas on Vol. II. p. 97, LETY ; on Vol. II. other works is furnished by the verse in Vol. II. p. 183. pp. 383 and 416,
T: ; Nagôjibhatta on The question raised in the last words
of that
Vol. III. p. 485, ** TE* : eto. On the second verse has nothing to do with the matter under discussion, but refers to P. III. 4, 93. It must have been answered
verso in Vol. 1. p. 484, Nagôjibhatta makes the remark in a verse following upon the verse that is cited by
[एष एवार्थः] भन्येन निबद्ध इति शेषः। मया निबध्यत Patanjali (Kaiyata says; T 405 ).-Similarly for I.

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A FURTHER NOTICE OF THE ANCIENT BUDDHIST STRUCTURE
AT NEGAPATAM.
COMMUNICATED BY SIR WALTER ELLIOT. Some time after I communicated the former else were found in the tower itself, with the Article on the remarkable and unique edifice exception of four little square pieces of gold, at Negapatam, an old friend, an officer in let roughly into ū the four corners the Madras Army, but now an inmate of the of what appears
to be the foundaCollege of St. Joseph at Negapatam, senttion stone. This
stone, was at the me, through his brother, some further in- very bottom of
the foundation. formation which it may be interesting to "No statuettes were discovered in digging the place on record. He writes as follows:-"In foundations for building the dormitories that a pamphlet entitled Interprétations d'Antiques now form one side of the college quadrangle. Idoles Bouddhistes, by M. Textor de Ravisi, It seems they had to cut down, and then to Ancien Commandant de Karikal (Indes Orien- dig and remove, the roots of a venerable tales), being Extraits de Travaux de 1865 et banyan tree, and among these roots 1866 de la Société Académique de Saint Quen- several curiosities were found. Amongst tin, published at Saint Quentin at the Impri- others five small statuettes, some sitting, some merie Jules Moureau, 7, Place de l'Hôtel-de- standing, but all Buddhist, and indeed from the Ville, in 1866, I have found an account of drawings in M. Textor de Ravisi's book, identi. the statuettes that Sir Walter asks after. I cal in shape, but miniatures of the Gandamas have not time to copy in full, but I have given so common in British Barmah. I would also above the title, author, and publisher, so that draw Sir Walter's notice to a fact he may have Sir Walter, who probably may have known the forgotten, that shell chunam is very common author in India, may get the little pamphlet if in many of the Buddhist temples of Burmah, it be still in print. Textor de Ravisi says of and this is the more remarkable as in that the towers, that, when the Portuguese discovered | country it is only their temples that are built India, they spoke in their account of Nega- of masonry. M. Textor de Ravisi incidentally patam of this tower as la tour ruinée, and that mentions in another part of his pamphlet, the Dutch used it at one time as a Lighthouse. “Ces idoles trouvées dans de tels conditions The tower, he says, was an irregular square. jointés à l'existence de la tour dont la structure The materials are enormous bricks beautifully indique une construction bouddhiste semmanufactured and very superior to the country bleraient démontrer que ces statues remontent manufacture of to-day. The cement is a terre à l'époque où le culte de Bouddha fut définitiveglaise (which I take to be polished shell ment expulsé du sud de l'Hindoustan par le chunam), but it is stated that the cement was triomphe de Brahmanisme." And certainly extreinely hard and like stone.
everything that was discovered seems to speak "From those who were present at the demo- of Buddhism, for among other things & bell lition of the tower, I have learned that ex- was discovered in the neighbourhood of the teriorly there were apparently three storeys, statuettes. This bell was recast and is now but interiorly there were no traces of landing the college bell. The dormitory, which now places or storeys, and that there were only stands on the place where the statuettes were three smooth walls, the fourth side being open found' is about 60 yards from the position all the way up. The bricks are said to have oocupied by the rained tower. I subjoin or been very large; the cement as M. Textor de enclose some rough copies of some sketches of Ravisi describes it. The foundations were articles found with the statuettes. I should not about eight feet deep, and there had apparently | forget to mention among other things a human been an underground cellar or storey, for skull that was found in a kind of small arched the middle was filled with sand, and the tomb." inner walls were covered with very hard shell “With regard to the tower, one of the native chunam polished. No statuettes or anything Fathers now in the college, tells me that he ante, Vol. VII. p 2244.
• This looks like Chinese Buddhism.

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AUGUST, 1886.)
ANCIENT BUDDHIST STRUCTURE.
235
HZDI
remembers as a boy that the tower was nearly "En creusant les fondements on trouve dans twice the height it was at the date of its final la tranchée du sud-est (1) un piedestal, (2) destruction, and that even then it bore the une plaque sculptée et percée au milieu, (3) appearance of having been still higher formerly. une cloche, et (4) une espèce de couronne; tout
"I wrote the above when I was absent from excepté la cloche en cuivre doré; dans la tra the college. On my return I have consulted chée N. E. on trouve un crâne." the Records, and send sketches marked A. and "To my idea the figure No. 4 corresponds to B., showing respectively the ground plan of the the head pieces of the Burmese Gaudamas, and tower, and some of the ornaments dug out of the 80 also No. 3 to the Burmese pagoda bells. foundations of what is now one of the dormito- But No. 2 certainly is more like Chinese than ries, and which I have already referred to above." Burmese." A.
In conclusion, he adds the following extract “Les briques sont énormes, sous l'une from the Records of the College, having d'elles au coin de l'ouest à l'intérieur on trouve reference only to the final demolition of the quatre lames fines, étroites et courtes d'or. edifice:Voici le plan des fondements avec le coin où "À une des extremités du Collège de S. l'on a trouvé les lames, les fondements avaient Joseph à Negapatam l'élevait, il y a six ans, à peu près 12 on 13 pieds de profondeur." une vieille tour carrée mesurant de vingt-cinq
à trente pieds de côté. La hauteur de cette tour qui primitivement était de soixante-dix à soixante-quinze pieds, avait été, pour prevenir les accidents, réduite de moitié. Une ouverte
unique, partant de la base au sommet, donnait IE
entrée et jour du côté du midi. L'édifice était un mur massif de briques et de terre sans aucun caractère architectural. Aux quatres côtés de la base, de profondes excavations s'étaient formées sous l'action séculaire des sels
marins. Ces excavations avaient jusqu'à huit 1. or
pieds de profondeur. Au sommet et sur les 2. decombres anciens
côtés l'on voyait une vigoureuse végétation 3. mur isolement bati à la face intérieure d'arbustes. relté par les coins au reste des fondements 4., 5. idem
Récemment, quantité d'objets, depuis long6. sable marin
temps enfonces, appartenant au culte 7. grandes briques.
bouddhique, ayant été découverts dans les
environs du vieux monument, ou en conclat B.
qu'il avait été un temple, consacré à Bouddha. Une opinion moins accrédité en faisait un simple point de repère (sic) pour les navires que approchaient de la côté, et lui attribuait une origine Hollandaise, mais la croyance populaire, sans rien déterminée de son origine et de son usage, lui attachait un caractère sacré et superstitieux."
The above particulars do not add much to our previous scanty knowledge of the old building. The most interesting fact is that of the discovery made in the foundations of
7 foot.
• Extraota from the Records of St. Joseph's College, Negapatam.
• Extraot from Records of St. Joseph's College,
Nega patam.
Extract from "Des Missions Catholiques" of 17th July 1874.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1886.
four pieces of gold under a large brick in the my former paper that "at the top of the lowest west corner, which appears analogous to the storey were marks in the wall showing where deposits of gold, coral, pearl, &c., found in the the floor of the second had been fixed." Buddhist Topes, leading to the inference of a It may also be added that the statement of common Buddbist origin. The discovery of the native Father above mentioned, that "he the skull also tends to the same conclusion remembered the tower twice as high as it was
The only other remark I have to make is in at the date of its final destruction," is easily regard to the statement that "interiorly there explained by a reference to the plate at p. 226, were no traces of landing places or storeys." fig. 2, Vol. VII. as it stood in 1846, and With reference to that I repeat what I said in Mr. Middleton Rayne's sketch in 1866, fig. 1.
:
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 180). OVERCOME, to, --Potrivisaráva, (M.)
| PARDONED,—Yertimi, (M.) OVERSEER,-Dikimengro, disimengro, (Eng.); PARE, to,-Kushåva, (M., M. 7) kandind, (M.)
PARROT --Rokrenchiriclo, (Eng.) OVERTAKE, to-Arộaâva, nakavavava, (M.) PART.-Parte, (M.) Owe, to,-Kamava, (M.)
PARTNER, -Amal, (Psp. M.) OWN,-Nogo, (Eng.)
Pass, to-Nakava, nikáva, (Tch.); nakáva, (Psp. Ox-Guruv, guri, (Tch., Pep. M.); gheoluk, (As.
M., M.) Tch.); shčngalô, guru, gurdū, (dim.) zhun. Pass, to cause to.-Nikavåva, (Tch.)
kâye, (dim.) zhunkul, (M.); guruv, (M. 7) PABBAGE,-Nakaibê, (Tch.) . Ox, belonging to an,-Guravano, (Tch.)
PASSOVER, -Patranki, (Psp. M.) Paste,-Astråki, khomêr, (Tch.)
Paste, of or belonging to --Khomertskoro, (Toh.) PACK-BADDLE,--Astêr, (Tch.)
Pawn, Simmer, (Eng.) PACKET - KAlavo, (Tch); pachkë, (M.)
PAWN-BROKERS, -Simmery-mengre, (Eng.) PAIL-Vådra, (M.)
PAY, to,Peakva, (Eng.); plasterer, (Span. Gip.); PAIN, -Dukaibê, (Tch.); duk, (Pep. M.)
potinkva, (M.); pleiskeriva, pokinava, PAIN, to feel,-Dukáva, (Psp. M., M.)
(M. 8) PAINT, to, -Makáva, (Tch., Psp. M.); měchinisa- PEACEFULL-Têcho, (M.) råva, (M.)
Pea,-Khriķhil, (M. 7). PAINT, to cause to,-Makavava, (Tch.)
Pear --Ambról, (Tch., Pap. M.); harmô, hermo, PAINTED, to be,- Makliovậva, (Tch.)
(As. Tch.); ambrai, (M.); ambrol, (M. 7) PAIR, -Pěrête, (M.)
PEAR-TREE, ---Ambrolin, (Tch., Pep. M.); ambrulin, PAIR, of oxen, -Zhutô, (M.)
(M.) PALACE,Sarki, (Tch.); aŭlin, (M.)
PEARL-Mărgăritâr, morönklo, měrěnklo, (M.) PALING,-Kilo, (Tch.); shtaķhêturi, (M)
Pease, --Kanior, kaunor, (Eng.); grkhos, (Tch.); PALM, of the hand.-Maktf, matt, (As. Tch.)
måzere, (M.) PANTALOONS,--Dimi, dimis, karavi na, 'Boston, Peck, to, --Curundava, (M. 7)
(Tch.); dimi, dimish, (Pep. M.); sosten, Peel, to,-Choláva, (Tch.) (M. 8)
PENITENCE-Pokota, (M.) PANTALOONS, he who wears,-Dimialo, sosteninlo, PenMANSHIP, --Por-engri-pen, (Eng.) (Tch.); dimialo, (Pap. M.)
PEN-MASTER, -Por-engro, (Eng.) PAPER.Lil. (Tch.); lir, lil, (Psp. M.); kaghadi, PENNY,-Hor, horo, (pl.) horry, (Eng.); fêniku, (As. Tch.); hortfyč, (M.)
(M.). PAPER, of or belonging to, -Lilêskoro, (Tch.) PENNYWORTH, --Horsworth, (Eng.) PARADISE --Ray, (M.)
PEOPLE, -Sueti, (Eng.); norôdu, (M.); them, PARCEL,-KAlavo, (Tch.); pâchkë, (M.)
(M. 8) PARDON, -- Artapen, (Eng.)
PePPER, -Piperi, (Tch.); kipêr, kipëri, (M.) PARDON, to,-Artáva, artavelláva, (Eng.); ispě. PEPPER-TREE -Kipôr, kipêri, (M.) sikva, (M.)
PERCH, Wooden, &,-Berând, chåkala, (Tch.)
ante, Vol. VII. p. 224.

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AUGUST, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
237
PERCH (a bird's)-Karnia, (Tch.) PERCEIVE, to,-PrinzhanÂva, prinjavava, (M.) PERCEIVED, to be,-Prinzhand'ováva, (M) PERHAPS-Pôate, (M.) PERSON,-Guero, (Eng.); jeno, (Tch., M. 7) PERSPIRATION, -Kamnioipe, (Tch.); kamlioipe,
kamnioipe, (Psp. M.) PERSPIRATION, he who is in,-Kamno, kamlo,
(Tch.); kamno, (M. 7) PERSPIRATION, to be in,-KAmniov&va, (Tch.) PERSPIRE, to,-Kaniarkva, khanierava. (Tch.) PESTLE, -Piv, (M.) PETTICOAT,-Chofa, (Eng.) PewTER, -Mollauvis, (Eng.) PHILOSOPHER,Jinney-mengro, (Eng.) PHYSICIAN, -Doftoru, (M.) PHYSICIAN, of or belonging to 2,-Doftoriceka,
(M.) PIASTRE, -Astalo, baghlo, (Tch.); astalo, (Psp. M.) PICK POCKETS, to,-Fakáva, (Eng.) PICKED UP,-Ghedino, (Tch.) PICTURE,Ikona, (M.) PIECE,-Kuttor, (Eng.); kotor, (Tch.); fěrěm,
kotor, (M.); kotor, (M. 7) PIECE, small,-Kotoricâ, (M.) PIECES OF GOLD,--Polia, (Tch.); poli, (M. 8) PIERCE, to, -Chinkeråva, chingheráva, (Pep. M.);
chingerava, (M. 7): phuskva, (M. 8) Pig,-Baulo, (Eng); bald (Tch.); balo, (M., M. 7) Pig, of or belonging to,-Balano, balêngoro,
(Tch.). PIG, SUCKING,-Balishô, balishorô, (M) PIGEON,-Holub, (M.) PILAV,-Beshavdo, (Tch.) Pike (fish), -Shchoka, (M.) PILLAR OF A TENT,- Beli, (Tch., M. 7) PILLOW,-Kurlo-mengri, (Eng.); sheran, (dim.)
sheranorô, (Tch.); sirank, (As. Tch.) PIMPLES,--Bagones, (Eng.) PINFOLD,-Pandipen, (Eng.) PING-Skunyes, skunyor, sainyor, spinyor, (sing.)
eekunyo, (Eng); chingabar (Span. Gip.) Prous,-Lashô, (M.) PIPE, -Swegler, swingle, (Eng.) PISMIRES,-Krior, (Eng.) PISTOL.-Pistolu, (M.) PIT,Gava, khar, (Psp. M.); groapa, (M.) PITCH,-Rěciy, (M) PITCHER,-Koro, koru, (Eng.); burkan, (M.) PITCH-FORK, -Possey-mengri, (Eng.) PITY,- Bezêh, (Pap. M.) PITY, to,Bonuiåva, (M.) PITYLESS,-Bi-bukêngoro, (Tch.) Place -Tan, (Eng.); barji, tan, (dim.) tanoro.
(Tch.); tan, (Psp. M.); lok, than, (M);
than, (M. 8) PLADE, (distant),-Khindyemi, hindyemi, (Tch.
PLACE, to, --Chivava, chuvava, (Eng.); tovava,
(Tch.); shuvava, thodva, nkěpisaráva,
(M.); thovává, (M. 8) PLACE ONESELF, to-AshAva, (M.) . PLACENTA,Chiibê, (Tch.) PLAGUE, -Kaenina-flipen, (Eng.); chama, (Tch.) PLAIT, to,-KuvÂva, khuviva, (Tch.); khuviva,
(M. 7) PLAIT OF HAIR, -Chunr, churn, (Tch.) PLAITS, to undo,-Buruváva, (Tch.) PLANK, -Sanidi, (Tch.); zopláda, (M.) PLATE,-Charo, (Eng.); charo, (Tch., Psp. M.);
tilêle, (M.); charo, (M. 7) PLATTER,- Skourdilla, (Eng.) PLAY, to,--Kilva, (Eng.); kelêva, (Toh.); kheláva,
ghelåva, delab&va, kelAva, (M.) PLAY, to cause to,-Kelavava, kelghiaráva,
(Tch.) PLAYER OF INSTRUMENTS,-Killi-mengro, (Eng);
(Psp. M.); kelnô, (Tch.) PLEASE, to,-Chaldva, (M. 7) PLEDGE --Simmer, (Eng.) PLENTY,-Dusta, dosta, (Eng.) PLOUGH, -Puvvesti churi, (Eng.); panghiardo,
(Tch.); plagu, (M.) PLOUGH, to-Arisaráva, (M.) PLOUGHED, to be, -Arisard'ováva, (M.) PLUOX, to,-Kiddáva, (Eng.) PLUG-T'ild, (M.) PLUM,-Doriya durril,(Eng.); erik, kilev, (Tch.);
heli, helon, (As. Tch.); porik, (M.); kilav,
(Psp. M., M. 7); slivi, (M. 8) PLUM-PUDDING, -Dariya durrileskie guyi, (Eng) PLUM-TREE,-Erikin, kilavin, (Toh.); kilavin,
(Psp. M., M. 7) PLUNDER,Hetaváva, (Eng.) POCKET,-Putsi, (Eng.); bôshka, jébba, (Tch.);
pusēt'i, puset't, (M.); posit'i, (M. 8) POCKET-BOOK,--Putsi-lil, (Eng.) POINT,-Agør, (loc.) agore, (abl.) agorkl, (Tch.);
agôr, (M. 7) POINTED, -Askucumi, (M.) POISON.-Drab, drar, (Eng.) POISON-MONGERG-Drab-engro, drav-engro, (Eng.) Poison, to, -Drab&va, (Eng.) POLE,--Berand, (M. 7) POLICEMAN-Hok-hornie-mush, (Eng.) POMEGRANATE,-Darkv, (tree) daravin, (Psp. M.) POND,-Y&zo, yazu, tău, (M.) POOL-Yazeru, (M.) Poor,-(masc.) Choredo, (fem.) choredi, choro,
choveno, (fem.) choveni, (Eng.); chorô, (Tch.); chont, (As. Tch.); chororo, (Span. Gip.); chorô, chord, (M.); choro, gero,
(M. 7); choro, (Pep. M.) HOÓR, to become-Choriováva, (Tch.); choran
ov&va, (M.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1886.
Poon FELLOW,- Tororo, (Eng.)
PAIZE, -Astaribê, (Tch.) POOR LITTLE THING.-Chororo, (Tch.)
PROCLAIM, to,-Koriva, (Eng.) POPLAR, --Plopu, (M.)
PROFLIGATE,-Blěstěmåto, (M.) POPPY,-MAko, msku, (M.)
PROFIT, -Koshtipen, (Eng.) POPPY-BLOBBOM,-Razha-mAko, (M.)
PROFIT, to get, -Leláva kappi, (Eng.) PORE,-Baulie-mas, (Eng.)
PROOF,-Proba, (M.) PORTION --Bazin, (Tch.)
PROP,-Pikald, (Psp. M.) POSITION, -Stan, (M. 8)
PROPERTY,- T'em, zhělta, (M.) POBBIBLE, -Astis, (Eng.); shay, (M. 8)
PROSPERITY,-Bakht, (Tch.) Post,-Kilo, (M. 7)
PROSTITUTE,-Lubni, pirianf, lumni, nobli, rubll, POSTERIOR,Bul, (Eng.); vul, bul, (Tch., M. 8)
kelavdi, (Tch.); karve, (M.); lubni, (M. 8); Por,-Pirry, koro, koru, (Eng.); piri, (dim.) pirort,
See HARLOT. takhtái, (Tch.); piri, (M.); kuchi, (M. 7); PROVE, to,--Mucnisard'ováva, (M.) piri, (M. 8)
PROVERB.-Povedinka, (M.) Pore, one who makes or selle,-Piriôngoro, (Tch.) PROVINCE,-Dis, (Tch.) Pot, chamber,-Kathy'ki, khendiardo, (Tch.) PRUDENT,- God'avêr, godaver, (M.) POTATO --Pov-engro, (Eng.); haïva sev, (As. PRUNE, --Aparnes, (Tch.) Tch.)
PUBLIC, (adj.) Temeskoro, (Tch.) POTATO, of or belonging to,-Pov-engreskoe, PUBLIC HOUSE,-Kitchema, (Eng.) (Eng.)
PUDDING, ---Gaf, guyi, (Eng.); golli, (Span. Gip.) POTTER --Koro-mengro, (Eng.)
PULL, to,-Tard&va, tardriva, (Eng.); chivava, POUND,-Pandipen, (Eng.)
(Tch.); cěrdåva, tērčilva, (M.); cidava, POUNDED.-Pandlo, (Eng.)
chiviva, (M. 7); tradáva, trdåva, varáva, POUND STERLING, 2,-Bar, bas, base, (Eng.); bar,
(M. 8) (Span. Gip.); bar, (Hun. Gip.)
POLLED OFF, to be,Shindovåva, (M.) Pour, to,-Chorava, děruidva, děruisaráva, shu. PULPIT,-Rashieskey rokkring tan, (Eng.) våva, (M.); choráva, (M. 7)
PUMPKIN,-Gudlo dudom, (Tch) POVERTY,--Choriness, (Eng.); choripê, (Tch.) PURCHASE,-Kinnipen, (Eng.) POWER, -Måndin, (M.); sila; (M. 8)
PURCHASING-DAY,-Kinnipen-divvus, (Eng.) PRAIBY, to,-Lěudisva, (M.); ushardva, asharva, PURSE,-Kisseh, kissi, putsi, (Eng.); kisl, panli, (Tch. M. 8); asharava, (Psp. M.)
banlf, (Tch.); kisi, (M. 7) PRAISE ONESELF, to,-Lõudieard'oveva, (M.) PURSLAIN, Trevla, (Tch.) PRAISE,-Usharibê, (Tch.)
PURSUER, -Plastra-mengro, (Eng.) PRAY, to-Moliskeriva, moliseráva, (Tch.); poftis- PURULENT, -Pumbalo, (Tch.) va, poftisaráva, (M.)
Pus-Pumb, (Tch.); rimi, (As. Tch.); phumb, PRAYER, the Lord's, ---Ochenashu, (M.)
(M. 8) PREGNANCY,-Kabnioibe, kamnioibe, (Tch.)
Pusr, to-Shuvåva, (M.) PREGNANT,-Kambori, kambri, (Eng.); kabni, Pot, to-Chivåva, chivaviva, (Eng.); shuv va, kamni, (Tch.); kamni, (Psp. M., M.)
• thoára(.). PREPARE, to - Pornisard'ováva, (M.)
Por on, to,-Emprězhurisaráva, (M.) PRESERVED. --Goshalô, (Tch.); potrávka, (M.) PUT IN ORDER, to,-Anaskertzava, (Tch.) PREBB,-Bofcha, (Tch.)
PUT THE HORSES TO, to,-Enzhugisaráva, (M.) PREBB, to-Spid&va, (M.)
PUT Down, to, --Biâva, (Tch.) PRETENDED GOLD RINGS,-Fashono wangustis,
(Eng.) PRETTY,--Sukar, shukar, (dim.) sukarorð, (Tch.); bakyz, pakêzi, (As. Tch.)
QUARREL, to, -Chingåva, (Eng.) PRIOKLES,Busnis, buenior, (Eng.)
QUART MEASURE,-Banica, (M.) PRIBBT.-Rashi, (Eng.); rashki, (Toh.); popa, QUEEN, ---Dakarni, kralicha, (Tch.)
rashay, (M.); rashay, (M. 8): rashdi, QUESTION,-Puchibê, (Tch.) (Pep M.)
QUICK-Sig, (Eng.); singo, (Span. Gip.); sigo, PRIEST, wife of .-Rashani, (Tch.)
singô, taro, (Tch.); repeddah, (M.); yito, PRINCE,--Voda, voyevôda, (M.)
(M. 7); sigo, (Pep. M., M. 8). PRISON,-Staripen, pandipen, Eng.); damia, QUICKLY,-Sěgo, ségu, něga, sêgě, (M.)
kotêsh, kotês, (Tch.); phandaipf, (M.) 1 QUIOKNE88,-Sigoibe, (Toh.) PRISONER, -Storey, staro-mengro, (Eng.); damfa- QUIRT.-Molkom, (M.) koro, (Tch.)
QUINCE, -Haiva, (As. Toh.)

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MISCELLANEA.
239
August, 1886.]
R
| RAKE,-Lokani, (Tch.)
RAKE UP, to,-Rěpězēsard'oviva, (M.) RABBIT,Shesha, shoshoi, (Eng.); shoshoi, (Hun.
RAM, like a, -Berbechicěkě, (M.) Gip.)
RANSOM, to-Kinava aley, (Eng.) RACE,-Koshia, (Tch.)
RAT,Kerm uso, mishákos, mushakos, muss, RACE-COURSE,-Nashimescro-tan, (Eng)
mushô, mesos, (Tch.); mushk, (As. RACER,-Nashimescro, (Eng.)
Tch.): (pl. acc.) guzanonen, (M.); kermuRAG,--Chandi, kirpa, ekirpa, (Toh.); chandi,
80, (M. 7); musho, (M. 8) (M.7)
RAVEN,-Chôrē; (pl.) körbi, (M.) RAGE,-Kholin, (Tch.)
RAVINE,-Lin, ilin, (Tch.); laha, (M.) RAGGED,-Chandilo, (Tch.)
REACH, to-Arosava, lava, önzaráva, (M.); RAILROAD CARRIAGE, -Yag vardo, (Eng.)
ķhudáva, (M. 7); resáva, (Tch. M. 8) RAIN-Brishen, brisheno, (Eng.); brishên, READ, to, --Delåva-oprey, (Eng.); drabaráva, chi. burshin, brishindo, (Tch.); varsündi, (As.
tisarkva, (M.); drabarkva, (M. 7) Tch.); breshino, (Hun. Gip.); brěshond, READY,- Gåta, (M.) brčahěn, (M.); brushindo, burshin, (Pep. REABON-Gěndu, (M.) M.) ; brishin, (M.)
Reckon, to-Gingva, (Eng.) RAINS, it-Déla, (Pep. M.)
RECKONING --Ginnipen, (Eng.); náměr, nímero, RAINY,Brisheneskey, (Eng.); brishindéskoro,
numero, s&ma, (M.) (Tch.)
RED,Lollo, lullo, (Eng.); lolô, (Tch.); lohori, RAIBE, to -Tardava, tardrava, (Eng.); låzdiva,
lohri, (As. Tch.); lolo, (M., M. 8., Pep M., (Tch., M. 8)
Red, to become, Lolioviva, (Tch.); lol'ováva, (M.) RAISED, to be --Lazdiniovava, (Toh.)
RED CLOAK,-Lolli plaishta, (Eng.) RAISIN, -Porik, (Tch., Psp. M.); chamik, (Tch.) RED HERRING,Lollo matcho, (Eng.)
MISCELLANEA. SRIPATHA, THE ANCIENT
DR. PETERSON'S EDITION OF THE SANSKRIT NAME OF BYANA.
SUBHASHITAVALI OF VALLABHADEVA. I have published (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 8ff.) two
I came across this book a short time ago at a epigraphical instances in which the ancient Sang- friend's house and looked into it because, though krit name of Byånd, the chief town of the not myself a Sanskrit scholar, I take sufficient Byana Tahsil or Sub-Division of the Bharatpur
interest in the subject to be able to read with State in Rajputana, is given as Sripatha.
pleasure, and I trust, with profit, prefaces of and A third instance is now available in another introductions to such works as this. Byaua inscription, of which General Cunningham
In the present instance the Preface consists of has given a lithograph in Archeol. Surv. Ind.
pp. i. to ix. Pages i. and ii. on which the learned Vol. xx. Pl. Ivii. No. 2 (see also id. p. 65), and Professor describes how he has compiled and colwhich commences
lated the present work, and how he acquired his Om 11 Siddhiḥ 11 Samvat 1503 varshê Ashadha coadjutor, are interesting. But from this point va di 9. Sanau dinê éri-SripathAy&, &c.
onward there is much in respect of which he has I notice that, at page 61 of the same volume,
laid himself open to serious misapprehension, not General Cunningham gives the ancient name of to say blame. the town as Pathayâmpuri, and adds—"This
On p. iii. he joins issue with Fitz-Edward Hall as "I believe to have been the original name of the
to the proper estimate to be formed of Subandhu "place, and also of the present name of Bayana.
and "bis fellow Asiatics," and concludes with the "For, by the simple elision of the th, Payampuri,
following appeal :-"It is enough to ask the " or Bayanpur, might easily be shortened to reader if he finds it difficult to recognize, in the Bayana.” It seems sufficient to add here that no verses that follow, the touch of nature.” Here such name as Pathayâmpuri ever existed; it is follow a considerable number of passages selected simply a mistake originating in a total misunder
from the extracts forming this volume, which are standing of the locative case brf-Srpatháydri,
ingeniously compared with passages taken from puri," at the glorious city of Sripath," in line
works in other languages. 6 of the ByAna inscription edited by me (ante,
Now, whatever may be the advantage, and I Vol. XIV. p. 10.)
personally can see none, of seeking identio phrases J. F. FLEET.
in works of authors separated in time by many 23rd March 1886.
years and in distance by many thousands of miles,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1886.
it must, I think, be admitted that mere identity of form does not predicate identity of essence. If, however, Professor Peterson, or any one else, derives either profit or pleasure from wandering through such a literary puzzledom, he is fully entitled to enjoy his fancy, so long as he does so in private, or, in public, confines himself to profane authors.
But, in the name of Christianity and of good taste, I feel bound to protest most strongly against the use, for such purposes, of passages taken from the Bible.
My friend gave me literal translations of several of the passages referred to on pp. vi. to ir, of the Preface, and it is certainly only by & considerable stretch of the imagination that Dr. Peterson's etherealized adaptations can be found in the Sanskrit originals.
To two passages I would particularly invite attention. In No. 3487, on p. vii., in the bald words "Worship to Siva," Dr. Peterson finds a prototype for the opening petition of our Lord's Prayer. I would merely ask him, Does he consider such a comparison to be in accordance with propriety and good taste P Can he find any real point of similarity between the purely heathen Siva of Hindu mythology, and the Almighty Father of our Christian Religion P No. 3509, on p. viii. is another glaring instance of bad taste. It is a complete puzzle to me how any one can possibly identify the mythical nectar of the Hindus with the Water of Life, promised by Our Saviour, and Bò can find, in the rest of the verse, any analogy to the sublime scene between the dying Christ and the penitent thief.
Possibly such comparisons might be necessary,
and even interesting, in a work in which the dogmas of Hinduism are compared with the theology of Christianity. But, in a book which is destined to be a mere text-book for immature schoolboys and irreverent undergraduates, it would have been in better taste had Professor Peterson sought for his analogous passages elsewhere than in the sacred writings of the Christian religion.
It is often charged against us foreigners in India, that we do too little to impress the Natives with any idea that we really believe in the Christian religion. This negative charge is too often well sustained. But I would ask, Is it necessary to add to our sin of omission that of commission
This work is brought out under the auspices and at the expense of Government. Does our Government, which is nominally a Obristian one, exercise any censorship over its educational publications P Does it do anything to prevent our English Bible from being debased into a common school primer, and thereby becoming "a byword among the heathen, a shaking of the head among the people P" When works, with Prefaces of this nature, are issued under official sanction, it is surely time that Government should intervene.
Dr. Peterson will, I trust, not be altogether displeased that he has "drawn a critic's fire" on this part of his work. But, as one who enter. tains a great admiration for his high abilities, I would ask him in the name of good taste, it on no higher grounds, to cancel pp. vi. to ix. and illustration No. 1039 of his Preface in all future editions, of which I hope there may be many.
G. M. C. 20th May 1886.
BOOK NOTICES. THE SUBHABHITAVALI of VALLABEADEYA. Bombay Later on, the MSS. which I had acquired were Sanskrit Series; No. 30. Edited by Professor PETER
sent to Professor Aufrecht, who in an article PETERSON, B.A., and Pandit DURGAPRASADA, Son of Pandit Vajralala. Bombay: Education Society's l on the work, published in Professor Weber's Prese. 1886. Svo. Pp. ix., 141, 623, and 104.
Indische Studien, corrected my mistake concernThe thirtieth number of the Bombay Sanskrit ing its author, and gave some extracts from it. Series brings, in the edition of Vallabhadeva's In the course of his search for Sanskrit MSS. Subhashitdvali and its accompanimente, most | Dr. Peterson found two more and, it would seem, important contributions to the history of classical better copies. He has now given us, in conjunction Sanskrit poetry. When I first found this work with Pandit Durgaprasada of Jaipur, an edition in Kasmir, which through a mistaken confidence which certainly will be most useful, nay indispens. in some interpolated passages I attributed to able, to every Sanskritist, both for the critioal Srivara, it struck me at once that a book had restoration of many classioal texts and for the come to light which it explored by 4 competent study of the history of classical poetry. hand, would yield results as interesting for the The text of Vallabha's Anthology is made student of classical Sanskrit as those gained by up of 3527 quotations, culled from the compo. Professor Aufrecht from Sarngadhara's extensive sitions of between three and four hundred different Paddhati. Want of leisure prevented me, however, poets. The Editors have not only duly numbered from doing more than expressing this view. I each verse, but have added an alphabetical list

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AUGUST, 1886.)
BOOK NOTICES.
241
of the Pratikas or opening words of the extracts, will greatly help to solve the difficulties, which and valuable critical and explanatory notes. The the agreement of the end of Kumaradasa's verse names of the authors have been arranged alpha- with the quotation in the Mahabhdshya has betically in the Introduction; and under each raised. This solution, I think, will not confirm the name the Pratikas of the verses, marked with it, suspicions, expressed by Dr. Peterson and others, have been shown once more. A good deal of against the antiquity of the Mahabhdshya. interesting information has been added from Eventually, I believe, we shall find that other sources, especially from various articles by Kumfradása is not quoted by Pataljali, but Professor Aufrecht, published in the Journal of that he has taken the fourth pada of his verse the German Oriental Society.
from the Bhashya and has treated it like a This list of poets shews that Vallabhadeva, samasyå. who was a Kasmirian, has chiefly drawn on the
The list of Kshêmêndra's works (p. 27-28) literature of his native country and of the
requires some additions; see S. Lévy, Journal northern half of India. Some famous southern
Asiatique, Nov.-Dec. 1885, p. 309. poets, such as Dandin, are neglected, probably Under Påņini, the editors give a résumé of all because their works were as little 'known to that is known as yet regarding the poet Paņini, Vallabhadeva as to his countrymen of the present and a recapitulation of the argumente tending to day. More curious is the omission of the great prove his identity with the grammaria Paramara Bhôja of Dhara, whose less famous can be no doubt that the later Hindus have descendant, Arjunadôva (Intr. p. 5), has received believed in this identity. I cannot say that I consideration. The list also shows, as the Editors am prepared to assert that they must be wrong.
pint out (Intr. p. 114), that the author of the I see nothing unreasonable in Dr. Peterson's Subhdshitdvali cannot be placed earlier than in supposition that Panini may have ved, in the first half of the fifteenth century A.D. For obedience to the usage of the poets of his day, he quotes Jônaråja, the author of the Rajavali,
grammatical forms which his grammar sanctions and contemporary of Zainulkbuddin of Kasmir.
"chhandasi." Nor can I believe that, if the Want of space makes it impossible for me to grammarian Pånini did write a Kavya, he must.. notice all the numerous interesting and important for that reason, be supposed to have lived in the points contained in the Introduction. But I fourth or fifth Century A.D. The Kavya literature, cannot refrain from calling attention to come and the rules of the Alankarasastra, are, in my among them as well as to some passages where I opinion, much older than is commonly asserted. differ from the Editors. Under Kaliddsa-Maghau One of the points, hitherto left out of considera(p. 23) the Editors express the opinion that this tion, is the character of some old inscriptions. signature, which is appended to verse 3380, goes The description of king Satakarni in the great to show that a Kalidasa and Magha wrote at least Násik inscription (Archosol. Sure. West. Ind. one joint poem. Without wishing to dispute the Vol. IV. p. 108, No. 18) reads very much like a possibility of this interpretation, I cannot but passage from B&ņa. It evidently has been compoint out that the signature may have a very posed by a man acquainted with the rules of the different meaning. It may indicate nothing more
Alakaraśkstra, and with a literature based on it. than that the same verse occurred in otherwise Yet this document belongs, according to those independent compositions of a Kálidasa and of who place it latest, to the first half of the second Macha. Plagiarism is not unknown in India. century A.D.; in my opinion, to the beginning In legal literature phrases analogous to the above of the first. Considering all things, I am insignature, such as atrdpi Mann-Devalar or clined to say regarding the Panini question, with atha Manu-Vasishthau, refer to identical verses
Dr. Peterson,-"Let us then wait." in the separate Smsitis of Manu, Dévala and
R&jaśêkhara, the dramatist (pp. 100-103), is now Vasishtha, while atha Sankha-Likhitau indicates
pushed back to the middle of the eighth the reputed joint composition of the two sages century A.D. One of the arguments put for. named.
ward by the Editors I would no longer use. I Under Kumaradása (p. 25), we have besides the think that it is hazardous to maintain the verse from the Auchityavichdrachdrchd, which identity of Kshfrasvåmin, the Commentator of contains the påda quoted in the Mahabhtshya, the Amaraksaha, with Kshira, the teacher of the very interesting information, attributed to a
Jay&pida (not Jayasimha, as the Editors say). If Rajabokhara, that Kumaradasa wrote a poem the second argument, the statement that king entitled Janakharana, after the composition of Mahendrapala who was reigning in 761, was (KAlidasa's) Raghuvansa. This new information Rajasekhara's pupil, is based on the data of the is, I think, extremely important. It probably Dighwa-Dubault Plate published by Mr. Fleet

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1886.
(ante, Vol. XV. p. 107), I think that it requires THE SACRED KURRAL OF TIRUVALLUVAR NARAYANAR, further corroboration. A Mahêndrapla may
by the Rev. G. U. POPE, D.D. London: Allen & Co. have reigned at Kananj in 761 A. D.; but it has
One of the most interesting works on things not beon shown that this king was Rajasekhara's Indian is about to be produced by W. H. Allen Nirbhaya-Mahendrapala, the father of Mahipala. & Co., the well-known firm of oriental publishers, According to the inscription the sons of Mahen- from the pen of Dr. Pope, already so favourably drapala were Bhöja II. and Vinayakapala.
known for his studies in the Tamil language. The With respect to Radrata and Ruyyaka Prof. Kurra! is not only the first work in its own Pichel's new publication “Rudrata's Sringarati language, but, as "one of the highest and purest laka and Ruyyaka's Sahridayallla" must be com.
expressions of human thought," has also an interest pared. Dr. Peterson gains one victory over far beyond the ten millions of speakers of Tamil. me. Ruyyaka was certainly also called Ruchaka, a It is therefore an event of some importance when point which I doubted in my view of his Second a scholar entitled to speak with such authority as Report.
Dr. Pope undertakes to bring it once more before In conclusion, I must add that the volume has
the European public. been most appropriately dedicated to Professor
The form in which it is to be given is that of a Aufrecht, who has first shown the great import..
carefully revised text, accompanied with a metrical ance of the Sanskrit Anthologies. I must also
version in English, a grammatical excursus, and a express the wish that future numbers of the complete Lexicon and Concordance. In order also Bombay Sanskrit Series may bring equally
to make the work as valuable as possible, the handy editions of some of the other unprinted
Latin version of Beschi and the renderings of Anthologies.
Ellis are to be added. On the whole, the form of G. BÜHLER. the book is somewhat didactic, and it is indeed an
introduction to the poetical dialect of Tamil. But I had myself drafted a notice of the above.
the versified renderings of the original couplets will mentioned book, but have very gladly substituted
make it a book that the student of Indian thought the one received from Dr. Bühler. In doing so, will do well to study on that account alone. I would however, there is one feature in the book, not
suggest the separate publication of the translatouched upon by him, as to which I feel myself
tion as a work of pure literature and one of no bound to make some remarks.
small interest withal. In its present form the book I refer to the nature of the Preface. It is un
is one rather for the scholar than the general necessary for me to say much, as I have given
reader. insertion above to a letter which shows how the
A work like this has, of course, been a long while inatter strikes an independent observer. But I
on the stocks, and specimens of its style were will add, that I agree emphatically with what the
published in this Journal as long ago as 1878-81 writer of that letter has said, and consider it a
(Vols. VII. to X.): but it must be understood matter for, to say the least, extreme regret, that
that it will now be published in a far completer the Scriptural comparisons referred to should
form than in those early specimens. have been introduced. If the similarities that are
It is characteristic of an Indian book that it presented could be shewn to exist in reality,
should be without date and anonymous, and the I mean apart from the glamour that is thrown
Kurral of Tiruvalluvar is no exception to the rule. over the Sanskrit texts by Dr. Peterson's poetical It is in fact nam
It is in fact nameless as well as anonymous, for imagination and skill in free translation, they | Kurral really means nothing but 'couplet, and might form an interesting topio for treatment Tiruvalluvar is a mere title of the priestly teachers in a separate special paper or pamphlet. But,
of the lowly Parrayas (Pariahs) of Madras. Of in a book like this, which is not concerned
the author nothing is really known except that he in the most remote degree with the subject of
was a weaver and lived at MayilApur, that suburb Comparative Religion, and is only an ordinary of Madras Town renowned throughout the educational text-book that will be used principally Christian world as S. Thomé, one of the earliest in Hindu Schools and Colleges, they are entirely l rites of Christianity in India. From this ancient out of place, and should not have been introduced. Christian village came one of the grandeat pro. It is to be hoped that in future editions they will ductions of man's brain, much of which bears 60 be expunged, both from the Preface and from
strong a resemblance in thought to the Sermon on the Notes (nee, for instance, the Notes to Extracts |
the Mount. It has accordingly been argued era 17, 22, and 225.)
this, with much show of probability, that the teachJ. F. FLEET.
ing of the Gospel influenced the nameless weaver 12th June 1886.
of MayilApur. I would; however, deprecate too

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BOOK NOTICES.
AUGUST, 1886.]
much stress being laid on this fact, and I perhaps sufficiently indicate my reasons by drawing attention to the Buddhist Khuddaka-Patha, which so clearly reflects the same doctrines.
The Kurral is divided into three books, Virtue, Wealth, and Love; and these again, leaving out the introduction, into 8 sections and 129 sub-divisions, embracing really in a series of short stanzas the whole ethics of the daily life, not of any particular race or people, but of mankind generally; though in a truly Indian fashion the last book does not treat of love' in a spiritual sense, but as kama, i.e. sensual love. In its own land the Kurral owes its popularity as much to the beauty of its versification as to its morality, but it is its breadth of view and its speaking to the heart of man that must make it a favourite with the world at large; and it is undoubtedly these qualities which have made all sects of Hindus in Madras claim the author as their own, just as Hindu and Muhammadan in Northern India alike claimed that other great eclectic weaver, the medieval reformer, Kabir, feeling that he spoke not to any sect, not to any form of religion even, but to the whole of mankind. As regards the Kurral it has so sunk into the hearts of the Tamil people, and so captivated their fancy, that, though composed so long ago (say between 800 and 1000 A.D.), they have preserved it almost intact, repeating it with an infinite variety of commentary indeed, but with a nearly identical textual reading. In this respect it affords a great contrast to the great popular ethical poem of the North, for the Kabir-Sagars vary as the editions.
Ellipsis rules over Tamil poetry, and to such an extent is this the case that the poetical dialect is a thing apart in the language. To this dialect as exhibited in the pure unadulterated diction of the Kurral, a complete introduction is to be given in the grammatical remarks, vocabulary and concordance which Dr. Pope will attach to his version. In better hands this part of the subject could not be left.
B. C. TEMPLE.
A COMPENDIUM OF THE CABTES AND TRIBES found in India, By E. J. KITTS, B.C.S. Bombay: Education Society's Press.
This work covers the whole of India, for it includes the important item of the Native States, and the information contained in it is of the latest, being based on the Census of 1881.
In his introduction to this very useful and clear compilation, the author rightly says that "the subject as a whole has indeed been a mighty maze without a plan," and in the six sets of tables, which comprise his Compendium, he
243
has endeavoured to supply a bird's-eye view of the entire system of the Castes and Tribes of India, so far as strength and distribution are concerned.
Difficulties, however, soon met him as he proceeded with his task, for the completeness of the various Census Returns in this respect differ enormously. For instance, in Madras minuteness was overdone, while in the North-West Provinces whole castes were omitted from the category. Identification, too, can have been no slight task, what with variations in the matter of transliteration and indeed of actual vernacular spelling and pronunciation of caste names, and the ignorance of compiling clerks and census enumerators, which made havoc' with many names. Then again, castes which have wandered have found separate appellations in many places, leading to a host of synonyms by no means easy of detection. The sub-division of castes, too, is a hard nut to crack, and far from being free from controversy, however conscientiously it is tackled.
6
An enumeration of Mr. Kitts' "Lists" will best show how he has endeavoured to bring out the main facts of the Indian castes as evidenced by numbers and collocation. List I. contains the important castes-i.e. those that number 1,000 and upwards or which are found in more than one Province or Native State. List II. contains the small castes, and includes those best to be described as the converse of those entered in List I. List III. shows the synonyms and sub-divisions of the large castes, and List IV. gives them in the order of numerical strength. List V. gives the oecupations of the great castes. And List VI. is very important as showing all those that number over 100,000 and their strength whenever they exceed 25,000 in any district, and also as showing the percentage of each caste in any district where it forms more than 10 per cent. of the total popula. tion.
It will be seen that these lists are valuable, not only to the ethnological investigator, but also to the politician, if such a term can be applied to those who, in India, have the government of the country in their hands.
Three indices are supplied, (i) to Lists I., II. and III.; (ii) to Lists IV. and V.; and (iii) to List VI. and the Lists themselves are so printed as to bring out the facts they refer to as clearly as possible. On the whole, we have no hesitation in saying that Mr. Kitts is to be heartily congratulated in having produced a work which will be of material benefit to all persons interested in the Ethnography of India, and which has materially advanced that study.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1886.
Co.
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS, by E. H. MAN, Abaistant VEDACH RESTOMATHIE. Herausgegeben und mit einem
Superintendent, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Glossar versehen von A. HILLEBRANDr. Berlin, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., etc. London, Trübner & 1885.
In the German Universities where Sanskrit is The Andaman Islanders are to be congratulated
mainly studied for general philological purposes, on having so indefatigable and capable an officer
more attention is paid to the Vedic language than as Mr. Man placed over them. In this work he to that of the later classical and post-classical has indeed insured them a place in the list of literature: and several exclusively Vedic chrestonationalities, a kind office they are badly in want mathies have of late appeared, to be used as of, for these poor naked savages are, as is the
text-books at the professional lectures. Delbrück fate of all such, fast disappearing from off the face
led the way in 1874: the texts selected by him of the carth before the march of European civili.
(from the Rigveda only) are accompanied by footsation.
notes and a glossary. Professor Windisch brought There is a special interest attaching to the
out, in 1883, twelve Rigveda hymns with Sayana's Andamanese. They are a race of coal black
commentary and a glossary to it, with a view to pigmies, with woolly hair, consisting of nine tribes
familiarizing the student with the Hindu system closely allied ethnologically and speaking nine
of interpreting the Veda. Anyone who has languages, differing altogether from each other
grappled with the peculiar difficulties which the as such, but of an obviously common origin method and diction of the commentators present philologically speaking. Ethnologically they have,
to the learner, will be able to appreciate the services like all true' races,' peculiarities of physical struc
rendered by the Professor as a guide on that ture proper to themselves, and philologically their
rugged path. The most recent manual is the language is a special one, showing relationship to
Vedachrestomathie by Professor A. Hillebrandt, no other. They thus stand apart in the world, as
of Breslau, which gives not only 39 hymns, or it were, and form to the anthropologist a subject portions of hymns, of the Rigveda, but also of extraordinary interest.
twelve taken from the Atharvavéda, passages from Mr. Man's work is an exhaustive study of these
the Satapatha and Aitaréya-Brahmanas, and a tribes conducted with scientific accuracy of in.
chapter from the Chandogya-Upanishad, with the quiry and systematic care. It ranges over the
necessary complement of a full glossary. The whole subject of ethnological research, and con
editor, who has for many years almost exclusively sists of a series of notes on nearly every conceiv
been engaged on Vedic research, and is now able point that can be studied with a view to a
bringing out in the Bibliotheca Indica, an edition proper understanding of a savage race. It is
of the Sankhayana-Srautasutra, has already made divided into three parte, which may be roughly his mark by several valuable monographs on said to deal with the development of the Andama
Vedic mythology and ritual (on the goddess nese physically, mentally and socially. The work
Aditi, 1876; on Varuna and Mitra, 1877; on the for easy cross reference is divided off into
new and full moon sacrifices of the ancient paragraphs, but the index refers to the pages, and
Hindus, 1880). We hope to meet him again in a it is accompanied by many plates, mostly per
field of Indian scholarship which he has been manent reproductions of Mr. Man's own photo
cultivating with such zeal and signal success. graphs. It is further enriched by a Report of Researches into the Language of the South
SEVEN GRAMMARS OF THE DIALECTS and SUBDIALECTS Andaman Islande, taken as a model of the whole
OF THE BIHART LANGUAGE. Part V. the South group, by Mr. A.J. Ellis, F.R.S., late President of
Maithili Dialect. By G.A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. the Philological Society, in which its peculiarities Calcutta; Secretariat Prose. are well exhibited. These are that the opposite The first four of these Grammars were reviewed principles of suffixed and prefixed grammatical at length in our last volume by Mr. Beames, and affixes are both in full use,-a phenomenon it is sufficient now to welcome the issue of the apparently confined to this group --and the ex- fifth. The South Maithili Dialect comprises the pression of pronominal adjectives by prefixes, speech about South Darbhanga, North Mungêr and a principle nowhere else so fully developed. the Madhepura Sub-Division of Bhagalpur. The Otherwise the language is agglutinative, following grammar before us is compiled with the same the principles common to that class.
minuteness and the same care that has so disThe above is but an imperfect sketch of this tinguished its predecessors. The language differs remarkable work, which is not only a model of from that of Northern Maithilf by its more flexible anthropological research, but also of unusual form and more convenient phonetic develop interest.
ment.

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.]
THE HISTORY AND DATE OF MIHIRAKULA.
THE HISTORY AND DATE OF MIHIRAKULA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
ONE
NE of the most important dates in early | Tôramâna. And, though when, in January Indian history, is that of king Mihira- 1884, I first saw the original stone, I recogniskula, the son of the well-known Tôramina of ed at once that it contained the name of the inscription on the Boar at Eran in the Central Mihirakula, and not simply a reference to Provinces. The importance of it is two-fold. the solar race,-I took it to be a secondary In the first place, as it is a generally accepted title of Pasupati, a king whose existence is fact that he was a persecutor of the Buddhists proved by his copper coins, which are found at the time when the patriarch Simba was in the country round Gaya and Benares, and even killed, his date should give us a very satisfac- up to Narwar' and Gwalior, and which bear tory means of testing the accuracy of the his name in characters of just the same type as Chinese accounts of that period. And in the those of the Gwalior inscription. Relying to a second place, as, after his Indian career, he great extent upon the apparently safe deducbecame king of Kasmir, it should give us also tion from the Chinese records, that the patria very safe starting-point for the adjustment, arch Simha was killed A.D. 472, in the time backwards and forwards, of the chronology of of Mihirakula,-my theory was, that Mihirathe early kings of that country, as recorded in kula overthrew the Early Gupta kings; that the Rajatarangini. Tôramâna came in his train, and subsequently, on the overthrow of Mihirakula, established his own power; and that his son was Pasupati, who was also named Mihirakula in memory of his father's former sovereign. And it was only in the course of writing the present paper that I came to see that the Chinese record cannot be interpreted as giving the date of A.D. 472 for the death of Simha, or is incorrect, if it gives that date, and if his death really did occur in the time of Mihirakula; and that Tôramâna, so far from being a mere follower, was the father and predecessor of the great Mihirakula himself. This will explain the double-struck coins, published by Dr. Hoernle in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIV. Part I. Proceedings, p. 4 ff. The Toramana of these coins must be the father of Mihirakula, not, as was thought at the discussion of them, the later Toramana of Kasmir'; and I feel sure that a re-examination of these coins will shew that in every case the name and emblems of Mihirakula lie over those of Tôramâņa.
Setting aside this unrecognised epigraphical record, and another of quite recent discovery that I shall notice below, Mihirakula's
Until a recent discovery was made, his name, so far as epigraphical records go, was preserved for us only in the Gwalior inscription, discovered by General Cunningham,' which, after the mention of Tôramâna in line 2f., proceeds
Tasy-ôdita-kula-kirttel
patel-sala-vikramal pati prithvykḥ Mihirakul-êti-khyâtô=
bhango yah Pasupatim --|| "Of him, the fame of whose family has risen high, the son (is) he, of unequalled prowess, the lord of the earth; who is renowned under the name of Mihirakula, (and) who, (himself) unbroken, [broke the power of] Pasupati." Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, who originally edited this inscription, had read the verse somewhat differently, and translated"Unto him, of the renowned race, was born a son of unrivalled prowess, named Pasupati, the lord of the earth, and the most distinguished of the solar race." This, which has remained the standard reading and translation up to the present time, led to the inscription being always quoted as one of Pasupati, the son of
245
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. No. 36,
Plate xxiiiB. I am unable to supply the damaged aksharas after paupatim; but it is flain that they contain an antithesis to (a)bhangaḥ, without breaking; unbroken."' 3 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXX. p. 267ff.
"
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIV. p. 115ff.; and Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 96.
vis. from the Fa-fa-ten-yin-yuen-chin (No. 1340 in Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripita
ka; Clarendon Press, Oxford) translated by Chi-chi-ye, together with Thân-yo, A.D. 472, of the Northern Wei dynasty, A.D. 396-584. It is a history of the succession of twenty-three patriarchs, from Maha-Kasyapa to the Bhikshu Simha, with whose name it ends.-I do not know how the year A.D. 472 is fixed, and whether this book mentions the death of Simha. But the possible period of its translation seems to run down to A.D. 534, which is exactly what is wanted if Simha was slain by Mihirakula.

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name was known to us only in its transliterated form of Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo, and in its translation, Ta-tso, in the writings of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang; and, apparently, as Mi-lo-kieu, a mutilation of the full transliterated form, in the notes of Hwai Wuh Tai-Sse on Wong Pu's Memorials of Sakya-Buddha Tathagata.
The connection of Mihirakula with the death of Simha, Simhalaputra, or Aryasimha, who was according to some accounts the twentythird Patriarch, and according to others the twenty-fourth, in succession after (and exclusive of) Sakya-Buddha,-rests upon Hwui Wah Tai-See's notes or commentary on the 179th paragraph of the Memorials of SákyaBuddha Tathagata, the text of which was written by Wong Pu about the middle of the seventh century A.D. Mr. Beal tells me that Simha's name in Chinese is Sz-tsz; and that this is not a phonetic representation of some such name as "Sitsi," as he originally understood it, but a literal translation of the Sanskrit simha, 'a lion.' Substituting Sz-tsz and Simha for the original Sse-tsen and Sitsi of Mr. Beal's translation, we read"-"179. The end almost was the appearance of the flowing blood (milk.)-Notes. In the order of transmitting the law in India, the twenty-fourth patriarch was the venerable Sz-tez (Simha). He was dwelling in Ki-pan-kwo (Kipan, according to Rémusat is Kandahar" [Gandhara, or Gândhara]. "Knowing the calamities which impended, and from which he could not escape, he delivered the garment and the gáthá to his disciple Po-sa-to Ayushmat (Bashiasita), and said, I know there are calamities impending. You must, therefore, go to another coun
This, however, is a mis-translation (see Beal in Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. P 167, note 6); since the Chinese editor explains it by great tribe or family," which represents a Sanskrit mahakula; whereas the first component of the name, mihira, means the sun.-Hiuen Tsiang must in some way, or other have confused mihr (mihira) with mir, emperor, prince, lord, governor, chief, leader; head of a family. Jour. R. As. Soc., F. S., Vol. XX. p. 203f.
"If the expression used refers to the whiteness of the river Sveti or Subhavastu (the white river), then the text would be "the appearance of the river," ferring to its rising a foot, owing to the massacres. Vid. the commentary, and Jul. II. 197." Sabha vastu is not, as far as I can find, a dictionary or Parigio word. But it is accepted as the name that is intended by Hiuen Tsiang's transliteration Su-p'o-fa-su-tu; and it is identified with the Vêdic Svéti and the modern Swat river (e.g. Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. pp. 120, and note 4, 122 and note 12, and 126, note 24.)J. F. F.]
[SEPTEMBER, 1886.
try to practise renovation (or, to undergo transmutation; i.e. to die.)' After this, the heretics increasing in power by flattering the king Mi-lo-kieu (? for Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo, i.e. Mihirakula), the kings lost the true faith, overturned the law, destroyed the temples, and murdered Sz-tsz (Simba). The waves of the Peh-ü' (the Svêti, or Subhavastu) rose several feet, owing to the massacres of people. This was the end of the transmission of the law in that country."
Hiuen Taiang's account of Mihirakula is given in connection with his notice of the ancient town of Sakala" (She-kie-lo), fourteen or fifteen li to the south-west of the capital of the kingdom of Takka (Tseh-kia), which bordered, to the east, on the river Vipasa (Pi po-che), the modern Biyas, and, to the west, on the river Sindha (Sin-tu), the modern Indus. It is, in brief, as follows:10
Some centuries" before the period (A. D. 629-45) when Hiuen Tsiang was on his Indian travels, there was a king named Mihirakula (Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo), who established his authority in the town of Sakala, and ruled over India. He desired, in his leisure moments, to study the law of Buddha. But, becoming enraged with the Buddhist priests, because they appointed, instead of one of themselves, a mere household servant to enlighten him, he issued an edict to destroy all the priests throughout the five Indies; to overthrow the law of Buddha; and to leave nothing connected with it remaining. At this time there was a king of Magadha (Mo-kie-t'o) named Baladitya (P'o-lo-'o-t'ie-to; explained by Yeou-jih"), who profoundly honoured the law of Buddha. Hear
Identified by Gen. Cunningham (Anc. Geogr. Ind. Vol. I. p. 179 with the modern Sangalawalfiibba in the Panjab, in the Jhang' District, and on the borders af Gujranwala.' It is the Sangla Hill, G. T. S.,' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 30; Lat. 31° 42' N., Long. 73, 26 E.; about forty-four miles west by north of Lahor.The word tibbd means a rising ground, a height.'
10 Beal's Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. p. 160m., and Stanislas Julien's Hiouen Theang, Vol. II. p. 190.
11 So also Julien-" Plusieurs centaines d'années avant l'époque actuelle."-There must, however, be some mistake here, either by Hinen Tsiang, or by his translators. I would suggest that his original text perhape has "more than a century."
The transliterated form of his name occurs only here; throughout the rest of the narrative the transla tion, Ta-tag, is used.
13 lit. the young son, or the rising sun.'-The transliterated form of his name occurs only here; throughout the rest of the narrative, the translation, Yeou-jih, is used.

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ing of the cruel persecution and atrocities self in the kingdom. Mihirakula, having of Mihirakula, he strictly guarded the frontiers thus lost his royal estate, concealed himself of his kingdom, and refused to pay tribute, in the isles and deserts, and finally went Mihira kula raised an army to punish his northwards to Kasmir (Kia-shi-mi-lo), and rebellion. And then Bâlâditya, knowing sought an asylum there. The king of Kasmir his renown, and thinking that he himself received him with honour, and, in pity, gavo could not withstand him, wandered with large him a small territory and a town to govern. numbers of his followers through the mountains But, after some years, Mihirakula stirred and deserts, and hid himself in some islands." up the people to rebellion, and placed himself Mihira kula committed his army to his on the throne. After this, Mihirakula younger brother, and himself embarked" to go made an expedition to the west, against the to attack Baláditya. But he and his troops kingdom of Gandhara (Kien-to-lo). He were caught and surrounded in the narrow took the king in ambush and killed him; passes; and Mihirakula was captured alive, exterminated the royal family and the chief taken into the presence of Baladity, and minister; overthrew the stúpas and destroyed condemned to death for his crimes Bild
the saighdrámas; and slew large numbers of ditya's mother, who was of wide celebrity on the people by the side of the river Sindhu account of her vigorous intellect and her skill (Sin-tu). Then he took the wealth of the coun- in casting horoscopes, expressed a wish to see try that he had destroyed, assembled his troops, Mihirakula once before his death, as she had and returned. But before the year was out he heard that he was of remarkable beauty and died; and, at the time of his death, there was vast wisdom. Mihira kula was brought thunder and hail and a thick darkness, and the into her presence, and, after some persuasion, earth shook, and a mighty tempest raged: And was induced to uncover his face, which, the holy saints said, in pity, -"For having daring his interview with BalAditya, he had killed countless victims and overthrown the steadfastly kept hidden ander his robe. On law of Buddha, he has now fallen into the beholding his face, the king's mother said lowest hell, where he shall pass endless ages “My son is well-favoured; he will die after his
of revolution." years are accomplished...... I gather from
The Rájatarangim (i.; Calcutta edition, lines his air that he will be the king of a small 291 to 329; French edition, verses 289 to 326) country; let himh rule over some small kingdom takes up bis history from the time when he in the north." Eventually BalAditys,- became king of Kasmir, and gives an moved by his mother's words, and her repre- emphatic account of his cruelty and evil deeds. sentation that it was right to forgive crime Except, however, for the hint unconsciously and to love to give life, and that, if he slew given in the mention of the invasion by the Mihirakula, for twelve years he would have the Mêchchhas, it treats him as a native hereditary sight of his pale face before him,- pardoned king of the country. Thus, after HiranMihirakula, gave him in marriage to a young yaksha' (line 289), there came his son maiden, and treated him with extreme courtesy. Hiraaya kula, who reigned for sixty years Then Mihirakula assembled the troops he (1. 290); and after him, his son Mukula," had left, increased his escort, and departed whoreigned forthe same period. And then, when from the islands. Meanwhile, Mihirakula's the country was overrun by a Mlech chha younger brother, who had been left in command tribe, there came his son Mihirakula, who of the army when Mihirakula set out to attack was of cruel deeds and resembled Kale or Baladitya, had gone back and established him- Death (in destructiveness) (I. 291); in whom
1. Julien has simply "sur des fles" (Vol. II. p. 192), and, three lines further on "s'embarque pour aller at taquer," Beal gives respectively in the islands of the BOS" (Vol. I. p. 169), and "embarked on the sea," but without any remarks as to this important addition concerning the ma. It is dimcult to see how Mibirakula and BdAditya gan brave had anything to do with the ses And the text seems plainly to refer only to up-country islands of the Ganges, s.c. to part of the country intersected by several branches of the Ganges, or ter
bataries of it; specially , just before, BALAditya had announced lo intention of concealing himself "among the bushes of the morasse" ("au milieu des marais"). 1 Or "engaged himself," see the preceding note.
* In the mi atirarlıginaahgraha, hd is onlled simply Hiragya (Hirmy Athy3 mahijad). 11. In the Rijataranginteargraha, he is called Ysavw Michchhe-gandkird mandall
kula.

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the northern region possessed another Antakaagraháras to Brahmans of the Gandhára counor Death, thus rivalling the southern region, try, of Mlôchchha birth, Daradas, full of sin, the the regent of which is Antaka (1. 292); whose lowest of the twice-born, resembling himself in approach was always heralded by the flights character, who shamelessly cohabited with of vultures, crows, &c., that flew before him, their own sisters and daughters-in-law; who eager to devour those who were being slain by sold their wives for lucre; and whose women, his troops (1. 293); who was a very ghoul through being enjoyed by others than their of a king, surrounded day and night by lawful husbands, had become as shameless as thousands of slaughtered beings (1. 294): themselves (11. 309-313).- At length when he, and who had no' pity or respect for children & very Bhairava" incarnate, had reigned for or women or aged men (1.295).-One day seventy years, he became afflicted with much he noticed that the breasts of his queen, disease, and immolated himself in the flames ; who wore #muslin bodice from Simhala and a voice from the sky was heard to proor Ceylon, were marked with golden foot. claim that, though he had slain three crores of prints. Burning with wrath, he questioned people, yet he had attained final emanoipation, the chamberlain, and was told that, in the in consequence of the disregard that he had Sinhala country, it was customary to impress shewn for his own sufferings also (11. 314, 315). the material with the stamp of the king's foot. | -There are some people who consider that This explanation failed to appease him; and he made amends for his cruelty, by his gifts of he set out on a campaign as far as the agraháras, and similar deeds. And, even when southern ocean, and slew the king of Sinhala the country was overrun by the Darada priests, (11. 297-300).-Instead of him, he set up another Mléchchhas by birth, of impure rites, and all king, of cruel disposition; and he brought (the national) religion was destroyed, yet he away & woven cloth called yamushadéva, insured the maintenance of pious observances, stamped with an image of the sun (11. 296-301). And he firmly established the countries of the
-On his way baok, he overthrew the Chola, Aryas, and then performed a terrible penance, Karnata, Naba, and other kings, whose ruined ordaining, as expiation for his sins, the barncities announced their defeat to those who ing of himself; in accordance with which flocked into them on his departure (11. 302,303). he bestowed a thousand agrahdras at Vijayês
-As he canie to the "gate" of Kaśmir, he vara on Brahmans born in the Gândhára coun. heard the terrified cries of an elephant that had try, and then gave his body to the flames, fallen into a chasm; and the sounds gave him on a pyre which was a flat plank stadded such exquisite pleasure, that he caused a with razors, swords, and bows, and thus hundred other elephants to be wantonly de, atoned for all his cruelty (11. 316-321).-Others, stroyed in the same way (11. 304, 305).--"As however, say that he acted as he did in order the touch of the sinful defiles the body, so does to destroy the Khasas, who had become powera description of them defile the speech ; accord. fal when the city was burned by the Naga" ingly, all his other evil deeds are not detailed, (1. 322).-As a final instance of his cruelty, one lest they sbould pollute (the narrator)" (1. 306). day, when he was descending into the river _"But who can fully comprehend the be- Chandrakulya, his way was blocked by a large haviour of men whose minds are ancultivated, rock that could not be uprooted and removed. and who do unexpected deeds P; for even he Having performed penance, he was told by made an assumption of religion, for the sake the gods in a dream that a powerful Yakshas of acquiring merit" (1. 307). Thus, evil-minded dwelt in the rook, performing the austerities as he was, he installed the god Mihirêsvara" of a Brahman, and that the obstacle could at Srinagarl, and in Hol& he built & great be removed only by the touch of a chaste city named Mihirapura (1. 308); and he gave woman. Next day he declared his dream, and
Evidently form of Itrars or diva, combined with wife of Brahman named Visakha, and the daughter of the Sun.
the Naga Suíravas-how, failing in his attempts to • One of the most terrible and ordel forms of the god seduce her, he sought, also in vain, to compel her by Siva.
foroe to yield to his desires and how the Naga Sun The reference is to Rajatarangint, i. 247-268, re- krave took Vengeance for the insult, by burning down lating how Nara I., who built a city on the banks of the city and destroying the king in the conflagration. the Vitasta, beonme enamoured of Chandralekha, the

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had it put to the test; but no woman was in large numbers, in copper, from the neighbourfound who could prevail against the rock, until hood of Rawalpindi and from Kasmir, suffice to & potter's wife, named Chandravati, touched remove it. I have had the advantage of exait and displaced it. Whereapon, filled with mining those in General Cunningham's collecanger, he caused three crores of women to be tion, and I found them to give two varieties of slain, with their husbands and brothers and his name, Mihirakula, and Mihiragula; out of sons (IL. 323-328).-In short, he behaved al- twenty-two of the best specimens, ten gave the together in such a way, that it was only the termination as gula. What the termination power of the gods, who cansed him to do kul or gul may mean, I must leave Persian such things, that prevented his subjects from scholars to decide. But there can be no doubt rising of one accord and slaying him (1. 329).- that his name, as preserved by Hinen Tsiang, When at length he was destroyed, a cortain and in the Rájatararangini and the inscripson of his, named Vaka (1. 334), of good tions, is simply the Sansksitised form of a behaviour, was anointed king by the people. foreign word mihrkul, which, in the sense of a He, though born from one who had griey. certain kind of cotton cloth, actually does ously afflicted them, gave them happiness ; | occur in the Ain-i-Akbari. Further, on his and then religion returned, as if from the coins, his name as Mihirakula is coupled with other world, and security came back, as if the Hindu title Sri; whereas the other form, from exile in the depths of the forests Mihiragula, is coupled with the purely foreig (11. 330-333).
name or title of Shahi." And this not only In addition to the introduction of G & n- stamps him decisively as a foreigner, but also dhåra Brahmaņs into Kasmir, which is amply enables us to determine precisely the tribe to supported by Hinen Tsiang's account of the which he belonged. In the first place, this invasion of the Gândhâra country by Mihira- title directly connects him with Vâsudeva, kula, we have, in the above narrative of the who also used it in earlier times; e.g. in his Rajatarashgini, the reminiscence of two dis- inscription of the year 87. And Vasudeva, tinctly historical occurrences.-The first is again, is directly connected with Kanishka contained in the statement that Mihira and Huvishka by, amongst other things, his kula's accession to the throne of Kasmir use, in his inscription" of the year 44 (P), of was at a time when the country was overrun the title of Devapatra or Daivaputra, which by a Miêchchha or foreign tribe. Mihira is also used by Huvishka in his inscripkula's name itself is sufficient to shew that he tions" of the years 39 and 47. Mihirakula, was a foreigner, not a Hindu. I lay no stress and his father Tôramana, therefore, belonged upon the fact that the first component of it, to this same race, which, whether best mihira, the sun,' is a word imported into the and most properly known as Indo-Scythians, Sanskrit from a Persian source. But the Sakas, Hanas, Turushkas, Shahis, or Daiva. second component, kula, if taken as a Sang- putras,-had established themselves in the krit word in its meaning of a family,' makes Pañjab at an early date, and continued in up altogether a name, which, -though it might power down to at least the time of Samudra. be accepted as a perfectly good Sanskrit ap- gapta, as is evidenced by the record, in the pellation for a tribe, family, or dynasty, as AllahAbad pillar inscription, that in the north meaning "the family of the Sun, or of the he overthrow, amongst others, the Daivapatras, Mihiras," - is an impossible proper dame of an ShAhis, and ShAhånushAhis. And this explains individual." This is a point which, I think, why we find Sakala, in the Pañjáb, given by Hiuen must be clear to any one. But, if any doubt Tsiang as Mihirakula's capital. The statement, should be felt, Mihirakula's ooing, which come therefore, of the Rajataranging that Mihirakula's "And equally so the names of Hiranyakula and Muka.
coin of Hirawya, has to be applied to No. 8 of the coins la or Vasakula.
published by Dr. Hoernle in the Jour. Beng, Ae. Soc. #Blochmann's translation, Vol. I. pp. 95, 817.
Vol. LIV. Put I. p. 48. * Only the second syllable, hi, actually falls within Archwol. Suru. Ind. Vol. III. p. 86, and Pl. xv. the edges of the specimens examined by me. Bat other
No. 18. coins at the Kasmir series give the complete word shami,
* id. p. 82, and Pl. xv. No. 8. and leave no doubt that this was the title on the Mihir gula dies. The same explanation, and not that it is
1 !
91 id. pp. 89, 88, and Pl. ziv. Nos. 9 and 12.

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accession, to the throne of Kasmir took place his return, and drove them out. After him, at a time when the country was overrun by a concludes this narrative, his authority passed Mléchchha tribe, is historically correct; to his children, whom all the people of India though it embodies only half the trath, in obeyed.-All this account is reasonable enough. omitting to add that Mihirakula himself was And the reference of these incidents by the one of these Mléchehbas. And the invasion Rdjatarangini to an invasion and conquest of took place, of course, from the south, from Ceylon, is probably due to a real historical India itself, when, on his dismissal by Bála- invasion and attempted conquest of Sindh, ditya, Mihirakula sought to re-occupy his confusedly mixed ap, as Mr. Beal has suggested own throne, but found himself ousted by his to me, with the name of the patriarch Simha unnamed younger brother.
or Simhalapatra, who was slain in the religious The other historical reminiscence of the Raja- persecutions of the same period. tarangini is contained in the account of Mihi- A final point, worthy of note, in the narrarakula's invasion of Sinhala or Ceylon. As tive of the Rájatarangini, is the statement applied to Ceylon the story is not only impro- that, even when the national) religion was bable to a degree, but impossible. In the destroyed, Mihirakula insured the mainMujmalu't-Tawdrikh, however, exactly the tenance of pious observances, i.e. evidently
same story is told in connection with Mihirakula of those habitual to the country. This is conand king Hal' of Sindh, who allowed none of firmed and illustrated by other characteristics the fine fabrics made in his country to be export- of his coins, which shew clearly his religious ed, unless they bore the mark of the imprint of or sectarian tendencies, both foreign and his foot. When Mihirakula found his queen Hindu. Nine of the coins examined by me, wearing some of this stuff, he sent for the with the Sanskrit legend Sri-Mihirakula on the merchant from whom she had purchased obverse, have, as the principal symbol on the it, and, on ascertaining the particulars from reverse, a ball, the emblem of Siva and the him, took an oath to invade Sindh and Saiva worship; coupled in seven cases with to cut off the foot of king Hal.' In vain the legend Jayatu vrisha[ho], "victorious be his minister represented that Sindh was the bull." Another leading symbol of his the country of the Brahmaps, and that it coins is an eight-rayed sun or planet, usually would be impossible to triumph over it. with a periphery or circle round it; this apMihirakula would listen to no expostulations, pears on the obverse of three of the same set and set out with his army. King Hal,' find. of coins, and in two instances on the reverse, ing himself unable to resist, consulted his below the fore-feet of the bull. And a third Brahmaņs, who advised him to have an elephant leading symbol is the crescent moon, which made of clay or mud, and to place it at the ocours in eight instances on the same set on the head of his forces. The elephant was fashioned reverse, over the back of the bull. Also, two so that fire came out from it, and consumed coins of the same set, and one of the set that many of the soldiers in the vanguard of Mihira- has the Sanskritised foreign legend Shahi. kula's army. At length Mihira kula was Mihiragula, have on the obverse a standard, obliged to consent to terms of peace. But he the top of which is either the eight-rayed fulfilled his oath, by fashioning a waxen image sun, or a crescent moon, or perhaps a tribila, of king Hal,' and cutting off one of its feet. another emblem of the Saiva faith, Probably He then set out, at first embarking on the throughout his career Mihirakula adhered river Indus, and then, as the waters rose, f in person to his own national and hereditary marching along its banks, to return leisurely to solar worship; and indications of this are his own country, building temples, towns, and given in the Rájatarangini, in the god estacities, as he went. But, hearing that Kasmir blished by him at Vijayésvara, and the city had been attacked by his enemies, he hastened built by him in Holâ, both having names be
* Reinaud's Fragments Arabes et Persans, p. 424. I owe this referende, which I had overlooked, to the kindness of Dr. Bühler.-In this narrative, Mihirakula is not mentioned by name, but is only spoken of "the
king of Kasmir." There can be no doubt, however, that, as was recognised by M. Reinaud, it is thirdkula who is referred to.

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ginning with mihira, the Sun'; and in his bringing back, from Ceylon according to the narrative, the yamushadéva-cloth, stamped with an image of the Sun. At the same time, that he did encourage the national Hindu religion, is indicated very plainly by the Saiva emblem of the bull, with its legend, on some of his coins, as noted above.
Before entering on the question of Mihirakula's date, it will be necessary to notice here some additional information that Hiuen Tsiang gives us about his antagonist, Bâlâditya of Magadha; since part of it, at any rate, has been used in an attempt to fix the date of Bâlâditya, and, through him, of Mihirakula. In his account of the kingdom of Magadha (Mo-kie-t'o)," the Chinese pilgrim tells us that, not long after the nirvana of Buddha, a former king of this country, named Sakråditya (Shi-kia-lo'o-t'ie-to), a Buddhist, built a samgháráma at Nalanda. His son and successor was king Buddhagupta (Fo-t'o-kio-to)," who built another saingháráma on the south of the above After this, king Tathagatagupta (Ta-tha kie-to-kio-to) vigorously practised the former rules of his ancestors, and, east from this, built another sanghåráma. King Bâlâdity a (P'o-lo-'o-t'ie-to) succeeded to the kingdom, and built a samgháráma on the north-east side; and also, in the same neighbourhood, a great vihdra, three hundred feet high." And his son Vajra (Fa-she-lo) came to the throne in succession, and built a sangháráma on the west side of the
convent.
A somewhat different account is given in the Life of Hiuen Tsiang," which makes, of these five kings, a direct lineal succession of father and son. According to this, if Sakrâditya is really to be placed not long after the
Beal's Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 168ff; Jalien's Hiouen Theang, Vol. III. p. 41ff.
30 So also Julien-"Peu de temps après le nirvana du
Buddha."
But, according to Julien, the first king of the country," premier roi de ce royaume."
Sakråditya's samgharama, and BalAditya's vihara or stúpa, are also mentioned Hwai Lun, as reported by I-taing (ante, Vol. X. pp. 111, 192).
In a note on the date of BA1Aditya (Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. p. 168, note 9), Mr. Beal has confused this Buddhagupta with the Budhagupta of the Era inscription. So also did Mr. Fergusson, who, in treating of these two names, wrote-"I do not think the difference of spelling here indicated of any impor tance. Hionen Thaang's name was translated first from Sanskrit into Chinese, and from Chinese into French, and might easily have been more changed in the process" (Jour. R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. IV. p. 118, note 4.)-The two names, however, are utterly distinct, and
2512
nirvana of Buddha, Baladitya must be placed not more than a hundred years or so after that same event; ie., at the very latest, some. where about B.C. 375. This, however, even in respect of the earliest date that has been proposed for Mihirakula,-that of A.D. 180, by Mr. Fergusson,-is at least nearly five hundred years too early; since there can be no doubt that Bâlâditya, the fourth of these kings, is the person who successfully resisted the attack of Mihirakula.
Either, therefore, we must look upon the regular genealogical succession, given in the Life, as an amplification, and an erroneous one, of Hiuen Tsiang's original account, which asserts no connection (except that they were rulers of the same kingdom) between, in the first place, Buddhagupta and Tathagatagupta, and, in the second place, Tathagatagupta and Bâlâditya. Or, as in the case of the "some centuries ago" to which Hiuen Tsiang appears to refer Mihirakula, we must look upon him, or his editors, as wrong in allotting to Sakråditya so early a period as "not long after the nirvana of Buddha.""" In the former case, we may, without objection, accept Sakrâditya and his son Buddhagupta as belonging really to a very early period, and remain, at the same time, free to increase the intervals between Buddhagupta and Tathagatagupta, and the latter and Bâlâditya, to any extent that may be necessary; looking upon the whole account as simply commemorating the names of five more or less disconnected kings of the country, who had specially signalised themselves by the erection of certain famous buildings. But, whether all these five kings succeeded each other as father and son, or not, the second supposition seems the more prebelong to totally different persons. In respect of the king mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, we are not dependent on the correctness of the restoration in the French (or English) translation. Hiuen Tsiang gives, as the first component of this name, the well-known Fo-t'o, which he uses so habitually for Buddha, the teacher, the holy Sakya-Tathagata, and in respect of which he could not possibly be mistaken. Whereas, in respect of the king mentioned in the Eran inscription, the metre, as well as the perfect clearness of the reading, shews as conclusively that the first component of that name is Budha, the planet Mercury. Sanskrit scholars will recognise at once the thorough difference between the two names. 3 Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. 173f. Julien's Hiouen Thaang, Vol. I. p. 149f.
p.
3 In the Life, Sakraditya is called an "ancient king" of the country, and is simply placed vaguely "after the nirvana of Buddha," without any hint as to whether he came shortly, or a long while, after that event.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1886.
ferable of the two; for, as General Cunning- killed, must have taken place at any rate after ham has pointed out," the total silence of that period; (c) on the concurrent testimony of Fa-hian regarding any of the magnificent build the Chinese accounts, which state that a life of ings at Nalanda, leads us to infer that they Vasubandhu, the twenty-first patriarch, was must all have been built after A.D. 410. This, written by Kumarajiva in A.D. 409, and that however, is a matter that we must look to a history of the patriarchs, including Simha," Mr. Beal to clear up, in his forthcoming trang- was translated in China in A.D. 472; and lation of the Life of Hinen Tsiang; and I have (d) on the fact that the twenty-eighth panoticed it in passing only because of the use triarch, Bodhidharma, was certainly alive in which, in his attempt to fix the date of Mihi- A.D. 520, as he arrived in China, from South rakula and Baraditya, Mr. Beal has made, as India, in that year; which, allowing one noted below, of the name of Buddhagapta, the hundred years for the four patriarchs between second of these kings.
him and Sinha, brought us again to A.D. 480, The dates that have been proposed for the period already arrived at on grounds (a) Mihirakula and Baladitya are (1) and (6). by the late Mr. Fergusson, A.D. 180 to 200; 1 The real date, however, of Mihirakala (2) by General Canningham," during the cen- and BalAditya, -with, of course, the margin tury from A.D.450 to 550; and (3) by Mr. Beal," of a few years either way,-is now fized with A.D. 420.-Mr. Fergasson based his date on certainty by the duplicate pillar inscription the opinion, which he then held but afterwards of Ya 68 dharman, from Mandasör, which abandoned, that the reign of Kanishka ended I publish at page 253ff. below. A.D. 21; coupled with the statement of the This inscription records that this powerful Rájataragini, that twelve reigns intervened king Ya 60 d har man had worship done to between Kanishka and Mihirakula.-General his feet by king Mihirakula," whose Cunningham's date was based partly on Fa- forehead was pained through being bent low hian's silence regarding Baláditya's sangha- down by the strength of his arm, in the act rama and the other buildings at NÅlanda ; and of compelling obeisance;" i.e. that he subjupartly on the similarity of the architectural gated Mihirakula. And, as another Mandasör style of BalAditya's temple with that of a inscription, published by me at page 222 ff. temple near the Bodhi-tree at Bôdh-Gaya, above, has already given us the date of Málavawhich, he had already shewn," must have Savat 589 (A.D. 532-33) expired, for Yaśdbeen built about A.D. 500.-And Mr. Beal dharman, we now know very closely the time based his date (a) upon hie erroneous identi- of the overthrow of Mihirakula's power in at fication of the Buddhagupta of Hiuen any rate Western and Central India. Tsiang's account with the Budhagapta of the As regards the beginning of his reign, we Eran inscription; which, coupled with his adop- have only to notice that Mihirakula's tion of the theory that the Gupta era com- Gwalior inscription is dated in his fifteenth menced A.D. 190, gave for Buddhagupta the year. Considering all that he did subsequently date of A.D. 349 to 368, and for his "grand- in Kasmir and Gandhara, it will be admitted Bon" Baláditya a period fifty years later; that this date must be very near the end of his (6)on the fact that, in Fa-Hian's time (A.D. Indian career. His fifteenth year, therefore, 399-414), Buddhism was still flourishing, and must fall somewhere about A.D. 532-33, the there were five hundred sarhgharamas in the recorded date of Yaśðdharman; and in all neighbourhood of the Swat river; whereas in probability a year or two before it. And we Hiuen Tsiang's time all the convents were shall probably be very near the mark indeed, ruined and desolate ; which shewed that Mihi. if we select A.D. 515 for the commencement rakula's persecution, during which Simha was of his career. at Archæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. I. p. 30.
" Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I. p. 7f. » Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. IV. pp. 98, 102, 116, See p. 251 above, note 33. 117; and Tree and Serpent Worship, second edition, * Seo page 245 above, note 5. What we require to
know is whether this account includes the death of » Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I, p. 30.
Sithha and, if so, how A.D. 472 is arrived at for its Buddh. Rec, West. World, Vol. I. p. 119, note 1, translation. and p. 168, note 9.
P. 265.

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 228.)
No. 164.-MANDASOR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF YASODHARMAN.
This is another inscription from Dasôr or Mandasôr, the chief town of the Mandasôr District of Scindia's Dominions in the Western Malwa Division of Central India. With the inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhavarman, No. 162 above, page 194ff., it was discovered in 1884, in consequence of information given by Mr. Arthur Sulivan; and it is now published for the first time. Like the following inscription, No. 165, it is on one of a pair of magnificent monolith columns, apparently of very close-grained and good sandstone, lying in a field immediately on the south side of a small collection of huts, known by the name of Sôdani or Sôndanî, but not shewn in the maps as a separate village, between two and three miles to the south-east of Mandasôr.
The column with the present inscription lies partially buried, north and south, with the top to the north. The base of it is rectangular, about 3' 4" square by 4' 5" high; and, as there is no socket at the bottom to indicate that it was fitted into any masonry foundation, this part must have been buried when the column stood upright. From this base there rises a sixteen-sided shaft, each face of which is about 8" broad where it starts from the base; part of the shaft, about 17' 0" in length, is still connected with the base, making the length of this fragment about 21' 5"; and the present inscription, occupying five of the sixteen faces, is on this fragment, the bottom line being about 2' 2" above the top of the base. Immediately in continuation of this, there lies the remainder of the shaft, about 17' 10" long; at the upper end of this, the faces are each about 7" broad, shewing that the column tapers slightly from bottom to top. The upper end of this fragment is flat, with a round socket projecting from it; which shews these two fragments make up the entire shaft, the total length of which was thus about 39' 3", or 34' 10" above the base. This column appears to have broken naturally in
See page 194 above, and note 1.
253
falling, and not to have been deliberately divided, as the other column was, in the manner described below. The next part of this column, the lower part of the capital, lies about forty yards away to the north, close up to the hedge of the hamlet, and is a fluted bell, about 2' 6" high and 3' 2" in diameter, almost identical in design with the corresponding part of a small pillar from an old Gupta temple at Sâñchi, drawn by General Cunningham in the Archaeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. Plate xxii. No. 1. In the bottom of it there is a socket-hole, about 11" in diameter, answering in size to the socket on the top of the shaft; and on the top there is a projecting socket. About twenty-five yards south of this, and fifteen yards north of the column, I found a flat stone buried in the ground, just level with the surface; and, on excavating it, it proved to be the next portion, the square upper part of the capital. It measures about 2' 8" high by 3' 10" square, with the vertical corner edges trimmed off. I could not get at the bottom of it; but there must be there a socket-hole, answering to the projecting socket on the top of the bell-shaped part that came below it. I only exposed one side of it; but this was sufficient to shew that it is a lion-capital, exactly like the capital of the other column, noticed more fully below. On the top surface of it, there is in the centre a circular socket-hole about 11" in diameter and 4" deep, with eight other rectangular socket-holes round it, one in the centre of each side, and one opposite each corner. The total length of this column, up to the top of the lion-capital, is about 44' 5"; or forty feet above the ground, if it stood with the entire base buried. The square lion-capital must have been surmounted by a statue or statues, of. the same kind as that which stands on the summit of the pillar at Erap which has Budhagrpta's inscription on it; but I cannot feel sure of having found it. I found, indeed, in the same field, towards the west
See Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 81, and Plate
xxvi.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
side, in, three pieces, a very well executed sandstone bas-relief slab, 9' 0" high, with a rectangular pedestal 3' 2" broad by 1' 8" deep and 8 high, of a male figure, standing, somewhat larger than life-size, wearing a kirita or high head-dress, with necklace and armlets, and draped from the waist downwards, with a small figure standing by the right leg. And close by this there were, in two pieces, the kirita and the head and shoulders of another figure of the same size, evidently a duplicate of the above. Unless, however, there were some intervening parts that have been altogether lost, these slabs cannot belong to the columns, since their pedestals have no sockets to fit into the socket-holes on the tops of the lion-capitals."
The other column, with the fragmentary duplicate copy of this inscription, No. 165 below, page 257f., stood, as is shewn by the present position of its base, about twenty yards north of the column that I have just described. When overthrown, it fell east and west, with the top towards the west. The base is rectangular, about 3' 3" square by 3' 11" high. Differing from the first column, the base here is followed by a concave circular part, about 1' 0" high. From this there rises a sixteen-sided shaft, each face of which is about 8" broad where it starts from the base. Bat the portion of the shaft that remains attached to the base is only about 1' 1" long; and a row of chisel-marks all round the column here shews that it was deliberately broken by the insertion of wedges. The next piece of the column, or rather a remnant of it, as it is broken vertically, and part of it has been lost,-lies about three yards to the north of the base, and parallel with it, but in an inverted position, with the upper end to the east. This piece is about 9' 0" long; and the remnant of the duplicate inscription is here, on two of the faces; the bottom line of it being about 2 9 above the square base. The next piece of the shaft is missing altogether, and is supposed to be entirely buried somewhere in this field. The remainder of the shaft, about 6' 9" in length, lies, almost entirely buried, a few yards to the west of the
[SEPTEMBER, 1886.
portion including the base and the commencement of the shaft. Each face here is about 7" broad at the top; shewing that this column also tapers slightly from bottom to top. The top of this fragment is flat, with a round socket projecting from it; which shews that we have here the end of the shaft. Immediately west of this fragment, there lies the fluted bell part of the capital, about 3'0' high and 3' 3" in diameter, similar in design to the same part of the capital of the other pillar. In the bottom of it there is a socket-hole, about 11" in diameter, answering in size to the socket on the top of the shaft; and on the top there is a projecting socket. Immediately to the west of this there lies, upside down and partially buried, the next portion of the capital, the square upper part, measuring about 3' 0" high and 3′ 10′′ square, with the vertical corner edges trimmed off. The bottom, and one entire side and parts of two others, are exposed; and enough is visible to show that each side consists of a bas-relief sculpture of two lions, each sitting on its haunches and facing to the corner, where it merges into the corresponding corner lion on the next side, with the head of a conventional simha or mythological lion in the centre, over the backs of the lions. In the bottom of this stone there is a socket-hole, about 10" in diameter, answering to the projecting socket on the top of the bell-shaped part that came just below it. And I dug under one of the corners of the top enough to find there a rectangular socket-hole, which justifies us in assuming that the top has one circular and eight rectangular socket holes, just as in the top of the lion-capital of the first column. As in the case of the first column, I cannot feel sure of having found the statue or statues which must have stood on the top of it.
There are some similar bas-relief slabs set up in a group under some palm-trees in another field, about fifty yards away to the east from where the inscribed columns lie; but these, again, do not appear to belong
About fifty yards away to the west of these two inscribed columns, in the next field, I turned up the lower part of another sandstone column. The base is rectangular, about 3' 6" high by 3' 4" square. The shaft, of which only a length of about 2' 0" remains attached to the base, is circular, about 3' 4" in diameter; and, instead of being plain like the two inscribed columns, it is carved all to the columns.
Compare the lions on the upper part of the square portion of the capital of the Eran pillar.

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
255
over with cross-lines into diamond-shaped form of the lingual d, as distinct from the knobs. I had the field excavated all round dental d, in samrádeiti, line 3, and chudá, this column, but conld find no traces of the lines 5 and 6. In vírya, line 4, and sámantairrest of the shaft, or of the other parts of it. yasya, line 5, we have the optional method, From its different pattern it can have no according to the northern alphabets, of writing connection with the other two columns. r in conjunction with a following y in this
The two inscribed columns were evidently period. -The language is Sanskřit; and, except intended as a pair, though the full measure for the two words at the end, recording the of the second cannot be taken." From the engraver's name, the inscription is in verse distance between them; from the difference in throughout.-In respect of orthography, we the detailed measures; and from the Analogons have to notice (1) the use of the upadhmdniya instance of the Praņ pillar, as shewing the way in tikharinah-paschimdd, line 5; (2) the use of in which they must have been finished off at the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvára, the top, they can hardly have been connected before é, in ansu, line 5, and vanía, line 8; by a beam, after the fashion of a törana or and before, in tējáisi, line ], and pa nisu, line 3; arched gateway; and there are no traces of (3) the doubling of k and t, in conjunction with any temple with which they can have been a following r, in akkránti, line 4; chaklera, connected. They are evidently an actual line 7; máttra and yattra, line 3; anyattra, lino instance of two ranastambhas or “columns 6; and ndyitottra, line 7; but not in keriyanté, of victory in war." such as the Mirai plates line 5, and áatru, line 1; and (4) the doubling of Jayasimha III. of Saka-Samvat 946 speak of dh, in conjunction with a following y, in of, as having been set up by the Rashtrakata addhyasini, line 4. king Karkara or Kakka III., and as having The inscription refers itself to the reign of then been cut asunder in battle by the Western a powerful king named Yaś 8 dharman, Chalukya king Taila II.
who is evidently identical with the YaśðdharTo return to the inscription on the first man of the Mandasör inscription of Malavacolumn, -the writing, which covers a space of Samvat 589, No. 163 above, page 222ff., and whose about 3' 21' broad by 1' 2y high, has suffered dominions are here described as including a good deal from the weather, and, owing to the
the whole of the northern part of India, from difficulty of obtaining lights and shades, partly the river Lanhitya, or the Brahmaputra, to the in consequence of the letters being rather shal. Western Ocean, and from the Himalayas to the low, and partly because of the natural light mountain Mahêndra.' We have an important colour of the stone, it is rather difficult to read allusion in the statement that he possessed on the original column; but, in the ink-impres- countries which not even the Guptas and sion and the lithograph it can easily be read the Haņas conld subdue; and a still more with certainty throughout.-The size of the important record, in connection with the letters varies from * to '. As in the case of general history of the period, to the effect that the Mandasôr inscription of Yasodharman and homage was done to him by even the famous Vishnuvardhana, No. 163 above, page 222 ff., 1 king Mihirakula. It is not dated. But Yaś8the characters belong to the North India dhapman's date is now known from the class of alphabets. The rather rare lingual dh Mandasör inscription of Malaya-Samvat 589 occurs in upagúðhán, line 4; and the separate (A.D. 532-33) expired, No. 163 above, which ante, Vol. VIII. p. 16.
also ooours in ordinary composition 6.9. in Mane-ddi. • Having regard to the frequency with which, in the pranta-vidhi-vidhana-dharmmd, in line 5 of the Maliy period of this inscription, varman oocars as the termine plates of Dharuaena II. of the year 352 (ante, Vol. XII. tion of proper names, and to the rarity of dharman, p. 161); and in tjobhir-dditya lamang-dharmmd, in lino there might be some temptation to suggest that Yab. 29 of Kaufheth grant of Vikramaditya V. of Sakadharman should be corrected into Y RÖVarman. But
Sathvat 980 (unpublished). the dh is very distinct here, and again in the same
| name in line 8 below, and in the corresponding place
It is doubtful whether this denotes here the famous in line 8 of the remnant of the original daplionto copy
Mahindragiri or Mahendrlobala in the Gafijam District, of this inscription, No. 165 below and again in the same
among the Eastern Ghanta or another mountain of the name in line 4 of the inscription of the MAlava year
same name, not so well known, which appears to be 599, No. 163 above, page 224.-The form dharman is not
mentioned also in line 2 of an earlier N Asik inscription of frequent occurrence. But we do meet with it in
of the nineteenth year of Siri-Palumkyi (Archaol. other proper dames; e. 9. Kritadharman, Kahattra 1
Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. No. 14, pp. 108, 109), and dharman, Kshemadharman, and Jayadharman. And it must be loosted somewhere in the Western Ghana

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1886.
mentions him and Vishnuvardhana ; and the glory and power of Yaðdharman; and, --since present inscription, having been engraved by the present tense is used almost throughout, the same person, Govinda, must fall within and also versos 7 and 8 speak of the column a few years on either side of that date. as being set up by Yabodharman himself,-the The object of it is to record the erection inscription must be one of his own time, not of the column for the purpose of reciting the posthumous.
TEXT, 1 Vêpantê yasya bhima-stanita-bhaya-samadbhranta-daitya digantaḥ śping-aghataih
Sumôror-yvighatita-drishadah kandara yah karoti ukshana tam dadhanab kshitidharatanaya-datta-pañch-angul-ankam draghishthaḥ Sûlapaņôh kshapayatu
bhavatar katru-tâjâisi kôtuhl 2 Åvirbhût-kvalêpair=avinaya-patabhirullanghit-achâra-marggair-mmôhâd=aidamynginair-apa
subha-ratibhiḥ pidyamânâ narendraiḥ yasya kshmå Śârngapaņêreiva kathina-dhanur-jyâ-kinanka-prakôshtham bâhun 18k-Ôpakâra-vrata-saphala-pari
spanda-dhiram prapann 11 3 Nindy-Achårôghu y-smin=vinaya-mushi yugé kalpana-måttra-vșit[t]yå rijasyranyéshu
pånsushymiva kusuma-balirenn-Ababhâsê prayuktaḥ sa sr@y0-dhainni samråd iti Manu-Bharat-Alarkka-Mândhátri-kalpê kalyaņê hêmni bhâsvân=maņir=iva
sutaran bbrajatê yattra sabdah II 4 Y& bhukta Gupta-nAthair=nna sakala-vasudh-akkrânti-drishta-pratâpairænn-Ajmik Hûn.
Adhipanari kshitipati-mukut-Addhyâsini yân=pravishțâ 1 désâms=tân=dhanva-sailadruma-sa(ga)hana-sarid-virabdh-Apagadhån=viry-Avaskanna-rajñaḥ sva-gpiha-pari
sar-Avajñaya yo bhunakti !! 5 Å Lauhity-Opakanhat-tala-vana-gahan-patyakâd=& Mahồndråd=& Gang-aslishţa-sanog
tuhinasikharinah-paschimad=& payôdhëh! sømantair=yasya bhu-dravinn-britamadaib padayőrwanamadbhis-chaqaratn-ansu-raji-vyatikara-babal bhumi-bhagah
kriyanto 11 6 Sthânôr-anyattra yôna pranati-kļipanatâm pripitam noottamangam yasy-Aslisht
bhujAbhyam vabati himagirir-durgga-sabd-Abhimanam nichais-ten-Api yosya pranati-bhuja-bal-Avarjjana-klishţa-murddhna chada-pushp-OpahArair-Mmihirakula
nfipên=&rchohitam pâda-yugma l 7 [GA]m-dy=Önmatum=urddhva viganayitam-iva jyotishậm chakkravalan, nirddésh
tum marggam-achchair-ddiva iva suksit-Opárjjitâyâḥ sva-kirttéh tén-AkalpAnta-kAl-Avadhir-avanibhajâ sri-Yasodharmmaņ"'ayam stambhah stambh
Abhirama-sthira-bhuja-parighêņ=ôchchhritim nâyitó-ttra 11 8 S[ujaghyê janm=isya vanse charitam-agha-haram drifyatê kantam-amin-dhar
mmaay-Ayam niktas-chalati niyamitan n=&muna 10ka-vrittam [1] ityutkarsham guņånam likhitum=iva Yaśôdharmmaņas-chandra-bimbê rågade
utkshipta uchchair-bhaja iva rachimån=yaḥ prithivy vibháti 11 9 Iti" tushtůshaya tasya npipatêh punya-karmmaņah! Vâsulên=ô parachitaḥ slokaḥ
Kakkasya sanung || Utkirộna Govindêna ii TRANSLATION.
(Himalaya), who causes the distant regions, May that very long banner of (the god) in which the demons are driven wild with Salapâ ni destroy the glory of your enemies ;- fear by (his) terrible bellowings, to shake; (that banner) which bears fa representation of) (and) who makes the glens of the mountain) the bull,"marked by the five fingers (dipped Sumeru to have their rocks split open by in some dye and then) placed on him by the blows of his horns! (Parvati) the daughter of the monntain (L. 2.)-He, to whose arm, as if to (the
• From the ink-impression. • Metre, Sragdhard; and in the next seven verses. 10 See page 255 above, note 6.
11 Metre, $ióka (Anushubh).
Nandi or Nandin, the vehicle of Siva.

Page #293

Mandasor Pillar Inscription of Yasodharman.
h,
《
}
་..
༧སྨནཱཚཡཞནE
འཚུབསནཎནRA
1སྐུ་ནནAg@ནསཏྭེས
བ། ཡུན་
བན པཎཡིན་པ་ནས་ཆུ་ཚཔལgsaacts4ao%B
* * *2:5. 35 ལའི་ནུབ་སྒྲུབ་པའམ་ཨརྣམ༔ 3ཙཅུ། སྐབས༦st༣n'TནniRzམཱན༦༠ཡསྐྱེསན་
ལའཚམཱW:སྙནི་གཉཙོ་བ
དུ་་་
1
. PLEET, BO C.
# བན དབབཟ, དབr6r»

Page #294


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SEPTEMBER, 1886.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
257
arm) of (the god) Sårigapapi,-the fore-arm of any other save (the god) Sthâņu;-he, through which is marked with callous parts caused the embraces of whose arms, (HimAlaya) the by the hard string of (his) bow, (and) which is mountain of snow carries no longer the pride steadfast in the successful carrying out of vows of the title of being a place that is difficult of for the benefit of mankind, -the earth betook access ;-he to whose two feet respect was paid, itself (for succour), when it was afflicted by with complimentary presents of the flowers kings of the present age, who manifested from the hair on the top of (his) head, by even pride; who were cruel through want of proper that (famous) king Mihirakula, whose training; who, from delusion, transgressed the forehead was pained through being bent low path of good conduct; (and) who were destitute down by the strength of (his) arm in (tho of virtuous delights:
act of compelling) obeisance :(L. 3.)-He who, in this age which is the (L. 7.)-By him, the king, the glorious ravisher of good behaviour, through the action Yasod harman, the firm beams of whose simply of his good) intentions shone gloriously, arms are as charming as pillars, this column, not associating with other kings who adopted which shall endure to the time of the destruc& reprehensible course of conduct, just as an tion of the world, has been erected here, -as if offering of flowers (is beautiful when it is not to measure out the earth; as if to enalaid down) in the dust; he in whom, possessed merate on high the multitude of the heavenly of a wealth of virtue (and so) falling but little lights; (and) as if to point out the path to the short of Mana and Bharata and Alarks and skies above of his own fame, acquired by (his) Mandhati, the title of “universal sovereign" good actions ;-(this column) which shines shines more than in any other), like a refulgent, as if it were a lofty arm of the resplendent jewel (set) in good gold :
earth, raised up in joy to write upon the surface (L. 4.)-He who, spurning (the confinement of the moon the excellence of the virtues of of) the boundaries of his own house, enjoys Yasodharman, to the effect that—" His those countries,-thickly covered over with birth (is) in a lineage that is worthy to be enlodeserts and mountains and trees and thickets | gised; there is seen in him a charming behaand rivers and strong-armed heroes, (and) viour that is destructive of sin; he is the haying (their) kings assaulted by (his) prowess, abode of religion; (and) the (good) customs - which were not enjoyed (even) by the lords of mankind continue current, unimpeded (in of the Guptas, whose prowess was displayed any way) by him." by invading the whole earth, (and) which the (L. 9.)-From a desire thus to praise this command of the chiefs of the Hiņas, that king, of meritorious aotions, (these) verses have established itself on the tiaras of (many) kings, been composed by Vásula, the son of Kakka. failed to penetrate :
(This eulogy has been) engraved by Govinda. (L. 5.) -He before whose feet chieftains, hav
No. 165.-MANDASOR DUPLICATE PILLAR ing (their) arrogance removed by the strength
INSCRIPTION OF YASODHARMAN. of (his) arm, bow down, from the neighbourhood of the (river) Lanhitya up to the mountain)
This is the remnant, mentioned above, of the Maböndra, the lands at the foot of which original duplicate copy of the inscription of are impenetrable through the groves of palmyra
Yabdharman on the second inscribed column trees, (and) from (Himalaya) the mountain of
at Manda sor, described at page 254 above. snow, the table-lands of which are embraced by
The writing, which covers a space of about the.(river) Gangå, up to the Western Ocean,
1' 1" broad by 1' 2 high, is in some respects in by which act (all) the divisions of the earth are
& state of rather better preservation than the made of various hues through the intermingling
entire copy; but nearly three-quarters of the of the rays of the jewels in the hair on the
fall inscription is lost here, through the tops of (their) heads :
column having cracked vertically and part (L. 6.)-He by whom (his) head has never
of it being now not forthcoming.-The size been brought into the humility of obeisance to
of the letters varies from * to ".-This » See page 255 above, note 7.
in connection with vahati, the negative partiolo na from " To complete the sense, we must apparently supply, the first pada of the verse.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBAR, 1886.
insoription appears to have been in all essen- The names of Mihirakala and Yastial details an exact reproduction of the copy dharman are very legible in lines 6 and 7; that has been preserved entire, No. 164 above. but the passage mentioning the Guptas and In respect of palæography and orthography, the Hûnas has been lost in this copy; and we have to notice, as far as the record goes, also that which gives the boundaries of Yaśdjust the same points as in that inscription; and dharman's dominions. A translation of the also the doubling of t, in conjunction with a fragment is not given, as the contents of it following , in battru, line 1, where it is not are fully explained by the translation of the doubled in the preceding inscription:
entire copy above.
Text.15 1....... [da]tta-pañch-angalankam draghishthah Sûlapaņeh kshapayata
bhavatar sattra-tējå osi kêtuh Il 2 ....... jy[A]-kiņ&óka-prakoshtham bâhun lôk-ôpa kâra-vrata-saphala-parispanda
dhirai prapannâ Ir 3....... [A]larkka-Måndhâtri-kalpê kalyaņê hêmni bhâsvân=maņir=iva sutarán
bhrAjate yattra sabdah II .. [vi]ra-báh-ôpagląhân=viry-Âvaskanna-rajñaḥ sva-gpiha-parisar-dvajiaya
yo bhunakti II 5. ...... pâdayðræånamadbhis=chůdaratn-Ansa-råji-vyatikara-sabala bhdmi-bhagah
kriyantê 11 6 ....... (Âvar]jjana-klishta-marddhna chůda-pushp-pahárair-Mmihirakula-nțipán
årchchitam pada-yugmam 11 ... [6ri)-Yaśddharmmaņ"-ayam stambhah stambh-Abhirâma-sthira-bhoja
parighôn-chchhritim nâyitottra 11 8 .......(Yaíðdha]rmmaņas-chandra-bimbê râgâd=utkshipta uchchair-bhuja iva
ruchiman-yah prithivya vibhậti 11 9 ....... [Ka]kkasya" sūnunâ 11 Utkirạnå Govindêna II
VII.
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY.
again Naga-worship are said to have prevailed Snake Worship.
in the Valley. At the time of its conquest by Snake-worship is still to be found in India Akbar in 1558 A.D., Abu'l-fazl relates that throughout the length and breadth of the there were no less than 700 different places land, from Nagakovil (Temple of the Snake) there, where images of snakes were worshipped in the extreme south to the frontiers of by the inhabitants, against 184 temples dedicaCentral Asia; in fact, almost wherever there ted to Śive, 64 to Vishņu, 22 to Durga, and 3 is a Hindu population, either its actual pre- to Brahma; a statement which is borne out by sence, or its former existence may be seen or the character of the architecture of the valley traced.
as we now see it; for, with very few exceptions, Commencing at the extreme north we find all the most ancient temples have been devoted that the earliest form of religion in Kasmir isto Serpent-worship.' supposed to have been Någa- or Snake-worship, | It seems highly probable that the pardt or since when Buddhism, Hinduism, and then head-dress worn by the women in Ladák (who
1. From the ink-impression. * Metre, Bragdharl; and in the next seven verses. " See page 288 sbove, note 6. "Metro, Slöks (Anushţubh).
· The word for 'nako abides in the names of many plaoan in the HimAlayu; ... Nag-marg (Snake Alp or Peature) near Srinagar, and Nagkanda (Shoulder of the Brake) á hill summit about 40 miles north of SimlA.
Some of them stand in courts capable of being flooded, and were entered by means of stone causeways, but the drains have become choked up; they cannot now be approached except by wading. The temple at Pandrathan near Srinagar is a once in point. Mr. Forg.SOD is of upinion that the temple at Martand also belonged to the sect of the Nagse or Snako-worshippers, though others have thought that it was dedionted to the Sun.

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Mandasor Duplicate Pillar Inscription of Yasodharman).
12.
SIE ART
D
.
29
1.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE .50

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
259
are Buddhists) should be by rights held to be represented churning the sea with a huge a remnant of Serpent-worship in the Himalayas. Bake as the rope in order to obtain amrita, This ornament has precisely the form of a and on one of the bands of carving on the cobra, the extremity of the tail being fastened exterior where Siva is seen holding a Naga to the hair on the forehead and the broad flat | Madamma on his left arm. head of the snake descending behind to the In Bangalore and other places in the Maisûr waist of the wearer. It is usually made of State, this Naga Madamma seems to be leather, covered with rough pierced turquoises regarded as a sort of tutelary saint, and at And brooches of gold or silver, according to the entrances to villages there may commonly the wealth or social position of the wearer; be seen by the road-side a kind of pedestal, but every woman, however poor, possesses on which are fixed three large upright slabs paråk of some kind.
of gneiss (see Plate XV. figs. 3, 4, and 5). On Passing on southward we find that & special the centre one is Naga Madamma, and on one feast is held for one day in the year at Benares of the slabs on either side is a representation in honour of the Serpent-god near the Bakariya of the Five-headed or the Seven-headed Naga: Kund in a suburb of that city, and some of the on the other are two serpents entwined as in forms in which the Serpent is there sculptured the well-known caduceus of (Hermês) Mercury. are given in Plate XVI. fig. 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. General Cunningham, Bhilsa Topos, Preface, Fig. 6 is placed beside them for the sake of identifies this last with the oldest form of comparison; the type is the same, but it was Buddhism, and says it is but a symbol of dharma, found on a stone in the interior of a dolmen or nature deified. Again, some of the sculptures within a tumulos on Gavr Innis, an island off from the Buddhist remains at Amaravati now in the South Coast of Brittany.
the British Museum consist of topes in miniatnre In Southern India proper we find that in carved upon small slabs. They are covered with Coorg, the cobra is still regarded with much fear, bas-reliefs and the principal object on many of and the spots (natda) on which a cobra is believ- them is the Five-headed Serpent. The centre ed to have died, are carefully walled round, head is the hooded cobra in full face, and on under the impression that were any one unwit- either side are two snakes' heads and necke tingly to tread on such a spot he would be s in profile, which seem to be regarding (or doomed man,
adoring ?) the cobra. The whole five heads As regards the neighbouring State of Maisûr, terminate in one body knotted into graceful Naga or Snake-worship appears to be now on folds. However, from the style of the carving, the increase. It is believed to have existed it has been thought that none of the statues of there in very ancient times, and to have then Någa Madamma are more than a century old, died out to arise again of late years, as in and it is well-known that it is only within Kalmtr. This theory is supported by the facts this period that the people of the Maisûr that no traces of it are to be found amongst the State have openly returned to their old forms rich sculptures, which adorn the old temples of the Tree and Serpent-worship suppressed at Bølar and Haļabid in that State, and that for many centuries by Brahmanical influence. all the Nága sculptures appear to be com- As specimens of forms similar to Någa paratively modern work. The only signs of Madamma from other parts of Asia I have Snake-worship in the temple at Balûr, which added Plate XV. fig. 1, which is the representabelongs to the Vaishnavas, and has no snake tion of a Tátår goddess holding a conical object emblems upon it, are two Serpents of very on the palm of her right hand : and fig. 2, inferior modern work, carved upon & stone in which is a Någa goddess from Kananj in Oudh the courtyard. At Halêbid the Snake is only (Awadh). found in subordinate positions on the twin- To show that such symbolism of the Snaketemples, which belonged to the Saiva sect, vis., woman is by no means confined to Asia, on on the stylobate of a porch where the gods are Plate XVI. fig. 7 I have figured a talisman
Revealed for consideration to the owner of the [This, of course, is reference to the well-known round by certain class of men who are wisarda by classical Hinda tale.-ED.] profesion.
A figure with a woman's boat and the lower extremities of Herpent.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1886.
called "La Sirena,' in use amongst the lower or the fertilizing fire, flashed upon the earth classes in Naples at the present day. I submit in a snake-like zig-zag, "l-and on this he con. that a strong and decided family resemblance cludes that "the triskele also (see Plate I. exists between the Tâtâr goddess, the Nâgâ fig. 12, p. 66 above) was but an outcome or lady from Oudh, the Naga Mádamma of Maisûr, variety of the svastika." A reference to fig. 15 and the Sirena of Naples, and that beyond a Plate V. which, as explained above, p. 92, is doubt they all had a common origin in the a sketch of a bronze fibula found a few years remote past. Again, there formerly existed in ago on excavating the Roman Camp on the the ancient church at Laruns, in the Vallée Saalburg, not far from Frankfort-am-Main D'Ossau, in the Pyrenees, a holy-water vessel would appear to show that Prof. Worsaee's' of white marble, which has since been removed surmise as to the connection between the into a modern edifice, as the old church is now triskele and the Serpent is correct, for the a ruin. Within this vessel is sculptured in alto. former is here present, and each limb of it has relievo a siren which in form and character a Serpent's head. resembles the Naga Mûdamma, holding a fish in On the whole, traces of Snake-worship are her right hand and her own tail in her left; not numerous in Europe, and the cult does not there is also a centaur and two fishes. On the appear to have taken much hold upon the exterior is carved "the sacred monogram" in minds of the people there; the reason probably Gothic letters, with an interlaced ornamentation being that Snake-worship, essentially a worship on either side of it; all evidently XVth Century of fear, would naturally die out where the work. It is very probable that the vessel origi-alarming kinds of venomous snakes did not nally came from Bielle, a place in the same exist. But as instances of it may be noticed valley, where there is said to be a superb mosaic & singular festival still held once a year and the remains of a Roman Villa; and tradi. in Italy, in a little mountain village in the tion says that it was appropriated and put to a Abruzzi, where on a certain day the peasants religious use during the middle ages, when walk in procession, carrying round their arms, most likely the Christian symbol on the waists, and necks, all the snakes they can exterior was added.
find. They observe this custom in the belief In Scandinavia remains of a Serpent-worship that they will thas be secured from poison of a somewhat different signification are nume- and from sudden death, and further that it will rons, and besides the Sun-symbols which have bring them good fortune, especially in love. been described (p. 66 above) as belonging to the Also a good many of the legends of the Basque Earlier Bronze Age there are certain other Provinces in the South of France turn upon a forms which the late Kamer Herr Worsaee Seven-headed Serpent. Thus the “Heren says represent the Sun-snake. Such are the Suge" is always described as being sevensimple S, the double S or SS, and the two- headed, and in the myth of the “Serpent headed snake beneath a wheel (the wheel of the D'Igabit," the oldest version of the numerons Sun?) figured in Plate I. fig 11 (p. 66 above). tales of this nature, this serpent lies with its With reference to the origin of these symbols head resting on the summit of the Pie du in his Danish Art, Prof. Worsace says, “The Midi de Bigorre, its neck stretched down tosnake, as is well-known, played an important wards Barèges, whilst its body fills the valley part in the Asiatic and in the ancient Egyptian of Luz and its tail lies coiled in a hollow below symbolism, partly because they thought the the Cirque de Gavarnie. And lastly, at Carnac sun's path through the heavens formed a curve in Brittany, is a small hostelry which bears the like a snake, and partly because lightning, sign of "Le Serpent Vert."
Dr. Schwartz of Berlin also affirms from deep research into Greek and Roman mythology, that the paramount germinal idea in this wide-spread Serpent emblem is the lightning, and Dr. Brinton also gives the same opinion at some length.
The ink which wrote this sentence w scarcely dry when the news arrived of the sudden death of this distinguished profonsor. Archeological science in Denmark and indeed archeology in general oould hardly have sustained a greater loss. He was ever in the foremost
rank of the discoverers of pre-historio remains in his own country, and as in the case above cited, seemed endowed with a power of grasping a subject and of arriv. ing at conclusions which were not apparent to others. • Brinton's Myths, p. 112.
[Compare the Sub-Himalayan legenda abont the demon Jalandhara, the various parts of whone body oocupy the country from JAlandhar to Kingar, a distance of 110 miles.-ED]

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 15
TATAR IDOL.
FROM KANAU).
၁၀
///
+
+
A
3, 4, 5. FROM MAISÛR.

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។
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
LA SIRENA.
Plate 16.

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.] THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJA'A.
THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA, WITH AN APPENDIX ON THE
AFFAIRS OF HIRAT.
Translated from the Tarikh Sultáni of Sultan Muhammad Khán Báruksái.
BY E. BEHATSEK. (Continued from p. 170.)
At the time Shahzâdah Tîmâr was appointed to | ments, because as soon as the Ghiljais obthe Governorship of Qandahar, Nizamu'ddaulah tained a true notion of the intentions of sent his own son 'Abbas Khân with him, and Nizamu'ddaulah they left Kâbul by night, and obtained, without the permission of the Pâdshah, prepared for rebellion in their own territories; a letter from Mr. Macnaghten to the address of so that when the English forces under the comMajor Lawrence, entrusting to his son ['Abbas mand of George Macgregor, which were marchKhân] the entire administration of Qandahår, ing to Jallâlâbâd, reached the station of Khurd so that the Shahzâdah had no other business Kabul, nine karaks distant from the city, the there than to draw his monthly salary of three Ghiljai tribe blocked the road and a severe thousand rupees. Accordingly when Shah fight ensued. It was, however, at last compelled Shujaa had learnt the state of the case, he to leave the English forces, and to allow them wrote a letter to Mr. Macnaghten to the effect to pass, and they marched on to Jallâlâbâd. that as the Shahzâdah had no influence whatever in the Government of Qandahår, his sojourn there was useless. Mr. Macnaghten, who wished to keep on good terms with Nizamu'ddaulah, gave some valueless explanations, and when the latter perceived that Mr. Macnaghten wished to please him, he said to him one day :-"The Khans of this country are receiving thousands of rupees for nothing, and it would be advantageous for the public welfare to curtail their allowances."" Macnaghten, who was not well acquainted with the circumstances of the country, lent a willing ear to the suggestions of Nizamu'ddaulah, and knew not that:
The irregular regulator of the kingdom [Nisâmu'ddaulah] moreover, having removed the Hâkim of the Ghiljais from his post, appointed to it his own son, who was a boy not more than seven years old, a step that augmented their discontent.
About this time Nizama'ddaulah brought of his own accord a paper to the Shah, in company with Macnaghten, the contents of which were as follows:-" Five of the Durrânî Khâns, who are the origin of the increase of turbulence, viz. Ghulam Ahmad Khân, son of Sher Muhammad Khân Bâmfzai, surnamed Mukhtara'ddaulah, and 'Abdu'llah Khan Achakzai and Muhammad 'Atâ Khân, son of Sardar Samandar Khân Bâmizki, and Sardar Sikandar Khân, his uncle, and Sardar 'Abdu'ssalâm Khân, son of Muhammad Ikram Khân Aminu'l-mulk, must leave the city of Kâbul, to go wherever they please." As the Pâdahâh only knew of these Khâns from their readiness to serve him, and from their approved loyalty, he was confounded; but as he had the goodwill of the English officers much at heart, he was obliged to agree to their exile. The Khâns were exceedingly distressed, and represented to the Pâdshah that each of them had extensive connections, property, and a family in Kabul, and knew not where to go after abandoning them: but he, being desirous to please the English, paid no attention to their objections and made no reply. resorted to, was that of curtailing the stipends of the
"He wishes you ill, and is a bloodsucker of the people,
Who seeks your profit by oppressing the people."
Accordingly, first of all, Nisâmu'ddaulah claimed the sum of forty thousand rupees from the Ghiljais, which they annually retained out of their own agricultural produce, in return for keeping up thanahs [police-stations] and performing other duties. They replied that the said allowances had been granted to them by former Padshahs for guarding the roads, and for making good the losses merchants sustained by thefts, but Nişâmu'ddaulah would not listen to any arguments, and insisted upon the confiscation. This transaction became an occasion of injury to both the allied Govern
1 Among the measures of economy, which were now Ghiljai chiefs. Cal. Rev. Vol. II. No. iii. 1844, p. 240.
261

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Shuja's, whom this catastrophe had made uneasy, despatched naságchis and jarchis with orders to quench the flames of the insurrection, which however spread so extensively that his efforts proved futile. Then he summoned to his presence the Khâns who had revolted, but they refused to obey: whilst some sent a reply that they could no longer bear the haughtiness and independence of Nizamu'ddaulah and that the time for negotiation was now passed. The Pâdshah, therefore, sent some Tilangah (Native Indian) troops, together with his mounted bodyguard under the command of the Shahzadah Fath Jang, and several pieces of artillery for the purpose of dispersing the company of the ghazis, and delivering Mr. Alexander Burnes: to whom he also sent a message that he should, in any case, leave the city and betake himself to the Bala Hisar, or to his own Cháuni [Cantonment]. But as his death, decreed by fate, was imminent, he paid no attention to it. The Tilangah and Hindustani troops, who had marched ont under the command of the Shahzadah, were attacked by the ghasis, who killed and wounded nearly seven hundred of them, and put the rest to flight, so that they hastened with the Shahzâdah into the Bâlâ Hisar. Shah Shuja'a also despatched Mirza Ibrahim Khân Munshi, to the Chauni of Mr. Macnaghten with the information that as this was but the first eruption of a rebellion, and as it had not yet developed itself, he ought to order all his troops to enter the city on all sides to disperse the crowd of insurgents. Mr. Macnaghten, who was intoxicated with the sleep of carelessness" despatched one [Tilangah] regiment with eight pieces of artillery to the Bâlâ Hisar for the security of the Pâdshah; but the latter sent word that
"If successful, we shall place our feet on the he was perfectly safe, and anxious only to see the confusion in the city put down, according
top of the celestial sphere,
Else we shall have sacrificed our lives like men to the saying:→→
for the end we had in view."
Then a fresh firmán of Lord [sic] Macnaghten was promulgated, ordering that the departure of the Khâns from the city must not be delayed beyond three days, and saying that they would be called to account if it was; they were moreover to go to Peshawar and to no other place. On this the Khans naturally surmised that they were to be transported to India as prisoners, and entirely despairing of the protection of Shah Shuja'a, who had no authority whatever, and fearing to lose their lives, women, and children, they were induced to hold a secret consultation for devising means of escape from the impending calamity. It happened also that during the same night a man went about the city, and threw a paper into the house of each of the Khâns. In the morning when they saw the papers, they found the following words written on each of them :-"Pay attention to your case, because to-morrow you will be made prisoners with great suffering and distress, and will be sent to India." As papers of the same kind had been thrown also into the harams of Mir Haji, and of Hafiz Jai, the sons of Mir Wai, and into that of Aminu'llah Khân Lahukardi, they endeavoured after perusing the contents to discover the bearer, but the more they sought, the less they found him. It seemed as if a jinn had done the business: but no-I am mistaken,-rather an angel of the Almighty had brought this affair to light from the secrecy of non-existence. In the course of the day the Khans, whom their distress had made impatient, held a consultation, and determined to rise in arms next day against their foes, in order to see what would come forth from the curtain of futurity. They bound each other by a strong covenant, and said :
On the morning of the seventeenth of the blessed month Ramazan, in the year 1258 [22nd October 1841] they rose in arms, attacked, captured and slew every one they met. Verily they committed abundant excesses. Shah
Had the copyist written the 27th instead of the 17th, he would have been nearer the truth. In an official report on the transactions of Kabul, which was found after his death, Sir William Macnaghten writes:"On the morning of the 2nd ult. [November] I was informed that the town of Kabul was in a state of commotion, &c." Calc. Rev. Vol. XV. 1851, No. xxx. p. 433. Also
"The fountain head should be stopped with a spade,
Because, when full, it cannot be crossed on an elephant."
Macnaghten then sent a reply that affairs would yet turn out well.
Kaye gives in Vol. II. p. 19, the same statement, and afterwards the whole document, which is long, but had not been completed by its writer.
Macnaghten heard the intelligence with composure. There was nothing in it, he thought, to startle or dismay a man with sound nerves and clear understanding." Kaye, Vol. II. p. 6.

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.)
THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA.
263
Meanwhile, however, the gházís had girded him a regiment for protection. But this did up the loins of courage and shouting the blessed not arrive, and the ghdcis came in numbers and verne, “Verily Allah loveth those who fight almost captured him. Meanwhile the inhabifor his religion in battle array, as if they were tants of the Andarini Mahallah reduced him to & well compacted building," hastily assailed great straits for want of water. the house of Alexander Burnes, which was in On Thursday the twenty-first of the said the city, looted his property, and capturing him month [26th October 1841]the valiant gházis, whilst he was in the act of fleeing, cut him to who were under the command of the Naib pieces with their merciless swords. After Aminu'llah Khan Lahukurdt and 'Abdu'llah plundering his house they set it on fire, and Achakzii, considered that, as the English had no likewise robbed, in the twinkling of an eye, the stores (gudám) in the Cantonment, but had Government treasury, which was near it, and in transferred all their stores] to the forts of J'afir charge of the Farangi (European] Johnson; Khân and Sharif Khân, they must, if the stores which acquisition caused the poor and the be destroyed, perish partly by hunger, and destitute to lift up the banner of mendicanoy. partly by bullets. The conclusion was accord
On the other hand, it occurred to some of ingly arrived at that these two forts must be the upright and united Khâns, viz. 'Abdu'llah taken, and the stores, -that is to say, the proKhan Achâkzâi, Aminu'llah Lahukurdi, Sardar visions,-plundered. Accordingly, therefore, “Abdue-salâm Khân Bimizđi, Sikandar Khân | they so ravaged them that in a moment it was Bimizai, &c., that after having embarked in as if they had never existed.' They also set fire 80 dangerous an undertaking, they could not to the fort [of J'afir Khân) and attacked the fort impart stability to & Government without a of Shartt Khân, which was near the Cantonment. PadshAh. Therefore they unanimously elected The English Ensign Warren,' who was with Muhammad Zaman Khan to be Padshah, and one hundred fifty men of the Fifth Regiment in resorted to more violence in order to realize charge of the fort [of J'afir Khân), felt himself their hopes. Accordingly after slaying Alex- unable to resist the gházís, and was ready to ander Burnes and plundering the treasury under agree to leave it, and thus to save his life. Johnson, they attacked the fort of Nishan Khan, Meanwhile Captain Swayne, who had with two situated between Deh-i-Afghân and Bagh-i- hundred men of the Forty-fourth Regiment been Shih (Garden of the Shâh]. As the European marching from the Cantonment to relieve him, officers had purchased the gódáms of the became on reaching the Bigh-i-Shah & target fort, and adorned it for habitation, they for the bullets of the gházís, and lost an eye; showed fight. When, however, the ghasis im- and most of the other officers having been killed, petuously rushed upon them they could no as many of the rest of the force as escaped the longer resist, and most of them were slain. sword, trod the way of flight. About the time of Those who escaped the sword, fled by the aid mid-day prayers, Ensign Kärn [sic], intending of some friends the Chandaul Mahallah to to aid Ensign Warren, marched from the Can. the first Chháuni, whereon all the corn and tonment with one regiment of the [East India] stores, laid up in the fort for the winter, fell Company, and one division of the Nirami into the possession of the gházís.
Cavalry [regulars]; but before he had yet ap. When Mr. Trevor, who had on the first day proached near, the gházís discharged a shower taken up a position in the tower of Fath Khân, of bullets upon his advancing force, of which knew that Burnes had been killed, and the they killed eight and wounded fifteen, causing treasury plundered, he made the Janbaz it to retreat to the Cantonment. They then Shábi Sawârs, whom he commanded, his own continued their operations around the fort, pushbody-guard, and asked Mr. Macnaghten to send ing a mine to the base of it like mice. Captain
• Qurdn, Ch.lxi. v. 4.
from the Portuguese qudão meaning cotton, and the place where it is stored; hence anglicised into godown, and designating any kind of store-house. (See Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I. Note 183, Vol. II. Note 754.)
• This is again & mistake in date, as the events described took place more than a week later.
[This hyperbolical expression is not borne out by what follows. SED.)
" Lieutenant," 8.g. "Lieutenant Warren and his party had abandoned the fort, and returned to the Can. tonments, leaving all our supplies in the hands of the enemy, and inspiring them with fresh confidence and courage, Kaye, Vol. II. p. 33.
"Major,' p. 28 ibid.

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Boyd then went to the commander of the by feelings of honour, purposed to adopt army, namely Mr. Macnaghten, shouting Lieutenant Eyre's suggestion to attack the that the surrender of the fort to the enemy fort of Muhammad Sharif forth with. His would entail the loss of one lakh of rupees, and senior officers, however, would not agree to let what was worse, the sangarlo in it cocained not him command, and unanimously selected Major more than twelve days' provisions, nor was there Swayne to take charge of an assault with the any force at hand strong enough to collect Sixth Regiment of Indian Infantry, in the hope provisions elsewhere, and convey them to the of obtaining possession of the remnants of the fort. Macnaghten also was now perplexed, and corn; but this officer, instead of preceding his sent word to hold the fort till night-fall, when men, according to the usual custom, preferred succour would arrive. Ensign Warren re- to walk in the shelter of an adjoining wall. plied that the ghasis were undermining one When the commander of the troops saw this, of the towers, and also that his men had he knew that such a coward would effect become so cowed, that from fear for their lives nothing, and ordered them to retrace their most of them were leaping down from the ram- steps. part and taking refuge in the sangar, and that Next day Ensign" Bird was sent with one therefore if no succour arrived in the evening, hundred men of the Forty-fourth Regiment all would be lost. After six o'clock in the of the Shahi (Royal] Infantry, Mr. Delin with evening, Macnaghten held & council of war as many of the Fifth Indian Infantry and Mr. with his officers, and a decision was arrived at Start with the same number of the Thirtynot to send a reinforcement to the fort of Sharif seventh Indian Infantry to assault the fort, Khân till the next morning to prevent the loss [Major) Griffiths being appointed commander of the gúdám, because the Afghậns were not over these officers. They directed their in the habit of sacrificing their night's rest, and artillery Against the fort of Muhammad Sharif, would not be watching the fort, nor harrassing levelled its walls and then took it by storm. the besieged. As a measure of precaution, Then they advanced antil they got possession however, Captain Johnson was sent as a spy to of nearly one half of the Bagh-i-Shah. bring information about the Afghans, and he On the other hand the Afghan sawars, led returned after a while with the report that they by 'Abdu'llah Khan Achakzai, invaded the were assembling, and preparing for an assault. Bågh-i-Sbůh and expelled Captain Thackeray Nevertheless, the English officers delayed with the jazdirchis therefrom, killing great sending reinforcements till the morning dawn- numbers. The QizlbAshes of the muhallah, who ed, by which time the impetuous ghasis had had up to this time remained neutral, sncconr. taken the fort by storm, and get the gate on ed the Afghấns when they saw them pressed, fire, so that Ensign Warren had to escape and renewing the attack, retook the Bâgh-i. with the troops by a way he had prepared for Shih with the fort of Sharif, and having driven flight." As the conquerors had taken posses- the English into the sangar besieged them. sion of abundant provisions, and the want of On Tuesday the twenty-seventh of the them in the winter season would cause great month Ramazan in the same year when the hardship to the English troops, the English provisions of the English troops had been officers, when they saw the Afghang engaged altogether consumed, the plenipotentiary wazir in carrying off the corn, impelled partly by Macnaghten sent an officer to Brigadier apprehensions of impending distress, and partly Shelton who was in the Balâ Hisar, to ask for
20 This word does not occur in any Persian Diction ary, but is in Sanskrit sangraha,"collection," hence " place where collection of stores in kept." It has passed into Marathi unchanged and also into other Indian languages, and is on the way of becoming an English word like bhatta, bangalah, chittht, &c., and is already being used in print. A correspondent of The Bombay Garette, writing from Suskim, meant by it a small circular fort, and in our text it appears to designate a magasine or store-house like giddm above.
11 "Early on the morning of the 5th the commissariat fort was abandoned by its garrison, the enemy having attempted to fire the gate and escalade. The garrison
came out by hole made from the interior-tools having been sent over night, with a view to the introduction of reinforcements and the withdrawal of supplies from the store."-Report of General Elphinstone.
Lieutenant. 13 A party under Major Griffiths of the 37th Native Infantry was sent out against Muhammad Sharif's fort. A practicable breach was effected, and the storming party entered with an irresistible impetuoeity worthy of British troops. Kaye, Vol. II. p. 37. This took place on the 6th November 1841
** This gives the lat November, which is about a week too early.

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some grain, if he had any, whereon the General, perceiving the impending danger, rushed between having obtained some flour and corn, brought the two forces, and surrounding those of Capit with an artillery waggon, a battalion of the tain Bellew, cut most of them to pieces. When Forty-fourth Royal English Regiment and the Brigadier Shelton became aware of what was whole of the Sixth Regiment of Shah Shuja'a- taking place, the fire of his zeal blazed, and he u'l-Mulk to the sangar. When he arrived at fell with his men upon the Afghans, who repelled the Cantonment the soldiers became frightened, them twice, and at the same time continued because he said that the English troops would to fire upon the troops of Lieutenant Bird, be unable to encounter and to fight the furious which they had surrounded. In the third attack Afghans; more especially now, as the winter the Afghans incited each other and, becoming was setting in and the scarcity of food would more furious, reached the enemy, committing become such that not one man of the English such slaughter that all of them were killed, army would be able to return alive, wherefore except Lieutenant Bird and one of his valiant the opportunity of leaving Kabul, and march soldiers. It is moreover said that these two men ing to Jallalabad, ought to be at once embraced. fought so bravely, that they caused thirty But Macnaghten and the officers of the army Afgháns to attain the dignity of martyrdom." replied that, in the opinion of intelligent men, Of the English two hundred men were killed, but such a proposal smacked of madness itself; be- in this give-and-take, the forts of Rika Bashi" cause they had taken infinite trouble in the and Žu'lfiqar and another, fell into the possession construction of the sangar for their own safety of the English, together with some grain they To abandon it therefore and to lift up the contained. One-half of this they succeeded in banner of retreat in another direction full of transferring to the vangar by the evening : but enemies, would be tantamount to feeding a when the sháhansháh with the golden diadem, fire with more wocd, or to throwing one's goods namely the sun, had thrown the veil of obscurity
o a rushing torrent; and for this reason the over his face, ("By night when it covereth all best thing to do was to remain in their strong- things with darkness, ")" the brave Afghans hold till the commencement of the spring blew up the walls of the two forts by mines, When the soldiers heard the depressing words and thus wreaked their vengeance, which and contradictory proposals of their officers, greatly augmented the dismay of the English. they became sore afraid in their hearts, prefer- Another contest took place at the Pattah-Biring death to life; and the more so, as they ma-rú, originally called Pattah-i-Bibi-máh-ru." knew that the provisions in the Cantonment on the twenty-fourth of the blessed month would not last longer than two days more. . Ramazan in the same year [8th November]" the
Now the Afghans stormed and took the fort English cavalry rode about the vicinity of the of Rika Basht, situated at the distance of an Cantonment, whereon the Afghan sawars rushed arrow shot from the Cantonment, on which they upon them and occupied the top of the hill fired a rain of bullets. The plenipotentiary wasir
which dominated their Cantonment, whence a [Sir W. Macnaghten) having ordered the fort
risdlah of regulars was immediately sent to of Rikâ Bashi to be stormed, Colonel Mackrell dislodge them, and the Afghans, unable to cope went with the 44th Regiment, in company of with them, retreated. Afterwards some of the Lieutenant Bird with the 6th Regiment, and Kôhistâni Infantry preparing for another fight, & number of other European as well as Indian constructed a sangaron the top of the Bimari hill, soldiers, and made their attack from one side, and when next day a crowd of ghúsis ascended whilst Captain Bellew started with still more it, with the intention of fighting, the English numerous troops and the same intention from troops likewise marched out from the Cantonanother; whereon the victory-craving Afghans, ment and stood ready for battle, whilst a risdlah _* But it was only on the urgent representation of the been shot down by the gallant three."-Kaye, Vol. II. Envoy, that an expedition against the RikA BÅsht fort p. 53. was undertaken at laat.-Kaye, Vol. II. p. 50.
17 Fort RikA Baht was taken on the 10th of November. * " Lieutenant Bird, with two sepoys of the 37th N. I.
16 Quran, Ch. xcii. v. 1. sought refuge in # stable, which they barricaded and
- Meaning the Hill of the Moon-faced Lady. defended with resolution that deserved and secured
o « On the 13th November the enemy occupied in great & Crown of success. When the fort was carried by the strength the Bl-md-rd hills. They had planted two gens British troope, they were found with exhausted ammoni.
in commanding position, and were cannonading the tion, but alive and uninjured. Thirty of the onemy had | British Cantonment."-Kayo, Vol. II. p 59.

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of regulars with two pieces of artillery on living in Tashqurghân, and had come to Kabul wheels, under the command of Lieutenant when he heard of the rebellion-as will be Walker, was sent up the hill, the top of which narrated in the Memoirs of the adherents they reached with extreme difficulty. When of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, if it the fighting began, the Kōhistâni foot-men pleaseth Allah the Most High-was with Shah succeeded in gradually withdrawing from the Shuja'a in the Balà Hişar, when the English range of the cannons, so that the balls could in the Cantonments had begun negotiations not strike them, whilst their own bullets laid with the Afghans, and messengers were going low all the artillerists. On this occasion" forwards and backwards between them. *Abdu'llah Khan Achakzâi, who was a lion in the | When Macpaghten had obtained a substitute field of valour, and who had in his morning and desired to return to Hindustan, he wrote prayers asked God to grant him martyrdom, to Shah Shuja'a that the further stay of the rushed forth in the company of a number of latter in Kabul would be unsuitable for him, braves with the war cry :-"Assistance from and that if he were to go with him to India, Allah, and a speedy victory,"" and overturning the (East India] Company would grant him & the cannons made an attack upon the sawars of pension of four lakhs of rupees per annum. the English risalah. But alas, whilst doing so, The Padsbâh replied, that if his hands had not the valiant 'Abdu'llah Khân, having tasted the been tied by a feeling of honour and by his sherbet of martyrdom, was received into the family he would have done so, but could not, Almighty's proximity of mercy and repose. All according to the saying : the Musalmans, especially the Afghans, tore the "O ye that are encumbered by a family collar of grief for his loss, and it was confidently
Must no longer hope for tranquillity." thought, that had not the Khân been overtaken He also advised Macnaghten that it would by the decree of fate, the Cantonment of the be better to be on his guard, and likewise to English would on that day have fallen into the take refuge in the Bald Hişar, and when he possession of the gházís.
heard that Macnaghten had been killed, he After that the English, having evidently no was very sorry." Then the English army more power and strength to fight outside, marched in command of Mr. Pottinger-whom were besieged in their Cantonments, and they had made Lord [Commander] after the began to negotiate for peace with the Afghans. murder of Macnaghten, on account of the scarcity On the sixteenth of the month Shawal [1st of provisions, in the direction of Jallalabad," December 1841] Wazir Muhammad Akbar but all perished during their march from the Khân, son of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, extreme cold and in consequence of the attacks who had escaped from Bokhârâ and had been of the gházís," -a9 will be narrated in the
21 Emboldened by impunity, the Afghan cavalry but commanded by General Elphinstone and not by charged down upon the British bayonets with irresistible Pottinger, as stated above in our text. force. No dispositions were made to receive them. For S' The arrival of the army from K Abul was anxiously & while all was papio snd oonfusion.--Kaye, Vol. II. expectod in Jallalabad :-"At last on the 13th of PP. 60-61.
January, when the garrison were busy on the works, * This was, according to Kaye, Vol. II. p. 88-89, another toiling with are and shovel, with their arms piled and action, but in the same locality, fought on the 23rd accoutrements laid out close at haad, & sentry, on the November, which was one of the most disastrolis :-"On ramparts, looking out towards the Kabul road, aw that day a battle was fought which ended in the dis
Bolitary whito-food horseman struggling on towards the graceful and onlamitous defeat of the British troope."
fort .... . A budder ran through the garrison. Kaye also mentions the death of the chief alluded to Thatsolitary horseman looked like the messenger of death. above in our text. 33 Quran, ch. lxi. v. 13.
Few doubted that he was the bearer of intelligence that *+ "At this moment, when the enemy were in flight, would All their souls with horror and dismay. Their and our guns had been recaptured, Shelton might bave worst forebodingu seemed confirmed. There was the one brought back his foroe with credit to Cantonments. man who was to tell the story of the massacre of a great But the opportunity was lost .... The rout of the army. A party of cavalry were sent out to sucoour him. British foroe was complete. In one oonfused mass of They brought him in wounded, exhausted, half-dead. Infantry and Cavalry-of European and native soldiers- The messenger was Dr. Brydon, and he now reported his they fled to the Cantonment walls."-Kaye, Vol. II. belief that he was the sole survivor of an army of Pp. 89-90.
sixteen thousand men."-Kaye, Vol. II. p. 217.-The *** On the 28rd December 1941 the Envoy summoned detailed account of this disastrous march, terminating Capts. Trevor, Lawrence and Mackenzie to socompany with the extermination of the whole army, ooours ibid. him to a meeting with some Afghan chiefs :-" After Book VI. Ch. II. from p. 218 to p. 250. Readers, the conference had begun, on a given signal Akbar Khån however, who expect a chronological sequence of the endeavoured to seize Sir William, and meeting re- facts narrated, will be a little surprised that it is not sistance, shot him dead with the pistols which he had a always obeerved in this work and that the tragio day or two before received as a present from him. Calc. arrival of Dr. Brydon at Jallólábed has been narrated Rev. 1844, Vol. II. No, iii. p. 260.
before, and not after the account of the extermination * The army left Kabul" on the sixth January 1842, of army is given.

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Memoirs of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan peace with Shah Shuja'a, and wrote secretly to and of Akbar Khân.
the chiefs of Kâbul, that if the Shah was sincere The population of Kabul crowded against in his desire to strengthen Islam and to destroy the Bâlâ Hişâr," until they got it into their the infidels, they must incite him to extirpate the possession like the Cantonments of the English ; remainder of the English who were still in Jal. whereon Shah Shuja'a, perceiving that the lâlâbâd. With this object people were daily sent tyrannical English Government was destroyed, round bearing the noble Quran [Hazrat Furqan] was under the necessity of acting according on their heads shouting the Takbir (the words to the maxim, "if the times do not suit you, Allahu akbar] and proclaiming that the PadshAh suit them," and of courting the friendship of Islam ought certainly to go to Jallalabad to of Aminu'llah Khan Labukurdi, to whose house remove the remaining Englishmen from Afghhe sent his own son the Shabzadah Sbåhpûr nistân. As gratitude to the English impeded for the purpose of allaying the excitement the Padshậh from consenting to ruin their of the insurgents, most of whom considered government, he adopted the policy of procrashim (the Padshah] to be altogether English tination, and declared that in case Muhammad in his sentiments. Amina'llah, being pleased Akbar Khan should be unable to conquer with the promises made to him, of gold, JallalAbad, he would himself induce the English of robes of honour, of position and of high dig. to depart from Afghanistan by diplomacy, and nity, brought over & number of Durranis and in case of their failing to comply, he would force Farsis to the side of the Padshah : who also them to do so by war. As the Musalmans pledged himself, while the negotiations pro- were displeased with the return of Muhammad ceeded, to bestow & gift of two lákhs of Akbar Khân, they were of opinion that it would pukhtah rupees apon (the Shahzadah] Muham- be better to send a letter to the English officers. mad Zaman Khân. But the latter at first re- Accordingly, to please them, Shah Shaja'a fused, saying, “I am a Khalifah, and not a re- despatched one by Sardar 'Inayatu'llah Khan ceiver of bribes;" to which Aminu'llah Khân Bâmizai, and another by Din Muhammad Khân, replied, " As now & Padshah of Islam has been his private chamberlain. These were to act found, the Khalifate is abolished and the apparently as his agents, but in reality to Wazirate is also a high position and most favour the English, whom they openly told to valuable dignity, which I am able to procure depart from JallAlibâd, but secretly put on their for yon," and then Muhammad Zaman Khan guard against the treachery of the Barakzai necessarily consented. On the 7th Zo'lhijjah tribes, and more particularly against that of A.H. 1257 [27th January 1842] the Shahzadah | Muhammad Akbar Khân, lest they should be Shahpûr proceeded with Naib Amîna'llah Khân deceived by his duplicity, and perish like and Naw&b Muhammad Zaman Khân, and all Macnaghten, from trusting him. It is the Ghiljai, Kohistâni, and Qizlbåsh Khâns alleged that the Shah's object in this corto the Bali Hişår for the purpose of saluting respondence, which was protracted during the Shah, and having been presented with two lunar months, was no other than to gain beautiful robes of honour they paid him their time for the arrival of another army from respects every day."
Hindustan. This conjecture is supported by Wazir Muhammad Akbar Khân, who was on the writings of Mr. Macgregor, the Hakim of this occasion at Jallalábåd, felt much aggrieved Jallalabad. on being informed that the Khậns had made
(To be continued.)
"The BAIA Hipar was evacuated by the British troops on the 13th December."-Kaye, Vol. II. p. 131.
** "Ever since the departure of the British army, Shah Shajd's had reigned at Kabul. He had reigned at Kabal, but he had not ruled. His power was merely nominal. The chiefs wanted puppet ; and in the unhappy ShSh they found the only one who was ever likely to stand between them and the vengeance of the British nation. Day after day they made their salaam to him in the Balà Hisar, bat so imperfect was their outward recognition of his regal dignity, that money was still
coined in the name of the NewÅb Zaman Khan."-Kaye, Vol. II. pp. 358-4.
30 The ShAh himsell talked openly in the Darbar about standing forth as the defender of the faith and declaring
religious war against the Kitirs, but he privately Assured Conolly that he was heart and soul with the British, and he wrote long letters to the Governor General Clerk, Maogregor, and others, declaring his inviolable fidelity, and eagerly clamouring for money." -Kaye, Vol. II. p. 255.

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ANCIENT TENURES OF LAND IN THE MARATHA COUNTRY
BY SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I., F.R.S. The Markthâs constitute a well-defined sec- growing power of the Muhammadans, they tion of the Hindu population. They occupy a still maintained their independence, until, in considerable portion of the table-land of the the days of Aurangzeb, in the 17th and 18th Dakhan; or, to define its limits more exactly, centuries, they emerged from their mountain the western boundary may be described as fastnesses ander Sivaji, and swept away the following the line of coast from Daman to Goa, wide-spread Mughal empire, penetrating even the northern being marked by the Satpurâ to its threshold in the city of Debli itself, range as far as Nagpur, whence the eastern bor. The great body of the Rattas is composed der follows the course of the Wainganga, and of the agricultural classes or kunbís, distinother tributaries of the Godavari, as far as Bi- guished for their skill and industry as cultivadar, thence an irregular line passing through tors, and for their readiness and aptitude for Kågal, Kurandwad, Hakêri, Belgaum and war, being equally prepared at all times to Dharwad to Sadasiwgad, divides them from exchange the plough for the saddle and the the Karnataka and Kanarese-speaking people. spear. Below them are the servile classes,
Of the origin of the people who have in- mahars or mhárs, who have been suggested by habited this tract from the earliest times we some as the ancestors of the Maratlâ nation, have no certain knowledge. We first become but they belong without doubt to that nuacquainted with them on the decay of the merous body of serfs, hereditary bondmen, Andhra empire. At that time two powerful adscripti glebæ, the holiyars of the Kanarese, the indigenous races occupied the southern por- málas of the Telugus, and the pariahs of the tion of the Andhra dominions in the Dakhan, Tamils. The mahárs imbibed the martial inthe Pallavas to the east, and the Rattas to the stincts of their masters, and served with credit west, the aspirations of both of which were as bárgirs in the pagás, or stable horse of local kept in check by the growing power of the chiefs, when they were called halsawdrs. But Chålukya dynasty. The language of the the most important class is that of the Rattas has a Taranian foundation, but it has Brahmans. Astute and able as the twice-born great similarity to the grammar and structure caste is thronghout India, the Marathi Brahof Hindi. It is expressed in characters of two man is pre-eminently distinguished among all forms, one identical with Devanagari, the other his confraternity for ability and force of charcursive, the running hand used on all ordinary acter. The particular term, by which they are occasions called Môd or Modi. With a not known from the Niyôgis or Teluga Brahmans inconsiderable literature of its own, it has re- on the one hand, and the Seņwis of the west ceived large additions from Sanskrit, principal. coast on the other, is that of Débastha or ly by translation. Hence also the national "national," which marks them as first par designation it effects for its people and country excellence, and the highest rank is always of Rashtrakåta and Mahårå shtra, by which it conceded to them. They took an active share has sought to overshadow the indigenous in all the publio transactions of the Dakhan, names of Ratta and Mahâratta.
. both civil and military, from the period of The Markthâs have always been distinguished Muhammadan rule down to recent times. for their courage and love of independence, Ferishta states that Burhan Nizam Shah made which they maintained despite the superior a Brahman his diwán or minister, with the power of the Châlukyas. Advancing from title of Peshwå about A.D. 1592,* a practheir seat on the Bhimå they even overthrew tice which became general as applied to the for a while that kingdom between the 8th and Brahmaņ ministers of the different chiefs, and 10th centuries, and afterwards, amid the was even adopted by Sivajt himself in favour
Burnell, South Indian Palmography, 2nd ed., Introd. P. I. note 8.
• Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanaros Districts, pp. 82.
33, 40, 41.
Molesworth's Marathi Dictionary, p. xii. . Briggs' Forishta, Vol. III. p. 220.

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of his own minister Sam Raj Pant, whose Out of this chaos the first step of the new successors ultimately displaced the descendants Government was to ascertain as far as possible of his royal master.
the principles, if any, on which the original The preference shown by the Muhammadan assessment rested. It was found by & careful princes to the Disasthas and the skill and examination of the oldest accounts procurable ability displayed by the latter in the revenne that the system of assessment in force ander administration, gradually led to the substitu- the Bijapur and early MarathÀ Governments tion of Marathi for Persian as the language of was derived from the times of the Anagandi Account under Brahman scribes, which greatly or Bijnagar kings. According to tradition, added to their influence. This influence they Krishna Raya, the greatest prince of that line, have never lost. Every ruler, of whatever made a regular survey of the whole area on race or creed, finds the assistance of a Brahman which Assessment was due. This was the diwán or daftardar indispensable to the success ráya-rékhd or hulmár measurement, still reof his administration, and hence the Maråthi ferred to as the oldest authority extant. It system of accounts, though much modified, was on it that the Bijapur settlement was has not become obsolete even to the present based, which stands at the head of all the day.
old assessments under the title of raķam. Before noticing the system of assessment beris. The dry lands only appear to have introduced by the Marathas it will be useful to been subjected to the rdya-rákhá survey, for give a short sketch of the governments that in the pargands bordering on the Malnad preceded them. The earliest that exercised any or western districts, which are principally influence now perceptible on the assessment was under wet cultivation, the village measures that of Anègundior Bijnagar, which prevailed bear other names, and vary considerably from over their extensive dominions from the each other. The scale of the raya-rékhá beginning of the 15th to the middle of the 16th már is cut on a post in the gateway of the century. This gave place to the 'Adil Shah Gadag fort, and measures exactly 7 ft. 94 dynasty of Bijapur in 1553 A.D., which was inches. Of these 20 make a bigha and 36 succeeded in 1686 A.D. by that of the Dehli or bighde a rdya-rékhd mar. Another in the Mughalai Sarkár on the conquest of the Dakhan Basavana temple at Nawalgand gives 7 ft. by Aurangzeb. When the Marathi rule was 6-6 inches. A subsequent governor under restored under the Poona Government the Å nêgundi introduced the vithal-panti mar, BO revenues were ably administered for some time called from his own name, into many villages under various BrAhmaņ sarsubahs (provincial of the black soil. It is marked in the temples governors) on the chdli system inherited from of Anigiri and Aminbhavi, and on & stone Bijậpar. But by degrees abuses crept in under at Hebļi, still extant, measuring 10ft. 6:3 the weak and improvident rule of the Peshwa - inches, 10ft. 11.8 inches, and 10ft. 6 inches Biji Rao. The collection of the revenue was respectively. It never came into general use, farmed to the highest bidder, and new offers and is supposed to have been much larger were accepted at Poona for districts already than the standard above recorded would sanc. rented, the new-comer sometimes having to tion. Instances of other measures, probably expel his predecessor by force. Then, aware of very early date, are also found, such as pattas,
the precarious nature of his tenure he was gulís, chiggara, &c. All these, with the már, obliged to exact to the atmost. The abuses constitute measures of the superficial area. arising out of such a system were augmented The gardens are estimated by the space, called by internal disorders, insurrectionary move- sthals or thals, occupied by a certain number ments, and plundering raids, so that when of trees. But there is another measurement of the Southern Maráthâ country came into the the dry lands called the kó!werk, or hiin-ko!wéin, possession of the British Government in 1817 a which seems to have originated in some very general state of disorder was found to prevail. early assessment, and to have reference to
. Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. III. p. 80.
. These are found in different parts of the country and vary greatly in extent. The chiggar is a large
division of land of uncertain origin and of very variable extent. See Morahall's Statistical Report, p. 25, Bombay 1822.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SEPTEMBER, 1886.
the quantity of land that yielded one han or found to be so general. But the bijawari pagoda (=Rs. 4 of ceas).
lands were sometimes further divided into The dry land was thus assessed either on a classes paying different rates, & usage not measurement of its actual extent by the rdya. altogether unknown even in dry lands. rékhá standard, or exceptionally by some local The preceding observations refer to the pay. measure, or it was estimated by the quantityment of the revenue in money, which was of land to which the payment of a certain further modified by the chali system before sum was attached, stated in húns and their referred to, which will be more fully explained fractions.
hereafter. But the revenue was also someA different mode was adopted in the Malnad times levied in kind (particularly when jágers or wet lands, which is known under the name and inl'ams were placed under sequestration), of bijawari. The land was estimated by the under the bljkwari system already adverted quantity of seed required to sow it, measured to; according to which a kudu (-30 bighas) of by khandis and kudus. This, too, is attributed seed land was considered equal to a pau or the to the time of the Ånêgundi sovereigns, and is fourth part of a chawar. Accounts are yet said to have been determined in the following extant showing this process in great detail manner :
from the tukhm-rezi or seed account to the gall& The revenue was taken for a given number account or share at the harvest. of years in kind. The fees of village officers, The land tax, as has always happened under and all other expenses were deducted from the a Muhammadan government, becoming very grain on the threshing-floor, the residue was high, was remodelled, under the later princes of divided into two equal portions and the ra'iyat | the 'Adil ShAhi family, and the result, known allowed to take his choice. The average as the tankhd, is referred to as the aşal of 1080 proceeds of the other half, or Sarkar share, | A.H. (1669 A.D.) in all subsequent accounts of was then recorded as the assessment of the the Mughlái of Dehlt rule, as a standard or land which had produced the whole.
foundation. The tankhd is considerably less in The bijdwari was not confined to estimat- its sum total than the previous rakam, thongh ing the value of wet land, but was occasionally the rates were higher. It seems to have formed resorted to in dry cultivation also, where the limit of the collections of the Bijapur State the result was recorded in kurgis. The kurgi is when it was adopted as the basis of the Maghlai the name of the seed plough, and the quantity assessment. To this every subsequent increase of seed which the husbandman can sow in one of revenue attained under the imperial governday with a pair of bullocks becomes the mea- ment was added with the name of isáfa-taufir sure of the land liable to assessment. The (-additional increase), after which it remained kurgi is of unequal extent, varying from 5 to a fixed and permanent item, even though the 10 bighds.
source from which it was derived had ceased Whether, however, the Bijapur State adopted to exist. The taufir and the tankhá together these measures from the former govern- constitute the kam dl-béria, or full demand of ment or not, it is certain from accounts now the Mughlâl Government, but this kamál was remaining, that they were in use under that never realized in any instance that has been state. In all cases, not otherwise specified, the met with, on the contrary a certain portion was staple measure of the Bijapur State was the deducted every year, as logs (dfat), and the chdwar, said to contain 120 square bighds. In remainder only (tatimma) was considered to be all these modes of assessment, whether by the the jamá or demand. Thus the kamal is of no cháwar, the már, the local measures, the kwen,value as a standard of comparison, because it or the býjawari estimate, a similar plan came was never in actual operation. to be observed of making the quantity of We have said before that the administration land in the measure vary in extent with of the land revenue, under all the various reference to the qualities of the soil, wbile the tendres already enumerated, was regulated by som assessed on it was always the same, a what has been called the chali system. Oripractice which led to the uncertainty in the ginating under the Bíjâpar government, it was Baperficial extent of each denomination, now perfected and brought to its high state of

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ANCIENT MARATHA LAND-TENURES.
271
efficiency by the Marathas. The principle on inferior holders was sufficiently improved to which it was founded was that of the muni- admit of his sharing in the burdens and privicipal character of the Indian village, according leges of a chali ra'iyats, he was brought into that to which the principal inhabitants conduct all body. But when, on the other hand, a chálidár the affairs of the community, and manage was unable from losses or misfortune to contritheir transactions with the officers of govern- bute his share, he was only assessed at keatgua ment. All the assessable lands in the village or makhta rates to allow him to recover bis are entered in the accounts as liable to the reduced circumstances. úinak or standard tax, and are divided into The onerous conditions of the chali tenure four classes. 1st, the chal, consisting of the were counterbalanced by advantages which not best and most fertile fields, and those nearest only enabled the holder to discharge its conthe village; 2nd, the katguta, paying a slight ditions with ease, but made it an object of amaddition to the áinati ; 3rd, makhtá or khand bition with every rd'iyat to become one. In the makhta, which never pays more; and 4th, hor- first place, the chali rd'iyat held the best lands sut or kaul, which only pays the úinati when in the township, and occupied the best houses brought into cultivation under favourable cir- in the village. These were attached to particumstances, to which may be added payakára, cular fields, and could only be possessed by or lands held by foreign cultivators, not mem- the person cultivating such fields. Secondly, bers of the village community. The lands of kauls for breaking up waste (nángar? or the first class are occupied exclusively by great plough kauls) were only given to those the principal inhabitants, who are therefore paying cháli, and never to any other ri'iyats, but called chálidárs. When, at the annual settle- the latter could hold hariyali and istúwá kauls. ment of the revenue the officers of govern- Thirdly, the right of cultivating for iná amdars, ment in fixing the assessment made an esti- who always let their lands for much less mate formed from past collections and other than the sarkár or government rates, was sources, of what a suitable demand ought to restricted to the chálidárs, who also could alone be, the difference between the original dináti employ páyakárt or alien sub-tenants from and the sum so fixed, was, with the con other villages. These, with some other special sent and concurrence of the cháli ra'iyats, im- benefits, varying in different places, and the posed on their lands exclusively. This, under influence thoy enjoyed over the village com. the name of patti, was sub-divided by them munity and its concerns, and a degree of conamong themselves, but no addition was made to sideration with which they were treated by the demand on the other lands. This done, the government and its officers, form some of the chálidárs became liable for the realization of principal privileges attached to the chart the whole village assessment, and had to make tenure. good any balance that remained outstand. The term chálf is, therefore, applicable rather ing. They were, therefore, careful to provide to persons than to lands, but as the best lands against the occurrence of such a contingency were always held by the former, the expression They kept up the cultivation by preventing chali fields is not uncommon. rá'iyats from absconding, and by procuring new A portion only of the lands of a chali rá'iyat settlers; they assisted the poor with seed, bul. were subjected to the imposition of the patti, locks, and labour at the sowing season; gave or to the chali tenure, the rest was katguta, them temporary remissions to bring their fields makhta, and kaul. It was sometimes, thereinto full tilth, and took care that they per- fore, impossible to point ont the particular formed their engagements accordingly. When field considered as cháli, though at other times by these means the condition of any of the this was specified in the accounts.
- ningar kaul was that given for breaking up old waste, overrun in the black soil by nath or nattu grass, the matted, deep-seated roots of which could only be broken up by the great plough drawn by five or six yoke of bullooks, and entitled the holder to exemption from all demand for eight or ten years. See Dr. Wight's description of the nath grase, Iachamum pilomum, Wight,
Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. II. P. 138.
[staro1 and hariyali kauls open to the other ra'iyats were only temporary exemptions to clear superficial weeds. The istud on an exemption annually increasing to the full amount for a short period, and hariyali in like man. ner to extirpate the surfaoe herbage of Agroatia linearis.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1886.
The patti, or extra assessment, is nominally, of his cháli holding, he must at the same and was originally variable, but came in time relinquish his sarv-ind'am or free land, or time to be considered as a fixed and custom- an equivalent portion of it. ary rate, under the name of mamul or fair These two kinds of chali recall to mind the patti, in contradistinction to the jástí palí, descriptions of village economy still subsisting or excessive addition of later times. It was in other parts of India. nevertheless always omitted in the cultiva. The first, or Southern, bears a strong resem tion accounts. I have scarcely seen a single blance to those communities in the Karnatak lavani-patrak' or chițá, or schedule of land where the concerns of the village are regulated under cultivation, antecedent to the Maisůr by the body of the inhabitants or mirásdárs, conquest that contains more than the dinait. collectively, while the chalidárs of Indt and It was usual for the Marathi kamdvisdárs Muddebiha! (districts of the Bhimtadi or valley to make remissions for bad years, misfortunes, of the Bhima) have a slight connection with the &c., by deducting a part of the patti, a half, bhdgdár or co-partnership pátils of Gujarat. quarter, two ánás, or any definite proportion, Indeed, I recollect two or three villages in and to impose an equal additional proportion MuddebihA! where the pafile had divided the in the following year, which was never ob- village into shares, each managed exclusively jected to by the ra'iyats, and, I believe, is by one of their body, for the revenge of which practised in some of the jágir villages to this he was responsible. A tenure still more closely day.
resembling the chali formerly prevailed in The chali prevailing in the districts between Ballari and Kadapa (Cuddapah), under the the Krishna and the Bhimâ differs considerably name of appanam, and probably still subsists from that above described. There the páčil and in the Teluga portion of the Nizâm's domihis bháiband (collateral relatives) are almost the nions, for I found it lingering as far north as only chálidárs. They pay no judíor official qait- Gazjâm under the same name. rent, but hold a certain quantity of sarv-ind'am These are probably remains of a state of or mirasi land free of all rent, the proportion of society that at one period seems to have been which is regulated by the quantity of cháli they general throughout India, in which the conmay have undertaken. If by any accident cerns of the village were administered by the & chalidar is forced to give up all, or & portion I chief inhabitants in & body.
THE MEANING OF BAPPA AND BAVA.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.O.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E. In order to facilitate the discussion of some no satisfactory explanation has as yet been points of importance in connection with the offered. Rulers of Valabhi, I publish herewith a complete The second expression, with paramount titles genealogy of the family as I interpret it from qualifying báva, occurs in paramabhattarakathe inscriptions, with the official titles of the maharajadhiraja-paramósvara-báva-pád-dnudh - members of it, and thoir dates as far as I have ydta, an epithet that is applied-(1) to only the been able to verify them.
Paramabhaftáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and ParaThe point to which I would draw attention mêsvara SilAditya III., a most devout worshipper in the present note, is the meaning of the two of the god Mahéśvara (Śiva), in line 46 of the words bappa and bava, which occur in the com- grant of his son Siladitya IV. of the year 372, pounds bappa-pád-ánudhyata, “meditating on and in lines 45 and 46 respectively of the two the feet of bappa," and báva-pád-dnudhyáta, grants' of Siladitya V. of the year 403. No other "meditating on the feet of bava," and of which instance of the use of båva is known to me.
Superiicial observers, however, not aware of this, heard of it than he repaired to the district in person, were liable to suppose that the best, or chal lands, were replaced the assessment on its former footing, and reexorbitantly rack-rented. It is related that an ines. moved his over-sealous dependent. This celebrated perienced kumdvladar (revenue officer) under the Pesh- diwin was not pure Désastha, but belonged to the subwa's Government, proceeded to remodel the assessment division of that body known as Konkanasthås or Chitta. under his charge on what he considered to be more equipawans, of which the PdpPeshwhs were also members. table terms. Nana Phadnavis, the able minister of the ante, Vol. V. p. 212; and Archeol. Sury. West. Ind. Peshwi N Brayap BAO, sad his successors, no sooner Yol. III. p. 99. Jour.Bo.Br. R.As.Soc. Vol. XI. p. 843

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SEPTEMBER, 1886.]
THE MEANING OF BAPPA AND BAVA.
BAVA.
278
GENEALOGY OF THE BULERS OF VALABHI.
Bhat&rka, Sendpati.
Dharasena I.,
Senapati
Drönasinha,
Dhruvasna I., Dharapatta, Mahardja. Mahardja, Mahdadmanta, Mahardja.
Mahápratthdra, Mahddandandyaka,
and Mahdkdrtakritika. (Gupta-Samvat 207.)
Guhasena
Mahdrdja. (G. S. 240 (P 237), 246, 248.)
Dharaséna II., Samanta, Mahdsamanta, Maharaja, and Mahadhirdja.
(G. S. 252, 269, 270.)
Kharagraha I.
SnAditya I., or Dharmaditya I. (G. S. 286, 290.)
Dérabhata.
Dharasens III.
Dhruvasena II., or BalAditya. (G. S. 310.)
Dhruvasêna III.
Dharasena IV., Paramabrattdraka, Mahdrajadhirdja, Paramdbvara, and Chakravartin.
(G. 8. 326, 830.)
stAditya II. Kharagraha II.
or Dharmaditya II.
(G. S. 337.) StiAditya III. Paramabhattáraka, Mahardjddhirdja,
and Parameswaran
(G. S. 352.)
Siladitya IV. Paramabhattdraka, Maharajadhirdja, and Paramosvara.
(G. S. 372.)
Staditya V. Paramabhattdraka, Maharajadhirdja, and Paraméévara.
(G. 8. 403.)
SMAditya V1. Paramabhattdraka, Mahardjddhirdja, and Paramddvara.
(G. S. 441.)
SriAditya VII., or Dhrabhata (Dhruvabhata.) - Paramabhattdraka, Maharajadhirdja, and Param&svara.
(G. $. 447.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBEE, 1886.
The first expression, which was of very Bhattáraka qualifying bappa, in the epithet general use, occurs, among the Valabhi bappa-bhatjáraka-pada-bhakta, which is applied grants, with the paramount titles qualifying -(8) to the Pallava Maharaja Simbavarman II., bappa, in paramabhaftdraka-mahárájádhirdja- who was a most devout worshipper of the Holy paraméérara-árf-bappa-pád-ánudhydta, an epi- One (Bhagavat; i.e. Vishnu), in line 13 of his thet that is applied (2), in lines 53, 54-55, grant ;"-(9) to the Veigi Mahardja Vijaya57-58, and 63 of the grant of SilAditya VII. nandivarman, also a most devout worshipper of of the year 447, and in other grants as far as the Holy One (Bhagavat), in line 1 of his they go, to SilAditya IV. V. VI. and VII., grant;"-and (10) to the Pallava Maharaja each of whom came in direct succession after Nandivarman, again a most devout worshipper his father, and each of whom had the paramount of the Holy One (Bhagavat), in line 14-15 of titles of Paramabhatfaraka, Maharajadhirdja, his grant," possibly spurious ;-and, with the and Paramésvara, and was also a most devout further qualifying title of Mahúrája, in the worshipper of the god Maheśvara.
epithet bappa-bhattáraka-mahárája-pada-DhakAmong the inscriptions of other families, the ta, which is applied-(11) to the Pallava same expression, bappa-pad-ánudhyata, without Yuvamaharaja Vishnugôpavarman, again a any qualifying titles of bappa, is used as an most devout worshipper of the Holy One epithet-(3) of the Bhattáraka and Maharaja (Bhagavat), in line 14 of his grant." Sivadêva I. of Nepal, in line 1-2 of his inscrip- In publishing the two grants of Siladitya V. tion of Gupta-Samvat 318;-(4) of the Mahásá- of the year 403, Mr. V. N. Mandlik" treated manta Amíuvarman of Nepal, who was also the words bappa and bava, quite unnecessarily, favoured by the feet of the god Pasupati (Śiva), as identical, and considered that they denoted in line 2 of his inscription of Harsha-Samvat " some great teacher of the Saiva faith, or some 34, and in line 4-5 of his inscription of Harsha- remarkable great king of that name; but more Samvat 39 ;-(5) of Jishņugupta of Nepal, who probably the former, from the adjectives used;" again was also favoured by the feet of the god or, again, some "sage, venerated equally in all Pasupati, in line 4 of his inscription' of Harsha- parts of Hindustan." So, also, Dr. Bhagwanlal Samvat 48, and in line 6-7 of another of his Indraji has recorded his opinion that boppa is inscriptions; and (6) of the Paramabhattara. "a general title used by chief priests." And ka and Mahárájádhiraja Sivadêva II. of Nepal, I myself have suggested that the name is that who again was also favoured by the feet of the of "some king or pontiff of very early times, god Pasupati, and was a most devout wor-whose authority was recognised universally in shipper of the god Mahêśvara, in line 2 of his own day, and was afterwards preserved each of his inscriptions of Harsha-Samvat 119 in the tradition of several distinct regal and 143 )
families." The same expression, bappa-pád-kinudlyáta, These suggested explanations, however, canwith the fendatory titles of Mahdrája and not be upheld. Bhattaraka qualifying bappa, occurs in para- In the first place, the epithet in which bappa madaivata-bappa bhattáraka-maharaja - Sri-pad- occurs belongs undoubtedly to persons of tho ánudhyata, an epithet-(7) of the Bha! áraka Saiva faith in instances Nos. 1 to 6 above. But and Mahárúja Vasantasena of Nepal, in line Nos. 8 to 11 shew that it was applicable just as 1-2 of his inscription of Gupta-Samvat 435. mach to followers of the Vaishnava faith.
And finally, a compound of almost identical In the second place, as pointed out by Dr. import, viz. bappa-pada-bhakta, "devoted to Bühler," the feadatory title Muhárája which the feet of bappa," occurs, with the title qualifies bappa in Nos. 7 and 11 above, and
anto, VoL VII. p. 84., and Corp. Inaer. Indie. Vol. 10 id. p. 167, No 3. III. No. 39, Plate Iiv.
11 ante, Vol. V. p. 155. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 98.
13 ante, Vol. VIIL p. 168. . ante, Vol. IX. p. 109, No. 6.
1. ante, Vol. V. p. 51. • id. R. 170, No. 7.
15 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 355, notes id. p. 171, No. 9.
18 ante, Vol. IX. p. 167, note 17. id. p. 178, No. 10.
11 ante, Vol. X. p. 57f., note 4. id. p. 174, No. 12; and p. 176, No. 13.
15 ante, Vol. V. 2. 208 f.

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THE MEANING OF BAPPA AND BAVA.
275
still more, the paramount sovereign titles of familiar appellation of an early Gôhila chief, Paramabhatjáraka, Mahúrájádhiraja, and Para- who is said to have established the power of mésvara, which qualify it in the instances that tribe on the overthrow of the Bbillas or grouped under No. 2, shew that the word must Bhils. refer to some one of noble or regal birth, and But the idea that, in the technical expression cannot denote a priest, no matter how high his under discussion, bappa denotes some particurank in the hierarchy might be.
lar priest, whether of the Saiva or Vaishnava As regards the question of bappa being a faith, whose memory had been preserved in proper name, the word does occur in this way different parts of India from very early times, -as the name of an official, the Baladhikrita has been disposed of above. And, this being and Bhogika Bappa, in line 59 of the grant of so, it remains difficult, on the supposition that SilAditya IV. of the year 372;-as the name of the word is a proper name, to imagine how some one after whom was named the Bappa- it should have cropped up again from time to padiya-vihara, or “Buddhist monastery of the time, under precisely similar circumstances, in feet of Bappa," at Valabhî, mentioned in line such different parts of the country and such 19 of the grant of the Maharaja Dharasêna II. varying periods as are indicated by instances of the year 269 ;-in Bappasvâmin, one of the Nos. 2 to 11 above. grantees in line 11 of the Khôh grant" of the The true explanation of the word, in this Parivrâjaka Mahardja Hastin, of the year technical expression, first occurred to me from 163;-in Bapparya, one of the grantees in line noticing the way in which the titles that qualify 53 of the Chammak grant” of the Vâkâtaka bappa vary in accordance with the titles of Maharaja Pravarasêna II. ;--and in Bappa- the persons to whom the epithet bappa-pádbhatti, a Jain teacher," allotted to Vikrama- ánudhyata is applied ; and it is fully borne Saṁvat 800 to 895. The same word is also out by the epithet éri-ajjaka-pád-dnudhyata, probably a component of Bappura, the name which is applied only to Dharasêna IV. in of the family to which, as recorded in an line 38 of his complete grant" of the year 326, unpublished inscription of Mangalisa, Dar- and in his grant of the same year of which labhadevi, the wife of the early Chalukya only the translation of the second plate has king Palikesin I., belonged. A similar word been published." This expression, which, if báppa, probably derived from it, occurs in it had not been so completely overlooked, Bappadêva, the name of a Séndpati in line 35 would probably have made the matter clear of the Siwani grant of Pravarasena II." And, long ere now, dropped out in all the subsefinally, Bappa, or Bappa Ravula, has been quent Valabhi grants, even in those of Dharapreserved by tradition in Mêwad, as the more sêna IV. himself of the year 330; probably
ante, Vol. V. p. 212; and Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Gupta-Samvat 205, Saurashtra was invaded by barbaVol. III. p. 99.
rians from the narth, and the town of Valabhi was to ante, Vol. VI. p. 12.
sacked. Now, the accompanying ganealogical tablo * Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 22, Plate xiii. shews that the Senipati Bhat drka, the founder of the
id. No. 55, Plate xxxiv.; and ante, Vol. XII. Valabhl family, must have been alivo in or shortly before p. 245.
Gupta Samvat 191, though his birth must be placed * ante, Vol. XI. p. 258.
some twenty-five years earlier. And there can be little ** See Dynasties of the Kanarere Districts, pp. 19, 22. doubt that the Mewad tradition is based on a confused * Corp. Inecr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 56, Plate xxxv. reminiscence of the rise of the Valabhi family. The 10 Tod's Annals of Rajasthan, Chapter II. (Calcutta Jain date of Gupta-Samvat 2015 probably refers to a Reprint, Vol. I, p. 288f7; see also pp. 121, 253, 259.) historical event that event, however, would be, not the He adds a note (id. p. 210) that " Bappa is not a proper sacking of Valabhi by barbariana frun the north, but the name; it signifies a child." He is frequently styled reverse of this, the building of Valabht after the overSyeel and in inscriptions Syeel Adhes, the mountain throw of these invaders, the Maitrakas, by Bhatarka.-Tod lord."" If this is correct, the real name would be saila
(id. p. 8468.) gives an abstract of an inscription, dated or SailAdhisa.This tradition is rather a peculiar one.
Vikrama-Sathyat 1034, from 'Aitpur,' which mentions
Syeels, in the fifth generation, but not Bappa.-Thoro It says that, of Bappa's numerous progeny, some return.
is & later inscription of the same family, dated Vikrama. ed to their ancient sents in Saurishtra ; and, a mattar
Samvat 1342, at a Math near the temple of Achalėávars of fact, Wall, the modern representative of the ancient Valabhi, belongs to Gohilas, and is in the division of
at the Achalgadh Hill Fort on Mount Abd, which takes KAthiếwed that is called the Gohilwid Prant. Another
the genealogy back a step further, and montions Bappa, curious point in it is, that it gives Vikrama-Samvat 191
or Bappa Rivula (under the name of BADA, if the transla (A.D. 134-85) for the birth of Bappa. Tod showed that
tion is correot) as the first of the family ; see Kaviraj this date is wrongly referred to the Vikrama era, but
Shyamal Das' translation in the Jour. Beng. Aa. Soc. went wrong himself in arriving at A. D. 728 for the real
Vol. LV. Part I. pp. 32ff, 57ff., and p. 19. period of Bappa's power. In connection with this sub
9 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 79; and ante, joet, he mentioned & Jain record to the effect that, in | Vol. I. p. 16.
us ante, Vol. I. p. 45.

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on account of something in the official relations mention for a father or an elderly person' between Siladitya I. and Kharagraha I. which bárod, a term of respectful mention for a Goskvi, remains to be cleared up. But it occurs in Garn, father, or elderly person,' and bhdvá, 'a these two instances; and, in accordance with husband's brother, especially an elder brother;' Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's rendering," it un- and in Kanarese, báva, the son of a mother's doubtedly means "meditating on the feet of brother, or father's sister, a man or woman's (his) illustrious grandfather." Ajja in Kang brother-in-law (in every case, if older than one's rese, and ajá and djá in Marathi, are the self),' and bháva, a husband or wife's elder ordinary words for 'a grandfather' in the brother, a maternal uncle's son (similarly, in present day. And it is evident that ajjaka is every case, if older than one's self). Looking the older Prakrit word, from which these have for its application in connection with SilAditya been derived.
III., we note, in the first place, that the grante On this analogy, bappa suggests itself at shew very clearly that his father Siladitya II. once as the old Pråkpit form of the modern did not reign at all, which explains why báp, 'a father.' And now it becomes clear the epithet bappa-pád-ánudhyata is not used in why the word is qualified by the paramount respect of him; and, in the second place, that titles in its connection with the paramount the only paramount sovereign before him was sovereign Silâditya IV. and his successors, to his father's distant cousin Dharasêna IV., who, the reason being that the father of each of so far as paramount sovereignty is concerned, them was himself a paramount sovereign; and, was his immediate predecessor. This shewe as on the other hand, why, in its connection with that báva was used, here at least, to denote & fendatories, it has either no qualificatory title male relative, of the same generation with at all, or only the fendatory titles Mahardja and & father,' or roughly an uncle'; and exBhatáraka, as in the case of Vasantasena, plains why báva is qualified here with the Simhavarman, Vijayanandivarman, Nandivar-paramount titles. And the fact that, after the man, and Vishnugopavarman." The rale first adoption of this technical expression, the thus disclosed also shews why, in the case of Valabhi succession was in each instance direct Sivadêva II.,* himself a paramount sovereign, from father to son, explains why the expression bappa has no qualifying term ; for, the way in báva-pad-anudhyáta does not occur again. which he is introduced in lines 11-12 of the In Kanarese, bappa appears in the form Népal inscription" No. 15, shews that he of boppa," in boppana-singa, the lion of bronght in a new branch of the Thakuri (his) father,' an epithet applied to the Rata family, and that his father Narendradeva, chieftain Lakshmideva II., the son and oven if he held the rank of Mahardja, was at successor of Kärtavirya IV., in line 63-64 of least not a paramount sovereign. And the his inscription" of Saka-Samvat 1151. In consame rule explains why, in connection with firmation of this I may quote-ayyana-ringa, the paramount sovereign Dharasôna IV., anjakal 'the lion of his father,' title of the Silahára is qualified by nothing more than the ordinary chieftain Gandaraditya of Kolkpur, in line 21 title orf; for, he himself was the first paramount of his grant of Saka-Samvat 1032, and also of sovereign in the family, and his grandfather, his son Vijayaditya ;01-mávana-singa, the Kharagraha I., was at the best only a Mahárája. lion of (his) father-in-law', applied to the Danda
The analogy of ajjaka and bappa now nayaka Kelavadityadêva, in lines 17-18 of the suffices fully to clear up the meaning of the word Kadarolli inscriptions of Saka-Samvat 997; báva. It suggests at once that it is nothing but -annana-gandhavárana, 'the choice elephant the older Prakrit word from which have been of (his) elder brother,' applied to the Dandaderived, with somewhat differing significandyaka Sombávarabbatta in lines 11.12 of the tions, in Marathi, baba, 'a term of respectful same inscription ;-annan-askakára 'the warrior
ante, Vol. I. p. 16. 0 Instance No. 3 above. • Nos. 7 to 11 above. No. 6 above. * ante, Vol. IX. p. 178; see also Vol. XIV. p. 348.
* In Banderson's edition of Reeves' Kanares Dic. Nonary, this word is marked as one common to most Indian languages.
|
** Jour. Bo. Br. B. A. Soc. Vol. X. p. 283; and Archaol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. III. p. 118.
Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 8. Dynasties of the Kanares Districts, R. 106.
ante, Vol. 1. p. 141; and Archeol. Buru. Ind. Vol. III. p. 106.

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AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
277
or champion of (his) elder brother,' applied to Sena I., in line 7 of his Saundatti inscription;" the Sinda chieftain Achugi II. in line 9 of his -Tailana-singa, the lion of Taila,' applied to inscription of Saka-Samvat 1042; and-bhá. tbe Kadamba chieftain Kirttivarman II. of van-aikakára, the warrior or champion of (his) Banawasi, the son and successor of Taila I.;“— uncle or other relation of the same generation Tailaman-ankakára, the warrior or champion with his father,' applied to a Silahâra chieftain of Tailama,' applied to Kâmadêva of the game named Gonkidêva in line 46 of the Têrda! family, the son and successor of Tailama ;''inscription of Saka-Samvat 1042, etc. Other and Gonkan-aikakära, 'the warrior or champion similar titles, which help to explain the preced. of Gonka,' and Gáhéyana-singa, "the lion of ing, through the introduction of proper names Gûhêya,' applied to the Silâhâra chieftain instead of words of relationship, are-Sénana- | Marasimha, the son and successor of Goñka, singa, the lion of Séna,' applied to the Ratta and the nephew of G&hala or Gavala I., in line chieftain Kartavîrya II., the son and successor of 28 of his grant of Saka-Sarvat 980.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 239). RED WAISTCOATS, -Lolle bengres, (Eng.)
RICHES,-Baravalipê, manghin, (Tch.); mandin, REDEEM, to,-Kinava aley, (Eng.)
(M.); mangin, (M. 8) REDNE88,-Lolip8, (Tch.)
RID, to get, of, -Skěpiâva, (M.) REED -Vázia, (Tch.)
RIDE, to,-Kisturkva, (Eng.); prastáva, (M.) REIN,-Salavar, (M.)
RIDE ROUND, to,-Enkunzhurisaráva, (M.) Rejoice, to,-Loshániováva, (Tch., Pep. M.); RIDER,-Kistri-mengro, kistro-mengro, (Eng.); bukurisard'ovåva, mongõikva, (M.)
kalar@ca, porizon, (M.) RELATIONS,-Fina, nAmur, (M.)
RIDICULE, to --Ķhokhavava, (Tch., M. 7); praskva, RELEABE, to,Izbovisaráva, (M.)
(Tch., Pep M.) RELIGIOU8,--Sherrafo, (Eng.)
RIDICULE --Prasaibe, (Tch.) REMAIN, to; ---Achava, têrghiovava, (Tch.); beshAva, RIDICULOUS,-Kesindia, (Tch.) ashÂva, (M.); acháva, (M. 7)
RIGHT, (subst.)-Chechipf, chechipf, kanonu, REMEMBER, to,-Rigava in zi, (Eng.); sherfva man,
trykba, (M.) (Tch.)
RIGHT, (adj.),-Orta, (M. 8) REMEMBER, to cause to-Sheravava man, (Tch.) RING,- Vangustri, wangustri, (Eng.); angrusti, Remove, to,-Duryováva, t'idáva, (M.)
angustrt, engusteri, (Toh.); angrusti, Renew, to,-Nev keráva, (Tch.)
ēngrusti, (M.); angushtri, (M. 7); angrusti RENT, to,Ushardva, (Tch.)
angustri, (Pep. M.) RENTED, -Ushardicano, (Tch.)
RINGS, pretended gold-Fashono wangustin, REPAY, to,-Pesäva apopli, (Eng.) REPENT, to,-Pokutuyiva, pěkėtuidva, (M.) RINGING THE CHANGES, -Hukni, (Eng.) REPORT,Raporto, voete, (M.)
Riot, to,-Koráva, (Eng.) Repose, ---Lutherum, (Eng.)
RIOTER,-Korgengro, (Eng.) Rest, to-Acháva, (Tch., Psp. M.); hodinihva, RIOTING, -Koring, (Eng.)
hodinisaráva, hodinisard'ováva, popasoba- RIP THE SEAMS, to, -Putráva, (Tch.); phutrava, råva, (M.)
(M. 8) REVILE,-Kush va, (Tch., Psp. M.)
RIPE,-Mulano, (Tch., Pep. M.) RIB,—Pashavrô, (Tch.)
RIPEN, to,-Mulano kerdve, (Tch., Pap. M.) RICE,-Rizos, (Tch.)
RIPPED, to be,-Patêrghiovava, putêrdovava, (Tch.) Rich-Bovalo, (Eng.); baravalo, (Pep, M., M. 7); Rise, to-Ukhkiâva, ufkiâva, uftiAva, ufchifva,
baravalô, barval8, (Tch.); barvaló, barvald, . (Tch.); ķhut'Ava, răpězēsard'ováva, (M.) (M.)
Cf. to STEP. Ricw, he who is.-Baravalicand, manghineskôro, River,--Leny (dim.) lenort, (Toh.); shat, sat, (As. (Tch.)
Tch.); len, (Pep. M., M. 8) Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 947.
Sid. p. 86. * ante, Vol. XIV. p. 16.
No. 10 of the separate publiontions of the Archwo* Jour. Bo. Br. R. A., Bor. Vol. X. p. 913.
logical Survey of Western India, p. 103. "Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 85.
(Eng.)

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ROAD, Drom, tobbar, 1 (Eng.); drom, (dim.) dromorô, (Tch.; pathon, (As. Tch.); khotår, (M.); drom, (Pap. M.) ROAD, of or belonging to,-Dromêskoro, (Tch.) ROAST, to,-Pekâva, (M.)
Roor,-Korint, korin, (Tch.); rěděchina, (M.); korin, (Psp. M.) Roor up, to,-Hunavâva, (M.) ROPE,-Shello, (Eng); jele, (Span. Gip.); shelô, sholô, (Tch); shělô, sholô, shellô, (M.); shelo, (Pap. M., M. 8)
ROB, to,-khutilava, khotilava, rebuilva, (M.) ROBBER,-Haydamâk, haydamâkho, rězbôyniko, rozbôyniku, voyniko, voyniku, (M.) ROBBER-CHIEF,-Gilĕu, (M.) ROBBERY, Fakement, luripen, (Eng.); choribê, (Tch.)
ROASTED, to be,-Pekyovâva, (M.) ROASTED,-Pek'd, pekt, (Eng.); peko, (Span. ROPE-DANCER,-Shello-hokta-mengro, (Eng.) Gip.) pekô, (M.) ROPE-MAKER,-Shelêngoro, (Tch.) ROTTEN,-Kernô, (Tch. M. 7) ROUGE,-Lolipê, (Tch.) Row, (line)-Rend, rendu, (M.)
ROYAL, Dakaranô, dakaricano, dakarêskoro, dakarútno, (Tch.)
RUB, to,-Murâva, morava, (Tch.); licharava, murava, (M. 8)
ROBBERY, highway,-Drom-luring, (Eng.) Rock, to,-Legěniâva, (M.)
ROD,-Ran, (pl.) ranior, (Eng.); vicha, (Tch., M: 8); gěnzhu, prězhěna, rovli, roûli, (M.); rubli, Pap. M.)
RUBBED, to be,-Môrghiovava, (Tech.) RUBY,-Cheni, (Tch.) RUDDER,-Boldinô, (Tch.)
RUDENESS,-Pukibê, pukaibê, (Tch.)
ROLL, to,-Chord'ovâva, sord'ováva, těvěliâva, (M.) RUFF,-Kurlo-mengri, (Eng.) ROLLER,-Fěkolêcu, (M.) RUINED,-Propĕdimi, (M.) ROOM,-Komorrus, (Eng.); khěr, (dim.) khĕrorô,
stância, stâncie, (M.)
278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
MISCELLANEA.
A NOTE ON
THE ORIGIN OF THE GUPTA ERA. In my paper on "the Epoch of the Gupta Era," at page 189ff, above, I did not include any remarks on the origin of the era, for the reason that this is a question which is still the subject of speculation only, and as to which but little that is certain can as yet be said. I will, however, here put together a few notes on this point.
I have remarked, on two or three previous occasions, that, though it is convenient to continue the custom of speaking of the era as the Gupta era, still there is nothing in the inscriptions to shew that it was invented by the Early Guptas themselves. And the contrary supposition is the more probable one. The first two members of the family, Gupta and his son Ghatotkacha, held only the feudatory rank of Mahardja, and had not the authority to establish an era. The first paramount sovereign was Ghatotkacha's son, Chandragupta I., who was succeeded by his son Samudragupta, and grandson Chandragupta II. The inscriptions give no dates for Chandragupta I. and Samudragupta; but they shew that Chandragupta II. was reigning up to at any rate the year 93 of the era. Now, the era, if established by a Gupta king at all, can
RUIN, to go to,-Propĕdisard'ováva, (M.) RUM,-Tarô, tari, (Tch.)
I omitted to quote there an alternative rendering of the crucial passage in Albirûnf's statement, suggested by Mr. Thomas in his edition of Prinsep's Antiquities Vol. I. p. 271, note; vis. Again, the Kabat Kai (Gupta era), that was, as is said, a wicked and powerful family; when it ceased, it was dated from, and as it
hardly have been established later than in the reign of Chandragupta I.; and, if he was the founder of it, he would have dated it from the commencement of his own reign, just as Harshavardhana of Kanauj, in founding the new Harsha era, dated it from his own installation, neglecting even the reigns of his elder brother Rajyavardhana II. and father Prabhakaravardhana, both of them paramount sovereigns, and much more, as a matter of course, two preceding generations of Mahdrájas, beginning with Rajyavardhana I. The result is an average of at least thirty-one years for the three reigns of Chandragupta I,, Samudragupta, and Chandragupta II. This, in itself, is not im. possible, though it is improbable. But, when we regard the fact that Kumaragupta, the son of Chandragupta II., reigned for at least thirty-four years, from the year 96 to the year 129, the result, an average of thirty-two years for four successive reigns of fathers and sons, is, I submit, sufficient to shew that the era dates from before the commencement of the reign of Chandragupta I., and probably, by a mere coincidence, from just about the time to which the Maharaja Gupta, the founder of the family, must be referred; and that, consequently, it was not established by a Gupta king at all.
were (it would seem that) Balab was the last of them, for the first of their era also is 241 years after the Saka Kal."-Albirini's expression and meaning will, it is hoped, be made fully clear in Prof. E. Sachau's approach ing edition and translation of his work.

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By whom it was founded is the point that still by the careful record of the name of Kumaradevi remains to be determined; and, if the era was herself and of her family on some of his coins,' devised in India itself, this point can only be and by the epithet of Lichchhavi-dauhitra, "the settled by ascertaining who were the paramount daughter's son of Lichchhavi, or of a Lichchhavi," sovereigns to whom the Maharajas Gupta and that is always applied to Samudragupta in the Ghatotkacha were feudatory. Mr. Fergusson's genealogical inscriptions. And I have perhaps opinion on this point, was in the direction of been wrong in speaking, on previous occasions, the era having been established by the Andhra of a conquest of Nepal by Samudragupta ; the king Gautamiputra-Śåtakaiņi, whom he placed exact reference, in the Allahabad inscription, is between A.D. 312 and 333. Dr. R. G. Bhandar- to Népala pratyanta-nripati, which may mean kar, however,' places this king between A.D. 133 either "the frontier-king of Nepala," or "the and 154; and, according to his view of the kings of the countries on the frontiers of Nepala." history of the period, we should have to refer It is quite possible that the Early Guptas did not the establishment of the Gupta era to some event extend their dominions actually into Nepal; and connected with either the downfall of the Satraps that, in that direction, they and the Lichchhavis of Saurashtra, or the history of the Rashtraktas reigned in amity side by side on equal terms. of the Dekkan.
J. F. FLEET. Our knowledge of the early history is not yet 3rd August 1886. such as, to enable us to work out this point fully; and I refer to it chiefly in order to shew THE UPANISHADS AND THEIR LATEST the direction in which researches might be made.
TRANSLATION. But I would add here that, though I have Under this heading, a valuable article is contreated the era as having been invented in India
tributed to the First Part of Vol. VII. of the itself, and as having been introduced into Nepal
American Journal of Philology, by Professor by the Early Guptas, still it is equally possible W. D. Whitney, of Yale College, an American that the era was obtained by them from Nepal,
Sanskritist and philologist of deservedly high and is in reality the Lichchhavi era, founded by repute. It consists, for the most part, of a critique the Lichchhavi kings, at a time, perhaps, when on the first and fifteenth volumes of the Sacred their republican or tribal constitution was abolish.
Books of the East, its handling of which may be ed in favour of a monarchy. The writings of Fa
regarded as a sample of the "wholesome severity" hian and Hiuen Teiang prove the great anti- which the writer advocates in interpreting the quity of the Lichchhavi clan in the direction Upanishads ! of Nepal. And, as regards their epigraphical Many of the criticisms of individual passages records, I have shewn that the first historical
are characterized by considerable acumen and king, Jayadeva I., must, by the ordinary allow.
accurate scholarship, and cannot fail to be of ance of time for each generation, be referred to value to students of these philosophical tracts; A.D. 330-355, and it needs but little adjustment but the general effect is not a little marred by to carry him back to A.D. 318, 319, or 320. This the sweeping condemnation of the volumes as a supposition would explain, perhaps better than any whole, in which the critic indulges. other, why, even after the introduction of the Considering that the work under review is from Harsha era into Nepál not later than A.D. 640-41 the pen of one whom all know to be a scholar of und its adoption by the Thakuri family of Kailano mean order, such comments as the following sakatabhavana, the Lichchhavi rulers of Måna- are almost unseemly :-"The whole body of them griha clung to the earlier era, and continued [i. e of the notes] is to be condemned, as the use of it down to at least the year 435 or furnishing a minimum of valuable and helpful A.D. 754-55, and in all probability for a century context, even when they are not altogether longer. And all the other facts will fit in misleading. There is not, it is believed, a single just as well with this supposition, as with the instance where a really difficult passage is seriously other theory. The friendly relations between and competently discussed." Again :-" If there the Early Guptas and the Lichchhavis, and the were in any part of these two volumes a passage pride in them felt by the former, are shewn by of a different character from those we have been the intermarriage in the time of Chandragupta I., reviewing-a passage showing signs of a sound
Jour. R. As. Soç. F. S., Vol. IV. p. 128f. • Early History of the Dekkan, p. 27.
• Bee Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. pp. xiii. lii. lv., and Vol. II. pp. 67 note, 70, 79, 77 note, 81.
. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 350f.
.. Page 194 above, and ante, Vol. XIV. p. 345, Inscrip tions N. and P.
1 On the king and queen' type of Mr. V. A. Smith's arrangement; Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 171, and Plate ii. No. 2.

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plan, careful and conscientious execution, penew ard be built auch fabric of philosophic interpretrating insight into the difficulties of the text tation as should be called for, and also as a touchand successful effort to set them forth and stone to which could be brought for due testing explain them-it would be our duty and pleasure anything that claimed to be an interpretation. to pay it our attention. But no such passage The maker of such a version would not need to be is to be found; the work is all of one stamp; there versed in the subtleties of the later Hindu philois hardly a paragraph, much less a page, in it that sophical systems; he should even carefully avoid does not furnish matter for serious animadver- working in the spirit of any of them. Nor need sion."
he pretend to penetrate to the hidden sense of the Professors Whitney and Max Müller have long dark sayings that pass under his pen, to comprebeen before the public as writers, in a popular hend it and set it forth; for then there would inform, on the science of language; and it is well evitably mingle itself with his version much that known that in advocating their respective theories was subjective and doubtful, and that every they have come into violent antagonism.
Buccessor would have to do over again. Working It is deeply to be regretted that the atmo- conscientiously, as a Sanskrit scholar only, he sphere of linguistic study should be so fatal to might hope to bring out something of perma. calmness as it seems to be, and so generally nent and authoritative character, which should provocative of a spirit of "envy, hatred, malice and serve both as help and as check to those that all uncharitableness"-evidence of which, in the come after him. He would carefully observe all case of these two scholars has, unadvisedly, been identities and parallelisms of phraseology, since preserved for posterity in one of the volumes of in texts like these the word is to no small extent Chips from a German, Workshop, and is again more than the thing, the expression dominating conspicuous in the article under notice.
the thought : the more the quantities are unknown, The opening pages contain some sound remarks the less will it answer to change their symbols in on the merits of the Upanishada generally, to working out an equation. Of all leading and gether with others of less value, on the demerits much-used terms, in case the rendering could not of the native commentaries. We do not sharebe made uniform, he would maintain the identity with the writer his extreme contempt for the by a liberal quotation of the word itself in pareninterpretations of such a scholar, for example, as thesis after its translation, so that the sphere of Sankaracharya ; as we cannot but feel that a man use of each could be made out in the version like him, of extensive reading, of acute intellect, somewhat as in the original, by the comparison of and living at least a thousand years nearer to the parallel passages, and so that the student should time of the composition of the Upanishads than we not run the risk of having a difference of statedo, was possessed of very material advantages as an ment which might turn out important, covered interpreter of them; and no modern scholar can from his eyes by an apparent identity of phraseafford to set him aside or deny him the most or the contrary. Nothing, as a matter of course, serious attention. For much that is unintelligible would be omitted, save particles whose effect on in the texts of our printed editions of the Upani- the shading of a sentence is too faint to show in shads, and misleading in the commentaries thereon, the coarseness of translation into a strange tongue; the editors are responsible; a glaring instance of nor would anything be put in without exact indi. which is to be found in the volume of minor .cation of the intrusion. The notes would be Atharvana Upanishads, which forms one of the prevailingly linguistic, references to parallel Bibliotheca Indica series. It is no exaggeration to passages, with exposition of correspondences say that neither text nor comment of that volume and differences. Sentences grammatically diffihas the slightest critical value.
cult or apparently corrupt would be pointed The Professor's remarks on the various possible out, and their knotty points discussed, perhaps methods of interpreting the Upanishads, are full with suggestions of text-amendment. But of interest; and we reproduce one of them for the it is needless to go into further detail; every benefit of our readers :-"A third way, leading in one knows the methods by which a careful quite another direction, would be this to approach scholar, liberal of his time and labour toward the text only as a philologist, bent upon making a the due accomplishment of a task deemed by him version of it exactly as it stands, representing just important, will conduct such a work." There what the words and phrases appear to say, without are few Sanskrit Scholars of the present day as intrusion of anything that is not there in recog- competent to prepare a version of his description nizable form; thus reproducing the scripture as is Professor Whitney himself; and it is to be itself in Western guise, as nearly as the nature of hoped that he will ere long furnish us with an the case admite, as a basis whereon could after instalment of work on these lines.

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Before concluding, we must correct an error The Samanyacharana of Mr. Rice's inscription occurring in the opening sentence of the article may mean, I think, the other Brahmans, who under notice. It stands thus :-"The Upanishads must have been the previous settlers, and who are to the modern Hindu that part of his sacred must have had only ordinary observances, sdma. literature for which he cares most, if not the only nya-dcharana. These may be the modern priests one for which he cares at all." If the writer were of temples, Gurukkals and Pújdris, who are to sojourn for a few years in this country he would always considered low in the scale of Brahmanism, find cause for modifying this view. As a matter of and who, especially in Southern India, are not fact, “the modern Hindu" knows no more of considered fit for company at meals, and do not the Upanishads than he does of the Mantras join in domestic and religious gatherings. In the of the Voda. The Paurknik literature, and the several Chola inscriptions that I have examined popular vernacular poems based thereon, are the
these Gurukkale only sign as Brahmans, and I only writings " for which he cares at all."
have found no other Brahmang. The mention of
G. A. JACOB. the Samanyacharanas, which is a name opposed 15th June 1886.
to that of the Brihacharanas, may also go much
against the genuineness of the date of the grant, SAMANYACHARANA AND BRIHACHARANA. Saka 261. In the June number of this Journal, p. 174
As far as I can conclude, I am of opinion that above, Mr. Rice has given a derivation and expla
the first Brahman migration to the South began nation of the name of Brihacharana; and I take
in the seventh century A.D., and that the origi this opportunity, as I am a Dravida Brahman of
nal immigrants must be the present degenerated that caste, to write to you of what I have heard
Gurukkals, who seem to have once exercised great and read about its origin.
influence. The Brihacharanas, Vadamas, and In the Sthalapurdna of Talgudi, a small town
others, must have arrived in later times. in the district of Trichinopoly, a story occurs ex
S. M. NATESA SASTRI. plaining how a certain set of Brahmans came
Madras, 15th June 1886. from the north and received the name of Briha
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. charaṇas.
THE FOUR QUESTIONS. There was a great dearth in the Chola country; When king Yudhishthira was in exile, he came all the lakes and rivers had dried up; famine to a tank inhabited by a ferocious Grdha or and pestilence prevailed. Brahmans, as long water demon. It was the habit of this beast to as they are orthodox especially, cannot live for put the following questions to all who came to & moment without that most necessary element | drink at the tank of human or animal kind, -water. But, so great
को मोदते किमाश्चर्य का वार्ता का पथः स्मृतः । was the scarcity of water in the Chola dominions,
इति मे चतुरः प्रमान् पूरयित्वा जलं पिब ।। that even the Brahmaņs there had to leave off a
'Who is happy P What is wonderful P What great part of their rites.
is the news P What is the path P First answer me Just at this time the king of the Chola country
these four questions, and then drink.' As no found a great multitude of Brahmans coming into
one was ever able to answer these questions, he his dominions from the north. Wherever they
used to kill and devour them. Yudhishthira, halted, they found sufficient water for their bath
however, was equal to the occasion, and, when und ablutions. They were all Anitagnis, or reli.
challenged, replied as follows: gious men who maintained their sacred fire, with their wives. When the Chola king saw them, he
दिवसस्याष्टमे भागे शाक पचति यो गृहे। was struck with their achdra or pious behaviour
अनृणी चाप्रवासीच स वारिचर मोदते ॥१ and observances, and said-yuyam brihad-dchara
अहन्यहनि भूतानि गच्छन्ति यममन्दिरे। ndh, "you are all persons of mighty (wonderful)
अपरे स्थातुमिच्छन्ति किमाश्चर्यमतः परम् ॥ २ observances." From that time these new Brah- अस्मिन्महामोहमये कटाहे सूर्याग्निना रात्रिदिनेन्धनेन । man settlers were called Brihaddcharandh, मासर्तुदीपरिघहनेन भूतानि कालः पचसीह वार्ता ॥ which in course of time was corrupted into Briha. श्रुतिविभिन्नास्मृतयो विभिन्नानैकोमुनिर्यस्य मतं विभिन्नम्। charañáì.
धर्मस्य तत्त्वं निहितं गुहायां महाजनो येन गतःस पन्थाः।।४ LAlgudi is near Trichinopoly, on the banks of the coloured red.-Tho Dravidian name of the place is TiruColeroon (Kolladam), and contains a fine templo dedica- ttirai, or the wored spot, from which the seven sages ted to Saptarshisvara, the Siva who gavo eternal feli- attained, after long penance, eternal folicity. city to the seven bages. The modern name of LAlgudi, • The king's name is not on good authority. Ho is, I ut the red temple' [a hybrid formation, in which al is think, onlled Karikbla; but whatever may be tho namo Hindustani and gudi is Dravidian; J. F. F.], was given by in the Sthalapurdra, we cannot take it as an historical the Nawab of Trichinopoly to the place, because when certainty. once he visited it be found the gopura of the temple Throngh the gront rightoons power they had in them.

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He who cooks his mess of vegetables at the eighth watch of the day, and he who is not in debt, and is not & sojourner,-he, O Water Goblin, is happy. That, while every day created things are hastening to the hall of death, others should say, "I wish to remain,"-what is more wonderful than this P In this cauldron (of the world) full of illusion, time cooks created things, with the sun for, fire, night and day for fuel, and months and seasons for the stirring
ladle,-this is the news. The Scriptures are at variance and Holy Writ is at variance; many are the holy men, but their advice is at variance; the essence of virtue is placed in the inner recesses (of the heart), and that, along which the great and good have gone before, that is the path.'
On hearing these replies the Grdha was mightily pleased, and, giving him all the riches he had carried off from his former victims, let him go on his journey.
G. A. GBIERBON.
BOOK NOTICES. TA ORDINANCES OF MANU.-Translated from the greater part of the Introduction to this edition.
Sanskrit with an introduction, by the late ARTHUR COKE BUKNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., completed and
That part of the book, as the Second Edition tells edited by EDWARD W. HOPKINS, Ph.D., of us, is somewhat fragmentary, having been left Colombia College N. Y. London: Trubner and Co. 1884. 8vo., pp. xlvii. and 399.
incomplete by Burnell at his death. Dr. Hopkins It was known some years ago that the late
has refrained from making any additions or Dr. Burnell held peculiar views as to the date
alterations, though signs are not wanting, in the of the book which we have been accustomed to footnotes and elsewhere, that he does not share call the laws of Manu. The matter cannot be all Burnell's views, or give the same weight as regarded as finally settled yet; but Burnell cer. Burnell does to all the arguments by which they tainly had the courage of his opinion; and the are supported. But, although we cannot quite evidence on which he founded it, if not conclu- easily follow all the steps of the argument as sive, is well deserving of consideration.
stated in the Introduction, the general drift of it No one, of course, now believes as Sir William is plain enough. In fact, Burnell's views on the Jones did when he brought out his translation date of Manu had been published and exposed to nearly a hundred years ago, that the code, if it may criticism some years before he died. be so called, is as old as 1200 B.O. The theory Burnell starts with the statement, which generally accepted in late years is, that the book no one will be disposed to contradict, that the contains the customs and rules of the Manavas, a dharma-iderne are developed from the grihya-, sect of Brahmans who followed the Black Yajur. edmaydcharika-, and dharma-sútras. Different veda ; that it is mainly & versification of the schools followed different recensions of the Vêda; Grihya and Samayúchárika Sutras of that sect; those schools had different sátras also. Now and that it was compiled about 500 B.O.
the sdtra period is the latest period of early The grounds for fizing Manu so far back are Sanskrit literature, and cannot, in fact, be earlier briefly stated as follows :-The gods mentioned than 600-200 B.C. The earliest mention of in Manu are chiefly the Vedic deities; the ac- dharma-sútras specially is in the Mahabhashva. count given of the four castes and their origin is Consequently Manu cannot be earlier than similar to that given in the Purusha-Sakta; there 200-100 B.C. is no allusion to the practice of Sati, or to the Burnell's next argument is from the style of worship of Vishņu and Siva ; nor is there any Manu. The form of the sloka in Manu is that mention of the Råmdyana or the Mahabharata. which we find in the epic poems; the language
Barnell, on the other hand, would put Manu I in general is simple and modern, and the comquite a thousand years later. He holds it to be pounds are according to the forms used in conclusively proved that the book was not com- modern Sansksit; in fact, the text of Manu piled earlier than 500 A.D.; and he thinks he has closely resembles the style of the other versified good grounds for believing that the compilation stras; and Burnell says he was himself able to was made by a Brahman from Northern India, at-prove" by Thibetan documents" that the versithe court of king Pulakêgin I., who reigned about fication of the Abvaldyana-Gríhya-Satra was done 500 A.D., and who was the founder of the West- in 700 A.D. ern Chalukya dynasty. This particular dynasty is The next argument is from the matter of the fixed upon, because it is known from inscriptions book. The first, seventh and twelfth chapters to have had the name Manavya as well as ChAlukya, all contain matter quite foreign to the original. the former name being supposed to imply that sdtras. The dialogue in the first chapter is the Purohitas of the kings of the Chalukya quite in the style of the Purkņas. The philodynasty were priests of the M&nava g8tra. sophical system followed in the account of the
Burnell's reasons for this opinion take ap the creation, eto, in the first chapter, is that modifi.

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cation of the Sankhya which we find in the in Bundelkhand, Riwa, and Central India. A few Puriņas. As neither Pånini nor Patañjali mention pages are occupied with brief notes concerning the Sankhya system, we may be sure that it did some places in the Panjab. not exist in their time; consequently the chapters This volume compares very favourably with of Manu which infer a knowledge of that system several of its predecessors, and contains much must be at least as late as the first century A.D. matter of interest and value. It is impossible
Further, the work is evidently intended for within the limits of a review to notice all the inkings and such persons, and not, primarily, for teresting discoveries recorded, or to discuss at Brahmaņg. The seventh book seems to prove length the topics on which difference of opinion conclusively that it is so. Now, such a work, may exist; but I shall endeavour to place before Burnell thinks, could only have been composed the readers of this Journal some of the most inunder a powerful prince, and in a peaceful time. teresting results attained during two unusually In the first century A.D. all India was in con- fruitful tours. fusion. So the date of Manu must be still farther General Cunningham has obtained much limited to between 100 A.D. and 500 A.D. So additional information about the Chandellas of much, according to Burnell, is certain. The Bundelkhand, and the Kalachuris of Chêdt or fact that the name Manavya belongs to the Dahala. The inscriptions of Prithi Raj Chauhan Chalukya dynasty seems to him to give strong at Madanpar in the Lalitpur District, had already probability to the conjecture (for, after all, it is been published, but with a mistake in the name nothing more) that the Månava-Dharma-Sastra of the conquered province. The name is now belongs to the reign of Pulakêśin I., who reigned correctly read as Jêjákabhukti, which is thus about 500 A.D.
shown to have been the original name of tho Up to the eighth chapter the translation is region now known as Bundólkhand, the Jejahuti entirely Burnell'a; Dr. Hopkins has made addi. of Aba Rihån. The Jijhotiya Brahmans are tions to the notes. From the eighth chapter to therefore the Brahmans of Jijhoti, or Jejakathe end both translation and notes are Dr. bhukti, just as the Saksena Brahmans are the Hopkins,' who has carefully conformed all through Brahmans of Sankisa. to Burnell's method of working. The plan of A brief account is given of the antiquities at the work, so far as the text and notes are con. Råsin in the Banda District to which I first drew cerned, seems to us to be an admirable one. It attention in 1881. The poet Chand ascribes the really puts the commentaries in their proper foundation of this town, the full name of which is place. These commentaries are of no literary R&javasini, to Rahilavarman, the fourth king of value whatever. Their value is in the fact that the Chandella dynasty. they preserve various readings and traditional The capture of the fortress of Kalajjar by explanations, and that they supply parallel passages. Kutb-ud-din Aibak, which has bitherto been We hear that there is at present being prepared referred by General Cunningham and others, in Bombay an edition of Manu in which several including myself, to the year 1202 A. D., is now commentaries are to be printed along with the shown to have occurred on the 27th April 1203 A.D. text. We doubt very much the wisdom of such A useful list of the KAlažijar inscriptions is given an undertaking. We question even whether with two plates containing lithographic facsimiles many years of Max Müller's valuable life have from impressions. All the important inscriptions not been almost wasted over his colossal edition in this volume are reduced from mechanical imof SÂyana's commentary on the Rig Veda. What pressions, and the plates are thus far more valu. an incalculable boon it would be, even now, to able than those in some of the earlier volumes. students of Sanskrit to have an edition of the But the scale of some of the reductions is inconRig Veda on the model of Burnell's translation veniently small, and it is impossible to read the of Manu!
text without the help of a magnifying glass; with
that help, however, the text is clear. Accurate ARCHXOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Volume XXI. Parta I. and Il. Reports of a Tour in Bundelkhand and
translations of a great many of the inscriptions Rewe in 1883-84; and of a Tour in Rewa, Bundel- now published are still wanting, and any paleokhand, Malwa, and Gwalior in 1884-86. By Major. General A. CUNNINGHAM, 0. 8. 1., c. I. E., eto,
grapher with time to spare will find ample occupaDirector-General of the Aroheological Survey of tion in translating them. India. Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India; Caloutta. 1886. Royal 8vo. Pp. vi.
I cannot admit that General Cunningham's and 183; and Plates i. to zlii.
revised list of the kings of the Chandella dynasty In this volume General Cunningham deals with is an improvement on that made out by me five the results of tours made in 1883-84 and 1884-85 years ago on the basis of his original list. In his new
* Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. L. Part I. p. 28. .

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list General Cunningham inserts Dévavarmadêva Now Båndhogaph is over a hundred miles south as a reigning king distinct from Kirttivarman I., I of the Jamna, and is not between Kalasijar with whom I had identified him, but gives no rea and Karra. The description given by Minhaj-ugBon for the assertion that he was the brother of Siraj can apply only to a place either in the Kirttivarman (p. 84). The inscriptions plainly Bånda or the Allâhâbâd District, and I would imply that the two titles belong to the same person. suggest the great fort of Marpha in the Banda The Mau-Chhatarpur and the Deogash inscrip- District as being very probably the stronghold of tions agree in giving Kirttivarman as the name of Dalaki and Malaki. Marpha is 12 miles N.E. of the successor of Vijayapåla ; whereas the Nunaura Kalañjar, and "as large and lofty as either Ki. copper-plate states that Vijayapala was succeeded laõjar or Ajaygarh" (p. 18). It is absolutely the by his son Dêvavarmadêva. The other alias of only fortress which lies betvreen Karra and Bhamipala for this king, which seems to be sup- KAlañjar. And its claim to be the stronghold of plied by one of the imperfect inscriptions at Dalaki-wa-Malaki is strengthened by the fact Kalasijar, may be due to a misunderstanding. (p. 103) that it was the first place in which the
General Cunningham ignores the demonstrated Båghệls settled. It is improbable that there taot that Jayavarman, the grandson of Kirttivar- should have been both Dalakeswar and Malakê. man I., was also named Kirttivarman, and repeats Śwar, as well as Dalaki and Malaki, at about the his old mistake of inserting a Hallakshana (Sallak. same time. On full consideration, therefore, I shana) II. between Jayavarman (alias Kirttivar. am disposed to think that General Cunningham is man II.) and Prithivivarman. The evidence of the right in his identification of the personal names, inscriptions is unmistakable, being as follows :- through wrong as to the situation of the place. Augási copper-plate Mau-Chhatarpur inscription The Riwa genealogy is only of use as showing (S. 1190.)
(not dated).
that the names Dalakośwar and Malakaswar occur ; Kirttivarman (II.) Jayavarman.
and that the form Dalaki-wa-Malaki, given by Prithivivarman. Prithivivarman.
the Muhammadan historian, is not far wrong. Madanavarman. Madanavarman.
I adhere to my opinion that Dalak Gwar and As I showed before, the language of the Mau. Malakaswar were Bhar chiefs. I observe that, Chhatarpur inscription, which mentions the second according to Riwa tradition (p. 114), Rajá Kar. Sallakshana, plainly means that he was not a nadeva, the Kalachuri, was a Bhar; and it is ruling king, and there is no room for his insertion quite possible that the Baghêls may have Bhar in the list of sovereigns.
blood in their veins. Mr. Carnegy thought that The catalogue of Chandella inscriptions now the Bais Rajputs in Oudh were of Bhar descent. given is more complete than that which I was And I have elsewhere shown it to be probable that able to compile; but is marred by some misprints. the Chandellas are descended from Khangars, The date of No. 28, the Aug&si copper-plate, is who are probably a branch of the Gônds. S. 1190 - A.D. 1133, and not S. 1188 = A.D. 1131; A painted inscription of a Maharaja Bhimaand the date of No. 88 is S. 1215, not S. 1213. sêna, dated in Indo-Scythian style on the twelfth
The recent researches of General Cunningham day of the fourth fortnight of the hot season of the recorded in this volume add considerably to the 1 year 52, was found at a hill named Ginja in Riwa. scanty information we previously possessed At Besâni between Kalasjar und Ajaygash, one concerning the Chandella chiefs who ruled in a of the rare inscriptions dated in an intercalary portion of their old territories after the Muham. month was found. General Cunningham pointaout madan conquest; but their history is of little that, according to his tables, the month ÅshAdha intrinsic interest.
in the year 958 of the Chêdi era (1207 A. D.) ought The question as to the identity of the hill chief. to be intercalary, as it is stated to be in this tain, named Dalaki-wa-Malaki by the Muhamma- inscription, and observes that "the mention of the dan historian, who was defeated and slain in intercalary month in this year is particularly 1248 A. D. by Ulagh Khan, has given rise to much valuable, as it proves that the tables of Hindu discussion. General Cunningham has now found years with their intercalary, months, which I have in the chronicles of Riwi a Raja Dalakeswar prepared for publication, are absolutely correct followed by Raja Malakêswar; and this discovery for the long period of nearly 700 years. But my leads him to identify Dalaki-wa-Malaki.with these tables of intercalation are certainly correct for Baghel chiefs, and his fort with Bandhogarh in even a longer period, as I find that the month of Riw. But MinhAj-us-Siraj expressly tells us that Sravana is recorded in an inscription as having Dalaki-wa-Malaki's fortress was "in the vicinity been intercalary in the Saka year 1091 or A.D. of the Jaink between Kalaõjar and Karre." 1169.". These coincidences will serve to inspire id. p. 37
• Rico, Mysore Inscriptions, p. 23.

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scholars with confidence when using the Book of Indian Eras.
BOOK NOTICES.
4
The following observation deserves the attentive consideration of students of prehistoric archæology:-"A few miles to the north of Bargaon at Nayakhera [near the sources of the Ken River] I found a slab 5 feet long and 24 feet broad, covered with round cup-marks' from 1 inch to 3 inches in diameter, to which the boys of the village were still adding fresh ones. I counted 136 marks. The whole of these cup-marks were said to have been made by the boys. In fact I saw a boy making one during the day, and several of them looked very fresh." (p. 166). I wonder how many of the 'cup-marks' which have excited the curiosity of the learned may be ascribed to the same cause.
10th June, 1886.
V. A. SMITH.
I may add to the concluding remarks above, that I have been told that Scotch sailors are still in the habit of making cup-marks' on certain rocks in the islands to the West of Scotland whenever they visit them, and that the number of 'cup-marks' at these places is thus constantly increasing. I cannot give chapter and verse; but the information is worth recording here, in corroboration, and in the hope that this point may be further investigated by those in a position to do so. 23rd July, 1886. R. C. TEMPLE.
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Vol. XXII. Report of Tours in Gorakhpur, Saran, and Ghazipur, in 1877-78-79 and 80. By A. C. L. CARLLEYLE, First Assistant, Archeological Survey. Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India. Calcutta 1885. Royal 8vo. pp. iv. and 122, and Plates i. to xiv.
This volume is very inferior in interest and value to volume XXI. The first thirty-five pages merely repeat, with some unimportant additional details, what has been already published in Volume XVIII. Mr. Carlleyle's restorations at Kasia (Kusinagara), the scene of Buddha's death, in the Gorakhpur District, were not very judicious; but it is only fair to acknowledge the zeal which led him to spend twelve hundred rupees of his own on the work.
Some of the great earthen tumuli at LauriyaNavandgarh in the Champaran District were excavated, with the result that, though signs of human burial were noticed, no distinct interment could be made out, and nothing was found. General Cunningham identifies these tumuli with the chetiyas of the Vrijis mentioned in the Ceylonese Buddhist legends. The barrows seem to be extremely ancient, but it is impossible to assign to them any definite date.
285
The discovery of a new cdict pillar of Aśoka at Ramparwa in the Terai, north of Betiya, has been already published in Volume XVIII. Mr. Carlleyle notes that the edicts on this pillar are inscribed in the dialect which rejected the use of the letter r. The remarks on the position of Asôka's inscriptions along the main lines of ancient roads are not novel, but are worth noting. Mr. Carlleyle would expect to find another edict pillar within the Nôpâl hills. Pages 58-72, like pages 1-35, are almost a reprint of a portion of Volume XVIII. An interesting list of 101 ancient coins found at Bairânt in the Benares District, is given at page 114; and a similar list of the coins obtained at Masaon-Dih, near Saidpur-Bhitari in the Ghazipur District, is given on page 103. Most of the coins found at both these places belong to the earliest Hindu and Buddhist types. Both these ancient sites also yielded a considerable number of flint and agate implements. Unfortunately no drawings of these objects are given. Mr. Carlleyle observes that he has found stone implements at Indor in the Bulandshahr District, at Bhuila in the Bast. District, near Bânda, and throughout Bundêlkhand, in the Nâgaudh state, in the hills of Riwa and Mirzâpur, and in Rajputâna.
These few remarks indicate almost everything worthy of notice in this volume.
In the Preface, General Cunningham observes that he has "long held the opinion that the Hindus knew and practised the art of stone-cutting at least two centuries before the time of Asoka. Indeed, the very name of Taxila, or Takshasila Nagara, the city of cut-stone buildings, proves that the art was known and used before the time of Alexander."
He also argues that the beautifully finished letters of Asoka's inscriptions must have been preceded by a ruder alphabet, which has been lost owing to the almost, though not quite, universal use of wood in early times, and hopes that coins may yet be found bearing characters of this lost alphabet.
V. A. SMITH.
10th June, 1886.
INDISCHE STUDIEN. BEITRAGE FUR DIE KUNDE DES INDISCHEN ALTERTRUMS. Im Vereine mit mehreren Gelehrten herausgegeben von Dr. ALBRECHT WEBER. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1884.
This 17th volume of Dr. Albrecht Weber's Indian Studies is, as usual, full of the most interesting matter. In it the learned editor himself completes his Analysis of the Sacred (Prakrit) Writings of the Jainas, by a succinct and at the same time exhaustive survey of the Nandisútram. the Annyogadvárasútram and the four Múlasútrani. This is followed by an attractive article

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by Dr. E. Leumann, on the Seven (really Eight) to this branch of theosophic literature. The Schisms of the Jainas, whose curious dialectical latter treatise in particular, which in a series of subtleties frequently remind us of the specious questions and answers, contains an abstract of the reasonings of Plato's Purmenides. The following Védántu Doctrine of the Absolute (niralamba = characteristic story is told of the origin and without a prop or support, independent, absolute"), decay of the second of these heresies, that of and in which Prof. Weber recognises indications of Tisagutta. His teacher Vasu had expounded the a certain antiquity, is remarkable by a decidedly question="Is it allowable to say that a soul- ethico-practical tendency, which in some places atom is a soul"? To which the answer had been, seems to imply a direct protest against the system "No; as little as it is allowable to say the same of caste. "Who is a Brahman” asks the last of two, three or more soul-atoms, which would question, and the answer is" Brahmavit sarva dva lead in the end to the proposition that a soul brdhmang iti; every one (sarva) who knows diminished by one soul-atom is a soul; for the Brahms (the Absolute), and he only (éva), is a soul is a complete totality of atoms comparable Brahman." This clearly leadę up to the conto those of the Ether." This led Tisagutta intoclusion that mere birth-right gives no claim to an erroneous idea that if the atoms of a soul, by the title.
F. S. the loss of one of them, cease to constitute a soul, that one must itself be the soul, since the latter's
ABLATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW-Vol. I. edited by DEME
TRIUS BOULGER. Fisher Unwin: London. designation as a soul depends on its existence.
On perusal of the first two numbers, forming A pious layman, named Mittasiri, thereupon the first half-yearly volume of this new Quarterly, undertook to convert him and his followers by a
we must congratulate the Editor, Mr. Boulger, counter-argument very much ad hominem. In on the great success that has attended him at viting him to a rich repast, he offered him a starting. Seldom indeed have two more power. morsel of every dish and nothing more, until the
ful issues of a periodical been laid before the guest exclaimed-"Why am I thus insulted ?"
public, for every contributor up to date has -"How have you been insulted P” inquired the
been previously known to fame. It is needless, hoat in reply: "is it not your theory, that a whole therefore to say that though the scope of the is made up by its odd part I have entertained Journal is exceedingly wide, the various subjects you in accordance with your own teaching; not are handled with that skill which ensures success. venturing to entertain you according to that of The article that will prove perhaps the most our lord Vaddhamâna!”
interesting of all is that by Lady Dufferin on The information regarding Jaina literature,
female medical aid for the women of India, and contained in the above mentioned articles, is sup- that, not merely on account of the position of its plemented by an Essay by Prof. Jacobi, in which authoress, but for the business-like, though withal be proves that the Varnakas or descriptive pas. womanly, manner in which she has dealt with sages of the sacred writings of the Jainas, which her subject. In perusing her pages the reader have hitherto been considered to be written in begins to perceive that it is her capacity for proso, are in reality composed in a metrical form, business which has enabled her to give so grand a similar to the Greek so-called hypermetra, and start to the noble scheme of aid to the suffering another paper by the same author explains the and helpless of her sex that her sympathies have theory of the álóka, or heroic verse of the Indians, compelled her to initiate.-Col. Yule's Hobson. both in its usual and in that more irregular form, Jobsoniana is an amusing and instructive intro. which the native Prosodista call vipulad.
duction to his Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words The remainder of the volume is devoted to Sans now published in full, of which he first printed krit literature proper, and, excepting some Miscel- specimens in this Journal some years ago, when lanies from the pen of Dr. T. Aufrecht, is entirely his collaborateur, Mr. A. O. Burnell, was still alive. supplied by the indefatigable Editor himself. In Our present relations with Burma have called it the translation and explanation of the third forth articles from the Editor and Prof. Douglas book of the Atharvasamhita forms a welcome sequel on the relations between that country and China; to that of the first two books, given in Vol. IV. while Sir Lepel Griffin, to whom rumour ascribes (1858) and XIII. (1873) of Indian Studies. This is the existence of the new Review, supplies charac. followed by a critical and annotated edition of the teristic articles on those other current topics the text of the two Anukramant of the Naigêya School restitution of Gwalior Fort and the Native States. of the Sdmasamhita. Two smaller Upanishads, A subject, too, especially interesting at the present the Garudopanishad, published in the original, time is the political Geography of Asia, entrusted and the Nirdlambopanishad, text and translation to the highly qualified pen of Sir Frederick Goldwith explanatory remarks, are valuable additions smid.

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Among miscellaneous matter is a readable arti- cle on the pilgrimage to Mecca, by Mr. Wollaston; but we should like to know why such an au. thority on things Oriental writes on page 393 "a famous doctor by name Hullage,"-under which appellation, in a paper quite correct as a role in orthography, one hardly recognises tho famous Mansur Halláj. The whole record of his life and death-real and apocryphal,-is, moreover, so well known that one cannot help being surprised at being informed that it is also recorded that a famous doctor, by name Hullage, was put to death for having taught certain ceremonies and prayers to supply the neglect of performing the haj."
The Asiatic Quarterly Review is clearly intended to lead among Oriental Journals of the popular sort, and if it goes on as it has begun, there is no doubt that it will do so in the future, as it evidently does in the present. THE EMPIRE OF THE HITTITES, by WILLIAM WRIGHT,
D.D., Second Ed. London: James Nisbet & Co. We heartily welcome this second edition of Dr. Wright's now celebrated work. It was in 1872 that he first drew attention to the existence of Hittite monuments, and for a long while his was a voice crying in the wilderness, especially as, since the Hittites had no place in classical history, it was the fashion in the critical world to throw doubts on the accuracy of the Biblioal references to them. However, by dint of patience and sticking to his point, Dr. Wright has succeeded in convincing the learned Oriental world that his " Hittite inscriptions" do refer to the people so often spoken of in the Bible, thus restoring, as he says, the Empire of the Hittites to its rightful position in secular history.
So far from being alone in his efforts to eluci. date the exceedingly difficult epigraphical remains of this long-lost people in this second edition of his work, Dr. Wright has the powerful aid of Prof. Sayce, Sir Charles Wilson, Captain Conder, and Mr. Rylands, not to mention Dr. Isaac Taylor and Mr. Pinches. With such an array of authoritative collaborateurs, it is needless to say that the book is as good a one as the present knowledge of the subject can make it.
The first contains 34.descriptive papers of all kinds regarding the little-known States of the Malay Peninsula; and the second, six papers on the Natural History, Geology and Botany of those parts, three of which are by the celebrated Dr. Theodore Cantor.
The sources of this collection are Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory, the Asiatic Researches, and the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; 80 that it will be seen that some of the papers date many years back : indeed the first on Quedah was written as long ago as 1808, and many refer to matters long before that date.
The work of editing has been entrusted to the very capable hands of Dr. Rost, who has indeed printed the various articles much as he found them, but has added footnotes and references where practicable, and has done what was possible towards rectifying inconsistences in the orthography of names in the valuable indices he has added to the volumes, vis a general and a vernacular index.
Vol. I. contains 6 plates of inscriptions which would be all the better for being reproduced by a mechanical process from the original, if possible, as hand drawn copies of inscriptions, however carefully prepared, are more than liable to serious errors. This is a work that the now energetic Society of Orientalists at Singapore might with advantage take up. RUDRATA'S CRINGARATILAKA; and RUYYAXA'S BAHRIDA
YALILA. With an Introduction and Notos. Edited by Dr. R. PISCHEL, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Halle. Kiel; C. F. Haescler; 1880. London ; Trübner & Co. Paris; Ernest Loroux. Benaros; E. J. Lazarus & Co. The two little works here edited for the first time by Professor Pischel belong to the rhetoric department of Sanskrit literature. In it the first. named work occupies a rather prominent placé. It is an erotic poem, the several verses of which. either singly or in groups, are composed so as to serve as illustrations of the rules of rhetoric. The author of this work is Rudrata, or as the colophons call him, Rudrabhatta. His age, Professor Pischol, in the Introduction, determines to be not later than the middle of the ninth century. Some of his examples are quoted by Pratthårêndurâja. who was a pupil of Mukula, who was a son of Kallata, who lived about 850 A.D. Accordingly Pratihirènduraja must have lived about 950 A.D. : and, since he quotes Rudrata as a standard author, the latter must be placed about one century
MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RELATING TO INDO-CHINA
Reprinted for the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 2 Vols. London: Trübner & Co. It is evident that we have to thank that ener. getic Orientalist of the Far East, Mr. W. E. Maxwell, for these valuable and useful volumes
[Regarding the two forms of this namo, se Dr. Petoron's Second Report on Sanskrit M8., p. 19 and note. See also line 10 of the Saundatti inscription of SakaSamvat 1151 (Jour, Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 262, 275; and Archäol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 225), where, with reference to a Kanarese poet of this name, it is
said " Rudrabhatta, having pledged a letter of his name as security for a lon of a thousand pieces of) gold, received from people tho appellation of Rudrata' only, as a substituto (for his ful!) name, until the day when he redeemed the pledge."-J. F. F.]

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earlier. This argument presupposes that Rudrata subject of inscriptions, with the result of at least was the composer of his own examples. A large two important discoveries. One is the inscription, portion of the Introduction is devoted to proving presumably of Améuvarman, dated (Harsha)that premise: and there seems no reason to doubt Samvat 34 or A.D. 640-41 (p.74ff., and Plate in.), that it is correct.
which is valuable because the details of the date Contributions towards our knowledge of the include an intercalation of the month Pausha. Sanskfit rhetoric literature, especially when they It had been supposed that the months Mårcome from the hands of such a competent editor gabirsha, Pausha, and Magha, were, as now, never as Professor Pischel is, are particularly valuable. at any time intercalated by the Hindus. The Their importance in assisting historic and lexico- present inscription disproves this view in respect graphic researches can hardly be exaggerated. of Pausba. And, since this discovery, a new Two striking illustrations of this fact occur in the copper-plate grant of the Maharaja Dharasêna Introduction, in which Professor Pischel inciden- IV. of Valabhi, dated (Gupta)-Samvat 330, has tally proves, from data supplied by Sanskrit come to notice, containing an intercalation of the rhetorical works, that the well-known rhetorician month Mârgasirsha, which, apart from its own Dandin was the real author of the Mrichchha interest, is also of value as giving confirmative katikd, and that "the Panchatantra, in its evidence in support of the correctness of Albirani's Northern recension, must be later than the mid- statement regarding theepoch of the Gupta- Valabhi dle of the ninth century A.D." The former of era. Dr. Bühler has already published this these two discoveries will, no doubt, require further inscription in German; and his English version of verification before it is generally acquiesced in. the paper will shortly be issued in this Journal.
R. H. The other discovery, of still more value, is
the inscription of Sivadêva I. and Amsuvarman, A JOURNEY IN NEPAL AND NORTHERN INDIA, by dated' Gupta-Samvat 316 or 318, A.D. 635 to
CECIL BENDALL, M.A. The University Press, Cam- 637 (p. 72ff. and Plate viii.), which was originally bridge. 1886. 8vo. pp. xii. 100; fifteen illustrations ; and two genealogical tables.
published by Mr. Bendall in this Journal, Vol. This handy and carefully got-up little volume
XIV. p. 97ff. The extreme importance of this is the outcome of a cold-weather tour in 1884-85. inscription is in its furnishing for the first time Mr. Bendall's primary object was the acqui
the correct clue to the interpretation of the early sition of Sanskrit MSS. for the Cambridge Népal dates (see my paper on " The Chronology University. Pp. 39 to 67 are devoted entirely to
of the Early Rulers of Nepal," ante, Vol. XIV. this subject, and shew, in outline, very satisfac. p. 3121.), shewing that they have to be referred tory results, which remain to be treated in detail to the Gupta, not to the Vikrama era, and in the on a future occasion. Among the more important
confirmative evidence that it gives of the Gupta acquisitions are several new fragments of the
era having really commenced A.D. 319-20, or thereChandravydkarana (p. 54), a copy of the Hitdpadd.
aboute, as stated by Albirunf (see my paper on sa written in the fourteenth century A.D. (p. 55),
"The Epoch of the Gupta era ;" page 192ff. above). part of a new recension of the Ndradasmriti
Should Mr. Bendall visit India again, it is to (p. 56) written A.D. 1407, and two new commen- be hoped that he will prevail on his friend, taries on the Meghadata (p. 59). The first of
Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, to allow him to assist in these has a special palæographical interest, in editing the epigraphical records and coins in that presenting a new type of character, in which
pasterin which gentleman's possession, referred to on page 1. the vertical strokes of the letters have triangular This would be a real public benefit; for, without tops, similar to the nail-headed' characters of
some such co-operation, it seems that these importCentral India, of which one or two specimens
ant antiquities will see the light never at all. have already come to notice, but with the
Pages 1 to 38, the Archeological and General difference that the apex of the triangle is here
Report, contain much that will interest general uppermost, whereas in the Central India speci.
readers, and include eight good representations, mens the reverse is the case. Mr. Bendall found
from photographs by Mr. Bendall, of architecture short inscription, in the same characters, on
and Népal scenery. It is to be hoped that the the pedestal of a statue of Buddha in the
rebuke administered in the note on page 36, will Imperial Museum at Calcutta. Students will come to the notice of, and may have some effect look forward to the separate study of this on, Mr. W. Scawen Blunt. character, which he promises.
J. F. FLEET. A good deal of attention was also paid to the 4th August 1886. See page 189ff. above.
but now points out that it is doubtful whether it is • Mr.Bendall originally read the third symbol as 8, 8 or .

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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA.
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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA, WITH AN APPENDIX ON THE
AFFAIRS OF HIRAT. Translated from the Tarikh Sultání of Sulļán Muhammad Khán Barukzái.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Concluded from p. 267.) W HEN the population of Kábul found that as his halting-place. He really intended not
V the Padshah was pursuing a policy of to reach JallAlAbad in less than a month, being delay, they asserted that no faith was to be under the impression that during that period placed in his promise to go to Jallâlâbâd, as an English army of succour would arrive from he was himself in reality a Farangi, and they Hindustan, as is recorded in his Memoirs. ridiculed the legend on his coing, which was as He had also taken this opportunity to remove follows:
his jewels, for it is said that he picked out all Coins of silver and gold, brighter than the sun the best gems and most valuable rings, the and moon,
price of which amounted to fifty lakhs of rupees, Were struck by the favourite of the age, the King from the treasury, and carried them off; but Shuja'au'l-Mulk Shah.
Allah knows best! He held a general Darhár By changing it into the following distich :
at Sikh Sang, where he summoned the Shahzadah Coins of silver and gold were struck by Shuja's Shahpur to his presence and appointed him the Armenian,
Hakim [Governor of Kabul] with Naşru'llah The favourite of Lord Burnes, the dust of the Khân for his Lieutenant, and gave them both feet of the East Indian) Company.
leave to return to the city ; whilst he himselt There is, however, a proverb that the gate took a palanquin about the time of evening of a town may be closed, but not the mouths of prayer, and went on some private business to the enemies; and after all, the assertions of the BAIA Higår. On entering he ordered the guarwicked are not deserving of credence.
dians of the road to be present and watchful, The populace of Kabul, having appointed because the Shahzâdah Shahpûr would depart Mir Haji, a son of the late Wazir Mir Wai', to from the camp towards morning. The inmates of be their leader, followed him in crowds, waving the haram and other confidential persons about banners and parading Quráns taken from the the Shah have revealed that he was very holy shrines of pilgrimage. Maltitudes of faqirs uneasy during the whole of that night (in the and sufis, shouting the name of Allah, likewise Balâ Hişar), moving about, and often asking the departed with them in the direction of Jallal- eupuch for the time. When the morning dawned båd. When Shâh Shujaa witnessed this he performed the two matutinal prayer flexions tumult, he concluded that if he failed to join of the sunnah, but delayed the two prayerflexions the populace, the insurrection might become of the fara till his arrival in camp, to be performgeneral and his own existence imperilled. He, ed in his tent. Then he entered the palanquin therefore, determined to accompany the crowd as before, and urged the bearers to make haste. to Jallalábad to prosecute a ghand (crescentade] On his arrival (on the preceding day) in against the infidels, and despatched the the BAA Hişar, some ill-starred schemer had Shahzadah Fath Jang with the vanguard, in given information to Shuja-au'ddaulah Khân, conformity with a decision arrived at, as far as the son of Nawab Muhammad Zaman Khân, Deh Khudadad, where it halted. On Tuesday that the Padshåh was secretly spending the the second of the victorious month Şafar in the night in the BALÂ Hişar, and would return to year 1257 the Padshah at last marched out of the camp in the morning. Shuja'an'ddaulah, the Bald Hişâr with royal pomp and a great deal thereupon, with a number of followers, deterof baggage, and selected the múz'a Sikh Sangmined to kill him, and lay all night in ambush
The above date is, scoording to our reckoning, the 5th April 1841, which being earlier than that of the event preceding it, must be a mistake, the date given for it having been the 20th January 1842; but if we retain the date of the month and take the year 1958 instead
of 1257, we get the 26th March 1842, which is more in consonance also with Kaye's statement, Vol. II. p. 378, that on the 39th March 1842 the ShAh sent round criere to proclaim that he was about to march southward on the 31st.

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outside the BAIA Hişar, waiting for the oppor- of the name of Ghulam Muhammad Shahji tunity :-according to the proverb:
Nawashah Baqir Shah Faqir.' When fate uplifts its head above the sphere The Pådshah Shuja'au'l-Mulk was of a All wise men are but blind and deaf.
very mild but persevering character. He In the morning when the palanquin of the spent all his life in waging war, and underShah reached the ambush, which was half-way took during his reign not less than thirty between the BAIA Hişâr and the (British) station, campaigns against his foes. Although he Shuja'au'ddaulah and his adherents suddenly | was, by the decree of fate, worsted in most fired'a volley of bullets at it (from a distance of them, his firmness of purpose, as has been The illustrious Shah, perceiving this to be annarrated, never allowed him to abandon the attempt on his life, became frightened, and hope of ultimately subduing his enemies. He leaving the palanquin with great precipitancy, was possessed of good poetical talent, so that began to run, and the bearers also took to his Díván is replete with brilliant verses and their heels. Shuja'an'ddaulah himself, stagger- figures of speech composed in easy language, ed by what he had done, felt unequal to the and read to this day in. Hindüstân, Trån, and completion of the deed, and intended to return Afghánistán. Most beginners improve their without having effected his purpose; but one phraseology by a study of it. He was more than of his followers, a Muradkhâni, J'afir Khân sixty-five years old at his death, and when the by name, taking hold of the bridle of his news of it was, on the same day, brought to horse said :-"There is no other game breath- the Shahzadah Shahpûr, the shining daylight ing in this desert except the wounded one; became as dark as night to him, but he was what do you mean to do ? Return and finish nevertheless compelled to look to the defence of him, and do not abandon your first intention, the (Bala Hişar) fortress! When the Shahzadah As the wise have said :
Fath Jang, who was encamped at the múz'a Deb When you get hold of your foe and conquer him, Khudâdâd, received the distressing news he Wisdom ordains to spare not his life."
took refuge in the fort (of Mahmûd Khân) by Encouraged by these words, Shuja'au'd- the advice of Ghulam Haidar Khân, the son of daulah Khân hastened to the palanquin, and Mahmad Khân Bayât; but the wicked nature not finding the Shâh in it, he looked about of the latter suggested to him to deliver the till he perceived him by the side of a brook, Shahzadah in bonds to Muhammad Zaman Khan. prostrated on the ground from the shots he Meanwhile, Shah Zamân and the Shahzadah had received. The murderers now sent him Haidar intended to place the Shahzâdah Shahwith a few sword cuts to the mansion of eternity, púr upon the throne, and to read the khutbah in took some jewels from his diadem as well as his name. He, however, refused his consent, from other parts of his dress, and departed. and replied "At present we stand in need of A chamberlain, Shahnawaz Khân by name, union and not of hypocrisy, and the liberation whom the firing had scared away, and who of a brother is preferable to a high position." had concealed himself, came forth from his Accordingly through the Naib Aminu'llah hiding place when he perceived that the field Khân, and at the instance of Khwajah Khânji, a was clear, and observing that the Shah's two number of cavalry and infantry was despatched pockets were full of jewels and pearls, cut to the fort of Mahmúd Khân, whence they them both off and started in the direction of delivered the Shahzâdah Fath Jang from the the Bâld Hişir; but his over-reaching cove- grasp of his foes, and conveyed him to the tousness made him conceal his booty under Bala Hişar. a wall, so that instead of benefiting him, it be- Next day Aminu'llah Khân came with Mir came the prey of others. This dreadful event Haji and a number of Qizlbásh and Durrani took place on Wednesday the twenty-third Khâns to the Bâlâ Hişâr, where they took into of the above month,' and a chronogram of it consideration the age of Fath Jang, and imwas embodied in some verses by a durvesh mediately placing him on the throne offered him
• The above date gives the 8th April 1842, after apply. ing the rectification indicated in the preceding footnote; but Kaye (Vol. II. p. 379) states that Shah Shuja'a was
slain on the 5th of April.
3 The verses, consisting of a lament, are worthless in every respect, and are here omitted.

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their congratulations. A few days afterwards, Muhammad Zamân Khân during the fight, the he desired all the Khâns to pay him homage adherents of the Shahzadah were defeated, and and to swear allegiance to him, which most of the thread of their connection became severed. them did, except some partizans of Muhammad So they retreated again to the Balâ Hişâr and Zamân Khân, who refused. He also gladdened kept off the assailants, but ventured out from the hearts of all who had entered into a it no more, and waited for the arrival of an covenant of loyalty to him, by presenting them English army to succour the Shahzâdah (Fath with plenty of money, and exquisite robes of Jang). honour, thus exalting them above their peers. Meanwhile he continued with the help of
Some time afterwards, Aminu'llah Khan Aminu'llah Khân to harass his opponents, prepared, at the instigation of the Shahzadah until Muhammad Akbar Khân, leaving his (Fath Jang) and with the consent of all the followers, came to Kábul, where he was in. Khâns, to ruin Muhammad Zamân Khân, and formed of the antagonism between Amîna'llah the more so as their forces amounted in ap- Khân and Nawab Zaman Khân. He thereupon pearance to double the number at his disposal. induced the former, with the aid of Muham. On the day appointed for attack Aminu'llah mad Shah Ghiljai; to get himself lowered by Khân discovered that Mîr Haji Sahib was a means of a rope and pulley from the Balê well-wisher of the Nawab [Muhammad Zamân Hişår to meet him. The Shahzadah Fath Jang Khân), and kept him under close surveil- was greatly dismayed at the departure of lance. As, however, he was intending to begin the Nâib, but Mirza Ibrahim Khân, the Chief hostilities, the Kabuli and Kohistânî men Munshi, and Mirza Haidar Ali Khân the learnt that Mîr Haji was under surveillance, army-writer, who had been trusty, confiden. and abandoned their intention of attacking tial and honoured servants of Shah Shuja'a, Muhammad Zaman Khân. They hastened in- comforted the Shahzâdah and told him by no stead to the house of the Nâib, which they pil- means to give way to discouragement, inaslaged and demolished in a moment. Aminu'llah much as all the dwellers in the BalA Hişar, the Khân having thus, in the twinkling of an eye, Durrani Khâns, and the Hindústânî troops were become the vanquished instead of vanquisher, loyal and steadfast and would be ready to sacriconsidered himself fortunate to have escaped fice their lives for him ; whilst they themselves with his life, and took refuge in the Bâlâ Hişâr, stood sureties for the promotion of his cause.
After this event, the Naib Amina’llah Khân They called Durvesh Muhammad Khân, the and the Shahzâdah (Fath Jang) determined to son of Haji Hashim Khan 'Arab, with all the garrison the fortress, and sent the Shahzâdah Abyssinian officers, to bear testimony to the Shahpur with some troops and the Khâns truth of their assertions. The Shahzadah, whom who happened to be present, to guard the sur- these promises had inspired with new courage, rounding localities, and to bring in the revenue, resisted the assaults upon the Bâlâ Hişår for as well as corn and all other necessaries. Ac- forty days, supported by the Durrani Khang, cordingly the Shahzadah, who was in the first viz. Sardâr 'Inayatu'llah Khân, 'Azim Gul Khân instance to occupy and to repair the fort Binî Urąbigi, Sikandar Khân Bảmîzki, Şamad Khan Hişar, and to send corn from it when hos Bådüzâi, and Muhammad 'Umar Khân Bảmizâi, tilities broke out, took possession of and kept and also by the Kábuli Khåns, viz. Khwajah the gate locked. When Muhammad Zaman Khânji, known as Shekh Mazár, and Mîr Aftab. Khân heard of what had taken place he secretly There was much fighting on the tower of the marched from the city on the second day after- two eagles, which bears likewise the name of wards with some sawars, partly of his own tribe the upper tower, and which was assaulted by and partly Ghilzais, and betook himself by way the adherents of Muhammad Zaman Khân and of Chuhardeh, in the rear of the mountain, to of Muhammad Akbar Khân. In reality all the fort Bini Hişar, the vicinity whereof he the duties of the garrison, and negotiations reached in the darkness of the night. In the with its opponents, were performed according morning a fierce battle raged between the to the directions of the above-named Mirzas parties, but as Sardêr `Abdu's-Salâm Khân, son and supporters of Fath Jang), and nothing was of Ikram Khân Båmizâi, joined the forces of undertaken without their approbation. They

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often also sent letters to General Pollock in in a short time raised a wall of stone and JallAlAbad, inviting him to come to Kabul, and earth (in its place). The Shahzâdah then comhe replied that he would soon do so.
menced, through Ndib Aminu'llah Khân LahoAs the English did not move from Jallálábåd, kardi and Muhammad Shah Khân Ghiljai, and the siege was dragging out its length, the negotiations for peace with Sardar Muhammad enemies became more daring in the prosecution Akbar Khân, whom he made his wazir, and of it. The store of gunpowder in the Bala thereby put an end to all hostilities. He also Hişâr had likewise all been consumed, and opened the roads to the fortress and surrendered when this became known to the besiegers, they them. issued orders, that nobody should send in 8 A few days after Muhammad Akbar Khân single misqal of it; and they were obeyed, had become wazir and had made the troops except by one man, a Hindu Munsbi, who subservient to himself, a letter fell into his being acquainted with Khwajah Khânji conveyed hands, which the youthful inexperience of the some gunpowder to him. When, however, the Shâhzâdah had indited, craving for the aid of people of the city became aware of the trans- General Pollock, and which he had despatched gression, they placed him under the merciless to Jallalabad. Muhammad Akbar Khân kept sword, and he only saved his life by making the letter and threw the Shahzadah into prison a profession of Islam. After that, gunpowder for it :became so scarce in the Bald Hişår, that one He who does this will be requited with that. misgal could not be purchased for a hundred The property of the Shahzadah was looted, and rupees. Nevertheless Mirza Ibrahim Khân all the jewellery taken that could be found; Munshi and Mirza Haidar Khân by various but as soon as he got an opportunity he escaped stratagems succeeded in smuggling some gun- from prison with the connivance of certain powder from the city to the fortress, through persons in the Balâ Hisar, and taking refuge the ramparts. But at last the besiegers, by in the Chandául Mahallah, remained there in persevering vigilance, totally cut off the sup- concealment. Some time afterwards Sarfaraz ply of gunpowder, and then Nawab Shuja'a Khân, the brother of Naib Aminu'llah Khân Khân, son of Nawab Najiba'ddaulah, who had, Lahukurdi and Khwajah Khânji, surnamed from being one of the Indian servants of the Shekh Mazar, procured through the mediation Shahzâdah, risen to the position of Diwan, under of Mirza Haidar Ali Khân, and of Mirza took to manufacture gunpowder in the Bal Hisar Ibrahim Khân, all the travelling appliances itself and began the business by mixing sulphur necessary for the Shahzadah, and conveyed him with charcoal, intending to continue it after- by way of Karakchah, or some other unknown wards in a more complete form. Meanwhile, route, to Jallalibåd to General Pollock, and to Sardâr Muhammad Akbar Khân with the aid of Macgregor, who was the English Håkim of that Haji Ali Khan the (military) miner, dug a mine place.' beneath the principal western tower of the Bâlâ When the Bombay army was appointed to Hişar, which was known by the name of the give assistance, it marched by way of QanBajanhů tower, and blew it up, so that it dahår to Kabul,' and troops from Hindústân became level with the ground: whereon the despatched for the same purpose marched Shahzadah Fath Jang hastened with a number by way of Jallalábåd; from which place of Arabs and Abyssinians to the spot, and also General Pollock brought the ShAhzâdah
. This was no other than the well known Mohan Lal, Knight of the Persian Order of the Lion and Sun.
"It soon became only too probable that the BAIA Hişår itself would fall before the Bdrukudio. The energy and vigour of Akbar Khan and his confederates kreatly exceeded that of the wretched Prince, and his few interested supporters. Fearful of this, Fath Jang continued to write pressing letters to the British authorities at JallalAbad."-Kaye, Vol. II. p. 535.
. Last night" wrote Fath Jang to General Pollock at the beginning of June, “they made an assault now they have made mines in every direotion. My affairs are in a very critical state. If you do not come quickly, the Ball Hisar and the throne will be lost, and you
will be a sufferer.". Kaye, Vol. II. p. 541.-"On the 7th June the BAIA Hisar fell into the hands of the Bårukz&is."-Ibid. p. 542.
According to Kaye, the Shehz Adah Fath Jang waited for the arrival of the British army in Kabul, and accom. panied it to India when it left, as will be seen in the last foot-note to this piece.
General Nott marched from Qandahar on the 7th August (Kaye, Vol. II. p. 594); from Ghaznio he brought away on the 8th September the famous gatos of the temple of Somnath at the express command of Lord Ellenborough (p. 607), and on the 17th he encamped at a distance of four or five miles from Kabul (p. 600).

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Fath Jang to Kâbul with him. All arrived in Kâbul' on the 18th Sh'aban of the Hijri year 1256 [24th September 1842] and General Pollock with George Macgregor forthwith issued a proclamation through Mirza Haidar 'Ali Khân the army-writer, expressing a wish that a wazir should be elected by the Durrânî Khans from among themselves for the proper administration of military and political affairs. Accordingly by the consent and with the approbation of Khân Shîrîn Khân, son of Amîr Aşlân Khân Jawan Shêr, and the Qizlbâsh Khâns-who had deserted the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khan and had come to make their salutations-the Khâns dressed Ghulam Muḥammad Khân, son of Mukhtaru'ddaulah Sher Muhammad Khân Bâmîzâi, an intelligent man, in an exquisite robe of honour and elected him wazir.
When it had become known that the Kohistânî people had, under the leadership of Naib Aminu'llah Khân Lahukurdî, become turbulent at Chârikar, the English despatched several battalions and a detachment of sawars in command of the Shahzâdah Shahpûr the son of Shuja'au'l-Mulk to subdue him. When these forces arrived they dispersed the gházis, and having set fire to Astalif, a place in Kohdâman, they wished to make the Shâhzádah Shahpûr Hakim of Kohistan. But in the meantime news arrived that the Shâhzâdah Fath Jang, having become aware of the intention of the English to return to Hindûstân, had abdicated the throne and government of Kabul, and was about to depart to India, the Shâhzâdah Shahpûr therefore returned from Kohistan to Kabul. He there learnt that the Shâhzâdah Fath Jang had indeed determined to go to India, rejecting the offer of his ancestral throne and diadem, made to him by the English officers, unless they gave him the sum of five lakhs of guldár rupees and four battalions of regular troops, saying:"What can I accomplish with an empty treasury and a hungry stomach ? or how shall I commence a business which cannot be terminated? It is a thousand times better not to act, than to act in such a case." The English officers did not accept the proposal, and began their march to Hindustan, accom
On the 20th August General Pollock began to move from Jallalabad (Kaye, Vol. II. p. 567) and on the 15th September he encamped on the Kabul racecourse (ibid.
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panied by the Shâhzâdahs and by their harams. However, at the last, the Shahzâdah Shahpûr went by the advice of some Amirs to George Macgregor and General Pollock, and represented that his honoured father had from youth to old age waged war for the purpose of subjugating Afghanistan, and had abandoned it only with his life, and so he thought the present an unsuitable time to give up his hereditary kingdom. The English approved of his resolution, and ordered John Shakespear to instal him on the throne in the Bâlâ Hisar, with Ghulam Aḥmad Khân for Wazir, and Khân Shirin Khan for Amir, which he did and then joined the camp.
The Shahzâdah remained for some time in Kabul, and then he heard that Wazir Muḥammad Akbar Khân, the son of the Amîr Dôst Muḥammad Khân, who had gone to Táshqurghân when the English arrived, was on their departure again bent on returning to Kabul. So he despatched the Shahzâdah Ban Shaharnân with considerable forces to the Hakim of Bàmiân, to stop the progress of Wazir Muḥammad Akbar Khân. But the Wazir Ghulam Aḥmad Khân having meanwhile perceived that the prestige of the Saddozâi government was on the decline and that of the Bârukzai monarchy in the ascendant, he interviewed several Qizlbâsh Khâns of Kâbul, viz. Muhammad Riza Khân, the son of Baqar Khân 'Alimardânt and Qurban Ali Khân Bagh 'Alimardânî, and Mirza Imâm, and Burdi Khân Munshi, and Mirza 'Abdu'r-Razzaq Khân Mustaufi, and secretly conspiring with them, despatched with their consent a letter to Wazir Muḥammad Akbar Khân, informing him that they were all his partizans, and that he ought to make haste and come to Kabul. Thus encouraged, the Wazir went at once to Bâmiân, where he met the troops of the Shahzadah, all of which joined him; on which the latter had no choice but to take horse and whip, and hasten to Kabul, When he arrived, most of his well-wishers represented to him that as many of his sincere friends and sympathizers had scratched their faces with the nails of discontent, and had shaved off their moustaches with the razors of ingratitude, it would be best for the rest, while they are
p. 581, also p. 610). The actual day when he marched into the city itself is not mentioned.

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yet able, to depart with their families to bassador to Fath 'Ali Shah, who was satisfied, Lodiânâ, and gladly to accept their former and recalled Shuja-au's-Sultanat, so that Shah pensions from the English Government. Mahmud and his son again lived five or Accordingly, aided by the power of Sarfaraz six years in tranquillity. But in the Hijri Khân, brother of the Naib, and of Azim year'' 1241 dissensions arose between Shah Gul Khan Bamizâi 'Urzbigi and of 'Abdu'l-Mahmud and his son Kamran. The latter majid Khân, Mâmâi Popalzai, they departed usurped all the power, no longer obeyed his by way of Karakchah to Jallalâbâd with father, and requested Shuja-au's-Sultanat who their wives and children ; but, during the was at Khurâsân, to come to his assistance. journey they were robbed of their baggage by This request was granted, and the father was a band of the Jabar Khel tribe, who dwelt at removed from the throne. Shuja'au's-Sultanat Asarak, and even made the Shâzâdahs prison- then left his son Arghûn Mirza in Hirât ers. They and their harams were liberated and returned (to Khurâsân), after which Shih only at the instance of 'Aşim Gul Khan, who Mahmúd sat in the corner of retirement till he had some friends among the Ghiljais, and per- died a natural death in the Hijri years 1244, suaded them to convey the party to Jallalabad and his son Kâmrân carried on the government to Muhammad Usman Khân Nizâmu'ddaulah, of Hirât. who was still the Hakim of that place; whence Muhammad At Khân Alakzai, brother of they departed with his consent and that of Sardár 'Abdu'llah Khân the Hikim of Kaśmir, *Abdu'r-Rahmân to Peshawar, to which town perished in the general epidemic which raged *Aziz Khân of the Jabar Khel tribe conveyed throughout the whole of Afghanistan in 1244, also the ladies and children in litters with A.H. or 1828 A.D., and the Shahzâdah Kamran all honour. There they joined the Shahzâdâhs appointed Yar Muhammad Khân, the son of and all hastened together to Lodiâ nâ, where Sardar Abdu'llah Khân, late Hâkim of Kaśmir, the English Government assigned to them who was his own cousin, to be his Amiru'l-umrå. sufficient allowances, and there they lived in Yar Muhammad Khân was a valiant and opencontentment, renouncing their aspirations to handed man, and was on this account afterwards power, being convinced that their realization raised to an even higher station, and made wazir. was impossible."
In the Hijrl year 1248 Shâh Shuja'a arrived
(in Afghánistân) and was defeated at Qandahar APPENDIX ON THE APPAIRS OF HIRÂT.
by the Amîr Dôst Muhammad Khân. He took The remaining adventures of Shậh Mahmûd refuge in the forts of Lâsh and Jawain, and. and of the Shahzadah Kamran, who had gone to the Shahzâdah Kamran sent the earuch Haji Hirât and those parts, after being defeated Firûz Khân his favourite, with presents, and by the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, and go- a message, that although Hirât was even as his verned there, not having been recorded by the own house, it would be better for him to pen which traces musk characters, they will remain for some time in comfort and pleasure be narrated in detail in this place. Our trust in the muş'a Farrah. This fact is recorded in is in Allah:
the Memoirs of Shah Shujaʻa. In the year" 1235 Fath 'Ali Shah Qâjâr N ext year, A.H. 1249, Fath 'Ali Shâh deterdespatched Shuja'au's-Sultanat Hasan Ali mined to send the Nawab, 'Abbas Mirza, his heir Mirza with a powerful army to invade Khura- apparent, to conquer Khurasan, who in his turn sân, who committed great depredations around despatched Muhammad Shah, at that time known Hirât. Shâh Mahmûd therefore sent the by the name of Muhammad Mirza, with a large Afghan Abda's-Samad Khan with many army to conquer Hirât, which the latter thereon presents and the promise of allegiance, as am- beleagered. The Shahzâdah Kamran, not being
10 It wm now time that the British army should depart. Nothing remained to be done. Any longer continuance at KAbul would only have aggravated the sufferings of the people and increased our own difficulties. So on the 11th of October orders were issued for the commencement of the march on the following day. The unhappy Prince, Fath Jang, had claimed and sought permission to accompany Pollock's
camp to India, and to seek an asylum in the Company's dominions, &c. Kaye, Vol. II. p. 640.
11 Began on the 20th October 1819. * Began 16th August 1825. 13 Began 14th July 1829. ** Began 31st May 1832. 15 Began 21st May 1833.

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prepared to stand a siege, sent his Wazir Yâr Muhammad Khân to 'Abbas Mirza, who was in Mashhad, to sue for peace. The latter, however, had the envoy put in chains as soon as he arrived, and demanded the surrender of Hiràt. All the pleadings of this Wazir having proved thus fruitless, Kamran was forced into the defence of his fortress, which he carried on with the utmost energy till 'Abbas Mirza was overtaken by a dangerous malady, and was compelled to return to his capital Tahrân, and even to recall his son Muhammad Mirza from the siege of Hirât. He accordingly abandoned it, in obedience to his father's behest, and finding Wazir Yâr Muḥammad Khân very sick, he bestowed a robe of honour upon him, and gave him leave to depart to Hirât. Kâmrân, much pleased with the arrival of his Wazir, spent three or four years in peace, till A.H.10 1252, when they both marched with an army to Sistân, invading Sih Kohah, Khâkpûr, and other districts, and bringing back numberless prisoners and untold booty to Hirât.
Next year Shah Kâmrån undertook a campaign with the intention of subjugating Qandahar, and passing through Farrah, he took up a position at Kowârà, to which place the Sardars of Qandahår advanced to meet him and pitched their camp on the banks of the River Hirmand [sic]. Bahar Khân Peshkhidmat sallied forth with a band of valiant combatants, bat Kâmrân after obtaining due information, sent Naib Dastu'lkûzî Y'aqub with a few thousand sawárs to defeat him. The Naib marched quickly and surprising Bahâr at midday, attacked him and put him to flight, compelling him to take refuge with the Sardars. It not having been at any time the intention of the Wazir Yâr Muhammad Khân to subjugate Qandahår, he induced Kâmrân Mirza to be satisfied with the results already obtained, and they proceeded instead to attack Lash and Jowain; but after they had besieged Salû Khân in the first named fort during a period of four months, news arrived that Muhammad Shah, who had after the demise of
16 Began on the 18th April 1836.
This date agrees perfectly with that given in the proclamation or firman issued when the Persian army retired from Hirkt. See Kaye, Vol. I. p. 282.
I think Sir A. Burnes is disinclined to go to Hirat and Sir J. Keane is averse to his going there. It is probable I may send Todd instead." [Mr. Macnaghten to Lord Auckland. Qandahar, April 25, 1839, Unpublished Correspondence]. Foot-note in Kaye, Vol. I. p. 435.
295
his grandfather Fath 'Ali become Padshah of the extensive dominions of Irân, was marching with a vast army to conquer Hirât. So Kâmrån and his Wazir abandoned the siege of Låsh and hastened back to Hirât. The Persian army laid siege for fourteen lunar months to Hirât, but being foiled by the valour of the Afghân troops, retraced its steps towards Tahran without attaining its object, beginning its retreat on the nineteenth of Jumidu's-sânî, in the Hijri year 1254 [9th September 1838]."'
After the departure of the Persian army Hirat remained a total ruin and Pottinger, the English Farangi there, did not repair it. Moreover one day he made light in anger of Sher Muḥammad Khân, the brother of the Wazir, and insulted him. So the Wazir addressed, in concert with Kâmrân, a letter complaining of his tyranny, to the English Sahibs in Qandahar, and asking for a substitute in his place. The said Sahibs recalled Pottinger from Hirât and sent Todd's instead of him, who began the rebuilding and repairing of Hirât. As soon as the Wazîr obtained a favourable opportunity after the arrival of Todd, he told him that when advances of money were required for Hirât he ought to make them, taking a deed that the full amount was to be repaid in the following year. Todd was an inexperienced man, gave to everybody what he asked for, and paid the money after getting the deed, and in this manner the English government lost from five to six lakhs of rupees.1o
Kamran gradually surrendered the whole administration into the hands of his Wazir Yâr Muhammad Khân, being sovereign in name only, and spending all his time in carousals and profligacy. The Wazir then feared that the presence of the English in Hirât might induce Kâmrân to attempt to recover his power and to excite tumults; accordingly he managed with many apologies to remove Kamrân from the city, who, however, soon got tired of his exile, and proceeding in the Hijri year 1256 with his sons and the ghulâm khánah" to the fort of Ikhtiaru'ddîn, during the Wazir's
Up to this time eight lakhs of rupees had been advanced to the Hirkti government. When the next year dawned upon Hirit twelve lakhs had been so advanced. The utmost benefits had been conferred upon the State. The measures of our British officers had rescued "king, chief, and people from starvation." Kaye, Vol. I. p. 516-7.
20 Began 5th March 1840. "ante, p. 170, note.

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absence from the city in the Kartah garden, self in the lair of a wild beast to escape from removed the planking of the bridge, and pre- the extortions of Kamrân, and had remained pared for hostilities. On this the Wazir Yar there, till by the decree of fate, his presence Muhammad Khan entered the city with nume- was revealed by means of a fox, He had to rous troops, and first sent Najů Khân Barukzâi pay a fine of fifty thousand rupees ! to negotiate with Kâmrân, but he remained The cow escaped the butcher's grasp ! obstinate, and was therefore beleaguered in the To deserta fled, unseen by human eyes; fort of Ikhtiaru'ddin, the eastern tower of A lion broke her with a blow. which was undermined and blown into the air, Thus fate crowns each escape from death! nfter a siege of fifty days. This event greatly | By such wicked acts as these he estranged disheartened Kamran, whose sons the Wazir from himself his subjects and his troops; nay, had also by this time got into his possession as his profligacy was the capse of the extinction of hostages, so that he surrendered and was sent to the Saddozâi dynasty, which had lasted ninetyKûsân under the pretence of being presented six years, for "Verily Allah will not change with the place in jagir. At the instigation of His grace which is in men, until they change the Wazir, he was followed there by Sardar Tåj the disposition in their souls."as Muhammad Dasta'lküzi, who despatched him in. After him Yar Muhammad continued to the same year to the regions of non-existence. govern Hirât for eleven years, and his son His body is interred in the Raura Bagh. Said Muhammad Khân was Hâkim of Hirat
His reign lasted twelve years. He is said to for four years more, until by the machinations have been of short stature with a pock-marked of 'Isa Khân Bardaránt and other Amirs, the face, of cruel temper and tyrannical humour." Shahzâdah Muhammad Yûsaf was raised to the Many instances of his injustice are on record, but governorship of Hiråt. He slew S'aid" we shall content ourselves with the mention of Muhammad Khan in the Hijrî years 1271. only two or three of them. One is that, whilst 1 The detailed, narrative of the events last HAkim of Qandahår, he got up in the middle mentioned is as follows:-When the Wazir of the night, mounted his horse, and taking up conducted the government of Hirat after the a position in the Shikárpúr bázár, turned the murder of the Shahzâdah KÂmrân, he invited people who were conveying a bride to her most of the Alakzâi Amirs from Qandahår, and husband's house, to his own mansion; and conferred high appointments upon them to such then, after dishonouring her, sent her on a degree, that shepherds and farmers were Wherefore all the people cried to heaven for made Baglarbêgis and Qularaqasis. In the vengeance against him, and the locality bears following year he marched with a strong army to this day the name of Kafir Dehnah. Kamran to panish the inhabitants of Ghûr, and having spent most of his time in hunting antelopes, but devastated the districts as far as Kurzutizli, chased also any other game when he roamed which is on the frontiers of Zamîndâwar, he about the deserts. One day his runners had returned to Hirât. The year afterwards he pursued a fox to a cave, but instead of reduced Karimdâd Khân Hazarah, who had entering it, the fox preferred to surrender and desired to be independent; but again appointed and be captured. Kamrån, in order to him Hakim, after he had paid the revenues ascertain the cause of this, had the mouth of which were due. As soon as the winter was over the cave enlarged by his people, who succeeded he marched with a powerful army to subjugate after digging for an hour, in palling out & Maimanah, but had to return to Hirât on man, who stated that he had taken refuge in account of some dissensions. But in the next the cave from fear of the sawars of Kimrân. year he sent Hashim Khân Alakzai Baglarbėgi The Padshah then kept the man in close with a strong force to subjugate Maimanah, and confinement, and it was discovered that he was to uproot the power of Hikmat Khan, who * wealthy merchant, who had concealed him. was captured, but nevertheless reappointed
* In the character and person of ShAh Kamran there was little that was estimable or attractive ; there was still less in the person of his Wazir. Kaye, Vol. I. p. 208.
15 Qurdn, ch. xiii. v. 12.
** This name is afterwards spelled Sayyid, but I retain the first spelling throughout.
^ Began 24th September 1554.

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Hâkim, after he had disgorged the revenues due. | dependency of Sistân. The Wazir on his part The son of Ḥikmat Khan was taken as a hostage to Hirât, where the Wazir treated him well.
also started with his ever-victorious army, but wrote during the march to the Sardârs of Qandahår, that enmity between him and them is out of place, as both parties were enemies of the Saddozâis, and that as all this trouble had been fomented by Aḥmad Khân Lashi-Lâsî, his punishment was necessary, and the taking of the fort of Lash from him a most important matter. He himself made his own arrangements for attacking the fort, and succeeded in one day in depriving Ahmad Khân of it; and then gave Sher Ali Khân leave to depart to Qandahar. On the march to Lash, the Wazir had felt unwell from eating cucumbers and curds, but the distemper now became more serious. So he left the camp in charge of his son Said Muhammad Khân, and made all possible haste to reach Hirât. He expired, however, on the road to it, in the muz'a known by the name of Rabat Mirhâhah. This event took place at the end of the month Sh'abân in the Hijri year 1267 [29th June 1851]. His corpse was conveyed to Hirât and was interred by the side of the Mazar-i-Jâmî.
He independently governed Hirât for eleven years and was a man of firm character and unbounded liberality. He was so anxious for the good opinion of his people, that once when one of his sarbázes [common soldiers] died, he went in person to the heirs, and after reading the Fatihah, presented them with robes of honour, Kasmir shawls, &c., and went away. It is also on record that once when a servant boy brought a robe of honour as a present from him, the recipient expressed his doubts as to whether a mistake had not been committed, and asked for what services the gift had been bestowed, as he had received a very valuable one but the day before !
Sâlâr-i-Qajar, who was governor of Mashhad Muqaddas on behalf of the Persian Government, was displeased when it also appointed the Shahzadah Hamzah Mirza, brother of Muhammad Shah, to be governor of Mashhad Tus, and therefore went to Marv, where he made common cause with the Turkmâns, and finding an opportunity during the winter, marched with Turkmân sawars to subjugate Mashhad. After taking the town, he besieged the Shâhzâdah in the citadel, who called in the assistance of the Wazir Yar Muhammad Khân, when he was pressed beyond endurance. Accordingly the Wazir started with numerous troops in the direction of Mashhad under the pretext of reinforcing Sâlâr; but when he had arrived at a distance of two karahs from the town, he deflected from the proper route and proceeded to aid the Shahzâdah, whom Salâr attacked as soon as he heard of this intention. The Wazir now perceived that the affairs of the Shâhzâdah were in a desperate condition, and so he induced him to march with his troops and artillery to Hirât, where he provided all the necessary stores, and maintained them in great comfort in the localities of Kusan and Ghurian, where he had them housed, till the winter was over. When the spring set in, reinforcements arrived from Tahran, with which the Shahzâdâh marched to reconquer Mashhad. He requited the services which the Wazir had rendered, by presenting him with four pieces of siege artillery, and the title of Zahira'ddaulah [Support of the Monarchy] when he took leave of him.
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All this confirmed the friendship between the Qajar dynasty and the Wazir, and he governed Hirât during the next two or three years in peace, till Ahmad Khân, the brother of Salû Khan Ishaqzai revolted, and making common cause with the Sardârs of Qandahår, incited them to occupy Lash and Jawain, both of which were dependencies of Hirât, and even brought Sher 'Ali Khân, son of Sardar Mohrdil Khân to Lash, and established him there. The Sardars likewise marched with their troops to attack the Wazir and arrived in Girishk, whilst the Sardar Muhammad Sadiq Khân, son of Sardar Kuhandil Khân came with a powerful army and took the fort of Khâkpûr which is a
After him his son S'aid Muhammad Khân assumed the reigns of government under the regency of his mother, but he surpassed even his father in liberality, and bestowed enormous sums upon poor wretches who scarcely deserved to receive a present of two rupees. He was subject to fits of lunacy, in one of which he fell out with his mother who dwelt in the fort of Ikhtiara'ddin; whereon he brought cannon to bear upon it, and ordered the artillery to fire them, making wanton breaches in the wall. He, however, rejoiced and abused his mother!

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May God preserve us from such aberrations who slew him in revenge for the blood of of mind! It is said, too, that one day when Said Muhammad Khan. After the siege had sitting in public darbár, he perceived a cat lasted for a very long time, there was a scarcity walking along the coping of wall, which of grain in the city, but still no aid arrived caused him to break out in a fit of horse-laugh- from any quarter. So Naib Isa Khân was ter and to exclaim :-"What would become of under the necessity of guing for peace, and the wall, if this cat were changed into a cow ?" surrendering the city to the QAjár [Persian) The Darrâni Khâns at last all despaired of his government. On which the Persian army sanity, and invited the Sardars of Qandahar marched into the city and acted as it listed. twice or thrice to overthrow his government. One day, when Naib 'Isa Khân Bardurâni, They came, but effected nothing till Naib 'Isa at the invitation of the Shahzâdah (Murad Khan Durrânî secretly invited the Shahzâdâh Mirza), made his appearance in the camp for Muhammad Yusaf, son of the Shahzadah Malik the purpose of paying his respecte, a man Qasim, son of Haji Firuzu'ddin, who was at approached him on the pretext of wishing to Mashhad. He arrived during the night of speak to him, and shot him dead. This happened Tuesday the third of the sacred month Muhar at the time when the adherents of the Amir Dôst ram in the Hijri year 1272 (15th September Muhammad Khân arrived at Qandahar from 1855), entered the city of Hirât with one hun- Kabul, after the demise of Sardar Kuhandil dred sawdrs and caused the kettle-drums to be Khan, subjugated that city and expelled from it struck in his own name. The Alkûzî Kháns Sultan Ahmad Khân, son of Sardar Muhammad and Amîrs, most of whom happened to be dead 'Axim Khân, together with Muhammad 'Ilm drunk with aromatic wine, were frightened Khan, son of Sardâr Rahmdil Khân, on account when they heard the sound of the kettle-drums, of some disputes they had with them. These and not being able to distinguish their hands two exiles, despairing of assistance from other from their feet, hid themselves in every cor. quarters, sought it from the Qajør Government, ner. Although they had swallowed lakhs of and went to Tahrîn to implore Naşru'ddin rupees during the government of the Wazir, Shah QAjar for it. Sardar Sultan 'Ali Khân not one of them dared to offer opposition, | also went there with the same intention. except Haji Khairu'llah Khân, who came As the English Government was not willing forward to fight and received a mortal wound, that any Afghan possessions, and especially in consequence of which he departed from Hirat, the abode of victory, which is one this perishable world. Said Muhammad of the finest of localities and possesses a strong Khân was taken and slain, whilst all the citadel, should be at the disposal of the Qajør Alkūzi Amirs were made prisoners and mulcted Government, it had, as has been narrated above, in silver by the riļl and the mann.
during the time of Kamran and of the Wazir When the Persian government was inform- Yår Muhammad Khân, spent a great deal of ed of what had taken place, Náşra'ddin Shah, wealth and property, through the Englishman desirous to protect the old administration, Todd, in improving the district. It now fordespatched his own uncle Husamu's-Sultanat warded through its plenipotentiary, at Tahran, Marad Mirza, who was the Hakim of Khorâsân, representations to Nasru'ddin Shah, that as the as commander-in-chief with a powerful army European powers had made an agreement that and artillery to conquer Hirât, which he no other power than itself should interfere with invested, and besieged therein Muhammad the possessions of Afghánistán, the Persian Yûsaf and Näib 'Isa Khân for long time. Government, which had occupied Hiråt, ought, After the siege had been thus protracted, according to the said agreement, to restore it Näib 'Isa Khân Bardurâni sent envoys to to the Afgháns, and to cease to interfere in its Qandahår to wait upon the unequalled Amîr, affairs. But as the forefathers and ancestors of and asked him to send reinforcements, but the Naşra'ddin Shah had lusted always for the Amir Şâhib paid no attention to the request. At subjugation of that strong fortress, and had last Naib 'Isa Khân, being much distressed by hoped in their hearts for the conquest of that the bad behaviour of the Shahzadah Muhammad God-created citadel, he paid no attention to Yusaf, sent him prisoner to Husamu's-Sultanat, the representations of the English plenipoten

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tiary. At last the English Government recalled and expelled them from the city ; whereon they its ambassador from Țahrân, and despatched went to Qandahår, where they received suitable ships of war by way of the Indian Ocean to the appointments. port of Abushahr Bushir]. In the contest Sardar Sultan Ahmad Khan obtained from which ensued, the English took two or three the QAjâr Government the title of Sarkar, his strong forts, and the QAjár Government con- son Shah Nawaz Khân being distinguished and sidering it to be unadvisable to continue the exalted by the title of Amir Panji. He war, abandoned the conquest of Hirat, and governed Hirat six years with perfect dignity surrendered it to Sardar Sultan Ahmad Khân, and independence. He then marched to Farrah, on condition that the Sardars divided the which Sardar Muhammad Sharif Khân, who district among themselves, but left the Govern had revolted, had taken from Saifullah, the ment of the city in the hands of Sardar Sultan rakil of the son of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Ahmad Khân, whose selection for that dignity Khân. He conquered that strong fort as soon was approved of by all except Sardar Muḥam- as he arrived, chiefly by the aid of his son, mad 'Ilm Khân, who departed to Tahran. Sikandar Khân, which caused him to utter the However, at # place called BalhAk, he was sentence :-" The edifice of Faridůn was taken overtaken by a band of robhers and shot dead. by Sikandar." Being satisfied with what he This event took place on the seventeenth of the had accomplished, he returned to Hirát, and honoured month Shawal 1273[11th June 1857]. bestowed the governorship of Farrah upon Amir
Serdâr Sultan Ahmad Khân and Sardar Afzal Khân, the son of Sardar Pürdil Khân, Sultân 'Ali Khan arrived in Hirât at the end who being aggrieved at some words the Amir of the blessed month Ramazan (24th May of Dôst Muhammad Khân had said to him, had the same year) and the Persian army departed come to Hirât with Sardar Ghulâm Mahîu'ddin to Mashhad, and the Sardar Sultan Ahmad Khân, son of Sardar Kuhandil Khân. For Khân, taking up his residence in the city, caused this the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, whose money to be coined and the khutbah to be read abode is now in paradise, intending to panish in the name of Naşra'ddin ShAh. Some time him, marched with a powerful army in the year" afterwards he excluded Sardár Sultan Ali Khân 1279, took Hirât, and conquered the whole of and the sons of the Wazir Yar Muhammad Afghênistâu, as shall be narrated if it pleaseth Khan from taking part in the administration Allah the Most High!
THE FOUR PRINCES.
A KASMIRI TALE. BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c In days long since gone by there lived a king and beneficent ruler the people, of course, most clever, most holy, and most wise, who was lived very happily. Few poor, or unenlightindeed a pattern king. His mind was always ened, or wicked persons were to be found in occupied with plans for the improvement of the country. his country and people; his darbár was open But the great and good king had not a son. to all; his ear was ever ready to listen to the This was an intense sorrow to him; the one petition of the humblest subject; he afforded dark cloud that now and again overshadowed every facility for trade; he established hospitals his otherwise happy and glorious life. Every for the siok, inns (sard'e) for travellers, and large day he prayed earnestly to Siva to grant him schools for those who wished to learn. These an heir to sit upon the throne after him. and many other such-like things he did. Long and patiently he had waited for an Nothing was left undone that ought to have answer, when one day Siva visited him in the been done; and nothing was done that ought garb of a yogi," and was so fascinated with not to have been done. Under such a wise, just his good and respectful manner, that he said : Began 29th June 1862.
oharacter is depicted with ash-covered body, matted Siva in the great representative yogt or tapaout ;
looks, and in a most emaciated condition. He sometimes the ideal of what can be attained by the keeping of the
appears to his devotees in the disguise of an ordinary body in subjootion and by exclusive contemplation of
yogf or g8edfr. cf. Old Deccan Days, p. 253. divine things; hence he is the mahayogf, and in this

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.
“Ask anything of me and you shall have the tender mercies of four nurses, and it."
they grew up strong, healthy, clever, and "I am in need of nothing," replied the beautiful boys. The king was exceedingly king Parameswar has given me wealth, fond of them. He appointed the best masters honour, might, majesty, peace, contentment, for their instruction, and lavished the most everything-yes, everything except one thing, rare and expensive gifts on them, Nothing and that who will give me?"
was too good, bothing was too costly; the "Are you afraid to ask me for this thing P" greatest trouble and attention were not too much said the yogi. "Do you know what you are for the king's four beautiful and elever boys. saying, O King P"
Meanwhile His Majesty married again, and “True, true," answered His Majesty, “I had other sons by his second wife. But it was speak as one who is religiously) mad. Oboly a sad day when the king took to him this man, forgive me, and if you have any power second wife; because she naturally became with the Deity, I pray you invoke him on my very jealous when she saw the first queen's behalf.”
sons growing up so beautiful and wise, for she "Be of good cheer," said the yôgi," you shall thought within her heart that they would have have many sons. Take these four fruits and the king's favour, and so interfere with her own give them to your wife to eat on Sunday next sons' succession to the throne. Accordingly before sunrise. Then shall your wife give she determined to ruin their character in the birth to four sons, who will be exceedingly estimation of her husband, or failing that, to clever and good." The king took the four somehow or other compass their death. fruits and thanked the yôgé who then departed. It has been said that the king was thoroughly
His Majesty at once went and informed the engrossed in the desire to improve his country queen of his interview with the yôgi. She, of and people. To do this work properly, he course, was extremely glad to hear the good constantly felt his extraordinary position as a news. Anxiously they both waited for the king a great hindrance. Though he very much following Sanday. On the sunrise of that depended on his ministers and subordinate day the queen ate the four fruits; and accord. officials, knowing that for the most part they ing to the word of the yôgi she presently were honest and just, yet he was convinced conceived ; and at the appointed time hore that he himself must go in and out among the four sons. Her sickness and travail, however, people, see things with his own eyes, and hear were too much for her. As soon as the fourth what the people were saying with his own and last son was born she gave one long, ears, if he would rightly understand their piercing, shriek and gave up the ghost.
state; and, therefore, he frequently visited towns Poor woman, to have died just as her long and villages in different disguises and under cherished hopes were being realised ! Poor cover of the night. In this way he thoroughly little, forlorn, helpless ones to be thus left ascertained the needs of his subjects, so that on life's threshold ! Poor king, to have his they wondered at his sagacity and skill.' great desire for a son and heir fulfilled, but at This continued for some time, antil early the cost of losing his beloved and beautiful one morning, while returning from an excurwife! Sorrow, like a great dark cloud, seemed sion to a neighbouring village, it commenced to to shroud the palace and city for many days; rain very hard. Not having expected this quick because the king was overwhelmed with grief and heavy shower, His Majesty was quite unand would not be comforted.
prepared for it; and so what with the long The four babes were handed over to ride and the mud he arrived at the palace
. Among other extraordinary powers fagfre seem to be able to grant sons to the barren. Some special fruitesting is the general remedy. In Indian folktales some faqiri have recommended mangoes one ordered Uche (Soytalia Kitchi, Roab.), & frait like a plum, to be eaten; one old fagfr gave the queen a barley-oorn; and another ordered certain drug. cf. Indian Fairy Tales, pp. 91, 187; Wideawake Stories, pp. 47, 290; Old Deccan Day, p. 268; Folketales of Bongal, p. 117; Dravidian Nights, pp. 56-58. Only one instance can I find in Indian
Folklore of a fair promising & barren woman child without ordering her to take some fruit, &o. Cf. Wideawake Stories, p. 98 : [but see Legends of the Parijab, passim.-ED
Many native princes have disguised themselves and patrolled their cities at night. The prosent Maharaja's late grandfather the Maharaja Gulab Singh often did so. Ch. Sleo Folktales of Bengal, p. 147. Many tale also of the adventures of the great HArun Ar-Rashid in disguise is current in the East.

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looking more like a porter than a king. The as she saw her own sons growing into mansoldiers at the gate, even, almost allowed him hood. She plotted in every imaginable way to pass in without the customary royal salute. against them. At first the king heeded not
The queen at once heard of the king's her lying insinuations and unkind wishes, but plight and when, having changed his wet and afterwards overcome by her skill and charms muddy garments, he went to ber room she (for the queen was both very clever and very met him with a frown. “Wherefore this beautiful), he began to speak harshly to the frown, my wife ” he said.
four princes, and now and again he looked “I like not,” she replied, that you, my with suspicion on them. The princes noticed lord and king, should do these things. They that the face of their father was being changed do not become either your position or your towards them, and that there was a marked age. Why don't you command your sons lack of the trust and affection that had hitherto to do this work? They are grown-up, and are encouraged them to prosecute unflaggingly good and wise enough to perform it. Command their arduous labours. them to do this work, I pray you. Thus shall This state of affairs went on for several I be saved much anxiety concerning you, while months. At last, worn out by unpleasantries the affairs of the kingdom will not suffer in by day and watchings by night, the four the least."
princes met together to solemnly consider "You have spoken wisely," answered the what they should do. They appointed their king. “It is better that I should resign these meeting at midnight and in a most unfrequented duties to younger hands,- and who are more part of the jungle. Each prince told his tale wise and diligent than my own song? They, of sorrow, and each one except the eldest, too, will be kings and rulers some day, and on the conclusion thereof added, “And now ought to learn experimentally now, while I my counsel is, dear brethren, that we fly this am alive to direct and help them, what will be part of the country and go whithersoever expected from them hereafter. I will immedi. Parameswar may lead us. What will be, will be." ately call them and explain my wishes."
"Not so," said the eldest prince. “Stay, my Accordingly the four princes were at once brethren. What foolishness is this that you summoned before the king; and when they entertain in your hearts ? Not so, not so, I appeared, His Majesty told them of his conver- counsel you. You know not what you are sation with the queen, and how that he had proposing. Deprived of sleep you have become determined to hand over this itinerating work deprived of your wits also. In a sane state of to them. “You are younger and stronger mind you would not speak thus. What I would than I am," he added. "I trust you will en- the sons of the greatest and holiest king that deavour to fulfil your duties to my satisfaction ever sat on the masnad* disobey their father, and to the people's profit."
and run away like mean, spiritless, curs before The four princes expressed their pleasure at his commands ? No, never ;--this is not your this manifestation of their father's confidence meaning. Listen, O my brethren, I warn you in them, and assured him that he should never not to think any more about leaving your counfind that that confidence had been misplaced. try. Get to your beds and rest. I will watch Directly that day changed into night they for this night. To-morrow night another of commenced their work of secret supervision. us will watch; and the next night another; They each had a special round, and whatever and the night after that another. Thus shall was worth notice they reported to the king. we get more and abundant rest; and the work Under such a strict and regular supervision it of supervision will be regularly carried on." was no wonder that the kingdom continued Saying this, the eldest prince wished them increasingly happy and prosperous (1)
all good-night, and started to fulfil his watch But seeds of mischief were being sown at The other princes also left, and being tho. the palace against these princes. The queen roughly impressed by their eldest brother's was getting more and more jealons of them, advice went home and soon forgot their
• A large cushion of velvet, silk, and precious stones doing duty for a throne.

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sorrows in sleep. The next night the second the Brahman. "Get me some ghi and a few prince went, while the first prince rested, and pieces of wood, that I may make an offering on the third night the third prince watched to them. For it is written in the Sástras that and on the fourth night the youngest prince, if a man, when he knows of any misfortune while all the others took rest in sleep. about to happen to the king, will offer at This arrangement lasted for many months that time something in the fire to the gods, then and answered well. The princes bore their the king will be saved from the misfortune; father's unkindness bravely, and in every otherwise the king will not be saved. Who way behaved as they should do. Their piety, knows but that our king may be spared to goodness and attention to publio affairs won us P"* So saying he took the sticks, kindled a praises from everybody, except the king and fire, and cast the ghs into the fire; and then the queen who deluded him.
after many prayers and invocations rose and How true is the saying, “Real virtue never turning to his wife said, "His Majesty will be continues unrewarded by the gods." One night delivered if one of his relations will attend to while the eldest prince was going his rounds these instructions. The man in whose heart is of inspection he reached a small hut wherein the wish to do this thing must dig pits in the & certain Brâhman resided with his wife. The courtyard that is on the east side of the palace; prince noticed them through the open window, and some of the pits he must fill with water and as he looked the Brahman arose, opened and others he must fill with milk. He must the door, and came out. As usual the good also throw flowers in these pools, and on the man looked up at the heavens; and no sooner intervening spaces right up to the door of the had he done so, than he turned, and rushed king's bedroom. This done he must be present indoors again, exclaiming “Tráh, Tréh!”. at the doorstep at the appointed time with a
"What is it?" his wife inquired somewhat sword in his hand. The snake will surely timidly. "Oh," said the Brâhman. “I saw the come and will swim across the water and the star of our king obliterated by another star." milk, and, after passing through these ele.
“What is the interpretation of this sign P" ments and over the flowers, will be rendered asked the wife.
comparatively harmless. On the arrival of "It means," the Brahman replied, "that our the snake at the doorstep, the man who has king will die in seven days from this time." taken upon him to perform this work must
Die !" said the Brahmani almost in tears. strike at it with the sword and slay it. "How will His Majesty die? By sickness, or After killing the snake he must take some of by the hand of an enemy P"
its warm blood and going into the king's The Brâhmaņ replied, “On the seventh day room smear it over His Majesty's toes. In this hence, just after the first watch of the night way the king will be preserved from evil ;-but a deadly black snake will descend from the sky, alas! who is there to perform these things ?" and will enter the king's bedroom by the door The prince, whom curiosity had drawn very thereof, that opensoutinto the court-yard, which near to the window of the Brahman's hut, heard is on the east side of the palace. This snake everything that was said, and be, of course will bite His Majesty's toe, so that he will die." was very much surprised. In the morning
“But surely this must not be," said the he communicated the matter to his three Brahmani. The king can be delivered from brothers. Not a hint, however, reached the this cruel death. Tell me how his deliverance ears of the king. For six nights the four may be accomplished. Of a truth it cannot be princes continued going their rounds as usual, that a king so just and holy and clever as our but on the seventh night the eldest prince king is should perish in this way."
begged to be allowed to go out of his turn, "The gods prevent such a disaster!" said | because it was in his heart to save the king.
• Trah, Tran (also Sanskrit), an exclamation denoting "meroy ! pardon !"
Hom, a kind of offering by fire, which can be made by Brahmana only. It is an offering for special occasions. The method of making it is as follows:-During the utteranceof prayers and invocations, according to the
object of the sacrifice, five kinds of wood, together with darbd grass, rioe, and ghi, are kindlod and burnt. The fire is kept burning only as long as the occasion for it late. The hom is & most efficacious offering, oompelling the obedience of the gods and changing in the Fate.

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Accordingly he went and dug some pits in shock, she reiterated to the king all that she the court on the east side of the palace, filled had seen and heard, with sundry additions. some of these pits with milk and some with She also showed the king her blood-stained water, and threw flowers on every side and toes. These things, together with what His right up to the door of the king's bedroom. Majesty himself had witnessed, made him Then, when everything was ready, he took resolve on the speedy execution of his sons. a naked sword in his hand and standing on the “Undoubtedly," he said, “when my sons doorstep awaited the coming of the serpent. found that by themselves they could not harm All this had been done after the king and me during your lifetime, they compacted á queen had retired to rest.
league with rákshasas. May the gods deliver The first watch of the night had scarcely us!" passed, when the prince, thus standing on the | The queen's joy was now almost complete. alert, heard a sound as though something had At last she thought she had gained the end fallen. Presently he noticed the faint move- of her desires ! Bright pictures of the future ment of some animal through the pools of passed before her mental vision. She saw her milk and water; then there was a rustling | own sons, great, clever, and wise, ruling in the through the flowers which he had scattered land, all people praising them and all counaboat the palace; and then he descried what tries doing them honour. Impatiently she looked like the body of serpent wriggling waited for the day when the only obstacles to towards him. Now was the time! The the accomplishment of this wish would be prince tightened his hold on the sword, and cleared away. as soon as the snake reached the doorstep, he Very early next morning the king went to cat it in two. He quickly took some of the council-chamber, summoned his friends and the warm blood of the reptile, and having advisers, and ordered his four sons, now blindfolded himself, quietly opened the door prisoners, to be brought before him. Deprived of the bedroom and entered. He had covered of their princely robes, their faces and hands his eyes because he did not like to look on his soiled from contact with the damp dirty walls father in his private room. Carefully he felt of the dark vault wherein they had been for the toes of Their Majesties, and when he imprisoned for the greater part of the night, had hold, as he thought, of the toes of the they looked very wretched. Still they did not king, he smeared some of them with the blood. despair. Hope was written on each one of But he could not see what he was doing, and their foreheads. stained some of the toes of the queen instead. Not a sound was heard when the four princes This woke Her Majesty, who was a very light entered and walked up to the place appointed sleeper; and when she noticed a man leaving for them to wait and hear their sentence. the room, she shrieked aloud and aroused the After a few minutes' pause, the king, trembling king.' Presently she noticed some blood on with anger, charged them with having done her toes, and imagining that a rákshasa had what was worthy of death, an act which the visited them she became almost frantic with gods, and therefore he, could not pardon. fright. The king also woke just in time to see He accordingly ordered their immediate exethe figure of his eldest son pass out of the cution. bedroom.
On the conclusion of the sentence the exe“Yes, yes," exclaimed His Majesty, “it is cutioners ran forward and laid hands on the all true, even as you said. Now I am quite prisoners. Then some of the ministers and assured of the wickedness and deceit of my others present took upon themselves to ask sons. To-morrow I will order the execution of what the crime of the four princes might be. all four of them. Such wretches must not be But the king would not listen. "Remove allowed to live."
these men," he said. "I will explain their Of course the queen improved the occasion. crime afterwards." When she had sufficiently recovered from the
(To be continued.) J. Folk-taler of Bengal, pp. 46, 147, 148.
suspected of being rikshaens and rakshasts (ogres and . For other canon of human beings having been ogresses) of. Wide-awuke Stories, p. 396.

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THE BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; VIENNA. I re-edit this grant, originally obtained atdhist (Saugata), he boasts of having built a Bhagalpur, from an estampage prepared thousand temples for the lord Siva.' The present by myself from the original plate, which is in grant he made to the temple of Siva at the Library of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. Kalasap ôta, which he himself had founded,
The vannsdvali consists of seventeen verses and and to the attached congregation of Pasupata mentions the names of the following princes of teachers. The village granted was called the so-called Paladynasty of Bengal.
Makutikâ, and was situated in the Kaksha 1. Gôpåladêva.
vishaya, sdistrict of Tirabhakti (Tirhut). One of the chief points of interest which the
present record affords, is the unusually long list 2. Dharmapāla. VakpAla
of royal officials. Among these are mentioned
soldiers from Ganda, Milava, Khasa, Hapa, 3. Devapāla. Jayapala.
Kulika, Karnata, and Lata. The date of the
grant was the 9th day of VaiśAkha of the 17th 4. Vigrahapāladeva. | year (of Narayanapāla's reign).
The inscription closes with two verses 5. Narayanapāladevar
which contain the name of the Ditaka and of G&pala was married to Maitri. Dharma- the engraver. The former was the Bhalla, the pilsoonquered a certain Indraraja and other Gurava' Punyakirtti. The latter was Maighaenemies, and transferred their kingdom to a dásn, & native of Samatata or Eastern certain Chakrayudha. VAkpala and Jaya- Bengal. p Ala were the generals of their respective The present grant has been previously edited elder brothers. On his expeditions, the latter | and translated by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra.' is said to have come in contact with the kings Those who will take the trouble to compare the of the Utkalas and of the Pragjyotishas. subjoined translation with his, will concede Vigra ha påla 'married Lajja of the that the grant needed to be translated afresh. Haihayavamsa.
In order to justify the republication of the text According to the prose portion of the inscrip- itself, I annex a list of various readings,' tion, the donor, Narayanapala, resided | from which mere orthographical inaccuracies at Mudgagiri (Munger). Although a Bud. I are omitted:
Readings of Dr. R. Mitra's Transcript. Lines. Readings of the original plate. साधती वा* .. बयोऽब्धि
शाश्वतीम्प्राप शान्ति लक्ष्मीजन्मनिकेतवंस(च)मकरोद
लक्ष्मीजन्मनिकेतनं समकरो भर्यपि “to the father of wealth"
भयवित्र रखवादितुल्यमहिमा
रवपादि सुल्बमहिमा स(घ)जवा
सकृया धिवः, सोपी
श्रियः भोपी बतः पुरापलैङ्गानि चतुर्वर्गविधानि च
चेतः पुराणलेख्वानि चतुर्ध्वग्गनिधीनि च बतस्थानि
बतवानि स्वीकृत हजममनोभिः सत्वावितःसहवाहन स्वीवः स्वीकृतमजनमनोभिः सत्यापितसातिवाहनः सूतैः स्वागेन यो न्यधत्ता देवं मेन राजन् कयां
स्वागन बो बधत श्रद्धबामनराजकयां धम्म, अकृष्टकर्मा
धर्मे, भकृष्णकर्मा व्यातेर्वस्व
ब्बाले बस्व विहित
निहित
सन्तत पाशत् भर
पाशतभर Similar aots of generoun tolerance are recorded of On the title gurava se ante, Vol. XIV. p. 140, note 4: king Mahipala in the Skralth inscription of Sativat Jour. Beng. At. Soc. Vol. XLVII. Part I. p. 384. 1085% Re ante, Vol. XIV. p. 140.

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BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA.
305
Readings of Dr. R. Mitra's Transcript. Lines.
Reading of the original plate. तीरभक्तकक्षवैषविकासम्बडा
29
वीरभुक्तौ । कक्षवैषविकस्वसम्बना राजरानक
30F
राजराजनक महादोःसाधसाधनिक
324
महादौःसाधसाधनिक कोषपाल
कोहपाल दुतपेषणिक, अमित्वमान
दूतमैषणिक, अनित्वा]मान गोवरण, कलाट
गौडाहम, कर्णाट वृणप्रतिगोचर
दबूतिगोचर सरधोपचारः
सदशापचारः प्रयास्कः
प्रमाधः अमान
भूमेन धर्मानुशाकिन, भुक्ता
धर्मानुशासिनः, दत्ता पष्टि
पर्टि वेदान्तरस, अपीती(ति)
वेदान्तैरथम, अधीती भूमिणानां
521
दक्षिणानां मयदान'
53
महासेन Text.
First Side. 1 भी स्वस्ति | मैत्रीङ्कारुण्यरबप्रमुदितहृदयः 2 प्रेयसीं सन्दधानः सम्यक्सम्बोधिविद्यासरिदम3 लजलक्षालिताज्ञानपद्धः। जिस्वा यः काम4 कारिप्रभवमभिभवं शाश्वतीम्प्राप शान्तिं स श्रीमान्लोकनाथी जब5ति दशवलोऽन्वच गोपालदेवः ।। [१] लक्ष्मीजन्मनिकेतनं समकरी वोढुं क्षमः माभरं पक्षच्छेदभयादु. 6पस्थितवतामेकाश्रयो भूभृतां । मर्यादापरिपालनकनिरतः धीर्यालयोऽस्मादग्धाम्भोधिविलास7 हासिमहिमा श्रीधर्मपालो नृप। [२] त्रिवेन्द्रराजमभृतीनरातीनुपाजिता येन महोदयश्रीः। दत्ता पुनः 8 सा वलिनार्थयित्र चक्रायुधायानतिवामनाय ।। [३] रामस्येव गृहीतसत्वतपसस्तस्थानुरूपो गृषैः सौमित्ररुदपा
दि तुल्यमहिमा वाक्पालनामानुजः । यः श्रीमानवविक्रमैक्रवसतिर्धातुः स्थितः शासने शून्याः शत्रुपताकिनी10 भिरकरोदेकातपत्रादिशः।। [४] तस्मादुपेन्द्रचरितैर्जगतीम्पुनानः पुको बभूव विजयी जयपालनामा । धादि11 पां शमविता युधि देवपाले य: पूर्व भूवनराज्यसुखान्यनैषीत् ।। [५] यस्मिन्धातुर्विदेवादलवति परितः
प्रस्थिते 12 जेतुमाशाः सीदनाव दूरात्रिजपुरमजहादुरकलानामधीशः। भासासके चिराब प्रणविपरितो विध. 13 चेन मूर्धा राजा प्राग्ज्योतिषाणामुपशामितसमित्सयां यस्य चाज्ञां ।। [१] श्रीमान् विषहपालस्तत्सून रजात. _ शबीरे14 व जातः। शत्रुवनिताप्रसाधनविलोपिविमलासिजलधारः ॥ [७] रिपको बेन गुवीणां विपदामास्पदीकृताः [0]
पुरुषायु. 15 पदीर्घाणां सरक सम्पदामपि ॥ [6] लज्जेति तस्य जलधेरिव जहुकन्या पनी वभूव कृतहैहयवंशभूषा । यस्याः
शुची16 निचरितानि पितुश्च वंशे पत्युश्च पावनविधिः परमो बभूव ।। [९] दिक्पालैः क्षितिपालनाव दधतं देरे विभकाः 17 श्रियः श्रीनारायणपालदेवमसजत्तस्यां स पुण्योत्तरं । यः क्षोणीपतिभिः शिरोमणिरुचालिष्टाडिपीठोपलं न्वा
योपा18 तमलञ्चकार चरितः स्वैरेव धर्मासनं ।। [१०] घेतः पुराणलेख्यानि चतुर्वर्गनिधीनि च । भारिप्सन्ते बत
स्त्वानि चरितानि महीभृतः ।। [११] 19 स्वीकृतमजनमनोभिः सत्यापितसातिवाहनः सूक्तैः। त्यागेन यो म्बधत्त अवामनरामकथां ।। [१२] भवा
वरातिभिर्वस्व रण
.E. Mitra calls this person MéghadAsa on p. 384, and Madgadags on p. 410. The granted village is spelled Makatika on p:384, Makutika (correctlsj on p: 40s th, and twion Mukutika on p.409. Onp.400ahaardyatana is translated by thousands of temple (read" thousand templea"); while on p. 884 the reader is made aoqusinted with ".divinity named Sahasrah," which owo ite origin to the same word wahaerdyatana. On
p. 408, we are told that the words anga rdjan mean "O king !" and on p. 395, that NarayanapAls is called "the lord of Aoga" in the Bhagalpur grant, while in reality the expression Angaraga refers to the mythical king Karne. Variatio delectat !
• Read भु. • Road .

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20 मूर्द्धनि बिस्फु'रन् | भसिरिन्दीवरश्यामो ददृशे पीतलोहितः ।। [१३] वः प्रज्ञया च धनुषा च जगद्दिनीय नि न्यवीविशद
21 माकुलनामधर्मे वत्वार्थिनः सविधमेत्य भृशं कृतार्था नेवार्थितां प्रति पुनीष [२४] श्रीपतिकृष्णकर्म्मा विद्या
22 धरनाबको महाभोगी । अनलसदृशोपि धाम्ना यचित्रन्नलसमश्चरितैः ।। [१५] व्यामे यस्य त्रिजगति शरचन्द्रमौर्यो
23 भिर्म्मन्वे शोभान खलु विभरामास रुद्राहहासः । सिद्धस्त्रीणामपि शिरसिजेष्वपिताः केतकीनां पत्रापीडाः सुचिरम
24 भवन भृङ्गशष्यानुमेयाः ।। [१६] तपो ममास्तु राज्यन्ते द्वाभ्यामुक्तमिदं द्वयोः । यस्मिन्विमहपालेन सगरेण भगीरथे || [१७] स खलु भा
25 मीरथीपथवर्णमाननानाविधनोपाठ सम्पादितसेतुबन्धनिस्ति चैनशिखरथेनीविश्वमात् निरतिशयपनयनापनय
हां
26 श्यामायमानपासरलक्ष्मीसमारम्भसन्ततमसमयसमेतान् उहीचीनानेकनरपतिमाभूतीकृताय ने वहवाहिनी -
27 तीसरा पायाला शेष जम्बुद्वीप पालानन्दपादातभरमदवनेः। श्री28 ङ्गगिरिसमावासितश्रीमज्जयस्कन्धावारात् परमसौगतो महाराजाधिराज श्रीविमहपाल देवपादानुध्यातः परमेश्वरः
पर
29 मभहारको महाराजाधिराजः श्रीमान्नारायणपालदेवः कुशली । तीरभुक्तौ । कशवैषयिक स्वसम्वद्धाविच्छिन्नतलो
खर
Second Side.
30 पेतमकुतिकामामे । समुपगता शेषराजपुरुषान् । राजराज
31 नक | राजपुत्र राजामात्य । महासान्धिविमहिक । महाक्षपटलिक । म
32 हासामन्त | महासेनापति । महाप्रतीहार। महाकर्त्ताकृतिक । महा
33
साधसाधनिक । महादण्डनायक । महाकु नारामात्य राजस्थानीयोपरिकं । दाशापराधिक। चौरोद्धरणिक । 34 दाण्डिक । दाण्डपाशिक। शौल्किक । गौल्मिक क्षेत्रप । प्रान्तपाल । कोहपाल । खण्डरक्ष ।
तायुक्तक । विनियुक्तक । हस्त्य
35
terror | किशोर । वडवा। गोमहिष्यजाविकाध्यक्ष । दूतमैषणिक । गमागमिक । अभिस्वमाण" । विषयपति
36 ग्रामपति । तरिक । गौड मालव । खश। हूण । कुलिक । कर्णाट । ला[[]]। चाट भट सेव कादीन् | अन्यांश्वाकीर्त्तितान् ।
37 राजपादोपजीविनः प्रतिवासिनो ब्राह्मणोत्तरान् । महतमोत्तमपुरोगमेशन्धचण्डालपर्यन्तान् । यथार्ह मानयति । 38 वोधयति । समादिशति च । मतमस्तु भवतां । कलशपीते । महाराजाधिराजश्रीनारायणपालदेवेन स्वयेंकारितसहस्रा
39 वतनस्य । तत्र प्रतिष्ठापितस्य । भगवतः शिवभट्टारकस्य । पाशुपत "आचार्यपरिषदश्च । यथार्ह पूजावलि
चरुसमनवक
40 म्यर्थे । शयनासनग्लानप्रत्यय नैषज्यपरिष्कारायर्थे । अन्वेषामपि स्वाभिमतानां । स्वपरिकल्पितविभागेन । अनवद्यभो
41 वा
वर्षापरिनिखितमनिकापान
स्वसीनादन] सूतिगोचरपर्यन्त
सतनः सोचः साधू
कः । सजल
42 स्थलः । सगत बरः । सोपरिकरः । सदशापचारः । सचैौरोद्धरणः । परिहृतसर्व्वपीडः । अचाटभटप्रवेशः । भ
किन्ति
43 स्ममात्यः । समस्तभागभोगकर हिरण्यादिप्रत्यायसमेतः । भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्रार्कमितिसमकालं यावत् मातापि
44 चोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोऽभिवृद्धये । भगवन्तं शिवभहारकमुद्दिश्य शासनीकृत्य प्रदन्तः । ततो भवद्भिः सर्वैरेवानु45 मन्तव्यं भाविभिरपि भूपतिभिर्भूमेर्दानफलगौरवादपहरणे च महानरकपातभयाद्दानमिदमनु मोध पालनीयं प्र 40 तिवासिनि करेसाधनविधेवीभूय वयाका समुचितभागभीग कर हिरण्यादिसम्पन का
* स्फु looks almost like स्पु.
• Rend टा. Read का.
30 This syllable might also be read मे.
11 Read अभित्वरमाण with the Amglehht grant, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 167, line 30.
#त seems to be corrected from ता.

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17 & minn i derarea : (10 m urça: wraT: 1 TEREMT Tarafar:
Erref: [0] 48 वस्व वस्व वा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य सदा फलं ॥ षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वग्गै मोदति भूमिदः। आक्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता च
RETT 49 रके वसेत् ।। स्वदत्ताम्परबत्ताम्बा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां । स विष्ठायां कृमिभूत्वा पितृभिः सह पच्यते ॥ सर्लान
तान् भाविनः 50 Ta
r i Ta: 1 Syarian Terasoft: Ifa 51 मलइलाम् विमुलोलां श्रिवननुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवित। सकलमिदमुझहतम बुद्धा न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्सयो
firmy 52 प्वाः ॥ वेदान्तैरप्यसुगमतमं वेदिता ब्रह्मतय" वः सासु श्रुतिपु परमः सार्द्धमलेरधीती। वो वज्ञानां समु
दितमहाद53 format PT PTT: Ana Tar: guahiler: 11 [2] TETT ETT JATI
54 y' a ri erreparar | [s]
On the Seal
श्रीनारायणपालदेवस्य. TRANSLATION.
mountains (bhabhsitah), which approached it
fearing the cutting of their wings (pakshaOm ! Hail!
chcheda); and which was always eager to keep (Verse 1.) - Victorious is that illustrious lord within its consts (marydda). of the world, Dasabala (Buddha), -and that (V. 3.)-This mighty one (balin) again gave other (lord of the world), G 8p Aladdva, whose the sovereignty, which he had acquired by heart was resplendent with the jewel of com- defeating Indrarâ ja and other enemies, to passion; whose mistress was Maitif;" whose the begging Chakrá yudha, who resembled wisdom, (arising from) perfect knowledge, A dwarf in bowing, just as formerly Bali washed off ignorance, as the pure water of a had given the sovereignty of the three worlds), river does the mud; and who, having overcome which ho had acquired by defeating Indra and the power of those who were acting according his other enemies (the gods), to the begging to their own desires, attained everlasting Chakrayudha (Vishņu), who had descended to peace !
earth as a dwarf." (V. 2.-From him sprang the brave (V. 4.) To him, who resembled Rama by prince Srl-Dharmapala, who possessed his strict adherence to truth, there arose a royal dignity by birth; who imposed just taxes younger brother called V Åkpåla, who equal(sama-karah); who was able to bear the bar led him by his virtues, and whose majesty was den (of the rule) of the earth; who was the like that of Sanmitri (Lakshmana). Combining only refuge of those kings (bhábhsitah), who i policy and valour in his person, and conforming approached him, fearing the destruction of to the command of his brother, this illustritheir party (paksha-chchheda); who was always ous one cleared the quarters of hostile armies eager to keep within the bounds (maryádá); and and subjected them to one (royal) parasol. whose majesty possessed the coquettish smile (V. 5.)-From him sprang & victorious (i.e. the brilliant whiteness of the milk-ocean, son called Jaya pala, who purified the earth - which (milk-ocean) was the birth-place of by deeds which were worthy of Upêndra. Lakshmi; which contained sea-monsters (8a- Destroying in battle the enemies of his role, makarah); which was able to bear the burden he procured the enjoyments of universal soveof the earth; which was the only refuge of those reignty for his elder brother Devap A12-just 15 Read Teart; the anuevlin is indistinct.
In the car of Buddha, limakarin probably means
Mira; in the case of Gopala, rebels and enemies; compare 1. Rend . Read . Read . " Read a. dharmadvish, verse 5. 10 seems to be corrected from T.
10 Referring to Buddha, Kunti means nirvana, referring * This was evidently the name of Gopala's wife. to GópÅla, peace in his realm. Referring to Buddha, maitre means 'friendship. good " Applied to Viabpu, anali sooms to be used in the will': 10 Childora, u. v. metti.
sense of awatara.

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as, destroying in battle the enemies of sacrifice," Upêndra (Vishnu) had procured the enjoyments of universal sovereignty for his elder brother Dêvapala (Indra).
(V. 6.)-When, by order of his brother, he started with an army in order to subdue all quarters, the lord of the Utkalas left his capital, driven to despair from afar by the mere name (of Jayapála); and the king of the Pragjyotishas enjoyed peace at last, surrounded by friends, bearing on his lofty head (i.e. being much obliged for) the command of that (prince), which bade (his foes) cease to plan battles."
(V. 7.)-His son, the illustrious Vigrahapala, became like Ajàtasatru, as the edge (dhárd) of his spotless sword, just as a stream (dhára) of pure water, removed the paint of his enemies' wives.35
(V. 8.)-He made his foes the abode of heavy misfortune and his friends (the abode) of lifelong fortune.
(V. 9.)-Lajja, the ornament of the Haihaya race, became his wife, as the daughter of Jahnu (the river Ganga) that of the ocean. As her acts were pure (while she belonged) to her father's family, thus her sanctifying power was extremely great (when she belonged to that) of her husband.
(V. 10.)-From her he begat the virtuous Sri-Narayana paladeva, who possessed the majesty of the regents of the quarters, which they had imparted to his body for the protection of the earth. He adorned with his deeds the inherited throne, whose foot-stool of stone was covered by (prostrate) princes with the lustre of their diadems."
(V. 11.) The deeds of this king," which deserve to be recorded in the Puranas and
13 According to the Pet. Dict., dharma also means 'sacrifice'; the enemies of sacrifice' are the demons; compare makhadvish in the Pet. Dict.
The sense of this stanza seems to be that Jayapala supported the king of Pragjyotisha successfully against the king of Utkala. Both the Utkalas and the Pragjyotishas are mentioned by Kalidasa in the description of Raghn's digvijaya; see Raghuvashia, IV. 88 and 81.
i.e., "made them widows, to whom ornaments are forbidden." Compare Raghuvahia, X. 13:
-
लेखानां मदरागविलोपिभिः हेतिभिः, where, sooording to the commentator Dinakara, the word madaraga means pattralekha and ought to be rendered by 'musk paint.' By slaying his enemies, Vigrahapala himself became ajutaSatru, .e., one whose enemies have ceased to exist." On this verbal play alone rests the comparison with king Ajatasatru.
[OCTOBER, 1886. which are full of the chaturvarga, captivate the heart.
(V. 12.)-By fine sentences, which won the hearts of good men, he confirmed (the tradition of) Sâtivâhana (sic); and by his liberality he made the story of the Anga king (Karna) credible.
(V. 13.)-When his sword, blue like a lotus, was flashing in the van of battle, it appeared to his enemies, through fear, yellow and red (pita-lôhita)-since it was drinking blood.
(V. 14.)-Taming men constantly by wisdom and valour, he steadily subjected them to his rule. When beggars approached him, they became satisfied to such an extent that they never thought of begging again.
(V. 15.) It is wonderful that he was the lord of fortune (the husband of Sri), but did not commit black deeds (did not act like Krishna); that he was the chief of the learned (the king of the Vidyadharas), but rich in enjoyments (a big snake); and that he resembled fire (anala) in brilliancy, but Nala in conduct.
(V. 16.)-While his fame, white as the autumnal moon, was pervading the three worlds, Rudra's (teeth beaming with) wild laughter will, methinks, have lost their splendour, and the wreaths of kétaki-petals, worn in the hair by the Siddha women, must have had to be inferred for a long time only from the humming of the bees.
(V. 17.)-"Let penance be mine, and the kingdom thine!" Thus two men have spoken to two others:-Vigrahapala to him and Sagara to Bhagiratha.
(L. 24.)-From the illustrious camp of victory pitched at Sri-Madgagiri,-where the bridge which is produced by the wall of boats of various
38 Compare Manu, VII. 3 ff.
रक्षार्थमस्य सर्वस्य राजानमसृजत्प्रभुः ॥ इन्द्रानिलय मार्काणामप्रेम वरुणस्य च । चन्द्रवित्तेशयो चैव मात्रा निहेत्य शाश्वतीः ॥ यस्मादेषां सुरेन्द्राणां मात्राभ्यो निर्मितो नृपः । तस्मादभिभवत्येष सर्वभूतानि तेजसा ॥
7.e. "the splendour of his deeds surpassed that of the diadems."
yatastyini charitâni mhibhritab seems to stand for yasman mahibhrita udbhutani charitâni. With yatastya compare tatastya and kutastya in the Pet. Diot.

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kinds proceeding on the path of the Bhagirathi," praishanika, gamagamika, and abhitvaramána, surpasses the beauty of a chain of mountain-| to heads of districts and heads of villages, to tops ;-where the rainy season seems to prevail ferry-men, to irregular and regular troops from continually, as extremely dense troops of rat- Gauda, Málava, Khasa, Hûņa, Kulika, Karnata, ting elephants of thick clouds) are obscuring and LAța, to servants, etc.--and (2) to the daylight ;-where the dust, that is raised by the other unnamed subjects of His Majesty residhard hoofs of innumerable squadrons of horse ing (in Makutiká), Brahmans, etc., from the presented by many northern kings, gives a | Mahattama and Uttama down to the Méda, the grey tint to the horizon ;-where the earth blind, and the Chandála :aches with the burden of the endless infantry (L. 38.)-"Be it known to you, that-(1) for of all the kings of Jambudvipa, who have come the suitable (performance. of) pdja, bali, charu, to worship the Paramésvarao;-he, the and sattra, for new buildings and for other devout follower of Sugata, the successor of the requirements of the divine Siva-bhattaraka at Maharájádhiraja Sri-Vigra ha på la déva, Kalasa pôta, for whom he (Narayanapala) the illustrious Paraméávara Paramabhattáraka himself has built a thousand temples, and Mahardjadhirája Nara yang pala d dva, be-whom he has put up there (at Kalasapôta) ;-(2) ing in good health, reports, announces, and in order to provide) couches and seats, issues commands respectively to the following medicines for the sick, requisites, etc. to persons) (1) to all royal officers coming into the congregation of Pasupata teachers (at the village of Maku tika together with Kalasapôta); -and (3) in order to enable the its ground, -which belongs to his (the Pasupatas to bestow) blameless (ie, unhinking's) domains situated in the district of dered ?) enjoyments, consisting) of a share fixed Kaksha in Tirabhukti-viz. to every by them, on other persons desired by them, rájarájanaka, rájaputra, rájámátya, mahá- the Mahardjádhiraja Śri-Náray anap alasandhivigrahika, mahákshapatalika, mahá- dè va has given the above-named village of samanta, mahásénapati, mahdpratíhára, mahá- Makutikå, up to its boundaries, grass, and kártákṣitika, mahadauhsádhasádhanika," mahá- pasture land, with its ground, with its dandanayaka, mahákumárámátya, rajasthání- places, with its mango- and modh úka-trees, with ya, uparika," dásáparádhika, chaurôddharanika, its water and dry land, with its pits and saline dåndika, dándapásika, Saulkika, gaulmika, spots, with the uparikara, dasápachára," and kshetrapa, prántapála, kottapala, khandaral. chaurddharana," with exemption from all onsha," and to those appointed or commissioned pression, not to be entered by irregular or by the former ones, to those occupied with regular troops, not to be meddled with by any elephants, horses, and camels, or in the navy | body,“ accompanied by all revenues, such as and army, to surveyors of foals, mares, Cows, shares enjoyed, taxes, gold, etc., according to the she-buffaloes, goats, and sheep, to every data- maxim of bhúmichchhidra, to lest as long a time
B. Mitra concludes from this passage, that Naraya- p. 334. I avail myself of this opportunity to correcta Dapkla had made a bridge of boats across the Ganges. mistake committed in my rendering of the Sunga inscripBut the two words pravartamdna and ndndvidha render tion of the Bharhut Stúpa, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 138f. this explanation inadmissible. The panegyrist merely There wild karl marto does not mean the end of the Wants to say that the broad line of boate docting on the stonework, but simply the stone-work' ; see Childers, river resembled the famous Bridge of Rama.
8. v. kanumanto. 30 4.e. king Narbyapapala, who bore this title as one
* Both pratyaya and parishkara are Buddhist terms. of the signs of paramount sovereignty ; see immediately
According to Childers, the four pachchayas or necessaries below.
of a Buddhist priest are chiura, pindapito, andrana and * Compare mahdsadhanika, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 161,
bhajja. In the present grant, sayandainn and bhai.
shajya correspond to the two last words. With glinstnoto 35.
pratyaya compare gildnapochchaya, loc. cit. On the » The Amghchht grant (see note 10 above) reads eight parishkrus or requisites see the article parik. rdjasthanaparika for rajasthantyparika.
kharo. * The Amgachht grant reads angaraksha.
- Seo ante, Vol. XIV. p. 161, note 26. navakarman seems to have the same technical
37 Compare the last word on the first side of the plate.
» In other grants we find the synonym daidparádlha. signification as its Páli equivalent navakamma; see
A dakparadhika is mentioned among the royal officers Rhys Davids and Oldenberg's Vinaya Texts, Vol. III. p. 101, note 2. Hence the monk, who had to superintend
in line 33 of the present grant. new building, was called navakammika; 600 id.
» Compare chauriddharanika in line 33. Vol. II. p. 350, note 2, and the Bharhut and Amaravat! 0 Probably forced labour (vishti) is intended. inscriptions, where we find navakamika and navakama- akinhchitpragrahyah seems to correspond to the ka (Jour. Germ. Or. Soc. Vol. XL.). A similar term is claune sarurdjakiyanim ahastaprakahepantyaḥ occur. kamamtika in the Banawasi inscription, ante, Vol. XIV. ring in other inscriptions.

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as the moon, the sun, and the earth shall endure, merit (gained by gifts), (run) thus:-[Here in order to increase the spiritual merit and glory follow five of the customary imprecatory verses, of bis parents and of himself, to the divine which it is unnecessary to translate.) Siva-bhattáraka by the present) edict.
(V. 18.)-The messenger for this (grant (L. 44.)—"Therefore, you all shall approve was) the illustrious Bhattu, the Gurava Punof this gift; and future kings shall assent to ya kirtti. He knew the meaning of the idea it and preserve it, ont of regard for the of Brahman, which it is very difficult to under(heavenly) rewards of a gift of land, and out stand even with the help of the Védánta (books); of fear of sinking into the great hell, in case of he was extremely well read in all brutis (its) confiscation! And the cultivators residing together with the angas; and he performed (in Makutika) shall be obedient to (this) order sacrifices, in which great presents were on hearing it, and shall deliver to the donees), made. at the proper time, all suitable revenues, such (V. 19.)-The illustrious Mang hadise, as shares enjoyed, taxes, gold, etc.!"
a native of the excellent Samataţa," the son (L. 47.)-Samvat 17, on the 9th day of Vai- of Subhadása, has engraved this edict, śâkha. And the verses which praise the (The seal) of Sri-N & rây anapala de va.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 278). RUMP, of a fowl,-Katia, (Tch.)
SANCTIFY, to,-Sfinciâva, (M.) RUMPLED,-Chandilo, (Tch.)
SAND,-Char, (M. 7) Run, to,-Plastrava, nasheva, (Eng.); najar, (Span. SANDAL-Chervůli, (Tch.)
Gip.); prastáva, (M.); prastáva, thavava, SATAN,--Wafodu guero, (Eng.) (M. 8)
SATIATED,-Chalo, (Tch. M. 7) RUN HARD, to, --Shabåva, (Eng); koshfa dáva,
SATIATE, to, -Chalarkva, (Tch.) (Tch.)
SATIATED, to be, -Chaliovava, (Tch., Pep. M.); RUNNER, -Nashimeskro, (Eng.)
chel'ovgva, (M.) RUSHES, a thicket of, -Tréstiy, (M.)
SATURDAY,-Kinnipen-divyus, (Eng.); skvato, RUSSIAN,-Moskovis, (Tch., Pap. M.); moskov,
(M.) mosköf, (As. Tch.)
SAUCEPAN, -Doti kiri, dron kiri, (As. Tch.) RUSTY,-Ruzhinimi, (M.)
SAUSAGE-Gôi, (Teh., M. 7). SAUSAGE, of or belonging to-Goikkoro, (Tch.). Saw,-Trivôni, triôni, (Tch.)
SAY, to, -Pukkerava, penáva, (Eng.); pendra, SABRE,-khanrů, palash, sabiya, sibie, sabd'iya, benåva, fiytzava, (Tch.); phengva, (M., såbd'ie, săbdie, (M.); kisi, (Psp. M.)
M. 8); motaváva, (M.8); bengva, phenava, SACK, -Gono, (Eng.); gono, (Tch.); burddhu,
(Pep. M.) gonô, gond, (M.)
SCALD-HEADED, -Khalê, aberêskoro, (Tch.) SAD, -Tug, tugno, (Eng.)
SCALES, pair of,-Kěntáre, (M.) SADDLE-Boshta, (Eng); zen, (Tch., M. 8., Pep. SCARCELY,-Abye, de abye, (M.) M.); zēn, (M.)
SCHOOL-Skhôale, shkola, (M.) SAFE, -Vestô, (Tch.)
SCISBOR8,-Katches, katsau, (Eng.); kat, (Tch., SAILOR-Pani-mengro, ber-engro, (Eng.); berês.
M. 7) koro, deryavákoro, devryalAkoro, (Tch.) SCOLD, to,-Kashara, (M.) SAINT, -Sfec, (M.)
Scoop, to,-KhandAva, khatáva, ghandava, khraSALE, -Bikhnipen, (Eng.); bit'inamas, (M.)
dáva, (Tch.) SALT, -Lon, lun, (Eng.) ; lon, (Tch.); lohn, (As. Scoop, to cause to,-Khanliaráva, khatava, ghanTch.); lon, (M., M. 8., Psp. M.)
dava, khradáva, (Tch.) SALT, (adj)Londo, (Tch.); pelonheri, (As. Tch.) SCOOPED, to be. --Khanliovava, (Tch.) SALT, to,-Londaráva, londiaráva (Tch., Pep. M.) SCORE-Bishêngoro, (Tch.) SALUTATION,-Paravên, (Tch.)
SCRAPER,-Pihtrt, rondiardo, (Tch.)
"On Samatata or Eastern Bengal, see Beal, B. R. W. W. Vol. II. p. 1906.

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SCRATCH, to,-Khânjiováva, (Tch.); kharunava, (M.); khanjava, kharunava, (M. 7); khanjováva, khandiováva, (Psp. M.) SCREW,-Shrabo, shrabu, (M.), SCREW, to,-Shrubuiâva, shrubuisaråva, (M.) SCYTHE,-Kôsa, kôsha, fårkya, falkya, (Tch., cf. Pep. M.); kalij, (As. Tch.)
SEA, Dariya, dûya, ebyok, (Eng.); devryâl, devruål, darâv, mâra, (Tch.); devryal, mara, (M. 8); deryav, mâra, (Pap. M.) SEAM,-Siibê, (Tch.)
SEARCH, to,-Rodråva, (Eng.); rodâva, (Tch.) SEATED, Veshti, vezti, (As. Tch.) SECOND,-Duito, (Eng.); avêr, dayto, (M.) SECRET,-Gheravdicano, (Tch.); choryal, (M. Psp. M.)
SEEK, to,-Rodråva, (Eng.); rodâva, mangåva, (Tch.); rodava, (M., M. 8) SEEKING, act of,-Rodipê, (Tch.) SEEM, to,-F&va, (M. 7) SEEN,-Dikyov, (M.)
SEEN, to be,-Dikiovâva, (Tch.)
SEIZE, to,-Astaráva, (Tch., M. 7); astaravåva, khutilava, khotilava, kuprinzâva, t'idáva, (M.); khutilava, (M. 7)
SEIZED, to be,-Astârghiováva, (Tch.) SELF,-Kôrkoro, korkorô, (M.) SELL, to,-Bikhinâva, binâva, (Eng.); biknava, (Tch.); bit'inâva, (M.); bikiniva, (Pap. M., M. 7)
SHAVE, to,-Morava, (Eng.); muntâva, muravåva, (Tch.); murinow, (Hun. Gip.); murâva, randava, (M. 8); muntava, (Psp. M.) SHAVE, to cause to,-Muntavâva, (Tch.) SHE,–Yoi, i, (Eng.); ôi, (Tch.) ; voy, (M.) SHEAF,-Parga, pârgha, (Tch.)
SECURITY, to become,-Skriisard'ováva, (M.) SEE, to,—Dikôva, (Tch., Psp. M., M.), dikhôva, (Pap. M., M. 7)
|
SHEAE, to,-Morava, (Eng.); kritizâva, (Tch.); murinow, (Hun. Gip.)
SHEEP,-Bokra, (Eng.); bakrô, (dim.) bakrorů, bakrichô, (Tch., Pap. M.); bakåra, (As. Tch.); bakri, (M.); bakro, (M. 7) SHEEP, of or belonging to,-Bokkeriskoe, (Eng.); bakrêskoro, (Tch.)
SEPARATED, to be,-Despĕrcisard'ováva, (M.) SEPARATED, Osobit, de osebit, rig, ěnkrig, (M.). SEPULCHRE,-Mulleno kêr, (Eng.)
SERPENT, Sap, sarp, (Eng.); sapp, (Tch., Pap. M.); sap, (M.)
SERPENT, of or belonging to,-Sappano, sappêskoro, (Tch.); sapunô, (M.) SERVANT,-Charêskoro, (Tch.); hargât, hargåto, hargâtu, slaga, (pl.) slahi, (fem.) sluzhnikě, (fem.) sluzhnika, (M.)
311
SERVE, to,-Sluzhiêva, slazhisarava, (M.) SERVICE, Slazhba, (M.)
SHADE,-Vuchal, uchål, (Tch.); ambra, (M.); vuchal, (M. 8)
SHEEP-STEALING,-Bokra-choring, (Eng.) SHEET, Plakta, diklo, (Eng.) SHELL,-Deryavåkere laláska, (Tch.) SHEPHERD, Bas-engro, bokkar-engro, (Eng.); choban, (M.) SHEPHERDESS,-Bokkari-gueri, (Eng.) SHEW, to,-Sikava, (Tch.); sekavava, (M.); chivâva, (M. 7); sikaváva, (M. 8) SHEW, to cause to,-Sikaváva, (Tch.)
SOLD, to be,-Bikênghiovava, (Tch.) SEMPSTRESS,-Siva-mengri, (Eng.)
SEND, to,-Bitchâva, (Eng.); bichavâva, (Tch., SHEWN, to be,-Sikliovâva, (Tch.) M. 7); tradáva, (M.) SHIFT (a garment),-Diklo, (Eng.) SENT,-Bitched, bitcheno, (Eng.) SHILLING,-Tringrosh, tringurushi, tringush,
(Eng.) SHILLING, things costing a,-Tringurushengre, (Eng.) SHILLINGS,-Kollor, (Eng.) SHINE,-Zare, zari, (M.)
SHIP,-Berro, bêro, (Eng.); berô, (Tch., Psp. M.); berô, (Span. Gip.); korábiya, korábiye, karabiya, (M.); bero, (M.)
SHIRT,-Gad, (Eng.); gad, gat, (dim.) gadorô, sålavo, (Tch.); gh'aili, (As. Tch.); gâdo, gad, rokiya, rôkiye, (M.); gad, (M. 7); salavo, (M. 8) SHIRT, wearing a,-Gadalô, (Tch.) SHIVER, to,-Akarava, akeråva, acharåva, (Tch.) SHOE,-Chok, (Eng.); triak, Albena, urydinô, (Tch.); chizma, khĕrê, kĕrê, (M.); triak, (Pap. M., M. 8)
SHOES, to put on,-Podisaråva, podisard'ováva,
(M.)
SET OUT, to,-Nashâva, radiva, (Tch.) SEVEN,-Eft, (Eng.); eft&, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 7) SEVENTEEN,-Desh ta eft, (Eng.); desh-i-eft&, (Pap. M.); desh-u-efta, (Tch.) SEVENTY,-Eftavardêri, (Pap. M.); vdominda, (Tch.) SEVERAL,-Azôm, (Tch., M. 7) Sew, to,-Sivava, (Eng., Tch., Psp. M., M. 8)
SHAKE, to,-Klětisaráva, klětisard'ováva, mishtiava, skuturisåråva, (M.); chinaviva, (M. 7) SHAMBLES,-Toyotûre, (M.) SHAME,-Patch, (Eng.); laj, lach, lajaibê, (Tch.); lazhaô, lazhảo, ok&rẽ, (M.); laj, (M. 8) SHARE, to,-Ulaváva, (Tch.); empercoâva, ĕmper. cosaráva, (M.)
SHARPEN, to,-Askucosaráváva, (M.) SHATTER, to,-Pharavava, (M.) SHAWL-KAlavo, (Tch.)

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MISCELLANEA. THE RELIGION OF THE ARABS.
calation, by which those who observed the solar It is commonly supposed that the people of method were wont to balance one year with Arabia are adherents of the Muslim faith, and another, in such a way that the same month that their hostility towards Christians is properly always occurred at the same season of the year. attributable to this circumstance. The fact is, This practice the Prophet found to appertain however,--as was pointed out by Burckhardt in among the Jews and Christians of Syria, and he the early part of the present century, and as has denounced it as an act of "infidelity,' and a been noted by other travellers since then,--their departure from God's original intention in the hostility is directed not towards Christians alone, day when He created heaven and earth." And it but towards all foreigners whatsoever, especially is to this arrangement of his that the curious English foreigners, whom they regard as in- phenomenon is traceable, which all English peoterlopers visiting them with ulterior views. That ple, who have resided in the East, have noticed, - not Christians, qud Christians, are alone the objects that the months of the Muhammadans retrograde of their aversion, is proved by the fact that, in through all the seasons of the year, and in the our own times, a Jew was, on detection in Makka, course of a little more than three and thirty instantly seized and put to death. The senti. years, each month comes back to its original place; ment is not unexampled;- a similar dislike of all having in the meantime retrograded through interlopers marks the Afghåns and the Nepalis all the seasons. When Muḥammad authorised to this day, and marked, in times not very this change in the calendar, it was the month of remote, the kingdom of Burma and the empire December: in other words, it was the cool season, of China. But in Arabia the aversion to inter and the days were at their shortest; and it was lopers has undoubtedly the added element inheri- not so difficult to keep the Fast of Ramazan. ted by the tribes there from the days of (Isma'il) | But he was an unlettered man,' as he tells us in Ishmael; for that aversion was abundantly the Quran, and little foresaw what the effect evinced long before the birth of Muhammad. would be that would overtake his followers. But It knows no difference of tribe, nationality, or fifteen years after the establishment of this creed; even the faithful themselves, unless they institute (when he had long been dead and gone) are in a position to hold their own, are not the month of the Fast fell in the hottest season erempted from the misanthropy of these weird Chil of the year; so that then, and ever since then, the dren of the Desert. Their self-segregation is totally observance of this holy month' has led to the death different in its genesis from the mere religious of numbers of his followers (especially among antipathy which characterizes the Muhammadan; the young) from the combined operation of heat and it is difficult to account for it, excepting on the and thirst in the hottest months of the year.' principle that the Arabs are the sons of their father, But the genuine Arabs--the descendants of of whom it was said, His hand will be against Isma'il and of his remote ancestor Qahtanevery man, and every man's band against him.' never fell in with this new arrangement; and to
This aversion cannot be of the nature of reli- this day they observe the customs of their pro. gious exclusiveness, for it is not a fact that the genitors of the times before Muhammad-even Arabs are adherents of the Muslim faith. This refusing to relinquish the very names by which might be shewn in a variety of ways, of which, their ancestors designated the months several for our present purpose, we will select only one, centuries before Muhammad was born. the attitude of these men towards the institutes We have made allusion to the current opinion, of Muhammad. Of these, one of the most dis- that the names applied in the present day to the tinctive was the ordinance by which the Prophet months by the Faithful were originated and enjoined upon his followers for ever the observance applied by Muhammad. This opinion would seem of the lunar calendar. He did not, as is often erro. to have arisen out of a misunderstanding of a neously supposed, give the months new names; statement long since made by the learned Dr. what he did was to forbid the practice of inter- Prideaus, the celebrated Dean of Norwich,--that
* Reprinted from, the Civil and Military Gazette Lahore, 22nd December 1885.
Barokhardt, Travels in Arabis, i. 888 (odn. Lond. 1829).
* This poor creature-in derision for his religion, and apparently in mockery of the great crime of his ancestors-was (so Burckhardt tells ua) put to death there by crucifixion,
. Cf. Quran, sh. ix. w. 36, 37.
Muir, Life of Mahomet, iii. 48-9 (Edn. Lond. 1861). • af. Quran, ch. vii, vv. 159-9, and oh: xxix. t. 47.
+ Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, umumans of India, I. 178205 (Edn. Lon. 1832.) C O. I. Chronicles, i. 17-28.-ED.)
Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahlbie, ii. 361 (Edn. Lond. 1831).

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under the influence of Muhammad the old names Khuzka'ites, had each in succession obtained of the months became 'totally abolished.'10 Now, ascendancy there at distances of time approximat. Prideaux (apart altogether from his personal ing to that figure ; Fihr, Kilâb, Qusai, Hashim, characteristics as a controversialist) was, and is had severally had their day; and at length, in to this day, a very high authority in Arabian | apparent obedience to this singular law (first learning: yet, this statement of his is a pure pointed out by a great Oriental savant of our own lapsus memoria, and is an additional proof that times, Dr. Aloys Sprenger)" Muhammad's turn even 'Homer sometimes nods': for the learned arrived. These men and dynasties left each of Doctor himself gives us on the same page of his them their mark upon the national history of the imperishable work, an historical account of the Arabs, in one way or another; and the part Arabian calendar directly subversive of his own reserved for Kilab was the reform of the calendar assertion. The truth is, that the names at present and the giving of new names to the months. The in vogue for the Muhammadan months were first principle which influenced him in the change he applied to them by Kiláb-ibn-Murra, a scion of authorized, was that he might apply to the months the great tribe of the Quraish. This man was names expressive of customs and phenomena with father of the celebrated Qusai, and fifth in which the Arabs in general were familiar; and descent from Fihr Quraish, and was according to while doing so, to mark, at the same time, the the calculations of M. Caussin de Percival) born Sacred Months and the season of the national in A.D. 358,-just two centuries and twelve pilgrimage. This he did, by giving to the 'four years before the birth of Muhammad." He was sacred months,' so-called the first, the seventh, the great-grandfather of Hashim, himself the the eleventh, and the twelfth) names appropriate great-grand-father of Muhammad, and was thus to the sentiments which the Arabs had come to the Prophet's sixth ancestor. There is reason to cherish towards them, and by stamping upon the believe that this man, Kiláb, borrowed the solar name of one of them (the twelfth) the designation or intercalary method which he established in the of the yearly pilgrimage. Hijaz, from the Jews; and it is understood by the Now, apart from the fact that the statement generality of Arabicists that he did so with the of Dr. Prideaux might very reasonably lend supview of fixing the time of the annual pilgrimage port to the inference that down to the time of to Makka (a religious observance of the Arabs Muhammad, the months of the Arabs bore dif. from unknown ages before the time of Muham. ferent names to those they now bear-an inference mad) to a convenient season of the year. This is the unsoundness of which has been shewn in the evident from the meanings of the names which he facts just stated this learned writer further tells applied to the months. For prior to the time of us that the names given by Kildb were adopted this incient Arab Chief, the months of the Arabs all over Arabia 'when Mahomet bad brought all the had other names than those they now bear; and rest of the tribes, besides the Korasnites, (Qurais the new ones, having been adopted by the tribe of under his power. But it has been repeatedly the Quraish (whose influence in commercial and proved by different writers, that the whole of tho ecclesiastical affairs at Makka was predominant) Arabs never were converted to Islam;" that of eventually superseded the others. Now, it is those who in Muhammad's life-time professed a curious historical phenomenon that down to the conversion to it, the greater number apostatized time of Muhammad, Arabia had long produced a as soon as the news of his decease reached them, great man once in about two centuries, the influ- and became forthwith the enemies of those who ence of whom had centred in Makka, and had continued in the Faith ;" and that to this day the extended more or less extensively over the entire
Badawis, who more than any others may be continent. The Amalekites, the Jurhumites, the said to be the children of the son, are the one
10 Prideaux, Life of Mahomet, p. 2 (Edn. 7th, Lond. ** Cf. the Genealogical Lists of the Arabs in Sale, do 1718.)
Percival, Muir, Sprenger and other writers. We use this language advisedly, for a work that
10 Muir, Life of Mahomet, i. Introd. p. covi. (note.) wont through threo editions in one year in times when
10 Prideaux, Life of Mahomat, p. 2. books were costly and readers of such weighty works as
1 Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, 83 (Edn. Allahabad, his were comparatively few; a work from which friends and foes have never ceased to borrow, and over which,
1. Muir, Life of Mahomet, i, Introd. Pp. cevi-vii. after the lapse of a couple of centuries, controversialists
** Namely, Zall-Hijja, lit. that to which the Haj' of all shades of opinion still think it worth their while to
(the Pilgrimage) appertains. quarrel, such a work as that must be possessed of quite
80 Prideaux, Life of Mahomet, p. 2. unusual vitality.
" Burton, Pilgrimage to Meccah, ii. 109, (Edn. 2nd 1 Lane, Arabic Lexicon, p. 1254, col. 2.
(Lond. 1857). 13 De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, i. 231 (Edn. Paris
» In Muir's Annals of the Early Caliphate, Osborn's 1847), Muir, Life of Mahomet, i. Introd. PP. cxcv., cxcix.
Llam under the Arabs, Oekley's History of the Saracens,
and in many other works treating of the times immediand p. 13 of the Biography there. Cf. Golius Nota, ad ately following the Prophet's decease, overwhelming eviAlfruganum, p. 4.
denoo in corroboration of this statement will be found.
1861) jais,

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foes of those who engage in the pilgrimage to Makka.28
The power of these men in the Arabian continent is paramount over every other power,even that of the Sultan himself, who is popularly supposed to be the supreme ruler of the land and the power they wield without mercy is unique in its kind. With the single exception of the kingdom of Najd, the home of Wâhhâbiism in the Highlands of Arabia, these wild descendants of Isma'il are, for all practical purposes, masters of the whole continent through the length of it and the breadth of it. They hold such complete supremacy there, that they even exact from the representatives of the Sublime Porte itself an annual tax for the liberty of traversing the territory which their tribes severally hold in the Desert. The supremacy even of the Sultan himself, the political and ecclesiastical head of the Faith, is but nominal there, for even he has to pay a tax for travelling through a continent supposed to be part of his own dominions. Since the time of the supercession of the Fâtimî emperors at Cairo by the 'Usmânlis of Constantinople, no Sultân has ever made the pilgrimage to Makka. The Maḥmil, however, has for centuries past been the recognized symbol of royalty in the Syrian and Egyptian caravans, and this curious memorial is always surrounded, along the whole route, by certain high officers of state, who serve as the living representatives of the civil and ecclesiastical authority of the reigning Sultân. In other words, even though the Sultan himself were present in the caravan, that would make no difference to the Badawis. He still would have to submit to the impost. On one occasion, the Syrian caravan, which included (as it always and necessarily does) the representatives of his authority, declined to pay the tax. When the season of pilgrimage came round in the following year, a vast horde of Badawis (numbering forty thousand) lay in ambush among the hills of the Hijâz, and rushed without parley upon the pilgrim host, and slew
23 Palgrave, Central and Eastern Arabia, i. 223 of (Edn. 2nd, Lond. 1865).
[OCTOBER, 1886.
the main portion of them; nor would they permit the caravan to pass until the annual tax for that and the preceding year had been fully paid."
Now the men who thus, for all practical purposes, are the masters of Arabia, are the hereditary and time-worn enemies of the Faithful, and no dignitary of Islâm, from the Sultan downwards, can undertake the stupendous task of traversing the continent unless he make his account with them. Their demands, however exorbitant, have to be meekly conceded by all,without dispute, and with as little delay as possible; and their very subsistence, from century to century, is mainly derived from levies remorselessly exacted from those whose only business in their quarters is the fulfilment of the precepts of the Prophet. The pilgrims, rich or poor, have no greater enemies than these natives of Arabia, -whom they describe with a cynical sneer, as harám, highway robbers."""
The very name of these Arabians is a signal of terror to pilgrims. It is on record, that when the leaders of the ceremonies of 'Arafat are anxi. ous to hurry the worshipping multitude away with all possible haste to the next station, Muzdalifa, no 'cry' more effectually clears the ground than the cry of the near approach of a swarm of Badawis! It is a curious comment upon the often-vaunted supremacy of the Islamic religion throughout the continent of Arabia, that a Christian or a Jew quietly visiting the Shrine of the Faith, should, on detection, be instantly slain by the constituted authorities at Makka without the form of trial, while these hereditary foes of the Faithful should be at liberty to traverse even the Sacred Territory," everywhere and at all times, without fear of the reigning power or any of its representatives at the Holy Places of the Faith; and that any such thing as an appeal to the Sultan against the brutalities of these men in his own dominions even in Makka itself-could elicit from him nothing but a confession of utter helplessness. We submit that such an anomaly as this
Burckhardt, Bedouins and Wahabys. i. 5-8, 28, 118, 194, and ii. 3, 7, 23-4, 26, 31, 33-4, 229, 273; Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, ii. 25-8 (Edn. Heron, Edinb. 1792); Crichton, History of Arabia, i. 183 (Edn. Edinb. 1834); Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 413; Burton, Pilgrimage, i. 255.
25 This name Harami' is an honourable title among the Badawis, especially among those of them who haunt the territory that lies between Makka and Madina. A man slain in a foray, Burton tells us (Pilgrimage, ii. 101), is said to die ghandus, a brave'-to die game,' in fact while the man among them who dies in his bed is called carrion' (fatte). The mother of such a one will exclaim, Oh that my son had perished of a cut throat! And her attendant crones will suggest, with deference, that such untoward event came of the will
4
of Allah.
Burton, Pilgrimage, ii. 324-5.
27 The term is the recognised translation of the word 'Haram'-the designation technically applied to the portion of the country stretching away from Makka as a centre to various distances ranging severally from forty to about a hundred and forty-five miles in the different directions from the city. The designation was first applied to the locality by the confederation known as the Harami League,'-an alliance of the local tribes which was found there long before the time of the Muhammadan ascendancy.
28 We allude, of course, to Makka and Madina, at both of which places there are certain established offcials appointed by the Turkish Government. Strictly speaking, however, the term is applied only to certain localities within the limits of the territory defined in the preceding footnote.

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it would be impossible to match in the his- ness' of these months,-during which, before tory of human government. If Christians are his time, peace became a religious duty recog.
Infidels,' what are the Badawis P These men nized by all Arabs,—the people of this tribe are not regarded by the pilgrims as converts to have allowed the observance to fall into disuse : Islâm; and so far from its being a fact, as stated if indeed they ever recognized it at all. This by Dr. Prideaux, that the ancient names of the same authority asserts that the members of this months were totally abolished' under the in- tribe attack their enemies even in the holy fluence of Muhammad's ascendancy, the names month of Ramazan,”-a month whose immunity given then by Kilâb, have not, even down to is distinctly owing to the teachings of the author this late period, been accepted by all the Arabs. of the Quran.* To call such persons Muham. This statement is fully borne out by so high an madans--to assert that they are converts to the authority as Burckhardt, who gives a list of Faith of the Prophet-is but to ensure contrathe names which these indomitable sons of the diction, and awaken sentiments of disgust in the soil still give to the months. Almost the only mind of any intelligent Muhammadan. There is trace of the ascendancy of the Prophet among evidence in overwhelming abundance in the them is to be found in the fact that his name pages of dispassionate travellers, to shew that is occasionally found among them as à proper the chief perils of pilgrims to the Shrine of the name of male persons : but for the most part,
Faith during those months which the Prophet even the names they give to their children are held to be 'sacred' arise from the denizens of distinctly names embodying allusion to the the country themselves alone; and the evidence gods and goddesses of the pre-Islamite times. shews that the Arab tribes, disregarding entirely
The names given by Kilab to the months, the religion of the pilgrims, and the self-denying having been as they were) left unaltered by and most costly errand on which they travel, Muhammad, came into use, of course, wherever his consider the pilgrimage season their great oppretensions were fully admitted and his, institutes portunity for plunder. One of these travellers adopted. But it is difficult to break up and says, Muhammad and his followers oonrevolutionise the immemorial customs of a host quered only the more civilized Badawis; and of segregated and hostile races devoted to wild there is even to this day little or no religion and wandering habits; and such difficulty must amongst the wild peopel except those on the ever be enhanced by the gross ignorance of the coast or in the vicinity of cities. The Faith of the Arabs. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at Badawis comes from Islam, whose hold is that Muhammad has failed, even down to the weak; but his customs and institutions, the present moment, to revolutionise such a thing growth of his climate, his nature and his wants as the nomenclature of the calendar in the lingo are still those of his ancestors, cherished ere of these wild and untutored desert men. So Makka had sent forth a Prophet, and likely to feeble, indeed, is the hold which his religion and survive the day when every vestige of the his authority have among the tribes, that a faith- Ka'aba shall have disappeared. Of this nature ful eye-witness records that one of the tribes
are the Hijazie' pagan oaths, their heathenish deliberately disregard the obligatory nature of names, their ordeal of licking red-hot iron, their the four sacred months, though the observ. salkh (or scarification-proof of mauliness), their ance of this pre-Islamite usage was con- blood revenge, their eating carrion (i.e. the firmed by Muhammad." Notwithstanding the body of an animal killed without the usual fact that the Prophet re-affirmed the 'sacred- formula"); and their lending their wives to
* Burckhardt, Bedouins and Wahabys, ii. 361. so Burton, Pilgrimage, ii. 109.
31 Burckhardt, Bedouins and Wahabys, i. 147, Cnf. ii. 172.
sa Quran, ch. v. vr. 3, 3, and ch. ix. v. 1, 2, 5.
33 Burckhardt, Bedouins and Wahabys, i. 148 (note.) He added : There are, however, in every lunar month three days during which the Aenezee never fight : the sixth, the sixteenth, and the night of the twenty-first.' Again, --The Aenezes likewise abstain from fighting on
Wednesday, superstitiously believing that they should lose the battle.' Such abstention, however, is clearly & very different thing from yielding obedience to the command of the Prophet ss to the four months' immunity.
3. Cf. Quran, ch. ii. vv. 185 seqq.
* Palgrave, Central and Eastern Arabia, i._223; Borckhardt, Arabia, i. 199, and ii. 109, 129, 408; Keith,
Evidence of Prophecy, 517; Burton, Pilgrimage, iii. 359 (Edn. lst, Lond. 1854); Burckhardt, Bedouing and Wahabya, i. 71, 77, 118, 167, and ii. 9, 35, 39; Mills, History of Muhammedanism, 452 (Edn. 2nd, Lond. 1818). These places contain but a few samples of the evidence to which we allude.
That is to say, maledictions and invocations in which are embodied the names of the deities supposed to have been demolished by Islam.
37 Such as 'Abdu's-Shams (servant of the Sun), 'Abdu'l. Manåt, 'Abdu'l'Uzza, and many others common still among the Arabs, though they embody (as do these two) the names of the fetishes.
3 On slaying an animal for food, the butcher recites the formula-B'ismillah, Allahu Akbar, In the Name of Allah, -Allah is Supreme! To partake wittingly of meat slain without the recital of this formula, is considered tantamount to apostasy from the Faith.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1886.
strangers. All these I hold to be remnants of Islands, and therefore, should they meet with such some old creed; nor should I despair of finding monuments or stones in India, they are apt to not among the Bad&wis bordering upon the great recognize them; or, if they do so, to fail to desert some lingering system of idolatry. This understand the interest and importance which is plain language.--considering that it is from the antiquarians in Europe would attach to any obeerpen of a traveller who never was suspected of vations they might make regarding them, proa bigoted aversion to the religion of the Prophet. vided they take note of certain points to which And this dispassionate eye-witness elsewhere my attention was drawn by Captain Lukis, who records that there are even among the Badawis assisted his late father, the well-known archæoloof the Hijaz itself, young men who, as an intro. gist, in making excavations in the Channel Islands duction to life, risk everything in order to plunder and Brittany some years ago, and in studying the a pilgrim. They care but little for the value inscribed and cup-marked stones of the sepulchral of the things stolen : the glory of the exploit and ceremonial structures of Brittany and consists in the act of robbing a pilgrim!"
Guernsey. It surely will not be pretended by any sensible Stone structures may be of six kinds :man, that such persons are to be counted among 1. Sepulchral receptacles, i.e. chambers and the trophies of the Prophet ? He was wont to cists. say,- A fast of but one day in a sacred month II. Monoliths, or stone pillars. is better than a fast of thirty days in another III. Avenues of monoliths, composed of two or month; and a fast of but one day in Ramazan more rows of pillars. is more meritorious than a fast of thirty days IV. Monoliths in a single row. in a sacred month." All these months, Ramazan V. Circles of monoliths. included, are (as has been shown) disregarded by VI. Small circular enclosures of stone and the Arabs. Yet the great importance of the earth having a small low entrance or doorway. whole matter of these months, in the judgment | i.e. hut circles, or dwellings. of the founder of the Faith, would, we submit, It is with regard to the sepulchral monumente scarcely have been more forcibly taught; and that hints are specially necessary. placed in juxtaposition with the unconcealed In the first place the observer should learn contempt shewn towards them and towards the to distinguish between a chamber and a cist. religious observances, the performance of which A chamber has three sides enclosed by slabs set they were intended to secure, by the innumerable on end, or by a walling of dry masonry, or by a tribes who form the permanent population of mingling of both, the fourth being open for use the land, the tradition brings to a point the (P when required). Sometimes a passage or view we have sought to establish, that the covered way is attached. A cist has all its four genuine sons of the soil, the men who for all sides closed, and is not intended to be opened intents and purposes are the real masters or again for other interments. The former may Arabia and even of the Sacred Territory itself, therefore be regarded as a family vault; the are not Muhammadans at all.
latter as a grave for one individual. The covering of either consists of flat slabe laid across, or
forming a rude arched roof. SOME HINTS ON LOOKING FOR MEGALITHIC The orientation of both chambers and cista · MONUMENTS AND STONE IMPLEMENTS should be noted by a pocket compass. IN INDIA.
It should also be stated, in any account which Before entering on their career in Asia, few may be given of megalithio monuments, whether Indian officials have had time or opportunity to a mound of small stones or earth covered the study the stone circles, monoliths, and stone im. chambers or cists, or whether any vestige of such plements in England, Brittany, and the Channel mound be observable.
3. The reader will find some scoount of this strange feud, and the certainty of & shut road to future travelcustom in Burckhardt, Arabia, ii. 378; and Pischel, lers, prevent the Turks from attempting to exact reRaces of Man, 220. [See also Robertson Smith, Kinship prisals and they conceal their weakness by pretending and marriage in Early Arabia, passim.-ED.)
that the Sultan hesitates to wage a war of extermination Burton, Pilgrimage, ii. 109.
with the brigands who occupy the Holy-land of the Ibid. 359.
Faith'! The futility of such & pretence is manifest • It is told of the Lahoba, & sect of the 'Auf tribe
enough, when we remember that no army, however well near Rabigh, that & girl will refuse even her cousin, equipped, not even the armies of the Greeks and upless (in the absence of other opportunities) he has
Romans in their best days,--Was ever able to conquer plundered some article from the pilgrim caravan in the
the Badawis in their own Deserta.-Burton, Pilgrimage, very front of the Pasha's links. Detected fifty years
ii. 101. ago the delinquent would have been impaled; now he Salo, Prel. Disc. Sect. iv. (p. 81). Cf. Morran. ceeapos with mero rib-ronatingFear of the blood-'Mahometiem Explained, ii, 2-16 (Edn. Lond. 1793).

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Careful search should be made for cup-mark. The following, which I now transcribe, contains ings or other sculptures on the stones of the some inquiries to which I was unable to reply so various monuments, as well as upon rocks or fully as I could have wished at the time. They exposed upright stones in their neighbourhood. are still, however, not devoid of interest, parti.
Inquiry should be made whether human cularly the name Su-bein-ga or Su-bein-na, which remains, manufactured stone, bone, or other in- I cannot identify. I had an opportunity of struments and ornaments, or clay vessels, or noticing the general tenor of his pote, and of some bronze or iron fragments, have been found in the similar remarks subsequently received, in my chambers or cists.
contribution to the International Numismata If cup-markings are present, it is very desirable Orientalia, pp. 109-10, 134-35. to know on which face of the stone they exist, i. e. I take this opportunity of recording my sincere on the outer, or the inner surface. It is also most regard for my departed friend, and my appreciaimportant in all cases of cup-markings that the tion of the excellent service he has rendered to arrangement should be carefully noted.
Oriental Archäology. If possible, plans, elevations, and sections of
WALTER ELLTOT. the monuments drawn to scale, or approximate measures, should be given.
MY DEAR ELLIOT, With regard to stone implements, it is of great
In comparing your Numismatic Gleanings with interest and importance to the ethnological student to be informed whether any specimens dis
statements in the early history of Pegu, I find
many points which illustrate the received accounts covered in India present any special peculiarities
of settlements from Telingana on the coast of of form; whether they are grooved or plain,
Pegu in the early Hindu times and afterwards rough or polished, and whether they bear any
when the Buddhists sent Missionaries. At the signs of having been worked up with a metal tool
same time the Pegu historians sometimes evidently or of having been simply chipped to the required
"make up" stories. For instance, they say Pegu shape and ground down to a smooth surface by
city was founded by the sons of the king of friction; and last, but not least, of what kind of
Vijayanagar. Now, as Vijayanagar was not stone they consist. Should they consist of a kind
founded until the 14th century, and Pegu city of stone not found in the part of the country
was founded A.D. 573, it is evident this is a where they are discovered, then the nearest known
"make up." But do you think there was an locality of such stone should be stated. A slight
ancient Vijayanagar? knowledge of mineralogy would enable the observer
If so, at what period ?
The Pegu histories speak of people coming to to supply this information. This point, if insisted
Pegu from the country of Ka-ra-na-ka, and upon, might assist in determining the course of
the city of Su-bein-ga, or Su-bein-na in that the former migrations of various races for
country. Is there such a word now in use for instance, stone implements have been found in
the North Carnatic, or what was the ancient Brittany and in the Channel Islands made of
name? fibrolite, a stone known not to exist nearer to these places than Hungary. Others again have
The people of Pegu call the Telinga people now been discovered of jadeite, a stone coming from
in the country "Ka-lay." What can this be the east. Such implements were evidently much
from P The word Chulya is frequently applied prized objects. They are rare in comparison with
to the native seamer from Coringa, but this is those made of more ordinary kinds of stone, show
more by the Mahommedans than by the Burmese
or Talaings. Is this word still used about Coringe signs of more careful workmanship, and possess a considerable degree of polish. Time was, perhaps,
and Rajamahendri ? when they were their owners' most cherished
In Burma the system of weights has originally
come from Telingana, though no doubt much possessions. If we knew their former history what would it not reveal to us P
altered now. The vise in use is 3 pounds H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY.
Avoirdupois. Does this correspond in name and
weight with that still in use in any district NOTES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF PEGU; The tickdl, so called by Europeans, the Burmese
BY THE LATE SIR ARTHUR PHAYRE. call kyat. It is about 250 grains weight. Has In looking over some old letters I have found this word a Telugu origin? I feel I am giving two or three from Sir Arthur Phayre, whose you a deal of trouble. There is one more word I loss we have all deplored.
will ask about. European broadcloth is called * Captain Lukis recently informed me that he once l the same substance as that of which the implements received a very coarse fragment of a species of fibrolite found in the Channel Islands and at Carnac in Brittany forwarded by Professor Lane from Spain, but it is not were made.

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thek-ka-lat, is this word explainable from any Telugu word?
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
BRAY, Co. WICKLOW, IRELAND, 23rd November 1871.
Very sincerely yours, A. P. PHAYRE.
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
LAKHIMA THAKURANI.
Lakhim& Thakuriņi was a famous poetess of Mithila. I have not been able to obtain any particulars as to when she lived. Numerous stories are told of her learning. The following are samples:-When her daughter was of age to be sent to her husband, she wrote the following letter to the young. Pandit to whom the girl was married. The text in this is written as it was given me, but is probably corrupt :
1. मेष 2. वृष
3. मिथुन
4. कर्क
5. सिंह
6. कन्या
कान्ता दरामध्वजानित्यता निर्मा तुर्यद्वादशद्वितीयमतिमनेकारामस्तिनी । साठी नृपपञ्चमस्य नवमभूः सप्तमीवर्जिता
प्रामोत्यष्टमवेदनां परिहरेत्तूर्ण तृतीयोजवः ॥ To understand the above, it is necessary to know that the numbers refer to the signs of the zodiac, which are as follows:
7. तुला 8. वृश्चिक
9. धनुः
10. मकर
11. कुम्भ 12. मीन
The translation is,- Attacked with the severe onslaught of the God of Love is she. Distraught like a crab or a fish in a dry place is she, Othou bull-minded one! - the damsel, round
formed as a water jar, with arched eyebrows, (the destined wife) of thou who art like a lion amongst kings, and who is not (gross) like (a shopkeeper's wife who plies) the scales. She feels pain like that of a scorpion bite. Quickly let the result of married life relieve her.'
In accordance with Lakhima Thakuráni's letter, the young Brahman came, and after the usual ceremonies, went with his wife into the bridal chamber. As, however, she was very young and tender he abstained from exercising his marital rights. The bride told her mother, who remon strated with her son-in-law as follows:
तन्वी बाला कुशतनुरियं त्यज्यतामत्र शङ्का काचिदृष्टा भ्रमरभरतो मञ्जरी भज्यमाना । तस्मादेषा रहसि भवने निर्दयं पीडनीया मन्दाक्रान्तं बहुतररसं नो ददाती क्षुदण्डः ||
[OCTOBER, 1886.
Be not afraid that the damsel is too slender. Has a flower-stalk ever been seen to be broken by the weight of a bee? Therefore in private must she be passionately given pangs. A piece of sugarcane (when pressed) gives us gently much
sweetness.'
The son-in-law followed her advice, and next morning the following conversation took place between mother and daughter:
Daughter. - मातः केलिगृहं न यामि शयने Lakhimâ.— कस्माच्च चन्द्रानने Daughter.– जामाता तव निर्दयो निजभुजे बद्धो ऽपि मां पीडनं (sc. ददाति ॥ अङ्गारवणतां करोति च नखैर्दन्तैश्च खण्डीकृता केने रतिराक्षसेन रमिता शाहूंनविक्रीडिता ॥
'O Mother, I will not retire again to the bridal chamber.'
'Why not, my moon-faced one ?'
Your son-in-law passionately gives me pangs, even when bound in my arms. He burns me as it were with live coals, and I am torn to pieces with his nails and teeth; of what love-demon am I the sport, and why does he play with me like a tiger Pr In the two last sets of verses मन्दाक्रान्तं and शार्दूलविक्रीडिता are puns on the names of the metres.
A Pandit once came to try Lakhimâ Thakurani's learning. She heard this, and disguising herself as a water-girl, went to meet him. The Pandit addressed her as follows:
किं मां हि पश्यसि घटेन कटिस्थितेन वक्रेण चारु परिमीलितलोचनेन । अन्यं हि पश्य पुरुषं तव कार्ययोग्यं नामानि ॥
with langaid eyes? Gaze on some other man 'Why are you gazing at me, pitcher on hips, suited for you. I touch not a fair one whose hip is marked with the pitcher.'
To this piece of impertinence she replied:--
सत्यं ब्रवीमि मकरध्वजवाणमुग्ध नाहं त्वदर्थमनसा परिचिन्तयामि । दासोऽद्य मे विघटितस्तव तुल्यरूपः स एवं भवेन्नहि भवेदिति मे वितर्कः ॥ 'I' faith, I tell thee, who art smitten by the arrow of love, that I am not so minded towards thee. I could not find my slave. You are like him, and I was merely trying to find out if you were he or
not P'
Then the Pandit saw that she was Lakhimâ, and admitted himself conquered.

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BOOK NOTICES.
319
LAIHIKA THAŽURANI' AND THE BIKAUA.
has never been edited, I would draw attention to In Mithila, the men of a certain high sept of the fact that lithographed copies of this book in Brahmans are in the habit of selling their dangh- Persian may be easily obtained in Bombay, Cal. ters and sisters in marriage to Brahmans of lower cutta, Dehli, Lucknow, &c., as it is a very popular caste, and of marrying girls of lower caste on work, and is often preferred to its prototype the receipt of a consideration. This sept is called Anvdr-i-Suhaili, which, although more elegant, is from ita practices the sept of the RETOTT, on more difficult.
E. R. mercenary Brahmans. The practice is much reprobrated by Brahmañs of other septs. Lakhima
PROTAP CHANDRA ROY'S MAHABHARATA. Thakuráni once noted a marriage celebrated with
We are glad to observe that H. H. the Raja of great pomp. It was one of these Bikauds, who
Faridkot has granted Rs. 500 towards Baba Protap had sold his sister in marriage to a man of low
Chandra Roy's excellent and colossal undertaking caste. She thereupon composed the following
the translation of the Mahdbharata. We trust verse on the subject which has since been famous
that this by no means isolated instance of H. H.'s in Mithila :
munificence towards Indian literature will lead
others of his rank to give similar aid. चपलं तुरगं परिणतयतः
An appeal, however, issued with Part 24, shews पथि पौरजनान्परिमर्दयवः।
that the publisher is still hampered by an insuffiनहि ते भुजभाग्यभवोविभवो
ciency of funds, and is obliged to ask for further
pecuniary assistance in carrying on his patriotic भगिनीभगभाग्यभवो विभवः॥
and laudable undertaking. We confidently hope Freely translated, 'You may make your spiri- that his appeal will not be made in vain. ted horses prance, and with them trample on
Having finished the lengthy Vana-Parva, the the town-folk. But we all know that your wealth publisher has now issued Parts 24, 25, and 26, is not got by your own exertions but by the sale carrying us through the Virata-Parva, and as far of your sister's person. G. A. GRIERSON. as Section 7 of the Udyoga-Parva. These Parts
shew an improvement in both the style of printing THE 'IYAR-I-DANISH.
and the quality of the paper, and thus indicate SIR,-With reference to the remark in Vol. XIV. that the publisher is neglecting nothing that may p. 264 ante, that the 'Iydr-i-Danish of Abu'l-Fazl I tend to attract support to his work.
BOOK NOTICES. Tho CAXELOT CLASSIC8. (1) Malory's History of King always have to keep in mind if he uses this
Arthur, edited by ERNEST RHYB. (ii) Thoreau's Walden, odited by WILL. H. DIRCKB. London:
| edition. Walter Scott.
In accordance with the general idea of the series, The object of this series of little books, well an introduction is provided explanatory of the printed, prettily bound in red cloth, and sold at original, and though this gives us little that is new a very cheap rate, is to make not only the more it may generally be regarded as safe and useful. popular books of the higher literature," but the It is a far cry from King Arthur to the less-known works of English prose, accessible to Facubrations which Thoreau, named after the scene every purse. "It is clear," says the Editor of the of his self-chosen solitude for two years and two series," that there are many books of surpassing
months,“ on the shore of Walden Pond, in Con. interest which are hidden away from the every.
cord, Massachusetts." As a work of pure literaday reader, but which, by being brought again to ture, no doubt, the work interests those who make light by sympathetic hands, having the right that the pursuit of their lives, and the introduction word spoken to put them in touch with the time, is as sympathetic as a reader could wish, especan hardly fail to gain new popular vogue." A cially if he delight in the kind of pabulum which happy choice has fallen upon the well-known and Thoreau so liberally furnishes. most important romance of King Arthur as a On the whole, Editor and Publisher are both commencement.
to be congratulated on the first two volumes of In reproducing Sir Thomas Malory's celebrated their venture. work, the Editor has closely followed Caxton's original text, so far us is consistent with the
SALAMMBO, by GUSTAVE FLAUBERT : Englished by M.
FRENCH SHELDON. Sazon & Co.; New York and avowedly modernized form in which it is now put London. before the reader. Still this has entailed a certain This is a translation of that very celebrated amount of cutting about, which the student will antiquarian novel, Flaubert's Salammb. Though

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in fact a pure novel, the work has long been noted myths. Everything is traceable to a myth about for containing a mine of archeological lore regard- the sun or the moon or the elements. Mr. Fiske ing Carthage and the Carthaginians, as the result is in fact, a follower of Prof. Max Müller, and of the most laborious and painstaking researches believes that the names of the actors and heroes extended over several years. The corr:ctness of in legends, myths and folktales, enclose the secret Flaubert's knowledge of details was several times of their origin. To our mind this is an exceedassailed by French critics, but he always turned ingly umsafe criterion, and dependunt at the best round upon them and showed that he was prepared on etymologies, which are, to say the least, doubtwith authority for every statement, and that he ful and far from being conclusive. To limit, in well knew what the real facts were whenever the first place, folklore to folktales forces us to he took a liberty with history for literary effect. treat such matters as proverbs, customs, and The story of Salammbo, daughter of Hamilcar beliefs, as the debris of folktales, just as Mr. Fiske Barca and sister of Hannibal, arises out of the would treat folktales as the débris of myths, and struggle between the Carthaginians and the myths as the outcome of "an unlimited capacity mercenaries they so ill-treated during the period for believing and fancying." Now, to our thinking, separating the Second from the First Punic War. folktales are only a portion of folklore, and to Though hardly coming within the scope of this seek therefore a special origin for folktales apart Journal, the book is worth study as an accurate from the rest of. folklore is to treat the subject picture of life closely connected with matters piecemeal-always a most unsafe proceeding. Oriental. The translator may be fairly congra- The rest of the theory, besides being capable of tulated on successfully accomplishing the difficult proof only by a process that is indecisive, is based task of rendering a work into English which has on a notion that has not yet been proved to be hitherto been held to be untranslatable.
correct, vix., that the power of imagination of the
ancients was unlimited. Why should the untuMYTHS AND MYTH-MAKERS, by JOHN FISKE. Boston;
tored man of antiquity be held to be endowed with Houghton, Mifflin & Co.
a finer fancy than his modern cultivated descend The full title-page of this now popular book- ant? The fact is, that the cultured imagination "Myths and Myth-makers, Old tales and Super- of the modern student, fascinated by the beauty stitions interpreted by Comparative Mythology"- that he puts into an ancient myth, has led him has an ominous sound about it, especially since to lend his savage forefathers a mental capacity the whole method of the philological school of they never could have possessed. The "Maxcomparative mythologists has become so much dis- Müllerian " theory contains indeed three fatal credited of late. Nor is confidence restored by the errors: it treats a part of the subject as the whole statement in the preface:-"I have not attempted of it; it rests upon an uncertain and highly disputto review otherwise than incidentally the works able basis; and it invests the savage with mental of Grimm, Müller, Kühn, Bréal, Dasent and Tylor : capacities of civilized and indeed cultivated man. nor can I pretend to have added anything of con- If the cravings for ascertained truth, now 80 sequence, save now and then some bit of explana- strong in the scientific student, are to be satisfied, tory comment to the results obtained by the soine other plan for explaining folklore must be labour of these scholars, but it has rather been my adopted, and Comparative Mythology, after a fair aim to present these results in such a way as to trial, may be looked upon as played out. Mr. Fiske awaken general interest in them." Now it is the says that the once fashionable theory of Euhemewritings of Professors Max Müller and Kühn, as ros is dead beyond recovery, and he must forgive the chief exponents of what is known as the philolo. us for saying that the days of its successor are gical theory of comparative mythology, that are already numbered, and that before long the 80 very unsafe,' and the ideas that the general Philological Theory of Comparative Mythology reader will imbibe, under their guidance, regarding will itself be counted as among the slain! the genesis and life of folklore, are not likely Having so far expressed ourselves as to the gene. become any safer' by undergoing the process of ral tenor of Mr. Fiske's work, and our ideas as to being made popular.
the value of the theory to which he is devoted, we The Origin of Folklore' is the title of the first have nothing but admiration for the manner in subject which the author discusses, and a glance which he has put it before the reader. Whether over this will sufficiently inform us as to the line his conclusions are warrantable or not, his ideas of argument he has pursued and the manner in are clearly expressed, and each portion of his which he proposes to trace Folklore to its source. book put together with a skill that has won its With him Folklore' and 'Folktale' are apparently reward in the popularity of his series of short synonymous, and folktales are the debris of native essays.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
321
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. VIII.
able to learn nothing is positively known of The Evil Eye and Allied Notions.
their antecedents. Some have thought they NE of the old Hindu legends connected with might be a remnant of a Keltic population;
Ganesa, the elephant-headed god, the son others that they are of Spanish, or of Gipsy of Siva and his wife Pârvatî, is that as soon as he blood. In type, features and complexion they was born, his parents invited all the other gods are totally different to the other inhabitants of and goddesses to come and see him, but by an the island, having very dark hair and eyes, unlucky accident they omitted or forgot to and olive skins. They are called Pipet (plural invite Sani, who appeared on the scene in a Pipiaux). The Pipiaux are all small farmers, terrible rage, and with one glance of his eye and live chiefly in St. Saviour's parish, in caused the child's head to drop off. The other the district called The Forest, and near Lihon. gods rushed out in horror and in their despair Some of them occasionally go round to the cut off the head of an elephant, which they different gentlemen's houses to dispose of found sleeping close by with its head towards their farm produce, and such is the dread they the north. This they clapped on to the inspire in the mind of the true Guernsey infant's body before its mother had time to see servant, that should her mistress not purchase and prevent the transformation. This faith anything, she will herself give a small coin, in the efficacy of the Evil Eye is fully believed and throw a handful of salt after them on in India to the present day.
their departure. Till very recently, no true It is also strong in most parts of the world, Guernsey man or woman would marry a Pipet, And still lingers amongst the peasantry in some but a mixed marriage did take place a year or counties in England, where there is a belief two ago, and the couple are living, I believe, in Lacky Stones,' i.e. self-bored ones. A in St. Martin's parish. This union was, at the correspondent of the English Notes and Queries time, spoken of as tempting Providence, but conrelates, how, on entering a house in a Yorkshire trary to the general expectation it has turned village, he observed a ponderous necklace of out well. A. curious anecdote of these people them hanging against the wall. On inquiring was related to me by a lady who belongs about them, he found the good woman of to one of the oldest families in the Island. the house indisposed to give him any explana- Before she married she resided at her father's tion regarding them, but he presently elicited house, which is about two miles from the from her that such stones had the credit town, and at Christmas it was not anusual for of preserving the house and its inhabitants some of the poorer Pipiaux to come to the door from the Evil Eye.
and ask for & present, which was never "Why." said he, "surely you don't believe in refused them. But one Christmas day, a witches now-a-days ?"
family who lived near them would not give "No," she replied, “I don't say 'at I do, an alms to a Pipet who came, and ordered the bat certainly in former times there was wizards suppliant to go away, on which he said: “You and hizzards, and them sort o' things."
think you are going to have a very good “Well," the gentleman rejoined, “but surely dinner to-day, but you are much mistaken." you don't think there are any now P"
When the dinner hour came, though the roast "No," I don't say 'at there are, but I do beef and the roast turkey had been some believe in a Yevil Eye."
hours before the fire they could not be cooked, Again, a peculiar race of people exists on the and the family in despair sent over to the house Island of Guernsey, who are accounted witches of my informant's father to beg for a dinner. and are thought to have the power of casting The only rational solation of the mystery was, the Evil Eye. As far as I have been hitherto that their larder being in a cold situation,
I am doubtful whether this is the name of the olan, or of certain families only. It was a point on which I
could not obtain satisfactory information.

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the meat had become frozen; but no doubt morning to make a black mark on her infant's the servants of both families preferred to forehead and nose with a bit of burnt stick, in adhere to the theory that the provisions had order to preserve it from evil influences during been bewitched.
the day. On the principle above explained, if So far we have been dealing with the Evil a man be blind of one eye, or has any other Eye properly so called, but the modern Hindus- optical defect, he is believed to be likely to cast tânî word nazar for a mischief-glance is not nasar should he meet any one with a particuquite equivalent to the English expression The larly fine pair of eyes, and for this reason many Evil Eye, as it is much more comprehensive of the natives of India are said to put kajal and implies the ill effects which may result (lampblack) on their eyelids, or a piece of from the gaze of any one, even of the most white thread hanging downwards, anything in benevolent and affectionately disposed, if that short, to distract the attention of others, and gaze has induced in the mind of the gazer avoid rousing feelings of covetousness in complete satisfaction at the object observed, their minds. They also hold that if a person's whether animate or inanimate.' Evil intention eyes are encircled with kajal they are themis here left out of the question, and it is for selves also incapable of casting nazar, and this reason that Hinda mothers do not like deem it a pretty thing for a woman thus to any one (Europeans in particular) to admire adorn herself, for in this case she can neither their little ones too openly, nor to look at receive the ill effects of nazar nor impart them when they are eating, lest they should them to others. cast the Evil Eye on them. This view of the | The custom of using colours to distract atEvil Eye is not confined to India, for in certain tention from the thing to be protected is parts of Greece if a child is admired, it causes naturally not confined to black, and in other its mother the greatest consternation, and parts of India the natives sometimes paint all there mothers frequently decorate their infants' kinds of strange subjects in gaudy colours on caps with coins or other bright ornaments to the exterior of their houses, so that should any distract attention from the child to these unlucky glance be turned towards their dwelling, objects; an idea of which more anon. An it may be attracted by these representations and expression of approval or admiration is met rest upon them, rather than on the house itself with the entreaty "Don't give it the Evil Eye," or its inmates. Similarly, we find Madame and the mother immediately points with two Carla Serena in her interesting work Seule fingers at the person or object in question, dans les Steppes which appeared in 1883, saying accompanying the gesture with the word for that the Khirghiz have a great fear of the Evil garlic, as garlic is deemed a sovereiga anti- Eye, and ornament the heads of their beasts dote against this malign power: the origin of with bright-coloured ribbons to frighten it away. which notion is probably to be found in an She speaks of having seen in her wanderings idea prevalent both in parts of India and in whole troups of camels thus decorated. Spain to a very great extent, that garlic and A mixture of all the above notion in one onions are preservatives against fever.' person once attracted my attention. In Corfu
Another development of the notion that the in 1883, I met a Christian woman from AlexEvil Eye is inherent in certain people is to be i andria, whose nationality was doubtful, but found in Smyrna, where the lower classes she spoke Italian fairly well, and I fancy she believe it very unlucky to be looked at by a had a mixture of European and Egyptian blood person with grey eyes.
in her veins. She was carrying an infant of In India the black or dark blue colours are about eight months old in her arms, whose frequently considered as protective against waist was encircled with strings of coral to which nazar. Thus in Upper Kunâwar, in the Satlaj were attached a silver whistle and bells, a boar's Valley, it is quite a common occurrence-I may tusk, coral charms like those used at Naples say almost the usual thing,--for a mother each against the Evil Eye, a piece of mother-o'-pearl
[See Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I. passim.-Ed.] * The people of Sweden, if they happen to meet any one who is maimed or afflicted with any grievous dis-
order, immediately call out "pepper !" thinking by this means to avert any evil consequences from themselves.
[See Pañjab Notes and Queries, VOL. I. passim.-ED.]

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 17.
GUMIT
VARIOUS FORMS OF A TALISMAN STILL IN USE AT NAPLES.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 18
A BROOCH OF THE BRONZE AGE FROM NORWAY.
A BROOCH OF THE NORWEGIAN TYPE FROM A GRAVE
NEAR BREGENZ, IN SWITZERLAND.

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323
set in silver on which was engraved the image favourite Hindu emblem on the left : while of some saint, and a small silk bag. I inquired on the extreme right is a fire-altar with smoke the contents of this, and was told that issuing from it. Figs. 3 and 4 are very old within it was salt, a piece of charcoal, a nail and worn specimens, and fig. 1 is a Janara or and a piece of garlic. And lastly in the Moon. Fig. 2 was sent to the Abbate Bastiani centre of the child's forehead was an object (no mean authority on points of Archæology) resembling & dark blue wafer, which the for opinion, and I give here the result of his mother said was to protect it from the Evil Eye. inquiries and researches, which I have transAs we have already seen in this heterogeneous lated from the original Italian MS. He becollection of articles, the black and the blue gins by saying that he showed "this little colour and the nail are connected with Asiatic silver article to a great many people in Naples ; superstitions, and in Greece, garlic is regarded some said immediately that it was a charm as a preservative against evil influences. against the jettatura (fascination), and others
Among other methods of counteracting nazar again that it was the sign of some sect. The I may mention that in Calcutta the natives first named, who were for the most part people hold that a portion of all the food they buy in of the lowest classes, declared that superstitious the market should be thrown into the fire to | mothers were in the habit of hanging such avert the Evil Eye. Muhammadans, too, are amulets on tbeir children to save them from ill said to be, if possible, more fearful about nasar fortune, but the latter, people of some intellithan Hindûs, and often furnish the latter with gence, held that such symbols belonged to the texts from the Qurán to be used as armlets in freemasons." He himself seems to think that order to keep it off.
there may be some accidental masonic figure in In this connection I could draw attention this mysterious amulet, but nothing more, and here to a peculiar set of armlets used in Naples. he believes it “to be an object which illustrates which appear to have arisen from the notion of the customs of the Neapolitan people; especithe Evil Eye, and to serve in some degree to ally those of the women of the lowest class." connect the East and the West. There seems He considers it to consist of several parts, little doubt that many of the customs and which we will now proceed to examine in desuperstitions still existing in Naples were tail, following the Abbate's own words :bronght to that part of Italy by the Greek "(1) We have a serpent on one side and a colonists, who settled at Cumæ and elsewhere, tree on the other; the trunk of the tree and and whose ancestors again, in remote times, the tail of the serpent are united, thongh they were probably some of the earliest wanderers remain distinct at the lower part. (2) Befrom Central Asia to Europe. At the present neath the head of the serpent rests the handle day the Neapolitans, in customs, at any rate, or top of a key. (3) Between the tree and the
or top of a key. (3) Between t as I will now show, approach Eastern types : serpent rises an arm; the hand, which is closed, and they would seem to do so in character as holds a horn, within which is a half-moon overwell; for the higher classes are clever and acute, shadowing the whole amulet: perhaps, too, the but they are deficient in perseverance, develop little circle at its base for hanging it on to the early, and lack accuracy and method in business person is not without its symbolical meaning. matters, and also in small things; while the We have thus enumerated all the parts of this lower classes are deeply imbued with super- amulet, which are seven in number; via. a serstition of an Oriental kind.
pent, a tree, a key, a hand, a horn, a half disc, These singular amulets which bear decided and & circle; but possibly we may add two traces of Asiatic Symbolism are still in use in more to these ; i.e. the two spaces in the form of Naples, and it is highly probable that the a heart, which strike us when we carefully conoriginal signification of their various parta is sider the whole. unknown to those who now adopt them. They ! "Let us now discuss the signification of these are figured in Plate XVII. Fig. 5 differs from nine signs or symbols, and try to discover the the others in that it has the lotus-flower,-a precise meaning of them. The man who cut
Salt and iron still have their significanoe with the . For an explanation of this word see below. English

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and fashioned this amulet did not know it temples were erected to deceit; phantoms and perhaps, neither do those who hang it round superstitions became the popular form of detheir children, nor the person who wears it; votion. The serpent under this very name but all three have thought by its means to was worshipped in the universe as a beneficent drive away something from themselves, - to genius, the ideas of God and of good being make this charm a sort of lightning rod inseparable." No other fabled invention obtainagainst certain evil influences and all three ed so much favour. We still find remains of followed & vague and superstitious tradition: it in the fetishes of Africa, and also in Southern they may often in their own minds have given Italy. It would appear that the fable of a poetical meaning to this object. The arche- Angizia or Kirke, a famous enchantress, ex ologist with his spectacles on nose, and his plains their theology. With the Neapolitans, big books of yellow parchment before him, may & lizard with two tails, or some other green bit apon and theorize about mysterious doc- creature which may creep amongst their grain, trines, but will that suffice the curious searcher or into their oil jar, is looked upon as a piece after truth? Will the archeologist succeed of good luck, a true blessing ! in bringing to light the meaning of the strange “With regard to the tree-in the time of the fancies, and will he be quite certain of his ancient Romans there were lucky and unlucky facts ? On the whole, he will only be able to trees. Even down to a short time ago, the Tree give us such knowledge as lies in following of May or of the Spring used to be planted out the order of the ideas .which we find in in Tuscany with singing and rejoicinge as an this amulet. Thus, the serpent and the tree outpouring of thankfulness and hope for good recall the history of the human race, and ex- fortune desired and obtained. We can trace such plain the origin of evil,' which we ought customs back to the middle ages when the people to avoid and against which we ought to exer.went to consult the sorceresses, who assembled cise our free will, abiding in virtue by the under the Nut Tree on a mountain behind the force of reason and determination ; for even city of Benevento (Bonus Eventus), their dwell. animals are maintained by their instincts in the ing being a grotto overshadowed by this tree. order assigned to them. According to heathen The inhabitants of Terracina were at one time ideas, this fixed principle was not sufficient; reproved by the Pope for their worship of the tree, some presiding power was necessary; a kind of We will now go back still further, even to the mysterious grace, which is indicated by the Roman times, and speak of Hekatd, called also arm, and the hand holding a horn, whenoe it is the Moon, and the Queen of sorceresses, and of easy and natural to affirm that Bonus Eventus nymphs who danced at night by her light, is here signified. He was the youthful god, Hekath is also styled Jana, just 49 Janus waa pleasing to look at, folded in his mantle, the name of the sun. The name of this goddess and not in a cunningly made and compli- and the traditions connected with it, will assist cated coat of mail, and depicted in the us in explaining the use of the word Janara act of holding a horn in his right hand." He by the Neapolitans, and why they call those goes on to say " with regard to the serpent, people Janare, who know secrets and make what good fortune is connected with it! It practioal defences against such evil influences ; is a symbol of prudence, and also of victory such as the use of rue round the couch of a It follows from these two attributes that woman who has recently given birth to a we have here the history of the transfor- child, and the hanging of an amulet about mation of our moral world, in which the the infant." The worship of trees of good Berpent was a god, and man was its vic- luok came in amongst us (ie. the Italians) with tim.o Guile usurped the name of prudence; the Pelasgoi who adored the oak of Do
lillain
To . Christian only. If the amulet is of Eastern origin the signification wonld be very different.-ED.)
Still following the Abbate Bastiani's argument it should be remembered.
The Abbate imagines that it is on this account the Neapolitans wear a little ornament in form of a horn on their watoh-chains to drive away, as they think, the jettatura or the Evil Eye, and that "they are in the
habit of stretching out a forefinger."
30 (Is not all this argument based on Jowish and Christian notions -Ed.
[This is not borne out by the study of primitive religions.—ED.
* When a Neapolitan woman belonging to the lower classes is angry with another, she will call her janara (s witch),

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dône," sacred to Zeus, and it was confirmed pitiate the gods, were called novendiales because by the Aryans, their brothers, whence the they lasted nine days. Is it not in this sense words ariolus, augur; ariolatio, divination; and that we (Roman) Catholics have our novenas ariolor, to augur. In the Valdimagra, the in which we glorify God, the all powerful and oak of Marriano (the Asiatic mariantola) was triune during nine days P And is not nine the under a rock, which was the place of assembly number of the orders of spiritual angels who for evil spirits. We have thus by degrees incessantly sing in Heaven before the Trinity ?" worked back to the memories of Northern I have faithfully transcribed the Abbate's Asia, to the times of the original ariologiani quaint conceits regarding this amulet, though or angars. There, in the courts of Nineveh on the whole they do not seem to throw much and Babylon, the worship of the sacred tree light on the subject. Daring a 25 years existed, which we may suppose to have had residence in Naples he had never before chanced its origin on historic soil ;-one may say in the to see this little charm; even now, he does traditions of Eden, where the tree flourished not enlighten us as to its name, but styles it a whose fruit man was intended to enjoy. Bat of fascino, or charm. It was only after some this enough. We have mentioned the name of searching and many inquiries in the quarter of Janus, which seems to come appositely into Naples called Old Naples, that I was able to this paper, in order to explain the significance hunt up the various forms given on Plate of the key, which is his ornament and domes- XVII." The people, at first, seemed ashamed tic badge. It may be remembered that it was of owning that they held such a superstition, Janus who taught men to build houses and but after several visits and much questioning, close them with doors (janua) and, neverthe- I elicited from them what I believe to be the less, he is also the sun, and therefore it is suit. true name for these little silver ornaments; vis., able that he should have the keys of both the cima-ruta, top or head of rue. The charm is doors of heaven. He opens the door at dawn bound over the heart of a newly born child, and closes it at sunset."
thence, most probably, its name. The two voids or open spaces in the form Whatever be the value of the Abbate's opi. of a heart still remain to be discussed. With nions as to the meaning of the amulet, he has regard to these, the Abbate Bastiani is of struck a key note in alluding to the custom of opinion that they indicate the bulla, which strewing rue round the couch of a woman and was made round and like & cord, in order to her newly born infant and the hanging of this hang it round the throats of young people. He charm on the child. We have here a distinct considers that the second space was intended connection between the customs of the East and to point out to them that they should reflect the West. In India rue is in various ways a that they were men, and also that young charm against evil, and when describing a persons ought to act with discretion and good native wedding in that country, Colebrooke says, sense, which is always the most certain and “The bridegroom goes in procession to the safe antidote against peril." Finally," he adds, house where the bride's father resides, and is "we must not omit to observe the number nine there welcomed as a guest. The bride is given in the elements of the amulet. We are induced to him by her father in the form usual at every to touch upon this when we reflect that the solemn donation, and their hands are bound month of November was sacred to Diana the together with grass. He clothes the bride with goddess of sorceresses, and that the sacrifices, an upper and better garment; the skirts of which were held to avert calamities and pro- her mantle and of his are tied together. The
13 The wintry Dôdône, one of the further summits of the Pindos range in Albania.
14 (This is a very dangerous derivation. Although the word Aryan" is really aria, the derivation of ariolus, &c. from it is exceedingly doubtful. Ariolus, &o. should be hariolus, the root of which more than probably, like that of the kindred words haruspea, haruga, harviga, &o., lies in hira, the intestines.-ED.)
1 A boss of gold worn upon the neok by the children of free-born Romans to distinguish them from those of freedmen, who wore leather ones..
16 [It is always unsafe to theorize upon the meaning
of charms fashioned and originated by the humble and ignorant as if they were the work of highly educated and intelligent minds. It is a much safer course to seek for natural and very mundane origing for such things. These lucubrations appear to be pure theory and to attribute to Christian ideas the origin of objects supposed to have a pre-Christian descent. These must be taken for what they may be worth.-ED.]
17 Specimens of these otarms are in the possession of Dr. E. B. Tylor, F.R.S., at Oxford, who has had them several years. They also osime diroot from Naples.-ED.

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bridegroom makes an oblation to fire, and the of gold, silver, or coral, which is universally bride drops rue upon it as an oblation."as worn attached to the watch chain. It may Compare this with the use of rue in England. possibly, at one time, have been invested with According to Miller, rue was anciently named a threefold meaning. (1) As the horn of plenty, in English “ Herb Grace," or "Herb of bringing good fortune: (2) As a protection Grace," and Warburton says it had the latter against evil coming from without, from ill-disname from its having been used in exorcisms, posed or unlucky persons, who have the power but that " when Ophelia in Hamlet says to of casting the Evil Eye; and (3) May it not the Queen There's rue for you and here's also originally have had some association with some for me, we may call it herb o' grace the idea of the scape-goat? The following o' Sundays,' she does not refer to this plant anecdote, which was related to me by an Italian being used for exorcisms as performed in lady who knew one of the persons concerned Churches on Sundays, but means only, that would seem to indicate that this last idea is not the Queen may, with peculiar propriety, on a far-fetched one. A family had settled them. Sundays, when she solicite pardon for that selves in an apartment in a certain house at crime which she has so much occasion to rue Naples, when shortly afterwards another floor and repent of, call her rue, "herb of grace'." in the same house was hired by a lady whom In Burke's Romance of the Forum, it is said the first comers believed to be possessed of the that during the trial of Mrs. Manning "the Mal' Occhio or Evil Eye. They were in despair bench of the dock was, according to custom, at this circumstance, and in order to avert any strewn with rue." This practice has now been bad consequences which might result to themdiscontinued at the Old Bailey, and in place selves, they caused a ball to be brought to the of the herbs a small bouquet of flowers is placed house, and had it driven through the entrance on the judge's desk from April to October. archway and round and round the court-yard In the English Notes and Queries, when refer- for some hours, evidently as a scape-goat." ring to the use of rue at the Old Bailey we read This custom is in close connection with a wellthat in Laurence's Life of Fielding it is stated known one in India, where to the present day, that this custom arose after & contagious Hindus are universally in the habit of turning disease which had been engendered by the foul | loose bulls, to wander about, after some peratmosphere there upwards of a hundred years son's sins have been transferred to the animal ago, and in Bland's Popular Antiquities," it is by the performance of certain ceremonies. mentioned that rue was hung about the neck As an instance of the further development of as an amulet against witchcraft in Aristotle's this idea in the East Dr. Schuyler" speaks of time." Another reason given for this custom is a custom existing in Turkistan, in a passage that at an assize in the eighteenth century gaol BO curious that I cannot forbear quoting it. fever carried off judge, jury, and prisoners, "Life in Ach Kürgân was rather doll ; and that since then it had been used as a dis- amusement there was none, all games being infectant."
strictly forbidden. Such things as jugglery, We will now endeavour to find out the mean- dancing, and comic performances are, I am ing of the jettatura," (fascination or charm), told, prohibited in the Khanate : the licenand we shall perhaps be led to see that the tious Khân having seen the error of his ways, ideas connected with it once more serve to and having put on, for his people at least show the close alliance that exists between the the resemblance of virtue. Of praying there East and the West. In Naples, the favourito was very little; occasionally in the afternoon jettatura is the cornaiuolo, a tiny bull's horn or at sunset some few pious individuals would
18 Hindu couples may be frequently soen walking along told why it is wrong. In Germany the same thing is thus linked together, in the native baadre. But are inculoated, and the reason there given for it is that they bride and bridegroom? Of what caste are suchP ED.] "the stars are the angels' eyes." (Wolf: Beiträge sur 13 Garden and Botanical Dictionary, London, 1807 : Deutschen Mythologie.) An even more beautiful idea is 10 Second Series, No. 8, 1857.
that which was once expressed, within my own know. * Vol. III. p. 316.
ledge, by a little English girl, who after gazing long at 31 As an instance of an idea existing long after any the star-spangled firmament said, "I have found out reasonable explanation of it has been forgotten I may what the stars are they are holes which God makes in here mention that in many English villages children are the sky that we may see heaven through them!" taught that they must not point at the stars, but are not
# Turkistan, Vol. II. 28.

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spread out a rag and make their supplications Brockett, Glossary of English North Country to Allah. One poor old man," however, I Words, says: “The vulgar in many parts have noticed, who seemed constantly engaged in an abominable practice of using a riddle and a prayer. On calling attention to him I was told pair of scissors in divination. If they have had that he was an iskáchi, a person who gets his anything stolen from them, the riddle and the living by taking upon himself the sins of the shears are sure to be resorted to." A similar dead, and thenceforward devoting his life to mode of discovering thieves or detecting the prayer for their souls. He corresponds to the guilt of a person accused of any crime, prevailed Sin-eater of the Welsh border."26
amongst the Greeks." The Abbate Bastiani's notice of augars and A singular development of the idea of iron soothsayers reminds me that there is one in the shape of nails as a protection against divining custom existing both in the East and spirits generally, however rather than the evil the West, which should mentioned in this eye, came under my notice, when travelling in the connection. In India, in order to discover a Maisûr State. I chanced to meet a European thief it is a common practice to send for & Government official making a tour of inspection diviner who comes with two attendants, and through his district. As is usual in such cases, is provided with a pair of scissors, some rice, and a number of natives came to him every day; & basket, or sieve, used for winnowing grain. some with wrongs to be redressed and others Both the sieve and the scissors have in this simply to make their salutations. In the latter case a very significant meaning, because the category was an old native who had served in sieve" is considered emblematical of the rain the late Maharaja's body-guard. His former clouds, and iron is deemed in many lands an uniform, which was abundantly ornamented effectual charm against evil spirits. When with gold lace, had been carefully preserved, the charm is about to be tried a fire is lighted and was worn on this important occasion. in an earthen pot and the diviner takes the win. In his right hand he held a stick of powernowing basket; an article which in India has ful proportions ;-the upper part as thick as its edges bent up on three sides with the fourth a man's arm,-the lower end about the size side flat. After having stuck a pair of scissors & man's wrist on which were numerous into the upper and deepest edge of it and silver rings and knobs. It was made out of & repeated certain prayers or incantations, he branch of the Bombaw Malabaricum (Sembal), causes his two assistants each to put a finger a tree common in jungles thereabouts, producbeneath the holes in the scissors and in this ing pods containing a silky cotton fibre; both manner to hold the tray suspended over the the trunk and the branches are thickly studded fire. All in the house must then in turn take with protuberances which resemble blunt nails. & small quantity of uncooked rice in their When asked why he carried about such a hands and drop it into the flames between the formidable looking stick the old man replied: fork formed by the scissors, the diviner all the "When provided with such a stick as this time repeating certain formule. All goes very anyone can walk safely at night through smoothly till the guilty person attempts to the jungles without fear of demons." He scatter his rice, when the grain sifter com- evidently did not carry it to protect him from mences turning round rapidly, and the true man, but from the spirits of evil. culprit is thus exposed. A friend, who saw As another instance of a custom which in this plan tried in her own house at Bangalore, closely allied form exists in India and in Europe told me it was perfectly successful in that I would here notice the following. Many case and the guilty person-a woman-seeing wandering native traders, such as those who sell she was discovered, confessed having com-shawls, stuffs, cloths, calicoes, &c., frequently mitted a theft from her fellow servant. come into the verandahs of European houses A parallel to this is to be found in England. in India to dispose of their wares. Should any
" Dr. Schuyler gives his portrait.
* A Welsh friend, however, who is fond of folk-lore and is an scute observer tells me that he has never heard of "the Sin-eater of the Welsh border."
» According to Kelly, Indo-European Folklore.
* Another development of the idea is to be found in Northumberland whoro girls are said to turn a riddle in in order to raise their lovers.
* Potter, Greek Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 552.

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article be purchased of such a trader and happen to be the first thing he has sold that day, he will, on receiving his money, take the rupees one by one, and with them inch first his forehead, then his mouth, and lastly his yardmeasure. I was recently a witness of a somewhat similar proceeding in Guernsey. Chancing to go into an old curiosity shop just as a cartload of goods arrived, which had been bought at a sale the day before, I invested in some articles, paying for them in five-franc pieces. The shopkeeper, a woman, spat upon one or more of the coins, apologising for so doing by saying it was for luck, as those I had bought were the first things which she had sold out of that consignment."
I think I should also draw attention to a singular custom which still exists in Guernsey, called Le Clameur du Haro, which is probably known to few persons out of the Island, and which is clearly performed on the principal of the well-known Indian custom of dôhdi. It has great influence over the minds of the people, and though it is only resorted to in extreme cases it is invariably respected. The following account of it was related to me by a lady whose husband, a few years ago, employed it to obtain redress for an injury. He owned a stone quarry, which he had leased out, but for some few years he had not been able to get any rent from the lessee, who also defied a notice to quit which had been sent him. He consequently decided to make use of the ancient but still effective custom of Le Clameur du Haro. He went to the quarry accompanied by two or three friends and a couple of policemen as witnesses. Arrived at the spot he went down on one knee, crying "Haro! Haro! On me fait tort; à mon aide, mon Prince !" This is an appeal to Rollo, the redoubtable Norman chieftain. After the ceremony had been gone through not a workman would dare to touch a
[NOVEMBER, 1886.
stone. The matter then of necessity came before the Law Courts, and the case was decided in favour of the owner of the property.
At this moment one of the four princes signed with his hand and prostrated himself before
30 [Compare also the custom of handsel prevalent alike in the East and the West.-ED.]
31 [The custom of spitting on coins for luck also obtains among London crossing-sweepers and street-beggars. ED.]
Here again is another superstition which curiously survives in India and in Europe. In the Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol I., Note 219, a custom is cited, according to which if a couple have lost several male children, and a boy is again born to them they call it Nathá i.e. one having a nath or nose-ring. They pierce its nose and introduce a ring (an ornament worn by girls and women only) in the desire that the child should be mistaken for a girl, and so passed over by the evil spirits." This idea is not unknown in Europe. Some years ago when I was spending the summer in the Engadine I saw a good deal of an Italian lady, who, as far as I remember, was a Milanese. She had a sweet little child with her, apparently about five or six years old. For some days the little one went about attired in a sort of knicker-bocker suit, and I certainly thought that this child was a boy, but one day, to my amazement, I saw it dressed as a girl in a pretty white muslin frock. On my expressing much astonishment at the transformation, the mother told me that out of a large family only one grown up son and this little girl had survived; she had lost several between, all girls, and she seemed to think that by disguising the sex of this one, she would in some way avert evil from it.
THE FOUR PRINCES. A KASMIRI TALE.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., &c. (Concluded from p. 303).
Lastly in India, when a man wishes to put anyone out of the way, a not uncommon method of disposing of an enemy is to mix small bits of chopped hair with his food: a most deadly proceeding I believe, unless emetics be speedily given. Neapolitans, when they have a spite against any person, get rid of his cat or his dog in this manner. Here again we have the East and the West mixed up in a way that is at least remarkable.
the throne, as if he wished to say something. "Let him speak," said the king. "May be he
3 Also if his elder brother has died a boy is clothed very shabbily, no doubt because it is hoped he will thus escape the notice of the godlings, the agents of divine mischief in India.

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wishes to relieve his heart of some foul secret. were joking, and a few struck at us for our Let him speak. Let him speak."
apparent folly.' The prince said :-"Ogreat and merciful 'Strange story,' said the young merchant, King and father, hear me, I beseech you, before 'very strange. Cannot you possibly sell the I die :-In past times there lived a merchant, dog for a smaller sum ?' whose only son grew up to be exceedingly clever "No,' replied the four brethren most deciand wise in all manner of works, and was also dedly. We could not disobey our deceased very good. One day the merchant, wishing his father, who charged us so strictly concerning son to have a large experience, bade him to make this matter.' arrangements for going abroad, as it was bis The young merchant believed them and intention to send him to some foreign country thinking that the dog must in some way or with merchandise. Within a week the young other be worth the money, he said, 'I will buy merchant got ready and started. Many strange it.' Besides this, his father had warned him people he met with and many wonderful things not to miss the first purchase or sale, even he saw; and I could occupy the attention of though it might be to his loss.. So he at once Your Majesty and of this assembly for several took the dog and paid the money. The rest days in the narration of some of these, but one of the way he was very much prospered, and incident only I ask permission to mention. in a few years he returned to his father and
In the course of his journeyings the young country a most wealthy and experienced man. merchant met with four men, who were wildly He had not been back from his travels vory disputing with one another over the possession long before his father died. Owing to some of a poor dog, that they were dragging about mismanagement concerning the property the most unmercifully.
young merchant found bimself suddenly withWhy quarrel ye thus one with another
P out anything except the clothes in which be he asked.
stood upright, and the dog that cost him so We are brethren,' said one of the dispu- great a sum of money. In the hour of his tants, and our father has recently died. We distress he visited another merchant, who was bave just been trying to arrange our several a great friend of the family, and begged him shares of the property, and all proceeded most to advance Rs. 15,000 on the dog. This amicably, till we had to decide about this dog. merchant readily complied. Taking the money We each have a cow a piece, an equal share of the young merchant went and traded, and the rice and other grain, an equal number of gained for himself another little fortune. sheep and goats ; but this dog we cannot divide, Meanwhile the other merchant became very so that each one of us may have an equal fond of the dog. He used to take it about portion; and therefore the eldest brother says, with him by day and kept it fastened up to a * It is mine,' and attempts to seize it; and I peg in the middle of the court-yari at night. wish to have it and so lay hands on it; and The dog, too, was very fond of his new master, my other two brothers also think they have a and seemed never so happy as when he was right to it and try to get it. You wonder, with him. perhaps, that we care to wrangle over such a One night the animal's sagacity and trifling matter; but this is not an ordinary dog. faithfulness were put to the test. When Each of us would gladly relinquish his right to everybody was asleep and every place was it, had we not learnt that this is no common covered with a thick darkness, some robbers animal. Our dear father, when on the point arrived at the merchant's house. They came. of death, bade us to sell it for Rs. 20,000; but along very stealthily. However, the dog's nobody will give us so much money for it. quick ear detected their approach. It barked We took it to the buzdr, and the people laughed loudly to wake the household, but no one was at us for asking such a price. Some thought aroused. It barked again and again and yet that we were mad, others thought that we more loudly, when it saw the robbers enter
refusing handsel, or the first bargain or salo of the day. rhoaru, i.e. One must not lose the first trade. They will often lose rather than give up the first chance Traders in the Valley, like those of many European of trade. cities and all over India, are very superstitious about

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the house; and ran about most wildly to the On, on, the dog trotted for many a mile, full tether of his chain, longing to get free. till he came to the place in the jungle where At last, just as the robbers were departing the robbers had buried the goods. There he with their ill-gotten treasure, the chain broke. scratched away and threw up the ground most The dog dashed forward and would have vigorously. The merchant also, and the few jumped on them, but seeing that they had arms friends who had accompanied him, began to in their hands, he refrained. He reflected that he dig at the place. Presently they came on might be killed in the affray, and to what some of the stolen property; and then all of purpose ? Better, he thought, to follow quietly the things appeared! The merchant was over on behind, to see whither the robbers conveyed joyed at the sight. his master's things.
As soon as he had got his goods back again The robbers walked far and fast till they in his house and had arranged them in more reached an out-of-the-way place in a little secure places, he wrote to the young merchant jungle, where they stopped, dug a large pit, the following letter :and therein deposited their treasure, intending To the abode of wisdom and bravery to come again and arrange for its distribution and goodness, beloved of all men, salám! as soon as the excitement about the robbery After an expression of my intense desire to had subsided. When they were quite out of see you, be it known to you that I am your the way the dog went up to the place and obliged servant for ever. You let me bave scratched the earth round about, so that he
a dog some time ago. That dog has just saved might recognise the spot; and then returned
me from ruin. I send a request that you will to his master's house.
kindly sell it to me. Yon let me take it as On the following morning the merchant a security for Rs. 30,000 of which amouut rose and found the front door of his house Rs. 15,000 were at once paid you ; so I enclose ajar, and all his capboards and boxes open, a cheque for the same amount again, making and their contents rifled. Robbers must altogether Rs. 30,000. If you will please grant have been here,' he cried, and rushed hither this my request I shall always pray that blessand thither tearing his beard and smiting his ings may wait on you from every side.'10 breast. The neighbours, attracted by the
Having sealed the letter he placed it within noise, came round and wept also.
the dog's mouth, and told him to go to his old Alas, alas !' said one, would that we had master. taken more notice of the dog's barking.'
When the young merchant saw the dog runSurely it must have awakened you ?' said ning towards him, he thought that he had another.
escaped, and that therefore his present master "No, no,' replied the poor merchant.
would soon follow and demand repayment of the At mention of the dog the merchant took money, which would not be at all convenient the animal and placed him before him, and like just then. So he determined to kill the dog ; a madman fondled him and talked to him, saying, and then if the merchant came and asked for
Oh that you could speak and tell me who has his money he would be able to say: 'Give me taken my goods;' whereupon the dog seized back my dog, and I will return to you the the merchant's right sleeve between his teeth money.' But grief, a thousand griefs ! No and began to pall towards the door.
sooner had he slain the dog, and taken him up Perhaps,' remarked one of the neighbours, to bury him in some secret place, than the letter "the dog knows where the treasure is con- dropped out of the animal's mouth. The cealed. I would advise you to follow his young merchant picked up the letter, and on lead.'
reading it, dropped down insensible." 10. Specimens of the mode of addressing letters to Folktales in Bengal, 150 ff. and hero is recognised by his persons of different rank are given in Vigne's Travels in relating his story, Indian Fairy Tales, 191ft. The idea Kaimir, f., Vol. II. pp. 137, 138.
frequently occurs. Old Deccan Days, 90, 139, 145ff : "1 Concerning story-telling to explain the situation Capt. Indian Antiquary, IX. 8; IV. 59, 263." [This story, Temple has the following note in Wide-awake Stories. however, seems to refer to that extensive series of tales Such stories are commonly brought in to explain in which the machinations of the wicked wife or mistress and elucidate the difficulties of the tale when the deus are oonnteracted by the stories of the King's advisers. ex machint is not employed, thus the murder by mistake See the Sindibid Cycle, passim.-ED.] of goldsmith's wife in place of Ogress is explained in

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The prince told this sad story with much | Thank you much for your goodness to me,' feeling, so that the king and all the assembly replied the shikári. 'I shall undoubtedly were much moved by its narration." Not the come and see you often, and shall always be slightest sound was heard in the darbár when ready to help such friends as you have proved the prince, after pausing a few minutes, said, to be. Had it not been for your timely aid, even more solemnly than before, “O King, you I and my house would have perished. Of course have commanded our speedy execution; but you will see me again.' we are as innocent as that poor dog. May it On arriving at his house he found his wife not be that you will regret this hasty work, and family almost dead from starvation. They and like the young merchant, of whom I have had waited and waited for his return, until spoken, repent when it is too late."
they had become quite ill from want of some“The order is irrevocable," whispered the thing to eat. So he quickly got a fire ready, king, "I cannot hear the man."
cooked some venison, and made some broth. Then another of the princes prostrated himself | The next day they were well and happy before the throne and begged that be, too, might again, and related to each other all their be permitted to say something before he died. wretched experiences; and blessed the shikáris
“Say on," said the king, slightly waving his in the jungle, who had been so kind to them. right hand.
In a few days the shikári told his wife that The prince began :-"O great and gracious he must visit his friends in the jungle, as he King, there was in times long past a celebrated had promised that he would go and see them shikári," who entirely supported himself by again soon. So he prepared some presents and the several beasts and birds which he killed went. The other shikárís were very glad to in the jungle. One day it happened that see him, and treated him right hospitably. He nothing came to his hand. He was in great stayed with them many days, during which he distress about this, as there was no food in the did much hunting, and arranged that the house for the morrow. So he went on some beautiful daughter of the chief of the party three days wandering further and further into should be married to his son ; for thus the the jungle in the hope of getting something, two families would be bound together by other till at last he came to a hut outside which than ties of friendship. some shikárís were sitting. They asked him In due time the wedding took place and the who he was and whence he came; and when bridegroom was invited to come and sleep in they heard that he was in search of food his father-in-law's house. He went, and in and had not partaken of any for three days, the middle of the night the happy pair were they set some meat and bread before him, and disturbed in their slumbers by a great howling promised to take bim in a short while to a of jackals. Now it happened that the bride spot where shikár" would certainly be found. understood the speech of every bird and
After a good meal and a refreshing sleep he animal. Accordingly as she lay awake listening, and one of the other shikáris went in a certain she heard the jackals saying to one another, direction in the jungle and killed a bárah-singá, 'A dead body is floating down this river and some smaller animals, and a bird or two. These round one of the arms of the corpse there is a the other shikäris would not think of touching. bracelet of five precious stones. Where is that
No, no,' they said, these are yours. Take person who will go and drag the body to them home quickly to your wife and children, shore and take off the bracelet of precious who must be starving by this time. We would stones, and thus do three good works, viz., like to keep you with us longer, if it were not cleanse the river of this pollution, save the for the thought that you must be anxious to five precious stones from being lost altogether return home at once. However, we hope to in the bed of the river, and provide us poor see you again.'
hungry beasts with a good meal ?'
Evidently popular story. As it appears 88 a legend of Haidar Abad, and is told by the Marel Baloches; cf. Panjab Notos and Queries, Vol. III. pp. 94-95. Compare also the Sinhalese story, 'The widow and the Mongoose," and the story in the Hstopadisa of the "BrAhman and
the Wessel." In the story of "Gelert by Spenoer the groundwork is the same. Perhaps other similar tales exist in Europe 15 Shskarf, a hunter.
1. Shikar, kame. · Barah-ringa, a twelve-tiner (Cervus elaphus).

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When she heard this the bride rose from directions. The boy was not grown up, he her bed, and walked out towards the river." added, and therefore he had been ordered to Her husband, also, moved by curiosity went return home quickly. He hoped they would after her nnawares. On reaching the brink of forgive any apparent rudeness, and allow the the water the woman leapt in and swam to- bride to accompany him. wards the floating corpse, which was just dis- The other shikáris were quite satisfied with coverable in the faint moonlight. She seized these explanations and agreed to let the bride the body, and having pulled it to the bank, go. After eating a little, the shikári (the she took off the beautiful bracelet, that was father of the bridegroom) went back to his tied round one of the arms, and then returned house with his daughter-in-law. to the house.
He soon managed to walk behind her, for he Her husband arrived first, as he had not was afraid to keep up with her, lest she should waited while she antied the bracelet. "What really be a rákshasi and eat him. They had can she have gone to the river for and bathed proceeded some way in this fashion, when the at this time of the night ?' he thought. No girl, feeling tired and weary, sat down by a sleep came to him because of this, but his wife little pool of water ander the shade of a large slept soundly till the morning light.
and beautiful tree. The shikdri, also, encour. According to custom, the husband on rising aging himself in the thought that his son had, immediately went to the river for a bath.
probably, only had a nightmare, sat down What was his horror and disgust to find in the beside her, and taking out some provisions, with very place where his wife had jumped in which the girl's father had supplied him, during the night, a half-eaten body of a gave her some to eat. human being! He said within himself, My While they thus sat, enjoying the rest and wife must be a rákshasi," She has devoured the food, and each other's conversation, a half of this body, and will certainly come and few crows gathered round and commenced devour the remainder on the next night.' cawing and making a great noise, as they Thinking this he feared to return to her, and hopped and flew about from branch to branch 80 went by an unfrequented path back to his and stone to stone with eyes fixed on the father and his father's house.
scraps of the meat; ready to pounce down on Father,' he said on arrival,' why did you the first opportunity and carry them off. One marry me to a rákshasí. I am sure that this of them, an old crow, wished to be especially woman is a rakshasí, because last night she friendly. Who is that person,' he cawed, feasted on a human body. In proof of this you that can hear and understand my speech ? can go and see the remains of the corpse lying Near the roots of this beautiful tree, there lies on the river-side. What an unfortunate man & potful of precious stones, and under this pot I am!
are thousands and thousands of ants, that are When the shikári heard these words he destroying the very life of the tree. Oh where thought that either his son was not speaking is the person that will dig up this pot, and the trath, or else he had gone mad. So he thus save the tree, and us who have built hastened to ascertain the real state of affairs. our nest in its branches and besides this When he was yet some distance from their enrich himself beyond thought and speech P' house, the father of the bride and several other The girl heard these words and laughed and members of the family came forward to wept alternately. greet him, and to inquire the reason of his On seeing this her father-in-law got very Bon's strange and sudden departure.
frightened. He thought that she laughed and Thinking it wise to dissemble matters till wept because she was a rákshasi, and was then the truth concerning the woman was fully meditating making a meal of him. With a known, the shikdrí bade them not to be anxi. tremulous voice he asked her, “Of what nature ous about his son, as he was safe at home, are you? If you are a rákshasi I beg of you having returned quickly in obedience to his to spare me."
Concerning talking animals and understanding non- " Cf. p. 808 above, note 8. human language, of. Wide-anoake Stories, pp. 412, 413.

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The girl, exceedingly surprised at these nature. I wish to be a faithful wife to your strange words, answered, 'I am not of a son, and to do good to all people.' bad or sanguinary nature. What have you The shikári was very glad to hear this. observed in me, or heard about me, to prompt He thoroughly believed his daughter-in-law's such a question P'
words. How came that half-devoured corpse on | Presently they both dug together round the the river-side the other morning ?" he said. roots of the tree and found the treasure“Why did you laugh and weep just now, and some most valuable stones and riches. In the almost in the same breath P'
excitement of the moment the shikári emWhat! shall I tell you P' she said. Are braced the girl, and begged her to forgive you really supposing me to be a rákshasi for both him and his son for their misapprehenthese reasons ? Is this the cause of my hus. sions concerning her. band, your son's, sudden disappearance ? Is it Most happily they recommenced their jouron this account that you have walked behind ney. It was a beautiful road. The trees made me almost all the way here? What folly ! one long avenue, through which they walked in What wrong is this ! Listen to the truth of the a most grateful shade the whole way; flowers case. On the night of the day that your son of every form and beauty strewed the ground, visited my father's house, the jackals prowled and streams meandered in all directions carryabout the place and made such a noise, ing with them life and strength and gladness. that we both awoke. Their conversation was From one of these streams the shikári, feeling loud and long that night, and no wonder, for thirsty, asked his daughter-in-law to bring him they had seen a corpse floating slowly down some water. She at once obeyed, and as she the river, and on one of the arms of the corpse, stooped down to take the water a frog croaked they said, a beautiful bracelet was fastened. and said, 'In the name of mercy will nobody Understanding their speech I thought that I listen? Within this stream a treasure lies would go down and drag this corpse to land concealed; and therefore the stream is filled and get the bracelet. Look, here it is; and with insects. Who will hear me and take out she showed it to her father-in-law wrapped up the treasure? Thus would the waters be in a dirty piece of cloth. The dead body, I healed and travellers, who drink of it, be beneleft on the river bank. Perhaps the jackals fited; the frogs would be able to enjoy them. came afterwards and devoured it. I did not, selves without hindrance from unpleasant pains you may be sure. It was a half-eaten corpse, in the stomach, which they are constantly that your son probably saw in the early morn- experiencing from life in this water; while the ing, and as he had very likely noticed my going finder of the treasure would be enriched beyond to the river in the middle of the night, he all want.' thought that I must be a rákshasi and there- On hearing this the girl went at once and fore have devoured the body. And so he fled.' told her father-in-law, who immediately came
Saying this, she laughed heartily. The to the stream and found the treasure. Having shikári, also, could not help laughing.
securely fastened it round their waists they And then again,' she continued, just proceeded on their journey." When they ar. now a crow perched on yonder branch, and by rived near the house the shikari asked his cawing said that much treasure was concealed daughter-in-law to go on ahead. She did so, near the roots of this tree. Understanding and while she approached the entrance of the the speech of birds also, I laughed and cried house her husband saw her; and observing from joy at the thonght that I should get that she was alone, he at once thought that farther treasure, and thus be able to bring ease she had killed his father and now she was and pleasure to my husband and family. coming to slay and eat him. And therefore Wasn't that quite rational ? Oplease do not he armed himself with a sword, and when she think me to be a rákshasi, or anything of that came up expecting to be welcomed by her
# Klímiris have various devices for carrying their money or other little valuables. Sometimea they conceal it in their turbans : sometimes in their kamarbanda;
sometimes in their sleeve cuffs ; sometimes in their ears, if the thing is small; and sometimes tie it up in a lot at the end of their Asadar, or wrap.

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[NOVEMBER, 1886.
husband and looking forward to showing him His Majesty was very angry, and raising his their great wealth, he struck off her head. sword killed the bird."
In the course of an hour his father reached On this one of the wasirs came up and sagthe house. "O father,' said the son. "God gested that there was some special reason for be praised that you have been preserved from the hawk's persistent and apparent rudeness, the hands of this blood-stained woman! Be Perhaps some evil was in the cup. glad now. Henceforth we shall dwell in peace The king the ordered that the stream and safety. I have slain her. Behold her life- whence the servant had brought the water blood stains the door-way.'
should be thoroughly examined. For some When he saw the marks of blood about the distance nothing was discovered till they came place the shikári fell down insensible. It was a to another little stream running into it, whose long time before he again came to his senses. waters were of a greenish hue. This tributary Great was his grief, but greater the grief of stream they also followed, and in short the hasty husband, when he heard the truth while came on a large python," out of whoso of the case."
mouth green slime (rank poison) trickled. There was perfect silence during the narration Frightened at the sight of this terrible monster of this story. With great power the moral the servanta ran back to the camp as fast as seemed to be brought home to the heart of the they could. king. "O king, our father," the prince said in When His Majesty heard their account, he conclusion, "be not hasty, we beseech you, beat his breast and tore his beard, saying, concerning this matter of our execution, lest "Oh why was I so hasty! I have slain my you also come into similar grief."
preserver! My handsome, faithful falcon is no His Majesty, however, hardened his heart more! Oh that I had waited to inquire the and would not hear the thing.
reason of the bird's behaviour !'"* Then another of the princes prostrated "O King, our father," added the prince after himself before the throne and begged to be a few moment's pause; "we beseech you to permitted to speak. He said :-"Many years inquire thoroughly before you deliver us over ago there lived a king, whose favourite sport to death." was falconry. One day this king visited a Then the king began to relent. He doubted certain jungle for shikár, and reached a spot the truth of the queen's story, though he did where he had never been before. He was so not know how else to account for the marks charmed with the place that he ordered his of blood on Her Majesty's toes and the presence tents to be pitched there. While this was of the eldest prince in their private room at being done His Majesty got very thirsty and that time. "Tell me," he said, turning to asked for some water. According to custom & his eldest son and heir, who as yet had kept sword was in the right hand of the king, a perfectly silent, "everything concerning last hawk perched on the left, and the royal flag in night; and if you can answer satisfactorily front, and so it happened, that when the king then you and your brethren shall go free." was about to drink, the hawk flapped its wings The eldest prince having prostrated himself and upset the cap. A servant went and before the throne, replied :brought some more water, but again the hawk "O King, our father, your goodness and caused it to be spilled. This time the king kindness are well known to all men. We do was angry and spoke harshly to the bird. not hesitate to answer you about this matter; Again a servant went and got some water, but for our consciences are clean, and we are for the third time, when His Majesty took hold assured that Your Majesty will receive us of the cup and lifted it to his mouth, the again to your confidence, when you have hawk flattered about tremulously, upsetting the listened to our petition. water and discomposing the king exceedingly. "While going my rounds one night, I reached
** For an interesting variant of this tale, cf. Folktales of which is said to be known in the Valley, though I. very Bengal, pp. 150, 153.
much doubt it. A native gentleman told me that it had 20 cl. Legends of the Panjab, Vol. I. p. 4677.
been een on the Jammu side of the Pir-Pantall. * Ajdor (Persian azhdar, Sanskrit ajagara), a * cf. variant of this story, Folktales of Bengal, p. 184. large serpont, & python, dragon, & box-constrictor

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335
a hut, where lived a Brahman and his wife. “O King, our father, why do you suspect Attracted by the man's strange behaviour,-for us? We are true sons. You have listened to he came out of the hut, looked up at the heavens the words of the queen, who wishes her own and then went in again exclaiming tráh tráh, - sons to have the throne and the great places I drew nearer to the place, and heard that in the kingdom, and so has maligned as. Your Majesty's star had been destroyed by We have never deceived you, O king, or wished another star, and that this meant that you harm." Your Majesty would die on a certain night. The king hung down his head in sorrow and From further conversation between the shame. In a few minutes he arose and dismissed Brihman and his wife, I learnt that the assembly, saying: “Ye have heard. I serpent would descend from the sky to kill will go myself and ascertain the truth of Your Majesty, and would enter the palace these things." by the door that opens into the court to Accompanied by his four eldest sons, the the east. There was no hope of safety, said king went and saw the pits that had been dag the Brâhman, unless one of Your Majesty's and the blood-stained place where the dead relations would dig pits in the palace-court, body of the snake had been thrown. He then whence the snake would enter, and fill them visited the Brahman's hut and closely interwith milk and water, and cover the pools thus rogated him concerning the eventful night. All made with flowers, so that the snake by was found to be perfectly correct. passing through them might lose its poison ;- There was great rejoicing in the city that and farther, the man who would do this thing, night, when the news was blazed abroad how must also slay the snake before it entered the near the four princes had been to death, and palace, and smear some of its warm blood over how they had been saved. It was soon Your Majesty's toes.
arranged for these princes to govern the land. “Therefore, O King, our father, I took upon The eldest son became king, and the cther myself to do this. I was present at the door sons were appointed wasirs. They lived on the east of the palace at the appointed together most amicably and prospered much. time. The pits were dug and everything The poor Brahman and his wife were wellarranged as the Brâhman had ordered. The provided for during the remainder of their serpent came and I duly slew it. And then, lives. The plotting, malicions queen was fearing to enter Your Majesty's private room divorced and exiled. The old king retired to & with my eyes open, I blindfolded myself. Hence jungle, that he might entirely devote himself the mistake I made of putting the blood on to meditation and prayer. In this jungle he the queen's toes instead of on Your Majesty's. obtained a very great reputation for sanctity, No rákshasa entered Your Majesty's room and at length died at a very great old age."
VALABHI INSCRIPTIONS, NO. XVIII. BY G. BUHLER, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; VIENNA.
(Continued from Vol. XI. p. 809.) A NEW GRANT OF DHARASENA IV. Their measurements appear to be about 121 The subjoined transcript of a new grant of inches by 107. The first plate contains 28 lines Dharasena IV. of Valabhi, has been made and the second 29, the two last being someaccording to a reversed photozincograph which what shortened in order to make room for the I owe to the kindness of Dr. J. Burgess. royal signature,-Feat . The characters
The original plates, which, as I learn from Dr. agree most closely with those of the inscriptions Burgess, were found last year in the Kheda of Dharasêna IV. published in this Jourual, Vol. (Kaira) Collectorate, seem to be in good I. p. 14, and Vol. VII. p. 73. The technical preservation, as only a few letters of the second execution of the inscription is good. There are page of the photozincograph are illegible. few clerical mistakes, and few misshapen letters.
> Cf. variant of this story, Folktales of Bengal," Strike The two horizontal strokes which the facsimile shows bat hoor," pp. 147-159. - [There can be littlo doubt that after , do not represont the visarga, but indicate the the Sindibla oyolo of oriental folktales is responsible end of a Mahduitkya just like the more common vertical for the form that this story is made to tako.-ED.]
strokes.

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The Vamáávali contains nothing new. But the document offers a good many other points of interest.
First, we learn from line 1, that, like the grant discussed ante, Vol. VII. p. 73, and Vol. X. p. 278, it was issued "from the camp of victory located at Bharukachchha." Whether we take this phrase to indicate that Dharasena IV. was at the time engaged in a warlike expedition, or was making a royal progress through his dominions, the inevitable conclusion is that the Broach district, as far as the Narmada, belonged for a time at least to the kingdom of Valabhi.
Secondly, the statements regarding the recipient of the royal bounty allow us to trace the ancient name of one of the bhedas of the Brahmans still existing in Gujarât. According to lines 41-42 the donee was the Brahman Aditisarman, son of the Brahman Bhavinåga, a student of the Vâjasanêyisakha and a member of the race of Parâsara. It is further alleged that he was an emigrant from Udumbaragahvara, resided in Khêṭaka or Khêdâ, and belonged to the community of the Udumbaragahvara-Chaturvedis. These phrases show that Udumbaragahvara was the ancient name of a country or of a town, and that a Brahmaṇical community, consisting of emigrants from Udumbaragahvara, was settled in Khêdâ, and kept itself separate from the other Brahmans of that town. I have never found Udumbaragahvara used elsewhere as a geographical name. As names of towns and villages, formed with umar, one of the modern representatives of the Sanskrit udumbara, are common on the map of India, I conclude that Udumbaragahvara was the name of a town; it means literally a thicket of udumbara-trees.' As regards the Udumbaragahvara-Chaturvedis, they are, I think, the forefathers of the present Udumbara or Udambara Brahmans, who are found in considerable numbers in the Khêdâ and Ahmadâbâd Collectorates, in the PañchMahals, and in the Barôdâ territory. They still assert that they are immigrants; and their belief is justified by the fact that a great number of Udumbaras are found in the provinces east
[NOVEMBER, 1886.
and south-east of Gujarât. The antiquity of the Udumbaras is attested by the statement which Bhavabhuti makes regarding himself, that he was an Udumbara and a native of Vidarbha or Berâr. The representation of Udumbaragahvara by Udum bara, is justified by the rule according to which, for proper names and other sanjñás, expressed by a compound, the first or the second part alone may be used, as Bhima for Bhimasena and Bhâmâ for Satyabhâmâ.
I take samanya, with Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 80, in the sense of community."
See Javerilal U. Yajnik, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 110; No. 17 of the list.
Malatimadhava, pp. v. and 11 (Bhandarkar).
Thirdly, the description of the objects granted furnishes an interesting contribution to the ancient geography of Gujarât. According to lines 43-50, Aditiśarman received two fields and a bhrisht. One of the fields which required to be sown with two tipitukas (?) of rice according to the measure of Khêṭaka, was situated in the áhára or Zillâ of Khêṭaka, in Kolamba, in the south-eastern portion of the sim of the village Vaddasô mâlika. Its boundaries were, to the east the sim of the village of Sihamuhijja; to the south the sim of the village of Visvapalli; to the west a field (called) Samîkêdâra, i.e. the field where Sami grows, belonging to Drôņa; to the north a field (called) Khaggadikêdâri, i.e. the small field where Khaggadi grows, belonging to Mahêśvara. Looking at the Trigonometrical Survey Map, it is very probable that V a dḍasômâlikâ' is the modern Vam twâll, east of Mahmudâbâd. To the east of the southeastern sim of Vamtwâli lies the large village of Sihu ñj or Suñj, which is clearly the Sihamu hijja of the grant. Exactly to the south of the south-eastern boundary of Vamtwâli, we have the village of Vansol, the name of which closely corresponds to Visvapalli; in Gujaratî palli becomes regularly ol; and vains for viva is not very extraordinary in a language where Sivo pi savatam gataḥ. If these identifications are accepted, Kôlamba must be the name of a territorial subdivision of, and must correspond to a portion of, the Mahmudâbåd Tâlukâ. The second field required to be sown with two pithakas (?) of rice according to the measure of Khêtaka, was called kotila, a name which I do not understand, and was situa
The disappearance of the s is explained by its change to h in the dialect of Khêda. An intermediate form probably was Vamthuvalt. The spelling Vamthwall still
occurs.

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VALABHI INSCRIPTIONS.
887
ted in the sem of the village of Duhuduhu Fourthly, the name of the Dátaka, or reprewhich belonged to the Nagarakap athaka, sentative of the king for the conveyance of the ie. the pathi or Talukâ immediately surronnd- grant, is very interesting. Just as in the Alina ing the town, i.e. probably Khed itself. Its grants, published ante, Vol. VII. pp. 73ff. and boundaries were, to the east a field belonging | 76ff., a royal lady, the princess Bhava, is to the Mahattara Gôllaka, called Atiramana- entrusted with this office. Dharasena's grant, kêdâra, i.e. the playground of the Turdus which belongs to the Alînê collection, names Gingenius, and a Khandakédára (?) belonging the rújaduhitri-Bhópá. Probably the same to Sabbbilaka; to the south the sím of the village person is meant here. Bhúpá may be only a of Jain napalli; to the west the sim of the misspelling for Bhúvá. village of Gudda pallika; to the north the Finally the date of our inscription, + Åralikêdára, the Samîkêdara, and two anthills. Arrift , is of the utmost importance, The want of a portion of the Trig. Surv. Map and settles, I think, the question regarding makes exact identifications of the villages named the beginning of the era, used in the Valabhi impossible. But I remember perfectly well to grants. As soon as I saw it, I thought that. have visited a village Jaiņol in the Khêda taking into consideration the double date of District. The bhrishti lay in the padraka, the the grant of Siladitya-Dhrûbhata," it most pádr or grazing-place, of Duhu du hikâ, on be taken to stand for errad farer the eastern sim.. Its boundaries were, to the faithrifti Tariciari (fazi), literally east a kapitthôndani (i.e. an undani near a "in the third (completed) century, increased kapittha-tree) ; to the south a small field (kéda- by thirty, in the second month of) Margasirsba, rika) called Visiņņo (Visirņņa ?); to the west on the second (lunar day)." It also seemed to
kapitthondani ;' to the north two undanis | me most probable that the expression द्वितीयमार्गbeyond the brahmadé ya-field, belonging to the force must indicate the occurrence of an Brahman Vairabhata. The word bhrishti, which intercalation of the month of Margasirsha occurs here for the first time in a Valabhi in the year 330 or 331 of the era of the grant, probably means, like its modern Hindi Valabhi grants, and that with this interpretation representative bhalf or bhit,' raised ground the date would be useful for testing the various near a tank for planting Piper betel upon.' theories pat forward with respect to the initial The hitherto unknown term undani, which is year of the era. Some friends, to whom 1 associated with it, seems from its etymological communicated the fact and my explanation, import to designate a reservoir of water or a chan- raised a weighty objection by pointing out to nel for the purpose of irrigation. I do not think me that, according to the method of intercalathat the meaning Traian given for bhsishți tion actually used in India, the months Már(with a short t) in the Köshas can be possibly gaśirsha, Pausha, and Mågha, cannot be interhere intended. Among the conditions of the calated at all. It was possible to meet this grant (lines 49-52) the expression púrvvaprat- by answering that, considering the numertadávabrahmadéyabráhmanaviñsatirahitam, i.e. ous changes introduced by the Hindus at " with the exclusion of grants to gods and various times into their astronomical calculaBrahmans, and of the twentieth (to be paid) tions, the present Indian method might be a to Bráhmans," deserves attention, because the
late invention, and not applicable to the earlier other inscriptions do not mention the twentieth inscriptions. Still, the possibility of a mistake payable to Brahmaņs. The payment of this on the part of the writer of the grant could tax is occasionally recommended to Vaiấyas and not be denied. It, therefore, remained hazard. Sadras in works on Dharma.
ous to use a date, which might be reasonably
• Above, 1. 15, it is stated that the bhrishçe lay in the 308 I II. See now also Fleet, Corpus Inscr. alm of Valdas malika.
Ind. Vol. III. No. 89. "H. H. Wilson, Glossary Jud. and Rev. Terms; Elliot,
10 Another interpretation, the assumption that it might Races of the N. W. Prov. Vol. II. 235.
belong to the preceding figures, and that the year might • See the Pet. Dict. sub voce.
be 932, is barred by the fact that according to an unpub.
lished grant Dhruvas na III. Was on the throne of Vals ante, Vol. VII. p. 86, arta
T-|
bht in Sarhvat 332, and by the impossibility of tracing A ) s y y at ara[:] . (TL) Yo Yo the use of for the symbol for 2 in insoriptions.

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suspected, for the final settlement of an important chronological question. The doubts regarding the correctness of our date have, however, been dispelled of late by Mr. C. Bendall's discovery of a Népal inscription which plainly mentions an intercalation of the month Pausba. It is given as No. II., Pl. ix., in Mr. Bendall's Journey in Nepal, pp. 74-76. Its date runs Samvat 34 prathama Pausha sukladvitiyayam, "the year 34, first (month of) Pausha, on the second (lunar day) of the bright half." Prathamapausha gives no sense at all, if it is not taken to indicate that in that particular year the month of Pausha occurred twice, or was intercalatory. Further, if Pausha was intercalated, the rule of intercalation, used in the old almanacs of Nêpål, must have differed from that adopted by the Jôshis of later times. As Mr. Bendall's inscription belongs to Amsuvarman, and hence the year mentioned refers to the Sriharsha era, it could be ascertained by astronomical calculation, whether according to any possible method the month of Pausha could be intercalated in the years 640-41 A.D. Two eminent astronomers, Professor Adams of Cambridge and Dr. Schram of Vienna, before whom the facts were placed, have both arrived at the result that with the use of the elements of the Brahma-Siddhanta, a mean intercalation of Pausha is obtained for the year 640 A.D., which corresponds to Śrîharsha-Samvat 34 (running)." It is, therefore, evident that the ancient almanac of Nêpâl took into account the mean intercalation alone, and that it ignored the modern method,. which admits of an intercalation only in case two new moons occur in one solar month which has been exactly calculated according to the entrance of the sun into the particular sign of the zodiac. Dr. Schram is of opinion that the incorrect assumption of an equal length of all solar months forms the basis of the doctrines of the Surya-Siddhanta, enunciated in verses 48-51 of the first chapter," and that thus some at least of the older Indian astronomers were
This is on the supposition that the Śriharsha era began in 606-A.D.
See my article 'Ueber eine Inschrift des Königs Dhara sena IV. p. 14,' Sitz. Ber. Wiener Akademie CXI. Heft II. Mr. Bendall's statement, loc. cit. p. 76, that Dr. Schram believes an intercalation of the month of Pausha to be impossible according to the doctrines of the Surya-Siddhanta, is based on a misconception of his words. What Dr. Schram says in a paper submitted to Mr. Bendall is that, if the elements of the Surya-Siddhanta are
[NOVEMBER, 1886.
ignorant of or disregarded the fact that the solar months of winter are shorter than the others.
Encouraged by the wording of the Nêpâl date and its interpretation by the astronomers, I placed before Dr. Schram the question whether an intercalation of Mârgasirsha was possible in the years 496-498 A.D. (166-167+ 330-331, or in the years 519-521 A.D. (189-190+330-331) or, finally, in the years 648-650 (318-319 + 330-331). I chose these three different periods in order to test the well-known three theories regarding the beginning of the Gupta era, which has been placed by General Cunningham in 167 A.D., by Sir E. C. Bayley in 190. A.D., and by Berûnî in 319 A.D. Dr. Schram, whose elaborate calculations have been printed at length in my German paper on this inscription, answered :-(1) That, among the years mentioned, 497, 518, and 648 A.D. were intercalatory ;-(2) That according to the method of calculating intercalations which is used at present, the intercalatory months would be respectively Jyaishṭha, Bhadrapada, and Kârttika;-(3) But that according to the rule for mean intercalations Margaśirsha would be intercalatory in 648 A.D. This result, it seems to me, leaves no doubt possible with respect to the chronology of the Valabhî kings, whose dates, lying between Sam. 207 and Sam. 447, are thus shown to range from 525-6 to 765-6 A.D. This discovery destroys one of the most important arguments for placing the initial date of the Gupta era earlier than 318-19 A.D., as it is now evident that Silâditya VI., surnamed Dhrûbhața, cannot be the T'u-lo-ho-pot'u whom Hiuen Tsiang visited about the year 634 A.D. Considering the important discoveries made of late, (1) by Mr. Bendall's of the use of an era which began in 318-19, by Sivadêva I. of Nêpâl; and (2) by Mr. Fleet, 1° of the Mandasôr inscription, according to which Kumâragupta was lord of the whole earth in the year 494 of the Malavas or Mâlavesas (i.e. of the Vikrama era), I now feel compelled to withdraw my opposition to the acceptance of
used in calculating the date of the Nepal inscription, Pausha will not be intercalary in Sriharsha-Samvat 34; but that it is, if the slightly different elements of the Brahma Siddhanta are taken.
15 See also Cunningham, Book of Indian Eras, Table xvii. pp. 153, 154, 155.
1 See also Warren, Kala Sankalita, Table xxix. 15 See his inscription, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 971.
16 See his papers "On the Epoch of the Gupta Era," and on the inscription in question, at p. 189ff. above.

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VALABHI INSCRIPTIONS.
389
Bêrûni's statement that the Gupta era began in Saka-Samvat 241. Strict proof that the MAlava era really is the Vikrama-Samvat, and that the Kumâragupta of the Mandasêr
inscription is the Kumaragapta of the Gupta line, has still to be furnished. But the probability that these assumptions are correct, is very strong.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 भी स्वस्ति विजयस्कन्धावारागरुकच्छवासकापसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतुलबलसम्पन्नम2 ण्डलाभोगसंसक्तमहारशतलब्धप्रतापात्यतापोपनतादानमानार्णवोपार्जितानुरागावनुरक्तमौल
भृतश्रेणीबलावाप्राज्यश्रियः . परममाहेश्वरश्रीभगळवष्यवच्छिन्नराजवशान्मातापितृचरणारविन्दप्र4 पतिप्रविधौताशेषकल्मषः शिवापभृति खड्गद्वितीयबाहर समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितसव5 निकप[:] तव्यभावप्रणतारातिचूडारवप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरदिमसहतिः सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्बक
परिपा6 लनप्रजाहदयरञ्जनान्वर्थराजशब्दो रूपक्रान्तिस्थैर्यगाम्भीर्यशुद्धिसम्पतिः स्मरशशाङ्कादिराजोदधिविदशा7 गुरुधनेशानतिशयानः शरणाशताभयप्रदानपरतया तृणवदपास्ताशेषस्वकार्यफलमार्थनाधिकार्य8 प्रदानानन्दितविहत्महत्पणबिहदयः पादचारीद सकलभुवनमण्डलामोशप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वर१ श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तस्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविसतमाहवीजलौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रविशतसह10 सोपजीव्यमानसम्पपलोभादिवाश्रितः सरभसमभिगामिकैर्गुणैस्सहजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिताखिलधनु11 औरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता धर्मदायानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपलवानां वर्ण12 बिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य सङ्हतारातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमी विक्रमोपसमाप्तविमल
पास्थिवश्री[] 13 परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्य मुतस्तपादानुध्यातः सकलजगदानन्दनात्यदुतगणसमुदयस्थगितसमन
विकण्ड]14लः समरशतविजयशोभासनाथमण्डलामातिभासुरतरान्सपीठोबूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारः
सध्वविद्यापरा15 बरविभागाधिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्वतस्सुभासितलवेनापि मुखोपपादनीयपरितोषः समप्रलोकागाध16 गाम्भीर्यहृदयापि सुचरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरमकल्याणस्वभावः . खिलीभूतकृतयुगनृपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतो. 17 इप्रकीर्तिर्द्धानुपरोधोज्ज्वलनरीकृतार्थसुखसम्पदुपसेवानिरुधादित्यहितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्री
शीलादित्यः 18 तस्यानुजस्तपा मनुष्यात[:] स्वयमुपेन्द्र गुरुणेव गुरुणात्यादरवता : समनिलपणीयामपि राजलक्ष्मी
स्कन्धसतां परमभद्र 19 व पुर्यस्तदाज्ञासम्पादनकरसतयेवोहहन्खेदसुखरतिभ्यामनायासितसत्वसम्पत्ति प्रभावसम्पदशीकृत20 नृपतिशतशिरोरत्रच्छायोपगूढपादपीठोपि परावज्ञाभिमानरसानालिङ्गितमनोवृत्तिः प्रतिमकां परित्यज्य 21 प्रख्यातपौरुषाभिमानैरप्यरातिभिरनासादितप्रतिक्रियोपायः
कृतनिखिलभुवनामोदविमलगुणसदहतिप्र22 सभविषदितसकलकलिविलसितगतिर्नीचजनाधिरोहिभिरशेयहोपरनामृष्टात्युनतहदयः, प्रख्यातपौरुषास्त्र23 कौशलातिशवगणतिथविपक्षक्षितिपतिलक्ष्मीस्वयंमहप्रकाशितप्रवीरपुरुषः प्रथमसंख्याधिगमः परममाहेन्चर24 श्रीखरमहस्तस्य तनयस्तत्पादानुभ्यातः सकलविद्याधिगमविहितनिखिलविहञ्जनमनःपरितोषातिशयः सत्वस25 म्पा त्यागौदार्येण च विगतानुसन्धानाशमाहितारातिपक्षमनोरथामभङ्गः सम्यगुपलक्षितानेकशास्त्रकला26 लोकचरितगहरविभागोपि परमभद्रप्रकृतिरकृत्रिमप्रश्रयविनयशोभाविभूषणः
समरशत27 जयपताकाहरणप्रत्यमोदपबाहुण्डविध्वन्सितनिखिलप्रतिपक्षोदयः
स्वधनुःप्रभावपरि28 भूतास्वकौशलाभिमानसकलनृपतिमण्डलाभिनन्दितशासनः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्वानुजः
___Second Plate. 29 तत्पादानुभ्यातः । ___ सचरितातिशयितसकलपूर्वनरपतिरतिदुस्साधानामपि
प्रसाधयिता 30 विषयाणां मूर्तिमानिव पुरुषकारः परिवृद्धगुणानुरागनिभरचित्तवृत्तिभिम्मनुरिव स्वब31 मभ्युपपनः . प्रकृतिभिरधिगतकलाकलापः कान्तिमानिवृतिहेनुरकलङ्क - कुमुदनाथः प्राज्यप्र32 तापस्थगितदिगम्तरालपध्वन्सितध्वान्तराधिस्सततोदितस्सविता प्रकृतिभ्यः परं प्रत्ययमय॑वम्तमतिबहतिय
Lane 1, road . L. 2, read 9984 . L. 7, read L. 11, read agere. L. 14, read 1°. L. 16, read भरणागता. L8, rend 'लाभोग, L. 10, rend °माभिगामिसभाषित . L. 28, road प्रथमपुरुष. L. 30, read भिर्मनु
।

Page #384

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1886.
33 प्रयोजनानुबद्धमागमपरपूर्ण विदधानः सन्धिविग्रहसमासनिश्चयनिपुणः
स्थानेनुरूपमादेश ददङ्गुण
34 वृद्धिविधानजनित संस्कारस्साधूनां राज्यसालातुरीयतन्त्रयोरुभयोरपि निष्णातः प्रकृष्टविक्रमपि करुणामृदु35 हृदयः श्रुतवानवितः कान्तोपि प्रशमी स्थिर सौहृदय्योपि निरसिता दोषवतामुदयसमयसमुपजनित36 जनतानुरागपरिनिहित प्रतिवाद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीभुवनस्य सुत 37 तत्पादकमलमामधरणिकषण जनितकिणला उनललाटचन्द्रशकलः शिशुभाव एव श्रवणनिहितमौक्तिका38 लङ्कारविभ्रममश्रुतविशेषः प्रदानसलिलक्षालितामहस्तारविन्दः कन्याया इव मृदुकरमहणा दमन्दीकृतानन्दया कान्पतुर्वेद सम्भाविता शेषलक्ष्यकलापः पण सामन्तमण्डनान्त
30
चूडारत्नायमा
340
40 नशासनः परममाहेश्वरः परमभड रक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरचक्रवर्त्तिश्रीधरसेन X कुशली सव्र्व्वानेव समाज्ञाप41 यत्यस्तु वस्संविदितं यथा मया मातापित्रो" पुण्याप्यायनाय उदुम्बरगडुरविनिर्गतखेटक वास्तव्योदुम्बरगद्दुरचातु
42 सामान्यपराशरसगोत्र वाजसनेबिसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणनवीनागराम्मैपुत्र ब्राह्मणादिनिशम्
खेटका
43 हारे कोलम्बे समाजिकाणामसीसि सेटकेमानेन त्रीहिहिपियवा समूहीक क्षेत्र बस्या 44 घाटनानि पूर्व्वतः सीहमुहिज्जग्रामसीमा दक्षिणतो विश्वपल्लिग्रामसीमा अपरतो द्रोणकसत्क शमीकेदारक्षेत्र 45 उत्तरतो महेश्वरसत्कखग्गडिकेशरीक्षेत्रं तथा नगरकपथकान्तर्गतदुदुहुग्रामे दक्षिणापरसीम्नि खेटक - 46 मानेन त्रीहिद्विपीठकवापं कोडीलकक्षेत्रं यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतः आटिरमणकेदारसंज्ञितं महत्तरगोल्लकसत्कक्षेत्रं 47 सब्भीलकसत्कखण्डकेदारच दक्षिणतः जाइण्णपलिमामसीमा अपरी गुडुपमिमामतिमा उत्तरत
आरलिकेदारः शमी
48 केदारी वल्मीकवच तथा पूर्वसीय हिकारद्र के ही वस्था आपादनानि पूर्वसः कपिरयोन्दनदक्षिणतो विशीष्णोज्ञित
49 केदारिकं अपरतः कपित्थोन्दनी उत्तरतः
ब्राह्मणवैरभटस कब्रह्म देयक्षेत्रमतिक्रम्य उन्दनीद्वयं एवं
मेषदर्य समूहीक
सधान्यहिरण्यादेयं सदशापराध सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकं सर्व्व
50 सोद्रङ्ग सोपरिकरं सभूतवातप्रत्यायं
राजकीयानामहस्त
51 प्रक्षेपणीयं पूर्व्वम [त] देवब्रह्मदेयब्राह्मण विशतिरहितं
भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्राकर्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्व्वत
समकालीनं
52 पुत्रवौत्रान्वयभोग्यं उदकातिसर्गेण धम्महायो निसृष्टः यतोस्योचितया ब्रह्मदेवस्थित्या भुञ्जतः कृषतः
कर्षयतः प्रदिश
वर्तितव्यमागानिभद्र नृपतिनिरण्यस्मरन्येय अनित्यान्देवव्यन्यस्थिर
53 तो वा
न केवड्याचे
मानुष्यं सामान्यश्च भूमिदानफलम
54 वगच्छद्भिरयमस्मद्दायो नुमन्तव्यः
परिचालयितव्यशेरयुक्त ॥ बहुभिर्व्वसुधा मुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः
यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य
55 तस्य तदा फलं ॥ यानीह दारिद्र्यभयान्नरेन्द्रेर्द्धनानि धर्म्मायतनीकृतानि निर्मुक्तमाल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ॥
56 [ षष्टेि] वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् दूतकोत्र राजविषा ।।
57 [लिखित मियं सन्धिविधीकृतविविश्पतियचमहिपुत्रविविरपतिश्रीस्कन्दति । ३००३ दचिर शु २ स्वहस्तो मम =
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. (Continued from p. 311.) SHOE-MAKER,-Choko-mengro, (Eng.); albenêngoro, triakhêngoro, (Tch.); chobotâri, (M.) SHOES, Chokkor, chokkors, (Eng.) SHOOT, to,-Empushtiâva, empushtisa râva, (M.) kariye, (M. 7)
SHOOT, (of a tree),-Vicha, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8) SHOOTER,-Pushkâshu, pushkâsh, (M.) SHOP,-Buddigur, (Eng.); duyêni, vrastiri, (Tch.); dugyâna, (M.) SHOP-KEEPER,-Duyenêskoro, (Tch.)
Line 33, read परिपू; नुरूप " L. 34, read शालातुरीय L. 36, read समत्थितः सुतः L. 39, read कार्मुके; तमाङ्ग". I. 42, rend (वय. I. 43, खेटकमा °. I. 47.
read सीमा I. 48, perhaps विशीर्णसंज्ञित° to be rend. L. 58, read पौत्रा; धर्म्म° L. 55, read नरेन्द्रे.

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NOVEMBER, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
341
SHOPPING-DAY,-Buddikur divvus, (Eng.) SHORE,Mal, malo, malu, mardzhina, (M.) SHORT.-Khatne, (As. Tch.); skurt, (M.) Shot, -Pudinibê, (Tch.) SHOULDER, --Pikko, (Eng.); piko, viko, (Tch., Psp.
M.); pilu, (As. Tch.); pkhiko, pshiko,
pshika, (M.); phiko, (M. 8) SHOULDER, of or belonging to,-Pikalo, (Tch.) SHOUT.-Gudli, godli, (Eng.) SHOUT, oh-Baghava, khuyaztva, khuyAzkeriva,
vikizáva, vikizdava, (Tch.) Shout, to cause to.--Bashavava, (Tch.) Shoye, to,-Kěrnisaráva, (M.) SHOVEL.-Masha, (Tch.); lopata, (M.) Show, to-Sikkeráva, (Eng.) Skut, to.Band&va, pandava, (Tch.)s popriâva,
poprisaráva, (M.); bandava, (Psp. M.) SAUT, to cause to,-Banlia kerava, (Tch.) SHY,-Envēlinimi, (M.) SICK, -Naflo, (Eng.); merdô, namporem6, nasvalo,
nasfalo, (Tch.); nümistä, numisfü, (As. Tch.); naafilo, (M.); mizheķh, nasvalo,
(M. 8.) Sick, to be. -Nasväliováva, (Tch.); naafal'ováva,
(M.) SICKNESS, -Naflipen, (Eng.); nasallipen, (Span.
Gip.); nasvalibê, nampôrema, (Tch.);
namporema, (M. 8) SIDE,Pashavro, rik, bannô, (Tch.): (pl.) lộture.
parte, (M.); pashavro, rig. (M. 8) SIEVE, -Patrakðs, (Tch.); velvü, (As.Tch.); rôsheto,
(Toh., Pap. M.); Cf. FLOUR-BOLTER. Surt, to, -Ushanava, (Tch., M. 8) SIFTED, to be,-Ushånghiováva, (Tch.) SIGH, to,- Achariva, (Tch., Psp. M.); akharåva,
(M. 7) SIGHT.-Dikibê, (Tch.); faca, (M.) SIGN-Simadi, (Tch.); sêmnu, (M.); simadi (M. 8) SIGN, to, (to write one's name)- Iskēlisard'ovara,
(M.) SILK,-Kayes, (Eng.); kesh, (Tch.); ibishim, (As.
Tch.); quequesa, (Span. Gip.);tezh, t'esh,
t'ezh, (M.); kesh, (M. 7); resh, (M. 8) SILKEN-STUFF,-Phar, (M. 8) SILIEN, -Keshanê, keshulanô, (Tch.); tezhalunt,
(M.) SILK-WORM,Keshêskoro kermo, (Tch.) SILVER,Rup, rupenoe, (Eng.); rap, (dim.) raporo,
(Tch.); orp. (As. Tch.); rug, (M., M. 8,
Pep. M.) BILVER, of or belonging to-Rupovanô, (Tch.);
rupunô, rupund, (M.) SIMILAR, -sar (Pap. M.) SIN,Bezôh, (Tch.); bezoch, pakato, (M.); bezen,
(M. 7) Sin, to,-Greshisaráva, (M.) SINCE ---Dekond, (M.)
SING, to, ---Ghiliabava, (Tch.); ghiliAva, ghilio
vâva,(Pap. M.); delab&va, (A.); bagavara,
(M.)-see SONG. SINGER, --(fem.) Ghiovendo, (Tch.) SINISTER, - Bango, (Eng.) SINK DOWN, to,-Kufundisard'ováva, (M.) SISTER,-Pen, (Eng.); pen, ben, (dim.) penori,
(Tch.); bêno, (As. Tch.); pen (Pep. M.);
phen, (dim.) phenorê, (M.); ohen, (M. 8). SISTER IN DEBAUCHERY,-Bloen, blowing, (Eng.) SISTER-IN-LAW,--Sali, (Tch., Pap. M.); kunnáta,
(M.) SIT, to, -Beshậva, (Eng., Teh., M., M. 7) SIT DOWN, to cause to,-Beshavava, (Tch.) SITUATION,--Stan, (M. 8) Six-Sho, (Eng.); sho, shov, (Tch., Pep. M.):
shov, shoă, (M.); shov, (M. 8) SIXPENCE. --Shehaury, shohaury, (Eng.) SIXTEEN, -Desh ta sho, (Eng); desh-u-shov
(Tch.); desh-i-shor, (Pep M.) SIXTH,-Shôūto, (M.) SIXTY,-Exinda, (Tch.); shovardêri, (Psp. M.) SIZE,-Baribê, (Tch.) SEEIN,-Kovåri, (M.) SKEWER, wooden-Eskunyo, (pl.) eskunyes,
(Eng.) SKEWERS,-Spikor, skunyes, skunyor, (Eng.) SKIN-Mutzi, (pl.) mutzior, (Eng.); perchas,
(Tch.); morchas, (Span. Gip.); mort'i,
murt'ê, murt'i, murchi, (M.) SKULL-CAP, --Stadik, sadyk, (dim.) stadikori, sad,
(Tch.) SKULL-CAP8, he who makes or sells --Stadikêngoro.
(Tch.) SKY,-Sukar devel, (Teh.) SLAIN,-Moreno, (Eng.) SLAVE,-Kiolês, (Tch.); hargát, harg&to, hargâtu,
robo, róbu, (M.) SLAY, to, -Hetavava, moriva, morava, (Eng):
shinava, (M.) SLEEP,-Sutta, suttur, suta, lutherum, (Eng):
lindr, (Tch.); nepdir, (As. Tch.); lindri,
indri, (M.); lindr, (M. 8, Pep. M.) SLEEP, to.---Sovava, (Eng.); Rovava, sottiováva,
(Tch.); sobelar (Span. Gip.); sovella, "he sleeps,' (Hun. Gip.); sove, (Danish):
Bováva, (M.); sovåva, (M. 8, Psp. M.) SLEEP, to cause to, -Sovaráva, sovlia kerava.
Boviaráva, (Tch.) SLEEP, lulling to,-Lindralo, (M.) SLEEP, to lull to, --SoulArava, (M.) SLEEPING,-Sotto, sutto, (Tch.) SLEEP-SONG--Suttur-gillie, (Eng.) SLEEVE, -Bai, (Tch., M. 7) SLIP, to-Shuvava, (M.) SLIPPERS-Gh'ool, (As. Toh.); papochi, papuchy,
(M.)

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SLE --Åsfo, gulo, (Tch.) SLOUGH, (pond), - Yâzeru. (M.) SLOWLY,-Loko, po loko, lokos, loke, (M.); pares,
(Pep. M.) SLUMBER, --Lutherum, (Eng.) SMALL,Beti, tawno, tawnie, tikno, (Eng.):
chinoro, (Span. Gip.); khurd8, (Tch.,
Psp. M.); khurdo, (M. 7) SMALL-POX, -Bugnes, bugnior, bagones, (Eng);
chel, jel, (Tch.), khurak, (As. Tch.);
cheol, (M. 7) SMALL-Pox, marked by,--Chelalo, (Tch.) SMALL PIECE, a little,-Bitti, (Eng.) SMEAR, to, -Makava, (M.); makhåra, M. 8) SMELL, 8,-Mirosu, (M.) SMELL, sweet --Sung, (Tch.) SMELL, sweet, of or belonging to.-Sungald, (Tch.) SMELL AN ODOUR, to-Sungava, shungiva, (Tch.);
kandåva, (M.) SMITH,--Petul-engro, (Eng.); koval'a, koval',
kovalt, (M.) SMOKE. --Tav, (Eng.): jaili, (As. Tch.); thu, (M.);
thuv, (M. 8) SMOKY,- Tuvalo, tuvvalo, (Eng.) SNAIL-Baul, bowle, (Eng.); limalo, (Tch.) SNAKE.-Sap, sarp. (plu.) sappors, (Eng.); chap
leska, (Span. Gip.); sapp, (Toh.); sap
uzhos, uzh, (M.); sap, (M. 8) SNAKY,-Sapuno, (M.) SNEAK, to-Shuvâva, (M.) Sneeze, to, -Chik dâva, (Tch.); chiktàva, (Pep. M.) SNEEZING, -Chik, (Tch.); chik, (M. 7) SNORT, to, --ķhoroisaráva, (M.) Snow,-Iv, (Eng.); yiv, (Hun. Gip.); give, (Span.
Gip.); vif, viv, (Toh); hiv, (As. Tch.);
iv, biv, (Pep. M.); yiv, (M.); iv, (M. 7) SNOWBALL.-Iv-engri, ivi-mengri, (Eng.) SNUFF,-Nokkipen, (Eng.) So,--Ashå, ashaw, ajaw, jaw, (Eng.); kade, (M.) SO IT 18.-Si kovar ajaw, (Eng.) SO MOCH,-azom, abor, (Tch, M. 7) SOAP,-Sapnis, (Eng.); sapuni, sapui, toviardo,
(Tch.); sapuyêsa, (M.); sapuni, (M. 8) SOAPY.-Sappeskoro, (Tch.)
SOAP, he who makes or sells, -Sapuniéskoro,
(Tch.) SOFTNE88,-Kovlipo, (Tch.) Sort,--Kovlô, (Tch., M. 7); (adv.) lokoricăs, (M.) Sort, to become, -Kövliováva, (Tch.) SOLD, to be,--see SELL SOLDIER, A.-Churo-mengro, koro-mengro,(Eng.);
shubári, (Tch.); katan, (M.); lukesto,
lurdo, (M. 8) SOLITARY,-Temialo, (Tch.) SOLITUDE,-- Korkoribê, (Tch.) Some,-Kacam, (M) Some one,-Kânek, kanek, kének jenô, (Tch.) SOMETHING,--Chomany, (Eng.); kormuni, (Span.
Gip.) SOMETIMES,-Kayek, (Tch.) SOMEWHERE,-Katind'e, kathinde, (M.) Son-Chal, chavo, (Eng.); raklo, rakloro, shavo,
shao, shiu, (M) Son-IN-LAW,- Jamutrô, (Tch. Psp. M., M. 7);
jardav, jafterð, jaftüri (As. Tch.) Song, -Gillie, (Eng.); ghili, naghara, (Tch.);
ghili, (Psp. M.); gili, (M. 7) Soon,-Sig. (Eng.); singo, (Span. Gip.) SORROW,--Skěrbê, (M.) Soul, -Ghi, (As. Tch.); oghi, (Tch.); di, d’i, (M.) SOUND, -Sheli, (Tch.): godli, (M. 7) SOUND, to,-Bashåva, (M.) Soup, Zami, (Eng.); zumt, jumi, (Tch.); zumi,
(M., M. 8) Sour - Shutlô, (Tch.); batde, khati, (As. Tch.);
shuklė, (M.) SOVEREIGN, (coin)-Balanser, (Eng) Sow,-Ball, (Tch., M.) Sow, to-Semenilva, semenisariva, (M.) Sown, to be,-Semenisardovåva, (M.) SPAN,-Palma, pâlmě, (M.) SPAN, long, a, -Shtyopako, (M.) SPADE, -Pinrôngoro, changhôngoro, (Toh.) SPARK,--Skëntê, (M.) SPARROW,-Cherikli, (M.) SPEAK, to, -Pukkeråva, penåva, rokriva, (Eng)
sborizáva, vrakerava, (Tch.); vrakerára, (Psp. M.); vakeráva, (M. 8)
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
(1) Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XL. Part I.; Leipzig, 1886.This number is in great part devoted to articles connected with the Aryan side of Oriental studies, for which the Editor apologizes, promising a Shemitic counterbalance in the next number.
In the first paper Dr. Hultzsch describes part of the results of a tour in India undertaken by him in the winter of 1884-85, and the spring of
the latter year. His journeys extended over the Bombay and Central Provinces, thence to Calcutta, and finally, through Banaras, Gwaliyar, Mathurt, and the Panjab to KAémir. Thence he returned to Bombay vid Jaipur, leaving India in May 1885 for Europe. After describing his tour Dr. Haltzsch gives a list of 483 MSS. collected by him in India. It is little more than a nominal list, the Doctor stating that hitherto time for further description, has failed him. It includes

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the names of about 115 Jaina works which appear follow :-The first is supplementary to his treatise to be of special value. Dr. Hultzsch next dis. on the origin of the Svêtâmbara and Digambara cusses a number of inscriptions collected by him Sects of the Jainas. The author's conclusion is on his journey. The first two are taken from the that the origin of the Bodiya or Bôţika sect is much Temple of V&illabhattasvâmin in the fort of later than that of the Digambaras, and that the GwAliyar. The second of these two had been pre- separation of the latter from the Svêtâmbaras viously attacked by Baba Rajêndra Lala Mitra(J. B. was not a sudden schism, but a gradual divergence A. 8. XXXI. 407). Dr. Hultzsch gives a transcrip- commencing in the time of Bhadrabahu, and contion and translation of both. He also transcribes tinued through the next generation. The Professor and translates an inscription found on a large, incidentally refers to the commentaries of Haribhablack stone at Dholpur, which deals with a king dra to the Avakyaka Sútra, and of Devendra to Chanda or Chandamahåsena, the son of Mahisha- the Uttarddhyayana-Satra. The former died, ráma, the son of Isuka. The next inscription according to tradition, in the year 529 A.D. but transcribed and translated is on five copper-plates Prof. Jacobi prefers to fix him in the 9th century, received from Tôzpur in Assam, and deals with a and to consider that the legends narrated by him king Vallabhadeva, the son of Nihsankasimha. and Dêvêndra are derived from a common source. After this he transcribes and translates, so far as He also incidentally refers to the connexion beis possible, a fragmentary stone inscription of tween the name Sahasramalla, and the Persian the Chandella Dynasty in the Allahabad Museum. title Hazármard.—The second paper is a collecHe connects it with the two following observations tion of three short notes, entitled Miscellen. The in former works :-(a) “One of the Mahoba ins- first draws attention to the fact that the 7th criptions gives the genealogy from Dhanga to Uchchhudsa of the Daśakumdracharita is nirghKirtivarman, but its date is lost" (Arch. Surv. thyavarna, that is to say, that the labial letters Ind. II. 447);—(6) "An inscription, now apparently u ú8 au p ph b bh m d do not ocour in it. Though lost, which General Cunningham found at Mahộba, this fact is apparently new to European scholars, gave the Chandel Genealogy from Dhanga to it is, at least on the Bengal side, well known to Kirtivarman.” (V. A. Smith, J. B. A. S. L. 10). Native Scholars in India and to their European If this identification is correct, it is an important pupils.-The second note deals with the versee find. At any rate, the inscription is of great in- quoted by Halayudha in his commentary to Pingala terest, for, though very fragmentary, it tallies as samples of the metre. The author makes out a with the above descriptions of the contents of plausible case, that Halayudha borrowed therı the missing stone. This is followed by a more from the Chhandôvichiti of Dandin, a work not perfect stone inscription found in the same place, now known to be extant.--The third gives an also dealing with the Chandel Dynasty, and giving example of the poetic artifice entitled Yamaka, the genealogy of Paramárdin (i.e. the Hindi or commencing each line with the last words of Par'mal) and of his ministers and other courtiers. the preceding line, taken from the Sútrakritánga. Lastly, he transcribes two fragmentary inscrip- The next article, which is by Prof. Eugen tions in Bandras College. The second belongs to Wilhelm, deals with the conception of Royalty and the time of Muhammad Shah, and mentions certain Priesthood in Ancient Iran. The writer com. merchants of the Agrðtakanivåsin (Agar'wala) mences with noticing the sharp distinction which Caste. Dr. Hultzsch concludes a very interest- must be drawn in this matter between the Irin of ing and important paper with a minute study of the Avesta and the India of the Vedic hymns. In the Bharbat Inscriptions, which is well deserving the latter each god is alternately pre-eminent, there of attention.
is no distinct system of priority, while in the The second paper (with plate) by Dr. J. G. former we find the greatest regularity and order. Stickel deals with Omayyad coins of the ancient There never is the slightest doubt but that Ahura Philistine town Askalon. It is a continuation of a Mazda is the highest god, who stands far above former paper by the same author which appeared other gods, who are his obedient creations. This in pp. 40ff. of the preceding volume of the is well illustrated by the political status of the Zeitschrift. In a concluding note Dr. Sticker two countries, for, while Irån was a homogenous draws attention to the forthooming Fasti Arabici, single state under one king, the Indians were a mass or the History of the Muhammadan Empire as of petty independent tribes. Professor Wilhelm established by coins, by Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole. then discusses the cuneiformo inscriptions of the
A short paper by Prof. J. Gildmeister draws Akhaimenides, and comes to the conclusion that attention to alleged plagiaries by Moses of Kbören under them the king was King Supreme by the from Pseudo-Kallisthenes.
Grace of God. He derived his authority direot Two interesting papers by Prof. Hermann Jacobi from Ahura Mazda, between whom and him there

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stood no third person or priest. The relation | Professor Theodor Aufrecht gives a short conbetween him and his god seems to have been a tribution on the poet Umepatidhara, described directly personal one. At this period, the pro- by Jayadeva in the introduction to the Gitafessor concludes, there was no Anró Main yush govinda as prolix (vdchah pallavayatt). The known, no opposing Demon to the sovereign will | Professor gives references' to other verses of this of the Supreme God. At the time of the Avesta poet, and suggests his date as the first half of the however there must have been a narrower notion eleventh century, founding his theory on an of the king's office. The king was not the first inscription published in J. B. A. S. XXXIV. p. man in the state, but the second. Over him stood 142. It may be mentioned, however, that there the High Priest. The bear ideal of the Avesta is is a Maithili tradition that Um&pati was a cona Hierarchy in which Zarathustra (Zoroaster) or temporary of Vidy&pati-Thakkura, who flourished his representative, forms the head. The most 1400 A.D. There was certainly a Maithil poet perfect state, according to this idea, is one like of the first rank of that name, and some poems Ragha, in which Zarathustra or his representative by him in Maithili were published in J. B. A. S. is High Priest and High Ruler in one; but if these LIII. Special Number, p. 76. two dignities are separated it is not the High Then there follows a rejoinder by Prof. 0. Ruler or king who is the first, but the High Böhtlingk, on Prof. Bühler's notes on Böhtlingk's Priest. Space fails us to give full details of the criticism on Führer's edition and Bühler's manner in which this most interesting subject is translation of the Vasishthadharmasdetra (Z. D. worked out; suffice it to say that Prof. Wilhelm M. G. XXXIX. p. 70+). The essence of the conconcludes(1), that the conception of Anro Mainyush troversy appears to consist in the last paragraph is not an original Aryan one, but arose on Iranian of the present article, in which Professor Böhtearth, and (2), that it does not appear that Ahura lingk, replying to Prof. Bühler's argument that in Mazda and Anrô Mainyush were opposing forces, dealing with such a text it is necessary to be very
the true rivals being Spesito Mainyash and Anro conservative, answers, “ Yes, to be conservative is Mainyush.
a very fine virtue, but it has its limita." Under the title of Vedica Dr. Pischel gives three The number, which is very interesting to notes on Vedic subjects. The first has reference Indian scholars, concludes with a review by Prof. to Rig Veda 8, 47, 15, which the author translates Nöldeke of Robertson Smith's Kinship and Mar. "If a person (in a dream) prepare a necklace or a riage in Early Arabia. wreath, we attribute the bad dream to Trita Aptya."
(2) Nachrichten von der Königlichen GesellHe then explains how the preparation of a wreath schaft der Wissenschaften, No. 7; 28th April, 1886. can be considered unlucky, owing to the custom -This is an interesting paper by Dr. Hultzsch, on of crowning sacrificial animals and persons con- the Drama Tápasavatsardja, a MS. of which demned to death. He next discusses the difference he picked up during his recent journey in India between arai and mdia, the latter not occurring (No. 96 in his list of MSS.). The author was in the oldest forms of the langnage. He finally MAtrarája, alias Anangaharsha, the son of Narên. discuss the effect of dreaming of the various dravardhana. The date of the author is conjeccolours, connecting the ill-luck associated with turally fixed as before the second half of the ninth red, not with blood (which is a sign of luck), but century, owing to his being quoted by Anandavar. with the terrible god Rudra, the Red God. The dhana and his commentator Abhinavagupta; and second note deals with Rig Veda 7, 5, 9, 12, for again as being after the commencement of the which the Professor proposes a new reading and seventh century, as many of his situations and translation.-The last note is concerned with the even at times his language are borrowed from sentence a sT which occurs five times in the the Ratnávali of Bára. The drama deals with Voda. The Professor suggests that så may be the second half of the story of Udayana,
rät and may mean by,' 'among,' or to the king of Kausâmbi in Vatea, which we find Aryans.' He justifies his suggestion at some length. in the second and third lambakas of the
The next article, by Prof. G. Bühler, is an Kathdsaritsagara of Sômadeva (dated 1063-81 edition and translation of the second half of the A.D.). The first half is the story of V&save13th and the whole of the 14th Edict of the Agoka datta, the second of Padmavati. On p. 226 (3 of Inscriptions. This important paper deserves close the reprint) Dr. Hultzsch gives a most interesting study by all interested in the subject, and a brief account of former Buddhistic versions of the same analysis of its contents would be impossible. story, and shows that in many particulars the
This story of PadmSvatt is quite distinct from that of the particulars seem to have been borrowed from the of the famous Padmvat written some Rix centuries later play above treated of: 6.9., the asceticism of the king itu by Muliammad JAyasi. In the Padmavat, however, some hero.

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author of the Tapasavatsardja is indebted to 4th century. None of the Grammars which teach Buddhist sources for his plot. The paper con. Prakrit grammatical rules, and nono of the works cludes with a number of extracts from the work, couched in any of these dialects (including Pali and with an Index of the commencements of all can be considered as existing, in their present the verses occurring in it. None of them occur form, at an earlier period than that date. in Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche, nor in Aufrecht's Such are the view3, almoat startling in their Index to the Śdrigadharapaddhati.
novelty, advanced and argued with considerable (3). L'Epigraphie et l'Histoire Linguistique de force, by one of the foremost of European scholars l'Inde ; Reprinted from the Proceedings of the in this branch of philology. They deserve at least Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres : Paris, a respectful attention from those who adhere to 1886.--In this paper M. Senart considers the older and more accepted theories. Linguistic History of India almost exclusively (4). Rsvue Critique d'Histoire et de Literature; from the point of view of epigraphy. He admits Paris, 94th May 1886.-This number contains that there are other valuable sources of informa- nothing of interest to Indian scholars, except a tion, but his aim, on the present occasion, has short notice of that most useful work the Deutsch er been to draw attention to a line of demonstration Litteratur. Kalender for the year 1886, and a rein his opinion too much neglected.
ference to a paper read by M. Léon Heuzey, at At the end of a most interesting essay M. the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Senart comes to the following conclusions :-- entitled "Le Roi Dounghi à Tello.' 'Le Roi (a) Regarding the Vedic and religious languages Dounghi' was hitherto considered king of Ur of the inscriptions of Piyadasi bear witness indirectly the Chaldees,' was suzerain of Goudea, patési of that, at about the commencement of the 3rd Sipärla (Tello), M. Heuzey considers that this century before Christ, it was the object of a generally received opinion is more than doubtful. certain amount of culture.- ) As regards clas
G. A. GRIERSOK. sical Sanskrit, its preparation and elaboration in the schools, based mainly on the Vedio language,
A NOTE ON and stimulated by the first applications of writing THE HISTORY AND DATE OF MIHIRAKULA. to the vulgar dialects, should be placed between I have not my books about me here, and the 3rd century B. O., and the 1st century A. D. therefore cannot answer your letter, and the Its literary or official use extended at the end of remarks in your essay, as I could wish. But, as the first century or commencement of the second ; I brought the Chinese copy of the Si-yu-ki with and it is hence, à priori, certain that no work of me, I can add a few words on your criticisms. the classic literature can be anterior to this date.
(1) The date 472 A.D. for the history of the (c) As regards the mixed Sanskrit, called the Patriarchs"-B. Nanjio's No. 1310--is fixed by dialect of the gathds, it is only a method of writing the Colophon, stating that the translator, or Prakrit, aiming at, as far as possible, the ortho.
compiler, lived at this time in China graphy and the etymological forms of the religious (2) I have a suspicion (see further on) that language. Its use, born spontaneously and deve. Tatso, the equivalent for Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo, is a Monloped gradually, stimulated the codification of
golian name, meaning the "great horde," and is a language inspired by the same idea, but more not a personal title, but a tribal one. There may refined and more consistent, the non-religious be a Mongolian (or Turkish) compound Mihrqul, Sanskrit, -while to us it is an approximate which would be the personal name of the ruler. meagure of the latter's progress. Its use extended (3) There can be no donbt that the original before that of literary Sanskrit, and becoming Chinese text gives "several centuries" before the more general under the sway of one of the great period of Hiuen Tsiang (gho-pih-nien-tsin). Buddhist sovereigns, Kanishka, insured its sur. (4) With respect to "the isles of the sea," vival as a literary dialect in certain schools of this is the exact translation of the original. The Buddhism.-(d) As regards the Prákpits, the Chinese hai, sea,' may, however, be equal to earlier establishment of Sanskṣit determines their sugara, which is, I think, applied to the Ganges, grammatio form, which was fixed in the 3rd or by Indian writers."
* These remarks are from a letter received from the Rev. 8. Baal, to whom I had sent advanced proofs of my paper on "The History and Date of Mihirakula," kinoo published at p. 245ff. above. They were writton while he was away from home, and so without access to his books.-J. F.F.)
[Bdgard, the feminine of gara, is an epithet of the Ganges, as also of any other river: Beo Monier William's Sanskrit Dictionary, 8.0. Also we have
Gangasigara, for the mouth of the Ganges where it enters the ocean; it still exists as the time of tirtha on the Ganges, in Lower Bengal; vis. at sogar (Saugor'), an island at tho mouth of the Hügli branch of the river. The text perhaps means that Baláditya took refuge in the Sundarbans, or miershy islands between the mouths of the Ganges a very likoly and suitable place for a king of Magadha to flee to.-- J. F.F.)

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I shall allude to this subject in my preface to the Life of Hiuen Tsiang.
S. BEAL. 5th August 1886.
(5) Stan. Julien always translates the word sien, 'previous' or 'former,' by 'first,'—which is #mistake. Sakraditya could not have lived shortly after the nirvana; because the theory of the "One Vehicle” is the last and latest form of the Buddhist development, and must come after the “Great Vehicle."
(6) With respect to Buddhagupta, and Budhagupta, I was misled ....... I quite accept your correction.
And now, having alluded to your " rubrics," let me add that I can only account for the introduction of Simha's death (for an account of his death, or martyrdom, by Mi-lo.kiu is found not only in the notes on Wong-puh, but also in the Fun-fa-tsong-yin-un-chuen; B. Nanjio's No. 1310 [Kiuen, vi. p. 11 b.]) into a book dating 472 A.D., by the supposition that it was an addendum, after the former part was written, with a view to com. plete the succession down to Bodbidharma, who certainly left India for China 528 A.D. It is certainly singular that, according to a wellauthenticated tradition (vide Elkins, Chinese Buddhism, Trübner's Oriental Series, pp. 81, 85), the Buddhist succession ended with Simha; (and therefore that Basiasita, Putnomita, and Prajñatara, are fictitious names). If so then your date for Sithu and Mihirakula, vir. circ. 520, would be amply confirmed.
The term Mi-lo-kiu, is not necessarily a corruption of Mihirakula.--but a phonetio equivalent for Mlochchha; hence it is likely that this king Mirhqul (or whatever his real name was) belonged to the Mlôchcha invaders.
That these were Mongols or Hans, appears very likely, first, from the fact of their excessive cruelty, and then, second, from the narrative of Sung Yun, who speaks of this king of the barbarians (Mléchchhns) having invaded Gandhåra and set up another king of cruel disposition (exactly as you quote from the Rdjatarangint), and, third, from the fact of Cosmas calling this king Gollas (a Greek form of Gula),—(vide my introduction to Records of the Western World, p. xvi.)
On all hands your date seems to be confirmed. I do not yet quite get at the origin of the Chinese date for Vasubandhu; but I think it highly probable that Mihirakula was & Mongol or Turkish Mlêchchha, who had invaded India and Kasmir, and extended his power over Gandhara according to Sung-Yun, and Hinen Taiang's account.
A NOTE ON THE DATE OF MIHIRAKCLA. I have no time to enter fully at present into intricate archæological discussions. But I venture to offer some brief criticisms on Mr. Fleet's valuable paper, "On the History and Date of Mihirakula," in order to show that there is something to be said in favour of views other than those adopted by him.
The discovery that Mihirakula was the son of a Toramana, and the conqueror of Pasupati, as well as the opponent of a king Baladitya, will undoubtedly in time settle his date. But I am not yet fully convinced that the problem is solved.
To enforce conviction that Mr. Fleet's view is correct, it will be necessary to harmonize his theory with the history of Kaśmir; and that harmony remains to be demonstrated. Dr. Hoernle's notes on the Kasmir coins, seem to me opposed strongly to Mr. Fleet's new theory of the attribution of these coins.
I can see no warrant for the conjecture that either Hiuen Tsiang or his translators must have made a mistake in asserting that Mihirakula, the conqueror of Baláditya, flourished "some centu. ries" before Hiuen Tsiang's pilgrimage (A.D. 629-645). It seems to me very rash to tamper with the text, and boldly say that we ought to read" more than a century before."
The statement on p. 252 above, that Gen. Cunningham adopts the date of 500 A.D. for the erection of Baladitya's temple at Nalanda, and of the boathi-tree temple at Bodh-Gaya, is erroneous. The General did at one time adopt that date, being misled by a forged inscription; but he soon recanted his error. His final view as to the date of Biladitya, the builder of the great temple at Nalanda, will be found in Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 95. Gen. Cunningham there accepts "the pilgrim's statement, that the Nalanda monastery was built seven hundred years before his time, as a plain fact, which he must have obtained from the annals of the monastery itself. BAAdityn must, therefore, be placed towards the end of the first century before Christ, or early in the first century after Christ." In the footnote, the latter alteration is indicated as the more probable.
See p. 245 ff. above. * (When I wrote my paper, I was not aware of this second opinion, having looked in vain for any departure of Gen. Cunningham from the view quoted by me. I
would add that it does not alter my opinion regarding the date of Mihirakula; though I am quite ready to give up the idea that it was his antagonist who built the temple in question at Nilanda.-J.F.F.)

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There really appears to be no reason whatever to reject Hiuen Tsiang'e evidence. The Bâlâditya who built the Nalanda temple, was distinct from, and much earlier than, the Bâlâditya who defeated Mihirakula."
MISCELLANEA.
Gen. Cunningham's published notice of the history of Mihirakula (Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol II. p. 197) is very slight. But, just at the time when Mr. Fleet's article appeared, I was fortunate enough to receive a letter, dated 13th ult., from the veteran archeologist, which briefly discusses the question of Mihirakula's date in connection with the problem of the Gupta era. and contains observations of interest. Gen. Cunningham, at the time of writing his letter, adhered to the belief that the era. used by the Guptas began about 166 A.D.
As to the Gupta era he writes-"My opinion regarding the passage in Al Birani is, that his statement is quite correct, and does not involve a contradiction. The Guptas never term their Samvat by their name, but simply 'Samvat.' The Gupta Kal was an era established, as Al Birani says, when their power ceased. The two eras are therefore quite distinct... .... The, inscription of Mahânâman of Lankâdvipa is in undoubted Gupta characters, and is dated in Samvat 279. I infer that the Samvat must be that used by the Guptas themselves, as the characters are Gupta letters. Now Mahânâman's date is known to lie between
A.D. 434 and 459 Deduct 279 279 Remainder A.D. 155 and 180
"The beginning of the Sanivat used in his inscription, therefore, lies between A.D. 155 and 180. Now what Samvat was this?.
"Next Mihirakula of Kaśmir, who was conquered by Bâlâditya BALAditya is almost certainly the Naragupta-Bâlâditya of the gold coins; and, if so, he must be later than 165 and 174, the known Samvat dates of Budhagupta. But Mihirakula certainly preceded the establishment of the Little Yuchi in Gandhira, as I have three coins of Kidara Kushâna Shahi, and some thirty or forty of Mihirakula. This Kidâra I take to be Ki-to-lo of the Chinese. Mihirakula therefore reigned about A.D. 350-400. But Bâlâditya's date, being later than 174 Samvat (used by Guptas), would, if referred to A.D. 318, be later than 318+174-492 A.D., or say 500, at which time Mêghavahana, or his son, must have been reigning in Kasmir. Accepting my date of A.D. 166,
347
Bâlâditya will be later than 166+174-340 A.D. Q.E.D."
As I said at the beginning, I have not time now to develop or discuss the arguments thus briefly indicated. I have published them in a crude form in order to stimulate discussion. Mr. Fleet's arguments in favour of his theory of the Gupta chronology are strong; but all the assumptions which underlie them have not yet been made good; nor have the counter-arguments been demolished, not at least to my satisfaction. Gen. Cunningham's letter shows that I have good company in my scepticism; and, pending the result of full discussion, I propose to keep my judgment in abeyance respecting the era of the Mâlavas, that used by the Guptas, and that called by their name, as well as respecting the date of Mihirakula.
V. A. SMITH.
Basti, 19th September 1886.
[An inscription from Sirnith (Corp. Inser. Indic. Vol. III. No. 79) shows that there were at least two different BALAdityas, kings of Kál or Benares.-J.F.F.] [Sen ante, Vol. XIV. p. 93, and note 1.-J.F.F.] [But this is just one of the points which requires to
NOTE BY MR. FLEET.
As regards the Bôdh-Gays inscription of Mahânâman, referred to above, I was, of course. aware of it when I wrote my paper; it is included in my Gupta volume, No. 71. As it is of interest, I will publish it in the next number, or shortly afterwards.
It is dated Samvat 269, as I read the second symbol; not 279. It mentions two Buddhist teachers of the name of Mahânåman, natives of Ceylon, and records that the second of them. built a mansion of Buddha at the Bôdhimanda, i.e. within the precinets of the "diamond-throne" at Bôdh-Gays. The value of it lies in the probability that the second Mahânâman mentioned in it, is the Mahânâman who composed the more ancient part of the Pâli Mahavamso or history of Ceylon.
There is no doubt that the date of the inscription has to be referred to the Gupta era, with the result, according to my view, of A.D. 588-89.
On the other hand, from the Ceylonese records Mr. Turnour (see his Mahawanso, pp. ii., liv., lxii. 254ff.; and Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 922) arrived at A. D. 459 to 477 as the period of the reign of Mahânâman's nephew Dhâtusêna; and it was during his reign that Mahânâman compiled the history.
I cannot see why the Ceylonese should, without most convincing proof, be held to have keptcontrary to the general Oriental custom-such very accurate and reliable records. Together with palæographical, numismatic, architectural, and other theories, historical deductions from native
be proved, and which, because of Mihirakula's date, cannot be correct, unless we alter the statements of the Rojatarahginf so much as to place Meghav hans just before Mihirakula, instead of sixteen reigns after him.J. F. F.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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records must be adaptad to definite dates; the If thou must go, my Lord, say not, "I go, reverse course of this is quite irrational and mis- I go." The falling of a thunderbolt on one causeth taken, and has led to nearly all the doubts that not the pang; it is the knowledge that it is falling exist regarding the Early Guptas.
which is unbearable. If the second Mahånåman of this inscription is With these may be compared Lakhima ThaDhâtusêna's maternal uncle, then the real point kurani's verses on the pangs of anticipated separaestablished by the record is, not that the Gupta tion, which are very popular in Mithild. They era began A. D. 166, but either that the details are as follows:of the Coylonese chronology are not as reliable as they have been supposed to be, or else that a
| भा भोकुं न भड़े कुटिलविषलतां कोटिमिन्दोवितर्काwrong starting point has been selected in working them out, and that they now require considerable
ताराकारात्तृषार्तः पिबति न पयसां विनुषः पत्रसंस्थाः। rectification
छायानम्भोरुहाणामलिकुलशबलां वीक्ष्य सन्ध्यामसन्ध्यां 24th September 1886. J. F. FLEET.
harrar raftaafa Taraft Area :
He breaks the crisp lotus tendrils to eat them CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
but does not do so, for he mistakes them for the The PANGS OF PARTING. The following lines are well known in Mithila.
rays of the moon; though athirst he does not They are very true, and are worth preserving.
drink the drops of water in the lotus leaves for he The metre is not very correct:
thinks them stars; in the shade of the lotus.
flowers dark with the swarms of bees he sees यदि यास्यसि नाथ निश्चित
night when there is no night; always dreading यामि यामि वचनं हि मा वद ।
separation from his beloved, the chakrandku
imagines even the day to be night. अशनेः पतनं न वेदन पतनज्ञानमतीव दुःसहम् ।।
G. A. GRIERSON.
BOOK NOTICE
ANCIENT PROVERBS and MAXIMS from Barmose Sources, Mr. Gray has been at some pains to collect all
or the Niti Literature of Burma, by JAMES GRAY. the parallel passages in the various nitis, and also London: Trübner and Co.
in his notes to give passages from the Indian This is a rendering of the four popular nitis classics which indicate the sources whence many of Burma, or nidhis as the Burmese prefer to of the niti aphorisms were drawn. The Burmese spell it. These are Likaniti, Dhamminili, Rija- glo33es of course show the manner in which the niti and the Suttavad thananíti, i.e. in the Pali people of Barma have assimilated Indian ideas, form of the words. The immense popularity of while borrowing their religion, better than do the these imported works, for they are strictly such, Pali texts; for, even if it be granted that these in Burma, especially of the first mentioned, makes last are taught along with the glosses, it is from it of some importance to have English transla- the glosses that the Burmese get their ideas of tions of them, and we therefore welcome this little the meaning of the texts. Useful, therefore, no book. Mr. Gray's introduction, however, has not doubt, as it is to give a rendering of the PAli much to say as to the date of the importation of for the benefit of English students, it would the Niti literature of India into Burma, nor of its enable them to more clearly apprehend the subsequent history there; and to say the truth workings of the Burmese mind if the text were very little as to this is known at present, or is accompanied by a rendering of the explanation likely to be known for a long while to come. of it as understood by the Burmese, as well as by
We are glad to observe that the author has the parallel passages culled from the earlier Indian PAli texts, of which he now gives only the trans- literature. At any rate this might be attempted lation, in preparation. The texts that circulate with reference to the Lókaniti; and in this concommonly in Barma, always or nearly always in nection we would note that a translation of the connection with a gloss in the vernacular, are most popular of the vernacular renderings of the very far from being correct, and a well-collated Likaniti was given by Captain Temple in the and carefully prepared text would be a valuable Journ. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLVII. Part I. p. 239ff., addition to our knowledge of Pali.
which has been overlooked by Mr. Gray.

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DECEMBER, 1886.]
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS.
TH
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS. By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. XIV. p. 303.) No. 2. THE INCOME TAX. THIS ballad refers, not to the present Income Tax, but to the original Duties on Profits arising from Property, Professions, Trades, and Offices, which were imposed, with effect from the 31st July 1860, by Act No. XXXII. of 1860, and were, I understand, actually levied for only two years, as stated in the song, though the Act was not repealed until 1868, by Act No. VIII. of that year.
The song contains nothing disloyal. But it gives very plain expression throughout to the unpopularity and suspicion with which the Income and License Taxes have always been regarded; especially among the cultivators, whom, as paying Land Assessment, direct taxation of this kind is not intended to touch, save under exceptional circumstances, but upon whom such taxes always do fall more or less, despite all the efforts of the English District Officers to prevent such a result.
As regards the leading points of the song, the Act in question provided for a Duty of three per cent. for general purposes, and of one per cent. for " roads, canals, and other reproductive works." Hence the pretext, "of putting the roads and paths in good repair," that is put into the mouth of the assessing officer, when he announces his "scheme for extracting the money of the Râyats." But there were the provisos, that no income under two hundred rupees per annum (nominally twenty pounds sterling) should be taxed at all; that no income derived from purely agricultural occupations should be taxed, unless it amounted to at least six hundred rupees; and that, on incomes of less than five hundred rupees, two per cent. only should be levied, and not the one per cent. for public works at all. Hence, when the popular champion Hittâli-Virabhadra appears on the scene, in answer to the inquiries made by the officer with appellate powers, he promptly writes down five hundred rupees as the limit
1 Rayat, or properly Ra'lyat, alsc written Raita and Rayita in Kanarese, Rayat in Marathi, and Ryot' in English, is a peasant cultivator.'-I do not explain, on this occasion, technical terms that have been already explained with the ballad previously published.
I owe these details to the kindness of Mr. J. Middleton, Bo.C.S., now at Dharwad,
349
of the incomes of the people in his village, thus trimming matters so as to please both the assessing officer and the villagers.
Two English officials are mentioned by name.-The first, Gáḍin-Sáheb, is the late Mr. Stewart St.John Gordon, Bombay Civil Service, who held the post of First Assistant Collector and Magistrate in the Dharwad District, and, in October 1860, was deputed to be the special Income Tax Officer for the District. He died in 1867 or 1868, when holding the post of Additional Member on the Council of the Governor-General. A new portion of the town of Hubballi was named after him "the Gordon Pêth;" and the Dispensary, the bridge connecting Old and New Hubballi; and the Gurusiddhapa Hond or reservoir, which furnishes the principal water-supply of the town, were built under his direction. The second official, Yelapát-Sahel, is Mr. John Elphinston, Bo.C.S., quite recently retired. He was in the Dharwad District, as Second and First Assistant Collector and subsequently Collector and Magistrate, from August 1861 to June 1863, and on other later occasions; and was extremely popular among the people of the District.
In the accompanying plate I give the air of the chorus. The same air runs more or less through the whole song. It will be seen that the rhyming characteristic of this class of composition is preserved much more regularly in this ballad, than in the one previously published; and that the execution is more artistic throughout, as might be expected from the professor's son by whom it was composed.
TRANSLATION.
Chorus. How shall I describe the distress of (our) lives? The oppression of the English has become very great! Poor people are weeping, so that the tears stream down (their) cheeks, and are in great anxiety!
First Verse.-Listen to the matter from the
The Hooblee and Hubli' of maps, &c.; the chief town of the Taluka or Sub-Division of the same name in the Dharwad District. This is the town referred to in the ballad.
The Marathi peth or penth, in Kanarese pête and R.pydfe, is a mercantile division of a town; a bazaar.

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beginning! There came the noble gentleman, take (their) houses for sale by auction;" then Mr. Gordon, who sit down and contrived a many people paid (the tax), with lamentations, scheme,-a device for extracting money. Mr. ftill of fear in (their) minds. (With a change Gordon put forward the pretence of say of metre), -All the chief men of the different ing-"I am going to put the roads and paths castes assembled, and, taking counsel together, in good repair; what is your opinion about it? presented a petition,-"O Sir, sit down and for the matter is your business."
make inquiries; we have not the means with All the members of the village.jury con- which to pay the tax." sented; they knew not that it would turn out The gentleman did not accept it favourably; thus; in the pride of (their) wealth, they saying)—"This matter rests not with me." opened (their) teeth (and laughed); (thinking (Their) hands and feet became, weak, by going that) it was no matter of urgency. (With a constantly (to him); they all sat by, refusing change of metre), - Listen ! Then they imposed (their) hardly-earned and pitiful food and (on us this) grievous tax; it became difficult water, for poor people to fill (their) bellies; they had The rich men (said)—"Laying aside (our) to sell (their) spinning wheels. The Govern- ornaments and other things, and putting on ment was greedy after money; there were tattered waistcloths and jackets, let us go to searching inquiries day after day; straightway | the bungalow just like poor people, without any they put up to auction (even) the cow-dung feeling of shame. (that is used for fuel),' and sold the firewood by Third Verse.-The rich men braced up weight. If the Pendáris' and Lamaņisto wish (their) courage, saying—"The tax will leave (now) to support their children (as they used to) us;" O my brother !, going constantly to the by selling wood, (they cannot); they have fallen bungalow, great were the intriguing efforts that into a state of beggary; thus did the matter they made. The rich men, O brother!, sat turn ont.
all together (on the ground), just like labourers Second Verse.- A clever scheme occurred to and village-watchmen; each of them heaved the Government; with all haste they imposed deep sighs, turning (their) faces downwards. the Income Tax," a contrivance for extracting (But the officials) levied the tax on the whole the money of the Râyats; thus did they act. The village; they came and sat down in the Kamari Government behaved with severity and strict- Bazaar; by force they compelled (the people) ness, giving an order) —" Issue (compulsory) to produce (their) goods, and took them under notices," and fix the period (for payment); attachment. treat them with sternness, without any fear (of The weavers and sellers of silk spoke to the the consequences), if they fail to pay."
Subhôdâr, saying-"You are like the father Then the Collectors came, and put up at that begat us, with a little tenderness in (your) the travellers') bungalow; and all the people reins, take pity and let (us) go. Thon, O lord ! went and besieged him, as if (the god) Siva art (our) mother and father ; do thou remit had come down (upon the earth).
the tax on us;..." has been cut and brought, (The order was given)-" If they exceed the weeping every day." (With a change of period (for payment), pile on the interest, and metre), -The wooden planks, the web-beams of
pancharu, lit. the five people ;' i.e. the members of the Panchit' or Panchayat, the village-jury, which traditionally consists of exactly five members.
chala, Marathi, is equivalent to the Kanarese dhani, haste, speed; method, manner fof reading, reciting, and singing). It marks a change in the metre or rhythm.
+ The most regular and urgent necessary of Hindu life, rich or poor, and usually collected, gratis, along the highways.
* The restriction of forest-rights, especially of the free collection of firewood, has always been a matter of krievance among the lower classes.
The Penderis or Pendhiris are a low-caste tribe, whose occupation is chiefly to collect wood and grand for sale, and prepare manure. They have always had strong marauding tendencies, and have figured constantly in Marith history. The usual English representation of the name is Píndary.'
10 The Lam Anis, Lambanis, pr LambAdis (also called Labin is in northern India), are a low-caste tribe, very gipay-like in appearance and habits. They are the principal inland-carriers of the country. Their chief articles of traffic are bamboos and other wood, grain, and wat, which they transport with large droves of paok-cattle.
11 karapatti, combining the Sanskrit kara, tribute, toll, tax, impost, with the Prekrit path, "ces, tax, forced contribution,' is the customary word, all over the Kangrese country, for the Income Tax, License Tax, or in fact any impost of a direct kind. But it denotes specially the Income and Licenno Taxes.
* 11 The original has itina, which is a corruption of the English word 'notice. . .. the Collector and Magistrate of the District; not a Collector of Income Tax...
1 cholenu chip is unintelligible.

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KANARESE BALLADS. THE INCOME TAX.
(Air of the Chorus.)
Ye - na
he - la. li jan - ma-da
go - la,
ye - na
he - la-11 jan-ma-da
In - gra-ji u - pa-dar
a - di - ta
ba -
- la
ba - da -va - ra
a - la
1111
DI
- ta - roga-la-ga- la
chin - ti.
TIT
J.F. FLEET, BO.C.S.

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DECEMBER, 1886.]
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS.
351
the looms, the skeins of silk, the earthen pots, listen! they all came in company to the bungathe dishes for eating from; all these they sold low. "It is proper that thou, O lord, shouldest by auction, putting (reserve) prices on them. listen to this (our) petition; it is right that (With a change of metre),The Government thou shouldest remit the tax on us." Standing became very bad, O my brother ! poor people there, he gazed upon the poor men, with comhad their eyes full of tears, saying, -" What a passion in (his) reing. The gentleman looked time of trouble thou hast brought, o fśvara well into the matter, and quickly caused a (our god); no man has any care of us. Say reply to be written, saying that they should now, is it a lot of weeping women that are present the petitions (of regular appeal); there sitting here P; whatever we may do, the tax was trouble in his reins, as if a fire was kindled will not cease." Then (by paying the tax) there. He gazed upon the tattered garments they redeemed the dishes for eating from ; say worn by the women, and all their wealth ;** now, did not they display fortitude ?
while they were weeping, (saying) "(Our) Fourth Verse.--Rayappa of Harpanhalli wrote hands can find no millet" in (our) houses." out a statement, -"Sir, they have (each) as Then the noble gentleman made inquiries; the good an income as may be wished for;" he principal rich men, O brother!, sat down ; and brought trouble on the poor; no justice the poor people did obeisance (to him). With remained.
great attention the gentleman listened, (sayVery brave were the Musalmans of the Ka- ing)-“Declare how much income they have." mari Bazaar;-“Be off," said they, “we will Hittaļi-Virabhadra wrote it down, putting the not pay the tax; take it, if you like, (by force) estimate at five hundred rupees; and laid it on and fine (us); this is (our) order to you." the ears of the representatives of the village,
The Subhôdâr fired up in wrath ; house after not to abandon (their) duty to the villagers) house, he searched them all; hear! how even by saying that it was any higher). small pieces of copper, and the brazier's anvils, Sixth Verse. All the people in concert were and the stone-splitters' tools, were carried away making up (their) accounts, weighing the (for sale).
matter out one with the other; how shall I (With a change of metre)-All the Musal- describe the sorrow of the people ?; so the mins sat down together, making a conspiracy, work went on. First the merchant Mikapinside the mosque:"Where is the stick ? pasetti, a very virtuous 'man, himself sat down search and bring it here that we may beat and made up the reckoning; thus the minds of those who come to levy the tax); will you now all were satisfied. Listen now again! The hesitate and back out of the business ?" Thus poor people stood by in restless anxiety, and they conspired, "Undoubtedly we will beat made supplication to the gentleman; and then anyone who comes to make us pay the tax); the virtuous gentleman caused to be given perhaps they may put us in fetters; but, if so, back to them the tax that they had paid. what more could they do?” (But others said), The Musalmans said_“O Allah! it is a year
-"Ye madmen ! is not this a serious matter ? since we have eaten wheat and rico; (the gor) it is not right to display any insubordination Siva (alone) knows our straits; what can wo towards the Government; keep to the habit of
give" falling down at the feet of (them, your) parents ; It was in the Pramôdůta samvatsara," my there is surely) some little regard (for you)." brother!, that the Government imposed the
Fifth Verse.-There came the noble gentle- tax; poor people were full of anxiety to the very man, Mr. Elphinston; very full of affection for cores of (their) hearts, (crying)-"O Lord ! () poor people was he; he sat himself down and holy one!" Up to the end of the Prajôtpatti made inquiries; listen how it befell!
sain vatsara, the people were in straitened All the Musalmâns then assembled together, circumstances, and kept saying-"Poverty has and, acting in unison, presented a petition ; stricken the Government ; let us go to some
15 This, of course, is ironical. 10 The staple grain of the country. 11 The Pramodata and Prajõtpatti sashuat saras are the fourth and fifth in Jupiter's cycle of sixty-four years.
By the usual reckoning they answered to A.D. 1870-71 and 1871-72; but there are variations in different parts of the country.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
other kingdom;" heartily they cursed the disposition of the village-juries, the merchants, and the Subhêdâr.
This song was composed in Hubballi, to the sound of a drum decorated with an elephantgoad and a nosegay of flowers; with the favour
[DECEMBER, 1886.
of (the god) Gurusiddhêsa, the poet Gurusiddha, the charitable one, the son of Hanmantrâo the teacher of singing, made and sang the words; sit and listen, O my brother! to the topic, the predicament that brought such ridicule !
TEXT.
Palla.
Yena helali janmada gola Ingraji upadar-âdita bâlâ I Badavara alatâro galagala maḍatâra chînti I Pallà
Ine nudi.
Madalinda
kêlari majakarâ | bandâna Gâdin-Saheba saradârâ kunta-konda tagada wonda hunnârâ dudda yelô igati Gâdin-Sâheba hêlatâna tôri hasana mâdastêna rå-dâri idaka nîva yêna antêri kelasa nimad-ati i Pañchar-ellâru âdâra kabulâ mund-hing-âdit-annudu tililillà duddina garvili teradâra halla illa kakalati Châla 1 Aga hâkidara kela kasta patti katina badavarda tumbadu hotți mâri koṭṭaro nûlava râţi II Duddin-âge hattita sarakaraka chaukâsi bâl-âta dina-dinaka sagani gutti madyara â kshanaka katagi mâratara mâḍi tuka Pyaṇḍareru Lamâneru katagi mâri tamma makkalna mâdatidra joki | iga bêduda bandati bikki kelasa hing-ati 1 H 2ne nuḍi.
Sarakaraka dorita masalatta karapatti hakyåra taratâ-turatâ raitara dudda yeļuva hikamatta måḍidâra hinga Sarakârada âta balajôri lôțisa kotta wâyide mâdâri koḍalidra besaka jôri nadasari añjik-ilad-hânge | Kalekatara-Sâyeba banda âga bandu iladâna bangaledâga janar ella hôgi muttidar-avanga | Siva iladhânga Wâyide mîridar-hachchari baddi mani mâra tagolri lilava mâdi bala mandi koṭṭâro gôly-âdi hedari manadaga Châla Daivadavar-ella kûdi samasta arji kottaro mâdi masalatta chaukasi mâdari danêra kantâ patti kudo namag= ila takatta Sâhêba manasige taralillà i måta namma-kade illa wôdy-âḍi hôdava kai-kila kula nira bitta kuntar-alla Saukâra vast-odavi tagad-iṭṭu dôtara angiya tottu bangaleke hôguva nâchiki bittu badavara gati || 2 ||
haraka
3ne nuḍi.
Sâwakâra mâdyâra yadi-gatti bittit-anta namaga karapatți bâlâ battar-annâ katapati bangaleka wôdy-âdi I Kadi kuntar-appâ sawakârâ kunt-ânga kuntrô kûli talawârâ tamma.tammolaga hâkatara usarâ telaka mâri mâdi | Ur-ellâ patți yetyâru Kamari-pyatyaga banda kuntaru jôrilinda badaka tarasyâru japti mâdi | Patigara hêlyåra Subhedâraga ni nama hadada tandi hâiga solpa karana banda hotyaga bido daya mâdi Tumis khâwanda chhê mâya-bâp I hamâre patte karo tumi mâp kât-lâyâ chôlenu châp didâ radi-radi Châla | Halagi kunti resami-patti | bânde-sâmânâ jumânu-tâți lilâwa mâḍaśyâru kimmata katti Châla Bala keṭṭar-anna sarakârâ badavara tandâra kanņirâ hentâ yâle tandi févara namag=yârad-illa Adârâ | Lai rady kah tari sabi baiti ka kare tar-bi chukta nai patti chudai-lâyâ jumânu-tâți kari kah na châti | 4ne nudi. Harpanalli-Rayappa bara-koṭṭâ 1 ivarigi hutaj-aitiri yattishta baḍavara sutta tandano kashtâi alilila darama II Kamari-pyâți Musalar ole-gatții kodudila hôg= andara karapatti bêkára tagôlri danda katti idara nima hukuma || Subhedara sitțili âda benki mani-mani nôdyâno yella hudiki tâmbara-chûra karavâyi
311
This verse is in Hindustant, of course very corrupt. So, also, are a few passages further on, containing, like this, words put into the mouths of the Musalmans.

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DECEMBER, 1886.)
THE DATE OF NAGARJUNA-BODHISATTVA,
353
-
sutaki wodadda kefri nêmå | Chåla | Musalara yella kuntâra kudi masatiwalaga masalatâ mâdit kâ hai dhund-kar lakaw-are lakadi hindaka saridiri anamâna madi Masalatta hâkidåra hinga! båśêka hoduna bandavanga | Adra bidi hâkyâra namagal matt-êna mådyâra idra myâga 11 Bade katai navere diwânâ sarakâr-ke sât masti na karna ma-bâp-ka rakê pêwa padna 1. kayito môr Åti 11 411
5ne nudi. Yelapât-Saheba banda saradârå badavara myâla idda bala phêrê, aga kunta madyâna vichyârá kêlari hînga | Âga Musalar-elláru kūdykru masalata madi arji kotaru | bangaleka banda yellára kûdyâra kôļari ânga 11 Tum kbâwanda arj yi sunnâ hamâri patti mâp tam karnál ninta-konda nodidâna badavarana! karuņa hotyaga il Såheba nodidána sôsi lagu madi arji kud-antâna barasi avana hotyag=ata kasa visi1 benki bidd-anga | Hengasar=utt-antâ haraka-paraka sfri ninta-koņda nodidana aibvari gar-me nai kar-kê jâri alatára avâga 11 Aga sardârâ mâdyâna vichârâi kuntidar=aņņa dodda sâwakârâ badavara mådyara namaskara 11 SAhêba kölida kivi-gotta ivarigi hutâj-ati heļri yeshta HitAliYirabadrappå bara kotta ainura rupaida and&j=itta niva hēļa-byadri kire-sutgå panchara kivi-myag=ittA 11 541
One nudi. Yellara kudi midatára lekka | tama-tamolaga hâkatára taka 1 yeshțanta helali janara dukka1 kelasa nadad-ati 11 Pratam setti Mâkappa panivantâ 1. lekka hâki madidâna till kuntål yellara manasa ata sanamantå kêlari inn 11 Badavara nintâra mari-marigi 1 ninta bêdi-kondaro dorigi1 kott-anta pasti kodisidåna tirigi Sayeba paņivânâ 11 Musalara antara are Alla warsta godi akki undilla namma padipâtla Sivana ballâ kodunu nåv=en # Paramadhdta-nAma-samvachhara i karapatti hâkit=anna sarakárå badavara maragidara maramaraswami bhagavana 11 Parajotpatya-samvachhara tanaka 1 janara âdaro bâla halâka badatana bant-antara sarakäraks hôgun-antara matt-onda rajeka | bêla sara péárs pañchars ganska 1 setti Subhêdára kâm dâra-janaka 111 pada hattita' Hubbalyaga 1 ankus-turaya dabbina myåga wastâda Hanamantrâwana maga! Gurašiddēšana dayana myâga kavi Gurasidda dana-châtura 1 mâời hôļidana akshara 1 kunta kbarmenna majakura 1 Ada pajiti 11 6 11
THE AGE AND WRITINGS OF NAGARJUNA-BODHISATTVA.
BY THE BEV. S. BEAL. From an examination of Chinese documents ed about B.C. 140; whilst Någårjans was relating to Nagarjuna, it seems evident certainly subsequent to the date of Kanishka, that he is not the same person as Någa sê na. and, according to the latest conclusions, lived
It has been hitherto commonly held that these towards the end of the second century A.D. two names denote one person. But the Chinese | Again, the characters of the two seem to be version of the Melinda-Prašna (Nanjio's Cata- wholly different. Någa sê na was a skilful logue, No. 1358) describes Nagasena as a disputant, but a loyal follower of the primitive native of North India, and simply terms him a doctrine of the great Teacher; but NagarBhiksh; whilst the Life of Nagarjuna by juna was the founder of a new school, an Kamarajiva (id. No. 1461) places him in South ambitious innovator, and an adept in conjura India, and speaks of him as an eminent tion and magio. Bodhisattva.
On all grounds, then, we must distinguish Again, the time when these two writers these two-writers, and be content to let Nagaflourished is not the same. Någ&sê na was sêna slone, judging him only by his one work, contemporary with Menander, who flourish- The Questionings of Melinda.
This is the onstomary, though irregular, euphonic conjunction of kejari (kiri) and anna.

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I will, however, make one or two remarks tribnte paid to this city by all the small about the Chinese vezisions of this book. I call countries round about. The clothing of the them versions, but they are only abridgments people is described as being of the five colours, of the original work, if that work is fairly glistening and bright, the women, of white represented by the Pali translation. The first complexion, and wearing jewels and costly was made by an unknown hand during the ornaments, -the soil, rich and productive, &c., Eastern Tsin dynasty, i.e. between A.D. 317 &c. This was the capital of the country of and 400; it is called Na-sien-pi-khu-king or Mi-lan. The king, therefore, proceeds thither, "the Sútra of the Bhikshu Nagasena." After and the disputation is narrated in two long some introductory matter relating to previous chapters of twenty and fourteen double pages births, we are told that there were two Bråh- respectively. maņs, who had practised together their rules of From a superficial examination, the descripausterity in the same mountain. One of these tion appears to be, in its general character, had expressed a wish that he might be born identical with that found in the Melinda-panho; as a king; the other desired that he might be but, as I do not possess the English translation re-born in & condition to arrive at nirvana. of this work, published, I understand, by Mr. Accordingly, the first became the son of a king
Trenckner, I have not been able to make any whose kingdom was by the sea-shore; and exact comparison. when the time came to name him, he was called | The only remark on the foregoing that need Mi-lan. The other was born in the country of be made, is that the kingdom of Menander Ki-pin (Cophene) and he was called To-la; but, may properly be described as a maritime one, because a royal elephant belonging to the family as the conquest of Pattalene is ascribed to him; was born on the same day as the child, he was and, as "he reigned over an extensive tract also called Na-sin, "for (the narrative adds) from the foot of the Paropamisus to the sea," the Indian word for elephant' is Na" (? Någa). we may accept the Chinese account that, whilst Having become a Bhikshu, he attained celebrity, his kingdom bordered on the sea, its chief city and after a while came to the country of was Sakala. This country the Chinese She-kie in India, and took up his residence in the writer identifies with Ta-ts'in, which is geneShi-ti-kia temple. We must restore She-kie to rally referred to the Roman Empire, but may, Ś akala, and Shi-ti-kia to Jêtika. So I think, be also equivalent to the countries that the plot of the discussion which follows, ruled by the Baktrian satraps. On all sides, is laid in the same place as in the Southern or at least, this Chinese book supports the identiPåli account. Meanwhile, the Prince Mi-lan fication of Melinda (Mi-lan) with the Menanhad succeeded to his father's maritime king- der of the Greeks. dom; and, being an adept in religions and There is another short work, in the Chinese philosophical questions, he requested his mini- collection of books, relating to this subject. sters to inquire for one worthy to enter It comprises the 101st tale, or story, in the the lists with him in disputation. The reply Tsah-pao-ts'ang-king (the Sarayuktaratnapitakawas that in the Northern region, in the sultra). The tale is called Na-sien-Nan-tocountry Ta-ts'in,' in the kingdom of She-kie, wang-king, i.e. "the Sitra of Nagasôna and Nanand in the palace of an old king of that daraja." The contents are similar to the former country, there was dwelling a Shaman well work noticed. The king's name is given as able to dispute with the royal scholar. Then Nanda, instead of Mi-lan. But I see no follows a description of the city of Sakala, difficulty in supposing Nanda to be a conthe noble character of the people, the richly traction of Menander, or of the Pâli ornamented gates, the sculptured palaces, Minanda. the apartments of the court ladies, the streets On the whole we may conclude that Någaand suburbs, the elephants, horses and chat sê na, the Bhiksku, was contemporary with riots, the artizans and scholars, and the Menander, and that his discussion with the
(The modern SaugalawAlaţibbA in the Pañjat; see SAkala, therefore, at this time was the seat of Greek page 246 above, note 9.-J.F.F.]
influence and civilization in North India. "Ta-t'sin in this place must denote the Greco-Baktrian Wilson ; Arion Antiq, page 980. Enpire.
Nanjio's Catulogue, No. 1329.

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DECEMBER, 1886.]
THE DATE OF NAGARJUNA-BODHISATTVA.
855
Greek ruler may have given rise to the story "he who draws, or pulls well." This, however, of Plutarch about the distribution of his (Me- gives us but little help, beyond suggesting, as nander's) relics and the monuments placed over the original Sansksit word, Sadvaha,-& name them.
which we do not know of from Sanskrit sources, We now come to Nagarjuna, respect- and which does not seem a very probable ing whom there is abundance of informa- one. But we are told by I-tsing" that this tion, of a mixed character, to be found monarch was also called Ski-yen-te-kia, which scattered throughout the Buddhist literature might be restored to Sindhuka; moreover, of China. The chief difficulty is how to con- the same writer says that Nagarjuna wrote to nect these scattered notices into anything like | him as the king of a country called Shing-t'u & reliable narrative.
(Sindh P). All this is obscure; it is true the Taking Hinen Tsiang's notices first, we Váyu-Purána gives us the name Sindhuka find that, according to him, Nagarjuna as the first of the Andhras; but his date is lived during the time of a king calleå So-to-p'o much too early for Nagarjuna. Under these ho,' in Southern Kosa la. He practised the art circumstances, I can find no clue to the settleof converting inferior substances into gold, andment of the date from this part of my enquiry : also gained a knowledge of the elixir of life. and must rest satisfied with the suggestion By means of the latter, he had extended his that the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit own and the king's years over several centuries. name is wrong.--that the original name was The king built for him, or excavated from Sataváha(na), which is equally deducible from the rock, a saingháráma; the rock or mountain the transliteration, and the sound of which was called Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li and it was 300 l might easily be confused by the Chinese with the south of the country. We cannot fix the site sound of Sadvahs, -and that the king is to be of the capital city, visited by Hinen Tsiang; identified with one of the Ata vihana or and so the Po-lo-mo-lo hill is not known for Andhra kings, and possibly with the certain. One thing, however, we know that Yajiasri-Satakarņi, who seems to have it must be restored to Bhramara, or “the black flourished about A.D. 178 to 207. bee," and was called after Durgâ or Pârvati; If we come now to consider the succession and that it is the same as the Sri-parvata of Buddhist Patriarchs as they are named in Paramalagiri named by Scheifner in his the Northern Books, we find that Någår. Translation of Taranátha, p. 304. On this hill juna is the thirteenth in the order, and Nagarjuna is said to have passed one hundred Parsva the ninth. If this Påráva was the and twenty-nine years of his life (Scheifner, one who presided over the council summoned Táranátha, p. 73). We must then, it appears, by Kanishka, then we may reasonably place give up the old story of Fa-hianabout the him about 300 years after Asoka, or A.D. pigeon (párávata) monastery, and substitute 70 or 75; for this seems to be the meaning for it the Sriparvata dedicated to Durgå. I of the 400 years after the nirvana, alluded have been told by Dr. Burgess that he has to by Hiuen Tsiang. His successors were good reason for identifying this rock with the Panyayasas, Ašvaghosha, Kapimala, and then celebrated Sri Aila, on the river Krishna:10 Nagarjuna. Respecting these, there is no
But now the question arises who was this reliable observation found in Chinese Books, king So-to-p'o-ho, and what his probable date P except that Asvagh 8sha was contemporary
The Chinese explanation of the king's name is, with Kanishka. As there has been some
• Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 210.
This is a phonetic representation, and is explained M meaning "he who draws the good," which of course suggests Sadvahs or Sadvahana As tbe original Sanskrit word.
This expression probably means that it was 300 W from the capital of the kingdom.
Buddh. Rec. West. World, Introd. p. lxviii. 1.
(It seems worth noting that Buddhist Bhadanta named Nagarjunacharya is mentioned in one of the inscriptions at the Jaggayyapeta Stipa, thirty miles north-West of the well-known Amardratt in the Kistna
(Krishna) district (Archaol. Sury. South. Ind. Vol. III. P. 57). This inscription, however, is in Sanskrit ; and, partly for that reason, partly on paleographical grounds has to be allotted to about the beginning of the seventh century A.D., and it thus gives abont A.D. 650 as the date of this Nagarjun Roh Arya.-J.F.F.
uching yin; hit. right-drawing. At one time I thought this was equivalent to the Greek Sarnp.
u Nan-hai-khi-ksei-chun, K. iv. p. 5. b. I-tsing tells us that the king's title (ho) was sh-to-po-han-na, his private or personal name (ming) being Shi yen-te-kia.
» Buddh. Rec. Woat. World, Vol. I. p. 161.

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doubt expressed about this, I will refer to 1 I only refer to this story to shew that Asstories 93 and 94 in the abovenamed work vagh ôsha was contemporary with Kcalled Samyuktaratnapitaka. In these stories nishka. But he was probably a young man, we have mention made of the king called and may have gucceeded Punyayaśas in his Chandan-Kanika, which I can only restore to old age. At any rate, we cannot accommodate Kanishk'a of Gandhåra. He was a great this succession to any date for Nagarjuna conqueror, and was converted to Buddhism. earlier than the latter end of the second cenIn story 94 he is said to have had three tury A.D. friends, - Asvaghôsha, his spiritual adviser; According to Tibetan accounts, NagarMo-cha-lo (Madra), his great minister ;-and juna lived some 600 years after Buddha; for Chay-lo-lia (Jurks P), his chief physician. this is the only reasonable way of explaining We are then told how Kanishka, after a great the statement that according to some his life slaughter of his enemies, relented and desired was 71 years short of 600, and according to to pursue a more peaceful life ; on which his others 29 years short of that period. This is chief minister intimated that such a desire supposed to be a mistake for 71 or 29 years could scarcely be carried out by such a man as short of 600 years after Buddha, and if we he had been. The king then orders & caldron assume the date of Buddha (according to Tifull of water to be heated to the boiling point, betan accounts) to be 100 years before Asoka, and, this done, he flang into the water his this again would give us a date for Nå går. ring, ordering his minister immediately to take jana from abont A.D. 166 to A.D. 200. it out with his hand. The officer begs to be I think we may safely regard this as the excused, but in vain; at last, on condition he nearest approximate date to be got from would take it out, the king permita him to Chinese or Tibetan sources, I will merely add adopt his own method. Of course he takes from that the change introduced by Nagarjuna into under the caldron the fire, and allows the water the code of Buddhist doctrine was so great to cool. Then he removes the ring. "And 80," that it is said he claimed himself to be the "all, replied the monarch,"even I may gain the knowing one" (the Omniscient), and that, after treasure of the Law, by extinguishing within his death, Stipas were raised to him, and he me the three fires of lust, hatred, and doubt." I was worshipped as Buddha !"
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 258.) No. 166.-BODH-GAYA INSCRIPTION OF MAHANAMAN.-TH YEAR 269. This inscription, which is now published for towards the proper right side of the stone, the first time, is from a stone-tablet that was there are engraved in outline a cow and a calf, discovered in the course of the excavations standing towards, and nibbling at, a small tree made by General Canningham and Mr. J. D. or bash; the tips of the ears of the cow are M. Beglar at Bôdh-Gaya,' the famous Bad- discernible in the lithograph, below the comdhist site about five miles due south of Gaye, mencement of line 14.-The writing, which is the chief town of the Gaya District, in the in the upper part of the stone, and covers Bengal Presidency. The original stone is now a space of about 1 7' broad by 1'0' high, in in the Imperial Museum at Calcutta.
oluding a margin of about an inch all round, is The stone has the appearance of having been in a state of perfect preservation almost originally set in a socket about three inches throughout. The average size of the letters deep, and morticed at the sides into a building. is about " The characters belong to the The front surface measures about 1' 7" northern class of alphabets. They include, in broad by 1' 6' high. Below the inscription, the last line, forms of the numerical symbols * Vassilief (French Ed.) p. 201'n.
1 The 'Bodh-Gyal of the Indian Atlan, Sheet No. 104, Records of the Patriarchs (Nanjio's Catalogue, No. Lat. 24° 42' N.; Long. 85° 8 E. 1340K. v. p. 20. b.

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DECEMBER, 1886.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
857
for 8, 9, 60, and 200. In the conjunct letter Bodh-Gaya, also called the vajrasana or ry, in yatirey atah, line 7, we have to note diamond-throne,' on which Buddha and his that the r is formed on the line, with a single predecessors sat, when attaining bodhi or per y below it. -The language is Sansksit; and, fect wisdom.' And Professor Childers, in his except for the opening symbol representing Om, Pali Dictionary, added that he inferred that and for the date at the end, the inscription is in the term was also applied to the raised terrace verse throughout.-In respect of orthography, built under the bodhi-tree within the precincts the only points calling for notice are (1) the of any Buddhist temple, in imitation, presumoccasional doubling of k and t, in conjunctionably, of Buddha's throne. This, rather than with a following r, e.g. in chakkrais, line 13; the throne itself, seems to be its meaning in tanttram, line 2; and chaittra, line 14; and the present inscription. (2) the nse of v for b throughout, e.g. in vandhu, The chief interest of this inscription, lies in lines 2 and 8; vabhuva, line 6; and vôdhi, lines the probability that the second Mahânâ man 10 and 12.
mentioned in it, is the person of that name The inscription does not refer itself to the who composed the more ancient part of the reign of any king. It is dated, in numerical PAli Mahdvanso, or history of Ceylon. If this symbols, in the year two hundred and sixty-nine | identification is accepted, it opens apa (A.D. 588-89), on the eighth day of the point of importance in the question of dates. bright fortnight of the month Chaitra (March- On the one hand, there can be no doubt that April). It is a Buddhist inscription. And the date of the present inscription has to be the object of it is to record the erection, by a referred to the Gupta era, with the result of certain Ma hân & man,--the second of that A.D. 588-89. On the other hand, from the name mentioned in this inscription, -of a Ceylonese records Mr. Turnour arrived at mansion of Buddha, i.e. & Buddhist temple or A.D. 459 to 477 as the period of the reign of monastery, at the B8 dhimaņda, or, rather, Mahânâman's nephew (sister's son) Dhåtuwithin the precincts of it; i.e. at the modern sena;' and it was during his reign that Bôdh-Gaya.
Mahanaman compiled the history. The With regard to the places mentioned in this recorded date of the present inscription, there. inscription, Lanka is, of course, one of the fore, shews,-if the identification suggested most well-known names of Ceylon. And above is accepted, -either that the details of Gen. Cunningham tells me that Amrad vip, the Ceylonese chronology are not as reliable as
the mango-island,' is another of its names, they have been supposed to be; or else that derived from its 'resemblance in shape to a wrong starting-point has been selected in mango. Bôdhimada is the name of the working them out, and that they now require miraculous throne under the bodki-tree at considerable rectification.
Text: 1 Ôm [11] Vyaptô yên=&-pramêyah sakala-sabi-ruch sarvvataḥ sat[t]va-dhâtuh kshun
påb påshanda-yodhas-sagati-paths-rudhas-tarkka-sastr-Abhiyuktah sampurnnd 2 dharmma-kôshaḥ praksiti-ripa-hřitah sâdhito 18ka-bhůtyai kâstaḥ Śâky-aika-va(ba)
ndhôrajjayati chirataram tad-yasas-sâra-tanttram | Nairðdhim' Subba-bhậvana3 m=anussitaḥ samsara-samklesa-jin-Maitreyasya karê vimakti-vasitâ yasy-adbhatâ
vyakritâ nirvvân-& vasarê cha yêna charaṇau dạishtau maneh 4 pávanau pâyâd-vah sa munîndra-sâsana-dharah stutyai Maha-Kaśyapah 1 Sam
yukt-agaminô viếuddha-rajasah sat[t]v-ånakamp-odyatAh sishya 5 yasya sakrid=vichêrur-atulam Lank-achal-patyakâm têbhyaḥ śila-guņânvitas-cha
satasah sishya-prasishyâh kramaj-ját&s=tunga-narándra6 vamsa-tilakah prôtariyya rajya-sriyam 11 Dhyân-day-Ahita-hitah subh-Asubha-vivêka
křidavihata-môhah sad-dharmm-atula-vibhavô Bhavð va(ba)bhůva Seo, amongst other authorities, Beal's Buddhist | Metre, Sragdhari. Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 116.
• This mark of punotuation is unnecessary. • See Tarnour's Mahavando, pp. ii. liv. lxii. 254ff.; and Metre, Sardalavikrl_ita; and in the following terse. Jour. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 922.
. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. • From the original stone.
• Metro, Aryk.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1886.
7 sramaņas-tatah | Rahulo-Akhyar=cha tach-chhishya U pasênô yatir=yataḥ Maha
námå kramad=Ovam=Upasónas=tató-parah 11 Vatsalyam" sarana. 8 gatasys Satatam dinasya vaiseshika vy&pat-sayaka-santati-kshata-dhritêr=arttasya
ch-apatyakam krůrasy-ahita-kariņah pravitatam va(ba)ndhoreyathi9 bhåvatah évam sach-charit-8dbhavêna yasasa yasy=&chita bhůtalam | Åmradvip".
Adhivâsî prithu-kala-jaladhis-tasya sishy mahiyên 10 Lanka-dvips-prasataḥ para-hita-niratah san-Mabânâma-nâmê tên=ôchchair-V yo(bbő).
dhimaņde sasi-kara-dhavalaḥ sarvvató mandapêna 11 kantaḥ prasada esha Smara-va(bajla-jayinaḥ kåritô lôka-sastuh | Vyapagata".
vishaya-snéhô hata-timira-daśaḥ pradipa-vad-a-sangah 12 kusalên=anëna jand (bô)dhi-sukhameanuttaram bhajatâm | Yavad"-dhvant
apahîrî pravitata-kiranah sarvvatô bhati bhasvân=yâvat=purņņā=mva(mbu). 13 risih phani-phaņa-kațilair=ûrmmi-chakkrais-samantat yâvach=ch=Endr-adhivasó
vividha-maņi-sild-chiro-sringah Sumêruh sôbb-Adhyam 14 tavad-êtad-bhavanam-uru-munôh sasvatatvam=prayâtu | Samvat 200 60 9 Chaittra
su di 811 TRANSLATION.
| unrivalled country at the feet of the mountains Om! Victorious for a very long time is that of Lanka; and in succession from them there doctrine, replete with fame, of the Teacher, were born, in hundreds, disciples and disciples' the chief kinsman of the Sakyas, by which, disciples, possessed of the virtue of (good) lustrous as the full moon, the inscratable pri- character, who, without the glory of (actual) mary substance of existence has been pervaded sovereignty, were the ornaments of a lofty in all directions ; by which the warriors, who race of kings. are heretics, obstructive of the path of beati. (L.6.1- Then there was the Sramana tude, have been broken to pieces, being assailed Bhava, whose welfare was effected by the with the weapon of logio ; (and) by which the development of abstract meditation; who diswhole treasure of religion, that had been stolen
criminated between good and evil; who deby the enemy which is original nature, has been stroyed error; (and) who possessed an anrecovered for the welfare of mankind!
equalled wealth of true religion. (L. 2.)-May he, Maha-Kasya pa, protect
(L. 7.)-And his disciple (was) he who had you, who, for the purposes of praise, observed the name of Rahula, after whom (there came) the precepts of (Baddha) the chief of sainta; the ascetio Upas en a (I.); then in succe8who practised that auspicious habit of abstract
sion (there was) Mahanaman (I.); (and) meditation which is of the nature of a trance; after him another Upasena (II.), wbose spewho overcame the anguish of successive states cial characteristic of affection, of the kind that of existence; whose wonderful subjugation of is felt towards offspring.--for any distressed the passions in final emancipation (is to be dis- man who came to him for protection, and for played in the hand of Maitrôya ;" and by any afflicted person whose fortitade had been whom the two pure feet of (Buddha) the saint destroyed by the continuous flight of the arrows were beheld at the time of attaining mirvana! of adversity-extended, in conformity with
(L. 4.)-His disciples, endowed with a con- the disposition of a kingman, (even) to any nected tradition of doctrine, purified as to cruel man who might seek to do (him) harm; (their) emotions, (and) active in compassion for (and) by whose fame, arising from good actions, existing beings, roamed at one time over the the whole world was thus completely filled. 10 Metro, Sloka (Anushtabh).
the injunction which Buddha, when on the point of 11 From the vowel & being partially engraved over this
attaining nirvana, gave to Mahl-KAsyapa, to deliver over w, the engraver seems to have began to form the hero. his Adshaya or yellow robe (and with it the transmission Metro, Sardalsvikrldita.
of the Buddhist doctrine) to Maitreys, when he should 13 Metre, Sragdhara.
attain the condition of Buddhs (see Beal's Buddh. Rec. 1. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
West. World, Vol. II. p. 142ft.)
1 MahA-K Myapa was sested in meditation, when 1 Metre, Aryl.
suddenly bright light burst forth, and he perceived * Metre, Sragdhari.
the earth shaking. And then, exerting his divine sight » Maitetya is Bodhisattra, at present in the Trushita in order to Moertain what wonderful event was indicated hesten, who is to be the next Buddha. And the present by this portent, he saw Buddha in the act of entering on passage, which is rather obscure, is perhaps explained by nirudna (see id. Vol. II. p. 161.)

Page #405

Bodin-Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman.-The Year 269.
( ২৩
ags:কনমি:
49:বষযেৎ। নবাব সজি । যনি ক্লিবে ” n সংস্থা
সর্মসৱাসাবধানকলেব | অসমৰ নামাকাবিধিনি©োরাম। ধৰণৰম:গুন! :মাও: নে মধাববেক তদশ squহন দলবদg: কম । বিশেষSTAGহলে মুৰব
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সবখ্যাততে: ৭", করব যুবকসযে3ষধধব মওসব নিভু 7;&ষ:যদিবস: শফসব নসিব:মমূখ। Twধ বলকনিক সব ধরনের যানববন: ৪ ও ৫মস কবিত' মুন এমদার একৰিব ।
ravagang (Cয় যাওযৱবৰ বিবৰar to L ux; দকঃ ৯। * হয়। মানুষ মসু9) ডিt at , ,
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Bodh-Gaya Image Inscriptiod of Mahanaman.
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Page #406


Page #407

DECEMBER, 1886.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
859
(L. 9.)-His disciple, greater (even than excavations made by General Cunningham and himself), (is) he who has the appropriate name | Mr. Beglar at Bodh Gayâ, in the Gaya of Mahânâman (II.); an inhabitant of District in the Bengal Presidency. Amradvipa; a very ocean of a mighty The writing, which covers & space of about family; born in the island of Lanka; delight- 1'8' broad by 0'1' high, is in a state of almost ing in the welfare of others;-by him this perfect preservation.-The average size of the beautiful mansion of the Teacher of mankind, letters is about '. The characters belong to who overcame the power of (the god) Smara, the northern class of alphabets.-The language dazzling white as the rays of the moon, with is Sansksit; and the inscription is in prose.an open pavilion on all sides, -has been caused the orthography presents nothing calling for to be made at the exalted Bodhimaņd & remark.
(L. 11.) - By means of this appropriate The inscription does not refer itself to the (action) let mankind,-freed from attach- reign of any king, and is not datod ; but the ment to worldly things; having the condition of characters allot it to precisely the same time with (mental) darkness dispelled ; (and),, like the the preceding inscription of A. D. 588-89. It flame of) a torch, 'having no adhesion to ma- is a Buddhist inscription. And the object of terial objects),-enjoy the supreme happiness of it is to record the presentation of the statue perfect wisdom !
on the pedestal of which it is engraved, by (L. 12.)- As long as the sun, the dispeller of Sthavira named Mahân & man, who is obvi. darkness, shines in all directions with diffused ously the second Mahanaman mentioned in the rays; as long as the ocean (is) full on all sides preceding inscription. with its circles of waves that are curved like As pointed out to me by General Cunningthe hoods of hooded snakes; and as long as ham, this inscription shews that Mahậnaman (the mountain) Sumêru, the abode of the god) must have been at least thirty years old when Indra, bas its summits made beautiful by various he visited Bodh-Gaya; by the Buddhist rules, jewelled slabs, in such a way as to be fall of he could not receive the upasaripadd-ordination, lustre,-80 long let this temple of the great before attaining the age of twenty years; and, saint attain the condition of being overlasting ! after that, he would have to wait at least ten
(L. 14.)-The year 200 (and) 60 (and) 9; (the or twelve years, before he could be invested month) Chaitra; the bright fortnight; the with the title of Sthavira or Théra. A further day 8.
point to be noted, is, that Mahânáman's visit
to Bodh-Gays probably oocurred before the No. 167.-BODH-GATA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF
time when Dhâtusêns became king of Ceylon, MAHANAMAN.
-during the flight of the uncle and nephew This inscription, which also is now published to avoid the persecution of the usurper Paņda; for the first time, is from the pedestal of a according to Mr. Turnour's deductions, this Buddhist image that was discovered in the was between A.D. 434 and 439.
- TEXT. 1 Om D8ya-dharmmd=yam Šakya-bhikshoh Amradvipa-våsi-sthavira-Mahânâ masya" [11]
Yad atra punya tad-bhavata sarvve-sat[t]vånám=anuttara-jan-kvaptayê sta"[11]
TRANSLATION Om ! This is the appropriate religious Whatever religious merit (there is) in this gift of the Sakya Bhikshu, the Sthavira (act), let it be for the acquisition of supreme Mahanaman, a resident of Amrad vipa. knowledge by all sentient beings!
This refers generally to the subjugation of the From Mr. J. D. M. Beglar's ink-impression ; to Pansions, but also specially to the temptation by Mara, also the lithograph. or Love as the Destroyer, which is referred to in Buddh. Read Mahendmnal. Rec. West. World, Vol. II, p. 69.
This stu' (ast) is redundant, m we have already had bharatu.

Page #408

360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DIOEMBEE, 1886.
HATHASNI INSCRIPTION OF THE MEHARA CHIEF THEPAKA.
BT VAJESHANKAR GAURISHANKAR; BHAWNAGAR, Hathasni is a separate tribute-paying | in line 13, which do not seem to have contained State, held by some Sarvaiya Rajputs, in the anything of importance, and, in line 17, the Uņd-Sarvaiyâ Sub-Division of the Gohilwad third figure in the date, which however is Pránt in Kathiâwâd. The village is situated at supplied by the ordinal word in the same line. the foot of the Loñch Hill, and on the north -The writing covers a space of about 1' 61" bank of the river Satražji, about thirteen miles broad by 1' 01" high. The average size of the in a south-westerly direction from Pålitâņâ. letters is about ". The characters are The present inscription is from a stone that Devanagari, of the period to which the inscripwas found at Hâthasņi, and is now in the collection refers itself. In khagára, line 2, vdkhala, tion at BhÂwnagar.
line 5, and akhaanda, line 16, the kha is repreThe stone has been broken into four pieces; sented by the sign for sha. The avagraha but nothing of the inscription has been lost occurs in several places.-The verses are thereby, except two aksharas in line 8, and five numbered in the original.
TExr. 1 माँ सिद्धिः (1) विरंचिवदनावासा देवी जयतु भारती । यस्याः प्रसादमासाथ मूढोऽपि विबुधावते १[॥"] 2 श्रीसौवंशो' भुवि सुप्रसिद्धः क्षमाभृता' मंडनमादिजानां तेषां कुले पुण्यकृतां वरिष्ठः खगारनामा 3नृपति बभूव* २[[-] जसधवलनामा तस्य वंशेऽथ जज्ञे सकलगुणनिधानं रूपविण्यातकीर्तिः पिबम4ल इति देवी रूपतो यं विवाद्य विजयसुभटपुत्रै सूर्यवंशप्रसूता ३ [1] यद्योधवलदेवस्य पपुवे 5तनवान् वरान् वल्लीव कल्पवृक्षस्य मल्लमंडलमेलिगान् ४ [*] अवांतरे वाखल राजवंशे कंड6 लदोर्मेडलनिर्जितारिः । नगार्जुनो' नाम बभूव वीरः श्रीमंडलीकस्य सहायकारी ५ [*] सुतस्तस्य म7 हानंदः संजातो धरणीतले बेन को जातसारण जहर्षुः पूर्वजा मुदा ६ [u*] सता मंगलराजस्व 8 रूपा रूपमनोहरा या जज्ञे ठेपक वीरं - - यं स्वामिवत्सलं . [[*] अपि वाचस्पतिद्का के वर्व बहु१पस्तवे इत्तानां येन दानानां संख्या कर्युन सक्यते' 6 [॥*] कुलेन चौर्वेष नवेन कीर्त्या प्रमा10 भिरामो भुवि मेहरोऽथ तालध्वजे विप्रजनाभिरामे महीशभूपेन नियोजितश्री: 11.[] राज्यं प्रकुर्वतस्तस्य चतुर्भिस्तनयैः समं धर्मबुद्धिरियं जाता ठेवकस्य महात्मनः१.[1] कार12 यामि महावापी सर्वजंतुषापहीं अगाधे निर्जले देशे कूतराज ततोऽब्रवीत् १ [1] वला13 दित्यकुले सूर्यवीकलस्यान्वयोद्भव ----- मे वाक्यं शृणु धर्ममयं हितं १२ [1] वया 14 मम पिवृष्येन जीर्णदुर्गनिवासिना] कारिता संगवापीति ठेवावापी प्रकारय १५ [1]| मे15 हरेण समाविष्टो धर्मबुद्धिः स को नरः कारयामास सहसा वापी जलमनोहरां 16 १४ [1] अखं[]"मायुर्लभतां मेहरो विजवल्लभः सहितः . पुत्रपौवैश्व परिवारजनैः समं [*] 17 संवत् १३[८] वर्षे ।। भावे संवत्सरे पूणे आषाढे पडशीतिके सबम्बां सोमवारेष 18 वापीयं पूर्ण तां] गता ॥ १६ [[] श्रीप्रभानिष्ठवास्तव्यसूत्रवाचासतसांडाकेन कारापिता [॥"] TRANSLATION.
the excellent name of J&sadhavala, who was Om! Success! Victorious be (the goddess) | the treasure of all virtues, and whose fame Bharati, whose abode is the mouth of Virañchi, became all the more renowned on account of and by whose blessings even a fool becomes his beauty; and whom & lady named Priya intelligent!
mala, born in the solar dynasty with the (L. 2.)-The lunar dynasty has achieved & Sons of Vijaya and Subhata, married on world-wide fame; in the family of the meri- account of his beauty. torious kings of that dynasty, there was a (L. 4.)-Like a creeper of the kalpa-tree, king named Khagara," the ornament of his she bore to Yasodhavala three excellent sons predecessors who were endowed with the -Malla, Mandala, and M&liga. virtue of forbearance.
(L. 5.)- At this point,--there flourished in (L. 3.)-In his family was born one who bore the family of VÅkhalaraja," a hero named Rond fri-adma-varn.so.. : Read bhritaria
.See notesabove.
Read nagarjund. In this word, the kha is represented by sha; so also Read kartun.
• Read takyate. in vaishala, lines, and akhanda, line 16..
10 See note 3 above. - See note 3 above. • Bondiripatir-babhava. . Read putraih. 11 Soe note 8 above.

Page #409

DECEMBER, 1886.)
HATHASNI INSCRIPTION OF THEPAKA.
361
Nagarjuna, who was the companion of the
NOTE BY MR. FLEET. illustrions Magdalika, and who had subdued The chief interest of this inscription lies in the circle of his enemies with the prowess of its being a historical record of the Mer or his arms which were always itching to strike. Méhar tribe, the modern representatives, as
(L. 6.)-His son was Mah â nanda, at was suggested to me some three years ago by whose birth on the earth the joy of his elders Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, of the Maitrakas, knew no bonnds.
who are mentioned in the Valabhi grants in (L. 7.)-The daughter of Man galaråja, connection with the Senápati Bhatarka. named Rûpå, who was possessed of a charm- His suggestion was that Maitraka is the ing beauty, gave birth (by this Mahd nanda) to Sanskļitised form of the original name of the a son named 'Thê pa ka, who was brave ...1 tribe. In endorsing it, I have to point out ... and dear to his master. Even Váchas- that the original name was Mihira; which pati is powerless to describe his virtues ; 80 again is the Sanskțitised form of the Persian how shall we ?; it is impossible to make an enu- ihr, the sun,' and is no doubt to be attributed, meration of his charities.
as a tribal name, to a special predilection for (L. 9.)-Then (this) Méhara, who won sun-worship. The Sanskritised form Maitraka the hearts of his subjects by his nobility, also preserves this connection in a very happy valour, sense of justice, and glory, had the way; since it is a regular derivative from mitra, royal dignity conferred upon him by king which again, as denoting the sun or the god of Mahisa at Taladh vaja, a place dear day, is an adaptation of the Persian Mithra. The to Brahmans.
Mihiras were a branch of the Hana, (L.11.)-While that high-minded Ţ hêvakawho, under the leadership of Tô ra mâ pa and was reigning, with his four sons, & benevolent and Mihira kula, overthrew the power idea occurred to him, of building a large tank, of the Early Guptas and established themselves cnpable of quenching the thirst of all beings in in Kathiawad and other parts of Northern a country where water was scarce and very India, and were then, in their turn, conquered deep; then he spoke to Kuntaraja: 1 in Kathiâwâd by the Sé nápati Bhatarka.
(L. 12.)"O (king, born) in the family of Other epigraphical references to them have Valladitya, and descended from Sûrya-Vi. been obtained. Thus, a Mihira king, or a kala, listen to my...... virtuous and beneficial king named Mihira, is mentioned as being advice. Just as my paternal uncle, who lived defeated by the Rashtrakůta chieftain Dhruva at Jirņadurga, built a tank called (after III. of Gujarât, in line 45 of the Bagumra him) the Sangavapi, so also do thou get a tank grant" dated Saka-Samvat 789 (4.D. 867-68). þuilt (called) the Thêvâvâpi (after me)."
And the simânâ grants of the Chaulakya king (L. 15).-That virtuous earthly hero, having Bhimadeva II., dated Vikrama-Samvat 1264 been thus instructed by the Mahara, imme- (A.D. 1207-8), mentione, in lines 6, 7, 8, 25, diately had a tank built, full of charming water. and 26, two Méhara Rdjas named Jaga
(L. 16.) - May the Méhara, the-beloved of malla and Åna. Brahmans, with his sons, grandsons, and fol- The present inscription gives us a third lowers, live a very long life!
reference, in being & record of a Méhara (L. 17.)-The year 1386 ; the Bhậva chief named Thê pa ka or Thêvaka, with the savivatsara being complete ; in (the month) date of Vikrama-Samvat 1386 (A.D. 1329-30). Ashidha; in the eighty-sixth (year); on the And a fourth reference is furnished by a seventh lunar day; on Monday; this tank was short inscription on the pedestal of a Jain finished.
image, stored with several others in a place (L. 18.)-(This inscription was) engraved by called Gorakhmadhi on the island of Sil. Sandaka, the son of Sätra-Vácha, an inhabi- Bet, off the south-eastern coast of Kathiwad. tant of the famous Prabhanishtha. It records, that, in (Vikrama). Saṁvat 1272
19 The modern Talgja in Kathilwad.
sion, I deperibe it from a transcript sent to me by Mr. 1. Edited by Dr. Bühler, ante, Vol. XII. p. 179 8. Vajoshankar Gaurishankar. The images are said to 10 waited hv Dr. Hultasch: ante. Vol. XI. D. 837 11. I have been transported to the island from the mainland
* Mentionöd in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. VIII. to save them from violation, when the Musalmans Kathiwad, p. 652.In the absence of an ink-imprese in vaded the peninsula.

Page #410

362
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1886.
(A. D. 1215-16), on Ravi(vara) or Sunday, the lunar day, without any specification of the fifth day of the dark fortnight of the month fortnight, of the month Åshadba (June-July). Pausha (December-January), the image, one By the Tables, however, Vikrama-Samvat 1386 of Mahavira, was made by the order of the was the Sakla samvatsara ; and the Bhava whole Sangha, and was installed by the Seri samvatsara was the year 1391. Whether we Hariprabha, of the Chandra gachchha, a disci- treat the year as current or expired, this date, ple of the Súri Santiprabha, at Tim banaka by General Cunningham's Tables and by (l'imaņi), the estate (pratipatti) of the Me. Cowasjee Patell's, does not work out correctly. hara Rúja, the illustrious Ranasinha. For Vikrama-Samvat 1386 current, the result The corresponding English date is, with a dif- for the first seventh day in Ashâdha (in this ference of one day, Monday, the 11th January, instance Pârva-Ashkha) is Saturday, the 23rd A. D. 1216.
June, A.D. 1330; for 1387, (or 1386 expired), The Mêrs or Méhars are to the present Thursday, the 13th June, A.D. 1337; for 1391 day a tribe of considerable importance in current, Wednesday, the 28th June, A.D. Káthiê wê d. According to the Bombay. 1335; and for 1392 (or 1391 expired), Sunday, Gazetteer," they are nearly 24,000 strong, and the 16th June, A.D. 1336. These calculaare a race which has attached itself from time tions are according to the Gujarat reckoning. immemorial to the J&thwâ Rajputs. Colonel with the year commencing on the first day of the J. W. Watson tells me that the Jethwâs are bright fortnight of the month Kürttika, and said to be only the rájakula of the Méhars, with the dark fortnight coming after the bright, vie. the branch of the tribe in which the ruling I suspect, especially as the Bhåva sarkvatsara is power is vested ; and that there are grounds described as being púrna, 'full or completed, "" for thinking that this is probably correct. that the last result is the proper one; and that He also informs me, in addition to the miscella- in this, as probably in other instances, the neous information given in the Gazetteer, that discrepanoy may be due to the tithi, or lapar the Méhars follow the custom of a younger day, not coinciding eractly with the vara or brother marrying his elder brother's widow. divasa, the week-day or solar day. The seventh
Another settlement of the Môbars was in tithi of Asbadha possibly began after sunrise on Mér widA in Rajputana; in connection with Sunday, and ran over into Monday. The only which a good deal of interesting informa- other way to adjust the date with the result, tion about the tribe may be found in Tod's would be to look upon Somavára, Monday, as a Annals of Rajasthan," Chapter xxvi.
mistake of the composer for Saumyavara, Wed. Traces of them seem also to be found in nesday; in which case the third result might be Maharauli or Mérharauli; a corruption of taken as correct. The ink-impression, bowever, Mihirapuri, the village, close to Dehli, in distinctly reads Somavára. which there is the iron pillar inscription of the The number of the year is expressed in such emperor Chandra.
a way as possibly to be quoted as an instance Mô har on the Indus, in Sindh, is probably of the use of the Lókakala, or metbod accord. another early settlement of the tribe. And, ing to which the centuries are omitted. This if indexes were only forthcoming of the Trigo- question of the Lókakila, as used in comparanometrical Survey Maps, we might doubtless tively modern times, requires to be worked out. find many other interesting records of the But I should think that, in the present case, extent to which they spread, and the chief the omission of the centuries is due only to localities in which they settled.
the inability of the composer to introduce The full details of the date of this inscrip- them into his verse. To supplement the verse, tion are Vikrama-Samvat 1386, the Bhava he has given the full date in figures just sanhvatsara; Sômavara or Monday, the seventh before it. 11 Vol. VIII. KáthidwM, p. 1888.
are no grounds for suggesting that, as otherwise we * Caloutta Reprint, Vol. 1. p. 717ff.
might be tempted to do, we should read parove, quali» The word panni, in line 17, is very distinct; therefying Aahadhe.

Page #411

DECEMBER, 1886.]
THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM.
863
THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED INTO SANSKRIT.
BY PRAMADA-DASA MITRA; BENARES. On the occasion of the Queen's Birthday, 24th May 1886. Text.
TRANSLATION. राी दयावतीम्
राजी कृपान्विताम् God sare onr Gracious Queen!
शश्वज्जयां सतीम् . शीलरलताम् Long live our Noble Queen !
ईशावताम् ।
. पाहीच ताम्॥ God save the Queen!
लक्ष्मी दिशोग्ज्वलाम् Send her victorious,
कीनि सुनिर्मलाम्
भूत्या प्रभूतवा Happy and glorious,
कीाऽवदातवा
उर्जस्वलामिलाम Long to reign over us!
लक्ष्म्बा प्रदीसबा God save the Queen!
ईद्याऽव ताम्॥
सा भाजताम् ।।
II O Lord, our God! arise; Scatter her enemies,
And make them fall! Bless Thon the brave that fight, Sworn to defend her right; Bending, we own Thy might;
God save us all!
विश्वेश रक्ष ताम् शत्रुनिपात्यताम्
. एपेहिनः। राज्ञीमनुव्रतान् प्राणेः समुद्यतान् रक्षेबलोजूतान्
छ धेहि नः॥ ।
प्रोपज्जवध्वजम् सीदद्रिपुब्रजम्
सा राजताम् । वीरान् बलोद्धतान् युद्धे धृतव्रतान् सन्त्वक्तजीवितान्
रक्षाऽनु ताम् ॥
III Thy choicest gifta in store Still on Victoria pour- Health, peace, and fame! Young faces, year by year, Rising her heart to cheer, Glad voices, far and near,
Blessing her name.
कल्याणधारबा वर्षेरुवारया
विक्टोरियाम् । प्रोयत्यजामुखम् गावेषधामुखम् सारोग्बसम्मुखम्
देवाऽवताम्
हष्यत्मजातताम नश्यद्रिपुराताम्
उशिताम् कुशि सन्तताम् देव्याः सदा हिताम् दूरेऽन्तिके नुताम्
रक्षेश ताम् ॥
IV Saved from each traitor's armThou, Lord, her shield from harm
___Ever hast been. Angels around her way Watch, while by night and day Millions with fervour pray
"God save the Queen!"
स्ववाहपालिताम् । पापाच्छिदेहिताम्
देवैर्वृताम् । विश्वेश रक्ष साम् इस्वेव सवार सिजपस्सीहताम्
कुय्योः सताम् ॥
An optional rendering of verse 1:
राझी कृपान्विताम् शुगुणैर्युताम्
कुर्सीश ताम् । जिणं यशःसिताम् सर्वेः सुखे ताम् नित्यं त्वया भविताम्
भूयोग्य ताम् ।। [One special point in the present translations is to be found in the rhyming ends of the lines throughout-Ed.]
Optional rendering of verse 3: कीय॑धुमालिनीम्
शंधारया मुताम् भारोग्यशालिनीम्
मन्दत्मजास्तुताम् कशि ताम्।
कुर्सीश ताम् । शीलाभिवन्दिताम्
सहीर्घजीविताम् लोकाभिनन्दिताम्
सन्तानतर्पिताम् आशीमिरविताम्
रोगणिज्जिताम् उशिताम् ॥
रमेश ताम्॥

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SOME FANTASTIC CHARACTERS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
Most archaeologists are familiar with the Sri-Svayambhunathaya namaḥ,-"Reverence to so-called shell-characters,' which exist on the holy (god) Svayambhunatha!" The word several of the ancient monuments of India, and ri, which in Old-Kanarese inscriptions is the clue to the interpretation of which has not often given in various elaborate and ornate yet been obtained. Published instances of them forms, is here represented by an initial in which, will be found in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. on the right side, can be made out the front Vol. VI. p. 968, Plate Ivi. No. 16, from the half of an elephant; the rest of the design Aśoka column at Allahâbâd; in the Pandit, seems to contain nothing in particular. These Vol. IV. (1969) p. 43, Plate, from the words are followed by the verse-Namas= Pahlâdpur column at Benares; in the tumga-siras-chumbi-chandra-châmara-châravé Archeol. Sure. Ind. Vol. I. p. 37, Plate xvii., trailôkya-nagar-arambha-múla-stambhaya Samfrom Skandagupta's pillar at Bihâr; and in bhavê,-"Reverence to (the god) Sambhu, who the Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 154, Plate is decorated with a chauri that is the moon xlv. No. B2, from a pillar at Rajaona' or that lightly rests on (his) lofty head; and who Rajjhana," is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds!" This verse introduces two ingeniously devised 'bird-characters.
4
Another class of curious characters is very well illustrated by the highly floriate letters on a pillar in the temple of Râjivalochana at Rajim in the Central Provinces, reproduced by General Cunningham in the Archaeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XVII. p. 19, Plate x. No. 3, which contain the name of Sri-Purnnâditya,-rather difficult to make out, perhaps, by itself; but easily recognisable when compared with the name as written in ordinary characters at another place in the same temple, No. 2 in the same plate.
On one of my visits to Calcutta, I noticed in the Imperial Museum an inscribed stone from Kurgôd or Kurugô du, in the Ballari District of the Madras Presidency, which gives some fantastic characters of a new kind." There are Old-Kanarese inscriptions on both the front and back faces of the stone. On one side, the inscription is of the time of the Western Chalukya king Sômêsvara IV. It commences
200 80533
[DECEMBER, 1886
I owe this last reference to Mr. V. A. Smith. His forthcoming Index to Gen. Cunningham's Reports will be an invaluable acquisition for references.
3
Since the preparation of the present lithographs, I
A5180 Jes
The first is the dra of chandra; in the centre there is the ordinary character da, and the bird is formed by an elaboration of the r, which is often turned completely round the letter, as here.
20
The second is the bha of Sambhave, in which the head of a bird is introduced by an elaboration of the first part of the letter.
have found that the first five lines of the Kurgôd inscription, including these three characters, have been represented, but not at all perfectly,-in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 663ff. Pl. xxxii.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
365
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. VI.-Sundbús Jai. .
regarded the parting injunctions of their hus There was once a great merchant named bands, and set her to do all the household work Dantâ Séth, who hud seven sons, but no they had been made to do when their mother
So he and his wife prayed to Iswara in-law was alive. Not content even with this, incessantly to bless them with one, till at last they often beat and scolded her, and, in short, he heard their prayers and a daughter was born tried to make her life as miserable as possible. to them. They were so overjoyed at this that One day, one of them ordered her to go and they made the occasion one of great rejoicing, bring dry wood for fuel from the jungle, and gave away large sums of money in alms to when the girl looked about for a rope wi Brahmans, and regularly afterwards, every which to tie the bundle, they all scolded her
orning the mother waved a string of pearls and would not let her take any. over the little girl's head and gave it away to
"Don't tie the dried sticks into a bundle," the poor.'
they said, "and yet, mind you bring as many They had also a golden swing made for her,
as we used to do, when you were swinging at on which her seven sisters-in-law were made to
your ease in your golden swing." swing her all day long. Thus Sunâbâi JAI, AS | The poor girl went out without a rope, and she was called, grew up in great happiness and
after she had collected a large number of sticks, comfort, and was petted by all the friends and
she found that she could not carry more than relations of her parents. But alas! this state
three or four sticks on her head at a time of things did not last long. Before she was
without tying them together, so she sat down Boven or eight years old, her parents died,
in a corner and began to cry. At this a large leaving her under the care of her seven brothers,
Berpent crept out of its hole and said to her :and their wives. The demeanour of the latter
"Well, Sunkbai Jai, what is the cause of instantly changed towards her, and they who your tears P" during the life-time of her parents had vied
Then the little girl replied :with one another in showing their love for her,
"Danta Sêth had seven sons and after them camo
Sunábat Ját, now not only refused point blank to swing her,
Over whose head a string of pearls was waved or to do any other service for her, but often
every morning; told her to get out of the swing, and perior B ut now, all the seven brothers have gone away the household duties with them.
in a ship, leaving her alone, Not long after the old people had gone to And all the seven sisters-in-law ill-treat Sundbaf their rest, the young men, their sons, bethought
Ját." themselves of going to distant parts for the "And they have bade me," she continued. purpose of commerce; and getting ready a ship fetch firewood, but have given me no rope they sailed away in it, leaving Sunábat Jai to with which to tie the sticks together, and I find the tender mercies of their wives. Before that I cannot carry more than two or three taking their departure, however, they bade sticks on my head, while they have ordered me them take great care of the little girl, and told to bring home a large bandle." them not to let her want for anything during The serpent felt pity for her and said the time they were away. But as soon as their “Fear not, good Sundbåt Ját, I shall instantly backs were turned and the sisters-in-law found remove the cause of your grief. See here: the child fully within their power, they dis- I will stretch myself at full length upon the
Note that the birth of a daughter would not, in India, be ordinarily an occasion for rejoicings.
On auspicious occasions rice, coconuta, sugar, betel. nuta, dstes (dried), are waved over a person's head and then thrown or kivon away. for they are believed to carry away all the misfortunes that might be in store for the person in question. Sometimes rioh people wayo such precious things ma pearls over their children's hands with the same object.
* 4.6. the infant brides of their seven infant sons.
In Gujarati these verses ran as follows:
दंता सेठना सातज दीकरा सात दीकरा पर भावी सुनावाई जार सुना बाईजाई तो मोतीण वधाईरे साते भाईभो वहाणे चढी गीया साते भोजाई काहाणी पाडेरे

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ground, and you must place your sticks in the | She then related to them how she had been middle of my body; and then, when you have sent to wash the dirty quilt by her sisters-inpiled up as many as you can carry, I will wind law. myself round them like a rope, and you will "Is that all p" said the crane, who acted as thus be able to carry the bundle easily." spokesman: "then dry your tears, and we
Sunâbi Jáf-thanked the serpent, whó soon shall wash it for you in a trice." wound himself round the sticks she placed upon Sankbai JAt agreed, and immediately the his body, and the little girl walked homewards cranes set to work, flapping their wings backwith the bundle on her head. As she threw wards and forwards upon it, and dipping it down the bundle in the yard all the seven now and then into the water, till they bad sisters-in-law came running out of the house made it in a short time as white as their own to scold her for bringing only a few sticks from plumage. Sunkbai Jai was very grateful to the jungle, as they thought. But what was them for this, and carried the quilt home to her their astonishment to see as a large a bundle sisters-in-law in triumph. on the ground as one could fairly carry. They! They were very much chagrined, not only to were struck dumb with surprise, and could not see Sunâbâi JAI return home safe and sound, for the life of them comprehend how the little but to find that she had brought back the quilt, child could have carried so many sticks on her clean and white beyond their expectations. head without tying them together; for the So they said nothing at the time, but inserpent, it must be mentioned, had glided gently wardly swore to subject her to still greater hardaway, before they could observe it.
ships, to see how she came successfully through They were, however, very much provoked, them all. So after a few days they mixed & and resolved to subject her to severer ordeals. phard of rice and a phará of dál (polse) together So one day one of the worthy ladies covered a and ordered her to go into the yard and Jarge heavy quilt with ghi and oil, and bade separate them. SunABAI JAI go to the sea-shore and wash it clean, "Be careful," said they, "not to lose a single firmly believing that this time she wonld either grain out of these two pharás, for we have be drowned in the attempt or return home to counted every one!” get a good caning. Poor Sunabat Ját dragged The poor girl carried the mixture into the the quilt to the sea-side, and sitting down upon yard as desired, and sat down to her work, a stone began to cry at the utter impossibility but she had no idea how she was ever to of washing such a dirty, oily, heavy thing separate so many small things as the grains single-handed, and without the aid of soap or of rice from the dál. So she cried and cried anything. However, she went to work after a till even the sparrows on the large trees in time, but though she need all her strength till the yard were moved by her tears, and they she was quite exhausted, the quilt remained as came down to her to inquire into the cause dirty as ever. So she again sat down in dig- of her grief. Whereupon Sunâbai Jai repeated appointment and cried more bitterly than ever. to them how There was nothing near her but a few cranes,
"Danta Seth had seven sons and after them came who had all along been watching the poor
Sunâbât. JAI, girl. When they heard her cry they all flew
Over whose head a string of pearls was waved towards her, and one of them asked her why
every morning;
But now all the seven brothers have gone away she was crying. Sunábáf Jai replied:
in a ship leaving her alone, "Danta Seth had seven sons and after them came
And all the seven sisters-in-law ill-trent SunAbai SunfbAt JAI,
JAI.” Over whose head a string of pearls was waved
And she informed them of what her sisters. every morning; But now all the seven brothers have gone away
in-law had set her to do, when forthwith a in a ship leaving her alone,
large flock of sparrows set to work, and And all the seven sisters-in-law ill-treat Sunbat separated the rice from the ddl with their
beaks, making two large separate heaps in no A phard (CT) is oorn-mensure of 16pdya} (argest) or 64 Nro.

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time. Sunâbâi Jai joyfully took the separated grains into the house. Her sisters-in-law could not believe their eyes, so astonished were they to see the job done so quickly. One of them, however, making a pretence of counting the grains, said:
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA,
"Stop, stop! Sunâbâî JAî, is that the way you do your work? I find the rice short just by one grain; pray how do you account for that? Go and fetch it this instant, or we shall beat you within an inch of your life."
The poor child went back into the yard, and began to look for the missing grain of rice, with eyes full of tears; when she beheld a sparrow flying into the house. She followed it, and to the surprise of all the bird dropped a grain of rice into the heap, and flew away..
At this the women grew very jealous of the poor child, and bethought themselves of some sure method of getting rid of her. They therefore ordered her one day to go into the jungle and get for them some tigress's milk, firmly believing that she would meet with her death in the attempt. Little Sunâbâî JAÎ had no conception of the dangerous nature of the errand she was sent upon, and so she fearlessly wandered here and there into the jungle in search of a tigress, but fortunately for her she did not find one. So, fatigued and utterly prostrated, she sank down on the ground in a thick part of it, and cried for help; when lo! a tigress sprang out of a bush hard by, and seeing Sunâbât Jaf, said:
"Well, Sunâbâi, what are you doing here, and why are you crying ?"
Then Sunâbai Jaf told her tale in the follow. ing words :
"Dant& Seth had seven sons and after them came
Sunâbâi JAI,
Over whose head a string of pearls was waved every morning;
But now all the seven brothers have gone away in a ship leaving her alone, And all the seven sisters-in-law ill-treat Sun&bai JAI."
"My sisters-in-law have sent me," she continued, "to fetch the milk. of a tigress, and of a surety I don't know where to find it."
At this the tigress took pity on her and gave her some of her own milk, which she carried home in the pail she had brought for the purpose.
367
Great was the surprise and disappointment of the seven women on seeing Sunâbâî Jâi come home alive and unhurt once more, and when she placed before them the pail with the tigress's milk in it, their astonishment knew no bounds. They now clearly saw that she was under the special protection of Fate, and that, therefore, every attempt of theirs to get rid of her would come to nothing. Still, however, they persevered and one day told her to take a large piece of cloth, go to the sea-side, and bring in it the foam of the ocean. Not suspecting the uselessness of making such an attempt, the little girl went to the sea-side, and passed nearly the whole day up to her knees in the water, trying to catch some at least of the foam that floated by her, but to her great dismay she found how utterly impracticable such a thing was. Her tears fell fast when she saw that it was getting dark, and thought how far she had to go, and how, if she went home empty handed, her sisters-in-law would visit her with the severest punishment they could inflict, when her attention was attracted by a solitary sail. She felt great interest in watching the movements of the ship which was fast making for the shore; when it neared her she recognised it to be that of her brothers, and her delight was unbounded.
Being seized with a desire to give her brothers a surprise, little Sunâbâî Jâî hid herself behind a rock till they landed. The vessel anchored in due time, and the seven young men put off in a boat for the shore. As soon as they stepped on dry land, the little girl, unable to restrain herself any longer, ran up to them and was clasped in their arms. When the excitement of this most unexpected meeting was over, the brothers inquired of her what she was doing on the sea-shore so far away from home. She related to them all that had befallen her since their departure, and told them how that day she had been sent to fetch foam from the sea. The brothers were greatly enraged on learning of the inhuman conduct of their wives, and resolved to punish them as they deserved. So they took Sunâbâl Jai on board their ship, and kept her there till the following morning; when one of them, cutting open his thigh with his knife, put his little sister into it and sewed up the rent! They then went ashore and walked

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leisurely home. When they arrived there, their wives were greatly surprised to see them, for they had not expected them to return so soon. Pretending to know nothing of Sunâbâl Jâi, they demanded of them where she was, when the wicked women replied that she had behaved very badly after their departure, and had taken to wandering about at pleasure, regardless of their admonitions, and that that morning, too, she had gone no one knew where, without their permission; but would come back, sure enough, in the evening, as was her wont.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
"Very well," said the men, let us have something for our breakfast now, and mind, if Sunâbâi Jai does not return by dusk we shall hold you answerable for her life."
The seven women, who had not seen the poor girl all the previous day and night, began to tremble at these words, and devoutly prayed that she would return home in safety. When they were at their meals, however, they
[DECEMBER, 1886.
noticed that one of the men every now and then placed a morsel of food upon his thigh, and that it soon disappeared therefrom, to be replaced by another; but, seeing their husbands were in an angry mood they dared not ask them any questions. At last, when night came and there were no signs of Sunâbâî Jâî, the brothers were furious and bade their wives on pain of death to tell them what they had done with her. Seeing further prevarication useless, they all confessed their guilt, and expressed their fear that Sunâbâi Jai was drowned in the sea; when, to their great dismay, one of the brothers opened the rent in his thigh, and pulled out Sanâbât Jâî, as large as life and as well as ever. Upon this, the wicked women fell on their knees, and begged loudly to be forgiven, but their husbands were inexorable; they shaved their heads and cut off their noses and mounting them upon donkeys, sent them away to their parents' houses, to live there in disgrace for the rest of their lives!
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI,
No. XIII.-THE FOUR GOOD SISTERS. In the town of Tañjai there reigned a king named Hariji, who was a very good and charitable sovereign. In his reign the tiger and bull drank out of the same pool, the serpent and peacock amused themselves under the same tree; and thus even birds and beasts of a quarrelsome and inimical character lived together like sheep of the same flock. While the brute creation of the great God was thus living in friendship and happiness, need it be said that this king's subjects led a life of peace and prosperity unknown in any other country under the canopy of heaven?
But, for all the peace which his subjects enjoyed, Hariji himself had no joy. His face was always drooping, his lips never moved in laughter, and he was as sad as sad could be, because he had no son. After trying in vain the various distributions of charitable gifts, which his elders and priests recommended, he resolved within himself to retire into the wilderness, there to propitiate Mahêévara, the great god of gods, hoping thus to have his desires fulfilled.
No sooner had this thought entered into his mind than he called his ministers to his side, and, informing them of his intention, made over to them the kingdom of Tañjai. He gave strict orders to them to look after the interests of his subjects, warning them that, if they failed in this, they would have to pay forfeit with their heads. Thus appointing his ministers in his place, to order his realm during his absence, Hariji retired to the nearest jungle as a hermit.
The monarch of Tañjai, who had been attended with innumerable servants, now became his own servant and master. He removed all his royal garments and clothed himself with the bark of trees. To him, whose bed had been till then the softest of cushions made of the finest and most delicate cotton, the dried leaves now furnished a mattress. Roots and fruits were now his only food, in the place of a thousand different dishes, which had at one time been daily spread before him. Every morning he rose from his bed of leaves, bathed in the coldest water, and sat meditating on Mahêévara till about the twentieth ghatika.
8p.m.;a ghafikd is twenty-four minutes, 30 ghatikás make one day, and 30 one night. Thus 60 ghafikas make a day and night.

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Then he would rise up and taste something of to be presented to his queen, and disthe roots or fruits he happened to see near appeared. him. In the evening again he would bathe The fruit of his long penance Harijt thus held and sit meditating till midnight. Then thrice in his hand. He cared nothing for the prospect sipping water only he would retire to rest (if of having only daughters. Daughters or sons, rest it deserves to be called) for ten ghatikás. he wanted to have children, and so his desire Such was his daily routine, and in this most had been crowned with success. A thousand severe penance he wasted away by degrees for times happy he felt himself in the prospect before nearly two years. All his ribs began to pro- him, as he returned to his country. Great was ject from his sides, his skin dried up, and one the joy of his subjects and ministers, to see could count his nerves and veins. For all among them again their beloved sovereign. that, he never wavered in his penance.
The king called for his priests, and, fixing an On the first day of the third year after auspicious hour for the presentation of the Hariji commenced his penance, the great god fruit, gave it to his queen. She became pregMahêśvara came to recognize the monarch in nant, and in due course gave birth to four his devotee. Mounting his bull, with Parvati, daughters as beantiful as Rati." And thus his goddess, on his left, he appeared before the Hariji obtained four daughters by the grace royal hermit who literally danced with joy at of God in his old age. Their names we the sight of his long-looked for god!
Gangabai, Yamunkbai, Kamalậbai, and Nilai. "Thy prayers and praises, my good son, He left no stone unturned to give them a have been rising before our throne in Kailasa,
liberal education. Professors for every branch for the past two years, like a pillar of virtue, of learning were appointed, and the girls, and have brought me down to thee to grant before they were in their tenth year, had been thy boon. Ask and thou shalt have." Thus taught the four Védas, the six Sastras, the Bpake Mahóśvara with a smile on his face and the sixty-four kinds of learning, and all the his right arm raised to bless.
rest of it. They became great Panditds, and “My great God," replied the king, "lan- were like four great jewels among the woman. guage has no words to express the great joy kind of those days. and pleasure I have had to-day in that thon One day the old king was seated in the first in thy holiness hast condescended to visit thy storey of his palace to be rubbed over with oil." poor dog. This slave of thy most divine The oil-rabber began to apply the oil to his righteousness has had no child conferred upon head so irregularly and in such a stupid him, though his beard has whitened with age. way, that his daughters, who were looking on at To gain this boon, and thus sweeten the few a distance, were highly vexed, and calling to more years he has to drag out in this world, their mother asked her to interfere, and send he has been propitiating thy divine holiness." the man away. Then they themselves applied
"All men must undergo the miseries of a the oil to their father's head, in so delicate a former life in this one," replied the god. way that the old king did not in the least "However, for thy long penance we have been feel that anything was being rubbed over it. pleased with thee, and grant thee this request. He was exceedingly pleased with them, and Choose then :- A son who shall always be with after sending them away finished his bath. thee till death, but who shall be the greatest fool He now bethought him of Mahêsvara's conin the whole world; or four daughters who shall dition when granting his desire for children,live with thee for a short time, then leave thee that his intelligent daughters should leave him and return before thy death, but who shall before they had been long with him. "How be the incarnation of learning. To thee is will they leave me ? If I give them away in Left to choose between the two." Thus spake marriage, then, of course, they will leave me : Mahêsvara; and Harijf the hermit chose the but if I prevent this, and make some other daughters. The god gave him a mango-fruit arrangement for them I shall avert the
· Four hours. • The abode of Siva,
A
The wife of Kama (the god of Love) and goddess of
South Indian custom, corresponding to a bath.

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[DECEMBER, 1886.
unhappy prophecy of the god!" So thought It was not from any insane tendency that Hariji, and so has many another fool thought, the old king spoke in that shameless manner only to bring down swift retribution on his head before so learned and respectable an assembly.
After finishing his ablations the king did not He had firmly resolved within himself to go into the dining hall, but retired to his couch marry all his four daughters himself; and as and lay down sulkily. According to the ancient soon as his councillors had left him, he called customs of Hindu monarchs this was a sign his minister to his side, and asked him to go of a great uneasiness of mind, and the news that and consult his daughters about it. By this the king had not taken even a grain of rice means the king foolishly thonght that he after his oil-bath spread throughout the palace. would reverse Maheśvara's prediction that bis The queen came flying to know the reason daughters should leave him early, and see him of her lord's displeasure. "Call my minister no more till just before his death. at once," was his order, and the queen sent The minister was in a delicate position. If word to that officer.
he objected to take the news to his daughters, As soon as the minister arrived the king the old king might be enraged and punish bim : ordered him to summon a great council within a and if he boldly stood before the girls and ghatiká, as he had an important question which spoke to them shamelessly about their father's could be solved only by that learned body. intention to marry them himself, they might
The assembly was hastily called, and the become enraged and murder him! Of the two inembers collected, anxiously waiting for the alternatives he chose death at the innocent matter to be set before them. The king came hands of the princesses, rather than at the and took his seat, and after looking gravely guilty hands of a king, who had become so mad round him rose up and said—“My learned as to be in love with his own danghters. So councillors that have met bere to-day, I have he went to them. a great question to put before you for your The princesses had as great a regard for opinion. Many of you are traders, and occa- their father's minister as they had for their sionally, for various reasons, travel to different father; and when they saw him approachcountries. When you procure a rare object, or ing their mansion they welcomed him, and, a very precious jewel, or a valuable ornament, making him sit in their midst, wished to do you keep it for your own use, or do you hear whether he had any special reason for his give it away to somebody else? Kindly think visit that day. When he heard the innocent over the matter well before you give me your talk of these children, who had not even comanswer."
menced their teens, his eyes began to swim Thas spoke Hariji, and all present ex- with tears at the thought of the unwelcome claimed that, if the object were very lare news he had to communicate to them. The they would prefer keeping it to themselves. girls, who were naturally intelligent, at once
"Exactly! well said !" vociferated the king. guessed from his tearful countenance, that "Even so do I wish to act! After great hard it must be some very bad news that he had ship and severe penance I obtained through the to tell, and so the eldest broké silence by sweet grace of Mabesvara four daughters. They are and well chosen words :my gems, my jewels, and my ornaments. "Our kind father, for so we regard you, what Why should I give them away in marriage to is the matter with you, that you have put on another P Why should I not myself marry such a digmal face ? Disclose to us the burden them and retain them ander me? If you would of your heart, that we also may share in your keep the rare things you acquire to yourselves, woes." why should not I also do the same P"
The minister could no longer contain his All his councillors hung their heads for very sorrow. He sobbed aloud and told them all the shame. They were disgusted at the turn proceedings that had taken place during the which their generalization had been made to day, and how very sorry be was that they take and saying, "As it pleases Your Majesty," should have that morning showed their skill to took leave of their sovereign, all thinking that their father in the oil-bath affair. The their king had gone mad.
girls were greatly affected at what they
-

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heard, and the eldest, Gangabai, spoke as built in the city of Tanjai, Harijt was follows:
counting the days, and, to occupy his time "From this minute our father is no more our meanwhile, had decorated the city for the father, since he has becoine so depraved as you coming wedding of himself with his daughters, represent him to be. We all now regard you as and had sent invitations to all the corners our father, and request you to oblige us in this of the world. Several kings, out of simple delicate business. It is of no use to you to say curiosity to see the mad performance--for the 'no' to the king's question. I shall give my con- old Sovereign had proclaimed to the world sent to the marriage, and tell him at the same that he was going to marry his own daughtime that I have vowed to undergo a penance ters!--came to Tañjai, and were waiting for for six months, after which the marriage may the wedding day. be duly perforined. For the present I request At last, the long expected first morning you to oblige as with a seven-storied mansion of the seventh month arrived, and Hariji made of lacquered wood. In each storey I sent his minister again to his daughters request you to store up provisions sufficient to ascertain their wishes. Again the daughte for all of us for six years. The seventh storey returned word that they gave their full consent must contain water: the sixth, vegetables ; to the marriage. Harijs was overjoyed at the the fifth, rice; and so on : while we must second intimation of compliance, and decorated occupy the first two stories and proceed to carry himself with all his choicest ornaments. With on our penance. You must come here with the music before him he marched towards the king on the first day of the soventh month, and lacquered mansion, the kings and the other then you shall see a wonderful thing! For the guests following him to see how matters would present, please go and inform the king of our terminate. When the processional music fell consent to the marriage and of the penance we upon the ears of the princesses, they conternhave resolver on for six months, during which plated Varalakshmi and prayed :period we must be allowed to live unobserved." "O benign Goddess, if thou wouldst have us
The minister was delighted to see that the become the wives of a suitable husband, princesses, though they were young in years, noble prince,- let this mansion rise from its had a very sound knowledge of the world. He present position and fall again in the midst of a promised to oblige them most willingly, and jungle untrodden by human feet! Let thu yave orders, with the permission of Hariji the gates of this mansion be slut to all that may king, for the building of the lacquered mansion desire to open them, except to him only whom and for the storage of provisions. As for the thou hast appointed to be our husband !" king, when he heard that his daughters had The eldest led the prayer, and had scarcely given their consent, he was overjoyed, and finished, wheu the procession stopped before eagerly waited for the seventh month to come. the mansion. And lo! a crack was heard and He even took special care to see the mansion was the lacquered mansion, as if it had wings. built without delay. The minister, too, left no began to soar into the sky! In a moment it stone unturned to supply the provisions requi- vanished out of the sight of the sinful father: site for half a dozen years. The mansion was and all around him with one voice cried ont built, and the princesses took up their abode in that lre was well repaid for his wicked it for their penance. As soon as they entered thoughts. At last Hariji saw the guilt of his they bolted the door inside, and began to intentions, the just punishment with which meditate upon the boon-conferring goddess, the god visited him, the fulfilment of his proVaralakshmi. For six months they meditated, phecy, and his personal share in the early fuland on the last day of the last month secured her filment of it. He was buried in the ocean of favour. She appeared before them in a dream, shame and sorrow, till those around him conroked in pure white silk, and applied kunkuma soled him with that part of the prophecy, (red powder) to their foreheads in token that which promised that his daughters should come she had favoured them, and that from that day! back to him before his death. they might depend upon her for assistance. Within the mansion the four sisters con
Now outside this mansion, which had been tinued to live as if it were their home. They had

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everything they could desire, and, excepting about the sixth ghafiká. The hanting prothe time they were obliged to spend in cooking ceeded as usual till about the eighteenth ghaand eating, spent their days in study and music.
spent their days in study and music. fiká, when the prince was seen to run to a Their evenings they invariably spent most corner of the hunting ground, to disappear for happily in playing the sitar, and thus forget- a time, and then to emerge again from his ting their sorrows. In this way they lived place of concealment. The hunters, thinking a life of innocent enjoyment, in the expectation that it was his pleasure, left him to himself, and that the goddess Varalakshmi would soon engaged themselves in a different portion of relieve them of their troubles by sending
the forest. Thâņuji now found it a good them a suitable husband.
opportunity to escape, and changing his borse At a distance of a hundred kis from where for a fresh one, galloped towards the East and the princesses' mansion had been loeated by the vanished from the sight of his vast army of will of Varalakshmi, was a kingdom named hunters. Just about this time the hunt was Sivapuri. In it reigned a most just king named brought to a close.“ Where is the prince? Have Isabhajt. He had an only son named Thanuji, you seen His Highness ? ” were the questions who was twenty years old,-an age which fitted which the hunters put to each other. But the hinn for taking the reins of the kingdom into his prince was nowhere to be found! They own hands. His royal father wished, there- searched for him in the wood till darkness over. fore, to have his marriage celebrated. The came them, and at last returned to Sivapuri, bride chosen was the daughter of Isabhaji's late at night, without him! own sister, and therefore Thåņuji's first cousin. The old king was waiting the return of the All liked the proposed marriage, except the prince with a sumptuous dinner; and when prince; for thongh the bride was as beautiful as the hunters informed him of his disappearance the moon, she was blind of one eye!
he fell down in a swoon, as it were a tree cat "A one-eyed wife I will never marry!" was at the roots! His sister and other relatives his reply to the several representations his flew to his side to console him, and he was relatives made to him.
slowly brought back to his senses. It now Isabhaji was already very old, and his sole became more than plain to him that he was object in life was to see his son married, and to himself the cause of the prince's flight, by dandle a grand-child before his death. He had having tried to force him to marry Kurndi tried his best previously, on several occasions, against his will. He cursed Kurudi and her to choose a young lady of noble family as a bride mother, he cursed himself, and he cursed for his son, but Thanuji would have none of every one involved in the proposed marriage ! them. However, the king's sister, having He at once sent for the palace soothsayer yreat influence with him, compelled her brother to consult him as to the safety of his son, and to fix on an auspicious day for the marriage of as to the probable date of his return. The his son to her one-eyed daughter Kurudi. soothsayer made his appearance and took his Finding it hopeless to convince his father of his sent before the king with a palm-leaf book on his disinclination to marry a lady who was defective left and square dice of sandal-wood on his by nature, Tháŋují outwardly consented, and the right. When His Majesty explained to him the preparations for the celebration of the marriage disappearance of the prince, and wished to know were commenced on an enormous scale.
all about him, the soothsayer contemplated Two days before the time appointed for the Gaņeśa, cast the sandal-wood dice thrice, and marriage the prince desired to go out hunting turned up a leaf of his palm-book, guided to in a neighbouring forest. His object was not the particular page by the number thrown by really to hunt, but to disappear in the thick the dioe. He then proclaimed: wilderness, and to run away in order to evade Sukra' now reigns supreme; and Sukra's the marriage. The hunting expedition started course is a happy course! A marriage will in the early morning and reached the forest by be gained in the East ! Be cheerful, my son, for
.. (This is a notable incident, as giving a rational ex. planation of the common disappearance of a prince on hunting expedition in Oriental folktales. It usually
takes place in a miraculous manner. -Ed.)
The planet Venus, which is male in India.

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the lost thing will surely be found within the weariness. He sat up and listened for a while space of two years. Meanwhile give sumptuous to the sweet flow of music above. dinners and fees to several Brahmans every day, "Is there a heaven in this life ?" said he to and Paraméévara will help you!"
himself;" have some nymphs from the divine The faces of the king and of every one world made this mansion their abode ? or do present glowed with joy as the soothsayer wicked devils dwell here to feast upon nightproceeded in his reading of the secret lore. stricken passengers ? However, whether they
"A pair of shawls for the good soothsayer !" be good or bad, I must see the inhabitants cried out Isabhaji; and the present was accord of this palace, and leave to fate what it may ingly given. The king fully believed that his bring upon me!" Bon was to return to him in two years, and The music now suddenly ceased, for it so in this belief he forgot all his sorrow at his happened that the sitúr had to be adjusted for disappearance.
a different tune. Meanwhile the prince rose, and Let us now see what happened to the prince went round the mansion to see whether there after his escape from the hunters. He left where any gates to it. On the North side of it he them about noon and galloped towards the discovered a large gate-way, and inside it a gate. East. By about twilight fortune conducted This he approached and gently touched, to him towards the mansion of lacquer. The see if it was shut or not. Now, since Varaappearance of the splendid building made of lakshmi had fixed upon prince Thánuji as the strange materials, and not of brick or stone husband of the four princesses, the gate of the or chunam, awakened his curiosity, and, made mansion flew open, -as the gates of a river dam him approach it. In addition to this, he was unlock to the rapid rush of released waters, already dying of hunger, and wished for at and discovered to him four beautiful maidens least a mouthful of water. Being sure that made a thousand times more beautiful by the he had left his hunters far behind, he strange and unexpected meeting, by their approached the mansion and sat down in the evening attire, and by the lovely sitárs in their marbled lacquer pavement of the outer verandah. hands. The god of day was sinking down in the When the princesses saw the door open and West, and the golden rays of his evening their handsome visitor standing ontside it, fearbeauty seemed a thousand times more beautiful ing to enter in, they breathed a thanksgiving to than he had ever seen them as they glittered their goddess for the fair gift, and laying down on the lacquered covering of the grand palace, their sitárs, approached Thanuji with due which by its loveliness struck awe into his respect. All four humbly prostrated themmind. Before the mansion ran a rivulet from selves before him and then rose up. The which our hero drank a handful or two of eldest began to speak, while the other three water, and overcome by fatigue stretched sisters engerly watched the movements of the himself on the cool surface of the palace ve visitor's face. randah, leaving his horse to get his water and "Lord and husband of us all," said she, grass himself.
"glorious is this day to us as it has brought here It has been already said that the princesses our partner in life. Strange and sad is our inside the mansion used to spend their eveninge history, but nevertheless we are all mortals, in playing upon sweet musical instruments warmed by the same human blood that cirenand in singing. Now as soon as Thâņaji lates through your Lordship's veins and equally had stretched himself on the verandah to affected by the same joys and sorrows. We sleep, sounds of sweet music fell apon his ear. will reserve our story, however, till your LordThey were the most exquisite notes he had ship has dined, as we see plainly by your face over heard in his life. Like evening zephyrs that you are greatly tired. Accept us as your in the spring they came gently to soothe his Lordship's wives, and we for our part have
• A strong plaster made of sea-shell lime,
• Allusion to the native method of drinking water ont of the hands by hollowing them into a sort of cup.
10 The allusion bere is to the common Indian idea of
the personal beauty of malignant female ghosts, who I live by devouring human beings. See Folklore of the I Headless Horneman: Calcutta Keview, 1884.-ED.)

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earned the richest treasure the world can give lose yours, who is also a father to us. Nor do us by having met you."
we see why we should continue to live for ever His vague fears about the mansion and its in this wilderness, while you have a kingdom inmates suddenly melted away like snow before to govern. My advice is, that you go now to a powerful sun, when Thánujl saw the princesses Sivapuri, see your old father, and interest him in and stood listening to the speech of the eldest. our behalf, so that you may be able to take us He also considered that day the most glorious where we shall have a home, a father-in-law to of his life, and took leave of them for & few worship, and such society as becomes our posiseconds to secure his horse, which for all the tion. You will thus be able to arrange for our delight that had come to him he did not living in the world like other people, without forget. He then bathed hastily in the hot wasting our youth in this desert." water the ladies prepared for him, and after The prince thanked his queens for their praying to the great God, who had been so sound advice, who began to make preparations bountiful to him that day, sat down with three for sending their husband back to his parents. of the ladies to take his dinner. The fourth They supplied him with fine sweetmeats for attended to the leaf-plates, and supplied fresh the way, and, with the good wishes of his wives, courses as each dish was consumed. They Thâņaji started for Sivapuri. then related their previous stories to each He reached the town on the second evening other, and copiously did the prince shed tears, after be left the lacquered palace, but the when he heard bow it was that the princesses inhabitants were not able to recognize him, as came to perform penance to secure the favour it was already twilight. He arrived at the of Varalakshmi;-and the ladies, too, when palace at about the third ghalika of the they heard how king Isabhaji had worried night, and prostrated himself before his father. their husband to marry his one-eyed cousin, The old king had been counting the days and and how he had run away from the hunting the bours for his son's return, and as the second party to avoid the marriage which so disgusted year rolled away and the prince did not make him. All were glad at the fortunate turn his appearance, he had been greatly enraged their lives had taken, and from that evening against the sooth-sayer whose prophecy had thus the prince and the princesses began to live nearly proved untrue. The cunning sooth-sayer most happily together as husband and wives, had been daily predicting one week more entirely forgetting their former homes.
when, fortunately for him,-or the old king's Thus, hidden in an ocean of joy, Thâņuji lived wrath would have known no bounds, -and forfor two full years in the lacquered palace, in tunately for the old king himself, considering the company of the four princesses to whom his advanced age.--the prince suddenly turned fortune had conducted him; while they were | up. Isabhaji wept for mingled joy and sorrow; one and all grateful to their goddess Vara- joy at having recovered his son, and sorrow at lakshmi for having sent them so noble and that son's neglect of his old father for so long. beautiful a prince as their partner in life. But all is well that ends well, so the old king After two full years bad been thus passed, the praised his household gods for having given prince one day thought of his old father, and him back his son, and merely inquired into his the usual cheerfulness left his face. His history for the past two years. wives noticed the change and desired to be When Isabbaji found out that by good for informed of the thoughts which were passing tane his son had won the love of the four through his mind. He, noble in mind as in princesses of Tañjai, he wished his son every body, told them outright that he was thinking prosperity in the world, and gave him perof his father, and that the idea of not baving mission to makee very arrangements to bring seen him for two years made him sad. The them to the palace at Sivapuri, and to marry eldest princess as usual was the first to speak them regularly. But Thanuji wished to wait
“My dearest lord, it has been our misfortune a while, and his father allowed him his way. to have lost a father, and we do not wish to Now the news that Thåņuji had won the love see him again if we can help it. But we do of the four fair princesses of Taõjai reached his not see any reason, therefore, why you should aunt, the sister of Isabhaji, and his cousin, the

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one-eyed Kurudi. His aunt's dearest ambition Thâņuji returned to the lacquered mansion had always been to unite her daughter to the He noticed the hut in front of the palace prince, but she now thought that she must gates, but did not care to enquire who lived in banish all hopes of its fulfilment, as long as it, and went on and touched the gate, which the four fair princesses lived. Her daughter, opened to him. He entered in and gave his however, was a scheming sort of girl, and wives all their father-in-law's presents, for the determined somehow to get one of the four old king had sent them through his son several princesses of Taūjai into her own quarters, and costly ornaments and cloths. The ladies put him there to murder her.
a thousand questions as to how he spent the "Then the other three ladies will spurn the month, and were eager to see Sivapuri, and to live prince," thought Kurudi, "and he will have there as Thâņuji's queens, under the kind prono other course open to him but to marry me." tection of their good father-in-law. But the
For this task she engaged a doubled-up old prince told them to wait for a few more months woman, instructed her as to the position of the till his aunt could dispose of Kurudiin lacquered palace, and told her that she was to marriage to some one, for he hated the idea of try her best to get into the good graces of the taking them to the palace while his cousin and princesses. She was to serve them for a time as enemy dwelt in it, -that consin whose hand a faithful servant, and wait her opportunity to he had repeatedly refused, and whom he could bring one of them away. Should she succeed never hereafter marry as long as he lived. in this, Kurudi promised her ample rewards. The prince's wives then told him about the
The doubled-up old witch started with provi- old woman, and Thâņaji had great doubts as sions for a month, and erected for herself a to the wisdom of admitting her into the temporary hut in the forest at the gate of the mansion. Having studied tricks at courts and lacquered mansion. Her nights she spent on a elsewhere, he suspected that the old woman platform on a tree for fear of beasts of prey, and came from his one-eyed enemy; but she left her days in her hut. After cooking and eating nothing unaccomplished on her part. Her a little rice in the morning she would take her repeated cries, with which the serene palace of stand near the gate of the mansion and bawl the wilderness began to echo, at last aronged out:
some pity for her in the heart of the prince. "My children! Have you all forgotten me, “Never mind," said he at last," let us admit your poor old foster-mother? Oh, how tenderly her and watch her character. If it is susI brought you all up in your earliest days! picious, we will pupish her; if on the contrary And remembering you, I have deserted all it is good, we shall be glad of having secured my relations, children and friends at Tafijai, her services." and have traced you to this wood. If you would Thus with his permission the old hag was take me into your service, I shall still continue entertained, and from that moment, it was as if to render you what help I can, in washing a serpent had been entertained to sting its own your clothes, in preparing your meals, in comb- master, who fed it with milk and fruits. Deep, ing your hair, and other domestic duties, which tricky, and a trained witch, the old hag pretendit was once my delight to perform while I haded to do all sorts of kindnesses to the Tañjai the charge of you all till your seventh year. princesses and their affectionate husband. What a foolish old king he was to think of There was nothing which she would not do marrying you to himself, and thus to have lost with her own hands. Early she rose, bathed you!"
and cooked, and attended to the wants of the These and a thousand mournful tales of the ladies, who aftor pleasant nights of singing and past, which she had carefully learnt from the dancing slept very late in the mornings. The one-eyed Kurudi and her mother, she would princesses found her invaluable, and this bawl out. Bat the ladies would never do any. necessity for her services, in addition to the thing without the consent of their husband, assumed kindness of the hag, increased their and their doors, too, would never open to any liking for her. The ladies loved her, and one except their lord.
their lord Thåņoji saw no reason, for the five After living with his father for a month, months he remained for the second time in the

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• forest, to observe anything bad in the character until the morning of the fourth day after the
of the old woman. Again, he remembered oil had been applied to her head, did she fully his old father, and 80, recommending his come to her senses. At first she felt herself to be queens to the kind care of the old dame, be floating on the surface of the water, but as soon again went to Sivapuri for a month, taking as she began to recover her faculties her body with him his wives' gifts to his father.
began to sink. She caught hold of a step in The old woman was only waiting for the the well, guided to it by instinct, for her eyes return of the prince Thåņuji to Sivapuri. were gone, and she remained immersed in the The second day after he had left the palace, water with only her face above the surface. she induced the princesses to take an oil-bath, The needle operation, her questions to a oneand in the oil she mixed & herb which was eyed lady about the safety of her own sisters, able to produce insensibility lasting for three and that lady's affirmative reply-all came days in the strongest constitution. While the back to her recollection as if it were a dream.. oil was being applied to the heads of the She now came to understand her misfortune. princesses, they felt giddy, and before the bath "Ah ! that I should have had confidence in was over one and all of them were in a dead that old woman," she cried, "she must have swoon. The wicked old woman now took the given me some drug, made me insensible, and eldest on her back, and leaving the others to given me over to my enemy of the one-eye, of themselves to live or perish, flew away to Siva- whom Thánujt used so often to speak. Alas! puri with the nimbleness of a vixen.
Thanuji, you are passing your days merrily with She placed her burden before Korudi, who your father, not knowing the fate that has amply rewarded her and sent her away. This come over your wives, fully believing that one-eyed devil in woman's form now proceeded the old woman, whom you recommended to to take full vengeance on one whom she them, is properly discharging her duties! I regarded as the chief of her enemies. She sent do not know what has become of my sisters! for a barber and had the hair of Gangåbåt's I do not know where I am! My eyes are head cut off, the insensibility that still over- gone !" came the poor girl making her unconscious The needles imbedded in her body gave her of the loss of woman's most precious jewel. the most excruciating pain, and she was unable Kurudi, next proceeding to torture her enemy, even to weep. At last she began to pant as if sent for needles and thrust one into each suffocated. pore of her skin. The pain caused by the The well in which she was struggling for needles made Gangabai open her eyes, and life belonged to a neatherd, and round it he being very intelligent, she at once guessed the kept a garden, in which there were half a dozen calamity that had come upon her. Not caring beds containing tender cabbages. He came for herself, she asked her enemy, the one-eyed to water his vegetables, and on approaching Kurudi, whether her sisters were all safe. the well with his pitcher he heard a voice as
"Yes they are, and you shall pay for all the if in great pain, slowly issuing from it, but the mischief they have done and for your own to water was too deep for him to see what boot !" roared Kurudi gnashing her teeth. was in the well. Now neatherds have queer
Gangabai then closed her eyes, never to open notions as to devils and witchcraft, and he them again her enemy thought; for the effects imagined that the sounds in the well emanated of the drug, and pain caused by the needles, from a devil that must have taken up a temmade her almost a corpse. Kurudi next tore porary abode therein. So, he shouted ont, ont her eyes, and told two of her maid-servants looking down the mouth of the well, to throw the now mutilated body into a ruined "O yon devil! If you do not tell me who well at a short distance from the palace. They you are, and why you have thus invaded did so accordingly, and then went about their my possessions, I will throw rubbish into duties.
this already half-ruined well, and cover you The whole of one day and one night GangA-up!" bat floated on the water in that ruined well, Gangabai, who was only waiting to hear without recovering from her swoon, and not some person's voice, spoke slowly, in pain

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though she was, as she was afraid that silence could be said to be really restored. For this would mean burial in the well
she propitiated the boon-conferring goddess “Kind and noble gentleman! I am too weak Varalakshmi, and then sbe sneezed, when to tell you the whole story. I am a lady born lo! there dropped from her nostrils seven of noble parents and have come to this wretched precious gems! She called to Govinda and condition through my sins in a former life. If addressed him thus:you will kindly take me up, regard me as one "My respected Govinda, my kind protector, of your daughters, and restore me to health, I I have to trouble you still more. These seven shall reward you amply."
gems has Varalakshmi just given me. Take The neatherd, whose name was Govinda, six for yourself, convert the seventh one into was a man of very kind disposition, and his money, and buy some cows. Milk all the cows heart melted at the idea of calamity befallen morning and evening, boil down the whole of one of the fair sex born of noble parents. So the milk into only two measures, and give them he got down into the well, took Gangbåt up,
to me." and shed tears to see so noble a form cruelly The neatherd took the gems, locked six of deprived of eyes and hair, and suffering from them in his box and went with the seventh to cruel tortures from needles.
the básár. When he showed it to the gem“Cover my body with your cloth," said the assayers they estimated its value at seven lákhs princess," and take me to your home at once. of mohars, for which enormous sum he disposed I greatly fear my enemy may watch me and of it to a rich merchant. He could have purtry to kill me again."
chased all the cows in Sivapuri for that amount, So the neatherd, trembling at her words, but instead of doing so, he bought only a han. took her home in haste. As soon as the princess dred fine milch cows, and brought home the felt herself safe in the house of the kind neat- other portion of the money. Govinda truth. herd, she spoke to him thus :
fully told what he had done to Gangåbåt, and "My respected protector, my father,-for 80 she was delighted at his uprightness. The do I regard you for taking me out of the well, neatherd, for his part, now began to regard her I am & princess and a virtuous lady. This is as a goddess. The milk of the one hundred enough for you to know for the present. More cows he boiled 'down into two measures as I shall relate to you after I recover from my directed, and placed them before her morning pain. If you begin to pull out the needles as and evening. She used this milk in her food I am, I should die, I think, before half a dozen and daily improved in health, were removed. You will do better by cooking We must here leave GangAbal under the rice in a large vessel, emptying it on the ground, kind protection of our neatherd, and turn to and holding me over the steam while you pull | inquire about her other sisters. It has been them out. Keep on doing this till the last already said that all the four sisters fell into a needle is removed, and I shall get well." swoon, when the old woman applied the oil to
The princess then closed her lips, and her their heads. Gaugabât only was removed to body was like that of one in deep slumber. Kurudi's palace, while the other three conThe neatherd, who already respected the
tinued insensible for three days, coming to princess for the majesty of her form, now their senses on the fourth morning. What began the treatment according as she had said. was their astonishment when they missed their That so noble a creature should have come to eldest sister and the old woman! They began vuoh oalamity, aroused in his heart greater and to suspeot their husband. greater pity. The treatment went on for a week,
"Has our lord played this triok upon us to during which, now and then, Gangabat would take our eldest sister to his palace at Sivapurl relate to the old neatherd, who never left her and to leave us all here, in everlasting banish, had aide, parts of her story. Thus by degrees ment? Shan't we be angry with him when Govinda came to know the whole of it. The he comes For our siater will never forget ne, princess, too, recovered, except that her eyes and will soon bring him back." were gone, and her head still shaven. These Thus resolved they in their minds, and, being defeots had to be remedied before her health very innocent and timid, passed their days
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patiently waiting till their husband and their trouble his son about marrying the one-eyed sister should return. They would soon return Kurudi. But the prince would never agree together they thought, but they were doomed to it. to be disappointed.
While a whole army of courtiers were thus After staying with his father for a month, searching for Ganga bat in the various parts the prince returned to the forest with great of the kingdom, she was living comfortably eagerness to meet his dear wives, for he knew in Govinda's house, and her diet consisted nothing of the calamity that had befallen them. daily of the two measures of milk, morning and When he entered he found no joy in the palace, evening. Now Govinda had a daughter named but the three sisters lying down each by herself Gôpi, and she and Gangabai became very good with no mirth or welcome in their counte- friends.. Gaigabal related to her her whole nances. He was greatly vexed, and missed his history one morning, and was anxious to do eldest queen, whom he loved best, and as to something in revenge to Kurudi before joining whom the other queens suspected him.
her sisters in their palace. With a scheme for - Where is my Gangabal, my dears? And this in her head she addressed Gopi thug :why have you all got such dismal faces P "My dear Gôpi, my story is as you have heard, asked Thanuji.
and my heart burns within me when I think of Till then they had thought that their sister my treatment at the hands of that one-eyed was safe with their husband at Sivapuri, but witch. I ask you now to help me to repeat when the prince enquired after her, they fell Kurudi's acts on herself. Convert the milk off their couches, and, weeping and wailing, which your father brings to me at night into inquired what had happened to their sister! It curds. Take the cards with you and cry out was now plain that some trick had been played in the streets-Good curds to sell! Never upon them all by the old woman. The prince have neatherds sold such curds! Fine cards, asked them to relate what had taken place in one hundred mohars per measure ! Good curds! the palace since he had left it, and they told Good curds! Every one will call you a fool for him everything. It then become as clear as putting such a price on your cards; but go to the day to Thiņuji, that the old woman, who the palace and Kurudi will send for you and ask pretended such affection for them, was a rogue, you the price of your cards. Demand as before and that she had taken his love Gangabai to one hundred mdhars. She will give the money Kurudi for some foul purpose. He consoled and buy your curds, and finding them very his three other wives, cursed the day on which sweet will offer to buy some from you every Le took in the old woman, and started at once day. Go on giving her the cards, but do not in search of his lost love. Her sisters were take money for them. Only cultivate her equally anxious abont her, and promised to be friendship. And then I shall let you know careful during his absence.
wirat we must do." "The door shall open to none except to Gopi obeyed Gangabat exactly and in this yourself, my Lord, and that, too, only when way secured the friendship of Kurudi. Then you bring us back our sister," said the youngest said Gangabai to her:of the sisters. And our hero, buried in the "My dear Gôpi, when you go to-morrow to ocean of sorrow, and not knowing how to find the palace put on a sad countenance, and, when his lost love, returned to Sivapuri.
Kurudi comes and asks you the reason for it, He informed his old father Isabhajt of what tell her that you have a sister who has had lately had happened, and they both sent courtiers to small-pox and lost her eyes. Ask her to give different parts of the kingdom to make a care- you a pair of human eyes. She has with her my ful search for Gangabai. The prince also two eyes which she will give you. Bring them secretly made all the requisite enquiries in the to me." palace where Karudi and her mother were | Gopf did as she was told, and when the eyes living. For six mouths the search went came into Gangabai's hands she put them into on, and yet no trace was found of the lost the empty sockets and meditated on the boonprincess. Meanwhile Isabhaji was drawing day conferring goddess Varalakshmi, when her by day nearer to his grave, and again began to sight was completely restored. She now for

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DECEMBER, 1886.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
379
the first time beheld Gopi and her father the so long waiting, was at last approaching. To neatherd. She thanked them again and again make herself, therefore, as beautiful as possible a thousand times and asked Gopi to beg her by adding flowing hair to her charms, was an hair from Kurudi under the same pretence of important point; so she said to Gôpi:having a sister who had lost hers. Gopi, who
"My dear Gópi, I thank the day which first who had now fully secured the affections of
made us friends! My hair is a weak point Kurudi, brought back Ganga ba i's hair, and the
with me, and if you can make your hair grow at princess pat it on her head, and meditated on
the rate of a cubit a day, I should much like to Varalakshmi; when lo! every hair returned to
see your doctor, and show him my head alsu. its proper place! Thus, through the neatherd
Will you kindly bring him to me?" and his daughter, and by the divine help of Varalakshmi, Gangabai crossed the ocean of Gôpi, as instructed, said-“Undoubtedly he misery, and came back to her former self. shall be here with me to-morrow, my noble The news that Isabhaji was trying to compel
lady;" and returned home. his son Thiņuji to marry Kurudi, was commu- Gangabit was anxiously expecting to hear picated by the one-eyed lady to her friend Gôpi.what had taken place in the palace between She also informed the neatherd's daughter her friend Gôpi and her bitter enemy Kurudi, that, though the prince was not agreeable and, when the latter came home, she related to the match, he would be soon compelled how she had promised to bring the imaginary to give his consent to it, to oblige his father doctor next day to the palacu. Gaiga bál and his aunt. These bits of information could have leapt for joy. were duly passed on to Gangabai, who now
"My end is attained," said she in grent joy. thought this a good opportunity to wreak her
eagerly waiting for the next day to come. vengeance on Kurudi. So she asked Gopi to go to the palace next morning with curds,
As already said, the old king had made his and to sit down rubbing her hair on the
son Thanaji consent to marry Kurudi, and the ground.
wedding day had been fixed for the tenth day
of the bright half of that very month. It was "My dear Gôpi," said she,"if you will
just ten days before the happy event was to keep on rubbing your beautiful hair on the
take place that Kurudi was expecting to see ground, Kurudi will call you mad, for thus in
the doctor with the wonderful power of breedsulting an ornament that nature has granted
ing hair. That morning Gangabai changed you. You innst then tell her that a doctor has
her fernale attire for the first time in her life given you a prescription for making the hair
for a man's and wore a doctor's robes, and so grow quickly, that ever since you have applied
well did she carry out the disguise that her it your hair has been growing at the rate of &
friend Gopi was hardly able to distingaish in cubit a day and that as you are not able to take
the young doctor her friend Gangbil. Thus care of so great a quantity, you are rubbing
metamorphosed and followed by Côpi, Gangait on the ground to check its growth. She will
bài reached Kurndi's house, where she was then ask you for some of the prescription,
welcomed, and given a seat hear its mistress. and you must agree to give it, eud come to me."
"Can you indeed mako hair grow very Gôpi agreed to all that Gaigabai asked her
quickly ?" asked Kurudi. to do, and wont to the palace. She pretended! "Madam," replied the wbum doctor, I hav to rub her bair on the ground until Kurudi ever since I began practising tlie art, been came and asked her the reason, when she replied most successful in it. On no oocusion is the as she had been instructed. Kurudi washnir I have manipulated grown less than a cubit naturally somewhat bald-headed," and as Ish- a day. I shall try the best of any inedicines bhájf had just made his son consent to marry on your head. Only the old hair must be her, her wedding day, for which she had been entirely removed, and the surfaco of the head
u Long and flowing hair in considered one of the best personl adorments of the softer sex sinong the Hindus.
(It may be noted here that the game of the one-eyed Kurudi isa Kanaroso word, morning blind woman. -ED]

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880
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
must be turned over with a sharp knife for a day, before the medicine can be applied. In the case of tender constitutions there may be slight pain for a day, but on the second day the pain will go away, and shoots begin to appear. After that every day your hair will increase by a cubit, and a time will soon come when you will have to cut off a portion daily.""
Kurudi listened to the doctor's plan, and thought to herself, that, out of the ten days that remained to her before the marriage,-making allowance for the time required for the shooting of the hair, she might have eight cubits' length on her head on her wedding day. So she at once sat down for a clean shave.
Gangabai now wreaked full vengeance upon her enemy. Kurudi's head was shaved clean! The skin was then cut in all directions, and powdered pepper rubbed in-a soothing balm to a scored pate! Said the doctor:
"Madam, the medicine has now been applied: You may feel a little burning sensation, but it will be all right in a day. To-morrow, or the day after, in the morning, the shoots will begin to sprout."
[DECEMBER, 1886.
turned to restore her daughter. She sent servants to Gôp! to look for the doctor, but neither doctor nor Gôpf were to be found; for the sagacious Gangâbâi had removed her protector Govinda and her friend Gopi to a village outside the town on the night she tried her treatment on her one-eyed enemy.
Kurudi, in expectation of the fufilment of her wishes, patiently bore the pain. A full day and night elapsed, but still the burning did not cease. Fearing that if the balm were removed the medicine would lose its effect, she patiently bore the pain for a second day, and on the third day as soon as the morning dawned she put her hand to her head to see if there were any signs of the sprouts. "The shoots have begun really to sprout," thought she, for her fingers felt the worms which had already began to breed in the matter formed on her head! Several of her servants, who had been ordered not to see her till then, were now called in to examine her head. Her mother, too, made ber appearance. What they found was this:-Kurudi with her head shaved, ploughed up and pasted over with powdered pepper! They washed her head with warm water and began to treat the wounds. But they were past all treatment; for two days' exposure to such treatment had caused corruption to set in! Still the fond heart of Kurudi's mother left no stone un
Neither the old king Isabhajt nor his son Thâņuji, of course, knew anything of what had passed in the palace where Kurudi was living; and, in honour of his marriage, the prince wished to have his rooms adorned with paintings, the better to receive his visitors during the ensuing wedding. He therefore proclaimed that he would greatly reward any good painter that would come forward. Gangâbâl, who was now living outside Sivapuri, came to know of Thânaji's proclamation, and dressed herself up as a painter, and appeared before the prince, He was charmed with the fair face of the painter; and Gangâbâl's disguise was so complete that he failed to discover his lost love in the painter. He tested the sham artist's skill, but as Gangâbâî had learnt the five arts in her younger days she easily stood the test. Then the artist put the following condition on his undertaking the task,-that no one, not even the prince, should see him while at work, and that the prince must be the first to examine the pictures when finished. Thâņuji, who was much taken by the painter, agreed to everything and left him to his work.
Gangåbål now bolted the door, and mixing her colours proceeded to represent her whole story on the walls, from the time that Thâņuj! went the second time to Sivapuri, to the point of her appearing before her lord as a painter. She drew the old woman flying with her to Kurudi; the torture she underwent at Kuruḍi's cruel hands; the scene at the ruined well; the portraits of Govinda and Gôpi, her protectors in her calamity; her revenge on Kurudi, in the disguise of a doctor; and lastly her appearance in the attire of a painter. She not only painted the scenes, but also added explanatory notes. On the third day she came out of the room, and sent the messengers on watch outside to inform the prince that the painter had finished his work, and wanted to take his
[A very necessary proceeding where native pictures are concerned !-ED.]

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DECEMBER, 1886.)
POLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
881
leave. When the prince came to examine the "I have at last found my lost gem, and never painter's work, he said :
again while I live shall I lose it in the forest !" "My Lord, I shall come for my reward on said the prince ; “God has given me back my Your Highness's wedding day. You had lost gem !" better examine the pictures in my absence at The princess only replied by her tears, for the fifteenth ghatiká this afternoon, for that, she could not open her lips. Presently, after the soothsayers told me, is the auspicious the first excitement was over, they questioned ghatiká (hour). Kindly, therefore, do not ex- each other as to their history during this mine them before that time, or I fear evil stars calamitous period, and again wept over their will make you judge ill of my powers of misfortunes. execution."
With Gangabãi by his side, Thâņnji now Gangabai said this to gain time in order to drove to the lacquered mansion, sending word to reach her home before her lord should come to his old father that he had discovered his lost recognize her in the painter. The prince love, and was going to the forest to bring all accepted these new conditions, for the painter's his dear wives to Sivapuri, and that, on the day face exercised a wonderful influence over bim. originally fixed for the wedding, he would be His misfortune in not recovering his lost love, married to them and never to Kurudi! his approaching wedding with one whom he | Alas for Kurudi! No medicines had any hated from the very bottom of his heart, his effect on her. She died on the day before that unfaithfulness to his former wives in agreeing appointed for her wedding, unable to bear up to marry Kurudi,--all these were passing and against her pains, external and internal. For repassing through his mind every moment, as remorse, at the torture she had inflicted on her he waited impatiently for the time when he enemy, overcame her mind before she breathed could examine this work.
her last! At last the hour arrived.. Thâņuji entered to return to the lacquered mansion. The his apartment to look over the paintings, and prince met his other wives and gave them their exclaimed:
lost sister, and returned to Sivapuri, relating "My dear wives are painted here ! Did the stories all the way home, some of the calamities painter ever see them? Ah! my dearest that had befallen him and Gangabâf, owing to Gangabât is dying here ! Most horrible! Oh their having entertained the old woman in wicked enchantress Kurudi! Oh kindly weat- their palace. When they reached Sivapuri, herd Govinda! I shall well repay for your all excepting Kurudi's mother, were happy ou assistance."
the marriage day, on which Thâquji, with the Then like a mad man Thapaji wept and consent of his father, properly married all his laughed, and laughed and wept, till he came to four wives. the end.
After the princesses had thus lived for a "After all my love is living !" exclaimed he, short period with their husband, they heard as he staggered abont the floor, and fell heavily. that their father was dangerously ill. So, His servants, who had been listening to all his accompanied by Thâņuji, they went and visited ravings, at last dared to approach their lord, and him before his death. The father had only flew to his assistance. They took him up and time to bog their pardon before he breathed his brought him round. "My carriage," was all last, leaving his large kingdom to his daughhe said to them; and they at once got it ready.ters. The princesses, remembering the minister's He then drove outside the town to where the kindness to them, gave him their kingdom, and painter bad told him he was living; and there returning home to their husband's country, Gangabul, who had rightly expected her hus- lived with him for many years in peace and band to come to her directly he saw the pictures, prosperity, daring which they did not forget was waiting to receive him. They flew into the kindnesses that Govinda and Gopi had each other's arms.
done to Gangåhái.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MISCELLANEA.
[DECEMBER, 1886.
THE VERSES OF LAKHIMA THAKURANI. At p. 318 above, there is given a verse based on the signs of the Zodiac; and, as Mr. Grierson suspects, the text is certainly corrupt. The same verse is repeated in the South of India also; though no one knows here that Lakhima Thakurant is the author of it. The correct form of the verse, as current in Southern India, is
उडुराजमुखी मृगराजकरी गजराजविराजितमंदगतिः । वनिता यदि सा हृदये वसति क अपः क तपः क समाधिविधिः ।। "If a lady, whose face resembles the moon, gait is illustrated by that of a kingly elephant, whose loins resemble the lion's, and whose slow if such a lady lives in one's heart why should a man perform prayers and penances, and why the still more painful task of rigid contemplations ?" On the same page there is given another verse commencing Ter. The South-Indian ver. sion of this is
संतता दचमध्वजस्य गतिना संमूर्च्छिता निर्जले gizemniceftwaff सापटी कटिपंचमी च नवमभूः सप्तमीवर्जिता प्राभीस्वष्टमवेदनां त्वमधुना तूर्णे तृतीयो भव ॥ The latter portion of the last line, team-adhund turnam trittyó bhava, gives & very good ending to to the verse;" You had better quickly give her the result of married life." In this correct form of the verse, the heroine is called kaṭipañchami, which means simha-katt, as the 5th (pañchams) sign of the Zodiac is simha. In the verse as given by Mr. Grierson, this portion is ripa. paichamanya ; which does not give a good meaning, though Mr. Grierson has done the best, if Mr. Grierson had given to with it. On the other hand, kați-pañchamt (or rimha-katt) is very commonly applied to beautiful damsels in Sanskrit literature: e.g.
तन्वी बाला मृदुतनुरिति स्वज्यतामत्र शंका लोके मतभ्रमरपतनान्मंजरी किछु भग्ना । तस्मादेषा रहसि भवता निर्दय मर्दनीबा मन्दाक्रान्ता विसृजति रसं नेभुयष्टिः समयं ॥ The meaning of the last line is "If crushed
gently, the sugarcane does not yield the whole of
its juice." Evidently the same meaning can be made out of मन्ताक्रान्तं (न्ती ?) बहुतररसं नो ददाती - the meaning of 'not' instead of us.' In Sanskrit. as well as means 'not'; and a sugarcane when pressed gently, gives not much sweetness. S. M. NATESA SASTRI.

Page #431

INDEX.
.
....
...
Bion
.................................
PAGE
PAGE Abdu'sh-Shukar Ishaqzai........
Arabs, religion of the Modern, 3121 ;-they Abhayadatta, a minister of Vishņuvardhana, are not Muhammadans .............................. 312 9.v.
.............. 227 Arghandab river is the ancient Harah'aiti... 22 absolution after death, in Eastern Europe, arts of civilized nations in Asia and Europe,
127; in India................................ 126, 127 probable common origin of .................. 611f Abu Rihan Albfront; his statements on the Afachandra, builder of a temple of Siva at
epoch of the Gupta era ......................... 189ff Gwalior...................................................... 202 Achdratkd, of Stllcharya, was written be- Ashaganba conquered by Chinghiz Khan ... 131
tween either Saka-Samvat 772 to 798, or Asiatic Society of Bengal, inscriptions in the Gupta-Samvat 772 to 798.......................... 188
10581, 138ff, 304 Acharya, in the Mahabhishya, is the final 1
Royal, inscriptions in the.7ff, 10ff and authoritative solver of questions, 80;- Asöka Inscriptions, Dr. Bübler on .............. 344
the term does not denote only Katydyana... 80f Asökavalla; notice of Dr. Bhagwanlal Achdryadsflya, in the Mahabhishya, is the Indraji's publication of his new inscription. 152 primd facis solver of questions, 80f ;-the assai, an Arab missile ............................... 26
term does not denote only Patafijali .......... 801 " Ass-kings' (Rasabharajah) an early dynasty. 1421 Adhalê (P), a Brahman's name ................... 18 atkla-paksha; a rather rare expression for Afghanistan, ancient geography of ............ 2161 bahula- or krishna-paksha ..................... 171 Agnimitra, an early king ....................... 142 Asurêsa pattald; an ancient territorial diviAhura Mazda ...................................... 343, 344
.................. 13 Aindra grammar, or Aindra school; these Asvaghosha, a Buddhist patriarch; he was expressions should be abandoned, a mis
contemporary with Kanishka................... 858f leading ...............
abvapati, apparently an official title ........... En Ajitarhjaya, a king of Indrapurs soon after Advapati - Gajapati- Narapati - rdja-tray-ddhi.
the Early Guptas..... ..................... 142 pati; a title of Vijayachandra of Kananj, ajjaka, a Prikrit word meaning 'a grand. 9, 11;-and of Govindachandra of Kananj,
father' ............................................... 275f 9, 10;-and of Jayachchandra of Kananj... 13 Albfrånf ; his statements on the epoch of the Atharva-Veda; a mention of a student of it... 140
Gupta era .............. ............................ 189ff angury, methods of, in India ..................... 327 Aihe (P), a Brahman's name ............................. 10 aulikara-lañchhana, a term requiring explaAmradvipa, a name of Ceylon ...............857, 359 nation..............
............ 223, 226n Amreli, a Pargana in Kathiawad , its name Avani, a camp of Malladêva-Nandivarman, appears in Amrilikavaha, q.. ... ... ... ... ... 1871 9.....
................ 173f., 177 Amrilikayaha, an ancient road or river in Avanti, an ancient name of the modern
Kathiawad, near Jhar, q. 6. ................. 188 Ujjain; in Saka-Samvat 705, it was under Athuvarman of Nepal; the bearing, in con
the rule of Vatsardja, 142;-- at the time of nection with the Gupta era, of his dates in the nirodna of Mah&vira, it was under the the Harsha era .....................
rule of Palake..............
............... 142 Aranga, a Brahman's name....
Avantikukshetra, ancient name of Avani in Anatdarman, a Brahman's name ............... 10 | Maisar ...............
............... 179 Angirasa Adlend of the Nrisimhatdpantya- dyudha-katti, « Western Indian bill or Upanishad ...........................
chopper
............ 27 Aniruddha, an incarnation of Vishnu ...85, 41, 46 anks for arkatah, in expressing a date .......... 10n an tahpatin, lying in'; a territorial term...... 107 | Badar yana, author of the Brahma-gdtras; Apabhrathia Prakrit, its affinities with the placed by Mr. K. T. Telang before A.D.
Gipsy Language ...................................... 15 400........................................................ 140 Apardjita of Gwalior................................ 202 BadAwt Arabs are not Muhammadane ......... Applidovi, wife of Ramabhadre, q. o. 107, 110, 141 Badghiz is the ancient VaitigAdha ...............
***.... 1928
* 19
314

Page #432

384
29
bagh-nak, or tiger-claw, a weapon ................ bahuleya,' 'a bull' .............. 227n 22
*********.........................
Bakhdhi in the Avesta is Balkh Baladitya, a king of Magadha, who defeated. Mihirakula, 246f, 251f;-his date was about A.D. 532
******************
252 Balkh is the ancient Bâkhdhi 22 Ballads, Kanarese; the Income Tax; edited. 349ff Baltinglas in Ireland, derivation of, indicates fire-worship Bana dynasty, a genealogical inscription of the..
172ff
Bandhuvarman, a Malava feudatory of Kumåragupta; 196, 200;-the Mandasôr inscription, which gives for him the date of Malava-Samvat 493 493 bappa, a Prakrit word meaning 'a father,' 272ff, 276; it appears in Kanarese as boppa. 276 Bappa, an early Gohila chief; notes on his
***********.....
************
................................
138ff
history .... 275 and n báva, a Prakrit word meaning 'a male relative of the same generation with a father,' or roughly an uncle' ............................................. .......272ff, 276 Bazodeo; see Vasudeva......... 154 Beddgelert Cycle of folktales..... 331n Benares (so-called) grant of Vinayakapala of Harsha-Samvat 188, edited Bengal Asiatic Society's Library; the grant of Mahendrapala, of Harsha-Samvat 155, 105 ff.;-the grant of Vinayakapala of Harsha-Samvat 188, 138 ff.;-the grant of Narayanapâla 304ff Bengal Presidency, inscriptions from the. 105ff, 138ff, 304ff, 356ff, 359 bha, a termination of a proper name, in Shaṭṭabha 45 Bhagalpur grant of Narayanapåla, edited... 304ff Bhaka, drafter of the grant of Mahendrapala
of Harsha-Samvat 155............. 140 Bhagavati, goddess, as an emblem on seals.
*************
**********..
*********
***********...
***************
at; edited bhtl, batt; see bhrishtt.....
*************
INDEX.
106, 112, 189 Bhânugupta, a proper name in the period of about A.D. 490....... Bharavi; notice of a new edition of his
..................................
Kirdtdrjunlya............
156
92
Bharukachchha, a camp of Dharasêna IV. of Valabhi...... ............... 836 BhatArkabheda, a division of the village of
.***********.
Bilvakhata, q. v................ 188 Bhattubana, an early dynasty, just before the Early Guptas ....................................... 142f Bhavabhuti, the poet, was an Udumbara and a native of Borar 336 Bhavasrij, an epithet of Siva as the creator'. 226n Bhawnagar, an inscription in the collection
***************
**********
*****************
187
bijdwari, a system of land measurement bill, as a weapon in India, the. Bilvakhâta sthalt, an ancient territorial division in Kathiawâd, near Jhar, q. o. ......... birch, sacred in Scandinavia, the 218 'bird-characters,' a specimen of ................... 364 Bishn-Pad, see Vishnu's Foot ..................... 117 322 black, a protection against the Evil Eye Black-Headed Man, a Bombay folktale ....223, 227 46, 47 blue, a protection against the Evil Eye... 322 Bôdh-Gayå inscription of Mahinaman, of Gupta-Samyat 259, noticed, 3471;-edited, 356ff;-image inscription of Mahanaman ; edited..................... 359 Bödhimanda; a miraculous Buddhist throne
**************
*****.......
Bhitari pillar inscription of Skandagupta; notice of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's version of it................................................... 151ff Bhoja, a grammarian quoted by Hemachandra 181f Bhoja of Gwalior; he is not to be identified with Bhoja I. of the family of Devasakti, 108ff;-his Pehewa' inscription of Harsha, Samvat 276; noticed, 108ff;-its date, 109n;-his Deogarh' inscription of Vikra ma-Samvat 919 and Saka-Samvat 784, noticed, 110f;-its date, 110n;-his Gwalior inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 933, noticed, 108ff;-its date Bhôja, an Adhirája mentioned in the Rajatarargint Bhoja I., Mahardja, of the line of Dêvasakti, 107, 110, 141;-he is not to be identified with Bhôja of Gwalior................. 108ff Bhoja II., Mahdrdja, of the line of DevaBakti .............110, 140 Bhojpuri, a Bihari Dialect, its affinities with the Gipsy Language Bhrâmarakalyagrama, an ancient village in Kathiawad, near Jhar, q. v...................... Bhrigu sdkhá of the NrisimhatápantyaUpanishad bhrisht, 'raised ground, near a tank, for planting Piper betel'............... Bhuvanaikamalla, a birudu of Mahipala of Gwalior .............35, 44 Bhuvanapala, a biruda of Maladêva of Gwalior 35, 42, 2011 Bhayikêdêvf, wife of Dêvasakti, q. v...106, 110, 140 270 27
*********...
************
15
188
71
***************
337
***********
8601 337
108n
************
*********....
109ff
...
at Bôdh-Gaya, 357, 359;-the word is also used in a general way for a Buddhist raised terrace under a bodhi-tree............. 857 Bombay Presidency, inscriptions from the... 335ff Book of Indian Eras, notice of Gen. Cunningham's..........
**************....
211f .2761 boppar the Kanarese form of bappa, q. v. ... bows of the aborigines of India .................. 27

Page #433

INDEX.
385
*.. 281
66
Brahmapura, an ancient town in Kaphiawad... 187 Chandravydkarana; grounds for upholding brahmapurt, ' set of rooms attached to
the tradition that it is older than the a temple for the acoommodation of Brah
Katikd-Vritti, 183ff;--Taranatha's account m ans'.................................... ............
of the composition of it, 184n ;-character Brahma-Batras; Bee B&dardyana ............... 148 istic features of it.................. ................ 184 brahmottart, the sanctuary of a temple' ...... 450 characters, illustrations of some fantastic... 364 braziers, portable, were in use in Kasmir as chatu, P a spoon' ............... .... ...... 46n
early as the twelfth century ..................... chaupur, an Indian game ............. Brihacharana, a sect of Brahmans in Southern chdwar, a standard of land measurement ... 270
India, 174 ;-a proposed explanation of the Chhachchhara, name of a Brahman ............. 187 term
...... . ....
Chinese notes on the history of the Kushans. 19ff Bridge of death
.......... 125, 126 Chinghiz Khân in 1925 A.D., 128ff;-attitude Brach District belonged to the Valabht towards his son Juchi, 128 ;-campaign
kingdom in the time of Dharanêna IV....... 336 against Hia, cause of, 128, 129;-conquers Buddha, mentioned under the title of Daba- Ashaganbu, 131;- quarrels with his brobala, 307 ;-his nirvana; a notice of evi.
ther Juchi Khazar, 131 ;-captures Etzina, dence in support of the Peguan date of
132 ;-besieges Kanchau, 132 ;-variant B.O. 638 ..............
............. 152
accounts of his death, 184ff ;-story of his Buddhist inscriptions .......... .................357ff, 359
Tangutan wife ............................... 129, 130 Buddhiat Patriarchs, a notice on the succes.
Chodaka, in the Mahabhashya, is the person sion of the .......
.............. 355f
who raises objections ..... ............. 80f Buddhist structure at Negapatan, a notice
ChodAgrima, ancient Sanskpit name of of the .. .
.... ... ...........2341
Mudyandr, q. v. ............................... 172, 177 bull-emblem on seals ...........
coins of the Malavas, the legend on the ...... 191 Byánk, a town in the Bharatpur State; its Conolly, death of Edward ........................ 168 ancient Sanskrit name was Sripath ...... 239 | cow-and-calf soulpture on an inscribed stone. 356
crosses, ring-, are sun-symbole, 65;-whoel-, Calcutta, inscriptions in the Imperial Mu. are sub-symbols ................. seum at............
....... 356ff
cross-fylfot is a form of the wastika............ 96 Cambay;' apparently one of its ancient Cunningham, retirement of General .............. 116 names was Gambhûte ...... ............. 388
cap-marks, 67, 68, 69 ;--are mpon-symbols ... 65 cedar, sacred, in the Himalayas ................... 218
cap-symbols are moon-symbole ................... 648 celts in Europe, 122, 123 ;-in India ............. 122 cypress, saored in Mexico............................ 218 Central India, Inscriptions from .......... 194ff,
dd, a further Indian bill or chopper ............. 27 2017, 222ff, 253ff, 357ff Ceylon mentioned under the names of
Dadda II. (Gurjara); a note on his Umêta Åmradvipa and Lanka, 357, 358, 359;--the
and nao grants ............
***..... ...... 188n Buddhist chronology has to be rectified by
D&désarman, a Brahman's name.................. 10 the date of the Bodh-Gays inscription of
Dadhikapaka, an ancient village in KathiêMah&nman ........... ............... 347f, 357
wad, near Jhar, 9. v. ............................ 108
daggers in India............................................ chakra, a Sikh quoit or weapon.................... 31
30 chaul, a system of land revenue ......269, 270, 271
Dabrusona (Traikataka); notice of Dr. Bhagchallddr = chau-ra'iyat.............................. 271
wanlal Indraji's publication of his new chall-ra'lyat, a class of cultivators ............ 271
copper-plate grant .................................. 150 Chalukyas, Western; notice of some new
Daksha, builder of a well at Mandasor about and revised inscriptions of their dynasty... 149
A.D. 533 .......... ................ 227, 228 Chandella dynasty, notes on the............... 2837
Dalaki-wa-Malaki, a hill chief or chiefs ...... 284 Chandra, a grammarian; see Chandragồmin.. 181
dan, various forms of ............................... 127 Chandrabhattärikadevi, wife of Bhoja I., q.u.
Dasabala, a title of Buddha ..................... 307 107, 110, 141
Dasapura, the ancient name of the modern Chandradêva, of Kanauj (GAhadavala), 8;
Dasör or Mandasôr, q. 1. ...... 1944, 196, 199, 200 he established his lineage at Gadhipurs or
Dasor, the more proper name of the modern Kanyakubja ......................................8, 9, 13
Mandasôr, q. v. ................................. 1941 Chandragồmin, & grammarian quoted by dates, Hindu, English equivalents of .........6, 362 Hêmachandra, 181f;-his grammar is
», see eras. older than the Kafikd-Vritti, 183ff;
recorded in decimal figures ...... 10, 13, characteristic features of his grammar ......1841
46, 108, 109 n, 110 n, 310, 361

Page #434

386
INDEX
15
dates, recorded in numerical syinbols ...107, Népal, 193 ;-his Kaira grant of the year
113 n, 140, 188, 337, 340, 357 330, edited ................ ....................... 335ff ,,, recorded in words ...... 10, 13, 46, 108n, Dharmadôsha, a minister of Vishộuvardhana, 102 n, 110 n, 142, 177, 188, 201, 202, 328 9.0..............
........................... 227 days, lunar, of the month, mentioned in recorded dharman, a termination of proper names......255n dates:
dhvaja, 'a banner, opposed to ldrichchana, '. bright fortnight; second ......108n, 201, 340 crest'.................................................... 226n
nith . ........... ...... 188 Dighwa-Dubauli, village in the Saran District; sixth........................ 202 the grant of the Mahárúja Mahendrapala Beyenth ............13, 1097 1 of Harsha-Samvat 155; edited, 105ff ;eighth ..................... 359 noticed ....................................................... 2410 tenth ..................... 113 Dipanaka påtha, an ancient territorial divifourteenth ............... 110n sion in Kathiawad, near Jhar, 9............ 187
Doda-Rauta, a Brahman's title ............... dark fortnight ; fifth ...............46, 188, 362
13 ninth ....................... 141
Domma, apparently a Gipsy king ............... thirteenth ............... 177 Dost Muhammad Khan, flight of .............. 166 unspecified; seventh ................. 361 Dôms of Bhojpār are perhaps the Gipeies...... 15
full-moon ............... 10 dog, the, attendant of death ........................ 126 days, solar, of the month, mentioned in recorded Drônasitha, Maharaja (of Valabhf), was dates :
installed by Yasôdharman, q. v. ............... 187n bright fortnight; second ..
...............108n drums, wizards', in Lapland ....................... 67 seventh
...............13, 109n Danta, a Brahman's name........................... 13 eighth
359 Durga, Durgaslinha, a grammarian quoted by tenth
113 Hêmachandra .................. ****. ........ 182 thirteenth.................. 201 Dátaka; instances of this office being filled dark fortnight; ninth ..................... 141 by a female unspecified; ninth ...........
307 days of the week, names of the, as occurring earth, under the name of Gauri, described as in records :
one of the wives of a king ....................... 42 Ravi............ ........
... 13 eclipses in India, 89;-in Mexico ............... 89 Ravivara ............... ................. 362 egg symbols ......................................... 119, 120 Sómavåra
................ 177, 361 elephant, as a selector of the king, in Indian Vrihaspatidina ..........
.. .........110n folklore............
..................159n death customs ............................................ 127 * elephant-characters,' & specimen of ............ 364 decimal figures, instances of the use of... 10, eras, dates recorded in various :
13, 46, 108n, 109n, 110n, 310, 361 Gupta ...................... 188, 189ff, 337ff, 357 Déhanîgâdêvi, a wife of Mahendrapala, q. v.
Harsha .................. 107, 109n, 111, 140, 192f
110, 140 M&lava ............ ............... 191ff, 196, 228 Deogarh' inscription of Bhöja of Kanauj
Saka .................57n, 110n, 142, 172, 177, 188 and Gwalior; noticed ....... ................ 110f1 Saptarshi cycle................. ................ 570 Désastha Brahmans, employed by Muhamma
Vikrama...... 10, 13, 46, 108, 110n, 202 €, 361 dans as administrators, 269;-their admi. Etzina, ita probable site, 132;-captured by
nistrative skill....................................... 269 Chinghiz Khân .................................... 132 Dêvahali pattald; an ancient territorial divi. Evil Eye, the, 321ff ;-charms against the. sion ...................................................
322, 323 Devanandin, a grammarian quoted by Hema- Faizabad (Oude); the grant of Jayachohan.
chandra, 181f ;-he is the author of the dra (GAbadavala) of Kanauj, of Vikrama.
Jainendravyákarana ......... .................. 182n Samvat 1243; edited ............................ 10ff Dêvapala, of Gwalior (Kachchhapaghâta)...35, 42 Farah Rad is the ancient Fradatha ............ 23 Dévasakti, Mahdrája, 106, 110, 140;--he and farhangi, the straight European sword wed
his descendants were not kings of Malava. '107€ 1 in India ............................................. 30 Dévavrata, wife of Maladeva of Gwalior ...35, 42 fire, procuring, from wood, in Europe, 93 ;Dharasena II., Mahardja (of Valabhi); a new in India, 93;-among the Eskimos ......... 93
copper-plate grant of his, noticed, 187f;-he fire symbols ........... ................64ff, 89, 92, 93
had the title of Samanta ......................... 187 fire-worship in India, 93 ;-in Ireland, 92 ; Dharasena IV., the first paramount king in in Persia, 89, 90;-is a form of sun-wor. "the Valabhi family, cannot have conquered ship, 89 ;-connection between it and sun
...
.
.

Page #435

INDEX.
387
177
.......
.
.
.
worship, 91, 92 ;-connection between it gotras, names of, as occurring in records :and tree-worship ....................
Bharad våja.................................... 46, 177 fig-trees, sacred in India .....................217, 218 Bhärad våja ........................................ 13 flails as weapons in India............................ 31 Bharagava ...........................................187 Folktales from Bombay, 2ff, 46, 47, 171, 221ff,
Darbhi ............................................ 140 3288, 365ff;---from Kaśmir, 74, 96ff, 157ff,
Kasyapa ......................................... 10, 177 299:-from Madras ......... ...............369ff Kaundinya ................ Four Princes, a Kasmiri folktale ......... 299, 328ff Kausika Fradatha in the Avesta is the Farah Rad,
Såvarna ....................
...... 107 23 ;= the Ophradus of Pliny, 23; = o pádos.22, 23 Govinda, engraver of the Mândasör inscripfuture life, ideas of the, in ancient Europe... 124, tion of Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana
1251 of MAlava-Sarvat 589, 228 ;-and of the Mandasôr pillar inscriptions of Yasidharman
256, 257, 258
Govinda II. (R&shtrakața), probably men. gaddu, a variant of gadu, 'a water-pot' ...... 46n t ioned as Srivallabha............................... 142 Gadhinagara, Gadhipura, ancient names of Gòvindachandra, of Kanauj (GAhadavala) ... 9
Kanyakubja ............. ..................8, 35, 41 grammarians, names of, and remarks about...1811 Gáhadavala dynasty, inscriptions of the...6ff, 10ff gadam, derivation of ................................... 262 gajapati, apparently an official title ............ In GallAlå Shah, a Kasmiri folktale ......... 741, 968 Gambhath; apparently an ancient name of Gunanandin, a grammarian; he may be the
Cambay'................................................. 188 author of that recension of the Jainindra. Gandhâra country invaded by Mihirakula ... vyákarana which is commented on by
247, 248, 249 Sûmadêva.............................................. 182n Gandharvas, apparently a tribe defeated by Guptas, Early; a passage in the Jain Hari.
Mahipala of Gwalior ........................35, 44 vansa relating to them, 141, 143n;Garuda-emblem on seals of grants............... 10 according to this book, their rule lasted for Gaura, a minister of Mahipala of Gwalior...... 46 231 years, 142f-the latest inscription that Gauri, the earth; described as one of the connects their rule with their era is one of wives of a king ................
Gupta-Samvat, 209,143;-late dates recorded Gaya District, inscription from the ......356, 359 in their era, 143n;-the epoch of their era Ghazni, capture of, in 1839 ......................... 165 was, according to Reinaud's rendering of Gipsies, origin of, Leland's theory, 15 ;-are
Albiruni, when either Saka 240, 241, or perhaps the Dôms of Bhojpar .................. 242 had expired, 189;-their era was well Gipsy Language, its affinities with the Bhoj. known in Nepal at an early date, 193 ;
pari Bihårt dialect, 15;-its affinities with their era was evidently the one used by the the Apabhramsa Prakrit, 15;-authorities Lichchhavis, 193f;--they are mentioned on tbe, 14;-transliteration of................... 1 in connection with Yaśódharman......... 255, 257 God save the Queen' in Sanskrit, 47, 48, Gupta era, it did begin, as stated by Albiruni,
363;-adaptation in Pañjabi ............... 48, 49 in A.D. 319-20; but it marks the rise of gðkara, a cattle-tar'.............
........... 10
the dynasty, not its downfall, 153 ;-an gokarnakusalatápútakarataládaka, & term
instance in which it is confused with the requiring fuller explanation ...................... 10n Saka era, 188;-it is not used on the coins Gölmadhiţol inscription of Sivadêva I. of of the Hindu kings of Kábul, 1858f;
Népal, of Gupta-Samvat 318 ; noticed ......1928 how it may have been introduced into Nepal, gomin, a termination of proper names .......... 181 1931 ;-a note on the origin of it, 278f;-it Gonardiya and Gônikåputra are not to be was possibly borrowed by the Early Guptas
identified with Patanjali, but are the names from the Lichchhavis of Nepal ............... 279
of grammarians quoted by him ............... 81ff Guptasya kal; this expression is not used on Gôpådri, an ancient name of Gwalior...35, 41, 43 the coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul, Gopalikêra, an ancient name of Gwalior, and nor elsewhere .................. .................. 185ff the immediate source of the modern form gurava, * priestly title ......................804 and n
202 and n Gwalior, Scindia's Capital; mentioned under Gorakhmadhi inscription of Vikrama-Samvat the ancient name of Göpadri, 35, 41, 43;
1272; noticed .............. ..............3614 the modern name is directly derived from "Gospel Oaks,' origin of the name .............. 218 GopAlikôra, 202n;--the inscription of Mahi. Gotha, a Brahman's name ....................... 10 pala, of Vikrama-Samvat 1150, edited,
.
...
.....
.......
4
2
.

Page #436

388
************...
..201ff
33ff; an inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1161, edited Gwalior State, an inscription in the, dated 960, &c., and mentioning Mahendrapala and other kings, referred to; it urgently requires to be re-discovered and published... 108 Gyåraspur inscription of Malava-Saravat 936; noticed
.191f
********************
INDEX.
Haêtumant in the Avesta is the Helmand River, 22; Hermandus, 22;='Erúpavopos... 22 Haihayas intermarried with the Palas of
************ **********
Bengal 308 hair, chopped, as a means of murder............ 328 Haji Khan Kakari........................ 165 handsel in India, 328;-in Kasmir ....329n Haraêva in the Avesta is Hirât 22 Harshaiti in the Avesta is the Arghandab River, 22;='Apáxwros, 22; Skr. Sarasvati. 22 Hardms, a title of honor among the Badawis. 314, 22 n
*********
1
**************
Harappa, ancient seals found at Hvarenanhaiti in the Avesta is Harrat Râd, 23; the Pharnacotis of Pliny Haribhadra's Commentaries, date of Harivaméa, a Jain Purana; it was finished by Jinasêna in Saka-Samvat 705, 142;a passage in it relating to the Guptas......141ff,
**************
...
23 343
143n Haro, Le Clamour du........ ... 328 Harrêt Rûd is the ancient Hvarenanhaiti...... 23 Harsha, drafter of the grant of Vinayakapala
of Harsha-Sathvat 188... ...................140 Harshavardhana of Kanauj; remarks on his ......................................................... 192f hasantikd, 'a brazier,' q. v........................ 57 Hvaspa in the Avesta is Khuspås Rad, 23; =
era................
23
************...
the Khoaspes of Ptolemy... Hvastra in the Avesta is the Khash Rad...... 23 hatchet, as an aboriginal missile.................. Hathaan inscription of the Mêhara chief Thêpaka; edited........... 3601
26
**********
hawk, as a selector of the king, in Kaimiri folklore.......... 159, note Helmand River is the ancient Haêtamant Hêmachandra, a grammarian; a list of preceding grammarians who, according to a commentary, are quoted by him......... 181f Hia, Chinghiz Khân's last campaign against, 128ff;-variant names for the king of Hirât is the ancient Haraêva, 22; = Aria, 22;-affairs in the days of Shah Shuja'a, 294ff;-taken by the Persians, 298;abandoned by the Persians to Sultan Aḥmad Khan, 299;-conquered by Dost Muhammad Khân.......... .......... 299
129
......
7 22
Hodali, a village in Maistr, formerly the chief town of the Hodali vishaya.....174, 177 Hanas; Toramana and Mihirakula belonged to this tribe, 249;-a mention of them in connection with Yasodharman............255, 257 219年 holed stones, 219;-trees hóm, a modern Brahmanical sacrifice...302, note 6 horse, a Sun-symbol ...... 64 hulmár ráya-rêkhd, see raya-rékhd 269 Hultzsch, Dr. E., tours in search of MSS. 342 kún-kolwém, kolwém, a measurement of land. 269
************************
*********....... ***************
........................
Io grant of Dadda II., a note on the.........188n Income Tax, a Kanarese Ballad on the; edited ................................................................ 349 Indian Eras, the Book of, by Gen. Cunnimgham; a notice of it.. Indôr, the capital of Hôlkar's Dominions; mentioned under the ancient name of Indrapura, q. v. .................................... 142 Indra, Indragômin, a grammarian quoted by Hemachandra, 181ff:-his grammar is of comparatively recent origin. 181 Indrapura, ancient name of the modern Indor in Central India, 142;-soon after the
*******************
Early Guptas, it was under the rule of king Ajitamjaya...................... ************ .... 142 Indrayudha, a king in Northern India in Saka-Samvat 705 inscriptions on copper, edited :Dharasêna IV. of Valabhi ............... ...335ff Jayachchandra (Gahadavala) of Kanauj..6ff, 10ff Mahendrapala (of the family of Dêvasakti)105ff Malladêva-Nandivarman (Bâna)...............172 Narayanapala (Palas of Bengal). .......304ff Vijayachandra (Gahadavala) of Kanauj Vinayakapala (of the family of Devasakti).188ff inscriptions on stone, edited:
Bandhuvarman (of Malava...................194ff Kumaragupta (Early Gupta)..................194 Mahânâman .......................356ff, 359 Mahipala (Kachchhapaghata) of Gwalior... 33ff ; of the successor of........201 Thêpaka (Mêhara)................ 360f Vishnuvardhana.................................... 2221 Yasodharman... 222ff, 253ff, 257f intercalation of the month Pausha, an instance, 288, 338;-of the month Margaéirsha, an instance ............................................... 337f 343 Iran, royalty and priesthood in ancient iron, a protection against evil spirits............ 327 Isatadevi, wife of Nagabhata, q.v....107, 110, 141
دو
211f
***************
******
142
Jagati metre, a note on the ..................... Jainendravyakarana; the original recension was composed by Devanandin, 182n.; but
6ff
229n

Page #437

INDEX.
389
......... ......
.
....
......
188
the recension commented on by Sômadeva Kambuvarnagiri, an ancient hill, mentioned
may be ascribed to Gunanandin............... 182 in the Gwalior inscription of VikramaJains, Prof. Jacobi on the....... ............... 343 Samvat 1150.........
44 janendra, lord of a peuple or tribe, a Kamolt or Kêmõli; an ancient village in the
tribal ruler ........................................ 223n Asurêsa pattald .................................... 13 játakara, 'tax on things grown'............ 10n Kamran Shah controls Hirdt, 294 ;-his Jayachchandra of Kanauj; his grant, as fights with the Shah of Persia, 295:-- his
Yuvardja, of Vikrama-Samvat 1225; edited, campaign against Qandahar, 295;-super6ff; his Faizabad grant of Vikrama. seded by his Wazir Yar Muhammad Khan. 296
Samvat 1243, edited ............................. 10ff Kanarese Ballads; the Income Tax; edited... 3498 Jayaditya, a grammarian, quoted by a com- Kaņaswa inscription of Sivagana, of MAlava
mentator on Hêmachandra ...................... 182 Samvat 795, noticed, 191f;-a notice of Jayapála, writer of the grant of Jayachchan- Dr. Peterson's revised version of it .......... 152 dra of Vikrama-Sarhvat 1225
Kanauj, the kings of; notes on their history, jettatura is the Evil Eye ......... ................ 323 108ff;—they belonged the solar race, 8; Jhar, a village in Kathißwed; its ancient a king of Kanauj was defeated by Vajradå.
name was Jhart, 188;-notice of a new cop- man of Gwalior, 35, 41;-inscriptions of per-plate grant of Dharasêna II. of Valabhf. 187f these kings ...................
...................... 6ff Jharl, ancient name of Jhar, q. v., and chief Kan-chau, captured by Chinghiz Khan ....... 132 town of the Jhart sthal, an ancient terti- kañchola, a variant of kañchala, 'a bodice or torial division in Kathiawad ................ 188 waistcoat' ..................
.......... 45n Jhajjhaka, a proper name ......
Kanerkes may have established the Saka era... 154 Jinasena, a Jain author; he belonged to kdagars, 'portable braziers,' were in use in the Punnata sangha, 142;-he wrote the Kasmir as early as the twelfth century...... 57 Jain Harivanda, and finished it at Var- Kanishka; see Kanerkes, 154;--the Buddhist
dhamanapura in Saka-Sarvat 705 ............ 142 patriarch Asvaghôsha lived in his time ......355f Jinêndra, a grammarian, quoted by a com- Kanyakubja mentioned as Gadhinagara, 35,
mentator on Hêmachandra ........................ 182 41;--and as Gadhipara, 8;-it was acquired Jirnadurga, an ancient fort or town, pro
by Chandradêva ....................................... 9, 13 bably in KathiAwd ............................ 361 karaskandhakandlapftha, a term requiring Juchi, son of Ohinghiz Khan, death of ......... 128 explanation ......................................... 45n Juchi Khazar, brother of Chinghiz Khan, Karikas in the MahAbhashya, notes on the ...228ff their quarrels ........
Karnata, the later kings of the ; a note on
their genealogy ............. ................ 1478 KAbul affairs in 1841 .......... ................ 2628 Káśava Lake in the Anesta is the Kyangih of Kábul, notes on some dated coins of the the Bundahish, 23 ;-is the Zirra Lake in
Hindu kings of; they are not dated in the Sistân ........... Gupta era
.................. 185ft Kafika-Vritti; instances in which the authors KachchhapaghAta, Kachchhapâri, family name of it have quoted from the Chandravydkaof some of the kings of Gwalior ...... 35, 41, 44 rana .....
..................1838 Kadphises II. may have established the Saka | KAfipâra pathaka, an ancient territorial
era ..................................... .................. 154 | division in the neighbourhood of Benares. kdhald, Pia trumpet' ............ ................ 46n
111, 140 Kaillsa, mountain, spoken of as one of the Kasmir, Barkaravarman, king of, notes on,
breasts of the earth .............................. 200 109ff. ;--its early history can be regulated Kaira District, an inscription from the by the date of Mihirakula .................... 246
3358;-notes on its ancient geography ... 336 Kasmiri portable brazier, a note on the ...... 57 kajal, a protection against the Evil Eye ...... 322 Katantra, a grammar, quoted under the name Kakkala, a grammarian, quoted by a com
of Kalapaka by Hêmachandra, 181;-Ugramentator on Hêmachandra ..................... 182 bhatis commentary on it, the Sishyahita, Kaksha vishaya, an ancient territorial division was written in the eleventh century .......... of TirhQt ......
...............304, 309 katar, a peculiar Indian dagger .................. Kalachuris of Tripura ; a note on Kokkalla I. 110n katart, in the India Museum;= the katariya... 25 Kaldpaka, the Katantra, a grammar quoted katariya, an aboriginal missile of the boo.
by Hemachandra ............ ............... 181 merang, type, 25; = valai tudi, 25; - the Kalkirkja, an alleged early king, just after katars of the India Museum ................. 25
the Early Guptas ........... .............. 1428 KathiAwad, inscriptions from ............ 1871, 360ff
****.. 131

Page #438

390
INDEX.
95
.........
66
Katyayana, an ancient grammarian; notes La Pierre aux Dames is a sacred foot symon some of his doubtful V&rttikas, 2031f;
bol..................... ............................ 117 discussion as to whether he wrote certain La Sirena, a serpent goddess .............. ...... 260 verses in the Mahâbhåshya, 229ff ;-he is Laţa, the ancient name of central and southreferred by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar to the
ern Gujarat ............
Gujarat ................................ 196, 199 fourth century B.C. ........................... 149 Le Retour de Soleil, a French Alpine custom.68, 69 kadarika, a small field' ............................ 337 | Lichchhavis of Nepál : the Gupta era was poskey-pattern of the Greeks, possibly from the sibly founded by them........ ............... 278f Svastika .................................
life-index in Indian folklore ............... 98, note 7 Khambay, see Cambay' ........ ................. 188 lightning symbols khanda, u form of Indian sword.... ............... Linguistic History of India, M. Senart on Ichandi, a standard of land measurement..... 270 the ........................... ................... 345 Khash Rad is the ancient Hvastra ............... 23 linguistic notes ..................... .................. 149 Khuspås Rad is the ancient Hvaspa ............ 23 Lucknow Provincial Museum, an inscription KilAb-ibn-Murra gives names to the Arab
in the .................................................. 201ff months .........
................313, 314 Macnaghten, Sir William, backs ap Nizamu'a. Kirdtarjuniya of Bharavi; notice of a new daulah, 261 ;-arranges for return of Shsh
edition of it.............. ................. 156 Shuja'a to India .................................... 266 Kirttirgja, of Gwalior (Kachchhapaghâta), Madanapala, of Kanauj (GAhadav&la)......... 8f
defeated the Malavas...........................35, 41f Madhusadhana ; not a king of Gwalior ...... 201 Kistvaens in Madras, 65;-in Maisur ......... 65 Magadha; notes on the early history of ...... 251f Kokkalla I. (Kalachuri of Tripura), a note on.110n Mahâbhâshya, notes on the......... 804f, 203ff, 228 Kolár District, an inscription from the ...... 172ff Mahânâman, a Buddhist priest, author of kļwêr, a system of land measurement......... 269 the ancient part of the PAli Mahavariso; Kond yata grant of Venkata II. of Vijayana- his Bodh-Gaya inscription, noticed, 347f;
gara, of Saka-Sarvat 1558; noticed ........, 147 edited, 356ff ;-his Bodh Gay& image-inkord, a Nepali bill or chopper ..................... 27 scription, edited, 359 ;-his date, in India, korgatti, a South Indian bill or chopper ...... 27 was 588 A.D., 347;--- he must have been at krittiddra, a word requiring explanation...... 45n least thirty years old when he visited Bôdhkehamdragadidnana; a term requiring expla
aya.................................. .............. 359 nation ................................................... 10n Mahavamso; the Buddhist chronology of it Kahîrasvamin, a grammarian, quoted by H. has to be rectified by the Bôdh-Gaya date
machandra ............................................. 181f of Mahânåman, 9.0.......................... 3478, 357 kudu = khandt........................................... 270 Mahåvira, the last Jain Tirthankara; at the loukrs, a Gorkha bill or chopper .................. 27 time of his nirvana, PAlaka became king Kumaradása, author of a poem called Jana. of Ujjain, 142,- his nirvana occurred kharana ............................
B.C. 401-400, if calculated back from the Kumaragupta (Early Gupta); the Mandagor Gupta era according to the details of the inscription, which gives for him the date of Jain Harivansa .................
rariumea
................. 143 MAlava-Samvat 493, edited, 194ff ;-his Mahendrapala, Maharaja, of the line of Dêva
earliest and latest dates ..................... 191 sakti, 105ff, 110, 139 ;-his Dighwa-Dubault Teurg, a standard of land measurement ...... 270 grant of Harsha-Samvat 155; edited ...... 105ff8 kuruntadi, an aboriginal missile................... 26 Mahichandra of Kanauj (GAhadavala) ......... Kushans, Chinese notes on the history of the..19ff Mahidevidovi, & wife of Mahôndrapala, q. v. Kyansih Sea in the Bundahish is the Kabava
110, 140 Lake of the Avesta......
Mahipala (Kachchhapaghata or Kachchha
päri), king of Gwalior; bis Gwalior inscrip
tion of Vikrama-Samvat 1150, edited, labdhi, a termination of a proper name ...... 45 33ff ;-he had the biruda of BhuvanaikaLakhim Thakurani, a Mithild poetess, some malla, 35, 44;-the Slabah--dehra tem.
verses attributed to her ................ 8181, 382 ple was completed in his time, 35, 44;-he Lakshmana, founder of the Kachchhapaghata defeated the king of the Gandharvas ......35, 44
dynasty of Gwalior................ ............... 35, 41 | Mahôdays, a camp, on the Ganges of the lañchhana, '& crest,' opposed to dhvaja, a Mahdraja Mahendrapala, 106, 111 And of banner'
the Mahdrdja VinayakapAla, 199;-it is not Land of the Dead .............................125, 126n to be identified, in these cases, with languages of India, notes on the .............. 149 Kananj .............
****--. 241
*......... 226
..
.. 111

Page #439

INDEX.
391
.......
.
.
..
90
MAhula, one of the engravers of the Sasbahd- Méhara tribe, notes on the
. 3608 ka-dehra inscription of Vikrama-Sarvat Menander; see Mi-lan
...... 35388 1150
****.. .... 46
menhirs, 120, 121 ;-probable use of ............ MÁlava tribe; ita long duration .....................191fM êr tribe, notes on the .................................3617 M&lava kings did not include Dêvasakti and Merv is the ancient Mourva............................ 22
his descendante ............. .................. 1074 midsummer in Norway, relic of sun-worship, MÁlavas; notice of some of their coins, 191;
92;-day at Stonehenge, relic of sun-wor. they were defeated by Kirttiraja of Gwalior, ship
............. 92 35, 411 ;-their era gives an earlier name Mihira tribe or dynasty, notes on the ........ 361f of the Vikrama era, 191ff;-instances of Mihirakula, the history and date of, 245ff ;
the use of it .................................... 223, 228 further discussion of his history and date, Malladôva-Nandivarman, a Bana king; he 345, 346f;--- he was the son of Tôramana, had the biruda of Vadhavallabha, 172;
245 ;-a notice of his inscription at Gwlhe ruled a seven-and-a-half lakh country lior, 245, 252 ;-his name was rendered in in the Andhra mandala, 172, 177 ;-his Chinese by Ta-teo, q. 1., 246 and n;-his Mudyanur grant of Saka-Samvat 261 contest with, and defeat by, Baliditya of
(spurious); edited .............. ................. 172ff Magadha, 246f;--the account of him given Målwa, inscriptions from ... 194ff, 222ff, 263ff, 257 in the Rajataraṁgint, 247ff;-his name is Maisar, an inscription from.......................172ff the Sanskritised form of a foreign name, Maitrakas; a tribe or dynasty conquered by
249 ;--the tribe to which he belonged was Bhatarka of Valabhi, 187;-notes on them. 361f that of Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vasudeva, Manichæan heresy, origin of the, 90 ;-and
249;-he invaded Sindh, 250 ;-explanaProtestantism .........
tion of his alleged invasion of Ceylon, manis, sacred stones in Tibet .................... 124
250 ;-a notice of his coins, 250f ;-he did Mandasör, town in Central India; its ancient homage to Yasodharman, 252, 255, 257;Sanskrit name was Dasapura, 194f;-by
the commencement of his career must be the people, it is still best known as Dasôr,
placed about 515 A.D., 252 ;-he was pro194f;-remains at this place, 195;--the in
bably a Mongol or Turkish Mléchchha ...... 347 scription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvar. Mi-lan, a king (Menander) in whose time man of MAlava-Samvat 493, edited, 194ff;
Någasêna flourished............................... 353ff -commented on, 189ff ;-inscription of Mi-lo-kin; possibly the Chinese phonetic equi. Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana, of valent for Mlêchchha.............................. 346 Málava-Samvat, 589, edited, 222ff ;dupli. missiles of the aborigines of India, 25, 26; cate pillar inscriptions of Yasodharman, of African Tribes.................................. 26, 27 edited ............
............253ff, 257€ | Mithra, worship of, in Europe, 90, 91 ;-Was Mangalarkja, of Gwalior(Kachchhapaghata). 35, 41 a sun-god, 91;-was also a sun-god of the mangaliha, probably an upper garment'...... 45n Persians .........
............. 90 Manichandra, builder of a temple of Siva Mlôchchhas invaded Kasmir under Mihiraand other gods at Gwalior .................... 202 kula.................
................. 247,249f Manikantha, composer of the Sasbah-ka. Monghyr, mentioned under the ancient name
dehra inscription of Mahipala ..............34, 46 of Mudgagiri .................................... 304, 308 Manoratha; not a king of Gwalior ............ 201 monoliths in Europe, 120, 121 ;-in India, mantra-déva-manuja-bhata-pitrigana, refers to 120;-in Russia ........... .................. 122
the pancha-mahdyajña ........................... 10n months, names of the, as occurring in records :Manu, notice of Burnell's translation of
Ashadha ........................................ 13, 361 282 ;-Burnell held the code was compiled
Asvayuja ....................................... 310n about A.D. 500, at the court of Pulikesin I. 282 Asvina .............................................. 46 mdr, a standard of land measurement, 692;
Bhadrapada........................................ 188 Governmental systems preceding the......... 269 Chaitra........................................... 188, 359 Markthås, perhaps sprung from the Rattas... 268 KArttika .... Marathi appears as a specific vernacular in an
Magha ................ ...... 10, 107, 108n, 202 inscription of Saka-Samvat 1128............... 149 Margasira ................
340 Margasiraha ; an intercalation of this month. 337€ Paugha's............................
362 marriage customs, identity of certain Indian
Phålguna ................
140 and Spanish ............. ................93, 94 Sahasya (Pausha) ........
... 201 mard, an Indian quarter-staff .................... 31 Tapasya (Phálguna) .................. 201 matchlocks, vernacular names for Indian......
Vaisakha .........
.............. 109n, 188
..... 177
.
.
.......
3.........

Page #440

392
INDEX.
.
.
..
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
..
..
.
..
.
months, pre-Islamite names for the preserved
by the modern Arabs ........................312, 313 moon-symbols ....................................... 64ff Morbi plate of Jainkadêva; noticed ......... 143n Môurva in the Avesta is Mery ..................... Mudgagiri, the modern Munger, a camp of
Narayanapala .................................. 304, 308 Mudiyandr, older form of the name of Mudya
når, 9.0.......................................... 172, 177 Mudyanar, village in Maisar; its ancient
Sanskrit name was Chad&gråma, 172, 177, the (spurious) grant of Malladêva-Nandivar. man (Bana), of Śaka-Sarinvat 261, edited ... 172ff Muhammad Akbar Khan supersedes Shah
záda Fath Jang ..................................... 292 Maladeva of Gwalior (KachchhapagbAta), had
the birudas of Bhuvanapala and Trailokya- . malla ...............
.................. 35, 42 Mungêr mentioned under the ancient name of
Mudgagiri ...................................... 304, 308 Murundas, an early dynasty, 142;-Vatsaraja,
the lover of Vasavadatta, belonged to this tribe
............. 142n
Nanna, a king who built a temple of P&ráva.
nátha at Vardhamanapura ......... 142 and n naradhipati, 'a chief ruler of men; a king. 223n narapati, apparently an official title........... In Narayanapêla (Palas of Bengal); his Bhagalpur grant, edited .......
................304ff navakarman, 'new buildings' ...................... 309n National Anthem, translated into Sanskrit 47, 363 nazar is the Evil Eye .............................. 322 necklace, effect of charmed, in Indian folklore
..................... note 7, 98 Negapatam; a notice of the Buddhist structure at .............. . . . .
...................2340 nibaddha, assigned' ........................... 107, 140 nirudna of Buddha; & notice of evidence in
support of the Peguan date of B.C. 638 ... 152 Nizâmu'ddaulah Muhammad 'Usman Khan
ruins Shah Shuja'a's cause, 169, 170;-his proceedings with Macnaghten.................. 261 Nrisimhatapansya-Upanishad; notes on vari
ous, readings of the, 69ff, ;-it bad two distinct bdkhds, Bhrigu and Angirasa ..... 71 numerical symbols. inste numerical symbole, instances of the use of...
188, 337, 340, 357 Nydra, commentary on Hêmachandra's
Brihaduritti; names of earlier grammarians mentioned in it .......... ............. 1817
.... 226
ocean, an invocation of the ......... Ogatai, son of Chinghiz Khan, his campaign
in Honan ........................................ 133, 134 Omayyad coins, Dr. Stickel on ................. 843 Osaţika (®), a place in Western India............ 142 Oude Distriot, an inscription from the ......... 10ff owls in Indian folklore ...... ............. 74
... 354
Nagabhata, Maharaja, of the line of Déva
sakti ................................... 107, 110, 141 Nagali or N&mali; an ancient village in the
Dêvahali pattald ................................... 9 Naga Madamme, a serpent goddess in Maisar 259 Nagarjuna, a Bodhisattva; he probably lived towards the end of the second century A.D., 853ff;- he lived in Southern Kosala,
in the time of king So-to-p'o-ho.............. 355 Nagasêna, a Buddhist Bhikshu, author of the
Melindapañho, 353ff;---he flourished about 140 B.C., 353 ;- an account of the Melinda
pañho ........................ Naraváhana, an early king ................... 1421 Narayaņa; various readings from his commentary on the Nrisimhatápantya-Upa.
nishad ...................... Naigamas, interpreters of Vedic quotations and words.........
............... 227 nail-headed' characters; discovery of a new
variety by Bendall ............. nakshatra :Abvint ..................
............. 177 Uttara-Bhadrapad .............................. 110n Nándarja, another name of Menander or. Milan...... ..
**** ................ 364 Nandas, an early dynasty; Katyayana . is
referred by tradition to their time......... 149 Nandi, Nandidurga, a hill in Southern India.
173, 176 Nandivarmacharya, engraver of the grant of Malladêva-Nandivarman ..................... 177
......... 177
....... 288
pddakula, P's tribe of attendants' ........... 45n Padma, an abbreviation of the name of Pad
map la of Gwalior ................................ 42, 46 Padma, one of the engravers of the Sasbahd-ke-dehra inscription of Vikrama
Samvat 1150................ .......................... 46 Padmanatha, a local name of Vishņu at Gwalior, in memory of Padmapala... 35, 41,
44, 45, 46 Padmaple, of GwAlior (Kachchhapaghata)
35, 43, 202 pala, termination of the names of some of the Kachchhapagheta kinge of Gwalior, 35ff;- and of the names of two members
of the family of Devasakti ................... 110 PAlak, a king of Avanti at the time of the
nirudna of Mahavira ........................142, 143n PAlas of Bengal; remarks on their history ... 304 PAli, the Prakrits, the modern Vernaculars, and
Sanskrit; notice of Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's

Page #441

results regarding their order, periods,
***********
149
10n
****************
&c. Panchdbikd of Bilhana, notice of the... 212 pancha-maháyajña Panini, the grammarian, is referred by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar to about the eighth cen. tury B.C., 149;-a poet of this name; supposed to be identical with the grammarian
*************
Paniyaka, an ancient village in the Śrâvasti
bhukti
**********......
......................................
Panj Phil Rânî, a folklore title parrots in Indian folklore ..................note 2, 74 Påráva, a Buddhist patriarch, may be placed about A.D. 70 or 75.....
355
Pashanapalli, an ancient village near Gwalior,
35, 45 125
245 28
INDEX.
Passage de l'Enfer.....
Pasupati, a king conquered by Mihirakula patd, a form of Indian sword Patanjali is not to be identified with Gonardiya or Gônikaputra, 81ff;-he is placed by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, following Dr. Goldstücker, in the second century B.C., 149;discussion of his date, 148f;-he is placed by Dr. Peterson in the fifth century A.D., 148; discussion of the authorship of certain verses in the Mahabhashya, commented on by him.......... pattanákarasthanagókulddhikaripurusha; an
229ff
7, 9n
**********
241
107
96
official term.......
Pathayampuri,' supposed to be the ancient name of Byânâ, q.v.; it is nothing but a mistake....
239 337
******************
345 98n
pathi, a territorial term.............................. patti, an extra land cess............ 271, 272 Pausha; an intercalation of this month...228, 338 Pehewa,' 'Pehewá,' or 'Pehoa' inscription of Bhôja of Kanauj; referred to.. ..108ff ...................................................... 321 Pipet, see Pipiaux ..... Pipiaux of Guernsey, the.......... 321, 322 Piyadasi inscriptions, M. Senart on the lang. uage of the polygamy in India, the effect of Prakrit compositions, a reference to, in an inscription Prakrits, modern Vernaculars, Sanskrit, and Pali; notice of Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's results regarding their order, periods, &c... 149 pratibaddha, attached to' Pratishthana bhukti, an ancient territorial division close to Allahâbâd..........111, 140 pravanikara, apparently means 'money-rent'. 10n pravaras:
227
*************
*****...
140n
of Bharadvaja, Angirasa, and Bårhaspatya. 18 of Kaayapa, Avataåra, and Naidhruva ...... 10 prayukta, 'drawn up' .........107n, 140
***********..
*********...
*******...
Pride Abased, a Kaémiri folktale... 157ff princes visiting cities in disguise, Oriental habit of ..........300m Punnâța samgha, a Jain sect; Jinasena (q. v.) 142 belonged to it Pushpamitra, or Pushyamitra; an early king in whose time Patanjali appears to have lived.......... Pushpamitras, an early dynasty...... 142 Pushyamitra, see Pushpamitra Pushyamitras; a tribe or dynasty conquered by Skandagupta, 148f, 151;-also see Pushpamitras ..142 and n
148f
148f
393
*********.***
**********..
********
**************** ......
qaul, a rebate on assessment of land revenue. 271 quarter-staff in India.........
31 31
quoits as weapons in India....
rag-bushes
.......................... 219 Rajasekhara, the dramatist; some notes on .............241f his date..... Rájataramgins; its account of Mihirakula...2471 Rakshasas (ogres), human beings suspected to be........... ..... 303n Ramabhadra, Mahdrdja, of the line of Dôvasakti, 107, 110, 141;-he is not to be identi fied with Ramabhadra of Kanauj 109f Ramazan fast not kept by the Arabs......312, 316 raqambéria, a system of assessment of land
269
revenue
***********
................................................
************
Rasabhardjah, the "Ass-kings"; an early dynasty......... ...... 142f Rashtrakutas; there are no grounds for the theory that an era was established by them. 150 45 ratha, a termination of a proper name..... Ratnamati, a grammarian quoted by Hêma
.........
***********
***********...... ......
***************
chandra Raṭṭas, perhaps the forefathers of the Marathas, 268;-tribal organization of the...... 268 Rauta, a Brahman's title .10, 13 269 raya-rékhá, a system of land measurement red paint, daubing on stones, in India, 118;Biblical reference Reinaud; his rendering of certain statements of Albirûnî concerning Hindu eras Rishabha, a grammarian quoted by a commentator on Hêmachandra ............................................ 182 River of Death in India, 125;-in ancient Europe...... Romano Lavo-Lil, Borrow's, unscientific nature of Romany Domani...... Royal Asiatic Society; inscriptions in the.7ff, 10ff Rudrabhaṭṭa, Rudrata, author of the Sringaratilaka, 2871, 287 n;-he is placed by Dr. Pischel not later than the middle of the ninth century..... ************..
***********************
125
14 15
=
*****************
182
118
189
287

Page #442

394
INDEX.
S, the letter, & eun-symbol ....
66 Såsbahd--dôhrd, popular name of a temple sacred foot symbols, 117; -modern Indian at Gwalior, 33;-it was completed in the time
explanation of................ ................... 117 of Mahipala, (q.v.) 35,44 ;-it is a temple of sacred stones in India, 117f;-manis, 124 ;
Vishņu, 35;-the inscription of Mahipala, monoliths, 118 to 123ovoid and sphe.
of Vikrama-Samvat 1150; edited ............ 33ff roidal, 119, 180;"passing through "...... 220, sattra, 'a hall for the charitable distribution
221 of food, &c.'..................................... 45, 46 sacred trees ............
............. 217ff saudha, equivalent to brahmapuri, q. v. ...... 44n S'afd Muhammad Khår, ruler of Hirat ...... 298 Sauryas, a tribe or dynasty in Western India Saka era, supposed to date from the establish
142 ment of the Saka empire in India under Scindia's Dominions, inscriptions from........ either Kadphises II. or Kanerkes, 156;
33ff, 194ff, 201ff, 222ff, 253ff, 257 an instance in which it is confused with the seals, ancient, found at Harappa ................... Gupta era.....
............... 188 Beals of grants, emblems on ............. 10, 106, 139 SAkala in the Pañjab, was the capital of Mi. seals of grants, legends on, 10, 106, 112, 139, hirakula, 246, 249 ;-in earlier times it was 140 ;-instances of their being secured to a capital of Menander or Mi-lan ......... 354
the plate by soldering........................ 106, 139 Sakata, Sakatayana, a later grammarian Berpent, sun-symbol, 66;-& lightning
quoted by Hêmachandra ...... ............... 182 symbol, 66;--symbols, 260;-woman or sdkhda mentioned in' records :
goddess in Europe, 259, 260; -worship in Angirasa .................*****
S................... 71
India, 2538;-in Europe, 260 ;-revived in Bhrigu ..........................
Maisar ................................................ 259 "Kauthuma-Chchhandôga ......................... 107 sex, change of, to protect from evil spirits ... 328
Maitriyanaka-Månavaka ........................ 187 shadafiti, a term for the sun's entrance into Shet-Mâhet,'a collection of ruins near 'Bah. four of the signs of the Zodiac ............... 860 raich'; mentioned under the ancient name Shah Shujaa, treaty with, in 1839, 164;-his
of Sråvasti . ............................... 107, 111 position at Kabul, 167 ;-forgery of his Samanyacharana, a sect of Brahmaņs in signature, 169;-project of returning to Southern India, 177;-a proposed explan
India, 266 ;-doings in Kabul after Macation of the term .................. .................. 281 naghten's death, 267 ;-his murder ........ 290 sambaddha, belonging to,' 'connected with ShAhzâda Fath Jang succeeds Shah Shuja'a,
107, 140n 296 ;-superseded by Muhammad Akbar sangraha-Slokas in the Mahabh­a may Khan, 293 ;- accompanies the English to have been composed by Katyøyana or Pa
India................................................ *** tañjali ...............
..................... 233 Shahzada Shahpar accompanies the English Sarkaracharya; various readings from his
to India .......................................... 238 commentary on the Nrisimhatapaniya. Shatthabha, a Brahman's name................. 45 Upanishad, 69ff ;-reasons for thinking that shell characters,' references to instances of... 364 the printed commentary attached to the Shi-yen-to-bia, another name of So-to-p'o. same is not really by him.
ho, q. v. .............
................. 355 Sankarananda; various readings from his com. ship' tales in Kasmir ... ............ 157n
mentary on the Nrisimhatápantya-Upani, Siah Koh is the ancient Ushidao ...............
shad ................................................... 69 if Sikhism, its connection with Muhammadan. Samkaravarman, king of Kasmir, notes on ...109 iem..................................................... 214 sankranti :
Sikhita; see Sishyahitd. ....................... 32 Kumbha ..........
......... 107 Silacharya, a Jain writer, author of the sarvatsaras of the sixty-year cycle, men doharaffed, q. v. ; he wrote at Gambhata... 188 tioned in records :
bildloutta, P ' a stone-cutter'........................ 46n Bhåva ............................................ 361 Si-liang-fu, possible identification of............ 132
Vilambin .......................................... 177 Simha, a Buddhist patriarch, killed in the time sangar, derivation of ..................... note 10, 624 of Mihirakula ................... 245, 250, 252, 345f lanilha-shell emblem on seals of grants......... 10 Simhapaniya, an ancient town near Gwalior 35, 42 Banskrit and Praksit compositions, a reference Simhavaja, one of the engravers of the S&sto, in an inscription ........
................... 227 bahd-k&-dehrá inscription of Vikrama-SamnSanskrit MSS.; notice of Dr. Oppert's Lists
.............. 46 for Southern India ............................... 164ff Bindibád Cycle of folktales ............... 330n, 335n Siran District, an inscription from the ...... 105fsingauta, an Indian quarter-statt ............... 31
................
...
70
vat 1150 ...

Page #443

INDEX.
395
......
66
Sishya, in the Mahabhishya, is the person stork, the, a fire-symbol ............
who raises questions to be solved ............ 80 Subeinga in ancient Burma, where is it?...... 317 Šishyahita, Ugrabhati's commentary on the Subeinna = Subeinga.................................. 317
Katantra, was written in the eleventh cen- Subhashitdvali of Vallabhadeva; a notice of tury ...................................*
........... 32
Dr. Peterson's edition of it, 240ff; it canSistán = Sakarráin ............ ............. 221 not be placed earlier than the first half of Sivadeva I., Mahdrdja, of Nepål; his Gölmi- the fifteenth century A.D. ..................... 241
dhitô inscription of Gupta-Samvat 318, Sumêru, mountain, spoken of as one of the
noticed ........................ ................ 192ff breasta of the earth .............................. 200 Sivagaņa, a Maurya chieftain; bis Kanaswa sun; invocations of the, 198;-a temple of
inscription of Malava-Samvat 795, noticed, the, at Mandasör, q. v., 196, 200, 201 ;--wor. 191f;--notice of Dr. Peterson's revised ship of the, when making a grant, 10;
version of this inscription .......................... 152 other instances of worship of the... 10, 13, Skandagupta (Early Gupta); notice of Dr.
107, 112, 140, 196 Bhagwanlal Indraji's version of his Bhitari sun symbols, 64ff, 192, 93 ;-in Albania, pillar inscription, 151ff;-he conquered the 68;-Ireland, 68;-in Lapland ............... 67
Pushyamitras ................................... 148f, 151 sun-worship, 89F ;-in Modern India, 64, 65, 6l3kavárttika, a name given by commentators 89;-in Mexico, 64, 65, 89 ;-in Persia, 64,
to certain Kårikås in the Mahabhåshya...... 229 90;- in the Vedas, 64;-Modern European anake in symbolism, see serpent .................. 66 customs indicating. 92;--connection besolar race included the kings of Kanaaj ...... 8. tween it and ire-worship, 91, 92;--traces sons, nostrums for procuring ..........., note 2, 300 of it in Christianity .............................. 65 sosanpata, a peculiar South Indian sword ... 28 Sunabat Jat, a folktale from Bombay .........365ff So-to-p'o-ho, a king of Southern Koala, il Sundaridevi, wife of Vateardja, q. v. 107, 110, 141
probably of the Andhra dynasty ........... 355 Suryapala, of Gwalior (Kachchhapagbåta)... 35, 43 spears in India..
..............30, 31 Saryavansa included the kings of Kanauj ... 8 Spiti, women of, their resemblance to those Sátrakdra, a term for Påņini, as opposed to
of the Eskimo .................................... 62, 63 Varttikakdra for Katyayana ................... 229 spitting on coins for luck.......................... 328 avastika, 92ff;-as a fire symbol, 64, 66, 89, epurious inscription ...............................172 and n 92;-as a sun symbol, 65, 92;-as & mark Gravasti, ancient name of the modern "Sahet. on modern Indian buildings, 93 ;-as an
Mhet'; chief town of a bhukti and a ornament in embroidery, 94; = the trinacria mandala .............. ........................ 107, 111
of Sicily, 89;= triquetra, 66 ; = triskele, Srikambuvarnagiri, an ancient hill, mentioned 66;-variant forms of, 94, 95;-variant in the Gwalior inscription of Vikrama-Sam
aspect of, 96;-universality of, 94;-—is a vat 1150......
possible origin of the Greek key-pattern ... 96 Sripathi, the ancient Sanskrit name of swords in India, 28;---vernacular names for Byana, q. v. ............
......... 239 Indian, much wanted, with description...... 30 Srboaharaja, a grammarian quoted by a com: Syalapati' of Kabul; notes on his date and mentator on Hêmachandra
182 coins; they are not dated in the Gupta eru. 185ff Śrfvadhůvallabha, or VadhQvallabha, a symbolism in Asia, object of studying ......... 61 biruda of Malladêva-Nandivarman (Båņa); symbols of the sun, 64ff;-of the moon,
64ff ;-cup, 64ff ;-egg, 119, 120; -fire, Srivallabha, -probably Govinda II. (R&shtra
64 ;-foot, 117; serpent ..... ............ 260 kata) ....................... Srutapala, a grammarian quoted by Hôma
chandra .......................... ............ 182 star-symbols are sun-symbols ...................... 66 Taladhvaja, ancient name of Tallja in KathiA. athal, a standard for measuring gardens for waa ................................................... 861
revenue purposes............. ............... 269 talapatta, probably 'an ear ornament' ......... 45n St. John's Eve in Ireland, relio of gun-wor. talking animals in Indian folktales ............. 332n ship
.............. 92 tangl, an aboriginal bow ........... ............. 27 stone-circles, 120;---implements, what to look Tangut, see His .............
128 for, 316;-Lucky, 321;-monuments, an: tankha, a standard for assessing land revenue 970
cient, what to look for in them ................ 316 Tapasavataardja, Dr. Hultzsch on the ......... 344 stone-worship in India, 117, 118;-in ancient Tarikh Sulędni, a historioal work on AfghEurope ...... .............118, 119 nistán ..........
................... 162
172
142
........
...........

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396
INDEX.
Ta-tao, the Chinese name of Mihirakula, may Upadhyâya, a grammarian quoted by a com
be a Mongolian word, meaning the great mentator on Hémachandra...................... 182
horde' ............................ ..................... 845 Upanishad; Nrisimhatápaniya, notes on tenth part of revenue given to a god ......... 46 various readings of the............................. 69ff Tenures, Ancient Marktha ...... .............. 2688 Upanishads ; remarks on the latest translation Thakkura, a Brihman's title .................. 10, 13
............... 279ff thal = sthal .......
Ushid&o in the Adesta is SiAh Kôh.....
.............. 22 thekkalat, Burmese name for broadcloth ...... 318 Utpala, a grammarian quoted by Hêmachan. Thêpaka, Thôvaka; 'a Méhara chief, 360ff;
dra.. .
............... 181 his Hathaan inscription, edited................360ff Three-lege, Manx, a form of the svastika...... 95 tickel, a Burinese weight ........................... 317
uddhadha, P ' a drum' .......... Tihula, a Brahman's name ......................... 10 Vadhávallabha, or Srivadhdvallabha, a biruda Tihuņēka, a Brahman's name ................
45 of Malladera-Nandivarman (Baņa), q....... 172 Tikkariki, an ancient village; probably the Veitigosa in the Avesta is Badghiz ........... 22
modern Tikart, near Benares ............ 111, 140 Vajradáman, of Gwalior (Kachchhapaghta) 'Nlhőka, a Brahman's name .........
defeated the king of Kansuj.................35, 41 Timbanaka, ancient Dame of Timana in KA. Valabhi, the kings of; notice of a new copthi w a .............. ........ ...
per-plate grant, 187£ ;--their genealogy
.... " Tirabhukti: ancient name of Tirhut ...... 306, 309 278;-the early members of the family had Tirhut, mentioned under the ancient name of
no authority to establish an era of their own, Tirabhukti......................................804, 809 191, 193 ;---they cannot have conquered "Tôramana was the father of Mihirakula, Népal, so as to introduce the Gupta era there, 245 ;-the tribe to which he belonged was
193;-an inscription of the dynusty, dated that of Kanishka ........... ********......... 249 Gupta-Samvat 330
................. 885ff Totemism in India.....
.................... 214 udf, the Dravidian, is really a bill or chopper, Trailokyamalla, & biruda of Maladdva of
and not a sword ..................... ............... 28 Gwalior .................. ...................35, 42 valai tddi = katariya ................................... 25 Traikatakas; a new inscription of this dynas
Vallabbadôva, poet of Kasmir; notice of ty, noticed ............
............... 150
Dr. Peterson's edition of his Subhashitatree worship of the, 2178;-connection be- vali, q... ............... .................. 240ff
tween it and fire-worship,-93 ;-tree of Life, VAlayika vishaya, an ancient territorial di. 217;-offerings to, 219;—"passing through"
vision in the neighbourhood of Srávastf ... 107
220, 221 Vamana, grammarian quoted by HemaTripura, Kokkalla I. of, a note on ...............110n
chandra.................................................. 182 trinacria of Sicily - svastika, 89; = triskele ... 89 Varanasi vishaya, an ancient territorial divi. Tripartite treaty of 1835, native view of the.. 163 sion round Benares...........................111, 140 triquetra of Scandinavia is the mastika ...... 66 Vardha, a king in Western India in Sakatriskelo = triquetra, 66; = trinacria .............. 89 Sarhvat 705 ............... .*.*................... 142 trumbash, an Arab Missile ..................... 26 Vardhamanapura, a town in Western India... 142 turushkadanda; a term requiring explanation. 10n odrttika, applied sometimes to certain Karikas twentieth part of revenue given to a god,
in the MahabhAshya ............. ***......... 229 46;-and to Brahmans .........
Varttikakdra, a term for Katyayana .......... 229 Two Thags and the Ravariyda Bombay Varttikns in the Mahabhåshya, notes on some folktale ...............................................
doubtful .............
................ 2031
Vasishthaghatta; a place on the Yamuna at Udumbaragahvara, an ancient country or which Jayachchandra bathed ................... 9
town .................................................. 33B VAsudeva, an Indo-Scythic king ; notes about Udumbaragahvara-Chaturvedins, an ancient
............... 154 division among the Brahmans of Gujarat... 886 Vasumitra, an early king........................ 142 Ugrabhati, author of the Sikhitd, Albiront's Vatagrima, an ancient village in Kathiawad, notice of .......................... 92 near Jhar, q..............
. ......... 187 Umapatidhan, Prof. Aufrecht on ............. 844 Vataa, a grammarian quoted by a commen. umar, a termination of names of towns and tator on Hemachandra ........................... 182
villages, from the Sanskrit udumbara ...... 836 | Vateabhatti, composer of the Mandaar in. Umeta grant of Dadda II., a note on the ... 188n scription of Malaya-Sathvat 529 ......... 196, 201 Unfortunate Merchant, a Bombay folktale ... 2218 Vateardja, king of Avanti in Saka-Sathvat 705. 142
him
.....

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INDEX.
397
ul
........
Vatsarkja, the lover of VAsayadatta, was a Wazir Padshah, an Indian game Murunda ................................................ 142n
... 142n weapons of Indian athletes Vatsaraja, Mahdrája, of the line of Devasakti, weights, Burmese ...............
106, 110, 141;-he is not to be identified whale, ancient Greek notices of the ............ with Vatsarija of Marudosa, conquered by wheel, a sun-symbol, 64, 66, 93 ;-as a Bud. the Rashtrakața king Dhruva .............. 109ff dhistic symbol ......
662 Vēdas - Atharvan ............
............ 140 Vélapadraka, an ancient village in Kathiawad,
near Jhar, 9. v. ...................................... 188 Yar Muhammad Khan, ruler of Hiråt, 296; Vêmâi, goddess of fate, 171, note 1;--and makes friends with Persia ..................... 297
the thieves, a Bombay folktale .............. 171 Yaska is referred by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar Venkata II, of Vijayanagara; his Kondyta to the seventh or sixth century B.C. ......... 149
grant of Saka-Samvat 1558; noticed ...... 147€ Yaśôdêva, writer of the Såsbahd-ka-dehrt in. Vernaculars, modern; notice of Dr. R. G, scription of Mahipala, 34, 46;-and com
Bhandarkar's results regarding the develop- poser of the Gwalior inscription of Vikramsment of them ............... ................... 149 Samvat 1161 .............. ................... 202 and a Vijayachandra of Kanauj; his Royal Asiatic Yaíðdharman, a king of Northern India, 223,
Society's grant of Vikrama-Samvat 1225; 226;--the extent of his dominions, 255; edited
.......... 7ff homage was done to him by Mihirakula, Vijayanagara, the later kings of; a note on 252, 255, 257;-he installed Driñasimha of their genealogy
Valabhi, 187n;-his Mandaaðr inscription Vikrama era; was known originally as the of Malava-Sarvat 589, edited, 222ff;--his
era of the Malavas ........... .......... 1911 duplicate pillar inscriptions at Mandasor, Vinayakapola, Maharaja, of the line of Déva- editod .............................................2538, 2571
sakti, 110, 140;-his grant of Harsba-Sarvat Yakovigraha, of Kanauj (GAbadavála) ......... 8
188, edited ................. ............... 138ff yese-golu, a Kanarese missile ..................... 26 vise, a Burmese weight ......... ................. 317 Yué-tchi or Kushans; Chinese notes on their vishaya-bhabhujah, perhaps 'native rulers,' as I history .......
............... 191 distinguished from foreign conquerors......
142 and n Vishnu's Foot .............
****.. .... 117 Vishnuvardhana, an early king, in or near
Zarênumaiti of the Avesta in the Zarinmand MAlava, 223, 226;-his Mandasör inscription River of the Bundahish ............
of MAlava-Samvat 589; edited ............... 222ff | Zarinmand River in the Bundahish is the Vibrantavidyadhara, a grammarian quoted by Zarồnumaiti of the Avesta .....................
Hêmachandra ........................ ............... 182 Zirra Lake in Sistán is the ancient Kasava, Visvavarman, a ruler of MAlava ............. 196, 20 21;-zand zrayo...........
...........
147
ERRATA IN VOL. XV.
p. 25b, 11. 87-88, for valai, tddi read valai-tadi. p..73a, 1. 17, for TT read TIT
, 1.27,for वेलवां read पल्स्वां p.7la,1. 18,for वास्तव read वास्तव p. 108a, 1. 80, omit the comma after Tikroo. p. 113, note 85, for one pada road two padas. p. 140, note 1, for tayo read thyoh. p. 141, note 26, for one pdda road two pddas. p. 1556, line 19, dele the word two before columns p. 1894, 1. 39, for the year 1088 of the era of
Srl-Harsba, read the year 1488
of the era of Srt-Harsha. p. 1944, 1. 9, dele the words Saryavanki or p. 2010, 1..16, dele the word lunar. p. 2276, 1. 12, for Rajasthantva read Rdjasthaniya p. 273, Table, for Ddrabhata read Dêrabhata. p. 2846, 1. 34, for Chandellas read Bundelas. p. 800a, 1. 4, add " before Parameswar.
800a, 1. 34, dole the comma aftor piercing and
place it after shriek. p. 302a, last line (note) put a space after utter
ance; and attach a quory to changing in the fate at end of
samo note p. 303, query 146 instead of " 46," u Alret figure
in note. P. 306, Text, line 38, for pro read pre. p. 807, alter numbers of notes to the end; 18 to
bo 19; do. Alter wambers of ro.
ference similarly. p. 814, first line of notes, change the bracket to
before of. p. 316a, 1. 36, for or read of. p. 839, note to Text, 1. 23, for Fagor road
TOTT p. 357, Text, 1. 6, for prótariyya road protarijn.

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