Indian Antiquary Vol 15

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032507/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E..
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
CAPTAIN, BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XV.-1886.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY - DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COM
PARATIVE STUDY OF ASIATIC STXBOLISM :Introduction ... No. 1. Sun and Moon (or Cup) Symbols No. 2. Sun-Worship ... ... * ** No. 3. The Svastika... No. 4. Sacred Stones... ... No. 8. Some Ideas about the Future Life No. 6. Sacred Trees ... ... No. 7. Snake-Worship ... No. 8. The Evil Eye and Allied Notions
... 821 Some Hints on looking for Megalithic Mond
ments and Stone-Implements in India ... ... 316 REV. S. BEAL - THE ANS AND WRITINGS OF NAGARJUNA-BODRISATTYA ... ...
. ... ... ... 853 A Note on the History and Date of Mihirakula ... 345 Por. G. BUHLER, C.I.E., Pa.D., Vienna :VALABHI INSCRIPTION :
No. 18. A new grant of Dharasena IV. ... ... 885 Beruni's Indica ... ..
** ... - 31 G. X. C. :Dr. Peterson's Editiop of the Subhashitavali of
Vallabhadeva ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 M. LONGWORTH DAMES, Esq., B.C.8., M.R.A.S., eto. :
OLD SEALS YOUND AT HARAPPA ... ... ... 1 SnR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.8.1., F.B.8. :A TORTAER NOTICE OF TEE ANCIENT BUDDHIST
STRUCTURA AT NEGAPATAX ... ... ... 234 ANCIENT TENURES OF LAND IN THE SOUTHERN
MARATHA COUNTRY... Egerton's Mustrated Handbook of Indian Arms... 84
Notes on the Early History of Pegu .. .. 817 J. P. FLEET, Esq., Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E., eto. :SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS :No. 160. Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of the Maha-
raja Mahendrapala; (Harsha)-Samvat 155 ... 105 No. 161. Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the
Maharaja Vinayakapala; (Haraha)-Samvat 188. 188 No. 162. Mandasor Inscription of Kumar
gupta and Bandhuvarman; the Malava
years 493 and 529 ... ... ... ... ... 194 No. 168. Mandasor Inscription of Yasodharman
and Vishnuvardhans; the Malavs year 589 ... 222 No. 164 Mandasor Pillar Inscription of Yo
dharman .. . ... ... ... ... 263'
PAGE No. 165. Mandasor Duplicate Pillar inscription
of Yasodharman ... ... ... ... ... No. 166. Bodh Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman; the year 269 ... ...
.. ... ... 350 No. 167. Bodh Gaya Image Inscription of Maha:
naman... ... THE EPOCE OF THE GUPTA EBA ... ... ... THE HISTORY AND DATE OF MIKIRAKULA... ... THE MEANING OF BAPPA AND BAVA ... ... 272 A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS ; No. 2:
The Inoome Tax ... .. ... ... ... 349 SOME FANTASTIC CHARACTERS
*
... ... ... 364 Note on a passage in the Jain Harivamss relating to the Guptas ...
... ... 141 Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic
Society ... ... ... Gardner and Poole's Coins of the Greek and
Scythio Kings of Bactria and India in the
Ladian Museum ... ... ... ... ..153 Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit M88. in Private
Libraries in Southern India ... ... ... 154 Note on the Coins of the Hindu Kings of Kabul... 184 A new grant of Dharagena II. of Valabhi ... ... 187 Two passages from the Acharatika ... ... ... 188 Sripatha, the ancient Sanskrit name of Byana ... 239 Note on Prof. Peterson's Subhashitavali of Valla- bhadeva... ... ... ... ... ... ... 240 Note on the origin of the Gupta Ers ... ... 278 Bendall's Journey in Nepal and Northern India... 288 Note on the Bodh-Gaya Inscription of Maha
naman ... .. ... .. ... ... .. 347 Note on the Hathaani Inscription of the Mehara
Chief Thepaka... ... ... ... ... ... 361 G. A. GRIERSON, Esq., B.O.S., M.R.A.S., ete:
(See also Mrs. G. A. GRIERSON) Curiosities of Indian Literature. ... 281, 318, 348
Progress of European Scholarship, No. 1 ... ... 342 Mrs. G. A. GRIERSON :AN ENGLISH GIPSY INDEX .............14, 19, 84, 113.
143, 178, 236, 277, 310, 340 HENRY H. HOWORTH, Esq., F.S.A. :
CHINGHI KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORB, Ch. XXXII. 128 DR. B. HULTZSCH GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161. 20) TA BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA ... Note on the Kasmiri Portable Brazier ...
The Vijayanagara Genealogy ... ... ... ... 147 LIXUT.-COL. G. A. JACOB :
N RISTMHATAPANTTA-UPANISHAD ... ... The Upanishads and their latest translation ... 279
.
.
... 288

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
PAGE PROF. F. KIELHORN, GOTTINGEN :
S. M. NATESA SASTRI :Two COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF JAYACHCHANDRA FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. No. 13. The OF KANAUJ . ..
" * ***
Four Good sisters ... ... ... ... ... THE SABBARU TEXPLE INSCRIPTTON OY MAHI
Samanyacharana and Brihacharana ... ... PALA, OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1150...
The Verses of Lakhima Thakurani ... ... NoTER ON THE MAHABHABHYA;
V. A. SMITH, Esq.,.C.S., M.R.A.S., eto. No. 1. Acharyad siya ..
Gen. Cunningham's Archeological Reports No. 2. Gonikaputra and Gonardiya No. 3. On some doubtful Varttikas ... ... 203
Gen. Cunningham's Book of Indian Eras...
A Note on the Date of Mihirakula ... ... No. 4. Some Suggestions regarding the verses
... 346 (Karikaa) in the Mahabhashya ... ... ... 228
D. AUREL STEIN, Buda-Pesth:IN DRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS... ... 181 Afghanistan in Avestio Geography ... ... ... 21 THE CHANDRA VYAKARANA AND THE KABIKA- CAPTAIN R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S., VRITTI... .. .. ..
... ... 183
F.R.G.S., etc. - Whitney's Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary
Note on Prof. Weber's translation of the British Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language ... 86
National Anthem into Sanskrit The Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi ... ... ... 156
Note on the Svastika ... ... ... Rev. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. Pope's Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar Narayanar. 212 ete.
Note on the Archeological Survey of India GULLALA SHAH
Vol. XV. ...
... ... ...
... ... 74, 96
.. ... ... ... ... 283 PRIDE ABASED ... ... ... ... ... ... 157 | EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S., the late :
THE FOUR PRINCES ... .. ... ... 299, 328 EXTRACTS FROM CHINESE AUTHORS CONCERNING PRAMADADASA MITRA, BENARES :
THE HISTORY OF TAX KUSHANS ..................... 19 Tax BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED VAJESHANKAR GAURISHANKAR, BHAW.
INTO SANSKRIT ... ... ... ... .... 363. NAGAR: K. B. PATHAK, B.A.:
HATRASNI INSCRIPTION OF THE MERARA CHTET A PABBAGE IN THE JAIN HARIVAMSA RELATING
THEPARA TO THE GUPTAS ... ... ... ... ... 141 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :SIR ARTHUR PHAYRE, K.C.S.I., THE LATE :
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :Notes on the Early History of Pegu ... ... 317
No. 2. The Two Thage and the Ravariya
No. 3. The Black-Headed Man ... ... E. REHATSEK, E8Q.
No. 4. Vemai and the Thieves .. .. THE LAST YEARS OP SHAH SHUJAA ... 162, 261, 289
No. 5. The Unfortunate Merchant ... The Iyar-i-Danish ... ... ... ... ... 319 No. 6. Supabai Jai .. ... .. LEWIS RICE, Esq., C.I.E., M.R.A.S :
Prof. A. WEBER, Berlin :MUDYANUR PLATE. OF SAKA 261 OF THE BANA The BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED
KING MALLADEVA-NANDIVARMAN . ... 172 INTO SANSKRIT ... ... ... .. ... .. 47
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. Afghanistan in Avestic Geography, by Aurel Stein... 21 Samanyacharana and Brihacharana, by 8. M. Natess A Note on the Kasmiri Portable Brazier ... ... 57 Sastri ... ... ... ... ... ... .... 281 Protap Chandrs Roy's Mahabharata ... ...
Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson . 281 The Retirement of General Cunningham ... ... 116 The Religion of the Arabs ... ... ... ... 312 The Vijayanagara Genealogy, by E. Hultzsch ... 147 Some Hints on looking for Megalithio Monuments General Cunningham's Archæological Reports, by and Stone-Implements in India, by H. G. M. MurV A. Smith ... ... ..
ray.Aynsley ... ... ... ... .. ... 316 Note on the Coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul, Notes on the Early History of Pegu by the late by J. F. Fleet ... .. ...
... 185 Sir Arthur Phayro, by Sir Walter Elliot ... ... 317 A new grant of Dharagena II. of Valabhi, by Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson . 318 J. F. Fleet... ... . ... ... 187 The Iyar-i-Danish, by E. E. ... ...
... 319 Two peanges from the Acharatika, by J. F. Fleet... 188 Protap Chandra Roy's Mahabharata ... ... 819 Sripaths, the ancient Sanskrit name of Byada, by
Progress of European Scholarship, by G. A.
Grienon ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 342 Dr. Peterson's Edition of the Subhashitavali of. A Note on the History and Date of Mihirkula, by
Vallabhadeva, by G. M: C. ... ... ... ... 239 8. Beal ... ... .. . ... ... ... 845 Note on the Origin of the Gupta Era, by J. F. Fleet 278 A Note on the Date of Mihirakula, by V. A. Smith.. 346 The Upanishads and their latest Translation, by Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson. 348 G. A. Jacob . ...
The Verses of Lakhima Thakurani ... ... ... 382
J.F. Fleet...
.
...
..
..
..
... 2239
270

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CONTENTS
*-. 234
BOOK NOTICES. PAGE
PAGE Egerton's Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms, by Scott's Burma, as it was, as it is, and as it will be .. 216 Sir Walter Elliot
Protap Chandra Roy's Translation of the MahnBeruni's Indica, by G. Bühler ... ... ... ... 31 bharata ... ... ... . .. .. .. 216 Growse's Indian Architecture of To-day ... ... 57 Asiatic Researches; Caloutta reprint... Burton's Book of the Thousand nights and a Night. 58 Peterson's Subhashitavali of Vallabhadova... ... 240 Knowles' Dictionary of Kaemiri Proverbs and Pope's Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar Narayanar... 242 Sayings ... ... ... ... ... .. .
Kitts' Compendium of the Castes and Tribes of Grierson's Bihar Peasant Life ... ... .
India ... .... ... .. ... Whitney's Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary Deriva
Man's Andaman Islandora ... ... ... ... 244 tives of the Sanskrit Language
Hillebrandt's Vedachrestomathio ... ... ... 244 Arnold's Light of Asia ..
... . . .. . 87
Grierson's Soven Grainmars of the Dialects and
Grierson's Seven Ger Muir': Extracts from the Coran in the Original, with ---
Subdialects of the Bihari Languago... ... ... 244 English Rendering
... ... ... 88 Burnell's and Hopkins' Ordinapoos of Manu... ... Wherry's Comprehensive Commentary on the Quran. 88 Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, Vol. The Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic
XXI... ... Society, by J. F. Fleet ... ..
... .. 148 Cunningham's Archæological Survoy of India, Gardner and Poole's Coins of the Greek and Scythic
XXII. ... ... Kings of Bactria and India in thó British Museum, Weber's Indische Studien
... 205 by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... ... ... 153
Asiatic Quarterly Review Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Private Wright's Empire of the Hittites
... ... 287 Libraries of Southern India, by J. F. Fleet ... 154 Rost's Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China The Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi with the Commentary Pischel's Rudrata's Cringaratilaka and Ruyaka'a
of Mallinatha, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... 156 Sahridayalila ... ... ... Cunningham's Book of Indian Erns, by V. A. Smith. 211 Bendoll's Journey in Nepal and Northorn India, by Solf's Dio Kagmir-Recension Der Pancasika... ... 213
J. F. Fleet... ... ... .. . .. The Taprobanian ... ... ... .. .. ... 21
The Camelot Classics ... ... ... ... ... Smith's Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia ... 213 Sheldon's translation of Flaubert's Balammbo ... 319 Wright's History of Nepal ...
... 214 Fiske's Myths and Myth-makers Hughes' Dictionary of Islam ... ... ... 214 Gray's Ancient Proverbs and Maxima from Burmese Torr's Rhodes in Ancient Times
... 215 Sources, or the Niti literature of Burma ... ... 348
67
ILLUSTRATIONS. Indian Arms
... ... 28 The Tolven: the Men-An Tol ... ... ... .. 123 Sasbahu Temple Inscription of Mahipala. Vikrama Stone Celts from India ... ... Samvat 1150 ... ... ..
Stone Celta from Guernsey The Air of Har Phulan Di, in the European Style ... 48 Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the Maharaja Sun and Fire Symbols of the Earlier and Later Vinayakapala-The year 188 ... ... ... ... Bronze Age ...
66 Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhu. Wizard's Drum from Lapland ...
varman.-The Malava years 498 and 529 ... ... 196 Sun and Cap Symbols
Mandasor Inscription of Yaaodharman and VishnuSun and Cup Symbols ...
vardhana. The Malave your 589 ... ... ... 224 The Svastika ...
Mandasör Pillar Inscription of Yasodharman Some Sun and Fire Symbols ...
Mandasor Duplicate Pillar Inscription of Yasodhar. Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of Mahendrapala.-The
man ... ... . ..
" 155 ... ... ... .
Snake Worship ... ... ... ... Monoliths ... ... ...
... 118 The Evil Eye and Allied Notions ... ... Sculptured Stones ... ...
... 119
Kanarese Ballads, the Income Tax; Air of the Churus 350 Russian Monolith ...
... 120 Bodh-Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman.- l'he your La Venus de Quinipily
... 121 289 ... ...
... ... .. ... 358 Monolith in Brittany
128 Rodh-Gaya Iuage Inseription of Mahanaman ... 358
Year
112

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XV.-1886.
OLD SEALS FOUND AT HARAPPA.
BY M. LONGWORTH DAMES, B.C.S., &c. TN Vol. V. page 108, of the Archeological Multan. This seal is of a drab-coloured 1 Survey of India, General Cunningham de- smooth stone, perfectly flat on the engraved scribes a seal found at Harappå, in the Mont- side and rounded at the back. The inscription gomery District, one of the enormous mounds is composed of five characters. It is here given which mark the sites of deserted towns in side by side with Major Clark's seal as drawn the plains of the Pañjab.
by General Cunningham (Fig. 1, attached The seal is described by General Cunning- hereto). Mr. Harvey's seal (Fig. 2) is a full-size ham as follows:-"The seal belonging to reproduction of the original in the possession Major Clark is a smooth black stone without of that gentleman. polish. On it is engraved very deeply a bull
Fig. 1
Fig. 2 without hump, looking to the right, with two stars under the neck. Above the ball is an inscription in six characters which are un. known to me. They are certainly not Indian letters, and as the bull, which accompanies them, is without a hump, I conclude that the seal is foreign to India."
In the Academy for May 2nd, 1885, M. Terrien de la Couperie, in an article on the meaning of the word Tin-Yút, refers to "the M. Terrien de la Couperie is of opinion that stone seal of Setchuen or Shuh writing which these seals were brought to India in the course was found a few years ago in the ruins of of trade through Baktria. Possibly they may Harappa, near Lahor." "This," he adds, “is have belonged to Buddhist pilgrims, who attributed by General Cunningham on archwo- certainly must have visited Harappa. Seals in logical evidence to the fourth century B.C., an unknown language are scarcely likely to and is the oldest fragment of writing found in have been articles of trade. It would be inIndia."
teresting to know the meaning of the inscripAnother seal, apparently in the same writing, tions; and perhaps M. Terrien de la Couperie was obtained at Harappa on November 21st, or some other scholar will publish a translation 1884, by Mr. J. Harvey, Inspector of Schools, of them.
LA
(He does not, however, say Bo at the place above cited nor in his Ancient Geography of India. D. 210.
where he again describes Harappa. -ED.]
Plate XXXIII. Fig. 1, in Arch, Suru. Ind. Vol. V.

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2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
II.-The Two Thags and the Ravariya. There were two thage who had spent a great part of their lives in robbing and cheating their simple neighbours, but at last there came a time when they found that there was no more scope for the exercise of their talents in their native village, so they resolved upon going out to seek fresh fields and pastures new. They set out at once, and after a long journey came to a city, on the outskirts of which they saw a poor Råvarlyà, sitting near a wretched hut weaving his patti.
"Tell us, brother," said they, approaching him with a look of pity, "how it is that you do not live in the city, and prefer a wretched hovel in this solitary place to the fine houses there ?"
"I am too poor," replied the man, " to afford to rent a house in the city, and there is no one there that is generous enough to accommodate me for nothing; so I sit here all day doing my work, and when night comes I go and sleep under the roof I have made myself." "And," he added, "I make my living out of an and or two that I manage to earn by selling the two or three yards of patti I weave every day."
"We really pity your lot, my man," said the thage, "and henceforward shall be your best friends. Come now, get up and follow us to the river-side, where we shall give you a suit of clothes to put on in place of the wretched garments you now wear."
The Ravariya got up and followed them, rejoicing greatly at so much notice being taken of a poor man like himself by persons so much above him in life, as he thought the thags to be, for they were decently dressed and looked quite respectable. When they arrived at the river-side the thags bade the weaver get his head and his overgrown beard shaved and wash himself in the stream. After he had done all this they gave him a suit of clothes to wear, which he joyfully put on, while the two men said to him:-" Go now and attend to your work, but be always ready to render us whatever service we may require of you."
A weaver of the broad tape used for bedsteads. See ante, Vol. IX. p. 205. The tape woven by Ravarly&s.
[JANUARY, 1886.
"Very well, Má báp," answered the poor man and returned towards his hut, while the two thags went on towards the city. Entering it they wandered about for some time, watching for an opportunity of practising their vile art upon some poor victim, when they heard that the king of the country, who had a beautiful daughter, was looking out for some great prince as a husband for her. This put an idea into the heads of the thags, and they instantly retraced their steps to the hut of the Råvariyâ, whom they found hard at work at his patts. They bade him get up and follow them immediately, and the poor weaver, true to his promise, obeyed them.
When they came to a secluded place the two men dressed the Râvariyâ in gold embroidered garments and jewels, and getting a litter from the city made him lie in it in the position of a sick man, bidding him neither to stir out of it, nor to utter a single syllable without their permission. They then ordered the bearers to carry the litter towards the city, and they themselves walked one on each side of it waving chamris. They also hired every man and animal they could pick up on the road, till they had a respectable following of attendants, horses, and ponies.
They went on thus with a great show of pomp and parade till they reached one of the palaces of the king, when in a peremptory tone they ordered the gate-keeper to open the gate and give them ingress. The gate-keeper, however, refused to obey them, whereupon one of the thags, making a great show of authority, cried out:-"What! Is our Râjâ Sahib to wait till this wretched gate-keeper makes up his mind to open the gate? Not for worlds! So, fall on my men, and break open the gates that we may get in." The men made towards the gate with what sticks and staves they had for arms, and the poor gate-keeper, thinking them to be in earnest, opened the gates wide in great fright. The thags and their followers entered the palace with a great deal of noise and bustle, while the poor gate-keeper ran fall speed to apprise
lit., father and mother, but really an expression of respect: patron or protector.
Whisks made of yake' tails: a universal sign of royalty in India.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
JANUARY, 1886.]
the king, his master, of the advent of some great prince, with a formidable retinue, in the city, and to tell him how his men had taken forcible possession of the palace. The king forthwith sent his minister to inquire of the new comers who they were, and what had pleased the great prince to visit his territories.
The minister went accordingly, and begged admittance at the palace gates, but they refused to let him in. After making him wait outside for some time, one of the thags came out to meet him, whom the minister requested to usher him into the presence of the prince; but the thag, assuming an air of dignity, replied:"No, no, we are not going to trouble our great Raja by taking you into his presence, for he is ill and requires quiet and rest. Go you, therefore on your way."
The minister thereupon inquired of the thag whose son the prince was, and what was the object of his visit to the country.
"Oh! he is the son of that great monarch," he replied, "who levies tribute on your master, and is come here for a change of air, in order to recruit his health, and does not, therefore, care to be disturbed either by you or by your master."
The minister had therefore no alternative but to leave the palace, and he straightway returned to his master and acquainted him with the very cold reception he had met with at the hands of the strange prince's attendants. The king attributed this to his having omitted to send the prince presents worthy of him, and so he got ready five trays full of asharfis and bade the minister go once more to the prince and present them to him with his compliments, after instituting inquiries after his health. The king also instructed his minister to learn from the prince whether he was unmarried, and if he would do him the honour to accept the hand of his daughter in marriage.
The minister obeyed his royal master, and repaired to the residence of the strange Râjâ, accompanied by five men bearing the presents. This time, however, he obtained admittance into the palace without much trouble, so, going up to the thags he asked them to present him to their prince that he might lay at His High
A gold coin, value about 30 shillings.
8
ness's feet the presents his master had sent for him. The eyes of the thags glistened when the treasures were displayed to them, but thinking that if they held out a little longer they would get more out of the credulous king, they said to the minister, "Return home with your treasures, brother, the Raja Sahib is too ill to see you, besides, he wants none of your presents, and would never accept them. For what lacks he in his father's treasury ?"
The minister, however, begged so hard to be presented to the prince,-promising that if it did not please His Highness to accept the presents he would withdraw with them,-that the thags yielded to his entreaties and told him to wait a while till they went and obtained their royal master's permission. Going to the Râvariya they instructed him how to act when they brought the minister into the room. "Mind you do not answer a single question of his," said they, "but after he has put a great many to you, utter only à long han' in response. And when he begs of you to accept the gifts he has brought do not make any reply to him. If, however, he still goes on imploring you to accept them, and will not withdraw from your presence, you can cry out as if tired of his importunities, 'Away with them!' and immediately make a pretence of going to sleep."
They then ushered the minister into the mock king's presence, who commenced inquiring after his health, but the sham Raja Sâhib did not condescend to utter a single syllable in reply. He then begged the prince's acceptance of the presents his tributary had sent him, but even then the great man made no reply. At last, however, as if his patience had been completely exhausted, he cried out, Away with them!" and in a moment the two thags turned the minister and the bearers of presents out of the room. The minister returned homewards, greatly disappointed at not having had an opportunity of mentioning to the foreign prince the proposal of marriage.
When the king found that his presents had not been accepted he began to fear that the great prince would slip through his fingers, and baulk him of his expectations of having him as his son-in-law, so he despatched the minister to him once more with still costlier presents. The
4.6.' yea.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
eyes of the two thags sparkled with delight at sight of the treasure, but being consummate hypocrites they still made a pretence of not caring for them. At the minister's request, they went to the Ravariyâ under pretext of asking his permission for the minister to enter his presence, and said to him, "When the minister speaks to you behave yourself as you did the other day, and when he has begged very hard of you to accept the presents simply say, 'Now keep them and have done with it.'"
Having thus tutored the mock king, they took the minister and his presents into the room where he lay in bed, and right well did he act his part, and when, at the conclusion of it, he said, "Now keep them and have done with it," the thags ordered the bearers to put down their costly loads at His Highness's feet and withdraw. Taking leave of the prince with a low bow the minister went out of the room with one of the thags, while the other stood waving a chamri over the Ravariya's
person.
"Is His Highness unmarried ?" inquired the minister of his companion when out of hearing of the Râvarîyê.
"Yes," replied he.
"Can you then persuade him to honour my master by marrying his daughter? He will give her a large dowry and"
"No, no," interrupted the thag, "do not entertain such an idea for a moment; he is too great a man to marry your master's daughter, and, besides, he is ill and not likely to think of matrimony at present."
"But there is no harm in asking his will," argued the minister, and he pressed the thag so hard that at last he got that worthy to promise to broach the subject to the prince at the first opportunity and to let him know His Highness's will as early as possible.
In a few days the king received intimation through the minister that the great prince had been pleased to accept the offer of the hand of his daughter, and would be glad if the nuptials were solemnized at an early date. At this there were great rejoicings in the city and preparations for the approaching wedding went on for some days. The king placed a large palace at the disposal of his son-in-law, and soon
A game played by moving men on a kind of chess board according to the throws of a kind of dice. In all
[JANUARY, 1886. after celebrated the wedding of the Râvariya and the princess with great pomp.
After the weaver was fairly installed in the palace with his royal wife, the two thags, fearing the chances of exposure, thought it high time that they should take their departure from the city. So they dismissed all their attendants, and under pretence of returning to the court of the bridegroom's father, they took their leave of the princess and her Râvariyâ husband, and left the city, taking care, however, to carry away with them all the costly presents, &c. they had received for the mock king, from the bride's father. When parting they did not forget to impress upon the Ravariyâ the necessity of his keeping himself well on his guard, so that there might be no exposure of the terrible swindle they had practised upon the king.
Some time after they had departed, it so happened that one evening, when the princess was sitting on an open balcony with her lord, she expressed her desire to play a game of chaupurs with him by the light of the moon that was shining brightly at the time, but the Ravariya who had never played the game in his life, exclaimed, "What! play a game of chaupur, you foolish woman? I would rather weave a few yards of patți, sitting here under such a bright moon."
The poor woman was struck dumb at these words which revealed to her what her husband was, and could not utter a word in reply. She instantly withdrew into the palace, and from that moment ceased to have any intercourse with him. She remained thus estranged from him so long that life in the palace became insupportable to him, and one night he quietly slipped away, and, betaking himself to his hut in the jungle, resumed his old profession of weaving pattis.
After the lapse of a few years, the two thags began to be curious to know how the Rivariyâ was enjoying his high estate, and whether he was living or dead. So they journeyed once more to the city in which they had left him. When they came to the place where they had first found him they were greatly surprised to see him sitting there working away at his pattis as of old. On their inquiring of him the reason of his leaving the palace, he related in
folklore this is a 'royal' game. The whole process is detailed in Legends of the Pañjab, Vol. I. p. 243.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
you."
detail the conversation he had with his wife on to which she replied that he was her husthat bright moonlight night; how it had led band. to his real position in life being known; how "That loathsome leper your husband P" she had discarded him ever afterwards; and sneered the princess, with her nose in the air, how, fearing for his head in case the king came "and you are nursing him P" to hear of it, he had run away from his wife, "Oh! despise not my poor husband," cried and had once more taken to his old profession the transformed thag, pretending to be hurt by of pati weaving.
the words of the princess," where does a woman "Never mind what has happened, but come seek for happiness but in her husband, her lord, with us once more to where we take yon," said her master? He has been suffering ever so the thags, "and we shall make it all right for long from this foul disease and I have been
travelling about with him from country to So saying they took him to the river-side and country, vainly hoping that he would profit by gave him a string of beads, bidding him to change of climate; and at last, finding this continue sitting there telling his beads till place cool and pleasant, I have halted here and he was sent for by his wife. They then left by your kind permission, shall stay here for a him, and, purchasing some ghi and gu!' from week or so. Is a woman to desert her husband the bázár, mixed them together. One of the because he is a leper ? Oh no, not for worlds! Ihags covered his body with this composition, I have always thought it my duty to serve and and the other got a litter and placed his be- nurse my sick husband, however wearisome the smeared companion in it. He then dressed task might be." himself in woman's clothes, and, adorning his When the princess heard all this it brought person with rich jewels, transformed himself thonghts of her own husband into her mind, into a very good-looking young woman. Or. and she began to reflect upon her conduct in dering the litter to be carried towards the city, deserting him merely because he happened to he walked alongside of it, chamrí in hand, ward- be a Rivariya by trade, whilst that rich and ing off the flies that sought to reach the beautiful woman, as she took the thag to be, ghi and gu! with which his companion was nursed and ministered to the wants of her covered. On the way he hired three or four husband although he was a filthy leper. The men as attendants, and thus they all walked on more the princess pondered over this incident until they came in sight of the palace the the more she felt how heartless had been her RÂvariya had deserted. Ordering the litter to conduct towards her husband, till at last she be set down on a spot well overlooked by one despatched her horsemen to find him out and of the windows of the palace, he set some of
to exhort him to return to her immediately. the hirelings to cook their food and do such In the meantime she intimated to the thags other work for them.
that she had no objection to their staying where By-and-by, the princess, on coming to know they were as long as they pleased. The horsethat a woman, with an invalid in a litter, had men found the Råvariyå sitting by the river. put up near ber palace, went up to the window side telling his beads, just as the thags had left to have a look at them. Seeing a beautiful him, and succeeded in persuading him to return woman well dressed, and decked with ornaments, to his wife. attending to the wants of the occupant of the A day or two later the fhag who played the litter, she naturally inquired of the mock wo- part of a woman requested the princess to lond man who she was, and what ailed the person him some ten thousand rupees, promising to she was nursing. The disguised thag re- return them when remittances arrived from plied, as though he were & woman, that his country. In her great joy at the restorsshe was a traveller who had broken her tion of her husband to her, and knowing that journey there, and the person she nursed was she was in some measure indebted to the suffering from leprosy. The lady further leper's wife for the happy event, the princess inquired what relation the leper was to her, I hesitated not to give the loan asked for. That
. Ghi is boiled butter : gul is a coarso unrefined engar.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
very night the thags quietly decamped from the city, and washed off their assumed forms at the first river that came in their way.
The Råvariya and his wife henceforward lived in peace and happiness, and the thags also turned over a new leaf and were reformed characters ever afterwards!
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN; GOTTINGEN. At the request of the Editors I have prepared when A. was issued Jay ach chandra was the following transcripts and translations of two Yuvarája, his father Vijayachandra copper-plate grants of Jayachchandra- being then alive, whereas in B. he is described de va of Kana aj from photolithographs as ruling sovereign. Of the six ancestors of supplied to me. A short aod very inaccurate Jayachchandra who are enumerated here as elseabstract of the contents of one of these grants where (Yaśðvigraha, Mahichandra, Chandra(marked by me A) will be found in Cole dôva, Madanapala, Govindachandra, and Vijayabrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 286; and the chandra), nothing specific is mentioned beyond other grant (marked B) has been edited and this, that Chandradê va acquired the translated in a most careless manner in the sovereignity over Kanyakubja and that his Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. X. Part I. p. 98 ff. kingdom included Benares, Ayodhya and After finishing my own transcripts, I have another Tirtha, which probably was ancient compared the following grants of Jayach- Delhi; and that Vijayachandra conquered chandra and his predecessors :
one Hammira, " the abode of wanton destruction A grant of Madana på la, of Samvat to the earth." Attention may also be drawn 1154, edited and translated by Dr. F. E. Hall in to the fact that the sovereignty over KanyaJour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXVII. p. 220 :- kabja is described as having been newly
A grant of Govinda chandra, of Samvat acquired, even when Govinda chandra, 1161, edited and translated by Dr. Rajendralal the grandson of Chandradêva, was reigning. Mitra in Jour, Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. The grant recorded in A. was made on the Part I. p. 321; and re-edited by Mr. Fleet, full-moon day of the month Mágha in the ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103:
(Vikrama) year 1225 by the Yuvardja JayachA grant of the same, of Samvat 1174, chandra, who was then somewhere on the edited and translated by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra banks of the Yamunt, and who by this grant in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. Part I. made over the village of Nagalit in the
Dê ya hali Pattald to the two brothers, the A grant of the same, of Samvat 1177, partly Rauta Anate barman and the Rauta edited by Dr. F. E. Hall, id. Vol. XXXI. Dåd sarman, Brâhmans of the Kasyapa p. 123:
gôtra. The grant was written by Jayap Ala. A grant of the same, of Samvat 1182, The grant B. is dated Sunday, the 7th lunar edited and translated by Dr. F. E. Hall, it. day of the bright half of Ashadha of the Vol. XXVII. p. 242:
(Vikrama) year 1243, angwering it appears to And a grant of Jayachchandra (wrong. Sunday the 14th June A.D. 1187. The king ly called Jaya Chandra) of Samvat 1234, trans- Jayachchandra, when making the grant, lated by Captain E. Fell in Asiatic Researches, was at Benares; the donee was the Doda- Rauta Vol. XV. p. 447.'
Apa iga of the Bharadvaja gotra; and the Both inscriptions are composed in Sanskrit object granted was the village of Kam 011" and written in Devanagari characters. The in the Asurê sa Pattala. historical information afforded by them is the | I am not able to identify the places mentioned game in both grants, with this difference, that in either grant.
p. 324 :
See also F. E. Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 8. Compare also Centenary Review, Beng. As. doc. Part II. p. 120f.
This grant deserves particular attention, because the wording of it entirely differs from that of all the
st of all the I
other grants enumerated above.
Other grants are mentioned by Captain Fell in the article mentioned above.
See note 15 below. See note 80 below.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
A.-ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA AND THE YUVARAJA JAYACHCHANDRA.
-SAMVAT 1225, This inscription is from a copper-plate which is now in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London. No information is forthcoming as to where it was originally found.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side
only, measures about 1' 6" by 1'1'. It is quite smooth, the edges being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. The inscription has suffered a good deal from corrosion; but the following inscription B. renders it easy to supply most of the damaged letters. There is a ring-hole in the top of the plate; but the ring and seal are not forthcoming. The weight of the plate is 9 lbs. 87 oz.
TEXT.
[1] स्वस्ति [1] अकुंडोत्कंठवैकुंठकंपीउलुउत्करः। संरंभः सुरतारं स श्रि[य]: श्रेयसेस्तु वः।। [१] भा.
सीदशीतद्युतिवंशजातक्ष्मापालमालासु दिवं ग[P] तास [1] साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाना ना(मा) यशोविग्रह इत्युशरः ।। [२] तत्सुतोभून्महीचंद्रचंद्रधाम
निभं निजं । येनापारमकूपारपारे व्यापारितं यशः [1] [३] [२] तस्याभूत्तनयो नयैकरशिक:' क्रान्तद्विषन्मंडलो विध्वस्तोद्धत(in marg. वीर)योधतिमिरः श्रीचंद्रदेवो नृपः।
येनोवारतरप्रतापशमि(ता)शेषप्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमझा[*] धिपुराधिराज्य)मसमं दोबिक्रमेणाजितं ।। [५] तीर्थानि काशिशिकोत्तरकौशलेन्द्रस्थानीयकानि परि
पालवताधिगम्य [0] हेमात्मतुल्यमनिशं ददता [*] बिजेभ्यो ये(नां)किता वसुमती (श)तशस्तुलाभिः ॥[५] तस्यास्मशो मदनपाल इति क्षितीन्द्रचूडामणिविजयते
निजगोवचंद्र।। यस्याभिषे)कक[*] लसोल्लसितैः पयोभिः प्रक्षालितं कलिरजःपटल धरित्र्याः॥ [1] तस्मादजायत निजायतवाहवल्लिवधा'वरुद्धनव
राज्यगजो नरेंद्रः [1] सांद्रामृतद्रवमुचां ['] प्रभवो गवां यो गोविंदचंद्र इति चंद्र इवांबुरासेः' ।। [७] न कथमप्यलभ(न्त) रणक्षमांस्तिषु विक्षु गजानथ
वजिणः। ककुभि (व)भ्रमुर(भ)मुवनप्रतिभटा ["] व यस्य पटागजाः ।। [4] अजनि विजयचंद्रो नाम तस्मानरेंद्रः "सरपतिरिव भूभृत्पक्षविच्छेववक्षः। भुव.
नदलनहेलाहर्म्यहम्मीरनारीनय[*] नजलधाराधीतभूलोकतापः ।। [९] यस्मिंश्चलत्युदधिनेमिमहीजयाय मायकरीन्द्रगुरुभारनिपीडितेव। बाति
प्रजापतिपदं शरणार्थिनी ["] भूस्वंगनुरंगनिवहोत्थरजइछलेन । [१०] सोयं समस्तराजच(क)संसेवितचरणः स च परमभहारकमहाराजाधि
राजपरमंन्वरपरममाहेश्वर[1] निजभुजोपार्जितकन्यकुब्जा"धिपत्यश्रीचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीम
वनपालदेव["] पादानुध्वातपरमभहारकमहाराधिराज परमेश्वर(प)रममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजवयाधिपतिविविधविचा
विचारवाचस्प["] तिश्रीगोविन्दचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजववा
धिपतिविविध ["] विचविचार"(वा)चस्पतिश्रीमद्विजयचंद्रदेवो विजयी।" देव(होलीपत्तलायां ना(ग)लीपाम"निवासिनो निषि
ल"जनपदानुपगतानपि च राजराज्ञी युव["] राजमांबपुरोहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभाण्डागारिकारि(का)"पटलिकभिषक्नैमित्ति"कान्त पुरिकबूतकरितुरगप
तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधि["] कारिपुरुषानाज्ञापयति बोधयत्यादिशति च यथा। विदितमस्तु भवतां यथोपरिलिखितमामःसजल(स्थ)लः"
सलाहलवणाकर[] सगभेषरः
• Indian Inscriptions, No. 12. - Read नयैकरसिक. • Read 'बाहुवनिबंधा. • Read इवांबुराशेः. 0 Rend बभ्रमु. ॥ This aign in ruperfluous, " Read 'कन्यकुब्जा . " Read °महाराजाधिराज'. " Read "विपाविचार'.
" Thinsign is superfinous. "Or नामलीग्राम (2) 1 Road निखिल. " Rend °भाण्डागारिकाक्षी. " Rend भिषनैमित्ति. - Rond बोधय. 3This sign is superfluous.

Page #14

THE - INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JAN UARY, 1886.
["] सा(ब)मधूकःव(नः)" समस्याकर(स्तृण यूतिगेचर सहितः (स्व)सीमासहितश्चनुराघाटविशुद्धः । * पंचविंश
त्वधिकहादशत"संवत्सरेंकेपि सं १२२५ माघीपौर्ण["] मास्यां विशिष्ठ] घटे यमुनायां स्नात्वा विधिवन्मंत्रदेवमु.नेमनुजभूतपिटगणांस्तर्पयित्वा तिमिरपटलपाटनपटुमहस
मुष्णरोचिपमुपस्थायौषधिपति[M] शकलशेषर" समभ्यय) त्रिभुवनवातुर्भगवतो वासुदेवस्य पूजां विधाय मातापिबोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोविवि(ख)
ये" ऽस्मत्सम्मत्या समस्त[10] राज(स्व"क्रियोपेतयौवराज्याभिषिक्तमहाराजपुत्रश्रीजयचंद्ररेवेन गोकर्ण कुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वमाचंद्रा
(क) यावत् कास्य[1] पगोत्रभ्यां कास्यपावसारन(धु)वविःप्रवराभ्याम्(?) ठन्कुर तिह(ल)पौवाभ्यां ठन्कुरा(ल्हे)पौवाभ्यां राउत
गोठपुवाभ्यां राउतश्रीअणते । राउत["] श्री(वा)प्सर्म-यां"ब्राह्मगाभ्यां (शुद्ध)प्रसा(द) प्रत्तो म(स्वा) य(था)डीयनानभागभो(ग)क(रम)वणिकरगोक
र(जात)करतुरुष्करंडक्षमार(ग)दिआण[M]["] प्रभृतिसमस्तनियता(निय)ताशयानाज्ञावि(धेयीभूय) दास्थथ ॥ भवन्ति चान धर्मा(नु)साशनः" पौराणिकभोकाः।
भूमि यः प्रतिगृ(ला)ति यश्च भू["] मि प्रयछति" [] (उभौ) तौ पुण्यकाणी नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ ।। संख"भ(द्रा)सनं छत्रं वराश्वा वरवारणा[1]
भूमिदानस्य चिहानि फल(मे)तस्पुरंदर ।। [] पर्टि वर्षसह(खा)गि स्वर्गे वसति भूमिदः [1] आछेत्ता" चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ।। स्वदत्ता परदत्तां
वा यो हरेव"सुंधरां। स विष्ठायां कृमिर्भूत्वा पितृ["] भिः सह मज्जति ॥ गानेको स्वर्णमे(क) च भूमेर धेकमंगुलं । हरबरकमा(मोति) यावाहूनसं(प्ल)" | वाता
भविभ्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमाव["] मधुरा विषयोपभोगाः [1] प्राणास्तृगामजलविद्सना नराणां धर्मः सखा परमही परलोकयाने ॥ सर्वानेतान्भा
विन: पार्थिवंन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते राम["] भद्रः [0] सामान्योय धर्म(से)तर्नपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्धिः॥ लिखितं ताम्रकमिदं श्रीजयपालेन । TRANSLATION
| (and) scattered the haughty brave warriors as Om! May it be well !-(V.1.) May the (the moon does the darkness. By the valour of agitation of Lakshmi during the amorous dal. his arm he acquired the matchless sovereignty liance, when her hands wander over the neck over the glorious G Adhipura, when an end of Vaikuntha filled with eager longing, bring was put to all distress of the people by his you happiness!
most noble prowess." (V. 2.)--After the lines of the protectors of (V.5.)-Protecting the holy bathing-places of the earth born in the solar race had gone to | Kisi, Kusika, Uttarakosall, and the city of heaven, there came a noble (personage) Yaś ô. Indra, after he had obtained them, (and) incesvigraha by name, (who) by his plentiful santly bestowing on the twice-born gold equal splendour (was) as it were the Sun incarnate." | (in weight) to his body, he hundreds of times
(V.3.)-His son was Mahichandra who marked the earth with the scales (on which he spread his boundless fame, resembling the moon's | had himself weighed)." splendour, (even) to the boundary of the ocean. | (V.6.)-Victoriousis his son Madanapala,
(V.4.)-His son was the king, the illustrious | the crest-jewel of the rulers of the earth, the Chandradeva, whose one delight was in | moon of his family. By the sparkling waters statesmanship, who attacked the hostile hosts from his coronation-jars the coating of impurity
# Read साममधूकवनः 13 Read 17. "This sign is superfluous. - Read द्वादशशत. 0 This reading is doubtfal. " Read शेखर. * Read यशोविवद्धये. " This akshara may be स्थ. nor गोकर्ण (2) - Read काश्यपगोत्राभ्यां काश्य. * Read त्रिप्रवराभ्यां.
13 The spelling of this word appears to be * (aot ठकुर) here and below. * This sign is suparfuous. " Read शर्मभ्यां प्रा.
I am doubtfal about the last akshara of this line; it may beण ord or or कु.
Read धानुशासिनः. Read प्रयच्छति.
३. Read शंख. Read छत्र.. - Read आच्छेना. " Read हरेत व.
See B. & R. Dictionary, ... संप्रव. * Metre : Indravajra.
* Metre: Sardlavikridita. Gadhipura, "Gadhi's town,' is Kanyakubja; see below. __40 Motra : Vasantatilaks.-The reading अधिगम्य (not
अभिगन्य is certain in both insoriptions. On the Tirthan named see Hall, Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 224; Kasi and UttarakösalAare Benares and Ayodhy; the town of Indra is very probably Indraprastha (ancient Delhi): the Kalika-tirthaltake to be Gidhipura, i... Kanyakabja itself.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1886.)
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
of the Kaliyuga was washed off from the earth."
(V. 7.)- As the moon, whose rays diffuse in abundance liquid nectar, from the ocean, so was born from him the ruler of men Govindachandra, who bestowed cows giving abundant milk. As one restrains an (untrained) elephant, so he secured by his croeper-like long arms the new (i.e. newly acquired) kingdom.“
(V. 8.)-When his war-elephants had in three quarters in no wise found elephants their equals for combat, they roamed about in the region of the wielder of the thunderbolt, like rivals of the mate of Abhramu."
(V. 9.)-From him was born the ruler of men, Vijayachandra by name, expert in destroying the hosts of (hostile) princes, as the lord of the gods (was) in clipping the wings of the mountains. He swept away the affliction of the globe by the streams (of water flowing as) from clouds from the eyes of the wives of Hammira, the abode of wanton destruction to the earth.50
(V.10.)-When he goes out to conquer the earth girt by the ocean, the earth, distressed as it were by the heavy weight of his rutty royal elephants, goes seeking protection up to the throne of Prajapati, in the guise of the dust rising from the multitude of his prancing horses."
(L. 10.)-He it is who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rájas. And he, the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the lord over the three Rijas, (vis.) the lord of horses (Advapati), the lord of elephants (Gajapatı) and the lord
of men (Narapati)," (like) Bțihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Vijayachandradê va,-who meditates on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahúrájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Govinda chandrade va, who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahdšvara, the illustrious Madana påladeva, - who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrious Chandraddva, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja :
(L. 14.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs, and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the village of NÂg a 11" (?) in the Dé va hali Pattuld, and also to the Rájas, Rájnis, Yuvardjas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, uud to the officers having authority as regards elephants, horses, towns, mines (?), Sthanas and Gélulas," as follows
(L. 16.)-Be it known to you that the son of the Mahúrája, the illustrious Jayach. chandradê va, installed as Yuvarája, and as such by our consent empowered to act in all matters like the king himself, -after having bathed in the Yamunâ at the Vašishtha (?)
1
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. * Metre : Vantatilaka. The compound orga... Tor: has been translated by Captain Fell" by the grasp of his mighty arm he was able to restrain an elephant of the kingdom of Navarnshtra": by F. E. Hall, “by whom, with his far-rosohing oroopers of arms, elephantlike upstart governments were seized and coorood"; similarly by Dr. Rajendralal, his long arms, extending like creépera, tied and cheoked all elephant-like upatart kingdoms"; better in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. X. P. I, p. 102, “who by his arms, long and like the creeping plant, kept the newly soquired kingdom-stubborn the elephant in oonfinement. The third pida has been translated by F. E. Hall and who wou a fountain of eloquence sopiously distilling the essence of rhetorical Deotar"; and by Rajendralal either and he was the source of thick fluid-nectar-sprinkling eloquence" or *the source (whence mon obtained) kine which gave thick, sweet milk"; the double meaning suggested in the words of the original has not been noticed.
Metre: Drutavilambito.-Abhramu is the female
elephant of the East (the region of Indra), the mate of AirAvata.
Metre: Malint. •1 Metre : Vasantatilak A.
- The Gajapati is enumerated with other regal ofhoors, such as the Mantrin and the sinpati. 6.9. Ind. Studien, Vol. XV. p. 899, noto; compare also ante, Vol. IIL. P. 152. Honoo it would appear that the Afvapate and Narapati also were high offioers of state. The three terms have also been titles of dynasties and even proper names: see e.g. ante, Vol. V. p. 76: Vol. VIIL. P. 19, 95; Vol. XII. p. 51, 52; Beal's Buddh. Rac. West. World, Vol. I. p. 18. Compare also Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 947; Vol. XXXI. p. 119, and Rajendralel, Vol. XLII. Part I. p. 327; also ante, Yol. XIV. p. 167, 1. 29, hastya-fu Jahtranavvalavyápritika.
See note 15 above. . *4 The exact meaning of the three last terms is not quite clear to me. On Manu VII. 62, dkara is explained by suvarnddyutpattinthan. GJkula usually is 's herd of kine' or ''scattlo-station.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
ghat, after having duly satisfied the sacred (L. 23.)-And there are ancient-verses which texts, divinities," saints, men, beings and teach the law on-this (subject, as follows) :the group of ancestors, after having wor [Here follow seven of the castomary benedictive shipped the sun whose splendour is potent in and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary rending the veil of darkness, after having to translate.] praised him whose crest is a portion of the (L. 28.)-This copper-plate grant has been moon, after having performed adoration of the written by the illustrious Jaya pala. holy Vasudeva, the protector of the three B.-FAIZABAD PLATE OF JAYACHCHANDBA.worlds,-bas, in order to increase the (spiritual)
SAMVAT 1243. merit and the fame of his parents and himself, This inscription" is from a copper-plate on the day of full-moon of Mágha in the twelve which was found near Faizabad in Oude, hundred and twenty-fifth year, in figures too." and is now in the Library of the Royal Asiatic 1225, out of pure grace given the above written Society in London. village with its water and dry land, with its 1 The plate, which is inscribed on one side only mines of iron and salt, with its ravines and measures about l'8 by 1'4". It is quite saline wastes, with its groves of mango and smooth, the edges being neither fashioned thicker madhúka trees, with its fisheries, with its grass nor raised into rims; but the inscription is in and pasture land, up to its boundaries (and) perfect order throughout. The seal is circular, defined as to its four abattals, to the two about 21" in diameter; it has, in relief ons Brahmaņs the Rauta the illustrious A nate. countersunk surface,-across the centre, the (-sarman) and the Rauta the illustrious legend Sr[]maj-Jayachcha (1A*]drad[€]vah il : DAdésarman, sons of the Ráuta Gotha, grand- - in the upper part, Garuda, half man and half sons of the Thakkura Tihula (?) (and) grand. bird, kneeling and facing to the proper right;Bons of the Thakkura Alhê (?), of the Kaśyapa and in the lower part, a sankha-shell. The göra, (and) whose three Pravaras are Kaśyapa, seal slides by its socket-ring, which is about Avatsåra and Naidhruva,-(confirming his thick and 1 in diameter, on a plain ring about gift) with the pouring out) from the palm of " thick and 4" in diameter, which passes his hand (of) water purified with knea grass through the ring-hole in the top of the plate; ......" (and to be theirs) as long as this latter ring had been cut before the grant moon and sun (endure). Aware (of this), you, came under Mr. Fleet's notice for preparing being ready to obey (his) commands, will make the lithograph. The weight of the plate is over (to them) every kind of income, fixed and 6 lbs. 5 oz.; and of the seal with its own ring not fixed, the due share of the produce,...1 and the other, 2 lbs. 61 oz. ; total weight, ............... and so forth." 8 lbs. 114 oz.
TEXT. ['] [#] Fapta 11 F T F uster:I #TECT FATT: AUTETTII ]
भासीरशीतयुतिवंशजातक्ष्मापाल[१] मालास दिवं गतास । साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाना नामा यशोविग्रह इत्युदारः ॥ तस्मतोभून्महीचंद्र
अंधामनिभं निजं | बेनापारमकूपार** Mantradla has by others been translated by V. p. 198, by quotation from a sikah, but there that divinities of the Vedas, but I believe that mantra-dara- shape is given to it only for the denotation of the Accents. manuja-
bata-pitrigans has reference to the five Mahi. w I am unable to explain pravanikara and the remainyajha, to which the worship of the Munia has here been ing terms up to the end of the line. Prepanikara takes Added as is elsewhere that of the Rishia; see e.g. ante, both here and elsewhere the place of the usual Miranya Vol. XIV. p. 103, 1. 9...
(compare e.g. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 232) For the locative anke in place of the more usual and would therefore appear to mean money rent'; ankatah compare e.g. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103, 1. 8.
F. E. Hall has translated it by.. quadrivial tolls,' and M I am not certain about the exact meaning of Rajendralal by 'toll on qandrivials.' But the place gåkarna, cow's ear,' before kulalatpdty. F. E. Hall whoro four roads meet ispravana, not prarani. Golani in Jour. Bong. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 232 translated would seem to be cattle-tax, and jat kira 'tax on " having taken water in his palm, purified by incurving things crown. Turushkadunda, which together with other it into the form of cow's ear, and by kuja gruas," but unintelligible terms occurs algo e.g. unte Vol. XIV. p. 103, passages in other inscriptions would seem to show that 1. 12, has by F. E. Hall been taken to mean Muhammadan kupalatopata onght to be taken an adjective qualify- ameroements and by Rajendralal royalty on aromatio ing the word udala of karatalldaks; compare e.g. ante, reeds (Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 244, and Vol. XIV. p. 108, L 16 kulopatom hastsdalena. That XLIT. Part I. p. 821). Kehambragadidnand (if this be at the recitation of Vedio texts the right hand should be so the right reading) I have not met with anywhere else. held me to look like a cow's ear, I have shown, ante, Vol.

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JANUARY, 1886.)
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
11
[*] पारे व्यापारितं यशः॥ [३] तस्याभूत्तनबो नयैक(र)सिकः कान्तद्विषन्मण्डलो विध्वस्तोद्धतवीरयोधतिमिर
श्रीचंद्रदेवो नृपः। येनोवारतरप्रतापशमिताशेष[*] प्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमहाधिपुराधिराज्यमसम दोविक्रमेणाजितं ।। [१] तीर्थानि काशिकुशिकोत्तरकोशलेन्द्रस्था
नीयकानि परिपालयताधिगम्य । हेमात्मतु[*] ल्यमनिसं ददता द्विजेभ्यो येनाड़िता वसुमती शतसस्नु लाभिः॥ [२] तस्यास्मजो मदनपाल इति क्षितीन्द्रचू.
डामणिविजयते निजगो(व)चंद्रः। यस्याभिषेक[°] कलशोल्लशि(): पयोभिः प्रक्षालितं कलिरजःपठलं धरिज्याः॥ [६] यस्यासीविजयप्रयाणसमये तुनाचलो
चैश्चलन्माद्यत्कुम्भिपदक्रमासमभर(भ्र)श्य['] न्महीमण्डले । चूडारत्नविभिन्नता(लु)गलितस्त्यानासग(ड्रा)शितः (ो)षः शेषवसादिव क्षणमसौ क्रोडे
नि(ली)नाननः ॥ [७] तस्मादजायत निजायतवाहु[*] वल्लिवन्धा'वरुद्धनवराज्यगजो नरेन्द्रः। सांद्रामृत (द्र)वमुचां प्रभवो गवां यो गोविन्दचन्द्र इति चंद्र
हवाम्खुरासे || [८] न कथमप्यलभन्त रणक्षमास्ति[*] सुषु दिक्षु गजानथ वजिणः। ककुभि व(भ्र)मु (रभ्रोमुवल्लभप्रतिभटा इव यस्य घडागजाः ॥ [९] अजनि
विजयचंद्रो नाम तस्मानरेन्द्र, सुरपतिरि[""] व भूभृत्पक्षविच्छेददक्षः] । भुवनदलनहेलाहर्म्यह(म्मी)रनारीनयनजलधाराधौतभूलोकतापः॥ [१०] (लो)
कलयाक्रमणकलिविशृंखलानि प्र.. ["] ख्यातकीतिकविधार्गणतवैभवानि । यस्य (त्रिविक्रमपदक्रमभांजि भांति प्रो(बयो)तय(न्ति) बलि राजभयं यशा
सि ॥ [११] यस्मिश्चलत्युदधिनेमिमहीज["] यार्थ मायस्करीन्द्र(गु)रुभारनिपीडितेव । याति प्रजापतिपदं सरणार्थिनी" भूस्त्वत्तुरङ्गनिवहोत्थरजइछ.
लेन॥ [१२] तस्माबद्भुतविक्रमादथ जयचं[१] द्राभिधानः पतिर्भूपानामवतीर्ण एष भवनोद्धाराय नारायणः। (वैधी)भावमपास्य विप्रहरु(चिं) धिकृत्य सान्ता
शया सेवन्ते यमुदप्रवन्धन["] भय(ध्व)न्सा(यि)न: पार्थिवाः ।। [१३] गच्छेन्मूर्छामतुच्छां न यदि कवलयेकूर्मपृष्ठाभिघात" प्रत्यावृत्तश्र.
मातॊ नमदखिलकणस्वासवास्यासहश्र । उद्योगे ["] यस्य धावद्धरणिधरधुनीनिर्झरस्फारधारभ्रश्यहानद्विपालीदहल"भरगल (छै)र्थमुद्रः फणींद्रः॥ [१४] सोयं समस्तरा
जचक्रसंसवितचरण: । ["] स चं परमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरनिजभुजोपाजितश्रीकन्यकुब्जा"धिपत्यश्रीचंद्रदेवपादानु
ध्यातपरमभहारक["] महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीमदनपालदेवपाशनु (ध्या )तपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्व
राश्वपतिगजप["] तिनरपतिराज (ब)याधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीगोविन्दचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिरा
जपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वराच["] पतिगजपतिनरपतिराज(व)याधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीविजयचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहारा
जाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममा(हे)[*] श्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजवयाधिपतिविविधवियाविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीमजयचंद्रदेवो विजयी ।। ।।" असुरेस
पत्तलायां कमोली मामनि["] वासिनो निखिलजनपदानुपगतानपि च राजराज्ञीयुवराजमंत्रिपुरोहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभांडागारिकासपटालक
भिषग्नैमित्तिकान्तःपुरिक["] दूतकरितु(र)गपत्तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधिकारिपुरुषानाज्ञापयति वोधय"त्यादिशति च विदितमस्तु भवतां यथो
परिलिखितमामः सजलस्थल: ["] सलोहलपनाकरः समस्या)करः सगौपरः सगिरिगहननिधानः सम(धू)का(म्रोवन"वाटिकाविटपणयूति
गोचरपर्यन्तः सोधिश्चतुरापाटवि
• Rend तिमिरः. . Read °निर्श. - Rend शतशस्त.
Rend °सितैः. • Read °पटलं. " Read सिनः. • Rend दोषवशादिव. o Read 'बाहुबनिबन्धा. - Rend इवाम्बुराश:. . Read बभ्रम. 10 Rend घटागजाः. A Read बाल . " Read शरणार्थिनी. Read शान्ताशयाः. - Read °बन्धनभयसाथिनः, 1 Or भिघाते प्रत्या(). I
Read °श्वासवात्यासहलं. " Read °बहुल° (2). - Read कन्यकुब्जा. ** These signs are superfluous.
600r केमोली (?). In the original there is a rertical stroke before , bnt & is in this inscription alwaye denoted by the stroke abore the consonant. Read बोधय.
- Or समकाम्लवन).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
["] मुद्धः स्वसीमापर्यन्तः। विचत्वारिसरधिक वारशतसंवरसरे आषाढ मासि मह"पक्षे सप्तम्यां तिथी रविदिने
___ अत्तोप सम्बत् १२४३ आषाढसुदिर. ["] पो भयेह श्रीमहाराणस्थां गंगायां सात्वा विधिवन्मवदेवमुनिमनुजभूतपितृगणांस्तप्पयित्वा तिमिरपटल गदनप
दुमहसमुष्णरोचिषमुपस्थायौषधि["] पतिपालशेखर" समभ्यर्व विभुवनत्रातु(भ)गवतो (वास)देवस्य पूजां विधाय प्रचु(र)पायसेन हविषा हवि (ज)
-हत्वा मातापित्रोरास्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्ध["] वे भस्माभिगोकर्णकुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वकं भारद्वाजगोत्राय भारद्वाजांगिरसवाहस्स"त्येतित्रिप्रवराय रा. .
उतश्रीमाढले(?)पौवाय राउतश्रीदूंटा["] पुवाय डोडराउतश्रीभणंगाय चंद्रा यापच्छासनीकृस्य प्रदत्तो मत्वा यथाहीयमानभागभोगकर(प्र)वणिकरप्रभृ.
तिनियतानियतसमस्तादायानाज्ञाविधे["] बीभूब दास्यथेति ।। ।। भवन्ति चाव (ओ)काः। भूमि यः प्रतिगृ(का)ति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति। उभौ तौ पुण्य
काणी निब(स) स्वर्गगामिनी॥ संख" भद्रासन छ()" वराचा वरवार[30] णाः। भूमिदानस्य चिहानि फलमेतत्पुरंदर ।। षष्ठि वर्षसहश्राणि (स्वर्गे) वसति भू(मि)दः । भाच्छेत्ता चानु
मन्ता च ताम्येव नरके वसेत् ।। वह"निर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सग["] रादिभिः। यस्य यस्य या भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल ।। स्वदत्तां परबत्तां वा यो ह(२)त व(सं)धरां। स
विष्ठायां कमिभूत्वा पिभिःसह मज्जति ॥ तडागा(नां) सहश्रेण" वाजपेयशतेन च [0] ["] गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सुध्यति ॥ वारिहीनेष्वरण्येषु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः। कृष्ण(स)श्चि जायन्ते
देवव्रह्म (स्वहारिणः॥ नविषं विषमित्याहुब्रह्म(स्व)" विषमुच्य["] | विषमेकाकिन हन्ति ब्रह्मस्वं"पुषपौत्रिक। वाताधवि(ध)ममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमाबमधुरा विषयोप
भोगाः । प्राणास्तृणा(प्र)ज(लोविंदुसमा नराणां धर्मः सखापर["] महो परलोकयाने ॥ यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरैनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावदीत । TRANSLATION.
I no check in its playfal course through the three Om! May it be well!-(Verses 1 to6 = verses |
worlds, (and) whose glory was sung by poets 1 to 6 of the preceding.)
of known renown, made intense the fear of king (V. 7.)-When he went forth to victory, the Bali when it strode along like Trivikrama." orb of the earth bent down beneath the excessive (Verse 12 = Verse 10 of the preceding). weight of the footsteps of his rutty elephants (V. 13.)-After him (i.e. Vijayachandra) marching along, tall as towering mountains : | possessed of wonderful valour, (comes) the lord then, as if suffering from cold, Sêsha, radiant of princes named Jayachchandra; he is with the clotted blood that trickled from his Nariyaņa, having become incarnate for the palate pierced by the crest-jewel, hid his face salvation of the earth. Having put aside (all) - for a moment in his bosom."
dissension (and) cursing (their own) liking for (Verses 8 to 10 = verges 7 to 9 of the pre- war, peacefully-disposed princes pay homage to ceding.)
him, seeking to rid themselves of the intense (V. 11.)-His bright fame which met with dread of the punishment (inflicted by him)." • Rand विशुद्धः स्वप्सीमापर्यन्तस्त्रिचत्वारिंशदधिक. nctual rending then is बैषवसादिव. My reasons tor pro" Rend . " Bond संवत्. " Bend °शकलशेखर. poning r e are: Sestra who carries the earth has " Read 'बार्हस्प. " Read शंख. - Rend उचं. his head actually hurt by the weight he has to bear, and
hides it therefore in his bosom; but the writer of the Rend पर्टि वर्षसहस्राणि. I Rend बी.
verse, wishing to employ the rhetorical figure Utprikas • Rond सहलेण. " Read शुध्यति.
(which is indicated by इब), assigna adifferent resson for ." Rend देवब्रह्म " Read प्रेमस्व. Read नमस्वं.
Sesha's action, vis. this, that Sesha is suffering from
cald. If we were to read पेषवशादिव, इव would have m "Motrs: Sardilavikrtaita. For the words which I have translated by "as if suffering from old" the editor
sense. It should be observed that in the present in
soription the two sibilants and at any rate are in Jour. Beng.asBoo., Vol. x. ha स्पर्शशादिव (whioh, I
several times confounded; and that शेषःशेष in just suppose, is meant tor स्पर्शवशादिव); Captain Fell trang- what one would expoot in a document the writers of lates "foraing him from the trituration." F. E. Hall
which delight in plays upon words. TT is given ma and Rajendralal rend पेषशादिव; the former translates "as it were, in consequence of being crashed," and
synonym of ET STT by Hêmachandra. the latter "crushed as it were, but Dr. Hall suggests ___n Metre: Vasantatilaks.-Bali became afraid lost he the reading d enize which would mean "for fear it should be deprived by the king even of that portion of were of being crushed." In the photolithograph before his dominions whiob had been left to him by Trivikrum me the first consonant is certainly (not) and above
1.e. Vishnu.-The original has the present tense. it the two strokes for ai seem to me clearly visible; the Metro: Sardalavikridita.

Page #19

JANUARY, 1886.]
JAYACHCHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
(V. 14.)-When he puts forth his might, the lord of serpents has his reputed strength failing under the great weight of the lines of elephants whose rutting-juice flows down in broad streams resembling torrents rushing down from moving mountains; distressed by the exertion of turning up again when pressed down upon the back of the tortoise, he would completely faint away if he did not inhale the thousand strong breezes from all his bending hoods.100
(L. 15.)-He it is who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rájas. And he, the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Jayachchandradeva,-who meditates on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Vijayachandradê va,-who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the lord over the three Rájas, (vis.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Govindachandradeva,who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maḥárájas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrious Madanapåladê va,-who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrions Chandradeva, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over the glorious Kanyakubja :
(L. 20.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the village of Ka môli (?) in the Asurêsa Pattalá, and also to the Rajas, Rájms, Yuvarajas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of
100 Metre: Sragdhara.-In the last pada the Editor in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. X. reads and Captain Fell translates "by the firm weight." In the photolithograph the three aksharas before T are
13
records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, and to the officers having authority as regards, elephants, horses, towns, mines (P), Sthánas and Gokulas:
(L. 22.)-Be it known to you that, after having bathed here to-day in the Ganges at the glorious Vârânasi, after having duly satisfied the sacred texts, divinities, saints, men, beings and the group of ancestors, after having worshipped the sun whose splendour is potent in rending the veil of darkness, after having praised him whose crest is a portion of the moon, after having performed adoration of the holy Vasudeva the protector of the three worlds, after having sacrificed to fire an oblation with abundant milk, rice and sugar, we have, in order to increase the (spiritual) merit and the fame of our parents and ourself, on Sunday, the seventh lunar day in the bright half of the month Ashâḍha in the twelve-hundred-andforty-third year,-in figures too, on Sunday the 7th Sudi Ashadha 1243,-given the abovewritten village with its water and dry land, with its mines of iron and salt, with its fisheries, with its ravines and saline wastes, with the treasure in its hills and forests, with and including its groves of madhuka and mango trees, enclosed gardens, bushes, grass and pasture land, with what is above and below, defined as to its four abuttals, up to its proper boundaries, to the Doda". Rauta the illustrious Ananga, son of the Rauta the illustrious Dumta, grandson of the Rauta the illustrious Adhale (P), of the Bharadvaja gotra (and) whose three Pravaras are Bharadvaja Angirasa and Barhaspatya,-(confirming our gift) with (the pouring out) from the palm of our hand (of) water purified with kusa-grass..... 108 (and) ordaining (that it shall be his) as long as moon and sun (endure). Aware (of this), you, being ready to obey (our) commands, will make over (to him) every kind of income, fixed and not fixed, the due share of the produce, the pravanikara, and so forth.
(L. 30.)-And on this (subject) there are (the following) verses :-[Here follow ten of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate.]
for which I suggest बहल or बहुल; compare 1. 6 असमभर and 1. 12 गुरुभार. 101 See note 80 above. 103 See Elliot, Suppl. Glossary, Vol. I. p. 81. 103 See notes on the preceding grant.

Page #20

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
The only apology offered for this Index is no other similar work is available, we think it the want of anything better. There is no right to place it at the service of our fellowEnglish-Gipsy vocabulary in existence, except students. Perhaps some more thorough staa short one in Paspati's excellent Memoir dent, such as Mr. Leland, may be moved by its on the Language of the Gypsies as now used in example to give us a really scientific English the Turkish Empire, published in 1869 in the Gipsy Dictionary. Journal of the American Oriental Society.
We have thought it best to give the Gipsy For reasons which will be subsequently words, generally, exactly as they have been understood, the want of such a work was much spelt by the authors above named. This has felt by Dr. Hoernle and myself, when writing been rendered necessary by the very unscienthe comparative portion of our Dictionary of | tific spelling adopted by Borrow in the Lavothe Bihari Language. There was plenty of Lil. Not being familiar with the pronunciation materials available in various languages, and adopted by English Gipsies, we have been accordingly the contents of the following works compelled to adhere to his spelling. Only in a were indexed out:
few cases, in which there was no room for 1. Romano Lavo-Lil: Word Book of the doubt, have we attempted to adopt a uniform
Romany, or English-Gypsy Language, system. Thus Borrow gives the root dic, and by George Borrow. London: John immediately afterwards dickimengro, 'an over. Murray, 1874.
seer,' and 'dikkipen,' 'look,"aspect. In all 2. Études sur Les Tchinghianés ou these cases we have spelt the root uniformly dile.
Bohémiens de l'Empire Ottoman, par So also elsewhere, when Borrow has given a ole Alexandre G. Paspati, D. M., Cong- or a hard c, we have written k. Again, where tantinople : Imprimerie Antoine Koro- Borrow has written oo, we have written ti. mela, 1870.
Thus Borrow's poov, earth' appears as pav. 3. Ueber die Mundarten und die Wander- Paspati represents the hard palatal by toh, ungen der Zigeuner Europa's. Theil and the soft palatal by dj. We have followed V. Märchen und Lieder der Zigeuner the English method of writing ch and j re. der Bukowina. Zweiter Theil. Glossar, spectively. von Dr. Franz Miklosich. Theile VII. Miklosich complicates matters by using the VIII. Vergleichung der Zigeunermun- Russian letter yere. For this we have substi. darten. Wien, in Commission bei Karl tuted throughout ě, as its nearest English equi. Gerold's Sohn, 1875.
valent. His ct', d' and l' we have left onIt is believed that the Index following con- changed. His c, , and we have written ch, tains all the words in the above-mentioned sh, and xh respectively, and his ch (which works. The first of them contains a Gipsy- equals the Persian 2) we have written ļh. His English Vocabulary. The second a very full da, and his g' we have written alike as j, his French-Gipsy and Gipsy. French one. Part V. ly as g, and his j as y. In this way his spelling of the third consists of a Bukowina-Gipsy- will nearly approximate the system used in German Glossary and Parts VII. and VIII. of transliterating Indian vernaculars. a magnificent comparative glossary of selected | With regard to the infinitive termination Gipsy words. Out of them, the Index, which ava, Paspati spells it with a long d, thus, dva ; may be taken as a rough draft of an English- but Borrow ava. We have used ava throughout Gipsy Vocabulary, has been compiled.
to secure uniformity. Miklosich gives verbs Our knowledge of the Gipsy Language being in their root forms. To these we have added only superficial, and only derived from the study the infinitive sign áva for a similar reason. of the above and similar books, we cannot hope Part V.of Miklosich contains many Rumunian that the Index is entirely free from blunders; words, which have been borrowed by the local but as we have found it extremely aseful for Gipsies, and which do not form a portion of the the purposes of comparative philology, and as genuine vocabulary of the whole Gipsy tribe.

Page #21

JANUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
15
.
Pending the formation of a complete Gipsy- care abortion, they keep fowls (which no orEnglish Vocabulary, it has been thought best thodox Hindû will do), and are said to eat to include these words in the Index.
carrion. They are also great musicians and In every case we have given a reference to horsemen. the book whence the word has been taken, so Mr. Fleet has drawn my attention to a Souththat no difficulty will be experienced in find Indian inscription given in the Ind. Ant. Vol. ing it.
XI. p. 9ff, in line 50 of which a certain Dômma Mr. Leland has made a happy suggestion is mentioned. On p. 10 of the same volume, Mr. that the original Gipsies may have been Dôms Fleet says with reference to him, "in connection of India. He points out that Romany is with him (Rudradêva), the first record in almost letter for letter the same as Ta, the
this inscription is that he subdued a certain
Dômma, whose strength evidently lay in his plural of डोम. डोमनि is the plural form in
cavalry. No clue is given as to who Dômma the Bhôj'pêri dialect of the Bihari Language.
was; but as dima, domba, or dama, is the name It was originally a genitive plural; so that Ro
of 'a despised mixed caste,' he may have been many-Rye, 'a gipay gentleman,' may be well
the leader of some aboriginal tribe, which had compared with the Bhöj'puri T T4, (Skr. not then lost all its power." If this conjec31419 TT), 'a king of the D 8 ms. The ture is true, it would show that the Dôme extenBhôj'puri-speaking Dôms are a famous race, ded over the greater part of India, and in some and they have many points of resemblance with places possessed considerable power. the Gipsies of Europe. Thus, they are darker But the resemblance of the Bhỏj'pûrt and in complexion than the surrounding Biharis, Gipsy dialects is not confined to a similarity are great thieves, live by hunting, dancing, and of name. The Gipsy grammar is closely telling fortunes, their women have a reputation connected with Bhồi'püri, or with its original for making love-philtres and medicines to pro- | Apabhramśa Magadhi Praksit, thus:Gipsy.
Bhojpuri. Magadhi Prdkrit. Nom. Rom
डोम Obl. Sing. Romês
डोम (gen.) डोमस्स or डोमास
डोमन or (gen.) डामण्णं Obl. Plur. Romên
डोमनि Nom. kalo, .black'
काला Obl. kalê
काले Genitive Termina- koro
tion of nouns and pronouns 3rd sing. pres. lêla, 'he takes' 3rd sing. past. lêlas, he was taking' ME, 'he took. 1st sing. fut. jav, 'I will go
जाब Past part.
gelo, 'gone' 1st sing. fut. kama keräva, 'I will do , 'I will do.' Infinitive keråva, 'to do'
pa, 'to do.' These examples might be continued at great evident to any orie studying the accompanying length; but the above is sufficient to show the Index. The following mongrel, half-Gipsy, close grammatical connection between the two half-English, rhyme, taken from Borrow, will languages. The vocabularies possess even more shew the extraordinary similarity of the two numerons points of resemblance, which will be vocabularies :Gipsy The Rye
he mores adrey the wesh. English squire hunts within
wood. Bhoj'port राय
अण्डल
TT (Prs. ) Gipsy kaun-engro .
and chiriclo. English ear-fellow (hare)
bird. Bhojpuri कान-वाला
चिड़ई
कर
लेला
मारे

Page #22

16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
Gipsy
And rigs
English
the
ET
www.me
Are
Tuley
Below to
Are
You BOVE with
leste 'drey the wesh. English
sleep him within
wood. Bhöj'part सोए
अण्डल
बेश Gipsy
for
leste the gono. carries
him
sack (game-bag). Bhoj'part
गोन Gipsy Oprey
rukh adrey the wesh. English Above tree within
Wood. Bhoj'part उपरि
अण्डल Gipsy
chiriclo and
chiricli. English
male-bird
female-bird. Bhoj'part
चिड़ई Gipsy
the rukh adrey the wesh. English
tree within
wood. Bhoj'part
रुख Gipsy
pireno and
pireni. English
lover and
lady-lovs. Bhôiport
पियारा
पियारी In the above it must be remembered that the AccOUNT-Moskoro, (Tch.): såma, (M.) verbal terminations of the Gipsy text are Accuse, to,-Phukaviva, (M. 8) English, and not Gipsy.
ACOUSTOM, to,-Sekavava, (M.) I propose to deal with this subject at greater
ACHE, to,-Dukkerkva, (Eng.)
ACID,-Shutl8. (Tch.) length on a future occasion. In reading the Gipsy words, it should be
ACQUAINTED, to be, with, -pinchardva, pinjariva,
(Tch.) noted that the mark over a vowel refers to
ACBO88,-Padlo, pawdel, (Eng.) accent, and not necessarily to prosodial length. ADJUDGE, to-Sudisaráva, (M.)
The following abbreviations are used in the ADVISE, 40,-Zhudikidra, zhudikisarkva, (M.) succeeding pages :-Eng. = Borrow's Lavo Lil. ADVANTAGE, -Koshtipen, (Eng.) Toh. Paspati's Études. M. Miklosich, ADVISER,-Fênichi, (M.) Theil V. M. 7= Miklosich, Theil VII. M. APAR, Dar, (Tch.) 8= Miklosich, Theil VIII. Gip. = Special APTECTION,-Dakaibê, dukanibê, (Tch.) Gipsy words given by Borrow; e.g. Span.
AFFLICTED, -Tug, tagno, (Eng.) Gip. = Spanish Gipsy. As. = Asiatic words
AFFLICTION, -Tugnipen, kurapen, (Eng.); greu,
(M.) given by Paspati; e.g. As. Tch. = Asiatic
AFRAID, -Atraish (Eng.) Gipsy. Psp. M. = Paspati's Memoir, referred APRAID, to be, -Trashániováva, (Tch.) to above.
AFTER,-Palal, (Eng.); penchya, peochi, pethoi, ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
(As. Toh.)
AFTERWARDS.- Anápalal, nåpalal, (Toh.) ABANDON, to,-Mukava, (Tch.)
AGAIN, -Pali, spopli, (Eng.); dah, (Tch.); apala, ABDOMINAL,-Peregkoro, (Teh.)
(Span. Gip.); yâre, (M.) ABLE, -HArniko, hårniku, (M.)
AGE,--Phurimáta, (M.) ABLE, to be, -Ashti&va, ashtisarda, shayáva," AGREE, to,-Envoisard'ováva, (M.) shtikva, (M.)
AGUE,-Bisheni, (Eng.) ABOVE-Opral, opre, (Eng.); opre, (Toh.); opral, Arx-Skôpa, (M.) (M.)
AIR,-Bavol, (Eng.); dokhoe, dokho, (Tch.); ABova, trom-Opról, (Teb.)
dukhoe, (M. 7) ABROAD,--Abri, (Eng.)
ALI.-Levinor, (Eng.); lovina, (M. 8) ABSCESS,-Pakni, phuknt, (Tch.)
ALRHOUSE,-Levinor-ker, kichema, (Eng.); kõrchACCOMPANY, to,-Petrichiava, petrichisaráva, (M.)
ma, kézhma, (M., M. 7) ACCOMPANIED, -MalAlo, (Tch.)
ALIKR.-Simen, (Eng.) ACCOMPLISH, to, -Isprévisaráva (M.)
ALIVE, to be, --Zhud'ováva, (M.)

Page #23

JANUARY, 1886.7
AN ENGLISH GIPSY INDEX.
ALL-Sore, soro, (Eng.) ; barro, sarvilê, sâvore, | APPREHENDED, Linnow, (Eng.)
såore, sarrorê, sarinê, sa', (Tch.); sü, sa, APPROACH, to,-Påshiováva, (Tch.); pashováva, (As. Tch.); eaorð, saŭro, såūro, sorô, se,
(M.) (M.); savoro, (M. 8)
APRIL,- Aprir, (M.) ALMIGHTY,-Soro-ruslo, (Eng.)
APRON,- Joddakaye, Eng.) ALMs.-Lachipê, (Tch.); pomâně, (M.)
ARM,(pl.) Murces, mursior, (Eng.); musi, (dim.), ALONE,-Kokoro, kokoros, bik unyie, (Eng.); kór.
musori, (Tch.); murciales, (Span. Gip.) ; koro, kolkoro('Cch.); körkoro, korkoro, M.,
musi, (M. 8) M. 7)
ARMFUL,- Angali, (Tch.); angali, (M. 7) AL80,-- Asa, asan, (Eng.); ěnkě, (M.); vi, (M. 8) ARMPIT,-Kak, (Tch.) ALWAYS, --Sar far,(Tch.) (Paspati's Memoir gives ARMY,--Oste, ôaste, (M.) ghêles).
AROUND, mprezhår, (M.), truyal, (M. 8) AMONG, he who is,- Maskarutnô, maskaritno, ARREST,-Arishte, (M.) (Tch.)
ARRIVE, to,Resava, (Tch.); arosáva, (M.) AMONGST,-Maskarê, (Tch.)
ARRIVE, to cause to,-Resavava, (Toh.) ANCIENT,-Pureno, (Eng.)
ARROW,- Okia, (Tch.); sejyata, (M.) AND,-TA, (Eng.); ta, te, u, (Tch.); a. hay, he, ARROW, to shoot with,-Sejyetesariva, (M.) tha, thay (M.); ta, u, (M. 8)
As-Sar, (Eng.); an, ani, in, eni, (Tch.); vari, ANGLE-Kôtu, (M.)
(As. Tch.); k&na, kana, sar, (M.); sar, ANGEL, -Enjeru, ēnjeros, (M.)
(M. 8) ANGER,-Kholin, (Tch.); ķholi, (M.); kholin, A8 YET,-Ojai, atgh&i, (Tch.) (M. 7)
ASHAMED, --Aladge, (Eng.); lajano, lajavô, (Tch.) ANGRY,Roshto, (Eng.); kholinAkoro, kholinis- ASHAMED, to be,-Lajáva, (Tch.) koro, (Tch.); ķhol'êrniku, (M.)
A8FE8,-prihos, (Tch.); char, (As. Tch.); shar, ANGRY, to be,-Kholiterava, kholastilotarkva,
(M.); praktios, (M. 8) jungaliováva, (Tch.); ķhol'aráva, rushava, Asx, to,-Pucháva, (Eng.); puchêva, pachiva, (M.)
mangfra, (Tch.); mangfva, push&va, ANGRY, to become, hol'ard'ováva, (M.)
(M.); mangåva, phuchåva, (M. 8) ANNIHILATION - Arvani gårvani, (Tch.)
A88,-Mailla, (Eng); kher, kter, fer, (dim.) kherANNUAL-Berghêskoro, (Tch.)
oro, (pl.) khelel, (Tch.); kar, (As. Tch.), ANOTHER,-Wafo, (Eng.); avêr, (M.)
magkiri, (M.); kher, (M. 7) ANSWER, to-Pukkeráva, (Eng.); pukanar, Ass, female,-Kherni, (Tch.); magarica, (M.) (Span. Gip.); angl4l dåva, (Tch.)
ABS AND FOAL, -Mailla and posh, (Eng.) ANT, (pl.) Krior, (Eng.); kiri (Tch.); t'irë, tire, Abs, of or belonging to,-Kherand, (fem.) kher(M.); kiri, (M. 7).
ntakoro, (TCH.) ANTHILL-Mushunoy, (M.)
A88-DRIVER,-Kherdskoro, (Toh.) ANVIL-Amunt, (Tch.); loh, (As. Tch.); vazneli, ABBA88IN, -Manushfari, (Tch.) (M.); amuni, (M. 7)
ASSASSINATR, to,Chinava, murdardva, (Tch.); le ANXIETY,--Tasks, (Tch.)
mar, (As. Tch.) ANXIOUS-Tasalo, (Tch.)
ASSEMBLE, to,--Ghêdava, (Tch.); t'idava, (M.); ANXIETY, to be in,-Taskliovgva, (Tch.)
gediva, (M. 7) ANY ONE,-Kanek, kanêk, kânek jenô, (Toh.); ABSENT, to.-Pristinisarkva, ěnvoiava, (M.) kanek, (M. 7)
ASSISTANCE,-Nanåsh, nanåshu, (M.) APR,--Maïmona, shebêka, (Tch.); maimon, (As. AT,-Pasha, pashě, (M.) Tch.); maimuna, (M. 8)
AT ALL.-Asarlas, (Eng.) Apes, those who carry in fairs,-Maïmunakoro, ATTAIN, to-Restva, (Tch.); arēsAva, (M.)
ATTORNBY,-Mondětári, (M.) APOTHECARY,-Drab-engro, drav-engro, (Eng.) AUDIENCE, -Shanaben, (Eng.) APPLE,-Paub, paubi, pauvi, (Eng.); paboy, (Hun. AUGER,Boldini, pripôi, pripdi, (Tch.)
Gip.); pabai, khapai, papai, (Tch.); AUNT.-Bebf. (Eng.); bibi, bibo, kakijalt, (Tch.); phab&y, (M.); sev, sivi, (A.s. Toh.);
biblo, (As. Tch.); bibi, (M. 7) phabay, (M. 8)
AUTUMN.-Pahtz, (As. Tch.) APPLE, of or belonging to,-Pabôngoro, (Tch.) AVIARY,--Chirikleskey tan, (Eng.) APPLE, dried, -Hucal, (M.)
AWAKE, to, ---Jongaráva, (Eng.); trixisard'ováva, APPLE-TREE-Papalin, (Tch.); phabelin, (M.)
trezosard'ováva, (M.) APPLE, wild, -Pădury&ca, padurioă, păduréoě, AWAKEN, to,Jangåva, (Tch.); usht'avaya, (M.);
jang&va, (M. 7)
(Teh.)

Page #24

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
AWAKEN, to cause to,-Jangavåva, (Tch.) AWAKENED, to be,-Janganiováva, (Tch.) AXE,-China-mengro, (Eng); tovêr, tovel, (Tch.); tovêr, tověr, (M.)
AXE-SELLER, Toverêskoro, (Tch.) AXLES, Butachi, (M.)
B.
BACK, (adv.)-Pali, (Eng.); palál, palpalé, palpali, (M.)
BACK, (sub.)-Dumô, (dim.) dumorô, (Teh.); piishto, (As. Tch.); dumo, (M. 7) BACK-GROUND,-Fandu, (M.) BACKWARDS,-Palál, palpalê, palpali, (M.) BACK AGAIN,-Palal, (Eng.) BACON,-Ballivas, (Eng.); baliba, (Span. Gip.) BAD,-Vassavo, vassavi, wafodu, wafudo, (Eng.); gorko, (Tch.); kharabi, (As. Tch.); zhungalô, (M.); phuy, (M. 8) BAD PLACE,-Wafudo-tan, (Eng.) BADLY,-Nasal, zhungales, (M.) BADNESS,-Wafudo-pen, (Eng.); nasulimas, nasulipt, (M.)
BAG,-Gono, (Eng.); gono, (Toh.); burdahu, galav, (M.); gono, (M. 7) BAG-MAKER,-Gonêskoro, kaliardo, (Toh.) BAG-PIPE,-Gaida, (Tch.)
BAKER, Morro-mengro, (Eng.); bovêskoro, manrêskoro, chamêskoro, (Tch.) BALD,-Pako, (Tch.); pako, (M. 8) BALL,-Bal, (M.)
BAND,-Dori, plâna, bandipê, banloipê, (Tch.) BANK, (elevated ground)-Chumba, (Eng.) BANK, (counting-house)--Luvva-mengro-ker,
(Eng.)
BANK UP, to,-Pashli kerava, (Tch.) BANKER,-Luvvo-mengro, (Eng.)
BANKER'S HOUSE,-Luvvo-mengro-ker, (Eng.) BAPTISM,-Bolipê, (Tch.)
BAPTIZE, to, Bollava, (Eng.); bolåva, (Tch.); bolava, (M.)
BAPTIZE, to cause to,-Bolaváva, (Tch.)
BAPTIZED, to be,-Bolghiovava, raptizava, (Tch.) bold'ováva (M.)
BAPTIZED, child who is,-Shinu, finu, nanash, nanâshu, (M.) BARE-FOOTED,-Nanghêpinrêngoro, pirnangô, pin
ango, (Tch.)
[JANUARY, 1886.
BASKET,-Kipsi, kuesni, kushni, kusni, (Eng.); quicia (Span. Gip.); kôshnika, sevli, (dim.) sevlort, (Tch.); sevli, (M. 8) BASKET-MAKING,-Hosdopa, (M.) BASKETS, one who makes or sells,-Sevliêngoro, (Tch.)
BASTARD,-Bostaris, (Eng.) BATH,-Bagnia, tatto (Tch.); nayeripi, skeldishka, skaldushka, (M.)
BARK, to,-Bashâva, (M.)
BARLEY, Jov, (Tch.); jev, (As. Tch.); zhou, (M.); jov, (M. 7)
BARLEY, one who sells,-Jovêskoro, (Tch.) BARN.-Gran, (Eng.); shtra, (M.) BARN-DOOR,-Gran-wuddur, (Eng.) BARN-DOOR FOWL,-Gran-wuddur-chiriclo, (Eng.) BARREL,-Polubôku, (dim.) balaka, (M.) BASHFULNESS,-Laj, lach, lajaibê, (Tch.)
BATH-SERVANT,-Bagni koro, (Tch.) BATHE, to,-Nayaråva, (M.); nandava, (M. 8) BATHE ONESELF, to,-Nayard'ováva, (M.) BATTLE,-Maribê, (Tch.); maript, (M.).
BE, to,-Isóm (I am), (Tch.); asti (he is) (As. Tch.); avåva, is&va, (M.) BEADLE,-Gav-engro, (Eng.) BEAM,-Kasht, (M.)
BEAN,-Bob, (Eng.); bôbi, bôpi, (dim. pl.) bobôlia, (Tch:); bobi, (M. 7)
BEAR,-Richint, (Tch.); hirch, (As. Tch.); rishô, (fem.) rizhni, (pl.) trshi, (M.); (fem.) richini, (M. 8)
BEAE, one who leads, in fairs,-Richiniêngoro, (Tch.)
BEAR, to,-Rigguråva, (Eng.)
BEAR CHILDREN, to,-Benava, (M. 7)
BEAR IN MIND, to,-Rigåva in yi, (Eng.) BEARD,-Jor, chor, (Tch.); shor, (M.); chor, (M. 7); pahuni, (M. 8). BEARDED, Jorêngoro, (Tch.) BEAST, Vita, (M.)
BEAT, to,-Netavåva, (Eng.); marâva, (Tch.); maráva, (M.)
BEAT, to cause to,-Maravavá, mardaráva, (Tch.) BEATING,-Karapen, (Eng.)
BEAUTIFUL,-Sukár, shukår, (Tch.); bakyz, pakêzi, (As. Tch.); (dim.) sukarôro, chordo, (Tch.); shukar, měndru, (M.); shukar, (M. 8) BEAUTY,-Sukaribê, chordipê, (Tch.) BECAUSE,-Sostar, (Tch.); kě, (M.) BECAUSE OF, Vash, (M.)
BECOME, to,-Uváva, (Tch.); avava, kĕrd'ováva, (M.); uvava, (M. 8)
BED,-Woddrus, wuddras, (Eng.); troni, (Tch.); likhev, (As. Tch.); patos, (Hun. Gip.); charipê, (Span. Gip.); lashka, pâto, pâtu, than, (M.); chiben, (M. 7); vodro, (M. 8)
BED, in-Pashlô, (Tch.)
BEE, Gudlo-pishen, bata, (Eng.); burli, berali, (Tch.); biruli, (M.); burli, (M. 7) BEECH,-Fagu, (M.)
BEEE,-Lovina, (M. 8) BEET-BOOT,-Dip, (As. Tch.) BEFORE.-Anglo, (Eng.); vegur, (As. Tch.); ang
141, (M.); angle, (M. 7)

Page #25

JANUARY, 1886.)
HISTORY OF THE KUSHANS.
19
BEG, to-Mangåva, (Eng.); mangåva, (Tch.);
mangava, rudiâva, rudisaráva, rudisard'o.
váva, (M.) BEGET, to,-Ben&va, (Tch.) BEGGAR,-Manga-mengro, tororo, (Eng.) BEGGING, the trade of,-Mangipen, (Eng.) BEGIN, to-Arkhevâva, (Tch.); urziava, urzose
riva, (M.) BEHIND,-Palal, (Eng.); palo, pålpale (Tch.);
penchy'a, pechôi, pethoi, (As. Tch.);
palá, påla, (M.); pale, (M. 8) BEHIND, from, --Palal, (Teb.) BELCH-Kockarida, (M. 7) BELIEVE, to,-Pakiâva, (Tch.); pat'alva, M.,
M. 8) BELIEVED, to be,Pakiiniováva, (Tch.) BELIEVE, I,-Apasavello, (Eng.) BELL,-Klopotu, klopotu, (M.) BELLOWS--Pude-mengri, (Eng.); pishôt, (Teb.
M. 8) BELLY,-Per, pur, (Eng.); bor, por, per, (Toh.);
por, pěr, (M.); per, (M. 8) BELOW,-Tule, tuley, (Eng.); teló, fele, (adj.)
telalutno, telaluno, (Tch.); telê, tili, teli,
(M.) Below, from,-tel&l, (Tch.) BELT,-Kidstik, (Tch.) Bench,-LAică, lâyca, oslonu, (pl.) skåmena, (M.)
BEND, to-Band'aráva, (M.) BENEATH,- See BELOW. BERRY,-Durril, (pl.) durrilau, durilyor, (Eng.) BESIDES, -Tulom, (Tch.). BESPRINKLE, to-Stropikva, stropisarkva, (M.) BETRAYER,-Khokhamnô, (M.) BETBOTHAL,-Logodna, (M.); biav, (M. 7) BETTER,-Ferreder, fetêr, (Eng.); fetêr, (Span.
Gip.); feder, (M. 7) BETWEEN,-maskarê, (Tch.) BEVERAGE ---Pibê, (Tch.); (pl.) pimåta, (M.) BEWARE, to,-Geriva (Gare in orig.), rakkva,(Eng.) BEWITCH, to,-Chovahânâva, dukáva, dukkeráva,
(Eng.) BEY,-Gh'alti, (As. Tch.) BEYOND,-Ent'Al, (M.) BIG-Boro, (Eng.) ; tulo, (Tch.) BIG, to become-Tulioviva, (Tch.) BIG WITH CHILD,-Bori, (Eng.); kabni, kamni,
(Tch.); see PREGNANT. BIND, to-Pandáva, (Eng.); phandava, (M., M. 8). BIRD,-Chericlo, chiriclo, (Eng.); chiriclo, (dim.)
chiricloro, (Tch.); tayer, (A.s. Tch.); che
rikli, (M.); chiriclo, (M.7) BIRD-CAGE, -Chiricleskey tan, (Eng.); koshka,
klitka, (M.) BIRTH,-Ben, (Tch.) BITE-Dantilipê, (Tch.)
EXTRACTS FROM CHINESE AUTHORS CONCERNING THE HISTORY OF THE
KUSHANS.
BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S. In this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 6 ff. there appeared whence Ma-twan-lin and others derived their a paper of mine on "Indo-Scythian Coins with information. Hindi legends." During the course of the colla- I have, therefore, copied out the subjoined ex. teral investigations, I had occasion to refer to tracts, concerning the history of the Kushana, for the obscure history of the Kushans, in regard to the pages of the Indian Antiquary-retaining which I was able to glean but little information. them, however, intentionally, in their French Singular to say, in the latter part of the same garb, in order to preserve the integrity of the year, an article was published in the Journal
proper names. Asiatique containing very important contributions M. Specht, in his introductory remarks, is to our knowledge of the migratory movements careful to get rid of the confusion, existing in of Central Asian tribes, the new materials for some quarters, as to the identity of the Kushans which were contributed by hitherto unexamined and the Ephthalites. He observes-- texts of the Chinese chroniclers.
"M. Vivien de Saint-Martin avait cru trouver In the article in question, M. Ed. Specht, dans les articles de l'encyclopédie de Ma-touanwhile carefully recognizing and regarding the lin concernant les Yué-t'chi et les Yé-tha, la labours of De Guignes and other learned French- preuve positive que ces deux peuples ne différaient men, who led the way to the study of the Chinese entre eux ni par le nom, ni par les meurs et les authors, endeavours to base his new transla. habitudes; qu'en un mot, les Indo-Scythes et les tions upon a general disregard of what he Ephthalites ne faisaient qu'une seule et même calls the "Compilateurs Chinois," and to have re. nation. Cette opinion est péremptoirement récourse to the more authentic documents of the futée par l'inspection des documents que nous Tching-sse which was the original source from donnons. D'abord, le nom de Yé-tha n'existe
Studes sur l'Asie Centrale, d'après les historiens Chinois (M. Edouard Specht), p. 117, 1883 [October,
November, December.).
Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, pp. 12-19.

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20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
même pas ; c'est une abréviation à l'usage des rapport aux Hioung-nou. Ils comptaient au Chinois du nom complet Ye-ta-i-li-to, qui corre- moins 100,000 archers; si bien que se fiant à leurs spond à Ephthalites. Par là tombe l'identification forces, ils méprisaient les Hioung-nou. Ils hadu nom des Yé-tha avec celui des Yué-tchi bitaient primitivement entre le pays de Thund'une part, et de l'autre avec celui des Djats du Hoang: (Koua-tcheou) et le mont Ki-lian (les nord-ouest de l'Inde; deux résultats qui avaient monts célestes). été admis par plusieurs indianistes éminente, Après que le tchen-yu-Mao-thun eut attaqué Lassen en tête. Ensuite les Indo-Scythes, nom- les Yué-tchi et que le tchen-yu Lao-chang ayant més par les Chinois Yué-tchi ou Kouei-chouang, tué leur roi, eut fait de son crane un coupe & étaient un peuple primitivement nomade, qui est boire, les Yué-tchi s'en allèrent au loin, passèrent devenu sédentaire, et s'est assimilé, au moins en au delà de Ta-Ouan, battirent les Ta-Hia dans partie, la civilisation indo-hellénique, comme le l'ouest, et les soumirent. Leur chef établit alors prouvent ses monuments, ses médailles, et ses in sa résidence au nord de la rivière Ouel (Oxus).* scriptions. Les Ephthalites, d'après le témoign- Une petite partie de ceux qui n'avaient pu age des récits contemporains, sont restés nomades, 1 s'éloigner avec eux se mirent sous la protection ils n'avaient pas de monnaies, et enfin eux seule, et des Khiang des montagnes du midi, et prirent le non leurs prédécesseurs, les Yué-tchi, pratiquaient nom Petits Yué-tchi. la polyandrie. Bref, ces deux peuples sont ab. Primitivement les Ta-hia n'avaient pas un solument distincta, non-seulement par l'époque à souverain ou un magistrat principal; chaque laquelle ils ont apparu dans l'histoire, mais par ville, chaque bourgade était gouvernée par son leurs moeurs et leur civilisation
magistrat. La population était faible et craig. Ce résultat vient donc confirmer l'hypothèse, nait la guerre. Lorsque les Yué-tchi arrivèrent émise par M. Nöldeke, que les Kouchans et les ils les soumirent." Ephthalites devaient être deux peuples différents Il y a cinq principautés : qui ont habité suooessivement les mêmes con- 1. La principauté Hieou-mi, ayant pour capitale trées."-(Tabari, Geschichte der Sasaniden, la ville de Ho-me, à 2,841 li de la résidence du p. 115, No. 2.)
gouverneur général et à 7,802 li de Yang-kouan. Extracts from Chinese Authors.
2. La principauté Chouang-mo, capitale la ville
du même nom, à 3,741 li de la résidence du gouver. Yué-tchi ou Kouchans. L'histoire des premiers
neur général et à 7,782 li de Yang-kouan. Han (206 ans avant Jésus-Christ à 24 ans après)
3. La principauté Kouei-chouang (Kouchans), contient, au chapitre xcvi. une description de
capitale la ville Hou-teao à 5,940 li de la résidence l'Asie occidentale, dont nous extrayons le passage
du gouverneur général et à 7,982 li de Yang. suivant:
kouan. Le royaume des Ta-Yué-tchi a pour capitale la
4. La principauté Hi-thun a pour capitale la ville de Kien-chi," A 11,600 li de Tchang-ngan;
ville Po-mao (Bámián) à 5,962 li de la résidence du il ne dépend pas du gouverneur général (Tou
gouverneur général et à 8,202 li du Yang-kouan. hou); on y compte 100,000 familles, 400,000
5. La principauté Kao-fou (Kábul) a pour habitants, une armée de 100,000 hommes. A
capitale la ville du même nom, à 6,041 li de la l'est, jusqu'à la résidence du gouverneur général, il y a 4,740 li; à l'ouest, jusqu'aux A-si (les
résidence du gouverneur général et à 9,283 li de
Yang-Louan. Arsacides), 49 jours de marche, et il est limi. trophe au sud avec le Ki-pin (Cophène). [Le pays,
Ces cinq principautés dépendent de Ta-Yub-tchi. le climat, les productions ainsi que les m urs de Entract from Chapter 118 of the History of the habitants, les monnaies et les marchandises qu'
Second Han (A.D. 25 to 220). on en tire, sont les mêmes que chez les A-si . .] Le royaume de Ta-Yué-tchi. Le roi demeure Originairement les Ta-Yué tohi étaient no
dans la ville de Lan-chi #
# # mades. Ils stuivaient leurs troupeaux et chan. Lorsque les Yué-tohi furent vaincus par les geaient de place avec eux, ressemblant sous ce Hioung-nou, ils passèrent chez les Ta-hía, parta
* Lan-chi: selon Mr. Kingemill, JR. 4. 8. xiv. p. 82, cette ville serait Daraspa, Aápaya de Strabon. On pourrait aussi bien identifier Lan-chi avea Za-riaapo, un nom de Bactres. Les auteurs chinois seraient alors d'accord avec les Arméniens, qui donnent Balkh comme la capitale des Koushang. Lebeau (Paris Edition of 1825 iii. p. 880. Moses of Khoreno, presim).
. C'est dans ontte contre que Tchang-kian trouva les TS-Yue-tehi établis en l'an 126 avant notre ère ; il les amitte pour aller chez les Ta-bia qui etaient au sud
de l'Oxus: la capitale de ces derniers etait Kien-chi on Lan-chi, conquise plus tard par les TA-Yue-chi."
From the history of the Wei (220 to 280 A.D.) Le royaume Kien-tun, qui est l'ancienne principauto Kouei-chouang (Kouchans), & pour capital la ville de Hou-taao l'ouest de Tche-dei-mo-sun, 13,560 li de Tai. Les habitants demeurent au milieu des montagnes et des vallées.
Le royaume Fo-ti-cha, qui est l'ancienne principauté Hi-thon, a pour capitale la ville de Po-mao (Bamian, l'ouest de Kien-tun, 13.600 li don ,

Page #27

MISCELLANEA.
JANUARY, 1886.]
gèrent leur royaume en cinq principautés qui étaient Hieou-mi, Chouang-mo, Kouei-chouangHi-thun, Tou-mi (Kao-fou P).
Environ cent ans après, le prince de Koueichouang, Kieou-tsieou-khio, attaqua et subjugua les quatre autres principautés, et se constitua roi d'un royaume qui fut appelé Kouei-chouang (Kouchans).
Ce prince envahit le pays des A-si; il s'empara du territoire de Kao-fou (Kábul), détruisit aussi Po-ta et le Ki-pin (Cophène) et devint complètement maître de ces contrées. Kieou-tsieonkhio mourut à quatre-vingts ans environ; son fils Yen-kao-tchin-tai monta sur le trône, il conquit le Thien-tchou (l'Inde) et y établit des généraux qui gouvernaient au nom des Yué-tchi.
Depuis cette époque cette nation fut riche et puissante.
Tous les pays en parlant du souverain l'appellent roi des Kouei-chouang (Kouchans). Les Han (les Chinois), selon leur ancienne dénomination, les nomment toujours les Ta-Yué tchi."
The French translator enters into a critical examination of the exact date implied in the term "environ cent ans après"-and considers that it must be held to refer to the complete conquest of the Ta-hia, and not, as might be supposed from the words of Ma-twan-lin, to 100 years" after the journey of Tchang-kian, towards 126 B.C."8 This inference is further confirmed by the nonmention of this conquest in the work just cited, which dates from 25 A.D. The French commentator would therefore place this event in 24 A.D., up to which time the Second Han continued to reign. However, with so loose an expression as about 100 years, we need not seek to be very precise in our speculative results.
Indeed, M. E. Specht in his final summary contents himself with saying, "Le fils de Kieoutsieou-khio conquit l'Inde, et cette empire dura depuis le milieu du premier siècle de notre ère jusque vers le commencement du cinquième siècle."
Subsequent extraets give us some information of the decadence of the Kushans, which may as well be reproduced here.
Le compendium des Wei composé par In-houan nous apprend qu'à l'époque des trois royaumes
AFGHANISTAN IN AVESTIC GEOGRAPHY. At the present time, when the mountain regions of the Paropamissus will, in all probability,
Cf. Lassen, 2nd Edit. Vol. II. p. 806; General Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 66; Vol. V. p. 61. Lebeau, History of the Lower Empire, Paris 1825. (Edition de M. de S. Martin). Tome III. p. 886; Tabari,
(220 à 280) "le royaume de Ki-pin (Cophène), ainsi que ceux de Ta-hia, de Kao-fou (Kábul) et de Thien-tchou (l'Inde), étaient sous la domination des Ta-Yué-tchi." Quoique l'histoire du Tsin (265 à 419) ne donne pas de notice sur les Kouchans, les Ta-Yué-tchi sont cités comme étant au sud des Ta-Ouan.
Dans l'histoire des Wei (386 à 556) nous trouvons sur ce peuple les deux notices suivantes, qui nous parlent de la fin de leur empire dans la Bactriane.
21
Le royaume des Ta-Yué-tchi a pour capitale la ville de Lou-kien-chi à l'ouest de Fo-ti-cha Ils passerent alors à l'occident et s'établirent dans la ville de Po-lo, à 2,100 li de Fo-ti-cha. Leur roi, Ki-to-lo, prince brave et guerrier, leva une armée, passa au midi des grands montagnes, fit un invasion dans l'Inde du nord, et les cinq royaumes au nord de Kan-tho-lo se soumirent à lui.
In conclusion, I have to advert to the casual mention of the change in the government of the country, brought about by the conquest of the Kushans-in the substitution of the military chiefs for local Rajas. What direct effect this may have had on the population at large we have no means of knowing, but it looks like the mere centralisation of a tribal empire, and the entrusting of subordinate power to responsible members of their own body, in supercession of the irregular and often conflicting interests of the old
Hindu rulers.
MISCELLANEA.
And this is the exact state of things our coins bear testimony to-we have no Rujas or Maharajas -as noticed in my previous paper,-the legends, written in a downward Chinese fashion, give us all told eleven names of generals with more or less Scythic designations, while their sectional tribal sept is always carefully added, as their quasi title to rule.
The multitude of these gold coins extant, and the range of the localities where they are found, testifies to the ample power and long sway of this exotic dynasty, and fully explains the frequent reference by the home "conquerors of the Scythians," which got to be a brag-word with the pretending Vikramadityas' of India in these later times.
have once more to play their accustomed part in history as a bulwark against Turanian aggression the earliest geographical records of the country,
Nöldeke, p. 7.
Vivien de Saint Martin, p. 42.
Ma-twan-lin-quoted in the Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, Vol. VI. p. 65.

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22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
as preserved in the Avesta, may attract the atten- tion of the student of Eastern history. The Avesta, like other religious books of the East, deals generally with mythical localities rather than with details of real topography. An exception to this rule with regard to the rivers of Afghanistan will, therefore, be all the more entitled to our interest.
Within the limits of Afghanistan and its former dependencies we recognise the powerful, faithful MÔurva" as the modern Merv, little deserving these epithets, the beautiful Bakhdhi" as Balkh, Hara êva as Hirst, the mountain Vitiga ê é a as the Badghiz of recent notoriety. The Harahv. aiti (etymologically corresponding to Sansksit Sarasvati) has been known in successive ages as 'Apáxwtos and Arghand&b (near Qandahår); but more important for Avestic geography is the large stream of which it is a tributary, the "bountiful, glorious H aêtumast," the 'ETúpavopos and Her mandus of classic authors, the modern Helmand. It waters the country of Sistån (Sakaurávn) where, since time immemorial, the epic tradition of Irån has localised its greatest national heroes, and where, even in our days, one of the indigenous families proudly claims, as Kayânians, to be descended from the legendary kings of Iren. Long indeed have such reminiscences of heroic times lingered about the river. We receive an unusually detailed account of its origin and course just in that Yasht which is mainly devoted to the praise of "kingly glory," as connected with lawful rule over Irån. There we read (Yasht zis. 66; conf. Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXIII. p. 302) of its counterpart, "which is attached to the river Haộtumalt, as it runs inoreasing towards the lake (xray) Kása va, from where the mountain Ushid&o stands, round about whose foot mountain streams gather in abundance.
A glance at the map ahuws the lake Kåsava (or Kåsaya, according to some MSS.) to be the great lagune in the depression of Sistan, which its present neighbours simply call the Zirra (derived from Zand wrayo; i.e. lake'). Similarly, the name Ushidao, althongh it cannot be traced to a more recent period, must apply to the lofty mountain range formed by the Koh-i-B&b & and its continuation towards the west, the Siah Koh, from whence the Helmand itself, with all its northern tributaries, takes its beginning.
For a fuller description of this river system, clearly alluded to in the above-quoted text, we should naturally look first to the passages
immediately following; but here we stumble on difficulties which have puzzled in no small degree interpreters of the Avesta. They are considerably aggravated by the unfortunate circumstances that Pârst scholarship has left us entirely destitute of any traditional help for this particular Yasht. The passage in question, simple in its structure, contains a comparatively large number of what apparently are adjectives. Their etymology and their position in the context suggest their being appropriate epithets to something like a river. But just this noun so eagerly looked for cannot be found. It was the new editor of the Avesta, Professor Geldner (Drei Yasht, Stuttgart, 1884), to whom the happy thought first occurred of looking among these apparent adjectives for the indispenbable complement implied by their presence-real river names. He advanced this explanation for the last four of those mentioned below; but the difficulty of identifying any of these four names on the map seems to have induced, subsequently, this distinguished Zand scholar to restrict his hypothesis to only two of them. I shall endeavour to produce in the following remarks such evidence as may justify the addition of eight new river names to the geographical index of the Avesta. Our version of the interesting passage which follows immediately on the one translated above, must, for the present, take for granted what has still to be proved.
"At ita foot (the Mountain Ushidao) gushes and flows forth the Hrastra and the Hvaspa, the Fradatha and the beautiful Hvaren. a haiti, and Ustavaiti, the mighty, and Urvadha, rich of pastures, and the Erezi and Zareny maiti. At ita foot omahea and flows forth the bountiful, glorious Helmand, swelling its white waves (?), rolling down its copi. Jus floods."
As we have no means for identifying these rivers besides their names, which, if they remained in use for a longer period, must have undergone considerable phonetic changes, it will be safest to turn first to those sources of geographical information which rank in respect to their age nearest to the Avesta--the reports of classic authors. Fortunately, as far as Ariana is con. cerned, they are based to a great extent on a very exact survey made under the Seleukidan rule.
Pliny, speaking of the districts to the south of Aria (Hirat); mentions the rivers Pharnacotis and Ophradus (i.e. ó opádos of the Greek original), which Tomaschek, in his exhaustive
· The name of the Helmand is introduced in the dence. The words describing the course of the river above version in accordance with e most convincing are not clear in detail, but there is no doubt about their emendation of Professor Geldner's, based on MS. oví. general purport.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
treatise on the corresponding portion of the Tabula Peutingerana (Proceedings of the Viennese Academy, 1883), has recognised as the modern Harrat Rad and Farah Rad. They both flow from the western part of the Si&h Köh into the lake of Sistin. The form Farnahrati, which is suggested by Tomaschek as the original and native one for Pharnacotis, represents exactly our Zand Hvarenanhaiti in Persian pronunciation. The substantive hvarenah " 'glory," as contained in Harenanhaiti (hvarenan + suffix vaiti), assumes in the Old Persian dialect the form of farna. Thus the Old Persian Vindafarnu, Καταφέρνης, is the exact equivalent of the Zand Vinda-h'arenah "winning glory." A striking parallel to the doublet Hvarenanhaiti-Pharmacotis is furnished by the indifferent use of the names Ζαραγγιάνη and Δραγγιάνη, Ζαράγγαι and Δράγγα, for the neighbouring district and its inhabitants, the change of initial Z into D being a well-known characteristic of Persian pronunciation, as compared with Zand.
MISCELLANEA.
For proving the identity of the Fradatha of our Zand text with (O)Phradus, Farâh Rad, we can utilise the additional evidence of those names by which the old town Farah on the left bank of the Farah Rad was known in the Makedonian epoch. In the itinerary of Isidôros of Kharax this πόλις μεγίστη is called by the modern name pá; but Stephanos Byzantios has preserved a more ancient form in the following excerpt: Φράδα πόλις ἐν Δράγγαις ἦν ̓Αλέξανδρος Προφθασίαν μετωνόμασιν. Προφθασία is, in fact, a literal rendering of Zand fradatha, which, in common use as neuter, means (literally "proficiency"), "progress," "increase."
The Farah Rad is the next independent affluent of the Haman or Zirra to the east of the Harrût Rad; on the other hand, the Fradatha is placed in our list immediately before the Hvarenanhaiti. We are, therefore, inclined to look towards the east for rivers, with which the preceding two-the Hvaspa and Hvâstra-may be identified. We find on the map of South Afghanistan two main rivers in a corresponding position, whose names must remind us of the Avestic forms-the Khus pås Rad and the Kh&sh Rad. Coming from the southern slope of the Sith Kôh they both reach the eastern basin of the lagune, where the lower course of the Helmand is lost. In Khuspas, a place on the upper course of the Khuspås Rad, we may recognise the town Khoas pa, mentioned by Ptolemy in Arakhosia. The name Hvaspa means "having good horses," and seems to have been a favourite designation for rivets in Irån. Besides the famous Khoa spês near Susa,
23
whose water was supplied to the "Great King" wherever he moved (Herod. i. 188), we hear of another Khoaspês, a tributary of the Kâbul river. The station Cos at a, given by the Anonymous Ravennas, but missing in the Tabula Peutingerana, refers evidently to the town Khash, mentioned already by older Arab geographers, on the bank of the Khâsh Rûd, and supplies a welcome link between the Zand form Hvâstra and the modern name of the river. Whether the water of the Hvâstra Khâsh is in reality what a probable etymology of the name (conf. Sanskrit svattrá, svad) seems to imply,-" well tasting," -may be decided by those who have traversed the arid plains, stretching on both sides of the lower river course.
There is, as yet, no indication to aid us in identifying the remaining river names. But fortunately we find at least one of them recognised in its true character by traditional authority. We read in the Bundahish (as translated by Mr. West, chap. xx. 34; Sacred Books of the East, Vol. V. p. 82) the following interesting passage:
"Regarding Frâsiyav, they say that a thousand springs were conducted away by him into the sea Kyânsih (the Kasava of the Avesta)... ; and he conducted the spring Zarinmand, which is the Hêtamand river they say, into the same sea; and he conducted the seven navigable waters of the source of the Vachaêni river into the same sea, and made men settle there."
The connexion with the Hêtamand shows clearly that the Zarinmand of the Bundahish is the Zarenumaiti of our text. But no further light can be gained at present from this isolated statement. Whether the "seven navigable waters of the source Vachaêni," mentioned besides the Zarinmand, bear any relation to the seven rivers whose names appear in the Yasht passage discussed above, besides the Zarenumaiti, must likewise remain uncertain.
The resemblance of the names and the identity of the epithet pauruvdéra-" rich in pastures," suggest some relation between the river Urvada, and the land (P) Urva, named as the eighth creation of Ahura Mazda in the first chapter of the Vendidad; but Urva itself still remains a most obscure point in Avestic Geography. In spite of the scantiness of historical evidence for the last four rivers, we need not yet renounce all hope of identifying them on some future map of Afghanistan, the present ones shewing a conspicuous blank in quarters where a further exploration of the Paropamissus will, perhaps, reveal some distinct traces of our river names." AUREL STEIN.
The Academy, May 16th, 1885.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1886.
BOOK NOTICES.
AN ILLUSTRATED HANDBOOK OF INDIAN ARMS; Being roads of Mahmod of Ghazni (1001.1030 A.D.) and
a Classified and Descriptive Catalogue of the Arms Exhibited at the India Museum : with an Introduc
the raids of 'Alau'd-din Khilji (1294.1312 AD.) tory Sketch of the Military History of India, by the The next period treats of changes consequent Hon. WILBRAHAM EGERTON, M.A., M.P. London: Allen and Co., 13, Waterloo Place, 1880. R. 8vo.
on the more frequent intercourse between India Some time ago I received, through the kindness
and Europe, following the discovery of the Cape of the author, a copy of the above work. It was
of Good Hope, and extends from the reign of quite new to me at the time, and does not appear,
Babar to the death of the Emperor Aurangzeb. even yet, to be known so well as it deserves; few The third chapter deals with the transactions or none of my Indian friends to whom I have which occurred from the death of Aurangzeb to mentioned it having been it.
the fall of the Mughal Empire, which led to the The readers of the Indian Antiquary will there- introduction of a great variety of arms, and the fore, I hope, be glad to have their attention called
more general use of artillery. During this period to it.
occurred the invasion of the Afghans and the rise When Mr. Egerton, M.P. for Cheshire, visited of the Markthâs, followed by the establishment of India about the year 1855, his attention was drawn
various European factories on the coast; the to the great variety of arms and military weapons struggle between the French and the English, and he there saw. The diffculty of obtaining accurate
their relations with the Native powers, more parti. information regarding the names and origin of
cularly with the recently established Muham. many of these led to the collection, by him, of the madan kingdom of Maisar. The last part (Chapter materials which form the basis of the present
IV.) relates to the period of comparative tranpublication.
quillity under the supremacy of the English rule, It was undertaken in the first instance, as one
during which the subordinate native princes were of a series of Handbooks descriptive of the differ- gradually bronght under subjection to the para. ent sections of the India Museum, but on the mount power, and, instead of contending with each transfer of that.collection, by the India Office, other, amused themselves by drilling their fol. to the Kensington Museum, the design was in lowers on the model of the disciplined troops of terrupted, and the Illustrated Handbook of Indian their conquerors, for purposes of pageantry and Arms was the only one of the series which saw show, while the military operations of the latter the light.
were directed against more distant localities on The subject has been treated by Mr. (now Lord) the North-Eust, and West, and the chapter closes Egerton in a very full and exhaustive manner. with the end of the first Burmese war in 1826. Pramining that he might have arranged the arms After these preliminaries the author pages to on an ethnological, historical or artistic basis, he the more immediate subject of his treatise, and decides, we think rightly, in favour of the first, describes first the embellishments employed in on the ground that "identity of arms often the ornamentation of Indian Arms, which ho denotes identity of race to greater extent than treats under the three forms of Hindi, Iranian language or religion, long after the more import. (Persian) and Turanian art. These be illustrates ant characteristics of language and religion have at length, with appropriate examples and figures, disappeared," in illustration of which he refers to into the details of which we need not follow him, Mr. Ouat's example of the Hindi dialect adopted neither need we enter into an examination of the by the Bhils instead of their original Ko- processes employed in the manufacture of many larian tongue. A similar instance is afforded of the weapons, an interesting description of by the Nairs on the Malabar coast, the descen- which will be found in the second part of the dants, according to Mr. Hodgson, of the Himálayan chapter, but proceed at once to the more Newars, whose normal speech has given place to practical portion which treats of the weapons the vernacular Malay&ļim.
themselves. This is founded on the India Office The treatise opens with a rapid sketch of the Collection as it originally stood, with further Military History of India, commencing with the illustrations from the Royal Collection at earliest arms in use after the pre-historic period to Windsor Castle, that of the Prince of Wales the invasion of the Mughal Emperor B&bar (1494- made during his Indian Tour, the Tower, the 1530 A.D.) Adverting first to the legendary and British Museum, &c., as well as on that formed heroic epoch comprising the age of the great epios, by himself. The whole affords a very completo and the earliest notices of the Greek writers, he description of the warlike implements indigenous passes to the first appearance of the Muhammadans to India, and also of those introduced into it by in the time of the Caliphs (or Khalffas) the in. I the frequent conquests to which it has been

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JANUARY, 1886.)
BOOK NOTICES.
25
subjected, and by the numerous military adventurers who flocked thither for service, or were invited by prospects of advancement or more ambitious aspirations. The first groups of arms described are those of the Aboriginal and Non. Aryan Races, comprising the bows and arrows, clubs and axes, found amongst the earliest inhabitants of the Mainland and the Islands. Leaving the latter he takes a rapid glance at the pre-Aryan races of the Mainland, our information regarding which is too imperfect to admit of an accurate classification. We can point, however, to some of the most characteristic groups, such as the pastoral races represented by the Santâls, Ahirs, and Kurambars; the more warlike and predatory classes like the Bhils, Gdjars, Kolis, Râmosis, Bedars and Marawârs; and the people of the north-eastern tracts who have been described by Colonel Dalton, and to whom the general term of Kolarians has been given. These distinctions again are all more or less fused by the influence of language, as they are connected on the one hand with the Hindi, and on the other with the Dravidian tongues. The weapons in use among all these will be found to exhibit considerable uniformity arising out of the earliest requirements of civilized man. Its normal form is that of the staff or club which supports him in his walk, and acts as his lever for removing obstacles, or repels the assault of an opponent, whether man or beast. A flint inserted at the end becomes a battle-axe or hatchet, and the sharpened edge is the prototype of the eword. With a shorter piece in his left hand he warde off the blows of an assailant, and by increasing its breadth it becomes a shield, and protects him from a hostile arrow. When thick and heavy it serves as a missile; with a slender slip or more convenient reed propelled from a bow he strikes the more distant game beyond reach of the throwing stick.
Among the earliest of these primitive expedients is that represented in the author's illustrations by Nos. 1 and 4 of Group I. at p. 73. It appears to be the primitive weapon of the hill tribes of
The pre-Aryan population has been variously classified by different writers. In the uncertainty that prevails as to origin the simplest groups appear to be those of the pastoral, predatory, and agricultural. Underneath these lie a widely diffused servile class, probably the oldest of all, and represented by the MhArs, Mångs, MAlas, Pariahs, Palayars and various wild tribes, all of which still retain marked peculiarities of language. In Southern India where the Dravidian tongue has effaced all earlier dialects, these remnants of the older races have failed to acquire some of its most remarkable phonetic sounds. Berghaus pute the insignificant group of the Todas of the Nilgiris in the second place of his enumeration. Their numbers never exceeded a thoumand, and they are now much fewer. They belong clearly to the pastoral division, and speak a very rude Dravidian dialect, and will be seen to fall naturally
India, Gonds, Kolis, &c.; as well as of the native inhabitants of Australia. It is made of heavy wood of extreme hardness, rarely of metal, from 18 inches to 2 feet long, and from 2 to 3 inches broad, more or less curved, generally flat: some are hooped with iron and with three or four spikes of the same metal at the extremity to make them more deadly. The hest specimens exactly resemble the Australian Bomerang, and differ in no respect from the weapon used by the ancient Egyptian sportsmen as depicted in the tombs of the kinga at Thebes, an example of which, found in a mummy pit, is preserved in the British Museum. The form differs somewhat in different parts of India, that of the southern predatory tribes, as the Marawârs and Krallars, becomes narrower at one end, terminating in a knob or pommel to give a firmer grip in throwing. These are of different sizes, some in my possession being only 22 inches, but a specimen at Sandringham (sce Plate, fig. 2) measures 234 inches round the curve. They are of a very heavy dark-coloured wood. The collection of the Prince of Wales contains one of fine steel (Plate, fig. 2a) 19 inches long, and 2) broad at the broadest part, not much thicker than a sword blade, with a foliage pattern of silver running along the centre, a very formidable wea. pon; and also one of ivory about the same size, probably intended more for show than use. Not improbably it may be an instance of the radana. kulisa mentioned in the Nagamangala copper plates, which Prof. Eggeling has translated "ivory weapons," and which Prof. Dowson sug. gests were kept as trophies of victory by great princes.. The name given to this missile by the Kolis of Gujarat is katariya (see Plate, fig. 1) but in the Dravidian dialects it is called valai or valai, tadi bent stick) by the Kallars and Marawirs. Some specimens from Tinnevelly in the India Museum are labelled katárt." In some parts of the country the wooden throw-stick has given place to a small sharp hazchet which is thrown with great precision. The Gonds are described by Captain Forsyth as killing pea-fowls, bares, and small deer, by throwing the little axe, which they under Prof. Huxley's Physical Distribution noticed further on.
In the list at p. 78, Group I. No. 4, said to be from Gujarat, is of this form.
3 The wood mort preferred is that called acht maram in Tamil (Hardwickia binata), but they are also made of & species of Diospyros or ebony tree.
ante, Vol. III. p. 152. • Handbook, p. 8i, Groupa II. II. I have never met with this name, but it nearly resembles the term katariya,.word, however, not found in the Gujarati or Marathi Diotionarios, used for the bomerang in GujarAt. and is nearly identical with the name katar or határt given to the dagker with the H-shaped handle worn in the girdle by the military classes throughout India, said to be derived from Sanskrit. See Shakespeare's Hind. Dict. &. v.
of this theme bien, and reprand varieties of lan hann erfaced

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
invariably carry, at them, in doing which they are very expert. Similar testimony is borne by another writer to the accuracy with which they use their little hatchets "knocking over a hare at full speed with astonishing celerity and certainty of aim." "The Baigå Gonds in the Pachmarhi Hills use a hatchet which they throw with great skill at deer and even at tigers. They always carry it in their hand." In the Southern Marâtha Country, and also in the hill tracts of the Madras Presidency, several varieties of clubs and sticks are in use as missiles. Some of these are merely short clubs from 2 to 3 feet long, heavy at the extremity, and go by the name of kuruntaḍi (See Plate, fig. 3). Others are simply sticks of various lengths strengthened by iron bands to give them weight. Two specimens from the Dhârwär district, from 2 feet 7 inches to 2 feet 10 inches, long, heavy, and becoming gradually more curved and wider towards the extremity, and with a steel ring at either end (see Plate, fig. 4) are said to be favourite weapons of the Bedar caste. All these varieties of the throw-stick continue in use to the present day. In the wilder tracts, on the festival of the Ugâdi, which occurs on the first day of the soli-lunar year, early in March, the whole village turns out armed with every available weapon, the great proportion being throw-sticks, the Kanarese term for which is yese-gólu, and beats across the whole area of the village lands, sparing neither bird nor beast, but not venturing across the line of their own boundary. The pursuit of a wounded hare beyond these limits has led to violent affrays with the people of the neighbouring township, similarly engaged, sometimes ending in bloodshed, which has brought them under the cognizance of the magistrate.
Prof. Huxley, in a paper on The Geographical Distribution of the Chief Modifications of Mankind, observes that "the indigenous population of Australia presents one of the best marked of all the types or principal forms of the human race," a description of which he gives, founded on their
Highlands of Central India, p. 118.
Seonee in the Satpura Range, by Robert A. Sterndale,
p. 52.
Handbook, p. 76.
Journal, Ethnological Society, Vol. II. p. 404.
10 The men of the Hadendoa tribe, of whom so many fell in the actions at El-Teb and Tamai, are described by an eye-witness as tall and athletic, with dark skins, the hair divided horizontally round the head above the ears, the upper portion drawn up to the crown, the lower hanging down to the neck, all features of the Australoid type..
[JANUARY, 1886.
physical characters alone, and goes on to state that this group, to which he gives the name of Australoid, is not confined to that continent only, but includes the "so-called hill-tribes who inhabit the interior of the Dakhan in Hindostân." To 'these he adds the Ancient Egyptians and their modern descendants. "For although the Egyptian has been much modified by civilization and probably by admixture, he still retains the dark skin, the black silky wavy hair, the long skull, the fleshy lips, and broadish ale of the nose which we know distinguished his remote ancestors, and which cause both him and them to approach the Australian and the Daśyu more nearly than they do any other form of mankind."
11 Schweinfurth in his Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 9, says, "The principal weapons of the Niam-Niam are their lances and trumbashes. The word trumbash, which has been incorporated into the Arabic of the Soudan, is the term employed to denote generally all the varieties of missiles that are used by the Negro races. It should, however, properly be applied solely to that
Now it is very remarkable that it is to these three groups that the use of the bomerang is exclusively confined, thus adding a further confirmation to the principle of an ethnological classification adopted by the author for the arrangement of the multifarious arms he was about to describe. It is true that the use of the throw-stick had disappeared from the debased inhabitants of Egypt proper, under the grinding influence of centuries of oppression. It is still, however, the national weapon of the brave and unsubdued people of the Soudan, improperly called Arabs, with whom they have nothing in common except their religion, and with whom we have recently come into much to be lamented collision.10 In all the recent conflicts, armed only with their throw-sticks and short spears, they rushed, regardless of the withering fire, upon the serried ranks of their opponents, hurling their wooden missiles and endeavouring to close in with their spears. Several of these sticks, picked up at random by an officer of the Black Watch after the action at El-Teb, are now before me. They are called kolai by the Soudanese, assai in Arabic, and in Central Africa trumbash.11
The best formed are from 30 to 30 inches long and curved only at one end (see Plate, fig. 5) a peculiarity noticed by Wilkinson" and also
sharp flat projectile of wood, a kind of bomerang, which is used for killing birds or hares or any small game. When the weapon is made of iron it is called kulbeda."
13 The use of the throw-stick was very general, every amateur chasseur priding himself on the dexterity displayed with this missile, and being made of heavy wood, flat, and offering little surface to the air in the direction of its flight, the distance to which an expert arm could throw it was considerable; though they always endeavoured to approach the birds as near as possible under cover of the bushes or reeds. It was from one foot and a quarter to two feet in length, and about one inch and a half in breadth, slightly curved at the upper end. Its general form may be inferred from one found at Thebes by Mr. Burton, from those of the Berlin Museum, and from the sculptures." Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, Vol. III. pp. 38, 39, (1837) particu-.. larly fig. 837 on p. 42.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
27
found in the Dakhan, while others resemble the kuruntadi or short club. The affinity of these tribes to the ancient Egyptians, is further de. ducible from their language which belongs to the Hamitic stock. This consists of several groups, one of which under the general name of Bishari (the Bishareen of late newspaper correspondents) is found occupying the extensive tract between Abyssinia and Suskin, and the Red Sea and the Nile. It is described as a language of great historical interest, and is supposed to be that used in the Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of Nubia. The different dialects of which it is composed are now spoken by the Hadendoa, Ababde, Boja, and other tribes, known collectively to the Romans as the Blemmyes, and in the Middle Ages as the Beja."
The bow is very much the same among all the tribes which retain its use. It is about 5 feet long, generally of bamboo, and strung by means of a slip of cane or bamboo bark. The arrows, which are from 2 to 3 feet long, are variously pointed. On one occasion I met with a peculiarity which, as far as I am aware, has not been noticed before. When exploring the Godavari in 1848 we landed to communicate with some natives in a foreat on the bank, and examining their arms Colonel (now Sir Arthur) Cotton, who was of the party, observed that the feathering of their arrows was adjusted spirally.15 On in. quiring the reason they said they had inherited the practice from their forefathers, and that it gave the arrow a more accurate flight.
The above description applies to all the bows in use among the Non-Aryan tribes, but a more elaborate sort, like those numbered 80 and 457 (Handbook, pp. 81, 114) from Travancore and Gwalior, seem to hare been intended rather for show than use. Others of a composite character are alluded to in a note at the same place, but are now seldom, if ever, seen. Examples of the kamdn or curved Tåtar bow, made of horn, are occasionally met with, but being of foreign origin
and belonging to a much later period do not call for more notice here.16
From these ruder weapons we pass to the arms with a cutting edge, which came into uso at a more advanced stage of society, when the art of smelting metal became known. One of the earli. est forms was that in use among the Khonds, Kols, and Sauras known by the name of tångí, a Hindi word of Sansksit origin. It is a sort of axe with wooden handle from 2 to 3 feet long and upwards. They are shod with brass, the blades being of various shapes, each distinctive of the different sections of the tribe. Several of these are figured at p. 73 of the Handbook, where they are entered under the name of tabar," a name I have never heard as being in use among the Khonds, and being a Persian word it is not likely it should be. Other specimens mentioned in the Handbook are said to come from the Malabar Coast. 18
After the bomerang the most characteristic Hindu weapon is a sort of bill or chopper which under various forms and names is found throughout the whole of India from the Himalayas to Capu Comorin. It is the kora (a) of Naipal, the kukri (6) of the Gurkhâs, the ayudha (c) katti of the Nairs and Moplas, and the korgatti of Coorg, Maisar, &c. They are often carried slung to the back equally ready for attack or defence, or for clearing a path through the forest. Parasurima, the leader of the Turanian colony which invaded the western coast, is represented as carrying a parasu (Sanskrit bill or battle-axe), which, though generally figured and translated as a battle-axe, must have been the Nair war-knife or ayudha katti still carried by his tribe. It is the prototype to the eastward of the dd or ddo' which according to Captain Lewin is in general use among the wild tribes. It is a blade about 18 inches long, narrow at the haft, square at the top, pointless, and sharpened on one side only. Speaking of the Karena, Major Tickell says, "In the hand is generally carried the dd (an awkward implement, half-knife, half
13 Specimens of this description were not wanting in the India Museum, as appears by the mention in Mr. Egerton's noto at pp. 78, 81, where he refers to * Cudgels or sticks used by watchmen, robbers, and others, plain and iron-bound. Some of them are 4 and 4 feet long, with which may be associated the clubs called kanda 4 or 5 feet long carried by the Todas (well. marked typical representatives of the Australoid group), which are entirely of wood, neatly shaped, and seem to be the only weapon in use among them.
Cuat's Modern Languages of Africa, Vol. I. pp. 125-26; Conf. also pp. 89, 40.
Since this was written Colonel Clay, late of the Madras Survey, has told me that he brought homo a number of arrows feathered in this way from Gumsur which are now in the posession of Sir Robert Sinclair. Achversdale Lodge, Caithness.
26 Descriptions of these, the mode in which they are
strung, and the agate ring sihghir (from the Porn. siha bowstring and gir taking or catching), or sofan (from the Arabic rootscraping) for protecting the thumb when dincharging the arrow (p. 114) two of which we possess, will be found in the lists. See Nos. 366, 457-59, 592-98.
11 Group I. Nos. 30-32, 35, 37, 30, 40-42, 51, 56. 1 Groups II. III. p. 79, Nos. 89, 90. 19 (a) Group VII. p. 100, Nos. 322, 323.
(6) Group VII. p. 100, No. 314, 315, 318, 319.
(c) ayudha-katti, literally war-knife, is from the Sanskrit Oyudha, A weapon, or arms of any kind, which is derived from the root yudh to fight. It is the aydıtkatti of the Handbook, Groups II. II. p. 79, figs. 111, 119, 128. 90 Group IV. p. 84, Nos. 192, 194, 195, 202, 209, 213.
Group V. Pp. 84-95, Nos. 241, 242, 250, 252.. *1 Wild Races of Southern India.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1886.
chopper), which, like the Lepchas of Sikhim, the Newårs of Nepal, and the Bhotifs of Tibet, they apply to all imaginable uses." It is not in. tended to follow Mr. Egerton through the minute description he gives of the rude tribes to the eastward, and I merely remark in passing that the Burmese sword appears to be derived directly from the bomerang, retaining its curved form, onehalf serving as a handle to the metal blade of the other.
In early Dravidian poems, especially the war songs of the Marawârs, as a weapon is found under the name of val, often translated, but erroneously, a sword. There is little doubt it refers to a form of the bill. The name still lingers in part, in the term applied to the broad sacrificial knife used in some of the temples of Kali, with which the heads of the sheep, goats, and other victims are struck off at a single blow, a feat sometimes accomplished even on a buffalo. The word is used by the Todas, and is found in the iruvalli or axe of the Badagas.
The remaining portion of the work is devoted to the notice of arms not characteristic of any parti. cular race or country, which have been introduced by foreigners, and that chiefly since the earlier Muhammadan conquests. Among these I propose to touch only upon such as have a special Hinda character, and have been more particularly adopted by the natives in that part of India with which I am best acquainted.
The general Hindd term for a sharp-edged instrument is katti, a word which will be seen in combination with some of the names before quoted. This I at first thought might be a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit kdstha=wood, and so deriving it from the wooden throw-stick. But this etymology is not clear. Ite Dravidian parent. age rests on better grounds. Dr. Caldwell,
under the root kadi to cut, inserts katti, a knife, a sword, and refers to the Sanskrit kerit to cut and its many derivatives. Then again we have the Tamil kattai=trunk of a tree or block of wood. The most characteristic weapon of this description that I have seen is the patd. In the Handbook it is called the gauntlet sword of the Maratha Cavalry, in which the arm to the elbow is protected by a steel gauntlet fixed to the blade of the weapon (Nos. 403, 404). I do not remember a single instance in which it formed part of the equipment of the Maratha trooper in the risdlas of Irregular Cavalry in the Dakhan or Gujarat. Indeed it appears to be a weapon unsuitable for use on horseback. I have only seen it carried by men on foot, especially athletes, who declare that with it a single warrior may defend himself against a host. The mode of doing so is shown by an exercise in which the swordsman, holding his weapon horizontally, whirls about with rapid gyrations making sweeping cute and giving point on every side. A skilful feat performed in this exhibition is described on p. 149.
The khanda is the national sword of Orissa, and especially of a class of military landholders in that province known as Khanddits who, like the Minkdvalgdrs of the South were bound to protect the inhabitants of the plains from the attacks of marauders. The khandd is a straight two-edged sword about 3 or 34 feet long, becoming broader at the extremity which is rounded (Hand. book, No. 521.) The term sosanpațd is applied in the Dakhan to a weapon of somewhat remarkable form, probably peculiar to that locality. It varies in length from 2 to 3 feet, becoming broader to wards the end near which it curves outward, terminating in a sharp point. On the back, about 4 or 5 inches from the hilt is a round button. like knob, the use of which is not apparent.
# Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
* These poems, which possess much ethnological interest, relate generally to plundering raids for driving off the cattle of neighbouring villages, and led to fierce encounters. Many of the vergals or monumental stones represent these onttle fights. Specimens of the poems are preserved in old Tamil grammars like the Nannul, and are well deserving of being made more generally known in an English drese, with a critical examination of their contents.
3. The similarity of all the forms above enumerated to those found among other people of Turanian descent, seem to point to a common origin in Central Asia. Ol this we have an example in the Iberian kopia (Korris) a specimen of which, obtained from Spain, is in the Collection of General Pitt-Rivers. It exactly resembles the val. Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon, 8. v., render it "a chopper, cleaver, kitchen knife," also "a broad curved knife like our bill used by the Thessalians, Euripides, Electra, 837) and by eastern nations (Xenophon, Cyropadia, 2, 1, 9, 6, 2, 10). Cl. Sagaris (cráyapís) a weapon used by the Scythian tribes; also by the Per. siana, Amazon, &0.; a single-edged axe or bill." The ancient Egyptians seem to have had a somewhat similar weapon represented in the paintings of the tomba,
and it survives among those of some of the Negro triben figured by Schweinfurth. In the Records of the Past king Amenemhat of the XIIth dynasty, is represented as saving to his son Osirtisen, "I brought men armed with the khopesh, being myself armed with the khopesh." The late George Smith in the second of his three lectures on Assyrian History delivered at the Royal Institution, April 1875, exhibited an "antique bronze weapon of the exact type of the Egyptian khopesh, such as is in no other instance represented among the Assyrian mona. mental stones. It is the property of Mr. Robert Hanbury, the inscription and device on which were formerly ez. plained by Mr. Smith. The beautifully engraved devicean antelope on a pedestal was, it seems, the standard of one of the divisions of the Assyrian army, and the inscription designs it to the reign of Vul-nirnri I., 1330-1300 B.O., of the age of 83 centuries. It is probably the oldest gword in the world."-Times, 20th April 1875.
15 Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 477.
Chiefs of the predatory tribes of the Kallars and Marawars, who protect the villages of the plains from plunder by placing one of their followers in each Villago as kdvalger or watchman, in return for the payment of blackmail.

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ARTIMIN
NAM
WELL
2a.
OS
000)
LE
INDIAN ARMS.
1. Katartys of Gujarft.
4 Vali tadi, variety. 2. Vefal tadi of the Karnatak.
8. Throw-stiok of the Soudan. Pn. Steel ditto.
6. Imaginary sketch of Sounapate Blade. 8. Kuruntidi or Club.
7. Monumental Stone at Guntar. 8. Figure on the Kadambê war Temple in the Fort at Rotihalli, Kod Mluke, Dharwad, 8.M.O.

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JANUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
29
This addition is also found on some of the broad sacrificial od! blades. 'A weapon of the same name is mentioned in the Handbook (p. 104, No. 578 T); but neither the figure nor the description"A short, broad, heavy sword, slightly bent, point inclining upwards; worn by all ranks in Hindastan,"-agrees with the examples I have seen. The kind more particularly referred to is now very rare. The best of those that have come under my observation was in the collection of the Nawab of the Karnatic at Chepâk, a figure of which is not available, but a rough outline is given from memory (see Plate, fig. 6). A specimen specially obtained from Haidarâbâd proved on receipt to be like No. 578 T. The blade is 2 feet long, some what more curved, and wants the knob on the back. It is seen, therefore, to belong to the Hinddstan group, and that the sword known by the same name in the Dakhan is very different. The accom panying rough sketch of a virgal (see Plate, fig. 7) or morlument about 3 feet high, near Guntur, exhibits the Dakhan sosanpatd in a very rude and somewhat exaggerated form. A fourth kind of sword peculiar to the south has a long, straight, sharp-pointed two-edged blade, 3 feet 7 inches long, with a handle so small that it will only admit half the hand, and a broad hilt sloping outwards. In a statue of the founder of the Yadava dynasty of Dvarasamudra, which forms part of a remarkable group, more than once repeated in the Kod Taluka of the Southern Marath country, the hero is shown in the act of piereing a tiger, and holding & sword of this description with his two first fingers outside the hilt, and the rest of his hand within (see Plate, fig. 8). Believing the hilt was intended to protect the hand from the weapon of an opponent, it seemed doubtful whether the sculptor had not been careless in thus representing the grasp of the hand, but the following extract from the work of an old master-at-arms clears up the difficulty, and vindicates the accuracy of the sculptor. "An Englishman cannot thrust straight with the sword because the hilt will not suffer him to put the forefinger over the crosse, nor to put the thumbe upon the blade, nor to hold the pum. mell in the hand; whereby we are of necessitie to hold fast the handle in the hand; by reason whereof we are driven to thrust both compasse and short (sic), whereas with the rapier they can thrust both straight and much farther than we can with the sword because of the hilt, and these be the reasons they make against the sword." This weapon is very uncommon. I have only once met with what I deemed to be an exemplar of it. The long, straight cut-and-thrust blade found
among the local militia known as Shetsanadis and Kataks,called farangtor farhang((No.523 and p.56 note 1) is of European manufacture, and was largely introduced by the Portuguese after the establishment of their trade in Malabar. They are often stamped with what appear to be single letters far apart, but not legible, as if impressed by workmen copying marks they did not understand. It is still commonly met with among all classes in the south, but chiefly among the village soldiery before mentioned. Bhawodni, the sword of Sivaji, is a long straight weapon slightly curved and double-edged towards the point, resembling the kind known in Upper India as the sirohi, and the regulation blade carried by the British Cavalry. At a Darbar held by the Hon'ble Mountstuart Elphinstone at Rihmatpár about 1826, at which I was present, the Raja of Sattará exhibited this weapon, and at the same time the bagh-nak, or tiger-claw, with which his ancestor treacherously slew 'Afzal Khan, the Muhammadan general of Bijapur. The weapon so called consists of four sharp curved claws resting at the base of each finger on a transverse steel band, terminating in a ring fitted to the fore and little finger, and looks externally simply like an ornament, while the weapon remains concealed in the palm. This last was subsequently presented, at another Darbár, . to Sir John Malcolm, by whom it was probably given to the India Museum, and now appears in the Handbook as No. 476."
A variety of names are given to the long straight blades comprehended under the general name of saif, shamsher, &c. Talwar is a general term applied to shorter and more or less curved side arms, while those that are lighter and shorter still are often styled nimchas. The 'abbusi is an elegant curved Persian scimitar, 80 called from the name 'Abbde often stamped on the blade. The name shamsher given to them in the lista is rather & generic term equivalent to sabre. The blades are sometimes richly "ornamented (like No. 654, p. 132), on both sides with numerous figures of animals, incised and damascened in gold." In a similar example now before me the figures are in relief, and display on one side two elephants butting, a horseman pursuing a stag, two buffaloes fighting, a chit 4 killing & deer, two lions opposito each other, an elephant and a deer, a buffalo, a tiger killing a buffalo. On the other side a horseman pursuing a deer, a tiger suckling its young one, two lions face to face, a tiger on its back killing a deer, a tiger killing a deer, the latter on its back, tiger killing a calf and three other calves. The teghá
* P. 115. See also p. 27.
» The Paradores of Defence. By George Silver (a Master of Fenoe) Gentleman, London 1599, 4to.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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a very broad, much curved blade, is a favourite central blade, which bears this inscription on both weapon of the Pathậns. On one occasion a sides :sword ingeniously formed out of the snout of
X X INTI X X DOMINI X X. the saw-fish (Pristis), was seen in the hands of Another fantastic dagger has three long narrow a soldier in a hill fort in Maisar not far from blades parallel to one another, the middle one Chitaldurg. A great variety of daggers are longest, and on it are the letters EDRO. A carried in the sash or waist band. The most katár with a handle throughout of beautiful work. common in South India are the katar before manship, the open-work sides an arrangement of mentioned, and the bank or bichhwd. The first griffins, phenixes, and clustered fishes, and the is specially affected by the military classes. It is holdfasts of the blade each four fancifully groupof various sizes, but always with the same handle, ed parrots, bears on one side the blade, which is and more or less ornamented. I have one with two broad and three-channelled, the letters & M.V.N., blades side by side, but not otherwise remarkable. and on the other c v.m, with a human face in a The second is a small dagger, varying a good crescent further up. A second katur has the deal in form, but all more or less curved. Many handle covered with a guard representing a cobra others of foreign origin are met with, as the with expanded hood between two rampant griffins ; Persian peshkabz and khanjar, the Arab jambiya, the long narrow blade exhibits a single deep the long Afghân knife and the Lesght dagger groove "in which on one side are the letters with a long broad double edged blade, as also IOHANIS • VLL, and on the other four or smaller knives with the general name of churt five indistinct letters, and then ALIV N. A or katti
third with a handsome well-wrought steel hilt, I will here refer to the light thrown on the origin after the thick layer of rust that coated it had of the numerous swordblades known by the name been removed, disclosed to my surprise, in two of farhangts by the description given in a former deep channels on each side the blade the wellnumber of the Indian Antiquary of the Armoury known name at Tanjore. On the death of the last Raja in 1855
ANDREA the whole of the personal and landed property
PERAR A." was made over to his widow, with the exception of The number of arrows and arrow-heads scatter the armoury. This was found to be in a most ed about is stated to bave been very large, "the neglected condition. Arms of all descriptions former as usual, of reeds, with bone or ivory were lying heaped together on the sunk floor of nocks and spike-heads of all possible shapes, short an out-building in the precincts of the palace, and lengthened, rounded, three or four-sided, called the music-ball, but apparently used for channelled, or bulging in the centre; many were athletic sports, and surrounded by a gallery for barbed, and many flat-tipped or ending in small
globes,-- perhaps for killing birds without breakHandreds of swords of every kind lay caked ing the skin; and there were some headed with together and covered with rust. Many of those hollow brass balls perforated with three or four that could be cleaned were found to be of choice holes, which were said to be filled with some inmanufacture and highly ornamented. The num- flammable composition, and shot burning on to ber of straight cut-and-thrust blades was very roofs and into houses. Under the head each great, which Mr. Wallhouse, quoting a former arrow was elaborately gilt and painted for six writer (ante, Vol. II. p. 216), states to have derived inches down the stem, and also for the same their name of "phirangis from the Portuguese, by length above the nock, and each bore above the whom they were either introduced from Europe, feathers an inscription of two lines in Marathi or else made in imitation of such imported characters in gold," &c. &c. swords."
Several kinds of spears are included in the In addition to these were numerous kalare with lists. The most common are the long Jance ornamented handles fitted to blades formed of or birche carried by the Maratha Silahddrs, pieces of European swords. The design and exe. and the Irregular Musalman troopers of the cution of these handles is described as being of Dakhan. It has a bamboo shaft 10 to 12 feet the highest artistic merit. “The fancy shown is long, and a small steel head with a long endless and the execution minute and admirable." iron ferrule at the lower end for sticking it .... "One has the grasp covered by a into the ground. The ballam or bhala is a shield-shaped guard of pierced steel, bearing a strong pike 8 or 9' feet long, with a heavy somegriffin on each outer rim, from whose backs small times curved, steel head, a formidable weapon, blades project on each side at right angles to the and the favourite arm among the Polygar foot
** Vol. VII. pp. 192-96.
spectators.

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BOOK NOTICES.
JANUARY, 1886.]
soldiers which has been used with much effect in defending their strongholds. A shorter javelin, sometimes seen, but not used in the South, where it is attributed to the Rajputs, is the sáng, a slender iron shaft grasped in the middle, with a thong attached. A specimen before me is 6 feet 9 inches long, 26 inches of which form the quadrangular point.
It remains only to notice a few miscellaneous weapons. The parrying stick formerly mentioned has developed into a more artificial form called the márú or mádú. The ringed shaft of one before me is 22 inches long, terminating in a turned knob at one end, and in a sharp spear point at the other, which is 5 inches more. The handle, about the middle of the shaft, is protected by an unarmed guard.30 Another form called the singautá, made of two antelope horns, (sing,) 26 inches long, joined at their base by a handle from which projects a short blade, the extremities shod with pointed javelin heads, each about 4 inches long."
Here, too, I may mention the flail, a specimen of which from Southern India has a handle or shaft 15 inches long, from the end of which depend two chains 19 inches long, attached by a ring, each ending in a ball. A similar weapon appears to have been used by the ancient Britons of which I remember to have seen a figure in a pictorial History of England.
Blue clad Sikh mercenaries are sometimes met carrying on their conical turbans half a dozen steel chakras or more, which they discharge with considerable accuracy.
Of the two concluding chapters the first is devoted to a description of the martial exercises and games practised at the Dassara (Dasahra) and on other festive occasions at Native courts. These have now fallen somewhat into disuse in the South, but in many villages in the Marâthâ country, and in most Native Regiments, gymnasia or talim-khanas are kept up for the practise of athletic exercises by the young men of the place. The principal of these are the dand, in which the hands are placed on the ground and then bending down until the chest almost touches the floor, the body is raised by straightening the arms; the magdar, in which two heavy clubs are used in a series of motions somewhat like dumb bells; the lézam or bow with a steel chain for a string, which is pulled by extending either arm alternately with great force. The proficient
30 Cf. Saintt. Handboek, No. 557. In the Soudan curved stick, with a hollow in the centre to protect the hand, called a quayre is used for the same purpose. Another called the dang is shaped like a bow and receives the blow of the club on the string. Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 155.
1 Handbook, Group X. No. 694.
31
multiplies the performance of each of these exercises as his strength allows until he can repeat them from fifty to a hundred times or even more, by means of which his muscular powers become fully developed and fit him to compete with advantage in their favourite game of wrestling. On festive occasions the athletes of a district meet to contend for the mastery, in which one or two of the most successful become recognised as the rural champions of the neighbourhood.
The last chapter treats of artillery and describes some of the most remarkable pieces of ordnance that have been cast in India.
The lists likewise contain the names of some varieties of the matchlock, as karol,-a term new to me, the carbine of Haidar 'Ali's cavalry; jazd'ila wall-piece, whence perhaps the Dakhani jinjal. A piece heavier than the common matchlock is found amongst the Marawârs of Sivaganga and is called sarboji, which may have some connection with the name of the neighbouring ruler of Tanjore (Serfoji vulgo Sarboji). A still larger kind belonging to the same part of the country is the sanjali.35
The work is interspersed with much interesting information regarding the warlike habits and practices of different races, and I feel assured that it will be found very instructive, as well as useful, to the readers of the Indian Antiquary.
Want of sight will account for inaccuracies which may have crept into the foregoing descriptions and particularly in referring to the figures. WALTER ELLIOT, K. C.S.I.
BERUNI'S INDICA. Preliminary Notice.
Ever since Reinaud's Extraits and Mémoire made fragments of Bêrûnî's Indica accessible, the great importance of his work for the political and literary history of India has been generally recognized, and the desire to see the whole made publigi juris has been frequently expressed. It will be, therefore, welcome news to all who feel an interest in India, that Professor Sachau, to whom we owe an excellent edition and translation of Bêrani's Chronology, has almost finished printing the text of the Indica, and that a large portion of his translation will shortly be ready for the press. An examination of Professor Sachau's MS., which he kindly placed at my disposal, has convinced
3 Handbook, Group I. No. 62.
33 [The Dasahra is everywhere still in full swing in North-West India.-ED.]
3 [In the out-of-the way fort of Bahadurgarh or Saifbåd near PatiAlA town is a large quantity of Native ordnance of all sorts and ages worth examining.-ED.]
35 Madr. Jour. Vol. IV. p. 360. Nelson's Madura, p. 41.

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me that Reinaud's extracts have by no means exhausted all the interesting information contained in Bêrunt's book. On the contrary, there is not a branch of Indology-with, perhaps, the single exception of Vedic studies which will not gain very considerably by its publication Bêrani was himself a Sanskrit scholar. He studi. ed some Sastras, especially astronomy and mathematics, deeply, possessed a superficial knowledge of others, and made careful inquiries among the best Pandits of his time, regarding the remainder and regarding the geography and the history of India. Though he complains of the want of communicativeness on the part of the Brihmans, which he ascribes partly to their ar. rogant contempt for all but their own caste. fellows, and partly to their hostility towards the Muhammadan invaders of their country, he has nevertheless collected more, and more correct, information than any foreigner who wrote before the great opening-up of Brahmanical India under British rule. His wide culture, his high scientific attainments, and his full acquaintance with the literature of the Western nations, enabled him to estimate Hinda science and learning at their proper value, and permitted him to draw interesting parallels. Both the accounts left us by the Greeks and by the Chinese pilgrims read, by the side of Bêrani's work, like children's books, or the compi. lations of uneducated and superstitious men, who marvelled at the strange world into which they had fallen, but understood its true character very little. Böranf's style is somewhat stiff and quaint, and he often devotes much space to very abstruse matters yet his book will possess considerable interest even for the general reader, and many passages will be found to be highly amusing. In order to show how much the specialist may gain from a careful study of the Indica, I may give, as an instance, the remarks on the Sikhita of Ugrabhati, which explains the Kdtantra Grammar. It is the last on the list of Indian grammatical compositions, and Bêrant adds the following account of the manner in which it became famous :-Ugrabhati, he says, was, according to common report, the spiritual guide and teacher of the reigning Shah, Anandap&la, the son of Jayapala. When he had composed his work, he sent it to Kasmir for the approval of the learned. The latter," being haughtily conservative," re- jected it as useless, and refused to study it. Thereupon he moved his royal pupil to forward" 200.000
dirhams and presents of equal value," to be distributed among those who would learn and teach it. The consequence was that the Kasmirians, "showing the meanness of their avarice," immediately recanted their former opinion, and not only adopted the Sikhitd as their class-book, but wrote numerous commentaries on it. Now this story, which, at first sight, reads like a spiteful anecdote, can easily be shown to be quite true, and it enlightens us on various difficult points. As it is the custom in Northern India to pronounce sa instead of ba and kha instead of sha, it is evident that the Sikhita is the Sishyahita commentary on the Katantra, copies of which I brought from Kasmir in 1875. The first service which Beruni does us is that he gives us its date, the beginning of the 11th century. But he teaches us still more. The Sishyahitd is at present only found in Kasmir, where several commentaries on it, written by Kasmirians are extant, and where it is a favourite class-book. To any one acquainted with the literary history of Kasmir, it must be clear that the Katantra was not the gram. mar originally studied in the valley, but that in earlier times the works of Paniņi's school alone were studied and commented on. This struck me very much at the time of my visit, and I inquired in vain for the causes of the change. Bêrani's story now furnishes an easy explanation, and its truth is confirmed by the state of things in Kasmir. The same story teaches us further that royal favour and liberality were employed in the interests of mere school-books, and that the needy Pandits easily succumbed to such influences. Ugrabhati's CARA WA nrobably not the only on of its kind, and it will be well for the historian of Sansksit literature if he does not trust too exclu. sively to the theory of natural development, but is also in other cases on the look-out for similar external influences, which the anecdotes of the Pandits mention not rarely. Finally, the assertion, made in Jaina and Brahmanical Prabandhas, that, during the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries, the sabhds of the Kaśmirian Pandita were considered literary courts of appeal, becomes now credible. The same story is told regarding the Naishadhiya, which its author is said to have taken to Kasmir, and to have placed in the lap of the goddess Sårada. Hitherto, I must confess, I doubted that this narrative had any foundation in truth, but now it seems very probable.
G. BÜHLER.

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
83
THE SASBAHU TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA,
OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1150.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. Na projecting point near the middle of the pala dedicated to it the temple in the door.
eastern wall of the fortress of Gwalior way of which the inscription under notice was there are two temples, which the people call the recorded. This statement has already been temple of the mother-in-law and her daughter- discredited by General Canningham on the in-law" (ET R T SETT). "By our own evidence of the sculptures; and (like other countrymen," so General Cunningham writes, statements which it is unnecessary to mention (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 357)," they are here) it is distinctly refuted by the inscription generally called the great Jain temple,' and itself, in which it is recorded again and again, the small Jain temple ;' bat, as the sculptures, that the temple was built for the worship of which can be recognised both inside and outside Vishnu. of the larger temple, are chiefly confined to the My own transcript of this very interesting members of the Hindu triad and their consorte, and valuable inscription has been made from an I conclude that the temple must belong to the estampage, which at my request was prepared Brâhmanical worship. Inside the portico there for me, on his recent visit to Gwalior, by Dr. is a long inscription, No. VII., on two slabs, Hultzsch, to whom my best thanks are due for with the date of S. 1150, or A.D. 1093." the great trouble which he has taken on my
An edition of this inscription was attempted, behalf. I have finally revised my reading by from a facsimile supplied by General Cunning- the photo-lithograph, prepared from an inkham, by Dr. Rajendralal in the Jour. Beng. As. impression sent to Mr. Fleet by General Can. Soc Vol. XXXI. p. 411 ff.; but owing, I as- ningham, and published herewith. The estam. Bume, to the imperfect state of the materials page shows--what indeed could not have been from which he was working, the text printed inferred from Dr. Rajendralal's account-that by Dr. Rajendralal is so full of errors and the inscription has on the whole been well preomissions that it may be considered almost served; it no doubt contains many passages, valueless. Dr. Rajendralal has also given (loc. sometimes extending over half a dozen letters, cit. p. 400 ff.) an abstract of the contents of the where the stone is worn away, and the deciinscription, which, as in several particulars it phering of which has on that account been very cannot be made to agree with the Sanskrit text troublesome; yet in the whole of the inscription published by him,'must have been based on the there is not a single akshara of which some "Thent Hindvi translation, prepared for the late traces at least are not visible; and I venture to Major Markham Kittoe,' which is mentioned by hope that the new transcript will be found to him on page 400. Misled probably by the contain a complete and trustworthy copy of popular belief or by the name Padmantha, the original. which occurs in the opening blessing and in As has been stated above, the inscription, the body of the inscription, Dr. Rajendralal which is in Sansksit, is engraved on two slabs. has pronounced the temple, in which the in- The writing on the first slab covers 5 1}" in scription is to be a Jain temple, and he has told length and 1'64' in height; that on the second how, during the reign of the king Mahipala, slab 5' 4' in length and 1' 6' in height. Each a figure of Padmanathara Jain divinity- portion contains twenty-one lines; but the came suddenly into existence, and how Mahi.
writing in the last line of the second part
I owo the words in brackets to Mr. Fleet. The current name of the temple has therefore nothing to do with sahasra-bahu 'hundred-armed.'
On p. 400 Dr. Rajendralal writos -"The composer of the deed was one Manikanths of the Bharadwaja götra ;" on p. 418, lines 4 and 8, we read af . He pro. oveds "and ita writer Digambarkrks. Its engraving needed the servioes of three artists, Padma, son of Dévaswami, Sinhav ja and MAhula." of these five dames, only that of Padma oocars in the Sanskrit text on p. 418.
On p. 401 we read "Vajradama, according to our insoription, before entering into Gwalior, had subdued the king of Vindhyanagara." The Sanskrit text on p. 411 contains the words futottur aftan aritz4. In reality the correot reading is neither Vindhyanagara nor Vairinagara, but Gudhinagara.
I have also had rubbing of the inscription,-prepared for Dr. Burgess, which, for a rubbing, is very good, and the eight of which first made me wish to re-edit the inscription. With it alone, however, I should not have been able to aooomplish the task.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
covers only about one-third of the length of the whole line. The inscription has been carefully and beautifully written in Dêvanâgarî characters by one Yasodêva-Digambarârka, 'the sun of the Digambaras' (V 106) who is described as a poet in all languages, and engraved by the three artists Padma, the son of Dêvasvâmin, Simha vâja, and Mahula, whose names are given in the concluding lines. As regards the forms of the letters, I may state that the sign for is frequently not to be distinguished from that for, and that I often have found it difficult to distinguish the signs for a and, and those for and. Besides, I may draw attention to the sign for which is used in ga in L. 1, and in towards the end of L. 11; and to that for भ, which occurs in भगवान् and सुभगं at the beginning of L. 3. Lastly, a peculiar sign for is used in the word : in L. 9.
On the spelling of the words, and on the observation of the rules of Sandhi, but few remarks are required. Concerning the rules of euphony, it may be observed that a final has not been changed to Anusvára before a following initial व in L. 3 भूभृताम्वद्य, L. 13 यम्बीढास्मो, L. 18 भूमीभृताम्विबुध, and L. 25 त्वविशुद्ध and that, wherever it occurs, has been changed to, even in L. 6, Tai, L. 9, area, and L. 22, eg. As regards the spelling, we find for everywhere, except in L. 5 सौर्याब्धिना; but we have once वपुः for वपुः, in L. 1. We have the dental for the palatal sibilant in अंसु L. 8, अविनासिन् L. 30, भालु, L. 20, आस्विन L. 40, चतुब्विंसति L. 32, निस्विस L. 10, पञ्चास L. 40, पञ्चासत् L. 40, प्राविसत् L. 26, रासि L. 2, fra L. 20, L. 19, L. 12 and 25, L. 13, L. 5, 14, 23, and 29, and स्रुत्वा L. 9; (but we have also अंशु L. 29, अनीनशः 1. 28, आशु L. 28, विंशति L. 39, विद्यन्ती L. 13, L. 35, and PT L. 23). On the other hand, we find the palatal sibilant used for the dental sibilant in श्रुत L. 10 for स्रुत, and शाशनोदित L. 34 for शासनोदित (against शासति L. 10). Lastly, the Jilvánuliya has been employed instead of the lingual sibilant in fax, x, and for निष्क, निष्कलङ्क, and चतुष्क, all in L. 36.
3
With the exception of the introductory sff
Yusodeva, it is stated in the inscription, was a friend of Manikantha, the composer of the inscription, and of one Pratapa-Labkéévaravách, who was a friend of both.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
नमः पद्मनाथाय and the date in 1. 40 अंकतोपि ११५० || आस्विनवहुलपंचम्यां, the whole inscription is in verse, and was composed, by order of the king Mahipala, by the poet Manikantha (or Manikanthasûri), who calls himself a student of the Mimásd and Nyaya, and states that his father was the poet Govinda, and his grandfather the chief of poets Rama, and that he belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra (verses 104-105). It contains altogether 112 verses, in the following metres:
Anushṭubh: verses 2, 11, 13-15, 21, 24, 25, 32-34, 65, 66, 69, 79-99, 100 (only half a verse), 101-105, 107, 108, 110-112. [Total 46.]
Indravajrå: verses 9, 72, 75. [3] Upêndravajrá: verses 8, 74. [2.]
Upajâti: verses 22, 30, 68, 71, 73, 76, 106. [7.] Drutavilambita: verse 7. [1.]
Vasantatilakâ: verses 12, 20, 23, 35-59, 70, 78. [30.]
Sikhariņi: verses 4, 26, 28, 67. [4.] Mandâkrântâ: verse 31. [1.]
Śârdûlavikriḍita: verses 1, 5, 6, 10, 16-19, 29, 60-64, 77, 109 [16.]
Sragdhara: verses 3 and 27. [2.]
When I say that the inscription is in verse, I do not mean to maintain that it is a poetical composition from the beginning to the end; for the whole passage from verse 71 to 112, excepting perhaps two or three verses, is-with its strings of names, lists of ornaments and sacrificial implements, and bare statements of facthardly more than a piece of prose put in the form of the Anushṭubh and Trishṭubh metres. But I believe that the first 70 verses will be found to compare favourably with any similar number of verses in such works as, e.g., the Vikramánkadévacharita, composed about the same time. If they contain no very striking and original thoughts, their author probably had little to tell, and he, at any rate, has shown that he was familiar with the rules laid down for poetical compositions of the kind, and had carefully studied the Kávyas in which those rules had been exemplified. His poetry is, on the whole, easy to understand, and his language correct
and fluent.
Considering the great length of the inscription, the historical information furnished by it
He is himself the composer of the Gwalior inscription No. VIII., which will be re-edited by Dr. Hultzach.

Page #43

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
35
is exceedingly scanty, and may be summed up as follows: Verse 5.- In the Kachchha pag hâta (or,
v. 57, Kachchhapâri) race there was a prince
(1) Lakshmana. Verses 6-7.-He had a son (2) Vajrad â man,
who defeated the ruler of Gadhinagara (KÂnyakubja) and conquered the fort of
Gopadri (Gwalior). Verse 8. - He was succeeded by (3) M ang ala
råja. Verses 9-11.-(4) Kirttirå ja, who succeed
ed him, defeated the prince of Málava. He built a temple of Siva in the town of
Siñ ha på niya. Verses 12-13.-His son was (5) Múla dê va,
also called Bhuvanapala, and Trailokyamalla. Verses 14-15.- Mladêva's son, from his queen
Dévavrata, was (6) Déva pala. Verses 16-30.-(7) Padma påla, his son,
carried on wars in all quarters; his armies are said to have marched even to the south
ern-most point of India. He died young. Verses 31-67.-He was succeeded by (8)
Mahipala, also called Bhuvanaikamalla, who being described as son of Sarya pala (Suryapalasya sinuh, or, v. 51, Süryajanita, and, v. 58, Süryansipanandana) and bhrát i of Padmap å la, probably was a cousin of the latter. Nothing definite of any historical importance is said of Mahipala, unless there is in v. 50 an allusion to some war in which a prince of the Gandharvas was defeated by him. As the inscription is dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150, and as the temple at which it is put up was only completed, not began, by Mahîpâla, and was completed immediately after his coronation, we may assume that the latter event took place not long before V.-S. 1150. Mahipala's minister was Gaura (verses 109 and 110), the son, it appears, of Yogesvara (v. 77).
The temple, at which the inscription is pat up, was built for and dedicated to Vishnu. This appears not only from the introductory verses (1-4), which invoke the blessings of Hari and of Aniruddha, an incarnation of Vishņu, but also from the distinct statements in verses 26 and 28, where the temple is described as bhavanaih Haréḥ and Hari-sadanam
the edifice of Hari,' or seat of Hari,' and from the references to Vishņu, his wife Lakshmi, and his incarnations, in the later portion of the inscription. That the name Padmanatha, in the ori namah Padmanátháya with which the inscription opens, must be taken to be a local name of Vishnu (suggested by such ordinary names of that deity as Padmanabha, Padmagarbha, Padmin) clearly appears from a comparison of the verses 30 and 69. In the former verse we read that Padmap a la died when the god, who from what precedes can be no other than Vishņu, was only half completed; and in v. 69 we are told that Mahipala, so soon as he had been crowned, vowed to complete Padmanatha, and that he kept his vow (V. 70). It is easy to conjecture that this particular name was chosen to honour the memory of the prince Padma pâla (see V.1) who had begun the erection of the temple and buildings connected therewith, and had, it appears (see V. 30), designed the charitable institutions which were completed only by his successor.
What these charitable institutions were and how they were kept up, what portion of his revenues Mahipala devoted to the erection of the temple-buildings, what idols he gave to the temple, what ornaments he presented them with, what arrangements he made and what implements he furnished for their worshiphas been fully stated in verses 71-102 of the inscription, and need not be repeated here. I will only add, that I am unable to identify the village of P Ash âņa palli (v. 75), the income from which was divided into 30 shares, of which a few were allotted to the god, and by far the greater number to Brâhmans. The statement, in the original publication, that assignments of land in the district of Brahmapura were made for the support of the temple rests on a misunderstanding.
The contents of the concluding portion of the inscription (verses 103-112) have already been given above.
In my transcript I have enclosed within brackets all aksharas which are indistinct in the estampage, from which I have transcribed the text; ail those aksharas, about which I am at all doubtful, I have pointed out in the notes.
. I am unable to identify this town.
• Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 402.

Page #44

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
I trust I shall not be blamed for having , यहीरव्रतपूरका" समचरस्पोडोषणाडिण्डिमः ॥ omitted from my translation the verses 35-60.
-V.6. A literal translation of these verses, which नचालतः किल केनचिदप्यहञ्जगति भूमिभृतेति कुतू. frequently remind one of passages in the
हलात् । Kailambari and Vasavadatta, would have been तुलयति स्म तुलाप रु]षैः स्वयं स्वमिह य[सविधुimpossible or would have required more notes
अहिरण्मयैः ॥
-V.7. than the verses deserve. Besides, to the Sans- ततो रिपुध्वान्तसहस्रधामा नृपोभवन्मkrit scholar those verses will offer no difficulty; []
गलराजनामा। and for the historian unacquainted with Sans- य ईश्वरैकप्रणतिप्रभावान्महेश्वराणाम्प्रणतः सहस्त्रैः ।। krit the short abstract of their contents which
-V.8. I have inserted between the translation of vy.
श्रीकीर्तिराजो नृपतिस्ततोभूयस्य प्रयाणेषु चमूसमुत्यैः। 34 and 61, will, I believe, be sufficient.
धूलीवितानःसममेव चित्रं मिवस्य वैवर्ण्यमभूहिषश्च ।। TEXT.'
-1.9. First Part.
किं बूमोस्य कथा ड]तं नरपतेरेतेन सौर्याब्धिना" __ ओं.
दण्ड] मालवभूमिपस्य समरे संख्यामतीतो जितः। औ नमः पद्मनाथाय ॥
यस्मिन्भिनमुपागते दिशि दिशि वासाहर्षोत्फुल्लविलोचनैर्दिशि दिशि प्रोडीयमानं जन
स्करामच्युतः मंदिन्यां विततन्ततो हरिहरव्रह्मात्पदानि क्रमात् । ।
__मीणाः स्वगृहाणि कुन्तनिकरैः संच्छादयां"चश्वेतीकृत्य यदात्मना परिणतं श्रीपमभूभृद्यशः
क्रिरे॥
-V.10. पायादेष जगन्ति निमलवपुः श्वेतानिरुद्धश्चिरम् ॥
अद्भुतः सिंहपानीयनगरे येन कारितः। -Verse 1.
कीर्तिस्तंभ इवाभाति मासादः पार्वतीपतेः।-V.11. मौलिन्यस्तमहानील]शकल: पातु वो हरिः। दर्शयन्निव केशस्थनव
तस्मादजायत महामतिमूलदेवः ["]
पृथ्वीपतिर्भुवनपाल इति प्रसिद्धः। जीमूतकर्णिकाम् ।।-V.2. मुक्ताशैलच्छलेन क्षितितिलकयशोरासिना निम्मितीय
आनन्दयञ्जगदनिन्दितचक्रवर्ति
चिट्ठरलंकृततनुर्मनुतुल्यकीर्तिः॥ -V. 12. न्देवः पायावुषायाः पतिरतिधवलस्वच्छकान्तिजगन्ति ।
यस्य वस्ता[न्य भूपालां साम्पालयतः म[न्वा]नः सर्वथैव विभुवनविदितं श्यामतापहवं यः ।
प्रभो। घस्वं वर्णचिहं मुकुटतमिलनीलकान्या विभ
भुवन्नैलोक्यमलस्य निःसपबमभूज्जगत् ॥-V. 13. सिं"।
-V.3. राज्ञी देवव्रता तस्य हरेल [क्ष्मीरिवाभवत् । इदं मौलिन्यस्तं न [भ]वति महानीलशकलं
तस्यां श्रीदेवपालोभूत्तनय[स्तस्य भूपतेः॥ -V.14. म मुक्ताशलेन स्फुरति घटितश्चष
स्यागेन कर्णमजय[त्पार्थ कोदण्डविद्यया।
भगवान् । धर्मराजञ्च सत्येन [स] युवा विनयाश्रयः।। -V. 15. उषाकणोत्तंसीकरणसुभगं नीलनलिनं
सूनुस्तस्य विशुद्धबुद्धिविभवः"पुण्यैः प्रजानामभूवहत्यद्याप्यस्याश्चिरविरहपाकृततनुः॥ -V.4. न्मान्धातेव [सचक्रवत्तितिलकः श्रीपञपालः प्रभुः। आसीवीर्यलघूकृतेन्द्रतनयो नि:शेषभूमीभृता.
मत्स्वाम्येपि कम्वयः"कच्छपघातवंशतिलकः क्षोणीपतिर्लक्ष्मणः।
प्रवृत्तिरपरस्येतीव यश्चिन्तययः कोदण्डधरःप्रजाहितकरश्चक्रे स्वचित्तानुगा
न्दिग्यावासु मुहुः खरांसुमरुणसान्द्रेश्चमूरेणुभिः१। जामेकः पृथुव[स्पृथू]नपि हाल्पा टप] पृथ्वीभृतः।।
-v. 16. -V.5.
कृत्वान्याः स्ववशे दिशः क्रमवशा[दाशाक्षिणा सस्माइजधरोपमः क्षिति
मुक्षिप्ताचलसत्रिभानविरतं [यरस]न्यवाजिवजैः। [] पतिः श्रीवजामाभव
उडतान्पततः पयोधिमभितः संप्रेक्ष्य रेणूत्कराहुरोजितवाहु दण्डविजिते गोपाद्रिदुग्गै[य]धा। न्भूयोप्युटसेतुवन्धन"धि[या वस्यति नक्तश्चराः॥ निर्व्याजम्परिभूय [गाधि]"नगराधीशप्रतापोदय
-V.17. ' From the ink-impression. • Rend मास्पदानि. ing akshara is clearlyr, not च. . Read Pag: 20 Read far." Read fruta.
in Read ब्रूमोस्य. " Read शौर्याम्धिना.
» Rend संछादयां. " Rend 'बुद्धिविभवः.. " Rend भृतां वन्द्यः . P Rend बाहु.
• Read खरांशुमरुणत्सान्द्रश्च मूरेणुभिः; the akshara si may · The reading is certain.
have been altered to दै. " पूरक: I am nomewhat doubtful about the first |
The follow. I " Read 'बन्धन akshara; it loola to me like,altered to
[]

Page #45

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Page #46


Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
[व] स्वेन्दुघुतिडम्परनामी रामाने भ्रमशीलखण्डन-.
[वै]
[']
भयादमामुव [न्त]: प्रियान्। नूनं शक्रपुरःसरामरवधूसंघाः श्रिये [सां] प्रत [[]] तिये प्रथमतः प [र] वपुः संश्रिते ॥ --V 18.
कैर्दृष्टाः क[समस्त ] वांच्छित [फलभ्राजिष्णवः] पादपा गावः कामदुघाः क [कैः क म]नयः कैश्चिन्तितार्थमदाः ।
[[]ष्टाः कस्य मनोरथा इह न केः पत्यामुना पूरिता वीरोद्यानतट [स्य ] "गुणव] [त]: कल्पद्रुमादीन्य
पि ॥
-V. 19.
[[ ] स्वा" न पद्मनृपर्ति प [10]
•रिरक्षिता भूः [प्रा[प्तोन्यथापि ] यदसौ वत नमभावः । [दोरथ्या]] भिरम्परवनुविपिनेष्य [को]
द्य[स्मात्प्रतिक्ष] "णमिति प्रतिपंथिसार्थः ॥ - V. 20. 'भ्रमः कुलालचक्रे [ षु ] लोभः पुण्यार्ज्जनेष्वभूत् । कादिन्यं कुचकुं[भषु ] तf [स्मशा] सति मेदिनीम् ॥ असम्मतोदगुनस्य पीडा सामु निविंत" परिश]तापि । इस्याल" न तु पार्थ तथापि यो वैरिन
-V. 21.
गाय ॥
-V. 22.
सद्यः मु. 30
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
["]
तापयति [कीर्णरूपो] [वैरिडि पाधिपशिरोमणिनिः [समन्तात् । लोकानुरागय [श ] सामिव वीजवाप
विस्तारयां यदसिरास रणाजिरेषु ॥ वने व [इरि नारीणां हैमनीरज [निश्व] यः । शृङ्गाणां तन्मुखे नातो है [म] नीरज [निश्च] यः ॥
-V. 24.
प्रजाभर्चा ते
C
स विषय नदीत्रे संप पूर्णध[[]]
["]
-V. 23.
विरमयः फलम् ॥ - V. 25.
नतिक भून [भ]पन हरेर्द्धर्म्मज्ञेन ब्रिदशस [दृशा] कारितमदः । बाम्बस्यो[चैस्त्वं] कथमिव गिरा यस्य शिखर
समारूढः सिंहो मृगमिव [ मृगाङ्क ] स्थमशितुम् ।। -V. 26.
[[मासारस्यात्य] [सव"विदुररिस्पानीम [[[ण्डा] प्रात्पावनीयं शशधरघवला वैजयन्तीपतन्ती । निम्नाति भूमिच्छुरितनिजवनोद्देवदेवस्य शम्भी स्वर्गाङ्गङ्गेव पिङ्गस्फुटवि
* Read 'डम्बरेण.
23 Read वाञ्छित'.
96 Read श्रुत्या.
97 I am somewhat doubtful about the first two aksharas
of those enclosed in the brackets.
* Road निस्त्रिंश.. 20 Read इत्याललम्बे.
30 Rond सद्यः स्रु.
31. Road शश्व
• Originally वीरोधानितटस्य. 30 Rend दौः स्थ्यान्निरम्बर".
37
कटजटाजूटमध्ये विशन्ती ॥ -V. 27.
["]
ततडूयाण्ड" स इहं भविता पङ्कजभव" पुनर्यम्वोढास्मो " वयमिह विमानेन वियति । [सुवर्णाण्ड] [सा]स्तदिदमुररीकृत्य सकलं
ध्रुवं संसेवन्ते हरिसदन [ मुच्चैः ]स्थितममी ॥ - V. 28. तुङ्गिन्ना कनकाचलः सुभ" विधावन्तः स्थितः श्रीप [ति ]विभ्राणी" जिससमानु[द] भिजा [वासी) नृसिहान्वितः ।
निर्माता [य] वृतः समस्तविवु [धै][लेब्ध" प्रतिष्ठैरयं प्रासादश्व ["] धरातलं सममही कल्पं हरेः कल्पताम् ॥ -V. 29.
देवेर्द्धसिद्धे द्विजपुङ्गवैषु प्रतिष्ठितेष्वष्टसु पद्मपालः । युवैव देवप्रतिकूलभावात्संक्रन्दना [ङ्गास] नभाग्वभूव" ।। -V. 30.
तस्य भ्राता नृपतिरभवत्सूर्यपालस्य सूनुः श्रीगोपाद्रौ सुकृतनिलयः श्रीमहीपालदेवः । यम्प्राप्यैव प्रथितयशसन्तावभूतां सनाथी सौर्यत्यागौ "हरिरविताभावदुस्थौ "चिरेण ।। -V. 31.
सृष्टिकर्व्वन्न[मा]त्यानां विप्रा
[] णां स नृपः स्थितिम् । प्रलयं विद्विषा [मा.] सीडू" झोपेन्द्रहरात्मकः ॥ - V. 32. यव धामनिधी राज्ञि पालयत्यवनीतलम् । न भास्वान्भास्करादन्यो न राजान्यो विधोरभूत् ॥
-V. 33.
कृताभिषेकं स [वृत्तै ] रुपविष्टं नृपासने । मुहारपत्रे[२] [ गायना ] ॥ [स्वामु] इहन्ति शिरसा खलु राजहंसाः सृष्टास्त्वया पुनरिमाः समयावसनाः । नाथ प्रजाः सुमनसां प्रथमोसि कोसि स्वं सिद्धवीररस ता
[20]
मरसोद्भवस्य ॥ लक्ष्मीपतिस्त्वमसि कचि पाणिद्वयं वहसि भूप भुवं विभर्षि"। श्यामं वपुः प्रथयति स्थितिहेतुरेक
स्वसि नीतिविजितो [ज] व माधवस्य ॥ - V. 36.
[वं ] पालयस्यनिशमर्थिजनस्य कामं
रामः श्रिया त्वमसि नाथ गुणैरनन्तः । सर्पण: शनितिविद्विषापत्यं
त्वं कोसि सच्चरितहाल हलायुधस्य ॥ ख्याता रतिस्त [व नि]जंप्रमदासु नित्यं रूपन्तवातिश
"Bond
40 Read शौर्यत्यागी.
4. Read °सीडू"."
30 Read भाग्वभूव.
-V. 34.
34 Read 'तनोर्देवदेवस्य. 33 Read तदेतद्ब्रह्माण्डं. 3. Read पङ्कजभव.. 30 Read ° वोढास्मो.
30 Read शुभ 37 Rend विभ्राणो..
• Rend दुःस्थौ.
as Read] विभर्षि.
-V. 35.
-V. 37.

Page #48

38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
[
["] यविस्मयकारि देव ।
["]
रिभिरीश मनोजवैस्ते। वं मीनचिह्न पुरुषोत्तमसम्भवोसि
पुण्यावतारकरणक्षतदुर्दशास्यकस्त्वं क्षितीशवर शंवर"सूदनस्य ॥ -V.38. स्वं कोसि दत्तरिपुलाघव राघवस्य ।। -V. 47. भूभृस्सुतापतिरसि द्विषतां पुराणां
धर्मप्र[सूस्त्वमसि सत्यधनस्त्वमेकभेत्ता खमीश वृषपोषरतोसि नित्यम् ।
स्वं वासुदेवचरणार्थनदत्तचित्तः। भूतिन्दधास्यमलचन्द्रविभूषिताः
स्वं कोसि विप्रजनसेवित शेषवृत्ति]: कस्त्वं सदम्बुज"[विभाकर शंकरस्य ।
सट्टामनिष्ठुर युधिष्ठिरपार्थिवस्य ।। -V. 48. -V.39.
खं भूरिकुंजरवलो" भुवनैकमल्ल स्वन्तेजसा शिखिनमिद्धमधः करोषि
विद्याविभूषिततनुप पावनोसि । शक्तिन्दधासि नरदेव वि [नह[न्वीम् ।
प्रच्छन्नसूस्वन्तारक रिपुबल
Second Part. स्य बला'"बिहंसि
| ["] पकृतिसंभृतबंधुवांच्छ: कस्त्वं नवीननल नीलगलध्वजस्व ॥ -V.40. |
कस्त्वं कवीन्द्रकृतमोद वृकोदरस्व ॥ -V. 49. त्वं वजभृत्वमसि पक्षभिदप्यशेष
एकस्त्वमीश भुवि धर्मभृतां वरिष्ठः भूमीभृताम्बिवुध"वंद्य गुरुप्रियोसि ।
__ सस्वामिकारिगणदर्पहरस्त्वमाजौ। श्रीक[म्बु]"वर्णगिरिदुर्गचणोसि कोसि
गंधर्वराजपूतनाविजयातकीर्तित्वं भीमसाहस सहस्राविलोचनस्य ॥ -V. 41.
स्त्वं कोसि सुंदर पुरंदरनंदनस्य ॥ -V. 50. ख्यातन्तवेश बहु"पुण्यजनाधिपत्य
दुर्योधनारिवल दर्पहृतस्तवेश कान्तालका वलि"भिरामतमै च] गुप्ता । स्वामामनन्ति परमेश्वरबद्ध"सख्यं
- यबः परार्जुनयशःप्रसर निरोद्धम् ।
रवं कोसि सूर्यजनित प्रमदार्थिसार्यवडोसि सद्गुणनिधान ध
दौर्गत्यकर्तन विकर्तनसंभवस्य ॥ -V. 51. नाधिपस्य ॥-.42. रबालयस्त्वमसि [धाम गभीरतायातेजोनिधिस्त्वमसि भूमिभृतः समपाः
स्त्वं पासि पार्थ समभूमिभृतः प्रविष्टान् । क्रान्ताः करैः प्रस[भ]मुमतरैस्तवेश ।
अंतःस्थितस्तव हरिः सततं नरेश प्राप्तोदयः सततमर्थिजनस्य कोसि
कस्त्वं वितीर्णरिपुजागर सागरस्य ॥ -V. 52. वं कल्पभूरुह सरोरुहवांधवस्व"॥ -V. 43.
सौर्यैकभूः क्रमसमागत सरववृत्तिआनन्ददोसि जनतानयनोत्पलाना
स्त्वं राजकबरशिरःप्रवितीर्णपादः । माप्यायिताखिलजनः करमाईवेन।
दृप्तारिभास्करतिरस्कृति[सिंहिका भूः वंशस्व"दीश्वरशिरस्तलदत्तपाद
कस्त्वं महीपतिमृगाङ्क मृगाधिपस्य ॥ -V.53. स्वं कोसि मर्त्य भुव[नेच निशाकरस्व।।
-V.44.
दानन्ददासि विकटोन्नतवंशशोभ
स्त्वं दत्तपालि करवास्वामंशमीच नि
["]
लहतारिदर्पः [1] [0] गान्ति मधुद्विषोमी
क्षोणीभृतो जयसि तुणतया नरेन्द्र । श्यामाभिरामतनुरस्यमलप्रवोधः ।
स्वं कोसि वैरिवलवारण वारणस्य ॥ -V. 54. पुण्यं च भारसमिदं विहित स्वयैव
सन श्रियस्त्वमसि मिवकृतप्रमोदत्वकोसि सस्यधन सत्यवतीसुतस्य ॥ -V.45.
स्त्वं राजहंससमलंकृतपादमूलः। नीतास्मकीसिसुरसिंधुरिब समुद्र
स्वामिन्नधःकृतजडोसि गुणाभिरामः प्रान्तन्त्वयोन्नतिमसौ [गमितः स्वर्वशः।
कस्त्वं स्मिताउपमुखपंकज पंकजस्य ||-V.55. पूर्वे पबिवतनवो विहिताश्च कोसि
सत्पत्र भूषिततनुः सुविशुद्धकोश[व]सत्स]लब्ध परभाग भगीरथस्य॥-V. 46. स्त्वं चंद्रकांतिसमलतकांतमूर्तिः [] एतत्वया कृतमताडकमासु विस्व
ख्यातन्तवैव कवि[वल्लभ सौमनस्व] . व्याप्ता मही ह.
स्वं [व]हि"कः " Road शम्बर". Read सदम्बुजा.
" Read °बन्धुवाञ्छ:. " Read 'बल'. - Read °बलस्य बला'.. Read 'तां विबुध.
• Read शौकभू:. Read सत्त्ववृत्ति - Read श्रीकम्बु. " Read बहु.
• Read दन्तपालि. so Read बलि'. " Read °बद्ध.
41 This sign of interpunctuation should have been pat - Read 'बान्धवस्य. I Read शव.
after the preceding line. - Read 'प्रबोधः. " Read लन्ध'.
• Read °बल. Read पङ्कजस्य. - Read °माश विश्वं.-" Read 'बलो.
on Read सत्पच. Read हि.

Page #49

FEBRUARY, 1886.)
SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
39
..
-V.69.
समरभैरव कैरवस्य ॥ -V. 56. ["]
तन्न नाश्चर्यकृत् ।। त्वं पश्यतां हरसि देव मनांसि सश्व
-V.64. न्मकल्यभूस्त्वमसि निर्मलताभिरामः।
अत्यंबुधि"भवद्धर्यमत्यादित्यं भवन्महः । कोसि प्रसीद वद सगुणरत्नयोनि
अतिसिहं भवत्सौर्यमतः केनोपमीयसे॥ -.65. स्व च्छपारिकुलभूषण भूषणस्य ॥ -V.57. केयूर तव भूपाल भुजदण्डे विराजते । धाना परोपकरणाय विसष्टकाय
किरीटमिव[वाह्वन्त"]निवासिविजयश्रियः॥ -V.66. सच्छाय जन्मसमलङ्कततुङ्गगोत्र ।
यदची संतत्य त्रिभुवनगुरोस्तोत्र"मकृथाअहि "विसंध्यमवनीश्वरवन्दनीय
स्तदेष[प्रीत स्त्वां ध्रुवमकृत कल्पस्थितिमिह । स्वङ्कोसि सूर्यनृपनन्दन चन्दनस्य ॥ -V.58. यदुरसञ्ज तुज (धवलरविचन्द्रांशुविमला नाधःकृतद्विजपतिन मदान्वितोसि
[म लम्ब"व्याजेन क्षितितिलक तारावलिरियं । न स्वम्बि शुद्धहृदय प्रथितो.
-V.67. [ ] . प्रमायः।
[१] वैतालिकैरियमभिष्टुतेन संपूजितामर्त्यगुरुद्विजेन । त्वं जानु"न क्षतवृषो न जडे कृतास्थ
विमुक्तकारागृहसंयतेन वितीर्णभूताभयदक्षिणेन । स्तनास्तु नाथ हरिणोपमितिः कथं ते ।। -V.59.
-V.68. नित्यं सन्निहितक्षयः स तमसा प्रायोभिभूयेत स
तेनाभिषिक्तमावेण प्रतिजज्ञे इयं स्वयम् । स्वचासाद्भवनैकनाथ हरिणस्तस्योदरेमा)वि[स]- पगनाथस्य संसिद्धिः कन्यायाः सवरा[4]णम् ।। मूर्ति स्तस्य कलड़िता स जडतां धत्ते स दोषाकरि]: तच वयं कृतमनन विवेकभा जा] शब्दस्ते"] विदितस्तथापि नृपते राजा त्वमित्य- [राजात्मजा मवन हारि]"वराय दत्ता। डुतम् ॥
-V. 60. [श्री पद्मनाथसुरमन्दिरमेतदु]एकेनोत्तर गो [महे] विमुखतां पार्थेन नीताः प[२] नीतं समाप्तिमविनासि"यशःशरीरम् ॥ -V.70. व्यासेन स्तुतिरर्जुन
स्य विहितेत्यज्ञायि पूर्व किल[1] [१] मर्पिता ब्रह्मपुरी* च तेन शेषान्वि] "धायावनितत्सम्यक्प्रतिभाति संपति पुनः श्रीमन्महीपाल न
देवमुख्यान् । स्वामालोक्य सहस्रशो रिपुवलं निनंतमेकं रणे ॥ प्रवर्तित स]चमतन्द्रितेन सृष्टान्नपानरतिधाम्मिकेण ।। -V.61.
-V.71. किं वूमोधिक[त] स्वमीश' भवतस्त्वं नीतिपावं परि] श्रीपचनाथस्य स लोकनाथश्चक्रिर्दयं भूपतिचक्रवर्ती।
वृत्तान्तं जगतीपते चतसणामात्मप्रियाणां शृणु। नैवेयपाकाय विपकवुद्धिः प्रा[वा] प्रदीपाय च गोव[कीर्तिर्धाम्यति दिक्षु गी[र्गुणवताकृण्ठे लुठल्यावृता
दीपः॥
-V. 2. मर्बादारहिता मही द्विज सहङ्गेहे र]ता श्रीरपि ॥
ब्रह्मोत्तर" मण्डपिकासमुत्यं द्विधा विधाय [स्वयमी
श्वरेण।
-V.62. किं चिन [भुवनैकमाल यदिवं
श्रीपचनाथाय वितीर्णमर्जुमर्चच वैकुण्ठसुरेन्धराय ।। ___ मन्दाकिनी पद्मभू
-V.73.
विलालोकावुद्धरता भगीरथनृपेणानायि निम्नां महीम् ।। आश्चर्यम्पुनरेतदीश यदितो निम्नान्महीमण्डला
[] सिनीवादकगा[यनादेर्यथाहतः पावकुलस्य - दू?" कीर्तितर[ जिणी कमलभूलोकं त्वया प्रा
तिम् । पिता ॥
-V.63.
स पमनायस्य पुरः सममामकल्पयत्प्रेक्षणकाय भूपः। चिवं नाव स लक्षिशस्त्वमकरोः सर्वात्मना विद्विषो
-v.74. देव प्रत्यय लोपमा शुविशि खैः संमूच्छितस्या- पाषाणपल्ली प्रविभज्य सम्यग्देवाय सा.नि [प]दानि हवे।
पंच। क्रोधाद्धैरव मूत्ति रुल्लसदसिङ्करप्रहारा अत]
संपादयामास तथा द्विजेभ्यः सार्धाचविसति." रस्थ त्वं यदनीनशः प्रकृतिमप्ये
मुत्तमेभ्यः॥
_v.75.
• Read शश्व'. • Read ब्रूहि. 10 Read त्वं वि. 1 Read जातु. " Read प्राविशत्. 1 Read शब्दस्ते. - Read रिपवलं. " Read बमोधिकतत्वमाश. " Read 'दूर्व. " Read अत्यम्बुधि. " Read अतिसिंहं भवच्छौर्यमत:. " Read बाहुन्त.
0 Read गुरोः स्तोत्र. 1 Read प्रलम्ब'.
Jam doubtful about these two akaharas, particularly about the first.
- Read नाशि. " Read ब्रह्मपुरी. ** This akshara might be read fra. - Read बुद्धि:. " Read अनोत्तर. - Read विशति.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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म
बदौ कर[स्कन्ध] "कवा[टपीट महीपतिस्तवभवं सम- कमणानां चतुकच सालपहायन्सथा। स्तम् ।
कृत्तिशरं स्वर्णमुष्टिम्विभ"य॑न्वहमच्युतः।[] भाकाशपातालसमुद्रतश्च देवद्विजेभ्यो लवणाकरं च।
-V.90. -1.76. रूप्यमङ्गलिहा][त्ता] कच्चिो लैः पंचभिर्युता। [त स्थाष्टिसमयतामु
[नैवेद्यधारणार्थञ्च कां[] पगतो योगेश्वरांगोद्भवः
[स्वस्थालचतुष्टय [0 ख्यातः सूरिसलक्षणः क्षितिपतेः सर्वत्र विश्वासभूः॥
-V.91. आधारी विनयस्य शीलभवनं भूमिः श्रुतस्याकरः सुवर्णाण्डवयं देवपरिवारविभूषण। स्वाध्यायस्य कृतज्ञतैकवसतिः सौजन्यकोशालयः।। धृतं चोपरि हेमाज"मातपनीकृतं विभोः॥ -V.92.
-V.77. निवेश्य ताम्रपहे च तन्मयेनैव ग[हुना। सत्प्रत्ययेन निराधे निखिलानि धर्म
वास्यते प्रतिमा नित्यमनिरुजस्य [राजती॥-V.93. कार्याणि [धर्मनिरतः स नरेन्द्रचन्द्रः।
प्रतिमा [वामन[स्यै]का [वितीया लघुरा[च्यु]ती। विप्रः स [निस्पृहतया गुणगौरवेण
राजावतमयी चान्या के पूर्व रीतिनिम्मिते ॥-V.94. चित्तं विवेश समवृत्तितया च राज्ञः॥ -V.78. ताः प्रयत्नेन तिम्रोपि पूज्यन्ते गर्भवेश्मनि ।
तत्र ताम्रम[यं दत्तन्दीपार्थ मक्षिकादयिम्] | V. 95.. [१] हीपालेन ये विप्रास्तस्मिन्मामे प्रतिष्ठिताः।
मानार्थ ताबकुण्डे हे दत्ते तेषां नामानि लिख्यन्ते विस्सरः शाशनोक्तिः॥
साम्रपाविके। -1.79. ताम्रार्घपावड़ितयं तथा इत्तं महीभुजा।। -V.96. देवलब्धिः"सुधीरा यस्तत: श्रीधरदीक्षितः।
सधूपदहनाः सप्त घण्टाचारावि कान्विता]। सूरि]: कीतिरथः सार्बपदिनो [वै]दिजास्त्रयः ।। पत्ताः शेखाश्च सप्तै [व] ताम्रपाबीचतुष्टयम् ।।-V.97.
-1.80. स कांस्यकाढढां प्रादापतिः काहलाद्वयम् । गजाधरो गौतमश्च मलकोथ गयाधरः ।
चामरं दण्डयुग्म रीतिस्फटिकसम्भवम् ।। -V. 98. देवनागो वसिष्ठश्च देवशर्मा यशस्करः ।। -.81. वृह"बरुवयं ताबमयं ताम्रालुकाइयम् । कृष्ण] वराहस्वामी च गृहवासः प्रभाकरः।
तानभाण्डपस्तथा पच दत्ताश्चा[दुश्च तन्मयः॥ इच्छाधरो मधुश्चैव तिल्हेका पुरुषोत्त
एष देवोपकरणष्याणां सहः कृतः॥ -V.100. [७]
मः॥ -V. 82. I
चिलाकुहस्थपत्या. रामेश्वरो द्विजवरस्तथा दामोदरी हिजः। . अष्टादशैते विप्राश्चि परि]नः षडभो] द्विजः॥-V. 83.
["]
दिय[न्त्रि]शाकटिकादिषु।
वापीकूपतडागादिखननावन्धनेषु च ।[1] -V.101. पादोनपदिको रवतिहुणेको मुरार्थको। द्वावर्द्धपदिनावेष विप्राणां संग्रहः कृतः॥
दशमाशं"तथा विशत्यंशं [सर्वन मण्डले। -V.84.
को राजानिरुद्धाय तेन सचं प्रवर्तते ॥ -V. 102. ददौ देवपदानास मध्यावर्द्धपद नृपः।
अयं देवालयः पचनृपतेः स्फटिकामलः । विधाय शाश्वतं लो]"हभटकायस्थसूरये॥-V.85.
भूयानुपाजितः पुण्यैः चिष्णुलोक इवाक्षयः॥ देवाब दत्तः सौवर्णी राज्ञा रवैः समाचितः। .
-V.108. मुकुटः[सुमहान्मध्ये मपिर्यन्त्र विराम]से ||-V. 86.
भारद्वाजेन मीमांसान्यायसंस्कृतबुद्धिना। हरिन्मणि मयं भूपति
कवीन्द्ररामपौवेण गोविन्दकविसनुना। [1] -V.104. लकस्तिलकन्ददौ।
कविना मणिकण्ठेन सुभाषितसरस्वता ॥10॥ रबैविचित्रं निशानीलङ्कः स भूपतिः॥-V.87. प्रचस्तिप्रादारकेतूरखुगलं रबैह"भिराषितम् ।
[१]' रिजमुस्वेनि रचितेयमनिन्दिता।।-V. 105. करणानासकाच महाहमणिभूषितम् ।।]-V.88. प्रतापलकेश्वरवारिद्रतीयां विधमहत्तां मणिकण्ठसूरः। इति रखमबन्तावदेकमाभरणं विभोः।
अशेषभाषासु कविहिलख वा न्यशोदेवदिगंवद्वितीबमानिरुजस्य सौवणे केवले यथा ॥ -V. 89.
-V. 106. " Both aksharas are quite certain.
• Read हेमाम्य. " Read वृह'. so Read निःसहतया. Read शासनोदितः.
" Read 'बन्धनेषु. • Read दशमांशं. .. Read देवलब्धि :
100 Read पुण्यर्विष्णु.. 11 am doubtful about this akshara, this and the or Reed बुद्धिना. following akshara might possibly be rend लेहि.
101 One stroke is superfluous. 103 Read ferro. - Read रजैर्वहु. " Read fE विभ.
m. Read 'दिगम्बराक.
-V.99.
["]

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
41
-V. 112.
एकादशस्वतीतेषु संवत्सरशतेषु च ।
(V. 4.)-What he wears here on his crest is Geng a ry
TT 11-V.107. not a piece of sapphire, nor is the holy one who पच्चासे चास्विने मासे कृष्णपक्षे नृपाज्ञया। glitters here made of pearl-stone. His body is
TAT ATT TurcaFast II-V. 108. rendered pale by the long separation from Usha अंकतोपि ११५० ।। आस्विनवहुल'"पंचम्यां
(and) he even now carries the blue lotus which [*] 3t [1] Here Herd: afacet ratan had the good fortáne of forming her ear-orna
नाश्चर्य यदनेकशी रिपुचिमूचकैः पतनायितम् । ment. T h e gre Safea: Horretary
(V.5.)-There was a prince Lakshmaņas बीस्या निजितसौर्यवंशतिलकाचार्यः म गौर: सुधीः।।
an ornament of the Kachchha pagh Ata -V. 189.
race, surpassing in manliness the son of Indra किञ्चित्रं यन्महीपालो भुनक्ति स्माखिलां महीम् ।
(and) an object of reverence for all princes. Fu Tra iteur: 11-V. 110. Wielding his bow (and) promoting the welfare प्रशस्तिरियमुत्कीर्णा सा पप्रशिल्पिना ।
of his subjects, he unaided, like Prithu, made देवस्वामिसुते.
the earth obedient to his will, after he had by [") T artea II -V. 111.
force extirpated even mighty princes (as Prithu FRITT AT[51] fafaqat!
had uprooted the mountains.)"")
(V. 6.)-From him [प्रामुवन्तु समुस्कीर्णान्यक्षराणि [यथार्थताम् ] |
sprang the illustrious prince Vajrad â man, resembling the wielder
of the thunderbolt. When by honest means he TRANSLATION.
had put down the rising valour of the ruler of OM!
Gadhinagara, 118 his proclamation-drum, Om ! Adoration to Padmanatha ! which fulfilled his vow of heroism, resounded (Verse 1.)-May this white Aniruddha 110 of in the fort of Gô padri, conquered in battle spotless body long protect the worlds -heby his irresistible strong arm. into whom is transformed the fame of the (V. 7.)-Knowing that he surely was not illustrious prince Padma, which, being sung outweighed by any prince on the earth, he from aloud in every quarter by people whose eyes curiosity had himself weighed of his own were joyfully opened, first spread on the earth, accord against donations of quite pure gold. and then in its course had rendered white the (V. 8.)-Then came the ruler of men named abodes of Hari, Hara, and Brahman !
Mangala rája, (who scattered) his enemies as (V. 2.)--May Hari protect you l-he who the thousand-rayed (sun) does the darkness. wears on his crest a piece of sapphire, exhibit- As he for ever paid worship to the Lord (Itvara), ing as it were, resting on his hair, a new cloud so he was worshipped by thousands of great bulging out (from it)!
lords. (V. 3.) - May this god, the lord of Usha, (V. 9.)-Then came the lord of men, the fashioned out of the mass of the fame of the illustrious Kirttirkja. Whenever he ornaments of the earth, (so that he appears) as marched forth, the sheets of dust rising from if (made) of pearl-stone," of a lustre exceedingly his armies took away, wonderful (to relate), white and pure, protect the worlds! Thinking the colour of the sun" and at the same time that his dark complexion has become altogether that of the enemy. unknown in the three worlds, he carries, I fancy, (V. 10.)-Shall we tell the wondrous tale of the badge of his colour in the lustre of the sap- this lord of men ? By this ocean of bravery phire joined to the edge of his diadem!
was the countless host of the prince of Malaya 105 Read oarafat
.
Ahankara, self-consciousness." -Goldstücker's Dic. . 106 Read T
101 Read
.
tionary, 8.v. af 16 .
* The exact meaning of thes, which occurs again 108 Read yra
in v. 4, is unknown to me. The word is not given in our 20 I am somewhat doubtful about this akshara.
dictionaries. 110 "The name of the son of Pradyumna or Kamadeva
11 See Vishnu-Purana I. 13, 82; and e.g. Kadambarf, by Subhang! or, according to others, Kakudvatl, the daughter of Rukmin; his wife is Ush, the daughter of Calo. Ed., I. p. 5 au
g uftae Vina, O Bocording to others, Bubhadra, the grand
लारातिकुलाचल:. daughter of Rukmin, and his son Vajra.-The Vaishnave
113 GAdhinagara is Kanyakubja. sect, called Placharitra or Bhagavatas, consider him M an inoarnation or part of Vishnu and identify him with The word for sun' also means 'friend.'

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[FEBRUARY, 1886.
conquered in battle. When that (prince) had l (and) when the night-walkers saw the masses met with defeat, the villagers surrounded their of dust, resembling uplifted mountains, inceshouses with the multitudes of spears, which santly raised up by them (and) falling down through fear had fallen from the hands (of his on both sides of the ocean, they trembled, soldiers) in every direction.
thinking that a lofty bridge was again being (V. 11.)- In the town of Si hapa niya bailt.118 he caused to be built a wonderful temple of the V. (18.)-Since the host of the gods had been lord of Parvati, which shines like a column of deprived of its colour by his fame, beautiful fame.
like the splendour of the moon, surely all the (V. 12.)–From him was born the lord of the wives of the immortals, of Indra and the rest, earth, the high-minded Müladê ve, known as not going near their lovers from fear lest they Bhuvana pala, causing joy to the world. should err and act improperly, envy now Sri His body was decorated with the irreproachable
and Gauri, who at once were united with the marks of a universal sovereign; his fame was
body of their husband."17 equal to Manu's.
(V. 19.)-Who has anywhere seen the trees (V. 13.)-When this powerful Trailok ya- radiant with every wished-for fruit? Who any. malla protected the whole earth whose other where the cows yielding desires ? Who any. rulers had been destroyed, the world contained where the gems granting the object of one's no rival of his.
wishes ? (But) who has observed that any (V. 14.)-His queen was Déva vrata, as person's hopes were not fulfilled by that lord ? Lakshmi (is the wife) of Hari. From her was a distinguished hero then is an excellent born to that lord of the earth & son, the illustri- garden, which contains such things even as ons Dévapala.
trees of paradise. (V. 15.)-He surpassed Karņa by his gene. (V. 20.)-His doing it was, that the bands of rosity, the son of Prithả by his knowledge of robbers,' even before they had heard of prince the bow, and Dharmaraja by his truthfulness. Padma, with bodies unclad on account of He as a yonth was the abode of modesty. their wrotchedness, complained every moment
(V. 16.)-Through the religions merits of in the forests that the earth was well protected his subjects he had a son whose power of in- since, alas, what used not to be, such nakedness tellect was free from blemish, the illustrious had come upon them. lord Padmapala; like Mandhati he was I (V. 21.)-While he was ruling the earth, the ornament of universal sovereigns. Think. turning round existed (only) in potter's wheels, 10 ing as it were 'how can, even though I am covetousness (only) in the acquirement of remaster, another levy taxes's Phe on his expedi- ligious merit, hard were (only) the round tions in the various quarters again and again breasts. obstructed the fierce-rayed (sun) with the thick (V. 22.)-Knowing that to press the highly (clouds of) dust (raised) by his armies.
virtuous is not approved of, and also that it is (V. 17.)- After his troops of soldiers and wrong to be familiar with the merciless, he horse had subdued the other quarters, they in laid hold neither of the bow nor of the sword, 10 due course marched to the southern region; nevertheless he defeated his enemies.
W FT has here, as in similar passages, the double meaning of 'raya' and 'taxes.'
14 Compare with the above a verse of the Vikram tikadivacharita (III. 77) which ends :
वैदेहीरमणस्य रावणशिर छेदेऽप्यशान्तकुधः
प्रत्यावृत्तिरकाण्डकम्पतरलैराशति लापरैः ।। The same iden occurs in verse 19 (really v. 20) of the inscription published Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VIII. P. I. p. 16718, where the actual reading on the stone is as follows:
सुदुपकृतिदक्षो दक्षिणाशां जिगीषु: gati941948:11
It might almost appear as if those expeditions to the south were mere poetical ornamenta.
17 Srl Majesty' and Gaurf the Earth' are represented as the wives of the king. m aqul is used on account of the metre for परिपन्थिन्.
110 But there was no A in the sense of 'erring, giddiness, oonfusion,' &o. For similar passages compare e.g. Kadambari, I. pp. 6 and 61 ; and Väsa vadatta, pp. 17 and
125.
10 T TT, which has been translated by 'highly vir. tuous,' also denotes the bow on which the string hos been fixed,' and merciless' also means "sword;' compare ... Visavadattá, p. 129, P r anatat पुरुषाणाम्.

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
(V. 23.)-His sword, covered with the drops of blood which at once began to flow, scattered on the battle-fields all around the seed11 as it were of the affection of the people and of his fame, with the crest-jewels of the hostile princes.
(V. 24.)-Because the wives of his enemies found out gold-lotuses in the forest, for this reason did the bees not find out the gold-lotus in his face.122
desirous of gathering the fruit of those two.
(V. 26.) This supporter of his subjects, who was an ornament of the earth, who knew the law (and) was like unto the gods, caused that edifice of Hari to be built. How can I possibly with words tell its height ?13 The lion who has ascended its top, means to devour, it seems, the deer in the moon.
(V. 30.)-When the god was (only) half completed, (and) when eight of the most excellent twice-born had been installed, 12 Padmapâla, still a youth, through the adversity of fortune obtained a seat on the lap of Samkrandana.11" (V. 31.)-(Then) his brother, the son of Sarya pala, the illustrious Mahipala dê
(V. 25.)-Having reflected, that fortune and life are unsteady like the flood of a river, he set his mind on the performance of pious deeds,va, the abode of good deeds, became ruler at
the glorious Gô pådri. When they had come to him of wide-spread fame, bravery and generosity, which in the absence of the son of Hari (Arjuna) and the son of the Sun (Karna) had been in distress, had at last (again) found a master.
(V. 32.)-Engaged in the creation of ministers, in the preservation of the Brahmans, and in the destruction of his enemies, that prince partook of the nature of Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva.
(V. 27.)-From the top of the gold-ornamented staff on this temple, which rivals the mountain1 of the moon-carrying (Siva), there constantly (waves) this holy flag, white as the moon; hanging down at the setting of the wind it appears like the Ganges when, falling down from heaven, it enters the thickly-matted tawny-bright hair of the god of gods Sambhu, whose body is coated with ashes.
(V. 28.) This is that mundane egg; the Lotus-born (Brahman) will be here, whom again we here shall carry on our vehicle through the air': surely those swans are ever present at the lofty seat of Hari, after they have (thus) admitted it to be the golden egg unopened."
(V. 29.) Within the glittering structure stands the lord of Lakshmi, high like the golden mountain (Méru); (it is) a dwelling of the Sea-born (goddess Lakshmi) supporting the most excellent of the twice-born (and) con
in Compare Vikromankadevacharita IV. 112 faवीजवापाय चखानेव नभःस्थलीम्.
48
1 If I understand this verse rightly, it simply means that the prince had driven his enemies from their homes, and that his face was beautiful like the gold-lotus; the bees showed no desire for this lotus, because they did not wish to have anything in common with the wives of the prince's enemies.
133 Compare Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 359,-"As it stands at present, the great temple of Padmanatha is about 70 feet in height, but as the pyramid top is very much broken, I estimate the original height of the building at not less than 100 feet."
taining the man-lion; its maker was chosen by all the gods, who have found (here) a home, and so was this temple on the surface of the earth. Oh, may the whole turn out to be fit for Hari!
(V. 33.)-When this king, a treasury of splendour, protected the broad earth, none else was endowed with splendour but the sun, none else was a king but the moon.
(V. 34.)-When his coronation-ceremony had been performed by well-conducted (persons, and) when he was seated on the throne, bards and singers thus praised him in lofty strains :
[In the following verses Mahipala is compared (v. 35) to Brahman, (v. 36) to Madhava (Krishna-Vishnu), (v. 37) to Halayudha (Balarama), (v. 38) to the destroyer of Sambara (Kâmadêva), (v. 39) to Samkara, (v. 40) to Šiva, (v. 41) to Indra, (v. 42) to Kuvêra, (v. 43) to the sun, (v. 44) to the moon, (v. 45) to the son of Satyavati (Vyasa), (v. 46) to Bhagiratha, (v. 47) to the Raghava (Râma), (v. 48) to Yudhishthira, (v. 49) to Vrikôdara (Bhimasêna), (v. 50) to the son of Indra (Arjuna), (v. 51) to the son of the Sun (Karna), (v. 52) to the sea,
1 i.e. the Himalaya.
135 We may assume that swans were carved on the walls of the temple; the poet (in order to employ the figure Utpreksha, which is indicated by the word,) represents these carved swans as live birds, ever present at the temple, which they take to be the mundane golden egg, to serve as vehicles for Brahman who is born from the lotus that grows out of Vishnu's navel."
138 Installed,' vis. in the Brahmapurî mentioned below, verse 71, which was connected with the temple. For the use of the word fa compare below verse 79.
17.e. Indra; the sense is Padmapala died,' and as a warrior went to the heaven of Indra.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
(v. 53) to a lion, (v. 54) to an elephant, (v.1 (V. 64.)-"Nothing strange is there in this, 55) to the day-lotus, (v. 56) to the night-lotus, o lord, that, such as you are, you with your (v. 57) to an ornament, '(v. 58) to the sandal ; quick arrows completely bereft of confidence (v. 59) he is praised as sorpassing the deer and your enemies hundreds of thousands strong in (v. 60) the moon.
battle; but that in your anger, like the god of Incidentally he is (v. 51) called Sürya-janita destruction, by the marvellous cruel strokes of begot by Sûrya,' (v. 58) Suryanripa-nandana your flashing sword you should have annibilat* son of prince Sürya,' (v. 57) Kachchhaparikula- ed their very nature-that indeed does rouse bhúshara 'an ornament of the Kachchhapäri our wonder. family, and (v. 49) entitled Bhuvana ika- (V. 65.)-"Your depth surpasses (that of) malla. (V. 41) he is stated to have been the ocean, your lustre (that of the sun, your familiar with the impervious tracts of the bravery (that of the lion; with whom then Srika mbu varnagiri, and (v. 50) to have can you be compared ? obtained fame by defeating in battle the king (V. 66.)—"The bracelet, О protector of the of the Gandharvas,
earth, shines on your massive arm as if it were After verse 60, the bards continue praising
the dindem of the goddess of victory dwelling Mahîpåla as follows]:
within your arm. (V. 61.)—“That the son of Prith at the
(V. 67.)-"Because continually engaged in capture of Uttara's cows had alone pat to
worship you have uttered the praises of the flight the enemies,-that, it is true, we had
lord of the three worlds, therefore surely has learnt before, because Arjuna has been praised
he, pleased, firmly established you here. On (for it) by Vyâsa ; 1" but now (only) can we form
your exalted lap, O ornament of the earth, we a clear conception of it, after we have seen
see a row of stars, 19' spotless like the bright rays how you, O illustrious Mahipala, unaided,
of the sun and the moon, in the guise of a string are striking down the host of the enemies by
of pearls." thousands on the battle-field.
(V. 68.)-When he had thus been praised by (V. 62.)—"Need we tell (even) more facts
the bards, when he had reverenced the immorabout you, O lord ? You are the unsurpassed
tals, the preceptors and the twice-born, set free receptacle of the rules of policy. Hear, O
the inmates of the prisons, (and) granted assurmaster of the earth, how it fares with the four
ance of safety to all beings,that are beloved to you: your fame spreads in
(V. 69.)-He, so soon as he was crowned, of (all) quarters; your praise is ever in the mouth
his own accord made two vows, to complete of the virtuous; the whole earth reverences
Padmanatha, (and) to give his daughter to you; fortune delights to dwell in the house of
a good husband. (you) the friend of the twice-born.
(V. 70.)- And both these things did he, en(V. 63.)-" Is it strange, O Bhuvanai. kamalla, that king Bhagiratha should have
dowed with discernment,' accomplish. The led away this Mandakini from the world of the
king's daughter was given to a husband, charmLotus-born (Brahman) and brought it down to
ing as the god of love, (and) this lofty temple the earth below? But wonderful indeed 'is
of the glorious Padmanatha was completed, this, o lord, that from the orb of the earth
an imperishable embodiment of fame. here below you have made the stream of your
(V. 71.)-And having appointed the remainfame to ascend upwards to the world of the
ing chief Brahmans, he attached a BrahmaLotus-born.
purpl80 (to the temple). Unwearied (and)
111 vie. in the Virtaparuin of the Mahabharata.
1 The king is like a mountain, on whose lofty slopes the stars appear to rest. Compare e.g. Kadambart, I.p.9 (भपरशंशिशङ्कया) नक्षत्रमालयेव हारलतया कृतमुखपरिवंशम्.
10 The word rage appears to me to denote a row or net of rooms or buildings, attached to a temple for the accommodation of holy and learned Brahma.ne; it occurs again in the same sense ante, Vol. VII. p. 305, 1.34 (gr. Madhavada va-brahmapurl), where, as in the present in.
stance, the sattra is mentioned afterwards; and Vol. VI. p. 211, 1. 16. Compare also Vol. XI. pp. 100 and 101, and Vikramankadłuacharita, XVII. 29. In the inscription mentioned in note 13 above we find the word en used, instead of Taget (v. 53 g Fifa froirfear ATGTT:). I assume that Padmap Ala had provided rooms for, and installed in them, eight Brahman (see above, verae 80), and that Mahipals finished the building or buildings and selected the other occupants.

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SASBAHU INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
45
exceedingly devoted to the law, he established (V. 80.)-First, the intelligent Dévalabdhi, a charitable hall, where savoury food and drink then Sridharadikshita, (and lastly) the sage were distributed.
(Sari) Kirttiratha, -(these) three twice-born (V. 72.)-Having done both, the master of received each one share and a half. the world, the universal sovereign of princes, of (V. 81.)- Gangadhara, Gautama, Malaka, mature intelligence (and) the light of his family, Gayâdhara, Devanaga, Vasishtha, Dévasarman, made donations for the cooking of the naivedya
Yasaskara, - of the glorious Padmanatha and for lights. (V. 82.)-Krishna, Varahasvâmin, Grihada
(V. 73.)-The brahmottara11 rising from the sa, Prabhakara, Ichchhâdhara, Madhu, Tilheks, small hall the lord himself divided into two | Purushottama,portions ; one half was assigned to the glorious (V.83.)-Ramêsvars, the excellenttwice-born, Padman â tha and the other half to the lord and the twice-born DÂmôdara;-these eighteen of the gods, Vaikuntha.
sages received one share each. The twice born (V. 74.)-The prince arranged suitably for the complete maintenance of the tribe of attend- (v. 84.)—received three-quarter shares. ants, ** women, musicians, singers and the rest, Ratna and Tihuņêka, the worshippers of the that there might be public performances before gods, received both half a share each. This Padma natha.
completes the list of the sages. 136 (V. 75.)-Having properly divided Pås hå- (V. 85.)-And out of the shares of the god papalli, he allotted five shares and a half to the prince gave half a share to the sage (Súri) the god, and twenty-four shares and a half to the Kdyastha Lôhabhata (?) to be his for the most excellent twice-born.
ever. (V. 76.)-The lord of the earth gave all
(V. 86.)-To the god the king gave a golden taxes ...... 18 connected therewith, and what diadem covered with precious stones; in the was produced above and below the ground and midst of it a very large jewel is shining. & mine of salt to the god and to the twice-born. (V. 87.)-The ornament of princes gave &
(V. 77.)—With him there came to share the frontal ornament made of emeralds ; the spotless unseen (fruit of his pious deeds) the famous son lord of the earth also gave) a golden ornament of Yoga á vara, endowed with the charac- for the neck, blazing with precious stones. teristics of a sage, in all matters & depository of (V. 88.)- He gave a pair of arm-rings set the prince's confidence, a receptacle of modesty, with many precious stones, and also four bracea home of propriety, a seat of learning, a mine lets ornamented with jewels of great value. of sacred study, an unsurpassed dwelling of (V. 89.)-This one set of ornaments, containgratitude, a treasury of benevolence.
ing precious stones, is for the Lord; the second (y. 78.)-Confiding in him, the moon of set, Aniruddha's, is solely of gold, and is princes, taking delight in the law, entrusted to as follows: him all acts of piety; (and) the sage entered (V. 90.)- Achyuta every day wears four into the thoughts of the king, because he was bracelets, also a pair of tdlapatas, (and) a kritsimilarly disposed, was free from envy, and tidara with a golden handle (?).186 esteemed excellences in others).
(V. 91.)- A mangaliha (P) of silver was given (V. 79.)-The following are the names of the accompanied by five kañcholas187; also four Bages who by Mahipala were given shares" plates of brass for holding the naivedya :in that village; the particulars are stated in the (V.92.)-three suvarnandas (P), (as) decoragrants :
tions for the attendants of the god. And in The brahmottara wonld appear to be the sanctuary 236 (8x1})+(18X1)+4+ (2x)=21}, whereas the of the temple, usually called garbha-griha, or below, v. 96
sum distributed was 341. seo, ante, Vol. VII. P. 307, garbha- man. * I annot quote any anthority for this translation of
note 30. theword पादकुल.
13 alese is probably the same as 4 . Ad ear133 I am unable to give the exact meaning of PT
ornament, the other term I do not understand. 1912 .
13 W et (P) appears to be an upper garment, 13. For wagat: one would have expected fartfear: | - e'bodioe' or' waistoont.' The first line See above v. 80. Hafra is used in the same causal of the following verne I do not understand. Swarnanda sense in v. 19 of the inscription mentioned above, note 116, is used for brahmanda above, v. 28.

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above was fixed a lotus of gold made into an umbrella for the Lord.
(V. 93.)-And the silver image of Aniruddha will always be bathed, after it has been placed on a copper plate, with (water from) a vessel of the same material.188
(V. 94.) There is one image of Vâm a na, a second small one of Achyuta, and another made of rájávarta-stone; the two first are made of bell-metal.
(V. 95.) They all three are worshipped assiduously in the sanctuary. There two braziers of copper were given for lights.
(V. 96.) The prince gave two copper basins (and) two copper cups for bathing, and also a pair of copper vessels for the argha-oblation.
(V. 97.)-Seven bells were given, together with incense-burners, accompanied by vessels for waving lights; besides seven conch-shells also, (and) four copper pots.
130
(V. 98.)-The prince gave a vádhadhá of brass (and) two káhalás, a chowrie and a pair of staves made of bell-metal and crystal (?).
(V.99.)-He gave two large kettles of copper (and) two copper pitchers, also five copper pails and a chaful of the same material.
(V. 100.)-This completes the list of implements for the god.
141
(V. 101)-Forstone-cutters (?), carpenters and so forth, for engineers, carmen and others, and for excavating and building reservoirs, wells, tanks, and so forth,
(V. 102.)-the king gave the tenth part (of the revenue) in his whole dominion. And he likewise gave the twentieth part to Aniru ddha; by that the hall for the charitable distribution of food &c. is kept up.
(V. 103.)May this temple of prince Padma, spotless like crystal, be imperishable like the world of Vishnu (which he has) acquired through (his) religious merits!
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
(Vs. 104 & 105.)-This faultless eulogy has been composed by the chief of the twice-born, the descendant of Bharadvaja, grandson of the chief of poets Râma, (and) son of the poet Govinda, the poet Manikantha, whose intellect is polished by (the study of the Mimasa and Nyaya (and) who delights in eloquent sayings.
(V. 106.)-Yasodêva-Digambararka who enjoys the friendship of the sage (Súri) Manikantha in which Pratapa-Lankesvaravach shares, and who is a poet in all languages,
has written the letters.
III.-The Black-Headed Man.
There was once a young lion who was very strong and withal very valiant, and so defied everybody.
150 The dictionaries give गड, गंडक and गड्डुक, not गड्डु 139 A drum and two trumpets (P). 140 A spoon (?).
(V. 107.)-When eleven hundred years had passed, and when (besides) forty-nine years had gone since Vikrama,
(V. 108.)-in the fiftieth (year), in the month Âśvina, in the dark half, this splendid eulogy was composed by Manikantha by order of the king; or, in figures, 1150, on the fifth of the dark (half) of Asvina.
(V. 109.)-Om! There is nothing wonderful in this, that again and again in every battle the various hosts of the hostile armies flew like moths into the blazing fire of the prowess of that lord of the earth, since he, (himself) equal to Indra, had (for his minister) the wise Gaura, who endowed with intelligence (and) almost omniscient had surpassed the preceptor of the ornaments of the solar race by his policy.
(V. 110.)-Is it strange that Mahipala ruled the whole earth, when he had for his councillor the wise Gaura, who resembles the councillor of the gods P
(V. 111.) This eulogy has been engraved at the temple of the glorious Padmanatha in excellent letters by the artisan Padma, son of Devasvamin,
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
(V. 112.)-and also by Simhavaja and by the artisan M & hula. May the letters (here) engraved serve their purpose!
One day his mother said to him-"It is all very fine for you to be proud of your great strength, and to try your might on all you meet, for you know that we are lords of the
For the dictionaries give only the meaning a stone-cutter's chisel.'
4

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THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM.
47:
forest and every creature owns our sway, but up courage, he thug spoke to the valiant you do not seem to be aware that there is one son of the lord of the forest :being in this world who is more than a match "You wish to see the Black-Headed for us, and can bid us defiance. He walks on Man P' Well, your ouriosity shall be gratified, two legs, and is known as the 'Black-Headed for I happen to know where to find him ; 80 Man. Beware of his wiles and stratagems, come along with me and I shall show him to if you value your life."
you." "Very well," mused the young lord of the The lion agreed to this, and the two walked forest, "I should like very much to see what on together for some time till they came to a he is like. He must be a mighty and power- large tree. Near this tree the carpenter ful creature if he can hold his own against stopped, and said to his companion :me. I shall go and seek him out."
"If your Highness would condescend to Having thus determined, the young lion wait here for a while, I shall show you what wandered about roaring for several days, till the Black-Headed Man' is like." one morning he chanced to enter a part of the He then set himself to work with his tools forest that was rarely frequented by his kind. and began to cut a large hole through the trunk Just then a carpenter, with his bag of tools of the tree. When this was finished be fashioned on his shoulders, and a white turban on his & plank and fixed it at the top of the hole in head, happened to pass by. The young lion such a way that it could slide up and down at skipped with delight at sight of him and pleasure, like the door of a mouse-trap. When cried out-"Surely this must be the being my all was ready, he requested the lion, who was mother has told me to beware of: for does he eagerly watching his movements all the while, not go on two legs P Now for it!"
to come and put his head into the hole and look Just then, however, he happened to look at straight before him till he got & sight of the the carpenter's head, and to his great disap-| Black-Headed Man.' pointment found it was white and not black, The lion, rejoiced at the prospect of seeing as he had been led to believe. Nevertheless the being he so much wished to meet, eagerly he thought he would go to him and ask him put his head through the hole, and in a trice whether he knew where the Black-Headed the carpenter, who had already climbed the tree, Man' was to be found, and if so, whether he let the trap-door slip down from above right would direct him in his search for that on to the lion's neck, and pressed it so tight being.
that he nearly squeezed the beast to death. He accordingly called out to the carpenter He then got down and went to the other side in a loud voice--"Hey, friend ! stop! I wish of the tree, and uncovering his head, showed to speak to you !" The poor man had no alter- it to the dying lion, saying : native but to obey, and the lion, going up to "Your servant, the Black-Headed Man,' him said, "Can you tell me where I can find whom you wished so much to see, stands the Black-Headed Man,' for I wish very before you; pray, what would you with much to form his acquaintance and to try my
him P" hand on him?"
The poor lion, however, was by this time The poor man's knees knocked together with past replying, and the carpenter shouldering fright as he heard this and he gave himself his bag of tools, walked home at leisure, up for lost, when suddenly an idea, entered his glad to have escaped, by this stratagem, from mind like a flash of lightning, and summoning the jaws of a savage beast !
THE BRITISH NATIONAL ANTHEM TRANSLATED INTO SANSKRIT.
BY PROF. A. WEBER.
TEXT.
God save our gracious Queen! Long live our noble Queen!
God save the Queen!
Send her victorious, Happy and glorious, Long to reign over us!
God save the Queen!

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UT O Lord, our God, arise, Scatter her enemies,
And make them fall! Bless thou the brave that fight, Sworn to defend her right, Bending, we own thy might,
God gave us all!
translation of the Anthem, but is a poetical adaptation of it, and is intended to be sung to the well-known national Pañjabi tune of Hár Phúlin di (Flower Garland).
TEXT. हार फुलां दी सुर उते। दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल' चिरकाल करे राज एह विकटोरिया हे दयाल
III.
रहे सदा एह अनंद विंगा हो ना इस दा वाल चिर करे राज एह सदा जै पर्ताप नाल फुले फले वांग कवल फुल दे सदा हो निहाल दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
Thy choicest gifts in store Still on Victoria pour,
Health, Peace and Fame. Young faces year by year Rising her heart to cheer, Glad voices far and near Blessing her name.
IV. Saved from each traitor's armThou, Lord, her shield from harm
Ever hast been. Angels around her way Watch, while by night and day Millions with fervour pray, God save the Queen !
TRANSLATION.
सदा हार एस दे दोषियों ने दीनानाथ दे मनसूबे बुरे एस दे बैरियां दे आप तोड़ दे साडीयां आसां तेरे उपर नाथ सानूं बचां ले दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
सार वस्त तूं भंडार विचों दान एह न कर सुरज जेहा तेज एस दा होवे सारी भूमी पर चिरकाल करे राज आयू एस दी बडी कर दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
ईशा ऽव राजी नः समृद्धघायुयुताम् ईशा विनाम् । देद्यस्यै जयिन्य श्रीयशोभगिन्यै चिरं नः शासितुम् ईशा बनाम् ।।
वररत्नानि त्वम् शश्वत् तां भाजय श्रीयशसी। सुमजास्त्वेन च हृदयानन्दिना सुचिरं नन्दतात् वीरप्रसूः॥
नियां करे साडा सदा हो कानून दी सहाये एस दे स्रिष्ट छच हेठ हर इक अनंद पाये निका वडा दिलों मनों पिया एह गीत गाये दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
ईश हे प्रोदिहि द्रोहिणां कैतवात् शत्रून् विशातय ईशना शर्मणा पातय तान् ।
रक्षसि स्म । रक्ष नः सुयोधान् त्वदूतास्तत्कृते धर्मप्रपालकान्
जाग्रत्य् अहोरात्रे तुभ्यं नमोनतान् कोट्यः प्रार्थयन्ते ईशा ऽवा ऽस्मान् ।। । ईशा बनाम् ।।
NOTE BY CAPTAIN R. O. TEMPLE. As an appendix to the above I give here a rendering of the National Anthem into Pañjabi by Ram Das Chhibhar of Lahor, with a translation of the same. The vernacular version is not a
राज वैरी कोलों एस ने तूं बचा ले सदा काल जद होवे कोई भै सामने एस दे हे दयाल उस वेले हथ देके रखें एस ५ दया नाल दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
हर वेले दिगपाल रक्षा एस दी पए करें अटल पर्ताप एस दा वेख पए दुती भेड़े सड़ें दिन रात लख करोड़ हाथ जोड़ बिन करें दयावान कैसर दी तूं रक्षा कर सदा क्रिपाल
"A class of Brahmads from the JhAlam District. This writer has also produced s rhymned Hindustant version of the National Anthem.
रक्षा is pronounced rakhya. क्रिपाल is pronounced tirpai.

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The Air of HAR PHULAN DI, in the European Style.
SHA
25
A

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Page #61

FEBRUARY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
49
V.
TRANSLATION.
IV. To the tune of the "Flower Garland.” May she ever do justice over us, and be protector O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious
of the law. Empress,
May everyone be happy under her excellent proLong may Victoria reign, O God of grace!
tection.
Let great and small with heart and soul upraise May she ever reign happy; may her serenity be la
this song
1 o God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious never disturbed.*
Empress ! Long may she reign and ever with victory and
splendour. May she blossom and bloom like a lotus-flower
Do Thou protect her ever from her royal enemies. and ever prosper.
Should any terror arise upon her, O God of grace! O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious
Then give her Thy hand and protect her with Thy Empress!
grace.
O God of grace! protect thou ever the gracious II.
Empress! O God of the helpless! defeat Thou ever her
VI. enemies,
May the God of the Earth protect her always. Do Thou frustrate the evil politics of her enemies.
Seeing her boundless glory, may her secret enemies Our hopes are in Thee, O Lord, preserve Thou us.
die of envy. O God of grace ! protect Thou ever the gracious
Day and night may millions bless (her) with joined Empress!
hands III.
O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious Bestow on her the best gift of Thy treasure.
Empress ! May her glory be as the sun throughout the world. 1 In the Plate attached will be found the music Long may she reign : prolong her days.
of Hdr Phulli dl." It is given as a specimen O God of grace! protect Thou ever the gracious of a Paljábt tune, arranged, as closely as possible, Emprees!
according to the European method.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. OOMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.B.
(Continued from p. 19). Bite, to,Dandava, (Eng.); dantava, dant&lava, BLEAR-EYED,-Khaleakeakoro, kalontko, (Tch.) dantaráva, (Tch.); dendalava, (M.)
BLEAR-EYED, to become-KhAlioviva, (Tch.) BITTER,-Kerko, (Tch.); gh'avre, (As. Tch.); BLEEDING,-Rattvaló, (Tch.) am&ro, korkô, (M.); kerko, (M. 7)
Bless, to-Blagoslovisaráva, (M.) BITTERNESS,-Kerkipe, (Tch.)
BLIND, -Korredo, (Eng.); korô, korionnd, tam, BLACK,-Dam, dumo, kaulo, (Eng.); kalô, (com.)
(Tch.); kori, (As. Tch.); koró, korð, (M.); kaledôr. (Tch.); gh'ali, gh'eili, (As. Tch.);
koro, (M. 7); tam, (M. 8) kaló, melal8, (M.); kalo, (M. 7)
BLIND, to become-Kóriováva, (Tch.); korallo BLACK, to become, Kaliováva, Toh.)
viva, (M.) BLACKEN, to-Kaliaráva, (Tch.)
BLINDLY,-Koriandôs, (Tch.) BLACKBERRY,-Kalo-durril (kaulo in orig.), BLINDNE88,-Koribê, (Tch.) (Eng.)
BLISTERS,Bugnes, bagnior, (Eng.) BLACKBIRD, -Kalo-chiriclo, (kaulo in orig.), BLOOD -- Ratti, (Eng.); ratt, (Tch.); lur, (As. (Eng.)
Tch.); rat, (M., M. 8) BLACKI8X,-Kaloro, kaliarkicand, (Tch.)
BLOODY,-Ratalo, (M.) BLACKNESS,-Kalibê, (Tch.)
BLOODY, to become-Rattvaliováva, (Tch.) BLACKSMITH,-Kaulo-mengro, (Eng.); mantêr, Blow,-Marib6, (Tch.); dab, (M., M. 7) shastirêskoro, (Tch.)
BLOW OF THE FI8T8,-Rupedint, (Tch.) BLACK-THORN,-Kanlo-kori, (Eng.)
BLOW ON THE MOUTH,-Munji, (Eng.) BLANKET,-Koppar, sovaharri, (Eng.)
Blow, to, -Pudiva, (Eng.); Pardava, padava, phnBLEACHER, -Toibnáskoro, (Tch.)
dáva, fadáva, (Tch.); phurdava, (M.; M. 8)
• The original is idiomatic here : lit., "may her hair be never crooked."
lit., " the (tutelary) elephants of the (four) quarters (of the earth)."
• 4.6. in prayer.

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50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
BLUE-Nilê, nili, (As. Tch.) BLUSH to,-Lajkva, (Teh.) BLUSH, to cause to,-Lajaváva, (Tch.) BLUSHING, to be, -Lajániováva, (Tch.) BOAR, wild, young,-Balishi, (M.) BOARD,--Phal, sanidi, (M. 8) BOARDS, -Skënduri, (M) BOAT,-Lantre, (M.) BODY,-Trupo, (Eng.); trupu, (M.) BOIL, to, -Tavkva, (Tch.); kiraváva, (M., M. 7)
thavava, (M. 8) BOILED, to be,T&vghiováva, (Tch.) BOILED, -Kerrit, (Eng.) BOILER,-Pirry, (Eng.) BOLT, -Mandára, (Tch.) BOLTING-CLOTH, --Porizen, reshêto, (Tch.) BONE,-Kokal, (pl.) kokalor (Eng.); kókkalo,
(Tch.); kharik, (As. Tch.); kókalo, M.,
M. 7) Book,-LA, (Eng.); namali, (Tch.); lil, (M.) Boot,-(pl.) Skraunior,' (Eng.): (pl.) chekmi,(As.
Tch.); (pl.) shkorne, (M. 8) BOOTY,-Kappi, luripen, (Eng.) Booty, to get, -Lelâva kappi, (Eng.) BORDER,-NAkri, (Tch.); märjina, (M.) BORE A HOLE, to,-Kheviaráva, (Tch.) BORED, to be (passive of above)-Kheviärghioviva,
(Tch.) BORN,-Beano, (Eng.) BORN, to be, -Něshtikva, něshtisard'ováva, (M.) BOBOM, Bee Breast. BOTH,-Li, li-duy, zheni, düyzheni, (M.) BOTTLE, -Vellin, (Eng.); bakla, (Tch.); agald;
shfpu, shēpu, shěp, (dim.) shopushôru, (M.) BOUGH,-kry&ugě, kryânga, (M.) BOUGHT, to be,-Kinghioviva, (Tch.) BOUND, (past part.)-Pandlo, (Eng); phandad'ov,
pandad'ov, (M.) Bow, to, (v. tr.)-Band'aráva, ēnkinisard'ováva,
(M.) BOW ONESELF, to,-Band'ováva, (M.) BOWELS,-Vênor, vennor, wendror, (Eng.); bukó,
(Tch.) Box,-Mufta, muktar, mukto, (Eng.); ladinfcha,
sendaki; khrabisha, (Tch.); 14da, (M.) Box, little, -Ladică, lédica, (M.) Box ON THE EAR, -Pishôt, (Tch.); korik, kuradini,
(As. Tch.) BOXER,-Kuromengro, (Eng.) Boy-Chal, raklo, (Eng.); mursh, (dim.) murshorô,
raklo, (dim.) rakloro, chavo, (Teh.); gor, kur, (As. Tch.); raklo, rakloro, (M.);
raklo, (M. 8) BRACELET, -Koro, (Tch.) BRAIN,-gots, godi, godt, (Tch.) BRAN,-Seli, (M. 8) BRANCH,Rukeskey kost, (Eng.)
BRANDINH, to,-Melincasaráva, věnturiva, (M.) BRANDY,-Tatti-pani, tatti-pauni, (Eng.); paniali,
(Tch.); rakushka, (As. Tch.) BRA88,- Khaljt, (M.) BRAVE,-Murshno, murshicano, (Tch.);. vod'aló,
(M.) BRAVERY, -Murshnipê, (Tch.) BRAZEN,-Kharkuno, (M.) BREAD, -Morro, (Eng.); manro, (Span. Gip.);
manro, gheum, (Hun. Gip.); manrô, cham, bokalt, marnô, maro, mando, marly (Tch.); mêna, (As. Tch.); malâv, (Tch. Tok.); morroshka, (Rus. Gip.); manrô, manră, mellye, (M.); bokoli, cham, (M.7); manro,
(M. 8) . BREAK, to, -Poggrava, (Eng.); pang va, (Tch.);
phad'ovava (v. intr.), phagava (v. tr.),
(M.); pharáva, phagava, (M. 8) BREAK, to cause to,-Pangharkva, (Tch.) BREAK OPEN, to,-Pornisard'ováva, (M.) BREABT, woman's--Chuchi, chichi, (M., M. 7) BREAST,-Bark, (fem.) birk, (pl.) pikkis, pikkaris,
(Eng.); kolin, brek, gutch, (Tch.); sin, (As.
Tch.); běrk, kolin, (M.); brek, kolin, (M. 7) BREATH,-Abpru, (M.) BREECHES,-Rokunyes,(Eng.); roklin (Hun. Gip.) BRICK,-Kěrémidē, (M.) BRIDE-Bori, (dim.) borori, tellis-bort, (Tch.);
vahri, (As. Tch.); miryksa, (M.); bori,
(M. 7) BRIDEGROOM,-Mirelo, mirilo, těrno, ternŮ, (M.) BRIDGE, -Pudge, (Eng.); purt, (Tch.); phurd,
pôdu, (M.); phurt, (M. 8) BRIDLE,-Sollibari, salivaris, (Eng.); salivari,
shavar, (dim.) shuvarorð, ushvar, (Toh.);
rasmog, (As. Toh.); sulivari, (M. 8) BRING, to-Anava, riggurava, (Eng.); andva, ghe
lava, (Tch.); ankva, čngěráva, (M.); anava,
(M. 7) BRING, to cause to-Anghiariva, anghiakerdva,
(Tch.) BRING FORTH, to-biva, benava, (Tch.); kěráva,
karáva, (M.); lotáva, (M. 8) BRING TO MIND, to-Rigava in yi, (Eng.) BRING UP, to-Bharyartva, (M.) BROAD.-Bughlô, (Tch.) dělgo, (M.) BROKEN, -Poggado, (Eng.); parô, (Tch.); phago,
(M.) BROKEN, to be. -Pånghiováva, pångliováva, (Toh.) BROKEN-WINDED, -Bavano, (Eng.) BROKEN-WINDED-HORSE, -Poggado-bavol-engro,
(Eng.) BROKEN VICTUALS,- Poggado habben, (Eng.) BROOM,-Mátla, shulávka, shuval, (Tch.) BROTH, -Simmeno, zimmen, zumi, (Eng.) BROTHER,-Pal, prala, (Eng.); pral, plal, pralora,
(Tch.); pral, (M.); phral, (M. 8)

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FEBRUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
51
BROTHER-IN-LAW.-Salo, (Toh.); kumnáto, kum-
nât, (M.) BROCHER IN VILLAINY,-Pal, (Eng.) BROUGHT TORTH, to be-Bênghiováva, bendovava,
(Tch.) BRUSH, to-Shulavava, (M. 8) BUCx-Bazos, (Tch.); c&pu, (M.); buzno, (M. 7) BUFFALO,- Vuina, vayana, (Tch.); bihol (M.) BUG,-Likhevi jiv, (As. Tch.) BUILD, to-TardAva, tardriva, (Eng.); kriva,
karáva, zidiáva, (M.) BUILDING, place for.-Than, (M.) BULGARIAN, – Das, (Tch. M. 7) BULL, --Guveno, (Eng.); sakári, (Tch.) BUNCH,-Drča, (M.) BUNDLE,-KAlavo, (Tch.); droe, (M.). BURDEN, -Kataya, (Tch.) BURGLARY,-Rardiskey kair poggring, (Eng.) BURIED.-Pashed; pasheno, (Eng.); praķhome,
(M:) Burn, to, HachÂva, (Eng.); tabariva, tabiarkva,
(Tch.); tapihva, tapiováva, (Psp. M.); phabarkva, phabard'ováva, phaboviva, (M.); ķhacharkva, (M. 7); phabáva, tha
bava, (M. 8) BURNID, to be,-Tabioviva, tapiováva, (Tch.) BURNING, ,--Hatchipen, (Eng.); omblal, (M. 8) Burst, to.-MurdAliováva, (Tch.); pharyováva,
plezniáva, (M.) BURY, to-Praķhodva, praķhosarkva, (M); ķhan.
dava, (M. 7); parováva, praķhoâva, (M. 8) BUSHEL, -Medisin, (Eng.) BU8E8,-Poyana, (M.) BUSINESS,-Butt, puti, bukt, (dim.) butari, (Tch.) BUT,-Ảy, dArẻ, .) BUTCHER, -Mans-engro, maaso-mengro, (Eng.);
mas@skoro, (Tch.) BUTTER, -Kil, (Eng); gur, (As. Tch.); kiil, (Tch.
Tok.); chikën, (M.) BUTTERFLY,-Popěrága, (M.) BUTTON, -Krafni, (Eng.) BUTTON-MAKER,-Krafni-mengro, (Eng.) Buy, to,-Kingva, (Eng.); kinava, (Tch.); lavki
nim, (As. Tch.); t'inâva, (M.); kiņva,
(M. 7) BUY OFF, to,-Kinava aley, (Eng.) BUYER,-Kinabêskoro, (Tch.) BY,-Pa, (Eng.); pashA, pashě, (M.)
CAKE, honey,-Bokoll, bokull, bokuld, bukoúli,
(M.) CALABASH,-Katarni, kutaroni, (Tch.) CALP,-Sakâri, (Tch.); zhicel, (M.) CALICO,-Bot, (As. Teh.) CALLING, interjection of-Mo, (M.) CALL, to, -Chándava, chårdava, voizava, (Tch.);
(imperat.) sis le ker, (As. Tch.); akarar,
(Span. Gip.); akharáva, khěráva, (M.) CAN,Brad'i, (M.); bradi, (M. 7); takhtay, (M. 8) CANDLE,-Mamli, (Eng.); mumeli, (M); dnd,
(M. 7) CANDLESTIOK- Mamli-mengro, (Eng.) CANE,-Ran, (Tch.) CANNIBAL-Pěgěi, (M.) CAP, -Hafa, (Eng.) kachma, kazhma, stad'i, (M.) CAPITAL, to make a,-Lelava kappi, (Eng.) CAPTAIN, -Kapitáno, kapitánu, kěpitánu, (M.) CARD,-Lil, (M.) CABE,-Grizhě, (M.) CARE, to take-Geräva, fakáva, (Eng.); loviziva,
(Tch.); grizhiáva, (M.). CARPET -Sovaharri, (Eng.); pasternt, (Toh.) CARRIAGE,-Vordôn, (Tch.) CARRIXR8,-Karesha, (M) CARROTS, -Spinyor, (Eng.); gh'ozer, (As. Toh.) CARRY, to,-Rigguráva, (Eng.); andva, (Tch.);
koráva, kērogaráva, pheravava, trudava,
ongěråva, (M.); lejáva, (M. 8) CART, -Vardo, wardo, (Eng.); kěrdoa, (M.) CARTER, -Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) CART-WRIGHT,-Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) CARVE, to,-Choláva, (Tch.) CASK,-Duruli, (M.) CAST, to,-Wustáva, chivåva, chuvâva, (Eng.) CASTLE, -Aulin, (M.) CÁT, -Matchko, (fem.) matchka, (Eng.); machka,
marohka, pishika, pisika, pismára, chichi, (dim.) chichaiori, chichos, (Tch.); pisik, (As. Tch.); měca, mocě, (M.); chichay,
(M.); machka, (M. 8) Cat, condition of a,-Chicbaibê, (Tch.) CATCH, to,--Astarava, ķhutilAva, khotilava,
(M.) CAVE,-Magheras, (Tch.); burdêy, (M.) CEILING,-Grinda, (M.) CELLAR, - Pivnica, (M.) CEMETERY,-Mulleno kôr, (Eng.) CHAÉF,-Plevye, (M.) CHAIN,-Werriga, (Eng.); janjir, (Tch.); lanco,
Ancu, saster, Bastri, sketri, (M.); veriga,
(M. 8) CHAINED.Janjiralo, (Tch.) CŅAIR, -Besh-engri, skammen, (Eng.); akamni,
(M. 8) CHAIR-MAKER-Skammen-mengro, (Eng.) CHAMBER,-Komoraca, komArd, komara, (M.)
CABBAGE, -Shok, (pl.) shokkor, (Eng.); shakh,
(Toh.); shah, (Psp. M.); chaja, (Span.
Gip.); shaķh, (M., M. 8) CAXE,-Manrikley, marikli, merrikley, (Eng.);
manriklo, (Toh.); kolachi, kolachêy, kolochêy, (M.)

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52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
CHANDLER, -Mumli-mengra, (Eng.); momeliên CLEAN, to,-Kanaskerkva, kanakeriva, shuchakegoro, Tch.)
råva, shuzakeráva, kosháva, koskva, CHANGE, to,-Pariva, parriva, (Eng.); paruvgva,
ghoshåva, goshåva (Tch.) (Tch.); parud'ováva, (M.)
CLEAN, to cause to,-Koshliaráva, (Tch.) CHANGED, to be,-Paravghiovava, (Teh.)
CLEANLINE89,-Shuchipê, shuzipe. (Tch.) CHANGE OF CLOTHES,-Paruib6, (Tch.)
CLEAR,--Limpede, (M.) CHAPLET, -Minriclô, (Tch.)
CLEAR WEATHER,Pinripe, (Tch.) CHARCOAL,-Wangar, wongar, (Eng.); angår, CLEAVE, to,-Paraváva, (Tch.) (Tch.); angar, (M. 7)
CLERGYMAN,-Rashengro, rashi, (Eng.) CHATTERER, Chibalo, (Tch.)
CLEVER,-Yokki, (Eng.); t'it'itori, (M.) CHEAT, to,-Khokhavåva, (Tch.); ķhoshava, (M.) CLIMB UP, to,-Ěnklikva, (M.) CREATED, to be,-Khokhåvghioviva, (Tch.) CLINK, to-Bashavåva, (M.) CHEEK,-Cham, (Tch.); chain, (M. 7)
CLOAK,--Plashta, (Eng.); plata, (Span, Gip.);CHEESE,-Kael, kaes, kas, (Eng.); kerál, chelalô,
mantåo, (M.) (Tch.); pendir, (As. Tch.); parneli, (M.) CLOCK,-Chasõrniku, klopoto, klopotu, (M.) keral, (M.7)
CLOISTER,- Měněstire, (M.) CHEESE-SELLER, -Keralêngoro, (Tch.)
CLOSE,- Akurát, kurit, (M.) CHERRY,-Kerke, (Tch.); cherësh, (M.); keras, CLOTH, -Diklo, panno, (Eng.): yaba, pokhtån, (M. 7)
(Tch.); diklo, (M. 7); than (M. 8) CHEST.-Mufta, muktar, mukto, (Eng.); sekriy, CLOTH, a,-Kosna, kozno, kozna, (M.)
(dim.) sekriyêsh, (M.); mosto, (M. 8) CLOTH-MAKER OR SELLER, -Pokhtanakoro, CHEW, to,-Chamkerkva, châmukerava, (Tch.)
(Tch.) CHEWED,-Chamurdicano, (Tch.)
CLOTH TENT,-Parind, (Tch.) CHICK-PEA,-Rivité, (Tch.)
CLOTHES,--Pata, (Psp. M.); straye, stråyi, (M.); CHICKEN,-Chavri, (Tch.); puyshôr, (M.)
yismata, (M. 7); see COAT. CHILD,-Chavo, chi, (fem.) chavi, tikno, (Eng.); CLOUD-Nooru, (M.)
raklo, cbavô, chao, (dim.) chavoro, cho, CLOVE OF GARLIC, --Shiralo, (Tch.) (Tch.); chag'u, (As. Tch.); rakloro,
CLOVEN, to be, -Pariovava, paravgbiovana,(Tch.) shaoro, shaurò, shavô, shao, (M.); chavo,
CLUB,-Bulava, (M.) (M. 7)
COACHMAN,-Vizitêu, (M.) CHILD-BIRTH,-Ben, (Tch.)
COAL-Wongar, wangar, (Eng:); langar, (Borrow CHILD, to become with.-Kabnfovava, (Tch.)
in Pep. M.); angår, (Tch.); angår, (M.) CHILD, with,-Kabni, kamni, bharô, pharô, thulo, COAT -Choka, (Eng.); (pl.) sirkarfia, uryaibe, tulo, (Tch.); khabni, (M. 7)
uryoibê, yigmata, (Tch.); thalik, cúha, CHIMNEY,-Kihla, (M.)
(M.); see CLOTHES. CHIPS,-Pal'ora, (M.)
Cock -Bosno, boshno, (Eng.); bashno, basno, CHOKE, to, -Taskva, (M. 8)
(Tch.); bazhno, kokosh, (M.) CH00se, to, --Alosaráva, (M.)
COFFEE,-Kafês, kavês, kaliardo, (Tch.); káva, (M.) CHOP, to,--Shindva, shingarkva, (M.)
COFFIN,-Mulleni muktar, mullodustie mukto, CHRISTIAN, after the manner of a.-Bollimen
(Eng.); sekriy, (M.) greskoenees, (Eng.)
COLD, (adj.)-Shilleno, shillerô, shillo, (Eng.); CHRISTMAS, -Bolleskoe divvus, (Eng.); khris
shilalo, (Tch.); silali, (As, Tch.) tunê, (Tch.)
COLD, (sub.)-Shillipen, (Eng.); shil, (Tch.); si, CHURCH,-Kongri, (Eng.); kangheri, karghiri,
(As. Tch.); shil, (M. 8) kanghiri, kangli, (Tch.); kelisê, (As. COLD, to become, --Sadriovava, shilAliovava, (Tch.) Tch.); kangěrf, kangart, kéngěri (M.); COLLECT MONEY, to,-Kěsuidva, késuisaráva, (M.) kangeri, (M. 7)
CoLT, Kurô, kuri, kfurô, kharô, (Tch.) CHURCH-SINGER,- Daskalu, (M.): (fem. his wife) COLUMN,- Beli, bili, (M) diyechica, (M.)
COMB,-Kongli, kongro, (Eng.); ghanglt, konglt, OHURN,-Budalka, (Tch.)
(Tch.), nanári, (M., M. 8) CIDER, -Chute-pavi, pauvi-pâni, (Eng.)
COMB, to,-Ghandava, ghantava, ghrantava, CIXDERS,-Prahos, (Tch.); char, (As. Tch.)
khrantáva (Tch.); gandava, (M. 7) CIRCUMCISE,Chindaráva, (Tch.)
COMB-MAKER, -Ganglinêngoro, (Tch.) CITIZEN --Gav-engro, (Eng.)
COME, (imperat.)-Av, (Eng.), bla, av, (Tch.) CITY,-Foros, Vauros, (Eng.)
COME, to,-Aväva (Eng.); avâva, (Tch.); ba, pa, OLEAN-Iuziou, roujiou, (Eng.) ; shucho, shuző,
(As. Tch.); avava, (M., M. 7) (Toh.); kurtt, (M.); sucho, uzho, (M. 8) I COME OUT, to,-Enkliava, (M.)

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
COMPORT, to,-Kairkva misto, (Eng.) COMING BACK,Welling påli, (Eng.) COMMAND,-Bfelu, porônka, poranka, (M.) COMMAND, to,-Porunchiâva, porunchisarkva,(M.) COMMON, &, -Kekkeno mushes pav, (Eng.) COMMUNION,-Kônka, (Tch.) COMPANION,-Amal, mal, (Tch.); amal, (fem.)
tovarðahica, tovarěshka, (M.); amal,(M.7);
see COMRADE. COMPANY, Kumpânia, (M.) COMPARE, to,--Envoiâva, (M.) COMPENSATE, to,-Lasharåva, (M.) COMPLAIN, to-Někozhava, păriâva, zhõlusard'o.
vâva, (M.) COMPLETE,--Sarro, kardo, (Tch.) COMPLETED, to be,-Férshosard'ováva, (M.) COMPLETELY,-Katár mônio, (Toh.) COMPULSORY LABOUR, -Angaria, (Tch.) COMRADE, --Bau, baw, (Eng.); see COMPANION. CONCEAL, to-Gerdva, (Eng.); garáva, (Pep. M.) CONCUBINE, -Mort, (Eng.) CONFE88, to, -Spovedisaráva, (M.) CONFIDENCE, -Pakiibê, pakiabê, pakioib8, (Tch.). CONFIDENCE, to have, in some one,-Pakiâva,
(Tch.) CONFINED, (As a woman)-Lekhosa, lekhusia,
(Tch.) CONFIRM, to-Adeveriáva, adeverisariva, (M.) CONBECRATED, Sfincimi, (M.) CONSTABLE, -Guy-engro, muskro, muskerro,
(Eng.) CONSULT, to, -Světosard'ováva, (M.) CONTENTED, -Muloěmi, (M.) CONTORT ONEBELF IN DANCING, to,-Bolavára,
(Tch.) CONTORTION, -Bolaipė, (Tch.) CONVENT,-Měněstfre, (M.) CONVERTED, -Sherrafo, (Eng.) Convey, to,-Yudisaráva, (M.) Coox,-Pekeskoro, (Tch.); bukatár, bukotari,
bukátar, (M.) Coox, female, -Bukštěrtoa, kukharica, kuķharka,
(M). COOKED, -Kerrit, (Eng.); peko, (Tch.) Cook, to,-Pekáva, (Tch., M. 8); tavava, (Tch.) COOKED, to be. -Pékoivava, távghiovava, (Toh.) COOKING, -Pekibê, (Tch.) COOK-SHOP, keeper of,-PekibnAskovo, (Toh.) COOL, -Sudrô, sitrô, sidro, (Tch.) COOPER, -Wardo-mescro, (Eng.) COPPER,- Horkipen, (Eng.); harko, (Hun. Gip);
ķhârkom, (M.) COPPER, A.-Kakkavi, kakkavi, kukli, kokai,(Tch.) COPPER, made of,-KharkunÔ, (M.) COPPERS, feast of,-Kakkavs, (Tch.) CORAL,-Merjános, (Tch.) CORD, -Shēlô, sholô, shello, (M.); shelo, (M. 8)
CORK8,-Bungshoror, bungyoror, (Eng.) CORN.-Iv, ghiv, (Tch.) CoRN-MEASURE,-Kilô, (Tel.): korốc, kor cu,
(M.) Coen, ear of-Spiku, spiko, (M.) CORN, grain of, -Grětncă, (M.) CORNER-Kötu, (M.) COUGH,-Khas, has, (Tch.) Cougu, to,-Khaskva, hasáva, (Tch.); ķhasiva,
(M.7) COUGH, he who,--Kohi dori, (As. Tch.) COUGHED, to be,-Khas&niovava, (Tch.) COUNSEL, -Dizia, (Tch.) COUNT, (a title)-Gråfu, (M.) COUNT, to, -Gináva, (Eng.); gheneva, (Tch.);
geneva, (M. 7) COUNTED, to be,--Ghênghiováva, (Tch.) COUNTRY, -Tem, (Eng); dis, (Tch.) COUNTRY, belonging to a, -Temeskoe, (Eng.) COUNTRY-SEAT,-Filisen, (Eng.) COURT, to,-Mangåva, (M.) COURT OF JUSTICE,-Kěnočlériye, (M.) COUSIN,-Ver, (M.) COVER,-Uchardo, (Tch.); ķhip, (M. 7) Cover, to,-Ucharáva, (Tch., M. 8); t'inzoáva,
(M.) COVERED, to be,-Uchårghiovava, (Tch.) COVERING, -Ucharibe, (Tch.) COVEBING, (of a tent)-Kazêli, (Toh.) Cow,-Guveni, (Eng.); guruvni, gurumni, (Tch.):
mangav, manga, (As. Tch.); grumni,
gurumni, (M.) Cow, young, -Yalovica, (M.) COWPEN,-Guveni-bugnior, (Eng.) CRAB,-Karavidinf, (Toh, M. 7); rako, rak, (M.) CRADLE,-L'Agěno, l'Agonu, (M.) CRAG, -Těmplu, (M.) CREAM, -Smentini, (Eng.); smettani, (M. 8) CREDIT, -Parriken, (Eng.) CREDITED,-Pizarris, pizaurua, (Eng.) OBIB,-Åslia, pakhni, (Tch.) ORIPPLE, Pango, bangô, levavd8, (Tch.); kaliköyka,
kaliko, kalfky, peritare, (M.); levavdo,
(M. 8) CRIPPLE, to become,-Levävdovava, (Tch.) CRISP,--Boldinô, kreco, (M.) CROOKED, -Bango (M.) CRORS, -Trihal, (Eng.); trushal, turshal, (Tch.);
trijul, (Span. Gip.); trushal, troshal,
(M.); trushal, (M. 8) CBQw, to,-Bashậva, delab&va, (M.) CROWN, -Korauni, kortni,(Eng.); korúna, kurdna,
(M.)
CRUMBLE, to (v. intr.),-Rěsépisard'ováva, (M.) CRUMB8,-Purshuk4, (M., M. 8) CRY,-Gudli, godli, (Eng.); vikima, (Tch.); chinger,
chingar, chingkiri, (M.); cbingar, (M. 7)

Page #66

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
.
CRY OUT, to,-Koråva, (Eng.); basháva, chinga | DAWN, -Disioibê, (Tch.); zôre. (.)
råva, (M.); bashava, chandava, (M. 7); DAY,-Divvus, (Eng.); dives (Tuh., Pep. M.; M. vichingva, vikizáva, (M. 8)
7); ghives (Psp. M.); des, d'es (M.) CUCKO0,-Koring chiriclo, (Eng.)
DAY-AND-NIGHT,-Dôbe, (M.) CUCUMBER,-Kastravicha, panialeradre, (Tch.) DAY, during the. -Diso, (Tch.) CUDGEL, --Druk, druku, buzduganu, chum&ge, DAY, to become,-Disiováva, (Tch.) chumdgdcé, chuměg&ca, (M.)
DAY-LABOUBER,-Divesêakoro, (Tch.) CUP,-Koru, koro, tas, (Eng.); ball, takhtâi, pal, DEAD, adj.,-Mullo, (Eng.); mulo, molô,.(Tch.); pel, (Tch.); koro, (Span. Gip.); paharo,
mulô, mulurô, (M.); murdal, (M. 8) paharu, (M.); khoro, (M. 7)
DEAD MAN,Mullo, (Eng.) CUP AND SAUCER,Dou dass, dui das, dui tas, | DEAF,-Kasuko, kasukov, kashuko, (Tch., Pap. M., (Eng.)
M. 7) CURE, to,-Kairava misto, (Eng.); sastaráva,(Tch.) DEATEN, to,--Zalisaráva, (M.) CURED, to be, -S4stiovava, (Tch.); sagh le ker,(As. DEAP, to become,-Kashokiováva, (Tch.); gh'ari, Tch.)
(As. Tch.) CURRANT -Dariya durril, (Eng.)
DEAR, -(beloved) Drago, draga; (expensive) kuch, CURRENCY,-Luvvo, (Eng.)
(M., M. 8) CURRYCOMB, -Zgrêbla, zgryábla, (M.)
DEATH,-Merripen, (Eng.); meribê, (Tch.); me. CURSE-Solâja, (Span. Gip.); arman, (M. 7)
ript, morte, moarte, (M.); molô, meripf, CURSE, to-Armên dåva, (Tch.); kushåva, (M.)
(Pap. M.); meri, murê, (As. Tch.) CURSED,-Uzhilo, (M.)
DEATH OF ANIMALS,-Murdaribe, (Tch.) CUSHION,-Perina, shěránd, (M.); see PILLOW.
DEBT,-Chik, (Tch.) CUT, ---Chinipen, (Eng.); chinipe, (Tch.)
DEBT, IN, - Pizarris, pizaurus, (Eng.); chikalo, CUT, I-Chinêm, (Tch. Tokat.)
(Tch.) CUT, to,--Chingva, (Eng.); chinava, (Tch.); DEBTOR, -Pizarri-mengro, (Eng.)
chin, (A.8. Tch.); secheriava, shinava, DECRIVE, to,-Khokhavava, (Tch.) shingarkva, (M.); chinava, ķhulaváva, DECEIVED, to be,-Khokhåvghioviva, khokhávni. (M. 7)
ov&va, (Tch.) Cut, to be.-Chinghiovava, chindovave, (Tch.)
DECLARE, to, -Pukkeriva, (Eng.) Cut, to cause to, -Chinavára, (Tch.)
Dz2D, -Kerrimus, (Eng.) CUT AWAY, to, -Shab&va, (Eng.)
DEED, good, - Mishtipi (M.) CUT OUT, to,-Kroyihva, kroyisaráva, (M.); cholA
DEEP,-Khor, (Tch., Psp. M.); adónko, adónku, va, (M. 7. Cf. Pep. M. s.v.), to cut with
(M.); ķhor, ķhanduk, (M. 7) a knife.
DEER, -Stannyi, stannyo, (Eng.) CUTLER, -Churi-mengro, (Eng.)
DEFEND, to,-Branisardva, (M.) DEPEND ONEBELF, to-Branisard'ováva, (M.)
DELUGE, -Potôpu, (M.) DAILY,-Dirvuskoe, divveskoe, (Eng.)
DEPART, to, - Nashara, (Pep. M.) DAMPNESS,-Chi, (Tch.)
DEPARTURE,-Nashipê, (Tch.); apahtu, (M.) DANCX,-Khôros, (Tch.); nicheri, (As. Tch.) DEPTH,Fandu, (M.) DANCE, to,-Kilava, (Eng.); kóláva, (M.); kheldra, DERIDE, to,-Khokhavava, (Tch., M. 7)
DERINION, -Prasaibe, (Toh.) DANCER,-Killi-mengro, (Eng.)
DESCEND, to,-Ughliva, (Toh.); huliava, (M.) DARE, to-Kutizisaráva, (M.); tromáva, (M. 8) DESCEND, to cause to,-Ugbliavava, ughlia keriya, DARK,-Temno, (Eng.)
(Tch.) DARKNE88,-Tunêriko, (M.)
DEBIBE, -Manghishe, (As. Tch.) DARK, it is, -Biavéliorel, (Toh.)
DEBIBE, to,-Kamáva, (Eng.) p of the fathor,-Khaltodad, (M.) DESTROY, to,--Nashara, (Eng.); musaráva, pha DAELING, { of the mother, --KhAltoydiy, (M.)
gåra, ršešpiáva, (M) DARNEL-Keshelari, (Toh.)
DESTROYED, -Nashado, (Eng.) DAUGHTER.-Obavi, ohi, (Eng.); rakit, chai, chdi, DEVE,-Beng, bengui, (Eng.); benk, beng, (dim.) (dim.) chaiori (Tah.); rakli, shey, shty,(M.)
bengoro, (Tch.); sheitan (As. Toh.); benk, lavti, (As. Tch.); jaghi (Tch. Tokat)
(Pop. M.); beng, (M., M. 7) DAUGHTER, of or belonging to a-ChAkoro, (Toh.) DEVILISH,-Bengeskoe, benglo, bangalo, (Eng.); DAUGHTER-IN-LAW,-Burt, (M.)
bengalo, benghialo, benghulano, (Toh.) DAILY,-Divveekoe, divvuskoe, (Eng.)
DEVILISH TRICE, -Benghipe, (Tch.). DAMSEL, --Chavali, (Eng.)
Dew:-Drosin, (M. 7)
(M. 7)

Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
DIAMOND,-Dude-bar, (Eng.); adyamânto, (M.) DIR, to,-Meriva, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M, M., M. 8) DIG, to,-Khatava, (Pap. M.)
DIRECT, to,-Orthoâva, (M.) DIRECT ONESELF, to,-Gětosard'ovåva, (M.) DIRT,-Chik, hin, (Eng.); chique, (Span. Gip.); keli, kelia, mel, melalipê, (Tch.); mel, (Pap. M.); glôdu, kul, (M.); chik, (M. 7); mel, (M. 8)
buhlô, (M )
DISTORT, to,-Band'ováva, (M.)
DISTRIBUTE, to,-Keltusaráva, keltusard'ovával,
DRAGON,-Balaûru, balauru, balaurě, (M.) DRAW, to,-Tardava, tardráva, (Eng.); chivåva, chidava, (Tch.); tradâva, cerdava, kěrěsarava, pheraváva, (M.); cidâva, (M. 7) DRAWERS (for wearing).-Sostê, (M.). DRAWN, to be;-Chidiniováva, (Tch.) DEAWEE,-Shufl'âda, (M.) DREAM,-Sunnô, (Tch., Pap. M.); sonu, sona, (M.)
DIRT, lump of,-Buburůzo, (M.)
DIRTY, Chiklo, (Eng); melalô, (Tch., Pap. M.); mahrimi, změrdavo, (M.) DIRTY, to,-Meliarâva, (Tch.) DIRTY, to become,-Chikâliováva, melâliováva, (Tch.); melâlievâva, (Pap. M.) DIRTY FELLOWS,-Hindity mengrê, hindity mescrê, (Eng.)
DISCIPLE,-Puy, payo, payu, (M.) DISCOURSE, Sbora, sbôros, (Tch.) DISAPPEAR, to,-Khasard'ováâva, (M.) DISH,-Châro, (Eng.); dazi, (As. Tch.); charô, kledin, polûmesko, (M.) DISHONOUR, to,-Kushâva, (M.). DISPUTE,-Lav-chingaripen, (Eng.) DISTAFF, (pl) Kâyre, (M) DISTANCE,-Duripê, (Tch.)
DISTANT,-Dürghe, dur, (comp.) duredêr, (Tch.); DRUM,-Dóba, (M.)
DRESS,-Rivipen, (Eng.); goneles, (Span. Gip.) DRESS, to,-Uryâva, oryåva, (Tch.); uryaváva, (Pap. M.); (to adorn) pucuiva, pucuisarava; (to clothe) uryaváva, (M.) DRESSED, Riddo, (Eng.); vriardao, (Span. Gip.) DRIED, to be,-Shakiováva, (Tch.)
DRINK, to,-Peåva, (Eng.); piâva, (Tch. Pap. .M., M., M. 8)
55
DRINK, to give to,-Piaváva, (Tch.) DRINKING VESSEL,-BAli, pal, pel, (Tch.) DRIVE to,-Köråva, (M.)
DRIVE AWAY, to,-Lipsisarâva, (M.) DROP, to,-Chulaváva, (M. 7) DROP,-Gata, (M.)
DROVER,-Govedår, (Tch.)
DROWN, to,-Tasavâva, (M.) DROWNED, to be,-Tasyováva, (M.)
DRUNK, (intoxicated),-Pios, matto, (Eng.); mattô, mattô mâmini, matto gargashi, matto kord, matticano, (Tch.); zerakhôshi, (As. Tch.); matto, (Pap. M.); matô, mat'ârno, (M.); mato, (M. 8)
DRUNK, to make,-Mattiarva, (Tch.); mat'aráva,
(M.) DITCH,-Khuva, gúpa, (Tch.) DIVE, to,-Kufundiâva, (M.) DIVINE,-Develiskoe, (Eng.) Do, to,-Kerava, kairâva, (Eng.); keråva, gheråva, (Tch.); kerami, (As. Tch.); dâva, kōráva, kariva, (M.)
Do, to cause to-Kerghi kerâva, (Tch.) DOG,-Juggal, jukkal, (pl.) jukkalor, chukkal,
tioibê, (Tch.)
DRY,-Trusno, (Eng.); shuko, (Tch., Pap. M., M., M. 8); shuket, (As. Tch.)
(Eng.); chuquel, (Span. Gip.); chukê, jukél, (f.) chuklf, rikonô, rukonô, (Tch.); boyjt (As. Tch.); zhukel, zhukôl, (dim.) zhukloro, zhukl'oro, cenko, (M.); jukel, DRY, to (trans.),-Shukiarava, shukerava, (Tch., Pap. M.); shut'aráva, (M.) (M. 7); rukono, (M. 8) DOGWOOD,-Jukkaelsti kosht, (Eng.) DONKEY.-Mailla, (Eng.) DOOR,-Wuddur, (Eng.); burda, (Span. Gip.);
dar, dal, vudar, (Tch. Pap. M.); udár, vudar, porta, poarta, (dim.) portica, (M.)
Door, of or belonging to,-Vudrikoro, (Toh.) DOORKEEPER,-Wudder-mesoro, (Eng.) DOORKNOCKER,-Khartalámi, (Toh.) DOVE,-Holub, (M.); torade, (M. 8) Dows,-Aley, (Eng.); telê, felê, (Pap. M.) DOUGH,-Astråki, khomêr, (Tch.); khumar,
khomer, (M., M. 7)
(M.)
DRUNK, to become,-Mattiováva, (Tch.); måttioviva, (Pap. M.); mat'ováva, (M.) DRUNKARD,-Pea-mengro, piya-mengro, mattomengro, (Eng.)
DRUNKENNESS,-Mattipen, (Eng.); mattipê, mat
DRY, to become,-Shakiováva, (Tch., Pap. M.); shut'ováva, (M.) DRYNESS,-Shukibê, (Teh.) DUCATS,-Polia, (Tch.); galbenu, (M.); poli, (M. 8) DUCK,-Racheta, retza, (pl.) pappins, pappior, patnies, (Eng.); råca, (M., M. 8) DULL,-Delivano, dilivano, d'ilivano, (M.) DUMB,-Lalori, lavori, laloro, lalaro harold, (Teh.); laloro, (M. 8)
DUMB, to become,-Lalôriováva, (Toh.) DUNG,–Ful, (Eng.); konôi, bunista, gonôi, goshd, goshno, (Tch.); sipindt, (As. Tch.); goshno, (Pap. M.); gun'oy (M.);

Page #68

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DUNG OF BIRDS,-Chichini, (Tch.) DUNG, to,-Chichinfa kerâva, (Tch.) DUST,-Prakhos, (M. 8) DUSTER,-Kirpa, ekirpa, (Tch.) DWARFISH,-khurdô, (Pap. M.) DWELL, to,-Lodáva, (Tch., M. 8); beshava, (M.)
E
EACH,-KAde, (Tch.); fiesavô, (M.); sako, (M. 8) EAGLE,-Pazharě, (M.)
EAR,-Kaun, kan, (pl.) kenyor, (Eng.); kann, (Tch.); kan, khan, (M.); kan, (M. 7) EARLIER, Anglalunô, anglunô, angledunô, angle. lutno, (Tch.); anglal, dintunô, înt'e, may int'e, (M.) EARLY,-Sorlo, (Eng.); ráno, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8); sego, segu, segu, sêgo, (M.) EAR-RING,-Cherchêlu, (M.); cheni, (M. 7) EARTH,-Pov, puvvo, chik, (Eng.); phuv, pfuv, puv, pu, poshik, (Tch.); puv, phuv, pfuv, (Pap. M.); phu, (M.); phuv, posh, (M. 8) EARTHY,-Puviskoro, poshikâkoro, (Tch.) EASTER,-Patranghi, patranki, patraghi, (Toh.); patrangi, (M. 8) EASY,-Ushôru, (M.) EAT, to,-H&va, hawâva, halava, (Eng.); khâva, (Tch., Pap. M.); khâva, (M., M. 7) EGG,-Yoro, (Eng.); vandò, (Tch.); ani, (As. Tch.); anu, (Tch. Tokat); vanrô, (Pap. M.); anrô, (M.); vando, (M. 8) EGG-PLANT,-Baljan, bajan, (As. Tch.) EIGHT,-Ohtô, (Tch., Pap. M.); okhto, (Tch., M. 8) EIGHTEEN,-Deshko, (Eng.); desh-i-ohtô, (Psp. M.)
EIGHTY, Ogdônta (Tch.); ohtovardêri, (Psp. M.) ELBOW,-Kuni, kunik, (Tch.); kuy, (M.); kuni, (M. 8) ELEVEN,-Desh ta yeck, (Eng.); desh-u-yek, (Tch.); desh-i-yek, (Pap. M.) EMACIATED,-Bi-masêskoro, (Toh.); shuko, (Pap.
M.)
EMBARRASSMENT, Tasås, (Tch.) EMBITTER, to,-Musarâva, (M.) EMBROIDER, to,-Suvava, (M.) EMBROIDERING FRAME, an,-Derdêfu, (M.) EMPEROR,-Emparato, emparátu, (M., M. 8) EMPRESS,-Emparatyâsa, (M.)
EMPTINESS,-Pustiye, (M.)
EMPTY,-Chuchô, (Tch. M. 8); pustiyu, (M.) EMPTY, to,-Chucharava, (Tch:) EMPTY, to become,-Chuchiováva, (Tah.) ENCLOSURE, Bâri, pari, (Tch.) END, to,-Fĕrshoâva, (M.)
ENDURE, to,-Rěbdiâva, robdisaráva, (M.) ENEMY,-Dushman, (M. 7) ENOUGH,-Dusta, dosta, (Eng.); destul, destal',
dôsta, (M.); dosta, (M. 7)
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
ENRAGED,-Kholinâkoro, kolini koro, (Tch.) ENRAGED, to become,-Kizdizâva, (Tch.) ENRICH ONESELF, to,-Baravaliováva, (Tch.). ENTER, to,-Shuvava, (M.) ENTIRELY,-Dintrêg, pe dintrêg, (M.) ENTRAILS, Vênor, vennor, (Eng.); buko, (Tch., M. 7) EQUAL,-Simen, (Eng.)
ERASER, (sub.)-Masha, (Tch.)
ESCAPE, to,-Shabâva, (Eng.); nashava, skěpisa.. råva, skěpisard'ovâva, (M.) ETERNALLY,-Sikovar, (Eng.); sekovar, (Hun.
Gip.) EVENING, Tasarla, sarla, (Eng.); biaveli, (Tch., M. 7) EVER, for,-Vechi, (M.)
EVER MORE,-Sikovar, ever-komi, (Eng.); sekovar, (Hun. Gip.)
EVERY,-Sore, soro, (Eng.); sekom, (M.) EVIL,-Dosch, dosh, wafodu, wafudo, vassard, vassavy, (Eng.); zhunganimos, (M.) EXACTLY,-Huey, (As. Tch.)
EXCHANGE, to,-Paráva, parráva, porråva, (Eng.); paruvava, (Tch., M. 8) EXCOMMUNICATED,-Afurisimi, (M.) EXCOMMUNICATION,-Kalipê, (Pap. M.) EXCREMENT,-Ful kful, kul, khendô, (Tch.); gus, (As. Tch.); khin, khul, (M. 7); see DIRT. EXERCISE, to (a horse)-Kõlava, (M.) EXIST, to,-Jibâva, (Eng.) EXPENSIVE,-Kuch, (M.) EXPERT,-Yokki, (Eng.) EXPIRE, to,-Oghi, dâva, (Toh.) EXTEND, to,-Bughliarâva, (Tch.) EXTENDED, to be,-Baghliovava, (Tch.) EXTINGUISH, to,-Murdarâva, (Tch.); mudaráva,
(M.)
EXTINGUISHED,-Murdâl, (Tch., M. 8) EXTINGUISHED, to be,-Mudard'ováva, (M.) EXTINGUISHER, Vrehtüla, (Pap. M.) EYE,-Yak, (pl.) yakor, (Eng.); yak, (Tch., Pep. M); aki, (As. Toh.); yak, (M.); yakh, (M. 7)
EYEBROW, Pov, (Tch., Psp. M.); gh'ash, (As. Tch.); sprinchêne, (M.) EYEGLASS,-Okyanu, (M.) EYELASH,-Chamchali, (Tch.); zhêne, (M.)
F
FACE,-Chikât, mai, (Tch.); muy, (M.) FAGGOT,-Trushni, (Eng.)
FAIR, (sub.)-Weggaulus, welgorus, welgaulus, (Eng.); (yearly) yarmarok, (M.) FAIRY-TALE,-Paramisi, (M. 8) FAITH,-Pakiibê, pakiabê, pakoibê, (Tch,) FAITHFUL,-Pakiano, (Toh.) FALCON,-Firaghos, (Tch.)

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1886.]
BOOK NOTICES.
57
FALL, to,-Peráva, (Eng.); peráva, (Tch., Psp.
M., M. 8); petrar, (Span. Gip.); ķhut'ava,
periva, skozáva, (M.) FALL, cause to,-Peravava, (Tch.) FALL, to let,--Mekâva, (M.) FALL DOWN, to,-Peråva tuley, (Eng.) FALSE,--Malleko, bango, fashono, (Eng.) FALSEHOOD, -Hokkano, (Eng.); khokhamnibê,
(Tch.); elki, (As. Tch.) FAMISHED,-Bokalô, (Tch.) FAMISHED, to become,-Bokaliovava, khabezândva,
(Tch.) FAMOUS, -Shundo, sundô, (Tch.) FAR,-Dur, durro, (Eng.); dur, (M., M. 7); buglo,
(M. 7) FAR, from,-Durál, (M.) FARM,--Giv-engro puv, (Eng.) FABMER, -Giv-engro, (Eng.) FARMHOUSE,--Giv-engro-ker, (Eng.) FARMYARD,-Pusên, (Tch.). FARRIER,- Nalchåskoro, (Tch.) FARTHING, -Lolli, (Eng.) FASHIONED;-Fashono, (Eng.) FASTENING,-Fortâcie, (M.)
FAT, (adj.)-Tulo, (Eng.); tulo, (Tch.); parvardo,
(Pep. M.); thūlo, tulo, (M.) FAT, (sub.)-Tulipen, (Eng.); kil, (Tch.); khil,
chiken, (M. 7) FAT, to be,-Kilâvghiováva, (Tch.) FAT, to become,-Taliováva, (Tch.); kilaliováva,
(Tch.) FATHER, -dad, dado,(Eng.); dat, dad, (dim.).
dadorð, (Tch.); dât, (Psp. M.); dad, dado, (Rus. Gip.); babo, (As. Toh.);
dad, tâtě, (M.); dad, (M. 7) FATHER-IN-LAW,-Mamicbolo, sashtrô, sasrû
(Tch.); shastrô, sastrô, (Psp. M.); såstro,
(M.); ķhanamik, (M. 7); sashtro, (M. 8) FATIGUE,-Kinioibe, (Tch.) FATIGUED,-Khino, (Tch.) FATIGUID, to become,- Khiniováva, chindováva,
(Tch.) FATTEN, to,-Kilâvåva, (Tch.) FEAR, -Dar, (Tch., Pep. M., M., M. 7) FEAR, to,-Darkva, trashåva, (Tch.); bihêmi, (let
pers. sing.),(As. Tch.); daráva, (Pep. M.,
M.); ingroziâva, (M.); trashava, (M. 8) Feast, a,-Akhênghi, (Tch.)
.
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE KASMIRI PORTABLE sendnas like a row of eyes of fire, which Love has BRAZIER..
adopted in order to conquer Siva (who had burnt In his paper on the Kasmirt portable brazier, up Love by his only eye of fire)." the Rev. Mr. Knowles says that "it has been
According to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, suggested that the Kasmiris learnt the use of the
the word hasantikd occurs also in Kalhana's kdngar from the Italians in the retinue of the
Rajatarangini (iii. 171), where the sleeping-room Mughal Emperors, who frequently visited the of Vikramaditya of Ujjayini is called lasad-diptavalley during the summer months A.D. 1587
hasantika or "shining with the blazing brazier." 1759. The subjoined stanza from Mankha's
E. HULTZSCH. Brucanthacharita' (üi. 29) seems to prove that Vienna, 16th November 1885. braziers were in general use as early as the twelfth century :
PRATAP CHANDRA RAI'S MAHABHARATA. हिमागमे यत्र गृहेषु योषितां
We are glad to observe that H. H. the Raja of ज्वलद्वहुच्छिद्रसखी हसन्तिका।
Faridkot has granted Rs. 500 towards B&ba Pratap
Chandra Rai's excellent and colossal undertaking, Ferra af
the translation of the Makabhdrata. We trust धृता ततिर्वहिमयीव चक्षुषाम् ॥
that this by no means isolated instance of H. H.'s “There (viz. in Pravarapura or Srinagar) at the munificence towards Indian literature will lead approach of winter, the brazier (hasantiká), which others of his rank to similarly aid this very im. possesses many blazing holes, is flashing in the portant publication.
BOOK NOTICES. INDIAN ARCHITECTURE OF TO-DAY, by F. S. GROWSE, Sketches of an Indian District, already noticed in
C.I.E., B.C.S., Allahabad: N. W. P. and Oudh. Government Press.
this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 208, and inoulcates the This is an instalment of a work extending the same lessons with the same freedom of speech. author's monograph entitled Bulandshahr, or Many of the plates have already appeared in the
1 ante, Vol. XIV. p. 266.
This work was discovored by Professor Bühler bee his Kaimir Report, p. 50. A birohbark MS. of the text
and of Jônarfja's. commentary, which I bought in Kasmir, boars the date (Saptarshi)-Samvat 24 and Sri-SAkah 1870, 1.0. A.D. 1648.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1886.
former monograph and in the Journal of Indian Art.
The book is another proof of the heartiness with which the author has entered into the very laudable object of improving architecturally the towns and districts he may be sent to administer, and (may we say it P) with which he also enters into official disputes. His success in the former is beyond doubt and has led, as we have previously observed, to really useful results in inducing the Governments of India to study something besides economy of construction in their public build. ings. If Mr. Growse in the end succeeds in making the Indian official mind see that men, being human, love what they think to be beauti- ful, and that this love of the beautiful is worth consideration, as well as R.A.P., he will be well repaid for all his disappointments and those heart. burnings, which he makes no attempt to conceal. We think we are safe in holding that there are abundant signs abroad of his eventual success in this object.
TE BOOK OF THE TROUSAND NIGHTS AND A NIGHT,
by RICHARD F. BURTON, Vols. I. to V. Kamasha
tra Society, for private subscribers only. In making his work follow 80 quickly upon Mr. John Payne's Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night (Villon Society, for private subscribers only) Captain Burton has deliberately placed his labours before the public in the face of * powerful rival, but we do not think that he has for this reason anything to fear. It is no flattery to say that where the language, literature and social structure of the Arabs is concerned Captain Burton's attainmente stand unrivalled; his opportunities, as he has used them, have been greater than those of any other living writer, and his command of English has been proved in other labours and on other subjects to be unusually ex. tensive. He therefore undertakes the stupendous task-for it is nothing else-of a proper rendering of the Arabian Nights into English, with an equip. ment for the work that need fear no rivalry--not even that of Mr. Payne.
The former work was confessedly a book of pure literature, and the notes were consequently of the most meagre description, the author trusting to his dissertation published in the ninth and last volume to explain the history and nature of this wonderful work of imagination. Captain Burton aims at much more-he not only undertakes to render the text adequately, but to explain every allusion to history, literature, custom and belief. His notes are admirable, and come with a force and authority on the matters treated of that is, as
we have above stated unrivalled, and with all due deference to Mr. Payne's reasons for making his work a purely literary one-throw the older book completely into the background. Explanatory notes to a book of this kind are in fact so imperatively necessary that it is difficult to see why any considerations should be allowed to outweigh the arguments in their favour.
There are many difficulties in the way of a proper presentation of the Arabian Nights in an English garb. It must be a "plain and literal translation," and it must give the spirit, the manner and the matter of the original. These alone in the case of a master-piece of language like the Kitab Alif Laila wa Laila are matters of no small difficulty: and when again it is remembered that the translation is to be made from a book created by writers whose method of ex. pression is utterly foreign to that of Englishmen, and filled with references of all sorts to matters unknown to English instincts, the difficulties become almost insuperable. To say, therefore, that a translation made under these circumstances is successful is in itself high praise. It seems to us that it cannot but be admitted that Mr. Payne's rendering is, viewed thus, & Guccess; we think that Captain Burton's rendering is a still greater success, without reference to his invaluable notes. As 'um-English' features of the original may be mentioned the rhymed prose 80 dear to the Oriental and so abominable to the English ear, and the monorhymes of the verses, -which last are especially difficult to deal with. Another source of trouble is what Captain Burton calls the turpiloquium of the Arabs-that calling & spade a spade-which has obliged him in putting his "plain" rendering before the English public to clearly explain that it is not virginibus puerisque, and to assert in unmistakable terms that nothing could be more repugnant to his feelings than the idea of his pages being placed in any other hands than the class, vis, men and studente, for whose special use they have been prepared. The plain speaking, indeed, of the Arabian Nights is to the modern English people simply insufferable, but it is so characteristic of all Oriental social life, that if the book is to be placed before its readers in any but a false light the groseness of expression must be literally given.
We here give a specimen--wonderfully characteristic of Arabic rhymed prose--which will give - an idea of Captain Burton's method and also to some extent of his one defect vit., his love of rare and consequently little understood words and allusions-which has led a reviewer of another work to say that it had been not "Englished" but "Burtoned by the translator.

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FEBRUARY, 1886.)
BOOK NOTICES.
59
"Thereupon sat a lady bright of blee, with I am oppressed, Of Fate, these cruel days that brow beaming brilliancy, the dream of philo- add abjection to my woe! sophy, whose eyes were fraught with Babel's My purposes are brought to nought, my love gramarye, and her eyebrows were arched as are reft in twain By exile's rigour, and my for archery, her breath breathed ambergris hopes are one and all laid low. and perfumery, and her lips were sugar to O ye, who pass the dwelling by, wherein my taste and carnelian to see. Her stature was dear ones are, Bear them the news of me and straight as the letter alif and her face shamed say, my tears for ever flow. the noon-sun's radiancy and she was even as The eternal subject of transliteration has forced & galaxy or a dome with golden marquetry, itself to the front, as usual, both in Capt. Burton's or a bride displayed in choicest finery, or & and Mr. Payne's prefaces. The latter has determined noble maid of Araby."
to avoid all accents or other tricks of typography In the above, blee" and "gramarye" may be in his pages as being repugnant to the taste of held to be due to the exigencies of saja, but we readers of works of imagination. This has led bare "pinacothek of the brain," a "Pantagruelist | him-as it always does--into great messes, e.g. roc, of the Wilderness," "Mabinogionic archaiem," khalif, cadi and other impossibilities in Arabic and so on in the preface, or foreword as Captain orthography and pronunciation. His proper names Burton prefers to call it. We would here mention too are often positively atrocious, e.g. Agib-benthat the "Babel" the letter alif," and the con. Khesib, Noureddin, Bedreddin, et hoc genus omne. fusion of metaphor in the above quotation are all The former has avoided this pitfall by a judicious duly explained in footnotes.
use of accents and apostrophes, and has produced, We will now give a specimen of #versified in consequence, & truer representation of the rendering, taken at random from the second Arabic words and names. In the presence of 80 volume, p. 143, which will exhibit the author's great a scholar as Captain Burton one must always HUOoess in reproducing the manner and rhythm speak even of his vagaries with respect, but we of the Arabic, and also afford us an opportunity should like to know why when he writes kalandar, of making a comparison with Mr. Payne's efforts rukh, Ja'afar, jinn, Nu'umán, astaghfaru'llah, and in the same direction. Mr. Payne's verses are to 80 on, he should also write Nár al-dín, Badr al-dín, be found in Vol II. p. 67 of his work.
Shaykh, Laylah, Hosayn, Al-Zayni Ibn al-Sadat,
Al-Safdí, and such like. CAPTAIN BURTON. Time hath for his wont to upraise and debase DICTIONARY OF KASMIRI PROVERBS AND SAYINGS. by Nor is lasting condition for human race :
the Rev. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.8., M.B.A.S.,
eto. Bombay: Eduoation Society's Press. London: In this world each thing hath appointed turn.
Trübner & Co. Nor may man transgress his determined This collection of some 1,500 proverbs and say. place:
ings of the KAémiris is admirable of its kind, and How long these perils and woes P Ah woe. For paves the way, let us hope, for many a really useful a life all woeful in parlous case !
work in the future on that little known land and Allah bless not the days which have laid meita people. Visitors to it are to be ovunted by the
lowe I'the world, with disgrace after so much thousand, butaccurate and practicable information grace!
regarding it is very difficult to procure, as anyone My wish is baffled, my hopes cast down,. And who has been in want of such is painfully aware. distance forbids me to greet his face :
The book has been constructed on the lines of O thou who passeth that dear one's door, Say | Dr. Fallon's Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbe, for me, these tears shall flow evermore! now three parts published, and aims at giving the
original a readable rendering, and where neces. MR. PAYNE.
Bary a full explanation. Proverbs in Kasmir, as The tides of fate 'twixt good and ill shift ever elsewhere, frequently allude to household folktales to and fro, And no estate of life for men and these are given at length in every case, endureth evermo'.
forming a most valuable feature of the work. The All things that to the world belong have each defect of the book, besides its too frequently
their destined end, And to all men a turn is. shaky English, is that many of the allusions to Bet, which none may overgo.
legends and so on, which are in fact common to How long must I oppression bear and peril and all India, are treated as if peculiar to Kasmir, no
distress P Ah, how I loathe this life of mine hint being given of their real origin, or presence, that nought but these can show!
in Sanskrit or Prakrit literature; but this is not May God not prosper them, these days, wherein l. a very serious matter, and can be readily remedied

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
in the second edition, which we hope to see some day, for the work is well worthy of one.
The book throughout shows that care and attention to details which is in itself a proof that the general accuracy of the author may be taken on trust. It is accompanied by a preface of a novel and refreshingly naïve description.
BIHAR PEASANT LIFE, by G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. London: Trübner & Co.
The best answer which the many honest and laborious European servants, that the Government of India may well be proud of possessing, can give to the arguments of those who would represent them from interested or political motives as being ignorant of the natives of India, lies in such books as this. It is not a solitary example, but merely one out of very many, the solidity, the accuracy, the thoroughness of which is more than an honour to the Indian Civil Service. As long as the gentlemen that compose it can number among them those capable of producing volumes like Bihar Peasant Life, they need never fear any quantity of misrepresentation and attacks such as Messrs. Blount, Seymour Keay, Digby, and others have lately thought proper to make in England.
The work before us is a large octavo book of 464 and clv. pp., the last part dealing with the index only (!), and is full of the most carefully compiled information of every kind regarding the peasant life of Bihar; and yet Mr. Grierson modestly puts it forward "as a Catalogue of the names used by the Bihar peasant for the things surrounding him in his daily life," and hopes "it may serve as a solid foundation for more elaborate disquisition on the Bihar raiyat and this surroundings." If any superstructure is ever raised on such a foundation as this, we for our part can only hope that it will be worthy of it. In his preface Mr. Grierson explains the care taken to render its pages accurate, but this is sufficiently visible from a perusal of the work itself: every page contains the vernacular name for everything mentioned in Nagari and Roman characters, while the extended index is in itself a practically complete vocabulary of Bihårt husbandry in all its aspects.
[FEBRUARY, 1886.
Animals;-(8) Labour, Advances, Wages and Perquisites;-(9) Land tenures;-(10) The Native House; (11) Food;-(12) Ceremonies and Superstitions of Rural Life;-(13) Trade, Money, Dealings and Accounts; and (14) Weights and Measures. The above list exhibits the comprehensiveness of the volume and the following specimen of Subdivisions and Chapters will show its thoroughness, -Division I. Implements and Appliances used in Agriculture and Rural Manufactures. Sub-division VI.:-Appliances used in the conveyance of goods and passengers. Chapter (i) the country cart, (ii) the large complete country cart, (iii) the little country cart, (iv) the bullock carriage, (v) the pony carriage, (vi) the country boat, (vii) the litter. The actual treatment of each subject is, of course, very much as Mr. Grierson himself says of it, that of a "discursive catalogue." For instance, the chapter on litters consists of nine numbered paragraphs describing and naming the ordinary kinds of litters, the pole common to all, the parts of the litter itself, its feet, its frame-work, its curtains, special kinds of litters, and their special constructive parts. The whole chapter gives a complete groundwork on which to base a sound description of the Indian litter in all its varieties, and we could hardly direct a literary visitor to India, in search of "local colour" for his inevitable book of travels, to a better source for the true article. The more serious purpose of the book before us is, however, to supply the Indian Official and Student with trustworthy information of a kind so important to him, and this purpose it admirably fulfils.
The illustrations are numerous and very welcome. In matters unfamiliar and special, an ounce of seeing is worth a pound of description any day: a fact long since recognized in the modern dictionaries. The illustrations are lithographs or woodcuts from photographs, and are the production, as we now see them, of the Calcutta School of Art. The author considers them excellent reproductions of the photographs, -an opinion we cannot endorse,-and lays what fault there is in them on the originals, many of which were taken under great difficulties. The fact is, however, that, as lithographs and cuts, the illustrations are often indistinct and blotchy, and their defects are all the more to be deplored as nowadays the art of photolithography and photogravure have been brought to such perfection in Europe and the results from them are so accurate and pleasing.
On the whole we are enabled to heartily congratulate Mr. Grierson on his work, and the Bengal Government on finding an officer willing to undertake so great a task and able to accomplish it with such success.
Care and thought is visible in the very arrangement of the book. It is divided into Divisions, Sub-divisions and Chapters. The Divisions are:(1) The Implements and Appliances used in Agriculture and Rural Manufactures;-(2) Domestic Appliances and Utensils;-(3) Soils;-(4) General Agricultural Operations;-(5) Agricultural products and their Enemies;-(6) Agricultural Times and Seasons;-(7) Cattle and other Domestic

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MARCE, 1886.]
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. Introduction.
practices had a common origin, or that (if they AN almost new world of interest is opened are such as would naturally suggest themselves A out to us if we endeavour to enter into to primitive races) they belong to distinct the lives of former races who have peopled the stocks of aboriginal peoples. The arts and earth, and to study what is left to us in their customs of the so-called Stone Age in Scandimonuments; and it is still more interesting navia, of the natives of New Zealand, and of and instructive to trace the origin of the certain parts of Africa, would come under this symbols and customs which still survive in latter category; for their development in arts Europe, and try to guess from them (perhaps and manufactares never enabled them to do with tolerable certainty) whence came the more than supply the absolute needs of their Modern European civilization, to mark its existence: bat, as regards the more civilized gradual progress and development, and to note races of Central Asia and Europe, it seems the changes which time and altered conditions very possible that their manners and customs have produced in religion, customs, arts, and have proceeded from a common source. architecture. .
The date of the commencement of the Stone I have to some extent brought together in Age is of course conjectural, and has been put the following papers the results of laborious at from 3,000 to 5,000 years ago. The race researches made by various students, but I which lived in it is, I think, now represented hope also that some of the ideas and features in Europe by the Finns, the Lapps, and the of my work will be found to be new ones. Eskimos, because implements have been in use The chief object of these papers is simply to almost down to our own times in the countries make a collection of facts bearing upon the inhabited by the two latter peoples very similar Bubject of customs and symbols. I propose also to in form to those which have been discovered give some drawings illustrative of the different in graves and bogs in Scandinavia, and classed symbols, with the idea of assisting others as belonging to the Stone Age. The peoples (who may not be able to wander so far as I who used stone implements and were ignorant have done) to prosecute further researches into of the use of metals in the North of Europe, the most interesting, but to a great extent un- were of what are styled the non-Aryan races ; Bolved, problem of the origin of certain peoples they were probably also stone-worshippers. and races in Europe and elsewhere.
But the so-called Saiva-stones of India are hold The several points on which I intend to touch in reverence by nan-Aryan peoples to this day, are :-(1) Sun and Cup (or Moon) symbols. and when they find them to hand, they use. (2) Sun-worship. (3) The Svastika, or em- the celts of their pre-historic forefathers for blem of Fire. (4) Stones worshipped in India, the same purpose. It seems to me, therefore, and their counterparts in Scandinavia and
highly probable that aboriginal races existed other parts of Europe. (5) The Land of
contemporaneously both in Asia and in Europe, Departed Souls. (6) The Trees which have for it is hardly credible that, with such applibeen held sacred in the East and in Europe. ances as the peoples of the Stone Age possessed, (7) Snake-worship. (8) Amulets and Charms. they could have wandered from one continent (9) The Evil Eye. (10) The Wild Huntsman | to the other and (supposing them to have of Northern Europe and his possible Asiatic come from the same stock as the Saiva worshiporigin. (11) Eastern Architecture compared pers of Asia) have made their way to Scandiwith certain old churches and houses in Nor- navia through Siberia and Russia, cutting a way. (12) Asiatic Symbolism in Spain.
path through the dense forests which are If we find the same customs, arts, and sapposed to have then existed in those regions. practices existing amongst people living on Non-Aryan stone-worship is probably nearly as widely separated continents, we may reason old as the Arjan worship of the Sun and the ably conclude, either that such customs or Planets and Fire.

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(MARCE, 1886.
To this day, both in Asia and in Europe, the there till the Iron Age, when it was ased for non-Aryan races are those which have attained bracelets, brooches, chains, etc. to, and seem capable of, only the lowest type of We must not fall into the error of imagining civilization, and they can never be confounded that these three periods of stone, bronze and with the Aryan races, whose appearance and type iron, were contemporaneous in the various of features differ essentially from theirs. They countries of Europe. Thus, Scandinavia did have kept themselves apart from the Aryans not receive Christianity till the eleventh cenand appear to possess & much smaller share tury, and it may also have been far behindband of self-respect and natural intelligence. Judg. in emerging from its primitive customs. The ing from the remains of pre-historic art in the Bronze and the Iron Ages, again, would appear Museums in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, to have overlapped each other in Scandinavia, it seems that two great waves of Aryan peoples, for implements and weapons of both bronze and and conquerors of non-Aryans, made their way iron have been found together in those Northern into Scandinavia from Central Asia at different lands. It is my impression from what I saw in and widely separated intervals :-the advent the Museums, that bronze articles or fragmenta of the first of these, the workers in bronze, has have never been found there in connection been put at 1000 B.C. They are believed to with stone celts; whereas in some of the dolhave belonged to what we now style the Keltic mens, or tombs of the pre-historic people who race. I presume them to have come from inhabited Brittany, stone implements and the higblands of Central Asia by a northern pieces of bronze have been found side by side, roate, passing through Siberia and Russia ; for and pieces of the same metal have also been in the latter country ornaments have been discovered amongst the deposits of human found similar in character to those which have ashes, which have not unfrequently been laid been discovered in graves in Scandinavia and bare on excavating round the bases of the there classed as belonging to the Bronze Age. menhirs, or huge unhewn slabs of stone, which Scandinavia, I imagine, they found on their the aboriginal inhabitants of that province arrival already occupied by the non-Aryans of placed upright in great numbers.' In Brittany, the Stone Age, who retired or disappeared too, the Iron Age was quite distinct from the before them. In like manner the workers in Bronze Age. The people of the Iron Age in bronze were, I think, displaced in Scandinavia Sweden and Norway are best known to us under by a second Aryan race who introduced wea- the name of the Goths. They are thought to pons of iron, the country naturally remaining have appeared in those countries about the year in the possession of the strongest, -in the 100 A.D., and may have been a portion of a hands of those who were provided with the second wave of immigration from Eastern best weapons, and had attained the highest, lands. They belong to the last stages of predegree of civilization.
historic times. The people of the Bronze Age were acquainted At this distance of time and from what I with gold; and some of their goldsmiths' work, have above said, it would at first sight appear both in design and in execution, far surpasses impossible that the non-Aryan peoples of anything we now produce.' Gold was largely Northern Europe should have any resemblance used by them in the manufacture of articles for in type or features to non-Aryans in Asia. But personal adornment, for cups for sacrificial or I can quote from personal experience one in. funeral purposes, and also for barter, --coils of stance at least, in which this is the case, vis. gold about the thickness of an ordinary cedar the Eskimos and the people of Spiti; and what pencil have been found in Scandinavia, and from renders it possible, in spite of the improbabitheir appearance it has been conjectured that lities of the case, that the resemblance is not an they were carried on the person, and a small accidental one, is, that the Eskimos and the piece cut off as required. Silver does not appear inhabitants of the Spiti Valley, which is in
[It would be desirable to have this statement proved by ilustrations.-ED.)
A bronse bracelet was found some years ago in Guernsey on excavating the dolmen alled Dehus. It is
the opinion of some archæologists that in this case, also in Brittany, there had been a second and later interment in the same grave the first during the Stone Age and the second in the Keltic, or Bronse Age.

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MARC#, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
.63
the Himalayas, have both of them remained isolated race as the people of the Spiti Valley, and almost, if not absolutely, pure races, owing to strange to say, this statue bears a wonderful liketheir natural surroundings beving isolatedness in every respect to the type of the women them from the rest of the world. The Spiti from the remote and rarely visited Asiatic Valley is about 150 miles in length, con- Valley which I have been describing. When I necting the extreme upper part of the Valley saw the figure I could not help exclaiming, of the Satluj with the Lihaul Valley. At one "That is a woman from Spiti, but she is dressed end of it is the Hangrang Pass, over 14,000 feet in skins instead of having cloth garments." above sea level, and at the other is the Bârå Supposing, too, any of the natives of Spiti to Lácha, which must be crossed in order to enter have wandered thus far, Greenland would be a Láhaul, and is. 16,000 feet in height; therefore climate which would suit them; for I well during many months in the year, no one can remember how on leaving Spiti, when we got enter or leave Spiti. As might be expected, down to Darchâ in the Lahaul Valley, our whole its inhabitants are a rude hardy race of staff of coolies (whom we had hoped to take mountaineers, their language is a dialect of with us a couple of marches more) bolted
Tibetan and their religion is Buddhism. In the away to their own country at 3 A. M., saying, autumn of 1881, I and a companion spent though we were at an altitude of 12,500 feet, about four weeks in this valley, during which I that it was so hot, that they could not bear to had ample opportunities of observing the people, remain an hour longer! for occasionally upwards of fifty natives of Whilst we are on the subject of the great simi. both sexes accompanied us on our marches as larity in dress and appearance between peoples coolies, and our arrival in a village was a signal inhabiting different continents, it may not be for the whole population to turn out, out of place to remark that the above is not a European face being as rare a sight as a white Bolitary example as far as the dress is concerned, crow. The women of Spiti are almost with The whole attire of the women in the Kulla Valley out exception very short in stature, but they in the Himalayas consists of a long woollen scarf are broad in proportion to their height and or shawl, a portion of which forms the petticoat, very muscular, as was evidenced by their and is held in position by a girdle, whilst the carrying heavy loads up the mountains, and remainder is so arranged as to cover the whole singing in chorus the whole time. Though they bust, leaving the arms free. This garment is are not as dark in complexion as the natives of fastened on each side of the chest by a brass India, they have faces of a sallowish tint tending brooch of the Runic form. It is a curious fact, but to olive, dark hair, remarkably high cheek bones, surely hardly an ancidental circumstance, that small and slightly oblique eyes. The general in Africa, the women belonging to the nomad contour of the face is extremely irregular; desert tribes of the Sahara clothe themselves the forehead broad, but flat. Their head- precisely in the same fashion ; except that the gear is a sort of pork-pie hat made of a dark one garment of these latter is of calico, and the cloth; their dress is a coat of dark blue or two brooches, equally of the Runic form, are brown cloth, reaching down below the knees, made of a debased kind of silver. Again, a and confined at the waist with a rope or kind of cloth of the natural brown and white sash. On their feet they wear high boots, or sheep's wool, is occasionally made at the preleggings, made of a woollen material, the foot sent day in Kasmir, which has a geometric being protected by leather or partially dressed pattern woven into it. On being asked for skins. Now, when visiting the Ethnological some specimens of it, the natives told me Maseum in Copenhagen in 1883, I was much that only a small quantity of it was made, as it struck by seeing in a glass-case a life-sized was very troublesome to weave. Curious to statue in wood or plaster, which professed relate, fragments of woollen material with tho to represent the first Eskimo woman ever same design woven in, have been found in brought to Denmark, about sixty years ago. ancient graves in Scandinavia, and are supposed From the position of their country and its to date from the Bronze Age. An exactly climatic conditions the Eskimos are an equally similar material is still woven by the peasanta
See Fig. 125 in the South Kensington Handbook for Scandinavian Arts, by Dr. Hans Hildebrand.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1886.
on the File Fjield in Norway for their own use There are signs of Sun-worship baving preonly; the design is the same, but the warp and valence in all parts of the world at all times the woof are red and white instead of being and among races of widely different origin. brown and white.
The verse called Gayatri' was esteemed by Regarding this difference in colour I would the ancient Hindûs to be the holiest verse in say that it will be found an almost invariable the Vedas. It is addressed to the Sun, and its rule, that primitive peoples, as soon as they translation in an abridged form, as given by learn the use of colours, adopt what were till Prof. H. H. Wilson, rung thus:-"Let us lately considered the three primitive colours, meditate on the sacred light of the Divine Sun, viz, red, blue, and yellow, in their dress and that it may illuminate our minds." In the ornaments. The people of the Spiti Valley and first or Vedic era of the history of India, Sunof Ladåk, know only of red cornelian, coral, worship occupied no inconsiderable place in turquoise, and amber, as ornamental gems, and the religion of the Hindûs, and an old Marithi the dress of the women in the former country Brahman from Puņà once told me that the reproduces the three colours of these only; Saivas worship the sin daily even now. though some of the richer women in Ladak in- The All-covering Varuna (Ouranos or god troduce small squares of green cloth alternately of the Heavenly Regions of the Greeks) was with red ones on the square piece of sheep-skin originally among the Persians the god of the with which they cover their shoulders both in clouds, of the celestial sea, and of the heavens summer and winter. Again, the same combi- above it; and, when this branch of the Aryans nation of red, blue, and yellow is seen on old reached Southern India, he there became the Norwegian peasant embroidery, the colours god of the earthly sea, which they then saw and patterns of which recall that now executed for the first time. The Sun, whilst it was still by the peasant women in Albania. These regarded as a wheel, a store of gold, an eagle, a last say that they use no set designs, produc- falcon, a horse, &c. &c., was also styled the ing their patterns, it would appear, out of their eye of Varuņa.' In the north of Asia, Mithra own inner consciousness. It is singular that was associated with Varuņa. Mithra was the the handiwork of these two races should be so god of daylight, and he and Varuņa were much alike, for they can hardly have come into fabled to sit together on a golden throne, and contact with each other for centuries, even journey at evening in a brazen car: thus, supposing that they belonged originally to the from the Horse-Sun and the Wheel-Sun was same stock, and had the same (Asiatic?) naturally developed the Chariot and the progenitors.
Divine Charioteer.
Euripides gives the Sun a winged car; and Sun and Cup (or Moon) Symbols. on coins from Eleusis, Domoter is represented Sun and Cup. (or Moon) Markings and Fire riding in such a car drawn by two serpents. Symbols are so intimately connected with each The serpent, as we shall see later on, was an other, that it is difficult to separate them. I element in Sun-worship, and was used in conpropose to devote the two following papers to nection with the Mithraic mysteries. Sun Symbols, and to customs connected with the ancient Mexicans were San-worshippers, solar worship, in which we occasionally find and when they fought a battle they endeavour. the element of fire represented. The Svastika, ed to take all their captives alive to reserve which is more especially a Fire-emblem, will be them for solemn sacrifices to the Sun at certain treated separately.
festivals. These people would seem also to • Quite reoontly, cortain scientifio men have decided afterwards to, "We moditate on that desirable light of that this is erroneous, they maintain that red, green, and
the divine Saviti i.e. the Sun) who influences our pious violet are the primary colours.
rites." Benfey more accurately renders, "May we [The Gayatri or savitri occurs in the Rig-védi, iii. receive the glorious brightness of this, the generator, of 62. 10. The words are:-tat savitur warányosh bharg8the god who shall prosper our works." Most Sanskritista divasya dhimahi dhiyi yo nan prachadayal. There is have moreover tried their hands at it. It was moro # variety of rendering, Colebrooke gives (Asiatic than probably originally meant as a mere invocation of Researches, Vol. V, p. 351). "Earth, sky, honven. Let us the Sun.- ED.) meditate on these and on) the most excellent light and Vishnu Purina, Vol. II. pp. 250 and 255. power of the generous sportive and resplendent eun To the Germans and Anglo-Saxons, the San was the praying that) it may guide onr intellects." Wilson oye of Woden. (Rig Veda, Vol. III. p. 110) varied the version in the text
1.
eye of Woden mans and Ang
Version in the Laon

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MARCH, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
65
of an ordinary kistvaen made of six slabs of gneiss. One forms the roof, another the floor. ing, and the other four the sides of the tomb. It invariably faces the East, and the slab on that side always has a hole in it. In most cases the aperture is about 15 inches in diameter, but in some instances it is not more than two inches across. The stones which compose
the tomb are arranged thus :
have connected the Serpent with the Sun, for on such occasions the victim's neck was en- circled by a collar of wood in the form of a snake. When he was slain, his heart was offered first to the Sun, and afterwards plucked out and cast down before an idol.
The two greatest and most ancient Rajpût races in India were denominated Suryavamsa and Chandravamsa, or children of the Sun and Moon, for in Hindustan this latter orb was & male deity. Sir William Jones, in the Asiatic Researches, alludes, to the universal adoration of the solar orb, and says that the first dynasties of the Peruvian kings were dignified, exactly like those in India, by the name of the Sun and the Moon.
In the present day, at Hindû marriages in Kumâun in the Central Himalayas, it is customary for the Purohit(family priest), "to worship the fire and read the marital vows, which are repeated by the bride and bridegroom separately, and by which each agrees to live with the other in harmony, making the Fire and the Sun their witnesses."
The Kols of Sambalpûr in the Central Provinces are Sun-worshippers; so also are the Kurkus of the Mahadeô Hills, more than 400 miles to the north-west of that place. The Khônds, an aboriginal race, classed as Dråvi. dians, combine faith in the Sun and Mother Earth,
From the earliest times, turning to the East in worship has been customary. In India, many temples have been built with the object of causing the rising sun to throw its first rays upon the entrance, and thus illumine the god or the stone which was in the innermost shrine, and at other times in almost total darkness.
In Maisûr, and in the Salem district, are some remarkable kistvaens or tombs, supposed to be those of a pre-historic race. They are, I believe, called round-headed slab-stone monuments. Attention was first drawn to them by Col, Welch in the early part of this century, but they were overlooked and almost forgotten till Lt. Col. Bramfill, of the Trigonometrical Survey, re-discovered them a few years ago. Each tomb is surrounded by round-headed slabs of gneiss, some of which are as much as 14 feet in height. What may be termed the tomb proper, consists
It seems not impossible that this arrangement may have had some connection with the Svas. tika. The Eastern position given to the door of the Hindů temple, and the Eastern aspect of the entrance to these tombs was possibly in the former case intended to signify that from the sun came light, warmth, and fertility, and in the latter to typify that as the sun rose (was new. born) each day, so the soul received a new birth. All savage and semi-civilized races seem to have an idea that when the body dies there is some kind of future existence for the spirit of man.
Lastly, the modern Christians perpetuate this custom of orientation in the position they give to their Churches, and in turning to the East in Church when they recite the Creed, or general assent to the articles of the Christian faith. In European common life also, when passing the wine, or dealing a pack of cards, it is constantly said, that this should be done "the way of the sun": and some persons deem it most un. lucky if through inadvertence the bottle be sent round the other way (or from right to left).
Taking it all in all, it may be broadly laid down that San, Moon, and Fire Symbols are more numerous in Europe in northern lands than in southern ones. In the inclement regions of the north, light and warmth would be considered the greatest of blessings. Sun and Cup Symbols first appear in Scandinavia on objects which have been classed as belonging to the Later Stone Age. At this period as far as is known hitherto) they were of two kinds only, viz. the ring cross A for the Sun, and the cup-shaped hollow for the Moon: both generally recognised emblems of warmth and fertilizing power. The former
• Panjab Notos and Queries, Vol. II. poto 244.

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66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
have been found in extraordinary numbers in the so-called bog and grave finds both in Norway and in Denmark. (See Plate I. figs. 1 to 16).
The late Kamer Herr Worsaee, head of the Archeological Department in Denmark, who gave much attention to this subject, came to the conclusion that the single ring cross was the Sun-god himself, and the Svastika (the threearmed cross, the triquetra or triskele) another of the principal gods of the Northern triad; and finally, that the stars became emblems of the Sun itself, or of the large heavenly bodies.
Plate I. fig. 17 is a design taken from a vase of coarse pottery in the Museum at Copenhagen belonging to what has been called in Scandinavia the Later Bronze Age. In the centre is a wheel (the chariot-wheel of the Sun ?) and below it is a quaint two-headed mythical animal, which may have been intended to represent the Sun-snake (or lightning ?), which from its zig-zag serpentine form might naturally be likened to a snake, and thus become associated with both fire and solar worship). When I come to speak more particularly of the Svastika I shall endeavour to show that one form of the Fire-Symbol is but a degenerate kind of serpent.
On ornaments belonging to the Later Bronze Age, we find the wheel-cross considered to be an emblem of the chariot which, according to most ancient beliefs throughout Asia and Europe, the Sun was supposed to drive through the sky. Now, both in Holland and Denmark it is no unusual circumstance to see a waggon-wheel on the roof of a stable or other building, placed there with the object of inducing a stork to build its nest upon it. No doubt the red legs of this bird caused it to be regarded as a fire-fowl; it comes with the spring and departs before the winter; it is the bringer of warmth and of fine weather. In Hesse also, the waggon-wheel is thus used; any building on which it is placed being deemed safe from fire, provided a stork builds its nest upon it. We have then here the wheel as an emblem of the Sun, and the stork as that of Fire.
In Asia, the wheel is associated with Buddha,
[MARCH, 1886.
and is an emblem which occurs frequently on Buddhist coins, and in Buddhist architecture. In Buddhist writings, Buddha is spoken of as turning the wheel of the law-or preaching. Plate I. fig. 33 is a representation of a Buddhist wheel in my possession. I found it near a ruined mane in Lâhaul. It is a stone disc about ten inches in diameter by one inch in thickness. Tibetan characters occupy the. spaces between the spokes of the wheel; but, as the stone is rather worn, it is not easy to reproduce the letters very accurately. However, it is clear that the inscription is the well-known formula; "Oni mane padme hush."
Sun and Moon emblems, and the Svastika in the various forms which it assumed, continued to be used abundantly in Denmark and Norway on ornaments and objects in common use, during the Later Bronze Age, and the Earlier and Middle Iron Ages. The same symbols occur also during the Later Iron Age or Viking Period. Curiously enough, in the new Runic Alphabet, which was there adopted at this time, "the letter S, which recalls one of the old Sun-Symbols, was called Sol or Sun."""
Plate I. fig. 35 represents a small cruciform tube of terra cotta, which was found in the cemetery belonging to the ancient salt mines at Hallstadt in Austria. The Sun-Symbol. engraved upon it appears to be a combination of the symbols in figs. 18 and 19 of the same Plate from Denmark. Fig. 34 is a copy of a silver brooch, classed as belonging to the Later Iron Age, in the Historical Museum at Stockholm, It is remarkably interesting, for on it are marks which are generally recognized as Sun and Cup Symbols, and they encircle the Svastika, or emblem of firea Fig. 36 is a brooch belonging to the Later Bronze Age (as regards Scandina via, be it observed, in all cases). Sun and Cup Symbols are also prominent in this example, and I have therefore selected it as a typical one. I have other similar brooches, one of which was found in an ancient grave near Bregenz, on the Lake of Constance. The fact of this purely Norwegian type of brooch being found so far south, assists in confirming, an idea which has long existed, that the three Swiss cantons of Uri, Schwyta, and Unterwalden were colonized by people from Scandinavia,
• Danish Arts, by Kamer Herr Wormee.

Page #79

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 1
SUN AND FIRE SYMBOLS FROM DENMARK, OF THE EARLIER BRONZE AGE.
©+4Y*****S8 Som Sos Soose
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
OF THE LATER BRONZE AGE.
17
Roy
doo
OOOOOOO
novo
.
0000
o
asocotrona
090
+***$%$ $ XC
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
(
D)
• BUDDHIST WHEEL FROM THE LAHAUL VALLEY IN THE PANJAB.
Scale .2

Page #80

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 2
WIZARD'S DRUM FROM LAPLAND. Scale .25

Page #81

MARCH, 1886.J
ASIATIO SYMBOLISM.
617
who wandered thither in consequence of a certain manoeuvres, 688ays to foretell events. famine in their own country. The inhabi- The Sun, Moon, and certain of the Planeta tants of a valley near Brientz in Canton Berne, are clearly definable upon the drum represented have to this day a tradition that their ancestors in the plate: the other Symbols are not so plain, came from Scandinavia. Fig. 37 is a drawing but some little animals like rats appear to be of a crucifix bought at Bergen, in Norway, worshipping the heavenly bodies. and a similar one which I saw in a museum, is Cap-marks exist on some of the megalithic classed as being of the XIth Century,-i.e. monuments in Brittany. Plate III. fig. 3 is & when Christianity was first introduced into menhir from that province, which is one of a those parts. It is of a peculiar type, and it line of monoliths (alignements as they are there will be observed that three nails only have been called). The "lines" are sometimes composed used in fastening the body of the Saviour to of as many as ten parallel rows of such stones, the cross, for the feet are crossed over each and they may occasionally be traced for two or other, and one nail pierces both. Sun-Symbols three miles. They usually, if not invariably, are pendant from it, which seems to show that terminate in a dolmen (prehistoric tomb made in those early times the people were permit. of unbewn stones), or in a hill containing ted by their teachers to combine their former several dolmens. Antiquarians seem to be worship with their new faith (as in Russia). agreed in regarding them as the tombs of chiefs.
I have above given a few examples of Sun- The menhirs may have served as an avenge Aymbolism in Scandinavia, bringing it down to to indicate the road to the tomb, or have about 1000 A.D., bat such Symbols exist there been looked upon as sentinels guarding the also in Museums on objects classed as belong- approach to it, for beneath many of them ing to the Middle Ages. In the Museum at fragments of burnt and of imperfectly calcined Bergen are some apparently mythical small human bones have been found. Plate III. animals of that period which appear to have fig. 1 is a cupmarked stone, now in the Museum been children's toys, having Son marks O at Vannes in the Morbihan (actual size), found on their bodies; and on an old Norwegian at Keran, near Arradon, & place about two bridal crown, stated to have come from the miles from Vannes. The nine Cup-marks upon Sogne Fjord district and referred to the same it, which appear to be arranged upon & fixed time there are Snn and Moon Symbols
plan may have had some special reference
to the Nine Planets still worshipped at Benares alternately with pendant Suns, while Cup- under the name of the Naugrah or Nava-Graha. marks finish off its apper edge.
In the first part of Pre-historic Stone MonuPlate II. is a representation of a wizard's ments of the British Isles, by the Rev. W. C. drum from Lapland, now in the Norwegian Lakis, embracing those of Cornwall only, Mugenm in Stockholm, Though the Laplanders mention is made of a stone monument near are professedly Lutheran Christians, they still St. Keverne, now locally called “ The Three retain great faith in augury and divination. Brothers of Gragith." To use Mr. Lukis' own They are very saperstitions, and if on going words,-“This monument is remarkable on abroad in the morning they meet an unlucky account of its construction. A massive stone of omon, they return home and do not stir again irregular shape, 8 feet by 5 feet, is supported on the whole day. They are said also to still two stones. One of these is 8 feet 6 inches pray to their ancient idols for the increase long, and nearly 5 feet broad, and appears to and safety of their herds. Their magicians be a rock in situ, and to have been selected on make use of drums to form prognostications. account of its suitableness; the other is a slab Small brass rings are placed on different parts 7 feet 9 inches broad, and 18 inches thick, set of its surface, which, when the drum is beaten up on edge, 2 feet 6 inches from, and parallel with a small hammer, dance upon the signs to, the former. The remains of a mound are represented on it, and according to the course still visible." This monument is given on Plate taken by them the sorcerer, after going through IV. fig. 1. As regards tho presont paper the
• Published by the Society of Antiquaria-London, May, 1886.

Page #82

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1886.
chief interest attached to it is in the Cap-marks upon the stones, which are nine in number; 8 on the cap-stone and one on the rock. In this respect they coincide with the stone in the Vannes Museum above mentioned, but their arrangement is different. Plate IV. fig. 2, is a cup-marked stone by the roadside in the Forest Parish in Guernsey. Six Cup-marks only are above ground, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that more exist below, though it is not easy to ascertain this, as the monolith borders on a hard metalled road. Fig. 3 is a drawing of
Dolmen called La Garenne, on L'Ancresse Common, Guernsey. Here again, we have nine Cup-marks apparently intended for the Sun and Moonand the other seven Planets (according to the Hindû reckoning). As above said it is more than probable, from the regularity with which they are placed, that some meaning was attached to them.
The under surfaces of the Cap-stones of some of the dolmens in Brittany have in a few cases numerous Cup-marks incised upon them. Plate III, fig. 2 is a reduced drawing of the Cap-stone of a chamber, or small dolmen formed of unhewn stones at Baker Hill, Ross-shire, N. B. The incised marks upon it recall both Sun and Moon Symbols. As a rule such signs seem to be rare in the British Isles, but at New Grange, Drogheda, Ireland, is the following supposed Sun-Symbol ☆ Curiously enough in the Museum at Grenoble, Department Isère, in France, amongst the collection of Gallo-Roman antiquities found in that neighbourhood, is a highly finished ornament made of bronze. At one end is a lion's head and fore-paws. The action of the animal is very spirited, and it appears to be springing forwards from right to left. Behind the lion, but facing the other way, is the bust of a woman partially veiled in the Greek style. Beyond this again, is a horso led by a man who is dressed in the short tunic worn by slaves, and on the horse's flank is precisely the same Symbol as on the stone at Now Grange. The horse is standing on a kind of pedestal, on which is the inscrip. tion STRATILATES in Roman characters.
It is a curious fact, and one perhaps not generally known, that certain women in Albania tattoo their arms and foreheads with the Sun.
Symbols common in the Later Bronze Age in Scandinavia. When in Corfu in 1883 I observe Plate I. fig. 4. in the centre of the forehead of more than one Albanian woman (one of the caste-marks in India is very similar in form to this), and also figs. 23, 25, and 26 tattooed on the arms and wrists of some of these people. They had been allowed to take up their abode on the island about six years previously, after many of their villages had been burnt by the Turks, and many of the inhabitants massacred.
Fig. 1 of this plate has been found in Savoy and also in Wales. The cross with Cupmarks round it 49 on a sepulchral urn in Wales; and the cross with supposed Sun-andMoon Symbols on a fragment of pottery at Villanova in Italy.
Fig. 23 is at the bottom of a small silver drinking cup in my possession, which has the exact form of the Scottish quaigh, and has been evidently a measure for a dram of spirits. It was purchased in Norway. I have a silver spoon also, bought in Borgen, which has on the .handle these markings O . It is said to be of a type which belongs to that part of Norway styled tho Nordland, a district north of Trondjhem (or Drontheim) and extending beyond the Lafotten Islands."
Le Retour du Soleil. I had intended the following account of the festival of Le Retour du Soleil, said to have been performed at Les Ardrieus, to form part of the preceding notes on Sun-worship, but I have received a letter from a French friend in Dauphiné, throwing doubts on the authenticity of the festival herein described as a relio of antiquity. I translated the account in 1882 from a rather curious (and I believe now rare) History of the High Alps by Baron Ladoucette, a former Prefect of this Department, under the First Empire, who says that he himself witnessed the fåte. His book was published about the latter part of the first quarter of the present century. The letter I received was in answer to one which I sent to Grenoble, with the object of endeavouring, if possible, to asocrtain whether Le Retour du Soleil was still kept up at Les Andrieur.
My informant wrote "An individual named Farnaud, who was a Caunoillor of the Prefecture
1 Plato III, fig. 1 will be explained in a subsequent paper

Page #83

ASIATIC
THREE BROTHERS OF GRUGITH AT ST. KEVERNE, CORNWALL.
1.
SYMBOLISM.
PERON
MUL EUROY
15
Gunn
STONE IN THE FOREST PARISH, GUERNSEY.
3.
158
LA GARENNE ON L'ANCRESSE COMMON, GUERNSEY.
Plate 4.
AS.G.

Page #84

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 3.
o
PIERRE BLANCHE AT KERUN ARRADON,
NEAR VANNES.
FROM A DOLMEN AT BAKER HILL,
ROSSHIRE. N.B.
MENHIR FROM BRITTANY,
MITHRA, WITH SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC,
FROM THE MUSEUM AT ARLES.

Page #85

MARCH, 1886.]
THE NRISIMHATAPANIYA UPANISHAD.
69
under the Baron Ladoucette, left memoirs village and announce that the festival is about to behind him, which have caused some persons commence, by sounding pipes and trumpets. They to doubt the genuineness of Baron Ladoucette's then go to the house of the oldest inhabitant account"; and he added, "M. Farnaud possibly in the place, who under the title of Le Vénérable
this in order to gain for himself the has to preside at the ceremony of saluting the reputation of a bel esprit." In his memoirs the return of the sun. Councillor states that it was he who imagined At 10 AM, all the inhabitants, each provided and caused this festival to be performed, and did with an omelette, assemble on the Place of so in order to impose upon the credulity of Baron the village. A deputation, preceded by the Ladoucette, who, he knew, was then compiling his shepherds, then goes to fetch Le Vénérable, and work. This version of what was, if committed, a aucompany him to the place of meeting. On his cruel practical joke, has been accepted by two arrival he is received with acclamations. Le antiquaries of Dauphiné, M.M. Chaper and J. Vénérable then places himself in their midst, and Roman; the latter, however, qualifies his accept- announces to them the object of this festival, and ance by adding that the oldest inhabitants of then, each holding his plate of omelette they Les Andrieux are convinced that their ancestors form a chain and dance a ferandole round him." always celebrated this fate, and that of those 1. As soon as the dance is at an end L. Vénérable with whom he spoke many were alive in the gives the signal for departure, and preceded by time of M. Farnaud, and would in consequence the shepherds, all follow him to the stone bridge have been perfectly competent to state whether which is at the entrance to the village.” On this ceremony only took its rise under his reaching this spot, each lays down his omelette administration. Elisée Reclus, in his Universal on the parapet of "the bridge, and then all go Geography, speaks of this festival as very into a meadow close by, where ferandoles are ancient one.
again danced till the sun appears. As soon as Baron Ladoucette's story is as follows:
this moment arrives each person goes and takes "On the banks of the River Severaise, in that up his omelette which he offers to the sun, and portion of the High Alpe which was formerly Le Vénérable, bare-headed, holds his own up called the Godemar valley, is a little hamlet called also. Les Andrieu.
As soon as the solar rays illumine the whole During the space of one hundred days in win. village, all return thither, accompanying Le ter the inhabitants of this valley are deprived of Vénérable as far as the latter's house. They the light of the sun. It is only on the 10th of then return to their homes, where they eat their February that this orb is seen by them again, respective omelettes. therefore on this particular day, as soon as the This festival laste the whole day, and somedawn appears, four shepherds go round the times extends into the night."
THE NRISIMBATAPANIYA-UPANISHAD.
BY LIEUT. COLONEL G. A. JACOB, BOMBAY STAFF CORPS. It is impossible to collate the existing printed | fessor Ramamaya Tarkaratna, in the Bibliotheca texts of the Upanishads with the manuscripts Indica series, in the year 1871, I have used the which of late years have come to light, without following MSS. belonging to the Deccan seeing how much yet remains to be done College :in this department of Sansksit literature. In A. One of the set No.10 of 1882-83. It is the footnotes to his translation of some of the a fairly good copy of the text, though not proUpanishads, Professor Max Müller has suggested perly corrected. It was purchased in Gajarát. many improved readings of the texts ; but B. No. 1 of 1882-83. It lacks the first as the Nrisishhatápani has not yet been taken 3 khandas of the first Upanishad, and has not in hand by him, I venture to lay before the been corrected. Still it is a valuable manapublic some of my own notes on the various soript of the text, and has been of great use to readings of this Upanishad. In addition to me. This also is from Gujarft. the text and commentaries published by Pro. 1. C. No. 145 of 1879-80. A beautifully written
An Intelligent bookseller at Grenoble, when I naked him what sort of dance the forandola ww, said, that apy joyous movement executed by peasants in the open sir was styled forandole in that part of the country.
A correspondent from Grenoble tells me, that this bridge, now in ruins, still preserves the diamo of Pont de l'Omelette.

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70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and very accurate copy of Samkara's commentary on the Púrvatápaní.
D. Narayana's Dipikd on the six Upanishads. A part of the set forming No. 233 of 1882-83. It was obtained in Gujarát.
E. No. 146 of 1879-80. Samkarananda's valuable commentary on the Uttaratápaní. It is in the same handwriting as C. and, for the most part, as accurate.
G. One of the set of 59 Upanishads called No. 133 of 1880-81. It was copied at Ahmadâbâd in A.D. 1700, and is generally accurate.
A short account of this Upanishad is given on page 167 of Weber's History of Indian Literature. That scholar there says "The first part treats of the Anushtabh-formula sacred to Nṛisimha, the mantrarájanarasimha ánushtubha, with which the most wondrous tricks are played. . . . . The contents of the second part are of a more speculative character; but in respect of mystic trifling it does not yield to the first part." I fully endorse this statement as regards the contents of the Púrratápaní,-but consider the Uttaratúpaní to be in every way superior to it. Indeed it is to my mind deeply interesting as a Vedic exposition of the Máyáváda. The school of which Samkara is the chief representative professes to derive its tenets from the Upanishads as the fountain-head-but, so far as I can see from a careful perusal of the originals, the Máyávala is not directly taught in the Upanishads of the first three Vêdas, and is deduced from them by a forced interpretation. Here, on the other hand, we find that doctrine unmistakably enunciated, and even a distinction drawn between Maya and Avidya,-an idea which one associates with the later Vedantic treatises.
[MARCH, 1886.
to my astonishment, that his work consisted .almost exclusively of extracts from Samkara's Bhashya interwoven with portions of Anandagiri's notes. With this phenomenon before me I compared his Dipika on the first half of the Praina, and on the whole of the Mundaka, with Samkara's scholia on those tracts. In the former, and in the first Mundika, I met with numerous citations from Samkara, intermingled with original matter,-but, in the second and third Mundakas there was scarcely a line that was Narayana's own! A few weeks ago I read the Nṛisimhatápaní, and made a copy of Nârâyana's Dipika thereon for my own use. There again I found long excerpts from Samkara's Bhashya on the Pârvatápaní; whilst it differed entirely from the so-called Samkarabhashya on the Uttaratápani. I then carefully compared the Dipika on the Svétásvatara with what is supposed to be Samkaracharya's Bhashya on that tract, and found no similarity whatever between them. In the colophons to his Dipikus on the Mándûkya, Praśna, Mundaka, and Nṛisimhapurvatapani Upanishads, where these plagiarisms occur, Narayana styles himself Samkar-ôkty-upajivin (which is perhaps his way of acknowledging his indebtedness); whereas, at the end of those on the Nrisimhottaratápaní, the Svétásvatara, Mahanarayana, and the minor Atharvana Upanishads, he describes himself as śruti-mátr-ópajivin. The theory, then, which I have formed in view of the foregoing facts is that, whenever Narayana wrote a commentary on an Upanishad on which a Bhashya by Samkara already existed, he made free use of it; but that, when such did not exist, he wrote independently, as he was well able to do. The fact, therefore, that his Dipika on the Nrisimhottaratápaní has nothing in common with that which some attribute to Samkara, is, to my mind, strong presumptive evidence against the authorship of the latter. The same reasoning applies to the Svétásvatara; and I cannot understand how it can be maintained that the Bhashya bearing Samkara's name is really from his pen-30 different is it in style from what we know to be really his.
Professor Weber mentions Gauḍapida as a commentator. on the Nṛisimhatápaní; but though I have heard of his commentary in this country, I have not yet met with it.
The printed commentary attached to the Uttaratápaní is not universally accepted as the work of Samkara, and, in my opinion, there is strong internal evidence against his authorship. My belief is further strengthened by the following fact:-When studying the Man. dikya and Gaudapada's Kárikás thereon, I referred several times to Narayana's Dipiká in the hope of obtaining further. light; but found,
The library of the Deccan College possesses Dipikás by Narayana on the Katha and Kena Upanishads also,-but, ns they are on loan in England, I cannot ascertain whether they support my view or not.

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It appears from Sankara's scholium on i.
5 p . 40 (ii. 4). Instead of ye (which is that there are two distinct súkhús of this Upa- evidently a misprint for 345) B. and D. read nishad, namely the Bhrigu and Angirasa; but 396 as in Rigvéla 2, 33, 11. C. has 396. In he does not say to which his text belongs. this quotation, the word for has been substitutThe missing information is, however, supplied ed for . All five MSS, read instead by Narayana, who says-योगिध्येयमिति । अत्र of for योगिवदासीनमिति शाखान्तरे पाठः । भृगुशाखायां तु नायं p. 46 (ii. 4). In the quotation from Maháपाठी विशाखेयमुपनिषत् ।।
nárdyaņu-Upanishad (Taittiriya-Aranyaka 10, The following list contains the most import- 10, 7) B. C. D. omit the words TEATTE T ant of the readings which differ from those of feat, and they do not appear in the Aranthe printed text, the pages of which are quoted
yaka either. to facilitate reference. There are many others p. 52 (ii. 4). In the quotation from Rigveda which affect the sense, but they are withheld 1, 154, 2, A. B. D. G. read fufcet: instead of as being too numerous for this paper.
TTC, and together with C. they have affar PURVATAPANI (5 UPANISHADS).
af instead of afferta.
__p.57 (ii. 4). p. 8 (i. 1). D. seems to read tate for
B. inserts स्वमहिना after यस्मात्,
In the quotation from Rigveda 10, 121, 2, प्रतीष्ब, and has प्रतीभ्या as a variant(छान्दसो दीर्घः). G. reads प्रतीष्या. Instead of सदुपनमति, A., G.
o Timmy: has been substituted for get TT:
which is given by Narayana as a variant. have hafa and they are supported by
p. 59 (ii. 4). The avagraha should be inD. which says-फलमाहोपैनं तदुपनमिति यत्कामो
serted before TN, that being the reading भवतीति । उप एनं तन् उ पनं इति पदच्छेदः । पन पत्र छान्दसो वर्णलोपः । यरकामो भवत्येववित्तवसवेनमेवंवि
preferred by Samkara and Narayana, though
they give the other as an alternative. A. D. समुपपन्नमुपस्थित भवतीति ज्ञेयं ।। p. 11 (i. 2). A. G. insert : after a D.'s
and G. have उक्थ्यं instead of उक्थ. explanation of परमव्योनिकं is noteworthy:-पर
p. 72 (iv. 1). Instead of TT - मब्बोनि परमाकाशे उद्देश्ये निमित्ते वा सति कंसखरूप।
, as in the Mand ákya, A. and B. read p. 14 (i. 3). A. G. omitt a: and so does
STT TA It is evident that the ava
graho is implied however, and Nariyana exD. which says सहेति । स ब्रह्मा उवाच | Instead of लक्ष्मी बजुः C. has यजुर्लक्ष्मी as on p. 69.
plains STATE both here and in the same p. 16 (i. 4). Instead of wratiecent A.B.
passage on p. 124. In the latter place, howD. G. read water. The syllable in afar
ever, A. B. and E. follow the Mandúkya. Nárashould clearly be omitted, as in C. and printed
yana says-YETTI a Parigraffecommentary. It is accounted for further on.
तस्यालेखात । माक्ये स्वानन्मभुगिति पाठस्तत्र सुखमA. B. and G. inclade it however.
GHETETTE: 1 G. has r . p. 20 (i. 5). For H TT, B. C. D. read The following remark of Sarkara's on the go which is the reading also quoted by
differences between the Mandúkya and this Samkara on p. 27, line 3 from bottom.
Upanishad is worthy of notice-उभयत्रापि बहुतरp 35 (ii. 1). Here, as well as on p. 146, पाठसाम्यपि कचिस्पाठभेदोषि दृश्यते । तुरीयमात्रानिरूपI believe the reading as a : is wrong, णावसरे एषान्तर्याम्येष ईशान एष प्रभुरिति माण्डूक्ये and that B. correctly reads in both places
पाठः । तापनीये तु एषोन्तर्याम्येष योनिरितीशानमभुपदवयं ne: In the expressions eft, aft: Et 95: | In our printed texts of the two and Fa : here and on page 145, the isUpanishads, however, there is no such difference equivalent to as explained in the printed as that here indicated ; and I do not remember commentary on p. 146, and the same holds good having anywhere met with the reading here also. In the present instance D. explains for T : in a MS. of the Mandákya. This it thus-Br o
TTY : 1, and as shows us, however, that as regards the settling of regards the same expression on p. 146, E. the text we have not yet attained to finality. (Samkarananda) says- TV: TUTTI p. 82 (t. 2). Narayana's etymology of ato. su retea: Art Mut aff is curious. He says after
a tt 74 :I G. however, has at : in both GUT ET
A. B. D. G. read er: places.
| instead of स्वः, before कालकी .
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p.86 (iv. 3). B. D. insert as the 12th Man- | them in the second instance. A.and G. include tra that given in the faotnote, and they both, both. in common with A., omit the 3rd Mantra on p. 129 (2). The avagraha must be inserted page 87. A. makes up its 32 by inserting that | in both cases before जापतं. The correct readgiven in the footnote on page 87. G conforms ing is अजाप्रतं. to the printed text.
____p. 135 (2). The reading कालामिः सूर्योः p. 88 (iv. 3). A. and B. read raait for it, is impossible. I believe B. E. and G. to have and स्वमात्मानं for स्वास्मानं. B.also adds स सर्वे the correct reading, namely, a faqat si, पश्यति after the words स देवं पश्यति.
which Samkarinanda thus explains:-कालामिp.93 (v. i). Instead of सुदर्शनं B. D. read | सूर्यः। काल: सर्वविनाशकारी स एवाग्निः पातालतलमारभ्य सबद्ध. The latter says अरैर्वा इति । अरैः कृपेतचक्र | जगदिवन्तं दहन्स एव सूर्यः कालानिसूर्यः । अस्पैः सब दृढं भवति।
| किरणामोत्येवं सर्वात्मबोधेनेति शेषः॥ It is well ___p.98 (v. 2). Instead of गुरुतो लब्धं, the read- known that both eye and ear are fertile sources ing of A. is गुरुणा लब्ध, and of B. गुरुणोपलब्ध. of mistakes, and I believe that the reading of Narayapa's explanation is गुरुणा र सलब्ध A.and D. is an instance of the latter kind. In which seems to agree with A. G. is the same | the body of A. the reading is कालानिसूर्याभवीः as the printed text. The stop after aftara which has been altered in the margin to कालाग्निshould come after the next word सः. Nariyana सूर्येस्त्रयीः but सूर्यैः must be a mistake for सूर्यः. Bays स उपासको बानीयादित्यन्वयः।
D. thus explains-त्रयीरिति । त्रयीलोकत्रयीलाका___. 102 (v. 4). In A. B. C. and D. मृत्यु यीमित्यर्थः । बहुवचनं सर्वावयवव्याप्त्यर्थ । यीरूप comes first in the list, and car second. B. जगदिदं कालामिरूपः सूर्य ओत आ उतवान् । अन्तंकाले omits all the rest except सर्वहत्यां . A. omits व्याप्तवानेवं सर्वमयमात्मा व्याप्तवानित्यर्थः ॥ The स संसार तरति, and it is not noticed by Samkara | former reading is unquestionably the better or Narayana. G. is the same as the printed text. and more probable one, but it is easy to see
p. 104 (v.8). A. B.C. read उक्थ्ये न instead | of उक्थे न. and before the last clanse B. inserts ____p. 136 (2). B. and E. omit दर्शयति, whilst सोधमेधेन बजते.
A. and D. insert यदि सर्वमिदं before it. A. p. 106 (v. 10). The word अध्यायक has no | inserts हि सर्वे, and B. सर्वे, before स्वास्मानमेव support from any of my MSS. It occurs three करोति. times. In the first instance A. B.C.G. have p. 146 (3). In regard to सोऽयः see notes अध्यापक; in the second, A. has अभ्यायीक (for | on p. 35 (ii. 1.). अध्याबिक), G. अध्यायी and B. and C. again | p. 147 (3). Instead of असुनियमे, Nariyana TUTTh The third instance is not referred rends and explains असौ नियम. He says, मं to by C.-but A. and G. read अध्यापक and B. लोकमसी पुमानियमे सति यथा चभुषेव रूपं श्रवणेनैव अभ्याथिक. This last seems to be Nariyana's शब्दोऽनुभूयते न जानु चक्षुषा शब्द शृणोतीत्येवं रूपे reading, for he says अध्याय्येवाध्यायिकः1. Both सत्यनुभूय ... यहा ... इममात्मानं नरसिंहमसौ साधको A. and B. insert एकेन before मन्त्रराजजापकेन, नियमे वागादिसंयमे सत्यनुभूय... A. D. read Rष्टा and, in common with G., omit प्रभवति after | for दृष्टा; and the latter gives असुप्रपमहीनः as यत्र न दुःखं.
an alternative reading to सुप्रपमहीनः, and ex.
plains thug-असूनां प्राणानां प्रपन श्वासोच्छासलक्षUTTARATAPANI (1 UPANISHAD).
णेन हीनः कृतप्राणायाम इत्यर्थः । The MSS. on this part are the same as on ___p. 169 (3). The word महास्थूले must unquesthe former part, except that Samkaránanda's tionably be eliminated. It occurs in G. only. Commentary (E.) takes the place of Samkara's The passage is explained by Sam karAnanda (C).
thus:- गुणैर्ब्रह्मविष्णुरुद्ररूपरक्यं तादात्म्यं संपाय The invocatory verses are omitted by B. and बुद्धपा सम्यगवगत्याध्यात्मिकमाधिदैविकेन रूपेण तादा
रम्य प्राप्तमित्यनुबद्धघेत्यर्थः । अनन्तरं महास्थूलमाधिp. 126 (1). After अलक्षणं, B. D. add अलिङ्गं, देविकं चतुर्भवभिनं वैराजरूपं महच तत् स्थूलश महास्थूल and all the MSS. insert चतुर्थे after भौतं.. D. महासूझमे आधिदैविके चतुर्भेदे हिरण्यगर्ने महति सूक्ष्म and E. omit te altogether, in the sentence महासूक्ष्म उक्त हिरण्यगर्भ महाकारणे आकाशाविभूतस एवास्मा स एव विज्ञेयः, and B. agrees with | भौतिकप्रपञ्चजनक ईश्वरे महति कारणे महाकारणे च.
E.

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कारः संहत्येति पदस्य पूर्वत्रापि संबंधार्थः संहत्य बुद्धचा जानीयात् ।। A. has अपक्ककषायं इमं which looks सहत्य संहारं कृत्वा | Narayapa's explanation is | as if the anusvara was accidental. G.is the of the same tenor.
same as printed text. p. 176(4). It is equally certain that नृसिंह: __p. 198 (6). D. gives समाधानेभ्यः as an is an interpolation, and should be eliminated. alternative reading to ससाधनेभ्यः , and, with A. B. omits it, and so do D. and E. Narayana's and G. reads निरागा: for निरागारा:. . comment is as follows:-एष उ एव न (नृ?)। एष | p.200 (6). All the MSS. read ओडारे एव नरसिंह एवानुष्टुबर्थात्मा भवति । देवतागुरुमंत्राणां भा- परे ब्रह्मणि and not ओङ्कारपरे ब्रह्मणि. वयरेक्यमात्मनेति' स्मृतेरैक्यभावनफलभैक्यप्राप्तिः । तदे. ___p. 201 (6). B. E. read श्रृजेष्वधृहं at the वोपपादयत्येष हि सर्वच सर्वदा सर्वात्मेति । देशतः का- beginning of the verse, and the latter explains लतो वस्तुतश्च परिच्छेदोस्य नास्तीत्यर्थः। The first
thus:-शृङ्गेषु प्रणवमात्रारूपेषु संसारवृषभविषाणेषु part of Samkarananda's note on this passage
अभृङ्ग अङ्गरहितमविकल्पं तुरीयं संयोज्य ॥ G. haa is too corrupt to be intelligible-then comes
शृङ्गे च शृङ्ग. the following:-अथवा एष उ एव वेष इति पाठः।
___p.203 (7). Instead of उत्पथवारिकत्वात, A. D. तस्मिन्पक्षे यस्य ह्यनुष्टुबात्मत्वेन बुद्धघारूढं (?) सन्
| G. read उत्पथचारिकरवात, and B. E. उत्पथवारकपुमानप्येष एव । तत्र हेतुः। हि सर्वत्र सर्वदा सर्वात्मा। त्वात्, which I prefer. E. explains thus:-उत्पथनतामुपपाद्य सिंहतामाहेष शब्दार्थः। I should add
वारकत्वादुन्मार्गस्य कामक्रोधादेनिवारकत्वात्।। In the that A. and G. omit नृ and retain नृसिंहः, but | last line B. D. E. G. have उकारे instead such a reading as एष उ एव एष हि नृसिंहः seems of it . The latter is certainly wrong. improbable.
p. 205 (7). The reading मकारार्धनार्थेन is not p. 179 (4). D. has गुणाढचान instead of
supported by any of my MSS.; and these गुणर्छन् , and all the MSS. have हत्या not हुरवा.
again all differ from one another ! A has There is a curious variety of readings in the
मकारार्थनानेनात्मना which is probably intended case of वश्यां . A. has वइयां, B. नस्यां which is
for मकारानार्थेनानेनारमना, -B. has मकारा नानाperhaps intended for तस्यां, D. वत्स्यां with वश्यां
स्मना which may be a mistake for मकारार्द्धनानेनाus a variant, E. वेश्यां (!) and G. यस्यां . Here
स्मना,-D. has मकारार्थेनात्मना,-E. मकारार्थेनानेis Nariyana's comment:- वेत्स्यां वत्साही
नात्मना,-and G. मकारार्द्धनार्थेनात्मना. I believe वत्ससंबंधयोग्यां मातरमिन्द्रियजननी । वश्यामिति
that E. is right. Compare the similar phrase पाठे वैशंगतां नृसिंहाराधनावशवत्तिनीं ।।
मकारार्थेन परेण ब्रह्मणा on p. 213 (7). . p. 183 (5). Before the words आत्मैव नृसिंहो देवः p. 207 (7). The reading एवमेव सच्चिदानन्दौ अंथ A. B. D. insert तस्मादात्मानमेववं जानीयात्. वचनेन &c. is quite wrong. A. B. E. G. read Narayana connects the words ब्रह्म भवति with य एवमेव चिदानन्दावयवचनेन which is no doubt एवं वेद on the next page, in which case there
correct. should be no stop after भवति.
p.216 (8). A. D. G. have एवोतः, B. E. नैवोतः p. 192 (6). D. explains सर्वप्रियमास्पदं p.221 (8). A. B. G. read यस्मात् for ह्यस्मात; instead of सर्वप्रेमास्पद. The reading of A. | A. D. G.आरमा and B. तदात्मा instead of आत्म्यं । सर्वमा भिवमास्पद, is corrupt.
and A. B. E.G. ह्यनुज्ञा for ह्यनुजानाति. p. 194 (6). Both D. and E. read and explain | p. 226 (9). प्राज्ञैः, the reading of the printed नुरीबातुरीयं in the third line, instead of तुरीय- | texty-and of G., is supported by Narayana, who वरीयं. The former's explanation is-मायाप्रयुक्त explains it by yoga:; but A. B. and E. have
संख्यया तुरीयत्वेपि वस्तुवृत्या अतुरीयं सख्याया | प्राज्ञे in common with the printed commentary. मिथ्यात्वात् || whilst E. Bays-तुरीयातुरीयं तुरीया | p.227 (9). A. D.G. have द्रष्टा in the place प्रणवस्यार्द्धमात्रात्मनस्तुरीयावस्थात्मिका तस्यास्तुरीयो | of दृष्टा. भेती विकल्परूपस्तमात्मानं ॥ G. has तुरीयातुरीयं p. 230 (9). B.E. G. read सबीजान instead here, and twice in the immediate context. of स्वबीजान्.
The reading अपककषायं as an epithet of | p. 231 (9). A. D. read जीवेशावभासेन which आस्मानं is manifestly impossible. B. D. E. | the latter thrus explains:-कानिचिज्जीवावभासेन read अपककषाय इमं which is no doubt correct. ! कानिचिदीशावभासेन ब्रह्मविष्णुरुद्रादीनीशावभासेन म. D. explains thus:-यस्मात्पूर्वमेवं वृत्तं तस्मादद्या- | न्वादीनि जीवावभासेन करोति ।। प्यपककषायो ऽपरिक्षीणरागादिः पुमानिममेवात्मानं यो| p.232 (9). All five MSS. read गुणभिन्ना, not पुर्जेयत्वेन प्रसिद्धस्तं नृसिंहानुष्टुभैव सरलेन परमोपायेन | गुणाभिमा.

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p. 233 (9) A. B. G. have आत्मन्येव, but the two commentaries agree with printed text and explain आत्मन एव. p. 238 ( 9 ). A. B. D. G. read असदन्यत् instead of सदन्यत्, and B. D. अयोनि instead of araf. The following is Narayana's explana. tion of this passage :- हे देवाः पश्यत । इहाप्यात्मन्यपि सन्मात्रं सत्तामात्रं नाधिकं किञ्चिदस्ति । अपिश वोऽल्पीभावे । ननु तथापि सत्ता जातिरस्ति तदाश्र यत्वे चाधाराधेयभाव: स्वादत आहासदन्यत् । असतोऽन्यत्सदन्यदेव सन्न तु सत्त्वं जातिरित्यर्थः । इत्थमनंन प्रकारेण सत्यं पुरस्तात्सिद्धं । कीदृशमयोनि उत्पत्तिरहितं ॥
p. 242 (9). D. explains fa af but B. E. read f afarar A. and G. agree with printed text.
p. 243 (9). D. explains Tag | His words are द्रष्टा पुमानद्रटुर्जडस्य । दृश्याभावे वास्तव
In a certain country there lived a fowler, who pursued his calling with far-famed success, and an incredible number of birds were reported to have been snared, or shot, by him every day. Some of these he set by for his own use and the rest he sold; however, being a spendthrift he did not become rich, but rather grew poorer and poorer. As fast and as much as he earned, so fast and so much did he spend. Now this was all very well for a time, and for some years affairs proceeded comparatively happily; but by degrees it became manifest the birds were getting fewer and more wary, and there was consequently an abatement in his success; and so the fowler looked sad and anxious, and wondered what he should do for a living.
While he was in this state Raja Hams summoned all the bird-world to a great assembly, and the few birds that remained in the fowler's country were also invited, The conference was an immense one, and all the arrangements were magnificent beyond description. Much business was done, and
[MARCH, 1886.
त्वमपि नास्तीत्यत्राप्युत्प्रेक्षैव ॥ A B G read निरवद्य for निरविद्य:
p. 244 (9). All the MSS. but G. read दृष्टोऽदृष्टो वेति। A. E. read अनन्यः for the नान्यः of
GULLALA SHAH.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. A KASMIRI TALE.
A swan or goose, of. rijahamhsa, s. v. in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary.
Both the owl and the parrot occupy a prominent position in Indian Folklore. The former is generally regarded as most akilful in foretelling events, and on
the text.
P. 246 (9). Instead of : the MSS. have स्वप्रकाशे, and all agree in rejecting न after किमयेन. Narayana says - किमयेनेति । अद्वयो ऽस्माभिर्न दृष्ट इति भवद्भिरुक्तो योऽद्वयः किं तेन । कुतो यतो द्वितीयमेव न किन्तु यूयमेव स्थ ॥
p. 250 (9). Instead of shi, D. has अव्यक्तं and E अवक्तव्यं. The reading of B अवव्यक्तं, may be a mistake for अव्यक्त. p. 252 (9). A. B. G. read a g omitting the avagraha before the second wordand D. explains thus : - प्रणवावर्त्तनानन्तरं ज्ञात इति प्रभरूपं प्रजापतिवचः । ज्ञातश्च ज्ञात एवेति होचुः ॥ E. explains अज्ञातः.
p. 253 (9). A. B. D. G. read केषानुज्ञेति and वयं ते.
every bird expressed himself very pleased with all that he had seen and heard. At length the conference being concluded, the birds were dismissed to their several countries; but the little company which attended from the fowler's country, did not prepare to leave. Seeing this Raja Hams inquired the reason.
"O Raja," replied the birds, "in our country there lives a fowler, whose aim is deadly and snares undiscoverable. Nearly all our brethren have been slain by him. In former days we were a great and mighty company, but now behold, O Râjâ, the smallness of our numbers and our strength. We pray you to have mercy on us, and deliver us out of the hand of this cruel man."
Raja Hams was execedingly grieved when he heard their sorrows, and immediately sought to relieve them. He had two chief ministers, an owl and a parrot, whom he loved very much, and to whose advice he always attended. Accordingly he now called them to him, and first addressing the owl, said,
"O Owl, I am ruler over all the birds and ye
this account would prove a most useful bird if men could only easily understand its speech. The parrot is also quoted as a most accomplished soothsayer, as well as a cheerful companion and faithful friend.

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are my ministers. A portion of my subjects are terribly troubled by a certain fowler, whose tricks and snares they are powerless to resist, and yet they do not wish to leave their country. You will make arrangements for the preservation of these my subjects."
GULLALA SHAH.
The owl was astonished when he received this difficult command; but remembering the parrot's superior knowledge and wisdom, he replied, "O Râjâ, this your order cannot be executed by me, owing to my blindness by day. The parrot, however, with Your Highness's permission will fulfil it."
Then Raja Hams turned to the parrot and commanded him to perform the order which he had just given to the owl. The parrot at once agreed, made his obeisance, and departed. He went to the aggrieved birds, and bade them to be patient and to do nothing of their own counsel, but to be guided by him, and to believe that the Great God would interpose in their behalf. The birds with one accord consented.
When the fowler discovered that there was not a bird left in the country, he became more sorrowful than ever. His case appeared hopeless. How to provide for his wife and family he knew not, because he had never learnt any other trade and had never possessed a special friend. It was a sad sight to see his children gathering round him when he returned in the evening to ask him what sport he had had (for they were very hungry), and then to watch them one after the other going away again, on being told that nothing had come to his hand that day.
75
A large number of stories might be quoted, in which the supposition that prosperity or adversity is sometimes dependent on the gismat of another is mentioned.
themselves in different places and promised that he would make provision for their permanent safety. So away they all flew, and were soon out of sight. Then the parrot went and walked straight into the fowler's net and was snared, but no other bird was caught that day, and the fowler was almost frantic with despair. On reaching home his family rushed to him as usual, and inquired what luck he had had. "Nothing," he replied, "because of your bad fortune, but this parrot came into my net to-day."
Saying this he took the bird out of his cloth and made as though to kill it for food, but the parrot, guessing his intention, said, "Why are you going to slay me? Do you not know that my flesh is not fit for food? And even if you could eat me, what satisfaction for your hunger could you get out of such a morsel as I am? Would it not be a wiser plan to sell me to some dealer in the bázár and provide yourself with provisions for many days from the price that you would obtain for me ?"
The fowler acknowledged the wisdom of what the bird advised, and therefore put it into a safe place for the night, intending to rise early on the following morning and go to the bázár with it.
As soon as the sun was up the next day, the fowler was up too, and off to the bazár, proclaiming to the people that he had this par rot for sale. "Who'll buy? Who'll buy ?" he cried; and many people stopped to look at the bird. They all seemed pleased with it, and many wished to have it, but on account of the small sums which they offered, the parrot reThus affairs continued until the birds returned fused to go with them. Of course this beha from the conference; when the fowler, having viour made the fowler very angry. He had heard from one of his children that the birds been walking about in the heat all the day and had again appeared, went forth with net and was very tired and disappointed; and when ho bow to try and catch them. He spread his net reached home, and saw again the hunger and in a most likely place, and looked so fierce and distress of his family, he was exasperated determined that the birds were more afraid beyond bounds. He swore that he would kill than before, and went to the parrot, saying, the parrot there and then. Poor bird! It "In such and such a place the fowler has spread thought that its doom was now most certainly his net. Tell us how we may escape, for we sealed. However, it again begged the fowler are certain that if this man fails to snare us in to have patience with it. "You will perceive his net, he will shoot us with his bow." that I have not any personal interest in this The parrot gave them permission to hide delay," it added. 'In refusing to be sold for
"
Cf. Old Deccan Days, p. 107; also Folk-Tales of Bengal, pp. 209, 210.

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such small sums, as were offered for me to-day I have not been rude. Please do not think me ungrateful for the preservation of my life. If you will wait till to-morrow, and then place me in a nice cage and cover the cage with a pretty cloth, and take me here and there about the palacegrounds, some great and rich person will probably notice the cage, and ask what is inside. It may be that they will also feel sufficient interest in me to inquire my price. If so, then please leave the arrangement of this matter again to me, simply saying that I cost a great deal of money and will declare my own price."
The fowler again acknowledged the wisdom of the parrot's counsel and consented to follow it. And so on the following morning, a beautiful cage and cloth having been procured, the bird was put inside, and carried about by the fowler within the precincts of the palace grounds.
Now the king of that country had several wives, but they were all barren except one, by whom a little daughter had been born to him. This daughter grew up to be so good and beautiful that His Majesty loved her very much. He cared not to be absent from her, and there was not a request of hers, that he did not try to fulfil to the utmost of his power. One day she had expressed a wish to have a bird which could speak, and so thenceforth the king had inquired diligently for such a bird. The fowler's visit therefore was most opportune.
While the fowler was perambulating before the palace the chief Wazir passed by. The fowler gave him a most profound salám. The parrot, also, gave him a salám, imagining that some great personage was near. When the Wazir heard the salám from the cage he was much surprised. "How strange!" he said; "Please remove the cloth that I may see the bird, which can do this wonderful thing."
The fowler did so; and the Wazir was more struck with the beauty of the parrot than with its cleverness, and offered to purchase it at any price. According to the previous arrangement the parrot at once named the price: "Eighteen thousand rupees!"
"What! Eighteen thousand rupees; " said the astonished Wazir,
[MARCH, 1886.
"Yes; Eighteen thousand rapees;" the parrot again replied.
"Then I cannot buy you," said the Wazir; "but my lord the king wishes to have a speaking bird like you. So you will please be carried to him. "
The parrot consented, and so on reaching the front entrance of the palace the Wazir took the cage, and went inside with it. After making his obeisance he placed the cage before the king, saying that at last he thought His Majesty had obtained his long-felt desire. As soon as the cage was set before the king, the bird most distinctly said, "Salám." This greatly astonished the king, who anxiously inquired whence the Wazir had obtained such a clever and magnificent bird. "It is the very bird that I have been wanting for a long time," he added. "You must sell it to me. Ask what you like, and I will give it you."
The Wazir replied, "It is not mine, O king. I met a poor fowler carrying it about the palace-grounds, and knowing that Your Majesty had need of such a bird, I first tried to buy it; but finding that its price was more than I could afford, I ordered the man to bring it hither. With Your Majesty's leave I will call in the man."
The king ordered the fowler to be brought in, and when he appeared, he asked him to sell the parrot. "Tell me its price and you shall have it," he said.
"My lord," tremblingly answered the man, "I cannot tell the worth of the bird. I only know that it was bought for a large sum of money. Let the king's will be. The bird will state its own worth."
Then the king turned towards the parrot and inquired its price; whereupon the parrot answered as before, "Eighteen thousand rapees!"
"Eighteen thousand rupees!" said the king with a much astonished air. "Too much, too much. Surely you are joking with me."
He tried to bargain for a less sum, but the parrot was as resolute concerning its price as the king was resolute concerning its purchase. Accordingly eighteen thousand rupees were paid to the fowler, and the parrot was carried in its beautiful cage to the king's only and beloved daughter.
The fowler was now a rich man. What a wind-fall! Eighteen thousand rupees all in

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one day! With what great joy he returned to his and their sweet songs filled the air all the day house, and how joyfully his family received long. him, when they heard the glad news. After Out of gratitude to the king the parrot dinner,--such a dinner as they had not eaten decided to remain in the palace. He made for a long time,--they began to discuss plans for himself so very agreeable, that every member the future.
of the Royal household fell in love with him, "What shall be done with these eighteen and especially the princess, whose whole time thousand rupees P" asked the fowler. "Shall and thoughts the bird monopolised ; so that she we leave the country, the scene of 80 cared not to go to the king, her father, 18 much sorrow and distress to us, and go to a aforetime, but was always talking and playing fairer and better land ? Or shall we remain with the parrot, and saying, "O what should here and spend our money in trading? In- I do if my pretty parrot died or flew away creasing in wealth and in honour we should from me? Polly, you do love me, don't you? forget our past troubles. Say, O my wife and and you will never go away, will you PO children ; what shall we do pa
promise me truly that you will never leave Thus were they engaged in conversation, me!" when a great -noise was suddenly heard in the Matters continging thus the king naturally yard; and loud above all sounded the voice of felt annoyed, for be loved his daughter somebody shrieking out the fowler's name. A exceedingly, and did not like her whole time company of soldiers had arrived, who said to be spent with the parrot. One afternoon that they had been sent by the king to sum. he consulted some of his friends as to the mon the fowler to the palace. The poor man right course to pursue. He did not wish, or was terror-stricken. “My name, my name;" rather he was afraid, to have the bird Blain,he cried. “The king sent for me! What does but what was he to do? They advised him to His Majesty require of me at this hour of the order the bird to be brought to the Court, or night? Perhaps he repents of his purchase, to the garden, or wherever the king wished and wishes to take the money back again. Or his daughter to come, for His Highness knew it may be that the parrot has maligned my that wherever the parrot went, there the character. Ah me! Ah me!"
princess would go too. The king was pleased But all his suspicions turned out to be with this advice, and at once sent a servant to wrong, for the king had summoned him in bring the parrot to the Court. Now the consequence of a conversation, which His parrot, "as has been already mentioned," had Majesty had just had with the parrot, wherein the faculty of knowing all that was happening he had been informed of the bird's mission. in the world, and used to tell his mistress He wished to order him,-now that he had any special news Accordingly he now ex. plenty of money,--to abandon the cruel calling plained to her the king's plan for getting his of a fowler, and to apply himself to trade and daughter to visit him again. “You had better merchandise. The fowler readily consented, go," continued the parrot. "Go immediately, saying, that this was his intention and that he and leave me here." would send his net and other things to the | The princess did so. Half-way to the Court, palace in testimony that he would not she met the king's messenger, and asked him break his word. He then left, and as soon as what his errand was. He replied that he had he had gone, the king issued a proclamation been sent by the king to bring the parrot to the to the effect that no person should catch palace. “Never mind," she said, "you need not or kill birds throughout the whole of that go. I will make it all right with the king. kingdom, and that whosoever was discovered Return with me. I am now going to His disobeying the Royal mandate should be Majesty." As soon as the princess had left severely punished. Henceforth there was to go to her father, the parrot remembered its peace and contentment in the bird community native place and old friends, and determined of that kingdom. They flourished exceedingly to see them once more, thinking it could
of. Folk Tales of Bengal, p 211.

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retorn before the princess came back. So it off her bed, and determined to put an end to pulled out its old and broken feathers that it her grief by hanging herself. She contrived might look the more beautiful, threw them to fasten a piece of cord to one of the beams on the floor, and then started. It reached of the ceiling, and having made & noose, was home safely and was heartily welcomed by its. about to pat it over her head, when the parrot relations and friends. They were all very flew in through the window ! Another moglad to meet again, and had a lot to tell each ment's delay and the bird would have found other after so long an absence. They seemed his mistress & corpse. What tongue can ten, hardly to have commenced conversation,-90 and whose pen can describe the astonishment quickly did the hours pass by, - when the of the one and the joy of tire other, when they falling shades of evening reminded the parrot this met? The princess clasped the bird to that it was time to depart; and so resisting all her breast, and weeping floods of tears explained entreaties of its friends to stay,- if only for how she had thought that it had been dean hour or so longer,-it spread ont its wings voured by some cat, and on that account had and few away.
prevailed on the king to sanction an order for On its way back the parrot alighted in & the destraction of all the cats in the country; garden, which was by the sea-shore, where grew and then how the had felt so lonely, and so many rare and beautiful flowers. It plucked two miserable, that she had fully resolved to kill of the most beautiful and returned to the herself, because she could not live without its princess. The princess had, however, come back company. The parrot was so touched with the from the Court long before, and finding that the princess's story, that he almost forgot to ask her parrot was not there had become very anxious; to hasten to the king and get him to revoku and when after a little while she discovered some the cruel order concerning the innocent cats. broken feathers lying on the ground, her grief For some time after this they both remained know no bounds. She thought that a cat had perfectly silent, -lost in each other's joy. At certainly entered the room and stolen her length the parrot broke the silence. He told beautiful bird. After much weeping and his mistress bow he had felt constrained to lamentation she went to the king, told him leave her so abruptly and visit his home and her sad tale, and begged him to give orders people, also what he had heard from them and that every cat found within the kingdom should had seen on the way; and then he presented be slain. Although the king cared nothing for to her the two beautiful flowers which he had the parrot, yet he was very desirous of pleas- plucked from the garden by the sea. On seeing ing his daughter, and therefore he at once the beautiful flowers and inhaling their sweet ordered the immediate execution of all the cata perfume the princess fainted; she had never that could be found in his country. Hundreds before seen flowers so lovely and of such of cats were killed before nightfall.
delicious scent. When she came to her senses The poor princess, however, got very little she went and showed them to the king. Hie comfort out of this revenge. She returned Majesty and all the courtiers were greatly to her room, shut the door, and wept until she surprised when they saw them. Such magnihad no more power to weep and could not bear ficent flowers had never been seen or conceived it any longer. "My pretty Poll, my pretty of by them. Sach splendid perfume too ; Poll," she kept on saying in an agony of gripfit filled the whole palace, so that the attendants " Why did I leave you ? O cruel, cruel, to bave and servants living in distant apartments done this the very first time I was away from perceived it and began to ask one another you!" Thus she mourned the loss of her pet companion. It was a long, long while before "How did you obtain these ?" asked the king. she closed her eyes that night; and when sleep The parrot gave them to me," replied the did come, it came only for a short space. She princess. "He said that they were plucked soon awoke and then her thoughts naturally from the flowering trees in the garden of the turning on her terrible bereavement; so she got daughter of the king of the fairies, which is by .al. Poll Tale of Bengal, pp. 200-210, the Story of the Hiraman," which should be road in connection
with this tale.

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GULLALA SHAH.
the sea-shore. There were twelve thousand master, however, soon discovered the boy's of them in the garden, and each was worth talents, and perceiving, also, that he was dili. twelve thousand rupees."
gent in his studies and ambitious, be took special “True, true," remarked the king, "such notice of him and taught him all he could. flowers as these must be from heaven."
He gave him presents of books too, and Then the princess asked her father to send Khariâ soon became very clever and learned, and get some of these flowers for her. Now and the envy of all the other boys. this was a very difficuit request. Nevertheless | One day it happened that as Kharid was the king promised that he would try, and at going on an errand for his master the farmer, once despatched messengers in search of them. he met one of the messengers of the king, who After many days these messengers returned, wished to get some more of the rare and saying that they were quite sure of never being beautiful flowers. “Whence came you P” he able to procure the flowers. However, His asked. “What have you come for? What is Majesty was not going to abandon the search so your name ?" readily. He ordered notices to be sent to the The messenger replied by putting the king's different kingdoms of the world asking if these notice into his hand. Having perused it Kharik flowers were to be met with anywhere, and said, "Give me some money for the expenses promising that he would give his beautiful of the way, and I will obtain the flowers. daughter in marriage to the person, whoever he Go back immediately to your Royal master, and might be, who could procure them for him. tell him to comfort his daughter with these This was done, and years passed without any words, until I appear. Be not afraid that I news of them,
will deceive you." Now in former days there lived in the king's The messenger was much pleased with the country a trader, who was exceedingly wealthy, boy's frank and ready manner; and giving and who, on account of his immense wealth, was him the necessary expenses and a speciallymuch honoured by the common folk. Flattery sealed letter of the king, he hastened back to and adulation had made this trader very proud, -
inform His Majesty of his success. 30 proud that he would never listen to anyone, - Khariá first went and told his mother what not even to the king. This proud man died, he was going to attempt. She begged him not and owing to his not having any brothers or to be so foolish, but he would not hear her. children his whole property reverted to the He then went to tell his master and his teacher, crown. It was a sad day for the trader's wife and taking leave of them, started on his journey. when her husband died. Poor woman; she In two or three days he reached a jungle, was weak and sickly and expecting soon to where a very tall and grand-looking man met have a little child. She knew not what to do. him. Catching hold of the tall man's hands, However, work she must, if she did not wish to he said, "Salám." The man returned the boy's die; and so she went and hired herself to a salúm and asked him who he was, whence he farmer of that country.
came, and whither he was going. The boy In due time her child was born. His lot' told him everything, as he had told his mother was good, and he grew and waxed strong. and master and teacher, and kept nothing back When he was old enough to do some work the from him. Then the grand tall man blessed farmer sent him into the fields to tend the him, prayed for him, and bade him depart in cattle. Day by day he found time, also, to go quest of the flowers. But the boy would not to school with the farmer's children, for he let go his hand until he had told him in what was a good boy and wished to be wise and direction to go. Seeing that the boy was in great. As his mother, being under the suppo- earnest, and was a worthy boy, the grand tall sition that her child had been born under an | man disclosed to him who he was, and how by unlucky star, had not given him a name, his virtue of his great sanctity he could obtain for schoolmates called him Khariâ, because his him whatever he required. “This is what I head was covered with scabs. The school. wanted from you," said Kharia," for I could i... giomat.
Khur in the Kaimiri for the dinosso called roald.bond Gavus).

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Bee that you were a very holy person and had that he would go, and was conducted to a cerall power. I pray you tell me wbether I can tain spot in the palace-garden, which the got these flowers, or not; what my fature 1 princess had pointed out. For many days they lot is; and what my name is."
met together there, and the oftener they met The grand tall man answered "My boy, you the fonder they became of each other. At length can get these flowers; your future is good; the princess determined to marry Kharia, and and your name is Gullala Shih."
went to her parents to obtain their consent. Saying this he placed his left hand on the Of course the king and queen first wished to boy's head, and taking a hollow gourd filled see and to know something of the young man, with water, he threw its contents over him, and so a message was despatched to him, comwhen the scabs and all other failings in the boy's manding him to appear at the Royal Court, appearance disappeared, so that he was now In a little while the king, seeing that he was very beautiful. As soon as he had done this good and clever, and worthy of becoming his the man finally told him to go. And as Khariâ son-in-law, married his daughter to him. It was was leaving he again blessed him.
a very grand wedding, and there was no stint After many days Khariâ arrived at & certain of money or trouble. Every arrangement place, and took up his abode in the house of an was on the most lavish scale, and everything old widow, who lived there. He was very seemed to pass off most happily. Gullala kind to the old woman, and used to give her Shåb, for this was the name by which be food and in other ways help her. Every day was now known, visited the Darbar every day, he went for walks in and around the city and and his words were always listened to with constantly brought back with him some little the greatest attention and respect. Through present for the widow. One morning, as he his efforts, also, many good and just laws were Was washing himself by the riverside, Dear the introduced and many old-established errors palace of the king of that country, the princess corrected. Thus the kingdom became the chanced to see him, and noticing that he was terror and avenger of all evil men, but the tall and handsome, she sent one of her attend- refuge and defender of all who wished for right. ants to call him, which was done. Kharià said
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN; GÖTTINGEN.. 1. ACHARYADESIYA.
| vice versá. Moreover, as the author of the MaThe Mahábháshya is composed in the form hábhdshya has not himself told us which of the of a series of dialogues. The principal inter- views stated in his work are those of the Achár. locutors in those dialogues are the Sishya, the yadésiya, and which those of the Acharya, it Acharyadésiya, and the Acharya. The Sishya cannot be wondered at that commentators brings forward his doubts and asks questions; occasionally should differ, and that one should the Acharyade öya is ready to solve those doubts regard as the opinion of the Acharya, what the and to reply to the questions raised, but other takes to be the opinion of the Achdrya. panditammanya as he is, his answers are given de fiya, hastily and withont a fall knowledge of all the All this is so plain and natural, and accords difficulties of the matter under discussion; so so perfectly with the Hindu method of scientific that finally the Acharya must step in to over- discussion, that it might seem unnecessary to rule him, and to explain the true state of the state it here,' were it not that Acharya and case. Sometimes we find all the three dispu- Acharyadébiya are by some scholars still taken tants introduced in parts of the Mahabháshya to denote, the former only Katyayana, and the which contain only remarks of Patañjali; on latter only Patañjali, and that accordingly the other occasions, the views of the Acháryadémiya word sortate is still explained to be "* are contained in a Vårttika, and those of the term used by Kaiyata to denoto Patañjali," Acharya in original remarks of Patañjali, or to show how the word Acharyadófiya is
see my Katyayana and Pataftjali, p. 58, note, and A. Barth in the Rovus Critique, 1878, No. 28, p. 19,

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NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
81
really used by Hindu commentators, I select the
1. 14 Acharyadésiya :-
:. following from a large number of passages
1. 16 Chšdaka :-
(Várttika). which I have collected from the commentaries
1. 19 Acharyadésiya :- CH (Vártof Bhartrihari, Kaiyata, Haradatta, and Någôji
tika). thatta.
P. 353, 1. 5 Acharya:- ya. The Duandva-compound farruar Or on p. 354, where there is no Varttika: Tatar: is employed by Bhartřihari, when com
1. 1 Achúryadésiya :- affa fermenting on the Mahábháshya, 1.5, of Vol. I. p.5
. of my edition.
1. 1 Chúlaka :- rig af. In the Bhashya on P. IV. 1, 13 (Vol. II. p. 1. 4 Acháryadésiya :- afe. 204), where there is no Virttika at all, the
1. 5 Chodaka:- Tifa af. question is asked (1. 23, STUTE fauty),
1. 6 Achárya :- afd. what would be the correct form of a Bahuvrihi- In the introductory portion of the Bhashya compound to express the sense of the words on P. VI. 4, 62 (Vol. III. p. 206), the words
T: TATT SRITE; the answer given (1. 24, (1.1), sper ...Tatra may according to Kaiyata TERIT... ) is, that the compound would be either be taken as the statement of one dispu
er, and it is shown how such a form is tant, and the following words (1.2) Teras obtained in the following words (1. 25, to as the words of the Siddhantavadin; or 97 p. 205, 1.5 T Ta... HTETT yarat के...परत्वात् may be considered as questions and
f ) that first answer and the reasons answers of the Sishya and Acharyadesiya, and adduced in favour of it are rejected, and it is | उदात्तेभ्योऽपि as the statement of the Acharya. shown that the compound would really be . The last passage naturally suggests the idea, In this passage Kaiyața ascribes the answer that the term Achárya, when used in opposiT h ...cy to the Acharyadésiya, and the tion to such terms as Sishya, Chodaka, or Achár. following words ay ar to the Acharya. yadésiya, is equivalent to Siddhá ntavádin or
In the introductory portion of the Bhâshya Siddhantin, and, that such is really the case, on P. V. 1, 19, (Vol. II. p. 343), where might be proved by a large number of quotano Varttika is yet referred to, Kaiyata tions. Here it may suffice to state, that Ichár. ascribes the words (1.9) #af& f afar to the yadésiya is actually opposed to Siddhanta by NAAcharyadésiya, the words (1. 12) vastaa gôjibhatta on P. I. 1, 27, to Siddhantin by the to the Sishya, and the words (1. 17)
T
a same on P. II. 1, 69 and VI. 4, 42, and to to the Acharya.
Siddhantav hdin by Kaiyata on P. VII. ?, 196. In the introductory portion of the Bhashya The natural consequence is that Acharya in on P. V. 3, 57 (Vol. II. p. 416), where like- turn may be opposed to Purtapakshin, as has wise no Varttika is yet referred to, Kaiyata been done, e.g., by Nagôjibhatta on P. IV.1.10. ascribes the words (1. 18) af go to the
2. GOXIKAPUTRA AND GOXARDIYA:Acharyadé fiya, the words (1. 20) # hT On p. 227 of Vol. XII. of this Journal, I to the Acharya, the words (1. 24) Taf to the stated that I hoped to prove, by the help of Sishya, and the words (1. 24) T ou to the Bhartrihari's Commentary on the Mahabhashya, Acharya.
that later grammarians were wrong in identify. In the Bhashya on P. VI. 1, 91 (Vol. III. ing Gônardiya with Patañjali. Since then, p. 70), Kaiyata introduces the statement (1. 22) Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, who eren in his preface to
Tort with the words "Acharyadé dyah pandi- the Yoga dphorisms (published in 1883) had adtammanyatvád áha," and he ascribes the words hered to the view which makes Patañjali a son of (p. 71, 1. 4) free to the Achárya.
Góņika and a native of Gônarda, has attempted In the Bhâshya on P. I. 4, 105-108, (Vol. I. to prove that GoŅiká patra and Gônardiya pp. 352-354) Kaiyata introduces, in addi- in the Mahabhashya do not denote Patañjali, but tion to the Acháryadésiya and Achárya, the are the names of grammarians quoted by him Chodaka or objector; and to these three (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LII. Part I., p. 261). disputants he assigns some of the statements I shall now briefly indicate the reasons which made in the Várttikas and Bhashya, as follows: years ago have made me arrive at the same P.852, 1. 13 Chodaka :-- af.
conclusion; and I am perbaps the more justified

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in once more discussing this matter, as theúdi and anta) ought to contain (the clanse) arguments in favour of the view advocated by fery' while it is accompanied by someDr. Rajendralal appear even stronger than he thing else' (and that therefore Payini's rule is has shown them to be.
necessary)".The name Gôņika putra occurs only once (6) On P. I. 1, 29 Patañjali argues that that in the Mahabháshya, at the close of the discus. rule is necessary solely because it enables us sion on P. I. 4,51 (Vol. I. p. 336 of my edition). to account for such forms as 19h and After having raised the question, whether one one Without it, we should render the should say T OR or TART N4, i.e. sense of the phrase 978 YTJ Arqa whether the word un should here be put in for hy would be Sarvanáman even in the the acc. or gen. case, Patañjali simply answers Bahuvrihi-compound and would therefore take TTTT Praca “Gôņikåputra (says that) by P. V. 3, 71, not by the general either case is correct)." To this Nagôjibhatta rule P. V. 3, 70. But Patañjali adds (Vol. I. appends the somewhat vague remark Tragat p. 91):
T2 TROTU, "they say that Goņika putra is गोनीय आह। the author of the Bhashya." It appears, how- अकस्वरोतु कर्तव्यो प्रत्यङ्ग'मुक्तसंशयो। ever, that the statement here repeated by him स्वकल्पिकः मकस्पितृक इत्येव भवितव्यमिति । had not met with general acceptance; for, on “Gônardiya says, that the words termed the margin of a MS. which was written in Sarvaná máni) ought without any doubt to take A.D. 1695, and which often furnishes valuable sahand to receive the accent (due to them as notes, we have the gloss Tifalgar A T Sarvanámáni, even in a Bahuurihi-compound) था, षष्ठीभवति द्वितीयापि भवति, "in the opinion of the becanse (both अकच and that accent present Acharya Göņikåputra, &c.," a phrase which can- themselves before the composition takes place not be taken to refer to the Bhashyakára. We and) are (therefore in regard to it) antaranya; are left then to choose whichever interpretation that accordingly one ought (not) to say may seem the more reasonable one; and when (range, Hauen, bat) TRTEK, 1. we find that only on p. 332 Patañjali has , (and that Påņini's rale I. 1, 29 is superanswered a similar question by saying 322 fluous and may be dispensed with)".for, and has there moreover given his (6) On P. III. 1, 92 Patanjali raises the reasons for such answer, we sball, I think, decide question whether it is allowable to form a in favour of the alternative that in the words noun like far to express the sense of उभयथा गोणिकापुनः he is quoting the opinion of | कुम्भीकरोति in such aphrase as कुम्भीकरोति मृदम्, another scholar.
"he turns clay into a jar," and having, for Gônardiya occurs four times in the reasons given, answered that onestion in the Mahábhashya:
negative he proceeds (Vol. II. p. 76) :(a) On P. I. 1, 21 Katyayana shows that न तहीदानीमिदं भवति । rule of Paņini's to be necessary when we
इच्छाम्यहं काशकटीकामिति । assume adi to denote that which, while it is इष्टमेवैतकोनीयस्य । accompanied by something else (Ecrafen) Do we then not find the following, viz. 'I has nothing before it, and anta that which, maintain that we ought to say) antar while it is accompanied by something else, has one who turns grass into a mat'P Gônardiya nothing after it; that on the other hand the
certainly does maintain (that) this is correct." - role may be dispensed with when beginning' (d) Lastly, on P. VII. 2, 101 it is stated and 'end' are simply taken to be what has that, in the nom. sing. neut. SÍTTES, the nothing before it and what has nothing after it.
termination cannot be dropped, because After having explained Katyayana's Varttikas,
this very termination has caused the substituPatañjali adds (Vol. I: p. 78):
tion of for wt, and because there is a गोनीयस्वाह सत्यमेतत्सति स्वन्बस्मिन्निति' maxim, that that which owes its existence to "but Gộnardiya says, that (the definitions of something else cannot in turn cause the dis
* The Kasmir MS. has Taf TEHTYÀSH2H-
The Kaimir MS. has 4546.

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appearance of the latter. The objection to this is that such reasoning would render impossible the forms अतिजरसम् and अतिजरसै, (because the terminations and :, as they owe their presence to the preding. ought not to bring about the disappearance of that ), and would lead one to form अतिजरम् and अतिजरे: instead. And the discussion is wound up in the words (Vol. III. p. 309):
गोदय आह । इष्टमेवैतत्स गृहीतं भवति । अतिजरम् अतिजरैरिति भवितव्यं सत्यामेतस्यां परिभाषायां संनिपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्येति । "Gonardiya says, that such a result is exactly what is wanted; the forms should be a and art, since there is the maxim that that which owes its existence to something else cannot in turn cause the disappearance of the latter."
Now it is true that Kaiyata, when commenting on (a), substitutes भाष्यकारस्त्वाह for गोनयस्त्वाह, and that he understands Patañjali to propound in the passage (b) his own view as to the uselessness of the rule P. I. 1, 29. It is also certain that Nagôjîbhatta believes Kaiyata in his note on (a) to say that Gônardiya is the author of the Bhashya, and that Hemachandra (and Vardhamâna) consider the names Gônardiya and Patanjali to denote one person. But Kaiyata's words need not necessarily convey the meaning assigned to them by Nagojibhatta, and probably before him by Hêmachandra, and à priori there is as little reason to identify Gônardiya with Patanjali as there would be of identifying Patanjali with Kunaravaḍava, who in the words कुणरवाडवस्त्वाह is introduced, and whose views, as opposed to those held by the Varttikakára, were probably adopted by Patanjali, on P. III. 2, 14 and VII. 3, 1(Vol. II. p. 100 and Vol. III. p. 317). On the contrary, an examination of the statements ascribed to Gônardiya would seem to show, that in two cases at least those remarks are quotations, quotations from a grammatical work which was in verse, and the terminology of which differed from that of the Mahabhashya, while it agreed with that of other grammarians. And moreover, the manner in which Gônardiya is mentioned by Vamana and referred to by Bhartrihari, can, in
For a more accurate rendering of this maxim see Paribhashendusekhara, LXXXV.
83
my opinion, leave no doubt that those older grammarians never thought of identifying him with Patanjali.
The passages (a) and (d) may be considered to contain little of any decisive value, although I cannot altogether pass over the fact that on no less than eight occasions Patanjali has put forth his arguments in the same manner as on P. VII. 2, 101, and has employed the same phrase इष्टमेवैतत्संगृहीतम् which occurs on P. VII. 2, 101, without an introductory "Gônardiya says." (See Vol. I. p. 491, 495; Vol. II. p. 228, 238, 325; Vol. III. p. 159, 378, 403). More important is the passage (c). From the concluding words of it we learn, that it is Gônardiya who maintains that one may form काशकटीकार; and if then in the preceding line we read काशकटीकारमिति, “ I maintain that काशकडीकार is correct Sanskrit," we are led to conclude that these are the very words in which Gônardiya had expressed his opinion, or, to put it differently, that this sentence is quoted from a work of Gônardiya, which cannot be the Mahábháshya. The words would appear to be part of a Ślôka, and that their diction accords with that of other grammatical Kárikás becomes evident when we compare, e.g.
Vol. I. p. 144 स्तोष्याम्यहं पारिकमौदवार्हि, Vol. II. p. 87 अमावसोरहं ण्यतोर्निपातयाम्यताम्, Vol. III. p. 183 शास्मि निवर्त्य मुदीव्यविशेषेVol. II. p. 65 saftesia areatai, and other verses quoted in the Mahabháshya. That Gônardiya was a writer of grammatical Kárikás is proved more clearly still by the passage (b); and that passage is of further importance, inasmuch as the half ślôka actually furnished by it, and ascribed to Gônardiya, contains two words which are never used by Patanjali, viz. the word which is peculiar to the Varttikas, and the word (for ) which in this technical sense is found only in a Káriká on P. VI. 4, 110, and in the Bhashya on P. VI. 3, 138, where Patanjali repeats a statement of other gram. marians (Vol. III. p. 177, aratat प्रत्यङ्गस्य प्रतिषेधमाइ : ).
All this tends to prove that. Gonardiya cannot be Patanjali himself, but must be a
Gunaratnamahôdadhi, p. 68.

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grammarian quoted by him; and such I believe if Vâmana, who repeatedly quotes the Bhais the opinion both of V âmana, the author shya and the Bhashyakúra, had identified of a portion of the Kasikd-Vritti, and of Gônardiya with the Bhashyakára; and BharBhartrihari, the commentator of part of trihari, when commenting on P. I. 1, 29, and the Mahábháshya. For the former, after having after having quoted the words there on P. VII. 2, 101 copied the statement that raises the question r
what one ought to form अतिजरम् and अतिजरे; adds | is the opinion of this Acharya"?, words for m
"such is the opinion of which clearly imply that this Acharya is not Gonardiya, " a remark which would be strange | Patanjali.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 57.) FEAST, Funeral,--Prazniku, (M.)
FIG-TREE -Figis-rukh,(Eng.); khelin, (Tch., Pap. FEATHER, -Por, (pl.) porior, (Eng.); pori, (M.,
M.) M. 8)
FIGHT, à, -Kurapen, (Eng.) FEED, to-Hrěnfava, hrěnisaráva (to pasture), FIGHT, to,-Kūrava, chingåva, (Eng.); margva, pěshtiâva, pěshtisaráva, (M.); see
(M.) NOURI8.
FIGHTER,-Karomengro, chinga-guero, (Eng.) FEEDING, the act of, -Popasu, (M.)
FIGHTING, -Chingring, kuraken, (Eng.) FEEL, to,-Khakyaráva, (M. 7)
FIGHTING-COCK, 2. -Karoboshno, (Eng.) FEET,-Pire, (Eng.); see Foot.
FIGURE,-Kipu, (M.) FELL, to-Shinåva, (M.)
FILBERTS,-Pailloes, (Eng.) FELLOW,-Bau, baw, chal, guero, (fem.) gueri, FILCE, to,-Kaurova, (Eng.) (Eng.)
FILE, -Verni, dekafti, (Tch.); verni, (Pep M., M. FEMALE,--Juvel, juvli, (Tch.)
8) FEMININE -Juvlidkoro, juvlicand, (Toh.)
FILL, to,-Perava, (Toh., Pep. M.); berti le ker, FERN,-Fuzyanri, (Eng.)
(As. Tch.) ; pheráva, (M., M. 8; Few,-Khandi, khanrik, khanisk, (Toh.); ķhandi, FILLING, -Peribs, (Tch.) (M. 7); zalog. (M. 8)
FILTHY,-Kelalô, pako, (Tch.) Few, very,-Khanroricha, (Toh.)
FIND, to,-Lachava, (Eng.); arakava, (Tch.); ara. Feyze,- Sbíla, trêska, (Tch.); beri, (As. Tch.);
káva, afliava, (M.); rakháva, (M. 8) trôaca, (Psp. M.); shal, shēl, (M.)
FINE-Sanno, (Tch.) Fez,-Stadik, (M. 8)
FINE, &,-Fino, (Eng.) FIDDLE, Bashadi, bosh, (Eng.); châtara, (M.) FINGER,- Vangus, (Eng.); angøst, Angsht, FIDDLER, -Bosho-mengro, (Eng.); skripkár, skrip- . (Toh.); angst, angrdst, (Psp. M.); angal, kâri, skripkardeh, (M.)
anghigl, (As. Toh.); angusht, (M. 7) FIDELITY, -Priinoš, (M.)
FINISH, to-Reskva, (Psp. M.); gětosaráva, (M.) Fre! -Pif! (Tch.)
FIRE,-Yag, (Eng.); yag, yak, (Toh.); eg. (As. FIELD, arable, -Arētära, Anu, mal, málo, mälu, . Tch.); yak, (Pep. M.); yag, (M., M. 7) (M.); mal, (M. 8)
FIREBRAND, Omblal, umblal, (Tch.); ambal, (M.) FIERY,-Yagalô, yagåkoro, (Toh.)
FIRE-CAR,-Yag-vardo, (Eng.) Fire, ---Zarbana, duruvli, (Tch.); l'Ara, (M.); FIREMAN -Yag-engro, yago-mengro, (Eng.) sambona, (M. 8)
FIRST, - Avkon, avgôs, avgatno, (Toh.); avkôr, FIFer-Duruvalikoro, (Tch.)
(Pep. M.); Page #101

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AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
FIT,(adj.)-Haině, (M.). FIVE-Panj, pansch, (Eng.); panch, panj, (Tch.);
panch (Psp. M., M. 8); panzh, (M.) FLAGSTONE, -Pestêra, (Teh.) FLASK, WATER,- Bakla, (Tch.) FLAX-Vus, pus, (Tch.); vus, (Psp. M.); vash,
(M. 8) FLAXEN,- Vusheskoro, vushêngoro, (Tch.) FLAY, to,-Kushåva, (M.) Flea-Pishen, (Eng.); pushom, (Tch., Pep. M.,
M. 8) pishôm, piahôn, (M.) FLEE, to,-Nash&ra, (M.) FLESH,-Maas, (Eng.); mas, (Tch., Pap. M., M.,
M. 8) FLING, 10,--Chivåva, chuvava, (Eng.) FLOCK, -Hěrdiliya, hěrdiliye, (M.) Floor,- Arie, podêoa, (M.) FLORIN,-Froli, (Teh.); lêu, (M.) FLOUR,Waro, var, pauno, (Eng.); varô, (Tch,
Psp. M.); atâ, (As. Tch.); arð, (M.),
vapro, (M. 8) FLOUR-BOLTER,-Porizên, (Tch., M. 8) FLOURISH, to,-Enfrunzikva, (M.) Flow, to,-Távdåva, tavdiniováva, (Tch.); bilava,
(M.) FLOWER, -Iouzia, (Eng.); lulud's, lulugi, (M.);
luludi, (M. 8) FLUTE,-Fldera, (M.) FLUTE-PLAYER,-Fluerash, (M.) FLUVIAL.-Leniskoro, (Tch.) FLY,-Mosko, moshkho, (Eng.); moskabis, (Span.
Gip.); maki, (dim.) khardi maki, (Tch.); pesi, (As. Tch.); makia, (Pep. M.); mak,
(M.); makhi, (M: 8) Fly, to, -Uryava, (Tch., M., M. 8) FLY AWAY, to,-Uryšniovåva, (Toh.); furti, (As.
Tch.). FLY, to cause to,-Uryanå kerkva, (Tch.) FoAL,-Kurổ, kurf, kfurô, khurổ, (Teh.); khuô,
kurô, kura, (M.); khuro, (M. 7) FOAL, to,-Pherd'ováva, (M.) FOAM,-Spama, (M.) Fog, -Nêgură, (M.) FOLLY,-Denilipê, (Tch.) FOLLIES,-Dinnelipênes, (Eng.) FOLLOW, to-Slomáva, slumáva, (Eng.) FooD,--Habben, (Eng); khashdi, khaadi, khabê,
(Tch.); hráně, khabê, khabt, (M.) FOOL, -Dinnelo, (Eng.); denilo, (Psp. M.); dinilo,
(M. 7); bråma, (M.) FOOLISH,-Dinneleskoe, (Eng.) Fool, like a.-Dinneleskoenoes, (Eng.) Foot,-Pinro, pirô, pirnô, pindo, (dim.) pinroro,
(Tch.); bav, (As. Tch.); pirô, pindô, pinro, pirno, (Pep. M.); ponrô, pěnrô, (M.);
pindo, (M. 8) FOOTPATH, Kérdre, (M.)
FOR,-Kě, pe, (M.); vash, (M. 8) FORBID, to, -Popriâva, poprisaråva, (M.) FOREHEAD,-Chikât, (Tch., M., M. 7) FOREIGN,-Peryal, (Psp. M.) FOREIGNER, -Wafo temeskoe mush, (pl.) wafo
tem-engre, (Eng.) FOREIGN LAND,-Wafo tem, (Eng.) FOREST,-Wesh, (Eng.); vesh, ves, vest, veshia,
vosh, vos, (Tch.); vesh, (Psp. M.) FORESTER, -Vesheskoro, (Tch.) FORGET, to,-Bistráva, (Tch., M. 7); bisteriva,
(M.) FORGIVE, to,-Fordelåva, artåva, artavellava,
(Eng.); estomariva, (Span. Gip.); ispěsia
va, (M.) FORGIVEN, -Fordias, fordios, (Eng.) FORGIVENESS,-Artapen, (Eng.) FORK.-Buneli, berali (Tch.); furkulicē, (M.) FORMERLY,-Angledêr, (Tch.) FORNICATION,-Piriaibê, (Tch.) FORNICATION, to commit --Piriavava, (Tch.) FORNICATOR,-Piriano, (Tch.) FORTIPY, to-Astarghil kerkva, (Tch.) FORTUNE,-Mestipen, kappi, bokht, (Eng.);
bakht, (dim.) bakhtori, (Tch.); mestipen,
bestipen, (Span. Gip.) FORTUNATE, one who is,-Bakhtalo, (Tch.) FORTUNES, to tell, Dukkeråva, (Eng.) FORTUNE-TELLING,-Dukkering, dukkipen, dur.
riken, (Eng.); durik, (M. 7) FORTY,Saranda, (Pap. M., M. 8) FORWARDS, -- Anglê, (Psp. M.) FORWARDS, to go,-Rěpěziva, (M.) FOUND, to be,-Arakliovava, (Tch.) FOUNDATIONS, - Timili, (M.) FOUNTAIN, -Chesme, (Tch.); khani, (As. Tch.) FOUR, -Stor, (Eng.); ishtâr, shtår, star, (Tch,),
ishtår, (Psp. M.); shtar, (M., M. 8) FOURTEEN, -Desh ta store, (Eng.); desh-i-ishtår,
(Psp. M.) FOURTH, -Shtårto, (M.) Fox,-Weshen-juggal, (Eng.); halpe, (M.) FRAGRANCY,-Sung, (Tch.); shung, (M. 8) FRAME, embroidering, an,-Derdêfu, (M.) FRANTIC, -Hegedüsh, (M.) FREEZE, to,-Paghosailiom (1 pres.), (Tch.); pa.
gosariva, (M. 8) FRESH,-Sudrô, sidro, sitro (Tch.); premint'an,
prospětu, (M.); shudro, (M. 8) FRESHNESS, -Sudripe, (Tch.) FRESH AIR,Rěkvare, (M.) FRIDAY,-Parashtuyt, parashtui,(M.); paraskevi,
(M. 8) FRIEND, -Parnavô, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 8); moro,
(M. 8) FRIENDSHIP,-Parnaibe, (Tch.) FRIGHT,-Dar, (Tch.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FRIGHTEN, to,-Traishâva, (Eng.); daraváva, (Tch.) FRIGHTENED, to be,-Darâniováva, trashaniováva, (Tch.)
FRIGHTEN HIM,-Strash; de len strash, (M.) FRINGES, (of a tent),-Pishkolia, (Tch.) FROG,-Zâmba, (Tch., M. 8); bogh, (As. Tch.); zampa, (Pap. M.); brôska, brôskě, (M.); marokha, (M. 8)
FROM,-Katar, (Psp. M.); de, (M.) FRONT,-Anglê, (abl.) anglal, (Teh.) FROST,-Zhêru, (hoar-frost) chêrko, chêrku, chêru, (M.) FROTH,-Spama, (M.)
FRUIT,-Meivê, (As. Tch., M. 8) FRUIT GARDEN,-Pomětu, (M.) FRUIT-TREE,--Porikin, ruk, (dim.) rukorô, (Tch.);
pômu, (M.)
FRUIT-TREE, of or belonging to,-Rukêngoro,
(Tch.)
GALLOWS,-Sklinchop, umblad'i, (M.) GAME,-Kelibê, (Tch.)
GAME (wild flesh),-Shara, (M.) GAMEKEEPER,-Wesh-engro, yag-engro, yagomengro, (Eng.)
GARDEN,-Yarb-tan, (Eng.); bakhchê, bâri, pâri,
(Tch.) GARLIC,-Sir, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8); lesin, (As. Tch.)
GARLIC, clove of,-Sheralô, (Teh.) GARMENT,-Ucharibê, (Tch.); duláma, rôkiya, rôkiye, côha, thalik, (M.); (woman's garment), chokha, (M. 7) GARTER,-Brichinår, (M.) GATE,-Stiggur, klop, (Eng.) GEESE,-Shubley patnies, (Eng.) GENIUS, (a wicked female),-Zěne, (M. 8) GENTILE,-Gorgio, (fem.) gorgie, (Eng.); gacho, (Span. Gip.)
GENTILE, blood of,-Gorgiken rat, (Eng.)
FRYING-PAN, Tassa-mengri, tattra mengri GENTILES, after the manner of,-Gorgikonoes,
(Eng.)
(Eng.)
FULL,-Perdo, (Eng); perdô, (dim.) perdorô, (Tch.); perdó, (Psp. M.); pherdô, phêrdo, pkhêrdo, perdô, (M.)
FULL, to be,-Pêrghiovâva, (Tch.); pêrtiováva, (Pap. M.)
FULLER'S EARTH,-Shershik, (Tch.) FUN,-Pias, (Eng)
FUNDAMENT, Vul, bul, bulbâl, vulval, (Tch.) FUNNEL,-Khoink, (Tch.)
FUR,-Keptâre, poshtin, zhaba, (M.); poshtin, (M. 8)
G
GAIETY,Peryas, (M. 8) GAIN,-Kappi, (Eng.)
GAIN, to,-Agonisiâva, koshtigĕsarâva, (M.) GAIT,-Piripe, (Psp. M.) GALL,-Kholin, (Tch.)
BOOK
THE ROOTS, VERB-FORMS, AND PRIMARY DERIVATIVES OF THE SANSKRIT LANGUAGE, by W. D. WHITNEY. A supplement to his Sanskrit Grammar. Leipzig, Breitkopf and Härtel; London, Trübner & Co. 1885. 8vo. pp. xiii. & 250.
[MARCH, 1886.
Highly as we value the works of the native grammarians, and convinced as we are that to them is mainly due that rapid progress which the study of Sanskrit has been making during the last century, we may yet, without fear of being misunderstood, venture to say that the time has arrived when their teaching should be subjected, by a comparison with the actual usage of the language, to a thorough and searching examination. No one who has given any serious thought
GENTLE,-Gudlô, guglô, (Tch.); guldê, guldi (As.
Tch.)
GENTLEMAN,-Raia, rye, (Eng.); khulay, (M. 7) GENTLEMANLY,-Ryeskoe, (Eng.); t'iru, (M.) GERMAN,-Ninco, sasos, (M. 8) GET BOOTY, to,-Lelâva kappi, (Eng.) GET UP, to,-Ufkiåva, uftiâva, ufchiâva, ukhkiava, unghiâva, ushtiâva, (Tch.) GET WITH CHILD, to,-Shauvâva, (Eng.) GHOST,-Bavol-engro, (Eng.); chovekhanô, (Teh.), dukho, (M.); chovekhano, (M. 7) GHOST, of or belonging to,-Chovekhanêskoro; (Tch:)
GHOST, appearance of,-Chovekhanibê, (Tch.) GHOST, to become a,-Chovekhâniováva, (Tch.) GIANT,-Uriyesh, (M.) GIFT,-Dibê, (Tch.); daro, (M.) GIMLET,-Sfêrdelu, (M.)
NOTICES.
to the subject, would suggest that those ancient scholars of India, whose labours have been preserved by Panini, Katyayana, and Patanjali, would willingly have misled us, or would have invented rules which they did not believe to be warranted by the language as known to them. At the same time it is possible that, in their attempt to analyse and explain the facts of the language, they may have arrived at conclusions which cannot be upheld; that their desire to generalise may have led them to lay down rules which, true in individual cases, would, if generally observed, give rise to forms or expressions that have never been in actual use; and that the

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BOOK NOTICES.
87
commentators may have given a meaning to their dicts which was not intended by those who originated them. Moreorer, it cannot be denied, that the ancient idiom of the Vedas has not received from the grammarians that careful at. tention and minute description which it deserves, and that their labours here at any rate must be supplemented by modern research.
But a comparison of the teachings of the gram- marians with the usage of the language during its consecutive periods is likely to furnish valuable results in another direction. If it be true, that the grammarians were not like potters who fabri. cate their wares for those who demand them, if what they aimed at was by means of rules and exceptions to explain the existing words of the language, a careful examination and comparison of the extant literature should reveal what works must have been known to the grammarians, and assist us in fixing more accurately the place which they hold in Sanskpit literature.
It is from such considerations as these, that we welcome the appearance of the valuable work, the result of years of patient labour, by which Prof. Whitney has laid under deep obligations all who are interested in the study of Sanskrit grammar. The book is intended, to use the author's own words, especially as a Supplement to his Sanskrit Grammar, giving, with a fulness of detail that was not then practicable, nor admissible as part of the grammar itself, all the quotable roots of the language, with the tense and conjugation systems made from them, and with the noun and adjective (infinitival and participial) formations that attach themselves most closely to the verb; and further, with the other derivative noun and adjective-stems usually classed as primary: since these also are needed, if one would have a com. prehensive view of the value of a given root in the language. So far 98 the information at present available allows, everything given is dated, --whether found in the language throughout its whole history, or limited to a certain period, Véda, Brahmana, Satra, Upanishads, epic poetry, or 80-called classical Sansksit. Of the forms taught by the grammarians, which have not yet been met with in actual use, a liberal presentation is made under the different roots : such material being always distinguished from the rest by being put in square brackets. In addition to this regular Dhdtupdtha, the author has given indexes of tense and conjugation-stems, from which it becomes at once apparent, whether a particular stem is found only in the earlier or only in the later language, or occurs in both; and an index of roots, arranged in reversed alphabetical order, under which we find the interesting note, that " of
the more than 800 roots here recorded as making forms of conjugation, nearly 200 occur only in the earlier language, nearly 500 in both earlier and later, and less than 150 only in the later language."
For the later periods of the language Prof. Whitney has drawn his information mainly from the St. Petersburg Dictionary, but in the older language he has done much more independent work. He has, namely, himself "gone over all the texts of the earlier period accessible to him, including the as vet unpublished Kaushitaki Brábmana and Kathaka, and the immense Jaimi. niya or Talavakara-Brahmana, which has as v hardly been accessible to any one else; and from them he has excerpted all the noteworthy verbal forms and (less completely) the primary deriva. tives; thus verifying and occasionally correcting the material of the Lexicon, supplying chance omissions, and especially filling in not a few details which it had not lain in the design of that work to present in their entirety." The forms taught by the native grammarians have been given chiefly on the authority of Westergaard's Radices, and for this reason a few wrong forms, which had found their way into that very accurate work, have here also been repeated.
Without entering into details, for which this is not the place, we venture to maintain that Prof. Whitney's book will prove of the greatest service not only to the student of Sanskrit generally, but also to those who more particularly have turned their attention upon the works of the native grammarians. To the latter the accurate and full collections contained in the work will probably suggest additional reasons for the belief that the 80-called grammarian's dialect accords in a most curious manner with the language of what Prot. Whitney calls the language of the Brahmana period.
F. KIELHORN.
The LIGHT OF ARIA, by EDWIN, ARNOLD, C.S.I.
Illustrated Edition. London, Trübner & Co. Notices of this very popular work have previous ly appeared in this Journal and its points have been variously discussed, but the chief feature of this particular edition--the illustrations--have been missed. They are all taken from bond fide native representations of Buddha and his life, without addition or alteration, and we have here before us facsimiles of pictures, however crudely executed in the original, of Buddhist stories as they present themselves to the Buddhist imagination. A flood of light is thus necessarily thrown on those quaint sculptures and drawings so familiar and so

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.
[MARCH, 1886.
but, perhaps wisely, makes no attempt to translate. Now if you write katha, &c. why write lakh ? And if you write crore why not write lac ? And again if you write lakh why write Gunga ? If you are going to be so very correct as to write n in a word where the cerebral nasal occurs, why be careless as to vowels in other words no more familiar to the general reader than tatsaviturva. renyam on the very next page P We have again maidin and myna and then nullah (!), mahardj and maharaja, and so on ad infinitum throughout the book; to say nothing of such atrocities as abhidjna, Tchirnika, chuddah and Ardjuna! It is a great pity to allow the book to continue to be marred by signs of want of scholarship of such a nature as to throw doubts on its existence.
incomprehensible to the student of Indian Bud- dhist architecture and art, and a new interest given to them. As instances of this we would draw attention to the cuts on p. 7 entitled in the list "merchantmen bringing rich gifta" : on p. 19, "Rishis passing the Jambu tree": and and on p. 86 where Buddha takes his horse to see the world. Viewed therefore as a teacher through its illustrations of the meaning of bas-reliefs and sculptures from Buddhist buildings the book is an invaluable one, and serves as a key by which the student may unlock the sealed door of ancient Indian design, and having thus once obtained an entrance into the vestibule use the clues now viven him to penetrate unaided into the further recesses of the structure. Other books of course can do this for him, but they are not as a rule such as would from their nature attract any but the most earnest or from their costliness be avail. able to any but the wealthy, whereas this one is both interesting and moderate in price. The value of the illustrations is augmented by their being placed within the text as it were :-cuts rather than full-page plates being used throughout the work.
As edition after edition of the Light of Asia has been brought out we cannot but wonder that the author has allowed his extraordinarily faulty transliteration to remain hitherto untouched. We quote the following passage from page 11 as a sample of what transliteration ought not to be. Either let it be scientifically regular or let it be "phonetic "; not a little of both, which is the worst system of all.
"After me repeat Your numeration till we reach the Lakh, One, two, three, four to ten, and then by tens To hundreds, thousands." After him the child Named digits, decade, centuries; nor paused, The round lakh reached, but softly murmured
on, " Then comes the kôti, nahut, ninnahut, Khamba, viskhamba, abab, attata, To kumuds, gundhikas, and utpalas, By pundarikas unto padumas, Which last is how you count the utmost grains Of Hastagiri ground to finest dust; But beyond that a numeration is, The Katha, used to note the stars of night; The Koti-Katha, for the ocean drops; Ingga, the calculus of circulars; Sarvanikchepa, by the which you deal With all the sands of Gunga, till we come To Antah-Kalpas, where the unit is 'Tho sands of ten crore Ghungas."
On the previous page we have tatsaviturvarenyam in the "Gdyatry," which the author gives,
EXTRACTS PROM THE CORAN IN THE ORIGINAL. WITH
ENGLISH RENDERING.-BY SIR W. MUIR, K.C.S.I.
LL.D., D.C.L. 2nd Ed. Trübner & Co., London. We take it that the object of this little work is to extract what of general religions morality is to be found in the Quran-as we prefer to spell it--with the object of showing Christians and Muhammadans how far they can agree. Seeing how beautiful and attractive on such points the language of the Quran often is, the learned and distinguished author conceived the idea of using suitable extracts from it as a book for schools, useful alike to both religions. This idea well deserved success, but he was met with such a weight of prejudice-from Christians against "teaching' from the Quran, and from Muhammadans against 'extracting' from 80 sacred a book--that be dropped it for many years. How. ever in 1880 he had the courage to take it up again and to so far succeed as to reach a second edition in 1885. As a book the work is an admirable one, and let us hope that the victory over prejudice will be complete and final.
A COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTARY ON THE QURAN, VOL.
III.-by the Rev. E.M. WHERRY, M.A., London: Trübner & Co. We are glad to observe that Mr. Wherry's very valuable work has reached its third volume, and that we shall not have much longer to wait for the fourth and last, which is to contain that "Complete Index" so much to be desired by all students of the Quran.
This volume, which is, of course, conducted precisely on the lines of the former ones, takes us from the XIVth to the XLth Súra and fully keeps up the character of the work as a comprehensive commentary. We are sorry, however, to note that the slipe still occur in the transliterations of Oriental words and names which have disfigured the former volumes.

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89
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE
STUDY OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. II.
| found used to be sacrified to him. For sacrifices Sun Worship.
to the Moon, under similar circumstances, UN worship, probably the most ancient of all
albinos were chosen. superstitions, still prevails in Hindustan, and
The Comanches, & subdivision of the Apaformerly had a special existence in Phænicia, ches, a tribe belonging to Northern Mexico, Chaldæa, Egypt, Mexico, and Peru. According
practise various religious ceremonies which to Allegre' the explicit worship of the Sun, and
are for the most part of a simple kind and more or less that of the other heavenly bodies,
directed to the Sun as the great source of life, or at least a recognition of some supernatural
and to the Earth, as the producer and receppower resident in or connected with them,
tacle of all that sustains life. According to was widely spread throughout Mexico, amongst
the Abbé Domenech, in his account of his raisboth the uncivilized and the civilized tribes or
sionary labours, every Comanche wears a Jittle peoples. In civilized Mexico, the San was figure of the Sun round his neck, or has á picdefinitely worshipped under the namo Toma
ture of it painted on his shield: while from tink, or the Sun in his substance, and also
his ears hang two crescents which may possibly under that of Naolin, or the Sun in his four represent the Moon. motions. Sometimes he was represented by
Halhed, in his Code of Gentoo Laios speaks a human face surrounded with rays, some
of a spot in India, which in his day was much times hy a full length human figures whilst
frequented by pilgrims, in the SAbah of he seems to have been often confounded Oude, known as Sûrya Kund. A festival was with the element fire, and with the god of
annually observed there, called the Sûrya-Půfire. We find the same confusion in the JA, which took place on the 7th day of tho Trinacria, or arms of Sicily, if, as has been bright half of January, when offerings of supposed by many, it be a form of the Svastika, flowers were made to the sun and afterwards or Fire-Symbol, which in process of time has lost
cast into the Ganges. He also adds that the one of its arms. In Scandinavia it has become
new-born babe of a Brahman was exposed to what is there styled the Triskele. Obviously
the Solar beams. the Trinacria is a human face surrounded
Fire-worship, as a special form of Sanwith rays in the centre of three legs.
worship, early prevailed in Persia; its votaries, When an eclipse of the Moon is expected,
the Magi, being forbidden to spit in the fire or many of the natives of Hindustan hasten down to pour water upon it, even if their dwellings to the nearest river or to a tank, and remain or goods were in danger of being consumed. in the water the whole time of its duration, According to Hyde, isolaters, as well as these imagining that some dire misfortune would Sun-worshippers, existed in ancient Persia, and befall them were they to omit to do so. The the worship of Fire, and that of idols, were comMexicans also have been described as being
bined at one period. The Fire-worshipping much troubled and distressed at an eclipse
Magi held the idolaters in abomination, but of the Sun or Moon, some of the wild tribes after the death of one of them named Smerdis, regarding the Sun and Moen as husband and the sect which opposed idols becamp extinct wife. They believe that an eclipse of the Sun in Persia. Quintus Curtius, when describing is caused by domestic quarrels, and to soothe
the march of the army of Darias, though the ruffled spirit of the Sun on such occasions, writing long after the date, says that he was the ruddiest human victims that could be accompanied by an image of the Sun placed in
BO.
Hist. Comp. de Jemes.
In Naples, to this day the Key (the symbol of Janus or the Sun) is used as a talinnan by the lower orders, who call the Moon Janara, or the wife of Janus. One woman will onll another Janire a term of reproach.
• London, 1776.
• Persian Religion, p. 38. Clement of Alexandria states that Artaxerxes, the son of Darius, crused idola to be made in human form for worship, and adds that this monarch was the first who created statues to the goddess Venus at Babylon, at Suse, and elsewhere.

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a crystal, and the sacred fire carried on a silver marks of dating from the second half of the altar ; that the king's carriage was ornamented last century of paganism. In fact, the Mithraic on all sides with image of gold and silver; and feasts and the mysteries of the god Mithra, that there were also gulden statoes an ell in were established and recognised in Italy under height on top of it, one of which represented the reign of Trajan, who was born 52 A.D. Bêlus (the Sun). Tertullian also in his Apologia, and ascended the throne 98 A.D. For nearly Chap. 16, gives us to understand that the a century and a half the followers of Mithra Persians adored a figure of the Sun, which they were obliged, like the early Christians, to carry caused to be painted on canvas.
out their religious rites in caves and grottos, Zoroaster (Zardusht) gave Mithra, the Sun and the grotto of Mithramonia may be regarded god of the Persians, two principles; and made as one of the spots where the votaries of this these exercise two distinct forces, each in- worship used to assemble in secret. dependent of the other, under the names of | Mithraic worship was not of long duration Ormuzd (good) and Ahriman (evil). This, in in Italy. It was tolerated and permitted by time, in the opinion of Mr. Fiske (the American the emperors in the first years of the second upholder of the Darwinian theories), produced centary of the Christian era, but Christianity the Manichæan heresy, in which the devil was then already beginning to spread and gain appears as an independently existing principle ground, and was recognized by Constantine of evil, and thus was continued in part at in the following century, as the true and only least the old Asiatic worship of the Sun in religion. comparatively modern Europe. This heresy, According to ancient writers, the ceremony says Mr. Fiske," was always ripe in Armenia. of the initiation of a candidate into the It was through Armenian missionaries that Bul. Mithraic mysteries was very appalling. Tergaria was converted from heathenism, and tullian says that the candidate encountered a from thence Manichæism penetrated into drawn sword on the threshold of the cavern, Servia and Bosnia, which latter was its head from 'which, if he persevered in entering, he quarters from the 12th century onwards, and received more than one wound. He then had was a perpetual thorn in the side of the
to pags repeatedly through the flames of a Papacy. From Bosnia, the great Albigensian fierce fire, and undergo a rigid fast, which, some heresy was propagated through Northern Italy have stated, lasted 50 days, during which tim and Southern Gaul." Mr. Fiske also adds, he was to remain far from all human habitathat this connection of Eastern and Western tions; but this seems hardly possible, and some Protestantism was well understood at the kind of coarse food must have been permitted time."
him. He was then beaten with rods for two The worship of Mithra penetrated to many whole days, and during the last 20 days of places in ancient Italy. At Milan there was his his trial was buried up to the neck in snow. cavern or grotto and his sacrificing priests, as If he endured all these privations and sufferappears from an inscription discovered near the ings, the candidate was admitted as a disciple monastery of Saint Ambrose. Also, on the of Mithra, and a golden serpent was placed in island of Capri, in the bay of Naples, in a grotto, his bosom, given him as a sign of his regeneraare the remains of a temple of Mithra. The tion, for, as the snake renews its vigour in the name of this grotto has been popularly corrupted spring by casting its skin, so the vivifying heat into Matromania, but it should be styled of the San is annually renewed. Sókratés, the Mithramonia. In Naples, too, there was a author of the Ecclesiastical History, who lived temple to Mithra, the columns of which may in the fifth century A.D., relates that in his still be seen in the Church of Santa Maria à time "the Christians of Alexandria, having disCappella on the Cliatamone.
covered a cavern which had been consecrated This worship of Mithra was introduced into to Mithra, but long closed ap, resolved to Italy after the return of Pompey the Great explore it and see what remnants of that superfrom his victories in Asia, and beni's all the stition it contained, when to their astonishment
Illustrazione Italiana, March 1933. It is not in also wore in their tuin obliged to perform their religious probable that tho Christiana used this grotto, when they ritos in secret.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
the principal thing they found in it was a grent quantity of human skulls, with other bones of men that had been sacrificed. They were brought out, and publicly exposed, and excited the utmost horror in the inhabitants of that great city."
It is not impossible that to the people of Itnly, Mithra was the Sun himself. He was not so to the Persians; to them he was only a satellite of the Sun, a powerful god, though not the first or the supreme one, and more like a saint of our own days. The Persians adored him, but only for the favours which they believed he could obtain for them, by his intercession with the Sun.
Montfaucon, in his Antiquities, gives a description of a statue, supposed to be that of Mitbra, which was discovered at Rome at the close of the 16th century, between the Viminal and the Quirinal Hills. His account of it is taken from that of an Italian sculptor named Vacca, who examined the temple at the time it was excavated. The building was circular, as were all the temples of the Sun and Fire. In the centre was a statue of Mithra in white marble, rather less than four feet in height. It stood erect upon a globe, out of which a serpent issued, the emblem of life, twined in numerous folds round the body of the deity. The body of the statue was that of a man, and the head was that of a lion, one of the signs of the zodiac. The two hands grasped two keys pressed close to the breast, to indicate the god's power over the two hemispheres, and his solar origin. Around him was suspended a circle of lamps in regular order, apparently made of baked earth. What was remarkable in these lamps was, that they were so arranged
trn the side which gave the light to wards the statue ; and this seems to show that these ancient people knew that the planets were opaque bodies, and derived their light from the Sun, the central orb, around which they revolved.
On a bas-relief of white marble in the Casino of the Villa Albani at Rome is represented' a Bacrifice to the god Mithra. In the centre of the group is a youth, or female figure, attired
in the manner in which the Romans represented those whom they wished to delineate as foreign deities. This figure has a peaked or so-called Phrygian cap, flowing hair, a loose robe with sleeves reaching only to the knees and confined at the waist with a broad girdle, tight trowsers down to the ankles, and pointed shoes. Both the tigbt trowsers and the pointed shoes recall the dress of certain natives of India in the present day. It is standing over & prostrate bull, holding the head of the animal with the left hand, and thrusting a dagger into its flank with the right, just above the shoulder-blade. In the foreground is a small dog, while a serpent in an erect position seems watching the course of the dagger, and near the serpent are two scorpions. Behind and to the right of the principal figure is a half moon, while a human head and half bust with long flowing locks is within it. On the left of 'the central figure is a large bird, which, judging from its beak, is meant either for a hawk or an eagle. On the same side, but still further to the left of the spectator, is another haman head which is more masculine in character than either of the others, and which may have been intended for Mithra himself.
The worship of Mithra in Europe was not confined to Italy and Greece, for the Greeks certainly introduced it in the south of France.10 In the museum at Arles is a torso, or technically speaking a Hermés, of white marble (Plate III. fig. 4; p. 68 above), a most striking bit of sculpture, and called a statue of Mithra. The head is wanting, the neck and shoulders are those of a man, the arms are kept close to the body by the folds of an enormous snake, between the coils of which, three in number, several of the signs of the zodiso are distinguishable.
The different sculptures above described are most interesting and instructive. In each case, the presence of zodiacal signs serves to show us that Mithra was a Sun-god, and we are able also by examining them to connect the Snake with Sun-worship, the serpent playing an important part in each instance. Sun, Fire, and Snake-worship and the emblems of each, are intimately bound up
• The key is also the well-known emblem of Janus, or the Sun, with which he unlocks the gates of light. + According to Winckelmann.
From the engraving it is not easy to determine which.
The same costume was also given by them to Gallio or Dacian slaves.
w Many of the inhabitants of Arles, which is known to have been a Greek colony, preserve & Grecian type of countonance to this day.

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[APRIL, 1886.
together, subtle links and fine gradations on the same day the "pointer" stone appears uniting them almost insensibly in some cases. As though set at an inclination similar to that
In India, the votarios of the goddess Kall of the gnomon of a bun-dial. consider that it is acceptable to her that they 1 'In the county of Connaught, and in other should walk on the fire. If they are sick, parts of the south of Ireland, it is still the they say, "Oh Kali, Mother, only care me and I custom to kindle fires on St. John's Eve, which will walk on fire in your holy presence." are kept up till sunrise. A friend, who, when Some have supposed that the Hebrews of old quartered in Ireland, had frequently been an caused their children to pass between two fires. ege-witness of this scene, told me that mothers Others again say that they waved them about on such oceasions are in the habit of giving in the flames, whilst the worshippers of Mo- their young children a kind of baptism of fire. loch danced around or leapt through the fire." He himself had had infants thrown to him Amongst other heathen customs, St. Chrysos- through the flames, not once only, but many tom blames that of lighting two great fires and times. The people call this ceremony Baalpassing between them.
tine-glass, or Baal-fire-blue. The title of In Norway, Brittany, and even in the British Baltinglas (now extinct or in abeyance) is Isles, traditional usages are still observed which but & corruption of these words. The women, serve to connect fire with Sun-worship: On my friend added, prefer asking gentlemen Midsummer Eve, on the hills near and round to catch their children, thinking possibly that Throndhjem, bonfires are lighted at sunset, they will be more gentle with them than which at that season of the year is about one of their own class in life. He also said 11-30 PM. The whole population turns out to that he had quite recently made inquiries assist at the ceremony of kindling them. A as to whether this custom still survived, barrel is fixed upon a pole driven into the and was answered in the affirmative. At ground, filled with shavings and other com- Youghal, County Waterford, every year on bustible materials, and its position most carefully St. John's Eve, the inhabitants light numerous adjusted, so that it may point exactly to that wood-fires in different parts of the town. Each part of the horizon where the sun will set on person, or one member of each family, seizes a that day.
burning brand and runs with it to his house. In England, the 21st of June, or the longest If he arrives at his dwelling with his torch day, used to be a great day at Stonehenge. alight, it is an omen that the ensuing year I hear it has now degenerated into a dis- will be a happy and prosperous one to him and orderly assemblage, but it was formerly the his; but should it be extinguished, some dire custom for a large number of persons to as
calamity will, he thinks, fall apon his family. semble annually at dawn at this spot, in order The new brand is then put in the place of to watch for the rising of the sun, which honour above the hearth (the sacred spot in on this particular day can be seen from the all ages and with all peoples) and the one of centre of the circle of Stonehenge, coming up the previous year removed and burnt, exactly over the centre of a large stone at
III, some distance from the rest, and called the
The Svastika." "pointer" stone, and striking its first rays Some have held the Svastika to be an through the central entrance on to the so- emblem of the Sun, and others, again, say that called altar-stone. This custom has been the arms of the cross represent two pieces of quoted by one writer as an obvious proof of wood and are typical of Fire, showing us the Sun-worship in the original constructors of way in which fire was first produced by primithe circles, and he adds the fact that at noon tive peoples. Two crooked sticks were laid
# The ceremony of Dam-Madar, still very popular among the lower orders of Northern India consists of jumping into a fire and treading it out. It is done with a view to encape snake bite, those who perform it being believed not to be liable to injury from the fire. Shah Mndar died at Makanpur in 1438 A.D. in the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Shah Sharqi, of Jaunpur (1402-1440 A.D.). Referencos as to this fire ceremony are Elliott, Races of
N.-W. P. by Beames, I. p. 248, who adds J. A. 8. B.. 1831, IV. p. 76; Tubugdt-i-Shahjahdnf, p. 15 Yadgar-i. Bahadurl, p. 281, Daulat RM Chaman, 1. Dabistan II. 244 ; III. 307. Carnegie, Kachahrt Technicalition, p. 96, quotes also Mirdt-i-Madaril, and Mrs. Mir Hasan Ali's Observations on the Musalmans. Horkloti, QaninIslam, pp. 158-159, gives the ceremony in detail-ED]
" (or ante, Vol. VII. p. 1768.-ED.)

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nontic orwoollom.
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 5
Plates
基于S
LT....
THE SVASTIKA.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
9S
one across the other, and a hole drilled through both, in which a pointed stick was inserted and rapidly twirled by the hands till all were ignited at the points of contact. In the present day, the sacred fire in certain Hindu temples is said to be kindled in this manner. It seems not improbable, however, that the Srastika may originally have been an emblem of the Sun (as & wheel) and of Fire also, both conveying light and warmth.
The Vedas prescribe the asvattha (pipal or ficus religiosa) and the sami (acacia suma) as the kinds of wood to be used in kindling the sacred fire. It is very common, in Southern India especially, to see these two trees planted close together when young, so that when grown older their branches and foliage become entwined. The Hindûs style this "marrying " the trees." In this manner, Tree-worship became in a way connected with Fire worship.
Both the Greeks and Romans, down to a late period in their primitive history, used the above described method of procuring fire. They found that the pyrkaia or lower part was best made of certain softer kinds of wood, such as ivy (vitus sylvestris); whilst the laurel, thorn, or other hard wood was to be preferred for the trypanon or drilling-stick.
Tyler in his Early History of Mankind mentions that the Eskimo kindle a new fire by a very similar process. They most probably see nothing sacred in the performance, whereas by the Hindus it is regarded with feelings of great awe-feelings extended to the element itself by the ancient Persian Magi, who denoted Fire, which they considered the father and first principle of all things, as Zardusht (Zoroaster) had taught them, by the word báb or báp signifying 'father."15 Their modern representar tives, the Pârsi priests of a famous fire temple in Gujaråt, boast that they have cherished the sacred flame of the ancient Persians unextinguished for 800 or 900 years, i.e. ever since their expulsion from Persia by the Muhammadans. The Parsis, however, say that they do not worship Fire, and much object to be called Fire-worshippers, but they admit that they are tanglit from their youth up to face some luminous object whilst praying Fire, they
See Pañijdb Notes and Queries, Vol. II. note 77. Soe Pafljab Notes and Queries, Vol. II. note 861.
say, they look upon as upon other natural phenomena, via, as an emblem of divine power, but they never ask assistance or blessings from it. Pare Fire-worship also exists among the modern Hindus. Thus it was formerly strictly prohibited to all Hindûs to go beyond the Indus, or rather, properly speaking, the Kald Páns, or Black Water, as they call the Indian (or indeed any) Ocean, into which the Indus empties itself; but I was solemnly told by a Marâthâ Brâhman that this rule is now relaxed, and that Hindus may do so if on their return to Hindustan they worship Agni or Fire, saying certain prayers to it, and giving alms and a feast to the Brâhmans. The man who told me this was in Government employ on £20 a month, and he added that if he ever went to Europe it would cost him about £100 to be re-admitted into his caste on his return, as the expenses of this are in proportion to a man's known income.
In India Hindús belonging to certain sects are in the habit of tracing one or more figures of the Svastika on the outer walls of their houses, but I cannot recall ever having seen this symbol in the interior of any modern Hinda temple or shrine ; nor yet have I observed its present use by the Buddhists of Western Tibet, Kunwar, Spiti, or Ceylon. This was not the case in ancient Buddhist times : e.g., the Svastika exists as a so-called mason's mark on some of the stones of the famous Buddhist tope at Sârnâth near Benares, and it is twice repeated on stones in the interior of some cells surrounding the court-yard of the Lal DarwÅza or Red Gate Mosque at Jaunpur, which have evidently originally formed part of old Buddhist buildings.
On the occasion of a marriage amongst the Hindus, it is customary to send presents of sweetments, &o., to the friends and relations of the contracting parties. These are placed on trays and covered with an embroidered cloth. The tray and the cloth are returned to the donor after the gift has been removed by the person to whom it is sent, and after placing in the tray a small piece of money for the servant who brings it. A similar custom prevails in Spain, (or did so till very recently),
2. The same dootrine was afterwards inculoated by Anstagoras the Greek philosopher.
Boe also editorial note at the end of the paper.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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and on the occasion of a fête or "naming. Roman villa at Beading in the Isle of Wight, day" cakes and sweetmeats are sent arranged and the form of it known as the double in this very manner. I possess two or three Sun-snake of Scandinavia, exists on an Agham of the cloths used in Spain for covering stone at Pen Arthur in South Wales." It was the trays. They are bordered with old lace also apparently in use in England in the cinque and have conventional flower designs and cents, for when in 1883) examining the articles various wonderful animals worked upon them in in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Valencia in coloured silks. Like the Indian embroideries Spain, I saw two splendidly embroidered altar of the same nature the material which forms frontals, which were said to have formerly the groundwork is white linen or cotton belonged to the Church of Old St. Paul's in cloth and the embroidery is exactly the same London, and to have been sold into Spain by on both sides. One of my cloths has the Henry VIII. On each is represented a por. Svastika many times repeated upon it. On tion of the Church, and on one of them, which an ordinary cotton pocket handkerchief in depicts the crucifixion, a soldier of the Romans, Grenada I also saw the same symbol, forming or of one of their allies, is holding a standard its only ornamentation. I tried, but in vain, to procure one such, and even failed to ascertain
on which are embroidered two snakes where they were manufactured. This kind
entwined, forming a svastika. of embroidery, too, was evidently known in In Plate I. (p. 66 above) for obvious reasons, I early Jewish times, for in the Song of Deborah, have placed the Sun and Fire Symbols of Scandi. (Judges v. 30) mention is mado “of needle- navia side by side, and I now propose to work of divers colours; of divers colours of give illustrations of the different forms and needlework on both sides, meet for the necks modifications which the Swastika assumed in of them that take the spoil."
other parts of Europe and in the East. Plate V. The Scastika has been found in nearly fig. 1 represents the Hindu form of this every country in Europe. In a letter from symbol; and fig. 2 is the Buddhist and Jain Prof. Max Müller to Dr. Schliemann, quoted in form, both taken from drawings in Sir G.
form, both taken from draw the latter's Ilium, or the Cities of Troy, at which Birdwood's Industrial Arts of India. Fig. 3 place this symbol and also Sun symbols have is on a fragment of a Persian carpet now in been found in great numbers, the Professor the Museum at Gothenburg in Sweden. Fig. says :-" It is found in Bishop's Island near 4 is a mark on Japanese pottery, and fig. 5 on Königswalde on the right bank of the Oder; porcelain made only for magistrates in China. on a vase discovered at Reichersdorf, near Figs. 6, 7, 10 and 11 are examples from Dr. Gulben; a whole row of this emblem surrounds Schliemann's Ilium. Fig. 8 is on a slab of the pulpit of St. Ambrose at Milan; in the marble now in the Museum at Naples, which catacombs at Rome it occurs 1000 times; it was found in the Christian catacombs beneath is seen also on wall paintings at Pompeii; that city, and fig. 9 is a representation of on a Celtic urn found at Shropham in Norfolk the Trinacria, or Three-legged-mun, of the and now in the British Museum, also on arms of Sicily. In the Manix-daan the face ancient Athenian and Corinthian vases; on and the (? Sun's) rays of the Trinacria have the coins of Leucas of Syracuse, and in the disappeared, and only the three legs remain, large mosaic in the royal garden at Athens. Doubtless both have a common origin and It is found in Hungary and in China," as well are but an outcome of the Triskele, which as amongst the Ashantees and in Yucatan." was itself & debased form of the Svastika.
It will be observed that Professor Max Fig. 12 is taken from a fragment of pottery Müller here speaks of the Svastika as having found in what is believed to be a pre-Etruscan been only once found in England, but since cemetery at Bologna in Italy. The row of he wrote the above letter numerous examples Svastikas, the warrior, and the mythical animal, have been unearthed during the excavation of a have in this example to all appearance been
11 Where it is used as a mark on pottery made specially 46 It hae also been found on pottery in the Island of for the magistrates, and in Japan it is also & potter's Cyprus, & specimen of which is now in the Museum at mark
St. Germain in France.

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stamped on the clay while it was yet soft. in those countries; and from the simple hak Plate VI, figs. 3 and 4 show an ornament in kors (cru gammata) or Svastika, became the raised silver-work on a lance brought a few double snake, and finally the Triskele, after it years ago from Japan by the Honble. James had lost one of its arms. Saumarez and now in his Japanese villa in the A tolerably convincing proof that the Island of Guernsey. It is identical with a form ancients associated the Snake with Fire is furof the Triskele figured in cut 164, in Kamer Herr nished by Plate V. fig. 15. It is an exact Worsaee's Handbook of Danish Art. Plate V. copy of a brooch found a few years ago in fig. 14 is especially interesting, as the Svastika excavating a Roman Camp on the Saalburg, is here surrounded by balf-moons in various near Frankfort-on-the-Maine. Each of the positions. It is from a Mosaic pavement found three arms of the Triskele, or Sun-snake (as at Gubbio in Italy in 1882. The Svastika has also Professor Worsaee calls it) is here represented been found on a Christian tomb with a Latin with a serpent's head. Fig. 13 is a Svastila from inscription, discovered in 1879 by Armelini in the same collection, enclosed in a rim of metal." the new catacomb of Saint Agnese at Rome. | Professor Newton, in a lecture delivered in Rossi, the great Christian archæologist, says December 1833 on the monuments of Lycian that this inscription belongs to the second art, alludes to an interesting series of Lycian century of our era, and adds-"Perhaps this silver coins, which he refers to the period is the most ancient crux gammata that has between the conquest of Lycia under Cyrus, and been found on Christian monuments."
the overthrow of the Persian dynasty by On comparing the results of the grave and Alexander. He says that these coins were struck bog finds in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, by & number of autonomous cities, and are it would seem that the Svastika is most rare inscribed with their names in Lycian characters, in the last-named, and most common in and that they have on one side the curious Norway, and that Sun and Firo symbols symbol called the triquetra resembling the became disused in the two latter countries Manx Three-legs. He is of opinion that the about the twelfth century,--that is to say, about coins belonged to a people whose original name the time of the introduction of Christianity; was Tremilæ, & race belonging to the Aryan whereas in Norway they still continue in use family, and who were afterwards called Lydown to our own times, though their signit- cians. Another race called the Solymi were cation is probably unknown to the present & Semitic people, and inhabited Lycia congeneration.
temporaneously with the Tremilæ, but were The Mangling Stick" is still in common driven back into the moontains on the east and use in Norway. It is made of a single piece north frontiers, and in the end the Tremile of hard and highly polished wood, about became mixed with the Greek settlers along 18 inches long by 8 or 10 inches wide. At the coast. one end is sometimes carved a small wooden In 1876 when I was at Leh (the capital of horse as & grip for the hand, or else the Ladêk or Western Tibet) a caravan arrived wood is so bollowed out as to leave a raised with carpets from Yarkand. I eagerly seized piece for the same purpose. When used, it this opportunity of purchasing some genuine gives collars and cuffs a much better appear. Central Asian carpets and secured some on ance than the ordinary washerman's iron which the Svastika was introduced in the border. can produce. A Mangling Stick bearing the Plate VI. figs. 4 and 5, represent a portion of date 1809 in the Norwegian Museum in the border and the central medallion of one of Stockholm is covered with Svastikas of the my purchases. The border, I think, gives a double San-snake type SS. an apparent proof hint as to the origin of the celebrated Greek that this was deemed a Fire-symbol in Scandi- key-pattern and the medallion is also very navia. On referring to Plate I. (p. 66 above) | interesting as the only instance I have hitherto it will be seen from the examples there given met with, in which the Svastika has assumed the that the Svastika gradually changed its form form of the double Sun-snake of Scandinavia.
* K design bearing a strong resemblance to the triskele, have put ita date at before 400 B.C. is on the shield of Eryı, the legendary king of Sicily, * See Plate I. fig. 20 P. 88 above. depicted on & vase in the Museum at Naples. Experts

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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NOTS BY CAPT. TEMPLE. A good deal has been made by the English mythological school of writers of the fact that the Christian Svastikas point to the left or westwards, whereas the Indian, including Bad. dhist and Jain Svastikas, point to the right or eastwards. Letting alone that the right in India is southwards and never eastwards, the following observations on undoubted Buddhist Svastikas will probably go far to settle the theories built up on the pointing of the cross fylfot. In the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, Bombay, 1881, are given a quantity of clearly Buddhist Square PAli Inscriptions from Kuda, Kärld, Sailwadi, Junnar, &c. Many of these contain Svastikas
at the beginning and end. Kuda No. 27 has at the end ; but at the end of 29 is 45 which occurs again at the beginning and end of Kärlə inscriptions, and beginning and end of Junnar 30, at the beginning of Junnar 5, 20, 28, 32 and 34, and at the end of Junnar 32; while occursat the beginning of Kuda 30 and of Junnar 6 and 27, and at the end of 33. The form fi is found at the end of the Sailawadi inscription, and f, at the end of Karl8 2. In this last example the thickening of the ends of the cross is probably due to the method of engraving. It will be seen, therefore, that the pointing of the Svastika was not due in Páli inscriptions to its position, nor was it in any way constant,
GULLALA SHAH.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o.
(Continued from p. 80.) One day GullAl Shah begged the king to much to the disappointment of GullA1A excuse him from the Darbdr, as he wished to Shah. He remained looking at the place go shooting. The king readily assented, and where the monkey had disappeared, expectordered several soldiers and horses to attending every moment that it would appear him. About the middle of the day, when
again. much excited by the chase, the horse on which But lo and behold! presently a beautiful GullAlů Shâh was mounted ran away. None girl, wearing a costly necklace of pearls, came of the other horses could keep pace with it, so forth, and walking up to Gullâlâ Shâh kissed fast did it gallop; and so Gullala Shah soon him. Gullald Shâh was exceedingly astonished found himself alone and far out of reach of any at this, but being very good and holy he did help. At last the runaway horse suddenly not lose his presence of mind. He asked her stopped, for its legs had been fastened by an who she was, and noticing that she hesitated to invisible chain. Perceiving that his horse was answer, he threatened to slay her if she did mysteriously bound, Gulla Shâh dismounted, not tell him quickly. Being frightened she and taking his bow and arrow climbed the said :mountain hard by, to see whether he could find "My name is Pañj Phál,' and my father is anything to shoot there. A little way up he king of this country, which is fairy-land. I discovered a small pond, upon the banks of have been good, and tried to do good, and every. which grew a tree, then one mass of blossom. body loves me. When I was very young my Under the shadow of this tree he sat to rest, father intended to marry me to the son of his and while he sat a monkey approached. He chief door-keeper. The hour was fixed and determined to shoot it, and so made ready his full preparations made, and but a few days rebow; but the monkey, guessing his intention, mained before the wedding day, when the chief made a great rush and dived into the pond, door-keeper's son went to play as usual with
1 Not at all unfairylike procedure; cf. account of the influence, inasmuch as he has it in his power to give or "Fairy Princess ShAhpasand" in Wide-awake Stories, deny accosa to his chief. Those who have read Can.
ningham's History of the Sikhs, will remember how Dhiyan There does not appear to be the slightest connection Singh, Ranjft Singh's door-keeper, used the immenso inbetween this part of the story and that of "Panch Phdi fluence which this position gave him, for advancing Rant" in Old Deccan Doyo.
family interests. Dhyan Singh afterwards became & In a native court the door-keeper has considerable' Raja and received Punah as his principality.
P. 30.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate 6.
VAR
SMALL ORNAMENTAL JAPANESE VASE
SCALE .75.
BORDER OF A CARPET TROM LEK
MAAR
ORNAMENT ON A JAPANESE SPEAR
FULL SIZE..
$57.
SHAFT OF THE SP.BAR SHOWING POSITION OF THE OFNAMENT
CENTRAL MEDALLION OF A CARPET FROM LEH.

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GULLALA SBAH.
97
his companions. They played Wazir Padshah, de. one boy pretended to be the king, another pretended to be the Wazir, and others took the part of other great officers in the State. Each one was supposed to talk and act ac. cording to his part in the play. That day thu door-keeper's son was voted king by his playmates, and sat in the royal place. While they were thus playing the real king's son passed by, and seeing the state of the game he cursed the boy. Be degraded from fairyland,' he said, 'and dwell among the common people. On account of this curse the doorkeeper's son soon died, and was afterwards born among the common people. A female companion told me of his death, on hearing of which I became very sad; for I loved the son of the door-keeper, and am determined to marry nobody bat him. The king and queen and others have tried hard to get me to change my mind; but I have remained steadfast. All my time has been spent in doing good, and in interviewing holy men. To-day I came hither to worship. One day it happened that a very holy man arrived here, whom I loved very much, and I thought to have met him here again to-day. He seemed very pleased with me, and used to give me whatever I asked of him. Once I asked him to tell me how I could again see the door-keeper's son, who had been born among the common people. He told me that he knew the lad, and that he was called Gullalâ Shah, and that I could see him if I was very carefal to attend to his instruc
tions. Of course I promised that I would be. "Be careful,' he continued, and consider well, for the king will hinder you by strong charms and in other ways. He then gave me a pearl necklace of such great virtue that no charms can affect the wearer, which I am to wear continually and guard patiently, if I would accomplish my purpose. After this I went back to my house. On the first opportunity ! told my father of all that I had heard concerning Gullala Shih, and begged him to arrange for our wedding as soon as possible. The king looked very troubled when he heard this, and entreated me to think no more about the young man, especially as he was now one of the common people. Sach a thing as our marriage could not possibly be, as it would bring the whole of fairy-land into contempt. Bnt I was resolute, and so the king spoke sharply to me, and I answered sharply in return, and left the palace in a great rage. This is my history. O friend! If you can do anything to help me to discover anything about Gullâlâ Shah, do so, I implore you, and I shall be obliged to you for ever."
Here was a strange coincidence! Gullala Shâh told her who he was, and kissed her. She recognised him and taking his hand said, "I have found my long-lost beloved. With him let me ever dwell."
Holding each other's hands they presently left the pond and came to the place where the horse was standing. Both mounted the horse, which was now quiet, and rode back to the
This game is also called suhul and is very popular in Kasmir. It is generally played by four youngsters. Four little sticks are provided, of which the bark on one side is peeled off. Any of the four children throw first. If one should throw these sticke, so that they all full on the bark side, then he is appointed padsh/h, 1.e. king; but if not, then they all try and throw till some one finally succeeds. The next thing is to find out the waar. He who throwa the sticks so that one of them falls with the bark side up but the other three with the peeled sides up, is appointed to this office. Then & asfir, ie. a thief, has to be arranged. He who throws 50 that two of the sticks fall with the bark side upwards in proclaimed the thief. Lastly, a said, i.e. an honest man, has to be found. This part he has to play, who throws the sticks so that three of them fall with the bark sidor upwards. If it should happen that all four of them fall with the bark sides up then that thrower has to try again.
Padshah, wasir, air, and said being known the real play begins. The asar, thief, is brought bofore the king by the waxfr, who says,
"Padshah salamat!
Duzdamad." "O king, peace and health to you! Here is a thief."
The king replies, "Ay kujd amad?" "Whence has he oume ?
that two ined the thiet. This was them falhat all for hans in D has to be so that tould happen that thro
Then the waxir tells him the whole case and punishment has to be inflicted on the criminal. This is the most amusing piece of the whole tamisha.
"Bidihed angau Bangaut top," says the king, "Give him BangAll cannon." The ronair kicks the prisoner's buttocks; or the king says
Boranih any a hún badal," "Bring a dog in his place from Ladák."
The tenair takes the prisoner a short distance and then holding him by thy ear pulls him back, while the prisoner barks like a dog or the king saya "Yindartul kad yus." "Take out the spindle."
The ncazir draws a line with his thurab-nail on the inside of tho arm from the elbow-joint to the wrist, and then hits the arm over the line as hard as he can with the first and second fingers of the right hand. This is rather
painful punishnient. There are many other words of punishment too numerous to mention here.
I notice nn allusion to this game in the story of " Mahaushadhs and Vis khá, given in Tibetan Tuler from Indian Sources, p. 134. cf. also Ardschi-Bord chichan in Jülg'a Mongol, Märchensammlung: Innsbruck. 1868, pp. 197, et seq.
[The universal belief in metempsychosis peeps out here.- ED.)

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attendants and the other horses wbich the leave the place, and to go and seek the flowers, in king had sent for an escort, and then returned search of which he commenced his wanderings. to Gallala Shah's house.
The king, seeing that he was getting weaker On arrival GullAla Shah introduced Pañj and thinner, consented, and gave him money Phûl to his other wife. The two princesses for his journey. seemed glad to see one another, and for some Accordingly Gullkla Shih started, and on the time lived together most happily, until one second day reached the mountain in fairy-land day the first wife asked Panj Phûl to give her where he had first met Pañj Phal. He climbed the pearl necklace. Pañj Phůl said that she higher and higher, till he arrived at a certain could not do so; for it was the protector of path, along which he saw two men coming her life. She could never take it off from her towards him. They happened to be two servants neck. The first wife again and again arged of the chief Wazir of fairy-land. The Warir her request, and promised as beautiful and as had no son to carry on his name, and so bis costly a pearl necklace in exchange; or if wife had asked him to send men into the disPañj Phal did not care to give it, or exchange trict with instructions to bring back with them it, she might lend it to her for a while. But such a youth as she could conveniently adopt Pañj Phûl was determined, and refused; as her son. These men had been wandering nothing could persuade her to part with the everywhere, far and wide, and had not as yet pearl necklace for a moment. By reason of met with a likely person. They were now this the first wife got very angry, and went starving and in great despair, but they dared and told Gullala Shah of their quarrel, and not to return to the Wazir empty-handed. begged him to get the necklace, and he pro- When they saw Gullâlâ Shah their first mised to try and do so. When Gullalå Shảh thought was to eat him, but afterwards, seeing asked Panj Phûl for the necklace, she refused that he was clever and handsome, they decided as before, saying that it contained the secret to take him to the Wazir. So GullAli Shah was of her life, and was a charm to her against all seized and taken to the chief Wazir's house in dangers, sickness and trials; deprived of it she the fairy city. The two servants pretended might become sick and miserable, or be taken that he was the son of a fairy, who was a sister away from them and die.' However, Gallala of the Wazir's wife, though she did not know Shah would not be denied, and so Pañj Phal it. The chief Wazir, bis wife, and everybody for very love of him handed it to him, and he who saw Gullala Shah, were pleased with him, gave it to his other wife.
and therefore henceforth he abode in that Soon after this Pañj Phal suddenly dis- house and was everywhere recognised as the appeared. On discovering this Gullala Shih heir and his first wife, together with allthe household, I. Every day the Waxir attended the king's mourned and wept.“What have we done P" Darbár, and in the evening, when he reached cried they all. "For a trifle we have lost our home, tired and weary from the day's business, lovely Pañj Phůl. How obedient she was to he used to call his adopted son to him and pass her husband! How unselfish in the house! the time in conversation. Hours and hours How kind and loving to every one! Alas, alas! were thus occupied. Gullâla Shah used to why did we do this thing? We have caused the ask him the news of the Darbar and the death of our darling!"
chief Wasir used to tell him everything. One As for Gallâlâ Shâh he knew not what to do evening, in the course of one of these long for grief, and wept day and night. At last, talks, the chief Wazir told him that there had thoroughly worn out and ill, he determined to been great excitement in the Darbár that day,
Howover difficult this may be to understand in the West, it is very common characteristic of Eastern life. I know many families, in which several wives live amioably together. Human nature though, as general rule, proven too strong for custom, and some petty cause. jealousy or covetousness, disturbs the perceof the household and now and again brings it to ruin. Concerning multiplication of wives, compare the sayings on p. 70 of my Dictionary of Kashmirt Proverbs, &c.
* cf. "Story of Chandan RAJA" in Old Deccan Days, the authoreas of which remarks" There are innumer. ablo popular superstitions regarding the powers which can be conveyed in charmed necklace : and it is common belief that good and bad fortune, and life itself can be made to depend on its being removed from the wearer's neck." See remarks on the Life-Index in Wide-awahe Stories, pp. 404,105.-ED.]

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as the king had been very angry with his my charmed pearl necklace I cannot thwart daughter, Pañj Phûl, who had formed an him. Wherever I might wander, he would attachment for a person named Gullklá Shah, cause me to return from thence; and then one of the common people, and refused to be my case would be worse than before. Now married to any other person. She had run go, I beseech you, lest you also get harm; and away, and for a long time there were no pray that the king may have mercy on me, tidings of her,- no doubt she had been trying when he hears that I have been restored to life. to find that common man,-but the king had Away quickly, my dearest, to a place safer for caused her to return by virtue of a most you than this." potent charm, and now a terrible punishment Gullâlâ Shah then told her all that had hap. awaited her. Her body was to be turned into pened to him-how he had wandered about in wood and placed publicly in a certain garden as search of her, and was now the adopted son of a warning to other fairy daughters not to do the chief Wazir of that country, who confided likewise !
everything to him. He would see her again, Hearing this Gullala Shâh experienced great he said, on going away, and even if the king difficulty in keeping his countenance. "Here still wished to punish her, he would get then is Pañj Phál!" he said within himself. to know a remedy, and come and restore "As soon as she gave up the pearl necklace she ber. must have been brought back to her country, The following morning when the royal guard and now she is perhaps suffering the terrible saw that Pañj Phâl was alive again, they went consequences of iny folly. Sorrow, a hundred and told the king. His Majesty was greatly Borrows!"
surprised and sent for her. As soon as she At length, however, he so far overcame his appeared, he said, “How is it that you have feelings as to ask the Wazir if there were no come again to trouble us? Be you a serpent means of saving Puñj Phol from the dread sen- and find a home in yonder jungle," pointing in tence. The Wasir said there were. If Gullala a certain direction where was a jungle, thick, Shâh could come, burn the wooden figure to intricate, and inhabited by wild beasts of variashes, throw the ashes into the pond in the ous kinds. And it was so ! midst of the garden where it was, then she That evening when the chief Waxir returned would become her former self again,
to his house, Gullâlâ Shậh heard all that had Gulla ShAh was very pleased when he heard happened. “Strange," he said, "can anything this, and presently, wishing the Wazir good now be done for the princess ? or must she for night, retired to his room. No sleep, however, ever remain a serpent ?" closed his eyes. His mind was far too excited. "Yes, there is a remedy," replied the Wasir. As soon as he was quite sure that all the in- "If GullAlå Shah coald get to that jungle, dig mates of the house were fast asleep, he went a cave three yards deep and broad enough to forth secretly to Pañj Phûl's garden, burnt admit two people, and make a covering with a her wooden effigy to ashes, and threw the hole in it for the mouth of the cave; and if ashes into the pond. Directly he did this, lo after this he were to walk about the jungle and behold! Pañj Phầl came forth looking as calling "Pañj Phûl, GullAli Shah is here," and he had seen her when she appeared out of the then go back and shut himself np in the other pond on the mountain side.
cave :--if he were to strictly attend to all "My own dearest," said Gullâlâ Shah, "how these directions--then Pañj Phůl, who is now could I have been so stupidly wicked as to have a serpent, will find her wey into the cave caused you all this trial ? Forgive me, and say through the hole in the covering; and there is that you will never leave me again. Come and another thing, also, which he must remember we will wander away into unknown regions, to do, vix, to cut off as much of the snake as whither the hand of your tyrannical father can enter in this way, .chop it up into little cannot reach you."
pieces, carefully collect them, place them in a Pañj Phůl replied, "I forgive you, dear husbandkerchief, take them to the pond in the band, but to go with you is not in my power, midst of Panj Phal's garden, and there throw for my father has all power over me; without them into the water. If all these instructions

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were carefully carried out, 'Panj Phûl would emerge thence in all her former beauty."
cave.
When he heard this Gullâlâ Shah was much comforted. After a little more conversation he wished the minister good-night. No sleep, however, came to him. He was far too elated at the prospect of being able to restore his beloved to her former self and of seeing her again, to wish for sleep. As soon as he knew for certain that the Wazir and the others were fast asleep he left the house and went to the jungle. That night he only fixed on a place for the cave, and then returned to his room. On the following night, armed with pickaxe, crowbar, spade, and other necessary implements he again visited the jungle, and dug a cave. He also made a covering for the cave and a hole in the covering. He then went outside and called for Panj Phûl. Pañj Phâl heard her name being called and came in the form of a snake, as soon as Gullâlâ Shah had re-entered and shut himself into the She wound the greater part of her body in through the hole in the covering, and Gullâlâ Shâh cut off as much of it as got inside the cave, and then chopped it up into small pieces. These he carefully gathered. and pushing back the covering, took them with him to the pond in Pañj Phil's garden, where he threw them into the water, and-just as the Wazir had said,-Panj Phil appeared in all her former beauty. Gullâlâ Shâh drew her to him and kissed her. They talked long and lovingly until the faint streaks of dawn warned them to make arrangements to leave the place. Neither of them wished to be separated from the other, but what were they to do? It was time for Gallâlâ Shâh to return to his home, if he did not wish the Wazir to discover his absence; while Pañj Phal could not leave the place. She tried to do so, but without avail. She was bound by the king's charm over her to remain there. And so they parted.
Gullâlâ Shah hastened back to the Wartr's house, and only just reached his room in time, Within an hour or so some of the poorer folk, going to their labours, passed by the place where Pañj Phil was sitting. They were very much astonished at seeing her, and went
[APRIL, 1886.
and informed the king of the matter. When His Majesty heard the news he sent for the chief. Wazir to take counsel with him. "Do you not think," he said, "that Gullâlâ Shah has been here and done this thing ?"
"It is impossible," replied the Wazir, "for in the first place how could he get here? and then, how could he, a common man, obtain this power ? He must be great to have done this, and in favour with the gods, a thought not to be entertained for a moment."
Panj Phûl was again summoned to the king, and this time was turned into a golden nail, which was immediately given to one of the attendants with instructions to hammer it into any boat, that chanced to be just then in course of construction. The attendant took the nail and fixed it into the first boat he saw. On reaching home the Wazir bathed, and then called for Gullâlâ Shah as usual and told him all the news of the day. When he heard that the princess had been restored and again metamorphosed Gullâlâ Shâh assumed an expression of great surprise. "It is strange," he remarked, "that the king should have chosen a golden nail as the form into which to change her. Surely she can never again be restored from such a metamorphosis as this?"
"O yes, she can," said the Wazir. "How ?" asked Gullâlâ Shâh.
"Well," replied the Wazir," if Gullâlâ Shah could by any means arrive here, and get into that boat, in one of the sides of which the golden nail is fixed, and could discover that nail, and then having extracted it, were to file it small as powder, and throw the filings into the pond which is in the midst of Pañj Phil's garden,-if he did all these things,-then Pañj Phul would return to her former shape and beauty;-and if she was this time restored, then henceforth the king's charm would be powerless to do her harm. It would have expended itself."
This was enough. So presently the hour being late the Wazir and Gullâlâ Shâlr went to their sleeping rooms. When he heard of this radical care Gullâlâ Shâh feigned no more than an ordinary interest, though in his heart he was inexpressibly glad. On reaching his room he said aloud, "Joy, joy, the time has come.
• Meaning a Kasmiri river-boat.

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I will go once more and restore my darling. Henceforth the charms of this hard, wicked father shall have no influence over her."
However, Gullala Shah did not immediately start. He thought it better to wait a while, until all excitement and interest about the princess had passed away. For several months he patiently waited, and then one day he asked the Wazir's wife to allow him to go and visit certain places, that he wished very much to see, and to get also the Wazír's permission for the journey. He added that he was now of an age to take care of himself, and he did not like to hear only of the countries about which the Wazir, his father, had so fully informed him. The Wazir's wife was much pleased to notice this spirit in the youth, but she hesitated to give her sanction to the request, because the way to some of the places was exceedingly dangerous and the hardships unendurable; and especially so to one who had been brought up so gently as her adopted son. Gullala Shah was respectfully indignant at this reply. Drawing himself up to his full height he said with intense carnestness, “What, my mother, shall the chief Wasir's son be deterred by difficulties and hardships? A sorry youth must I be, if auch I show myself. Better far that I perish by them, than that I should venture hereafter to attain to the post of chief Wasir of this mighty and grand kingdom, as my father bids mo do. Fear not, my mother, but let me go. However, if you have any talisman, I pray you give it mo, for why should I unnecessarily suffer P"
Encouraged by her son's noble reply the Wazir's wife consented to his going, and gave him hor signet-ring, saying, “Sbow this ring to the fire, whenever you may be in any diffculty, and two Jinns will appear and help you out of it. She gave him, also, abundant money for the expenses of the proposed journey. The Wazir too, was pleased, when ho heard from his wife of his son's enterprising and inquiring disposition, and acceded to his wishes.
As will be supposed Gallâlâ Shâh started as quickly as possible. After travelling for some time, one day he found himself being paddled along in a river boat, in which was the golden nail. His quick eye soon discovered it though it was much tarnished and almost excluded from sight by a great beam, that ran along the side of the boat. Disguising his real character
Gullala Shih begged the owner of the boat to make him one of his hired servants. The man agreed, and soon Gullala Shâh was working the paddle as if he had been accustomed to that sort of thing all his life. Thus he continued for several weeks, until one day he told his master that he had had a dream during the night. In this dream two men appeared and pierced the bottom of the boat with spears, so that it was broken. "I know," he added, "the interpretation of dreams. Some enemy of yours has placed a charm here P and if that charm is allowed to remain it will sink the boat." The master of the boat was very frightened when he heard this, and entreated GullAli Shah to try and discover the malignant charm. Gullâlá Shah said that it was a very difficult task, nevertheless he would attempt it if the owner of the boat would promise not to inform any one of the matter. The owner promised. And then GullAli Shah went to a lonely place, and kindled a fire, and when the flames arose, he showed them the signet-ring of the Wasir's wife. Immediately two Jinns appeared, ready to do whatever might be his bidding. Gullâlâ Shah bade them to bring the boat up on land. They obeyed, and then GullAli Shah pulled out the golden nail, after which he ordered the two Jinns to put the boat back into the water. He now went and secretly showed the golden nail to his master. On seeing it the owner of the boat was greatly astonished, and thanked God for granting him such a useful and clever servant. Gull Shah kept the golden nail by him, and in a little while, having assured his master that all would go well with the boat, he asked for leave of absence, which was readily granted. He then returned by the help of the charmed signet-ring to the house of his adopted father, the chief Wazir. The Wazir's wife only was at home, because it was the time of the Darbár, and she welcomed him like a fond mother. Soon afterwards the Wazir came home, and then there were great rejoicings in the house The wholo city, also, seemed interested, and accounts of Gullala Shah and his exploits, and the great trials and difficulties which he had overcome by virtue of the signet-ring, were apon the lips of every one.
In a day or two Gullâla Shih rubbed the golden nail into the thinnest of filings, which

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he threw into the pond in the midst of Pañj Phûl's garden. No sooner was this done than Panj Phûl became herself again and stepped out from the pond. They both kissed one another and cried," -so glad were they to meet again. They told each other all they had experienced since they last met, and Panj Phûl declared that now she could go with him wherever he wished, and advised him to wait there till she had been to her room (which had remained untouched since she last left it), and had taken such jewels and dresses, etc., as might prove of service to them on the way. Gullâlâ Shah agreed, and Pañj Phûl went and quickly returned with jewels and dresses of great worth.
Then they both turned their backs on the fairy city, and started on their journey. They walked fast and long before resting, until they arrived by a pond of water, clear as crystal. Here they tarried awhile and ate some food. While talking together Gullâlà Shah told Pañj Phûl of his great desire to get some of the beautiful flowers which grew in a certain garden on the sea-shore. This garden, he explained, contained twelve thousand flowering trees; each tree had been planted by a fairy-princess, and was worth twelve thousand rupees. On hearing this Pañj Phûl said that she could obtain this desire for him, and any other desire that he might choose to prefer. But only she could get these flowers for him, for the princess of the fairy-country, where they grew, had never shown herself to man, and therefore would not see him.
In a few days their wanderings brought them to the sea-shore, close by this wonderful garden. Here they hired a certain vessel which was anchored near, and as they sat on board that night Panj Phôl gave Gullâlâ Shah a beautiful pearl necklace, and told him to go immediately and hang it before the light of a lamp in, a secluded room in the side of the vessel. She also told him to remain in that room. The good of this was that several other beautiful pearl necklaces would be obtained by these means. Gullâlâ Shâh did as she had advised.
Meanwhile Panj Phûl disguised herself in man's clothes, and pretended to be the servant of her husband. She then ordered the ship to
Cf. Grimm's Household Stories, p. 84; "Faithful John," the which story en passant compare with that of
[APRIL, 1886.
be taken close to the garden of the fairy princess. On its arrival thither the princess's attendants came and ordered them to take the vessel away, because the princess wished the place to be kept strictly quiet and private, it being her wont to walk along just that part of the sea-shore. But the master of the vessel, Gullila Shah, and his sham servant, persisted in remaining, saying that they had many great and precious things on board; and so from fear of thieves had anchored the vessel in that place. They would not remove unless the king promised to refund them whatever losses they might suffer from thieves and such-like, who would surely come and beset them in any other place. When the king heard this he gave them permission to tarry there for the night.
The following morning Pañj Phâl took some of the pearl necklaces, which had been made as has just been explained, and displayed them to view near to the princess's garden. Presently the princess's female attendants came down to the water to bathe. As soon as they saw Panj Phul, they asked her who she was. She told them that she was the servant of a very wealthy trader, who was on board the ship. He was exceedingly good and had some very great treasures, especially some pearl necklaces, the most costly and beautiful in the whole world. When the attendants heard this they naturally desired to see these great treasures and Pañj Phûl was only too ready to show them. At the sight of the beautiful pearls they were very much astonished, and entreated Panj Phul to allow them to be carried to their royal mistress. This also was readily granted. The princess admired them so much that she would not part with them; but told her attendants to inquire the price, and to get several more like them-as many as the merchant could spare. When these others arrived a great pile altogether, the princess determined to go and see the merchant; "for," thought she, "he must be a very great man to possess all these costly things." Accordingly closely veiled she went to the ship, and arriving there asked Panj Phul, the supposed servant, where his master's room was, as she herself wished to bargain with him for the pearls that she had selected." Pañj "Phakir Chand," Folk-tales of Bengal, pp. 17-52,

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Phúl was hoping for this, but she did not wish to betray any special interest in the matter, and so said that the princess could not see the trader, as he had performed a certain wor- ship, and therefore could not see or talk with any woman.
"But why cannot I see the trader?" urged the princess. "I am a good woman and have never seen a strange man. Surely he would not be defiled by my presence."
"He would not see you," answered Pañj Phůl. "If I took you to his room, he would only be angry. He would never show himself to you."
On hearing this the princess. became more desirous than ever of seeing this strange man. She would go alone, she said, and thus no responsibility would rest on Pañj Pho. Panj Phůl said nothing, so the princess went alone and knocked at the trader's door. He did not open it, but answered from within: "I care not to seo any strange womaa; and so cannot let you enter."
The princess, however, would not hear him. “What for?" she said. "I have never seen the face of a strange man. I am a good wo. man. Let me in. I am a good woman, and wish to be married to you. This only is my desire. Why should we not see one another ?"
Being thus pressed the trader opened the door, and they saw each other, and love came with the sight. They talked together for a long time, and the trader showed her all his treasures. Then the princess left, full of affection for the strange trader, and full of amazement at his great and exceeding trea- sure. As soon as she reached the palace she told the king where she had been, and what she had seen, and how she had fallen in love with the man, and wished to be married to him. The king, being a very indulgent and good father, promised to see the man, and the next morning went for that purpose to the ship. When he saw the trader,-how pleasant he was, and of such good speech, and so wise withal,--he too accepted him in his heart; and on reaching home told his daughter so. The princess's joy was unbounded. How much she looked forward to the day! and what great excitement there was in the city at the thought of the approaching marriage ! The wedding took place, and was celebrated with
great grandeur, as befitted the rank and wealth of the king of fairy-land.
For some time Gullil Shah lived within the palace grounds and prospered exceedingly. However, he did not feel altogether satisfied; so one day be told the princess all about himself, --why he had come there, and how he wished to get the flowers and return to his native country. The princess repeated everything to the king, and asked his permission to take the twelve thousand flowering trees and accompany her husband; and to this the king consented. Preparations for starting were at once commenced. Twelve thousand carts were got ready for the twelve thousand flowering trees, and other arrangements were made for tho transport of the treasures, that were given them by the king. An enormous company of troops and elephants, also were placed at the disposal of the illustrious couple. At lengtla the hour of departure arrived. It was a most sorrowful occasion, for they were both very much beloved.
They first visited that country where Gulluli Shih got his first wife. The king was intensely glad to see him, and gave hin a splendid house to live in, and all else that he required. Gullall Shah stayed there for a little while, and then, loaded with more presents, departed. They next went in the direction of Gullâla Shah's own country. It was a long and difficult journey, but they all reached the city walls in safety, and pitched their camp outside the city, thinking that so sudden an adven. of such an immense company (several thousands in all, besides elephants, horses, and other beasts), would much inconvenience the people. When tidings of their coming reached the palace the king was much frightened, and sent for his chief Wazir and other advisers, to ask what he should do to appease this great king who bad now arrived ; " for surely," he said, " great and powerful a king has come here on no other account than for war."
The chief Wazir well considered the matter, and then replied, "O king, send, we pray you, your beautiful daughter, and let her arrange for pence. Who knows whether or not this great king will be captivated by her beauty, and so we be saved ?"
"Alas, alas!" replied the king, "I have already given away my daughter to the man

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who shall succeed in obtaining the flowering trees. Moreover, my daughter has refused several times to marry any man, no matter how great and wise he may be, except this person."
Thus were the king and his advisers occupied in conversation, when Gullâlâ Shâb, having arranged his camp for the night, took off his grand and princely clothes, and put on the ragged garments of a beggar, and thus arrayed went forth into the city with the twelve thousand flowering trees. He ordered. the drivers to take the carts straight to the palace, while he himself went on ahead. On arriving there he sent a message by the watchman to the king, saying, "Bid your master, the king, to command me, for I am come with the beautiful flowering trees from the garden of the king of the fairies."
Strange that this message should have been delivered just at the time when the king and his lords were talking about these flowers, but so it was! When he heard the words the king did not believe the watchman, but thought that he was mad. The Wazir and other great officials present also thought that it was too strange to be true. However, His Majesty in a jesting manner bade the man to be brought in. Presently Gullâlâ Shâh appeared, clothed in rags, but bearing a sample of the beautiful flowers, which were so much admired by the princess and all the royal family. True enough there were the longdesired flowers, but the bearer of them was evidently of very mean origin-a dirty, ragged beggar! The king placed his chin in the palm of his right hand, and fixed his eyes upon the carpet. Thus he remained for several minutes, perfectly silent. "Is this the man ?" he thought "on whom I must bestow my beloved daughter? Surely, the man will not presume to ask for this thing? I will handsomely reward him, and then let him go."
[APRIL, 1886.
The king answered, "Your request is your due; and far be it from me to break my promise by refusing it to you. Take my daughter; she is yours."
When all the lords and attendants, and even Gullila Shah himself, heard these words, they were astonished at the noble-mindedness of the
king. For it would have been a small thingnay, would have been accounted right and proper by nearly every one-if His Majesty had refused to gratify the beggar's desire.
Gullâlâ Shah was bidden to go with the attendants to a certain grand house; and there reside for a few days, during which suitable garments would be provided for him and arrangements made for the nuptials. This done, the king and his Darbár again conferred in council, as to what was the best thing to be done under the present difficulties concerning the foreign powerful monarch, whose camp lay close to the walls of the city. They talked together for a long time; but eventually, nothing definite having been agreed to, the king dismissed the Court, saying that he, attended only by his Wazir, would visit this great king and inquire the reason of his coming. In the course of an hour the king and his Wasir, with a few attendants might have been seen pursuing their way with anxious countenances-more like pilgrims than a royal party-towards the great camp without the city.
Meanwhile Gullâlâ Shâh had succeeded in eluding his attendants; and returning to his tent, had changed his clothes again. The king and the Wazir did not recognise him when they were introduced. They were received with great ceremony; presents were offered, and the two visitors seated in state. Gullâlâ Shah opened the conversation by inquiring all about the country and people. Then the king asked whence Gallala Shah had come, and why he had come. Gullilà Shah then told him about himself, and how that he had come there in order to ask his, the king's, daughter in marriage.
"Friend, what seek you ?" he asked, looking up again. "Will you be a great Wazir in the land ? or do you wish for wealth? Say, and it shall be granted you."
"Let not the king be angry," replied the the beggar, "I wish only for Your Majesty's daughter in marriage. In comparison with her, I esteem all honour and money as of little worth. I pray you, fulfil your promise to me."
"Sorrow, a hundred sorrows!" replied the king. "I have already promised my daughter to a certain beggar in consequence of a vow. Were it not so, there is none other whom I could prefer to thyself Have pity on me, I beseech you, for it is with a sad heart I say this."

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"Most noble, most righteous king," replied GullAli Shah. "You have done well. Better that you should lose your life, your kingdom, your all, than that you should deny your word. Would that all the rulers of the earth were such as you are! Then would the people be happier, and righteousness and peace would fill the world. God has prospered you, O king, and He will yet prosper you. Only continue zealous for your people and faithful to your word. Know you now that the beggar, whom you have just mentioned, is none other than myself; and that I, also, am that same boy who was known to the people by the name of Kharia, whose father died without an heir, and therefore his wealth and property were appropriated by the crown; and whose mother, in consequence of this, sought for employment from a certain farmer. God was with me and prospered me exceedingly, so that I met with one of your messengers, who told me all about your wishes. After much travel, through which I have become learned, great, and rich, I have at last returned to your kingdom, bring. ing with me the flowering trees. I chose to appear with them first in beggar's clothes, that I might test your fidelity to your promise. You have been proved. Forgive me, I pray you, if I seemed to be wrong in this matter, and grant me your daughter in marriage." Saying these words he caught hold of the king's hands and seated him by his side in the place of honour.
When the king heard the good news, he was almost beside himself with gladness. “God be praised !” he said aloud and clasped
Gullálå Shah to him in affectionate embrace. “Of course, I will give you my daughter, but who am I to promise this thing P Ask what you will and you shall have it, to the full extent of my power."
News of this meeting was at once conveyed to the princess, who would not believe it, until Gullala Shâh himself appeared and declared it to her. In due time the wedding was celebrated with great éclat. Gullala Shah fixed his abode in that country, and lived most happily with his four princess wives, for Pañj Phůl had long ago re-assumed her true character. He became increasingly popular and increasingly prosperous, and in a few years, on the death of the king, succeeded to the throne. Other countries were quickly conquered, and everything was managed with such skill and justice, that soon Gullalá Shah became the greatest king of those days. All nations did him homage and all people respected him.
Some will perhaps think that Gullala Shih forgot his mother and relations in the time of his greatness; but it was not so. He found her out, and gave her a beautiful house to live in and a large number of servants to wait on her; he also inquired for those who had in any way helped her during her distress, and promoted them to offices of great honour. Thus did he live, universally just, loving, and good.
No wonder then that he become so popular ! No wonder his kingdom waxed so great and strong! No wonder that when he died, at a ripe old age, there went up from all people, rich and poor, old and young, & great wail that seemed to rend the heavens !
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from Vol. XIV. p. 319.) DIGHWA-DUBAULI PLATE OF THE MAHARAJA MAHENDRAPALA.
(HARSHA)-SAMVAT 155. No. 160.
lation of it, accompanied by a rough and by This inscription appears to have been dis- no means accurate lithograph of the date. covered by Messrs. P. Peppe and James And, with the exception of subsequent disCOBBerat, and was first brought to notice in cussions as to the reading of date, this rendering 1864, in the Jour. Beng. 26. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. of the inscription has remained the standard p. 321ff., when, in his paper entitled "On a published version of it up to the present time. Land-Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanauj," I now re-edit it, with a lithograph, from the Dr. Rajendralal Mitra published his reading original plate, which I obtained for examination, of the text of the plate only, and a trans- through the kindness of Mr. G. A. Grierson,

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[APRIL, 1886.
B.C.S., from the possession of Mahâbîr Pånde of torily by means of photography, so as to Dighwa-Dabault,' a village about twenty- include the seal also in the lithograph.five miles to the south-east of Gopalgaõj, the The characters are North Indian Nigari of chief town of the Gôpilgañj Sub-Division of about the eighth century A.D. They include the Saran District in the Bengal Presidency. forms of the numerical symbols of the period Either" it was dug out of a field some years for 5, 10, 50, and 100. The execution of the ago" (before 1864)" by a Dighwaet Brahman engraving is excellent throughout, except that of Chhapráh;" or the ancestors of the then the mark for & in conjonction with consonants, owner of it " found it in a temple in a ruined both as é, and as one of the components of ai, s, Musalman fort in that village" (P Chhapráh,' and au, --viz, sometimes a circular broadening, or Motihari,' or Dighwa-Dubauli), “but it and sometimes a decided stroke, at the bottom was so long ago that they did not seem to have of the end of the continuation, to the left, of any distinct tradition about it, nor to be able the top stroke of the consonant, in occato give any authentic information on the sionally imperfectly formed, and occasionally subject."
omitted altogether. Many of the letters shew, The plate, which is engraved on one side as usual, marks of the working of the engraonly, measures about l' 9" by 1'41". The ver's tool. The plate is very massive and edges of it were fashioned somewhat thicker substantial; so that the letters, though fairly than the inscribed surface, and with a deep, do not shew throngh on the back of it.slight depression all round just inside them, The language is Sanskrit; and the inscripBO as to serve as a rim to protect the tion is in prose throughout, except for the half writing; and, though the surface is in some slóka, evidently intended as such, which is places a good deal corroded by rust, the in- introduced in line 14, and records the name of scription is in a state of excellent preservation the person who drew up the charter.-In almost throughout; but some of the letters respect of orthography, all that calls for notice are so hopelessly filled in with hard rast, is-(1) the pararibhagavati in lines e, i, and k, which it was impossible to remove, that they do, and parambhagavati in lines 3, 6, and 7; not shew quite perfectly in the lithograph. (2) the use of va for ba, e.g. samvaddha, line 8,
- Onto the proper right side of the plate even though the distinct form for ba occurs there is soldered a thick and massive seal in bbhútvd, line 13; and (3) the doubling of t with a high raised rim all round it, measur- in conjunction with a following r, e.g. pultru, ing about 7" by 11+", and rectangular, ex- line 2, and sagôttra, line 11 (but not in pitrón, cept that the top of it is raised into an 1. 11.)-I had no opportunity of taking the arched peak with a slight depression on each weight of this plate; but it is entered in Dr. side of it. In the arch thus formed, there is Rajendralal Mitra's notice as 30 seers. the standing figure, facing full-front of a The charter recorded in this inscription is goddess, doubtless the Bhagavatf who is issued from the camp, complete with many mentioned in the inscription; and below this, cows, elephants, horses, chariots, and footacross the surface of the seal, there are the soldiers, situated at Mahôd a ya (line 1). twelve lines of writing, a to 1, transcribed Then follows the parenthetical genealogy, below. Unlike the body of the grant, the repeated in the same words in the legend on letters of this legend on the seal are in the seal, to the effect that there was the illurelief; and, though they are in & state of strious Mahárája D & va saktide va (1:2), a excellent preservation almost throughout, the most devout worshipper of the god Vishnu. spaces between them are so filled in with bard His son, begotten on Bhůyikadevi, was the rast, that it was impossible to obtain an ink- illustrious Maharaja Vatsarajadêva (1. impression of them, or to treat them satisfac- 3), a most devout worshipper of the god
The Dighwa Dobowlee' of the Indian Atlas, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 321. Sheet No. 103-Lat. 26° 14 N.; Long. 84°49' E.-R. Mitra See page 118, below, pote 57.-The symbols occurring called the village Dighwa Doobaneshar. I have not in this inscription and the next for 8, 9, 50, and 80, are been able to obtain any explanation of the 'Doobaneshar.' given in Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table, ante, Vol. VI. p. 44. But it was probably a mistake for Bhoobanesher' (ec. The remaining symbols, for 5, 10, and 100, in their present Bhuvaneswar), which I remember to have seen in a map forms, are still to be entered there. as the name of a river somewhere in Bengal

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Mahêévara(Siva). His son, begotten on Sundaridevi, was the illustrious Mahárája Nâ ga bhatadêva (l. 4), a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavati. His son, begotten on Isaṭidevi, was the illustrious Maharaja Rà ma bhadradêva (1. 5), a most devout worshipper of the Sun. His son, begotten on Appâdêvi, was the illustrious Mahárája Bhôjadeva (1. 6), a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavatî. And his son, begotten on Chandrabhaṭṭârikâdêvi, was the illustrious Mahárúja Mahendra pâladêva (1. 7), also a most devout worshipper of the goddess Bhagavati, who meditated on his father's feet. The inscription then proceeds to record that the village of Pâniya kagrama (1. 8), in the Sravasti bhukti, and belonging to the Vâlayika vishaya which lay in the Śrâvasti mandala, was given by Mahendrapala, in order to increase the religious merit of his parents, after bathing on the occasion of the passage of the sun into the zodiacal sign Kumbha or Aquarius (1. 12), to the Bhatta Padmasara, of the Sâvarna gotra, a student of the Kauthuma-Chchhândôga (éákhá) (1. 11). The inscription concludes in line 14 with the record that the charter was drawn up by the illustrious Bhaka; followed by the date, in numerical symbols, on which it was assigned,10 viz. the year 155, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of the month Mâgha (January-February). The era is not specified in the record; but, applying the date to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, commencing in A.D. 606 or 607, the result is A.D. 761-62.
So much has been written from time to time about this inscription and the grant of Vinayakapâla which will be published in the next
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Either Parvati or Durga, the wife of Siva, or Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu.
Tat-pad-anudhyataḥ. This expression is applied to the relation of each son to his father throughout the succession.
The village of Pantyaka has not been identified.Sravasti (Gen. Cunningham, in Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 407.) is the modern Sahet-Mähet' or 'Sahet-Mahat' (Lat. 27° 31' N.; Long. 82° 5 E.; it should be in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 87, but is not shewn there), a vast collection of ruins, on the south bank of the river Rapti' or Rapti,' about twenty-eight miles almost due north of Gonds (also Gonrah"), the chief town of the Gonda' District in Oude, and about the same distance almost due east of 'Bahraich.'
9
sashbaddha.
antaḥpiti.
A107
Number, that, before proceeding to sum up the very few historical facts supplied by them, it will be desirable, and instructive, to run briefly through what has been said about them, extracting the leading points of the writers who have treated of them, as far as I have been able to trace their papers.
Of the two inscriptions, the first to be published was Vinayakapila's grant of the year 188. Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's version of it was issued by the Secretary of the Society in 1848, under the heading of "Inscription from the Bijaya Mandir, Udayapúr, &c.," without any comment on the date, which was then read as the year 65, or on the other contents of it. In 1856, however, in the Index to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, page 208f., Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, repeating his reading of the year 65, which he referred to some unspecified local era, entered Vinayakapála as being "evidently a scion of the well-known Pâla dynasty of Gauda" (Bengal).
"(This is the writing) of the firm and long-enduring charter that has been drawn up (prayuktasya) by the illustrious Bhaka."-As regards the meaning given
The discussion appears to have been opened by Professor Lassen, who, seemingly misled by the titling of the pages on which Vinâyakapala's inscription had been published,.. interpreted the opening words differently,took Udayapura, instead of Mahodaya, as the name of the camp whence the charter was issued, and identified it with the modern Udaipur or Udayapura in Scindia's dominions, about thirty-five miles towards the north-east from Bhôlsâ,-introduced a second Mahendrapála after Bhôja II.,-mixed up the Maharajas of Mahodaya with the kings of Malava,-and finally deduced the following results:
1. Udayaditya. . . . . . about A.D. 613 2. Dêvasakti, son of 1
3. Vatsaraja, son of 2
to prayukta, I owe it to Dr. Bühler, who favoured me with this note" Prayuj is frequently used in similar significations; thus, kriyam or yajah prayuj means to offer a sacrifice, to perform a ceremony naṭakam prayuj means to act a play."
10 nibaddha.-As regards the third symbol, see page 113 below, note 57.
11
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 342, note 7.-Gen. Cunningham was the first to point out, what is undoubtedly correct, that the dates of these plates must be referred to this
era.
1 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 68ff.
13 Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. p. 822f. and p. 1169, as reported by F. E. Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Boc. Vol. XXX. p. 198.
1 I substitute this for the mistaken Vinéyarája,' the origin of which is explained by F. E. Hall; so also," in the following generation, I substitute Nagabhata for 'Nagadatta.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1886.
4. Nagabhața, son of 3....
mentioned ; and, after him, Déva pâla, the date 5. Råmabhadra, son of 4 ...
1005 being close by." He observed that 6. Bhôja I., son of 5 .....
these dates were not sufficiently particularised 7. Mahêndrapala I., son of 6 ...
for him to certify their era by calculation; and 8. Bhòja II., son of 7.......
he threw out the suggestion, as a barely possible 9. Mahôndra pila II., brother of 8 ..... one, that in these kings we had the progeny 10. Vinayakapala, son of 9 .........
of Dévasakti of Kanauj (Mahôdaya). 11. Mahendrapala III
Meanwhile, in 1853, in his paper entitled 12. Karmachandra ... till about A. D. 850. & "Note on an Ancient Inscription from 13. Vijayananda
Tháneswar," Dr. Rajendralal Mitra had Dr. FitzEdward Hall followed. In 1861, in published, from imperfect materials, an inscriphis paper entitled "A Donative Inscription of tion" from Pehewa' about fifteen miles west the Tenth Century," he pointed out, very of Tháneswar,' which gave the names of (1) correctly, that Professor Lassen was wrong in Mahêndrapaladêva, (2) Jâtula, (3) Vajrata, a derespect of all the leading conclusions at which scendant of Játula, (4) Yajõika or Yajñaka, (5) he had arrived in respect of this family, and Sogga, (6) Pärnarâja, son of Sogga,(7) Devaraja, he took this opportunity of identifying the brother of Purnarâja,-and, finally, (8) the ParaMahôdaya of these inscriptions with Kanya- mabhatáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramé. kubja or Kananj, on the authority of the Hai- ivara Ramachandradêva, and (9) his successor, makosa, iv. 39. And in 1862, in his paper the Paramabhaffáraka, Maharaja dhiraja, and entitled “Vestiges of Three Royal Lines of Parameswara Bhôjadêva, with the date for the Kanyakabja," as a supplement to which last-mentioned of, as he gave it, the year 179," he re-edited Vinayakapala's grant, he took up which he interpreted as equivalent in the the subject again; but without advancing it Vikrama era) to A.D. 122.-After this, in 1863, beyond pointing out that Mahôdaya could not in his paper entitled "Bhoja Rájá of Dhár be identified with either Mahobá,' Maudhé,' and his Homonyms," as an accompaniment to or Mahedú,' and repeating his previous identi- which a lithograph of the Pehewa' inscription fication of it with Kanauj,-endorsing the was issued, he took ap again the subject of identification of the Tikkarikâgrama of Vina- Dôvasakti of Mahôdaya and his descendants. yakapala's grant with the modern Tikree, Repeating, but now with an expression of doubt, of maps, close to Benares, "--and suggesting his reading of the year 65 as the date of that we may possibly have traces of one or Vinayakapâla's grant, and referring it to some other of the Bhojas of this family in Mahor' unspecified local era, -and using his subseor Maholl,' as the traditionary capital of a Raja quently published rendering of MahendraBhôja, and in Bhojpur near Farrukabad.' In pala's grant,-he allotted definite dates to the course of his remarks he spoke of a huge them, commencing with Dêvasakti, A.D. 779, inscription in some part of the Gwalior State," down to Vinayakapala, A.D. 900. He also which mentions first “Mahendrapůla. Near identified Bhoja II. with the Paramébvara where he is spoken of is the date 960. Next Bhôjadêva, the lord of Gopagiri or Gwalior, of comes Bhôja ; and then Mahendrapala again, an inscription at Gwalior," dated," in both with the date 964. Further on, Kshitipála is words and decimal figures, Samvat 933, which # Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXX. p. 195 ff.
the rest of his paper he treated it, with emphasis, as one 18 d. Vol. XXXI. p. 1 ff.
hundred and seventy-nine. 11 This identification was first pointed out by R Jour. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. XXXII. p. 9111. Mitra Gen. Cunningham supplied F. E. Hall with the
" It had already been read before the Society, on the transcript from which he wrote. It is very desirable
2nd July 1862. that the original inscription should be rediscovered and
Previously published by him in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. published in full. It has probably to be looked for at or Vol. XXXI. p. 407f., text and translation, with a lithoin the neighbourhood of Sironij, 160 miles south by west graph by Gen. Cunningham, No. 4, Plate ii. In his of Gwalior, and 60 miles north by east of BhopA1.
remarks on it he said id. Pp. 399 and 407, note t) that » Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXII. p. 6738.
the first figure of the dato might be 7, which would *. It was subsequently pointed out by Gen. Canning
bring it back to Samvat 733 (A.D. 676); but, as the word bam, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXIII. p. 280, navani, nine, is very distinct, there was no need for that the last eight lines, as publisbed, were in reality any such remark. quite separate record.For a lithograph of these eight
11 The date Samvatsara-fatlahu mau trayas. lines, see id. Vol. XXXII. p. 97.
tringad-adhikeah Magha-fukla-dvilfydydm sath 958 M&In the text, he read Sarhvat 170; but throughoutgha fu di ..

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was interpreted by him (in the Vikrama era) as equivalent to A.D. 876; and this doubtless was his chief guide in the dates that he allotted to Dêvasakti and his descendants. With this paper there was issued a lithograph of the last eight lines of the 'Pehewa' inscription; and, in referring to this, he rectified his former version of the date and recorded that it was unmistakably Samvat 279, which, after considering and rejecting the Vikrama, Valabhi, Sêna, and Śivasimha eras, he came to the conclusion must be referred to some unknown local or family era. In the course of his remarks, he recorded his opinion that the Bhôja, son of Ramachandra, of this 'Pehewa' inscription was not to be identified with Bhôja I., son of Râmabhadra, of Devasakti's family.
In 1864, in his paper entitled "Remarks on the date of the Pehewa inscription of Raja Bhôja," General Cunningham took up the subject. In the first place, working on the facsimile, that had been published by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, he interpreted the date as Samvat 216, which, if referred, as he suggested it should be, to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, would give A.D. 823; but with the possibility of the correct reading being 276, or A.D. 883, which would justify the identification of the Bhôja of this inscription with his namesakes of Gwalior of A.D. 876 and of the Rájatarangini of A.D. 883 to 901. And subsequently, in a letter dated the 24th May 1864 and attached to his paper referred to above, he announced that the real reading of the date was Samvat 276, and pointed out a fact, altogether missed by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, which rendered this quite certain, viz. that the date was recorded at full length in words, as well as in decimal figures." He then referred the date definitely to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, with the result of A.D. 882; and recorded his opinion that the Bhôja of this inscription was identical with the Bhôja of the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876, and with the Adhirája Bhoja of the Rajataragini, v. 156, the opponent of Samkaravarman of Kasmir, who reigned be
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 223 ff. "The full reading is-ért-Bhejadeva-padinam-abhipravarddhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rdjyd samvatetra-lataavayê shat-saptaty-adhike Vaisakha-mdea-fukla-pakshasaptamyam........ samvat #76 Vais6kha bu di 7. The original may perhaps have, according to a rather general custom, rajya-samvatsara, to be corrected
tween A.D. 883 and 901. In this paper he also pointed out that the name of the predecessor of Bhôja in the 'Pehoa' inscription was in reality, as in fact the lithograph showed, Ramabhadra; not Ramachandra, as read by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra. And then,-identifying the Vatsaraja of Devasakti's family with the Vatsaraja, king of Maru, who conquered a king of Gauda and was himself conquered by the Rashtrakuta king Dhôra ;" and also identifying the Ramabhadra and Bhôja I. of the same family with the two kings of the same name in the 'Pehoa' inscription, --he fixed the following dates, at twenty-five years to each generation,Dôvasakti Vatsaraja.
********
Nagabhata Râmabhadra Bhôja I. Mahendrapala Bhôja II....... Vinayakapâla 930 In the same year, in his paper entitled "On a land-grant of Mahendrapála Deva of Kanauj," ," Dr. Rajendralal Mitra published Mahendrapâla's grant. He read the date as the year 389, and corrected his reading of the date of Vinayakapala's grant from 65 to 409. After once more considering and rejecting the Vikrama and Valabhî eras, and also that of Harsha of Kananj, he again referred the dates to a local or family era, the epoch of which it was impossible to determine. But, following General Canningham in identifying Vatsaraja with the king of that name overthrown by Dhôra, on this basis, with the allowance of eighteen years to each reign, he fixed the following dates :
Dêvasakti.. Vatsaraja
Nagabhaja Râmabhadra
Bhôja I. Mahendrapala Bhôja II.. Vinkyakapila
*******.
A.D. 775
800
39
31
39
99
39
39
...A.D. 775
796
814
832
850
868
885 "900
""
109
29
33
39
825
850
875
900
920
into rajyć samvatsara; but the lithograph is not very clear here; nor does it suffice to satisfy me as to the four aksharas, passed over by R. Mitra without notice, between saptamyash and samvat.
See, e.g., ante, Vol. XI. p. 160f.
Jour. Bong. Ae. Boc. Vol. XXXIII. p. 321 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[APRIL, 1886.
Dévasakti, married to Bhdyika.
Vatsarkja, m. to Sundart.
Nagabhata, m. to Isati.
Ramabhadra, m. to Appa.
Bhoja I., m. to Chandrabhattarika.
Mahendra påla. A.D. 761-62.
In 1879, General Cunningham took up the subject again." Reading the date of Mahồndrapala's grant as 315, and referring it to the Harsha era with the result of A.D 921,-maintaining his identification of the Ramabhadra and Bhoja I. of Devasakti's family with the kings of the same name in the Pabewa' inscription, and also his identification of Bhoja I. both with the Adhiraja Bhoja of the Rájatarangini," v. 156, the contemporary of Śarkaravarman of Kasmir, who expelled him between A.D. 883 and 901, and with the Bhoja of the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876,--and also identifying Bhoja I. with the Paramabhaftáraka, Mahárdjádkirája and Paramósvara Bhðja of a new inscription of (Vikrama).Samvat 919 and Saks-Samvat 784 (A.D. 862-63) from the fort of Deogarh, in eastern Malwa, "-he finally fixed the time of Bhoja I. from A.D. 860 to 890. And in 1880 again, when publishing this new
Deogarh' inscription," he repeated his former conclusions about the identity of the various Bhojas and of the two Vatsarajas, and finally fixed the following dates for the Mahodaya familyDévasakti......
.. A.D. 730 Vatsaraja .............. Nagabhata ........................... 800 Ramabhadra ......... ..........., 830 Bhoja I ............
» 860 This, as far as I have been able to ascertain, is the last occasion on which the subject has been discussed.
by his wife Dêhanaga
by his wife Mahidevi
Bhoja II.
Vinayakapala.
A.D. 794-95, Each member of the family had simply the sabordinate feudatory title of Mahdrdja;" and this alone would be sufficient prima facie reason against identifying Bhoja I. with the king Bhoja who has the paramount titles of Paramabha fáraka, Mahárdjadhiraja, and Pa. Tamé kvara in the Deogarh' inscription of A.D.862 and the 'Pahewa, Pehewa, Pehewk' or Pehoa' inscription of A.D. 882, and of Paraméóvaru in the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876. For, if Ramabhadra and Bhoja I. of this family had ever held the paramount rank and titles, the fact would, as a matter of course, have been commemorated by connecting the titles with their names in the inscriptions of Mahendrapala and Vinayakapála, even if the
The historical facts supplied by these two inscriptions are very simple.
In the first place they establish the following genealogy and definite dates :
30 Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 84. a1 Caloutta ed., verne 156; French ed., verse 181 -- Hritam Bhoj-Adhirajena s smrkjyam-adapayat
pratibarataya bhritylbhdtd Thakkiyak-Anvaye || "He (Samkaravarman) caused to be restored the dominion which had been taken away by the Adhiraja Bhoja, when the Thakkiyaka family was reduced to the condition of servants by being put to the duty of door keepers."-Bhrityfbhat is the reading of the French edition, in preference to the bhrityau bhit of the Caleatta edition. Both editions read Thakviyak-Andaya; but the correct form of the name seems to be Thaka. yake.It is difficult to my whether Adhirdja in this pas Sage in used in the sense of paramount sovereign, or in its technical fondatory mense (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, note 18.)
* The date, as far as the lithograph can be relied on, is Sathvat 9.19 Afvayuja-Fukla-paksha-chatur. dasydu Prihaspati-dind Uttara-Bhadrapada-nakshatra
... ..... ...... Saka-kdi-abda-sapta fatani chatur.affty-adhikni 70.-It answers, by General Conningham's caloulation (Archæol. Sury. Ind. Vol. X. P. 108), to Thursday, the 10th September, A.D. 869.
Ho lao wed this result me one of the grounds for Axing the time of Kokkalla I. of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripura, from A.D. 860 to 870. This probably holds good, w far the Bhojn of the 'Deogarh,' Gwalior, and Pahews' inscriptions in oonorned. But, for the rousons given by me below, Bhoja I. of Déralakti's family is not ooncerned in the question.
Archeol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. p. 1004., and Plate zani. No. 2.
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, note 18.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
111
latter had sunk again to the position of is most unlikely should be applied to wo largo Mahúrájas. But, further, the dates of these and famous a rdjadhúní or capital, as Katwo inscriptions are now perfectly certain. nauj; and there is no reason why there should They are recorded in numerical symbols, and not have been several Mahôdayas, just as there are respectively, in an unspecified era,- for are several Udayapuras, in very different parts Mahendra påla," the year 155; and for of the country. Looking to the localities of Vinaya kapal, the year 188. Dr. Rar the villages granted, Srivasti or SÂhet. jendralal Mitra's theory of a local or family MAhet,' about 160 miles to the east by north, era must undoubtedly be rejected; for, in of Kanauj, is the principal place mentioned in order that such an era should last a hundred defining the position of the village of Paniand eighty-eight years, the founder of it, and yaka granted by Mahendrapala ; while Variat least two or three of his immediate succes- ņ&si or Benares, about 260 miles to the southsors, must have been paramount kings of a west of Kanauj, and Pratishthana, or dynasty, which certainly was not the case AllahAbåd, which is about 70 miles to the with Devasakti or any of his descendants, west of Benares, are the principal places and so the era must have ceased to be a mere mentioned in defining the position of the villocal or family era. In looking for a dynastic lage of fikkarikå granted by Vinayakapala; era to which to refer the dates, we must be and Tikkarika, moreover, seems to be thu guided to a certain extent by the palæography modern Tikree' of the Trigonometrical Surof the grants. And this leads us at once vey Map, four miles almost due south of to the era, originally selected by General Benares, and on the same side of the river, Cunningham, of Harsha vardhana of and therefore actually in the Kasipâra pathaka Kananj,--the only correct and reliable sugges- of the inscription, the territorial division of tion about Dévasakti and his descendants the Kasi (Benares) ford. The outlying throughout the whole of what was written government of these Mahardjas, was, thus, a about them. But the result is the dates- pretty extensive one, comprising a stretch of for Mahendra påla, of A.D. 761-62, and country, from Benares, of at least about a for Vinaya kapala, of A.D. 794-95; and hundred and sixty miles to Sravasti on the this, of course, puts it utterly out of the north, and about seventy miles to AllahAbad question to identify Bhoja I. of this family on the west, and about a hundred miles towards with the king Bhôja of the Deogarh,' Gwalior, the Saran District on the east, if the locality of and Pahewa' inscriptions of A.D. 862, 876, the finding of Mahendrapala's grant may be and 882. And for the same reason, if the taken into any consideration. But there is no date of A.D. 883 to 901 for Samkaravarman reason to suppose that it reached also to the of Kasmir can be upheld, it is equally out of west across the Ganges, and sufficiently far the question to identify either of the Bhājas of to include Kananj; which, being the capital this family with the Adhirája Bhoja, who is of the supreme kings of the country, could mentioned in the Rdjatarasagim as the contem- hardly be within the jurisdiction of their porary and opponent of Sankaravarman, fendatory Mahárájas, so as to be used as a
Mahendrapala and Vinayakapala's charters camp by them. We must undoubtedly select as were both issued from Mahodaya. Dr. their capital, either Sråvasti or Vår åpas i. FitzEdward Hall first identified this place with And, as regards their camp, Mahôdaya, Kanyaku bjs or Kananj; and this identifi. all that can at present be said about it, is cation was accepted, throughout the rest that, as Vinayakapala, before making his grant, of the discussion, by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra bathed in the Ganges, it must be identified and General Cunningham, as well as by him- with some place, still to be determined, on that self. It may be perfectly true that Mahôdaya river or on one of its tributaries. is one of the names of Kanyakubja. Bat the Finally, as regards the religion of the Mahôdaya of these two inscriptions was only family, -Devasakti and Bhoja II. were Paramaa skandhávára or camp,'- an epithet which it vaishnavas, or most devout worshippers of the
As regards the third symbol, which in the only one * See ante, Vol. XII. p. 110. to which any doubt an attach, see page 118 below,note 87.1

Page #132

112
god Vishnu;-Vatsaraja was a Paramamáhéivara, a most devout worshipper of the god Siva, under the name of Mahêévara; Nagabhata, Bhoja I., and Mahendrapala, were Paramabhagavatibhaktas, or most devout worshippers of the goddess Bhagavatt, who may be either Parvati or Durga, the wife of Siva, or Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu ;-and
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
4 kto
5 bhaktô
TEXT.35
The Seal.
a Paramavaishnavô b vas tasya • moutpannaḥ d jadôvas tasya e dévyâm-atpannaḥ f gabbajadevastasyn
9 tâdêvyâm-utpannah
h ja-ári-Ramabhadradevas-tasya pattras-tat-p4d-Anndhytal i śrimad-Appidêvyâm-atpannah parambhagavatibhaktô jharaja-sri-Bhôjadevas tasya
puttras-tat-pad-ânudhya
k [ta]h śri-Chandrabhat[t]ârikâdêvyam-atpannah parambha"1ga7 [vatîbha]kto mahârâja-sri-Mahendrapâladêvaḥ [*]
[APRIL, 1886.
R&mabhadra and Vinayakapâla were Paramadityabhaktas, or most devout worshippera of the Sun. And, from the same image appearing on the seals of the grants of both Mahendrapala, a Paramabhagavatibhakta, and Vinayakapala, a Paramadityabhakta, Bhaga. vati seems to have been throughout the kula-dévaté or tutelary goddess of the family.
maharaja-sri-Devasaktidêputtras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtah ári-Bhûyikâdêvyâparamamâhésvarð maharaja-sri-Vatsaraputtra tat-pad-Anndhyab éri-Sundariparambhagavatîbhaktô maharaja-sri-Naputtras-tat-pâd-ânudhyâtaḥ śrimad-İsaparamadityabhakto
mahârâ
The Plate,
1 Om
2 maharaja-śrî-Dévaéaktidevas tasya puttras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ
éri-Bhûyikâdêvyâm=
atpannah paramamâhêévarô
3 maharaja-sri-Vatsarajad [*]vas tasya puttras-tat-påd-anudbyâtaḥ śri-Sundaridêvyam=
utpannaḥ parambhagavati-bhamahirija-ir-Nagabhata"d[*]vne-tasya Isata dêvyâm-utpannab paramadityamahârâja-sri-Ramabhadradêvas-tasya
Svasti Sri-Mahldays camÂvisit-An[é*]kn-gb-hasty-alva-ratha-patti-sampannsskandâdârât-paramavaishnav[8]
puttras-tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ
App"devyim-ntpa
maharaja-éri-Bhâ (bhô) jadevas tasya pattras-tat
6 nnah parambhagavatibhakta(ktô) påd-Anudhyâtal éri-Chandrabha
7
ttårikåd[8]vyâm-utpannah parambhagavatibhaktô mahârâja-sri-Mahendrapâladê vaḥ ||"
Śrâvasti
8 bhuktau " Śravastimandal-antabpati- -VAlayika" vishaya-samva (mba)ddha-Paniyaka." grama-samu
Read skandhavarat.
43 This and a few other letters are so completely blocked up with hard rust, that, though they are fegible enough in the original, they hardly appear at all in the impression and lithograph.
ma
9 pagatin-sarvvin-dva yathisthina-niyaktán-prativeina-cha
From the original seal and plate.
30, 40, and 1. Read paramabha.
Read paramabha.
R. Mitra read Nagabhata quite correctly, but added a wholly unnecessary note that bhata was for bhatta, and thus in his translation and remarks turned the name into Nagabhatta.
Both here and in the following inscription, B. Mitra read this name Mahisata; and F. E. Hall adopted the same reading in Vinayakapála's inscription.-The d
pattras-tat-påd-Anudhy [4]tab śrîmad
śrîmad
mjölpayati [1] Uparili.
of df is somewhat damaged in this inscription, both on the seal and on the plate; but the reading is very clear in the corresponding passages of the following in scription.
B. Mitra read frimadapy in the text, and gave the name as Madappd in the translation.
and Bead paramabha.
40 and "These marks of punctuation are unnecessary. Read antaḥpati-Volayika.-R. Mitra read Valayika, with the vowel in the first syllable short, and used the same name in his translation, but in his remarks turned it into Talayika.
B. Mitra read Pamayaka in both text and transla
tion.

Page #133

*
*
*
স্ববিসহ q এসময়
বন-সংহবাগ্লাম - | মঠবামীহা(#হত্ৰ
ৰূপধংপুর বাহু-স:৭মনাধী। | Uম যাব যাব বলয়হীহাহনী : • অবলা বসুং শু:খীমহত্যায় :থমেই
মিখাঁ ॥ মহত্যা মধু। হ:থবীর বংশব ওলী (বীহঠায়zরসাস বাং শহুৰেণৰ ঈ৷৷ মহল ব্রীসোর-43ঝাঁশ্লেষকরা সরব বীণাত্মীবধাতার স্ত্রী যখন কুয়াম মিসর্বযু »(সানববুব বনে যা
মুঠো :oi(3ৰ কৰা স্বকgaখ বুম • অঝরেব: অকস্বৰীপুর খেয়েবি যাবেন
লবঙ্গ শুনবদিবাধে , দিব। হিলিপেীঃকর্ণও বাখশাসি: সধয়া যায়
Dighwa-Dubauli Plate of the Maharaja Mahendrapala.-The Year 155.
fo
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
1. F. FLEE, ৪০. c..
SCALE .40

Page #134


Page #135

APRIL, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
118
10 khita-gråmas-sa[ro]vv-âya-saméta -chandr-arkka-kshiti-kalam-purvadatta-devavra (bra)
hmadêye-varijito 11 may& pitrôb pany-abhivriddhayd 1" Såvarņņasagðttra-KanthamaChchhandogasavra(bra)
hmachari12 bhatta-Padmasaraya savital kumbha-sankråntan snätvå pratigrahêņa pratipadita iti
viditvå 13 bhavadbhis=samanumantavýam prativâsibhir-apy-ajña-bravaṇa-vidhêyai[r]=bbhûtvå sarv
Aya asya sama14 panêya iti (11) Srimad BhAka--prayuktasya sasanasya sthir-ayath | Samvatari"
100 50 5 Magha su di 10 niva (ba)ddham (0"]
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIEBSON, B.C,8.
(Continued from p. 86). GIPSY,Rom, romazapis, yapáti, japari, malkoch, GLUE, to,-Lipikva, (M.); to glue on, lipisardo(Tch.); ghülara, pôsha, (As. Tch.); lom,
vÂva, (M.) (Tch. Tokat); rom, (Pep. M.); porha, GLUED,-Lipimê, (M.) rom, sinkalo, (M. 8)
GRAW oy, to,-Chambava, (M.) GIPST-BLOOD. - Kaulo ratti, (Eng.)
Go, to,--Jaláva, (Eng.); jâva, (Tch., Pap. M., M.7) GIPSY FASHION, after the Romaneskoennes,
jami, (1 pres.) (As. Tch.); pherdva, tra(Eng.); romanês, romênd'ire, (M.) .
dáva, zhåva, (M.) GIPSY FELLOW,Romano chal, romany chal, Go By, to,-Nakáva, M., M. 8) (Eng.)
Go out, tu,-Nikáva, (Tch., M. 8); niglariva, GIPSY-GENTLEMAN, -Romano rye, romany rye,
(Psp. M.); enkliava,(M.); nashåva, (M.8), (Eng.)
GON. OUT, to have,-Nikliováva, (Tch.) GIPSY LANGUAGE,-Romanes, romany, (Eng.) Go out, to cause to,-Nikliardva, nikal dava,(Toh.) GIPSY, of or belonging to Romano, (Tch.) GO ROUND, to,-Enkunzhuriva, (M.); phirdva, GIPSY LA88,-Romani chi, (Eng.)
(M. 8) GIPSY, one who is not a, -sce Stranger.
GO TEROUGH, to, -Skěpisard'ováva, (M.) GIRDLE,-Kiustik, (Pep. M.); kushtfk, (M.); GOAD,-Ghanlo, momelt, (Tch.) kyusht yk, (M. 7)
GOAT,-Buzno, (fem.) buznt, (Tch.); busin, (A.. GIRL.-Rakli, juvli, chavali, chavi, chi, (Eng.);
Tch.); k&pra, kapra, bakri, (M.) rakit, chai, chéi, (dim.) chaiori, (Tch.); GOBLET, -Koro, (dim.) kororð, (Tch.) jaghi, (Tch. Tokat.); lavti, (As. Toh.); GOBLET, of or belonging to Kordekoro, (Toh.) chai; (Psp. M.); fechoro, fechyôrð, rakit, GOD, -Devel, dibble, dovvel, duvel, dubble,(Eng.); rakloră, shey, shiy, (M.)
devél, del, (dim.) devlord, (Toh.); huva, GIBTA,-Dingle, plana, (Tch.)
(As. Tch.); devel (Pap. M., M.); devel, Grm, (imp.)Dou, (Eng.)
del, dil, (M.) GIVE AWAY, to, -Yertikva, yertisariva; (M.) GOD, of or belonging to, -Devlicand, devléskoro, Give, to,-Dedra, (ing.); dava, (Teh., Pap. X.,
(Tch.) M., M. 7); bede, (imperat.) (As. Tch.) GOD-TATHER,-Kirvô, kirivo, kivr8, (Toh.): Give, to cause to,-Diniardva, (Tch.)
nanash, nanåshu, t'irvð, (M.); kirivo, M. 7) GLAND RED, Limalo, limôngoro, (Tch.)
GODMOTHER,-Kirvi, (Tch.); t'irvi, (M.) GLANDERED HORSE, &, -Nok-engro, (Eng.) GODSON,--Zhamutrô, (M.) GLANDERS, -Lim, (Tch.)
GOLD-Sonakey, sonneko, (Eng.); sovnakai, som GLASS, drinking, -Jam, (Tch.); stêkle, taķhtây,
nakai, (Tch., M. 8); sirdlori, (As. Tch.); (M.), stegla, valin, (M. 8)
somnakti, galpea, (Pep. M.); somnakdy, GLITTER, to, -Nězērikva, zērisaráva, (M.)
(M.)
This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. * Metro, $16los (Anushfubh); the verso consista, how over, of only one pida.
B. Mitr, failed to observe the metro.and road trimastdraka, with note that it w for brf-bhafedraka, which hd rendered in his translation by "his aanpicious Majesty."
i Boed samvetoard, for samvateariņam.-R. Mitrs
read the numerical symbols for the year as 380, trenting them apparently as decimal figures, and the symbol for the day ng 7 am a little unoertain about the third symbol for the year; but,-contrasting it with the undoubted 8 in the date of the following insoription, and oomparing it with the 5 of the Nepal Baaddha X88. in cols. 7 and 9 of Bhagwanlal Indraji'. Tablo, ante, Vol. VI. p. 4,- it seems to be form of the

Page #136

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
GOLDEN,-Sovnakunô, (Tch.); somnakunô, som.
nakânt,-(M.)
GRENADIER,-Daravin, (Tch.) GREY, Saro, (M.)
[APRIL, 1886.
GOLD AND SILVERSMITH,-Sovnakongoro, rupês- GRIEF,-Duk, dukaibê, (Tch.); zhêle, (M.); dukh, koro, Tch.) GooD,-Bana, kisho, koshto, kosko, kushto, (Eng.); lachô, mishtô, misto (comp., lachedêr, (Tch.); gh'ehâi, gh'iha (As. Tch.); lachô, (Psp. M.); mishtô, mishtôă, lashô, shukar, (M.); lacho, mishto, (M. 8)
GOOD, (sub.)-Moshiyě, moshiya, moshiye, (M.) GOODNESS,-Mestipen, koshtipen, koskipen, (Eng.); lashipf, (M.); mestipen, bestipen, (Span. Gip.) GOOSE,-Racheta, (Eng.); papin, papina, (Tch.); papin, (M., M. 8)
Goose, of or belonging to,-Papinêngoro, (Tch.) GOOSEBERRY,-Durril, (pl.) darrilau, durilyor, (Eng.) GOOSEBERRY PUDDING,-Durrileskie guyi, (Eng.) GOURD,-Dudam, (Tch., Psp. M., M. 7); gh'undur, kundur, (As. Teh.); dodom, (M.) Gown,-Shab, shubbo, (Eng); katrinca, (M.) GRAIN,-Shiru, (M.)
GRAIN OF CORN,-Giv, iv, (Psp. M.); groâncă, (M.) GRANDCHILDREN,-Tawnie yecks; (Eng.) GRANDEUR, -Rayimês, (M.) GRANDFATHER, Puro dad, (Eng.); pâpus, (Tch., M. 8); bapir, (As. Tch.) GRANDMOTHER,-Baba, bâbo, (dim.) baborcha, (Tch.); ami, (As. Tch.) GRANDSON,-Ongôni, (Tch.)
GRAPE, (pl.) Mul-engris, (Eng.); drak, porik, (Tch.); drak, (Pap. M.); drek, mevush, (As. Tch.); drakh, (M. 7)
GRAPES, of or belonging to,-Drakêngoro; (Tch.) GRAPES, dry,-Chamik, (Tch.); porik (Tch., M. 8) GRAPES-SELLER, (dry),-Porikêsgoro, chamikên goro, (Tch.)
GRASS, Chaw, (Eng.); char, drap, drab, (Tch.); char, (Pap. M.); gh'as, gh'ehs, kas, (As. Tch.); char, chur, (M.); char, (M. 7) GRASS, (a kind of)-Lavadis, (Tch.) GRASSY,-Drabêngoro, charialô, (Tch.) GRASSHOPPER,-Chawhoktamengro, (Eng.) GRAVE,-Mulleno hev, (Eng.); mormontu, (M.) GRAVE-SHOVEL,-Herlêcu, (M.)
GRAZE, to,-Charaviva, (Tch.); charâva, (Psp. M.) GRAZING, to be nourished by,-Chariováva, (Tch.) GREASE,-Tulipen, (Eng.); maklô, (Tch.) GREASE, to,-Makliaráva, (Tch.)
GREAT,-Boro, (Eng.); baro, (Psp. M.); bharo, pharo, (M.)
Ga=xx,—Balamô, (Psp. M., M.7) GREEN,-Delê, zêlino, (M.) GRENADE,-Dar&v, rattvaló, (Teh.); khinar, (As.
Teh.)
(M. 7)
GRIEF, to feel,-Dukava, (Tch.); dukáva, pěsáva, superisard'ováva, voytiâva pe, (M.) GRIEF, to cause to feel,-Dukavava, (Tch.) GEIEVE, to (v. tr.),-Musarava, (M.) GRIEVED, to be,-Dukâniovava, (Tch.) GRIEVED, Superimi, superěmi, (M.) GRIND, to,-Moarâva, (Eng.); pishava, (Tch., Psp.
M.)
GRIND, to cause to,-Pishlarâva, (Tch.) GRINDSTONE,-Asân, (M., M. 7) GAINDSTONE, hand, -Pirpiristra, (Tch.) GROAN, to,-Zhem&va, (M) GROAT,-Gush, gurush, gurushi, (Eng.) GROOM,-Stanya-mengro, (Eng.)
GROUND,-Pav, pov, puvvo, (Eng.); fandu, pôdu, (M.)
GROW, to,-Bâriovava, (Tch.); bharyováva, (M.) GROW UP, to,-Bharyováva, (M.) GROW, to cause to,-Bariarâva, (Tch.) GUARD,-Arak&v, (Pap. M.); strâzha, strězhě, (M.) GUARD, to, Wardava, (Eng.); arakava, (Tch., Pap. M.)
GUARD ONESELF, to,-Ferisard'ováva, (M.) GUESS, to, -Gochiâva, gěchisarâva, (M.) GUIDE,-Kalfa, (M.)
GUILT,-Dosh, (M., M. 7)
GUILTY,-Doshalô, (M.); uzhilo, (M. 8)
GUITAR,-Yongâri, (Tch.)
GUM,-Tar, (Tch.); thar, (M., M. 8)
GUN,-Yag-engri, (Eng.); katli, (Tch.); pushka, pashkě, pushkě, (M., M. 8) GYPSY, see Gipsy.
H HABITATION,-bashipê (Psp. M.)
HAIL,-Kukkudi, (Tch.); kukudi, (Psp. M.) HAIR,-Bal, (Eng.); bal, jar, (Tch., M. 7); val, (As. Tch.); bal, (Pap. M., M.); see also 'Tress.'
HAIR, of or belonging to,-Balalô, (Tch.); baleneskoe, (Eng.); jarialô, (Tch.) HAIRY FELLOW, a-Balormengro, (Eng.) HALF,-Pas, posh, (Eng.); yêkpåsh, (Tch.); nim, (As. Teh.); pash, påsha, yekpåsh, (Psp. M.); (M.); pash, (M.8)
HALFPENNY,-Pasherro,
posherro, poshoro,
(Eng.) HALL,-Komorrus, (Eng.); aŭlin, (M.) HALL, entrance,-Tinda, (M.) HALTER, Sher-engri, (Eng.); ashvår, (M.) HAMMER,-Koraki, kutála, sivri, (Tch.); (a kind of,) kakai, (Tch.); sivri, (Pap. M., M. 8); chokân, chokânashu, chokános, t'iyano, vaznalo, (M.)

Page #137

APRIL, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
115
HAMMER, biacksmith's,-Vâria, chok&nos, cha
kånos, (Tch.); varia, (M. 8) HAND,-Vast, wast, (Eng.); vast, (Tch.); hast,
(As. Tch.); vist, (Psp. M.); vast, (M., M. 8) HAND, little,-Vastoro, (Tch.) HAND-BAG,-Tråysta, (M.) HANDFUL,-Barnek, (Tch.); burnêk, (Pep. M.,
M. 7) HANDKERCHIEP, -Pangushi, (Eng.); diklo, kozno,
kosno, (Tch.); diklo, běsmåoa, (M.) HANDLE.-Desto, (Tch., M. 7) HANDSOME, -Rinkeno, (Eng.) HANG, to,-Nashva, (Eng.); umblaviva, (Tch.) HANGED, to be, -Umblâvghiovåva, (Tch.) HANGING, -Umblaibe, (Tch.) HANGMAN,-Nashimescro, (Eng.); ushtalhu, (M.) HAPPEN, to,-Regåva, (Tch.); dåva, (M.) HAPPEN, to cause to,-Resavåva, (Tch.) HAPPINESS,-Bakht, (M., M. 7) HARE,-Kaun-engro, sheshu, Bhoshoi (Eng.);
shoshoi, (Hun. Gip.); shôsboi, sosôi, (dim.) shoshoro, (Tch.); gh'andürki, (As. Tch.); shoshôi, (Psp. M.); shoshoy, (M.,
M. 8) HARB, of or belonging to, -Shoshano, shoshos
koro, (Tch.) HARICOT, -Manushêskere dant, (Tch.) HABLOT,--Lubbeny, (Eng.); lubni, nubit, (Psp.M.) HARLOT, become a,-Lubbenified, (Eng.) HARLOTRY, -Lubbenipen, (Eng.) HARM,-Dosch, dosh, (Eng.) HARNE89, to,-Kostizava, (Tch.) HARROW, to,-Grēpiáva, (M.) HASTE,--Hekta, sig, (Eng.) HASTEN, to,-Prastáva, (M.) HAT,-Stadj, (Eng.) HATCH, to,-Klochisaråva, (M.) HATCHET,-China-mengro, (Eng.); tovêr, tovel,
(Tch.); tovêr, tovor, bárda, (M.) HATCHET, handle of,-Boltågu, (M.) HAUT-BOY,-Surulag, (Tch.) HAVE, to,--Teråva, (Tch., Psp. M.) HAWK GOODS, to,-Koráva, (Eng.) HAWKING GOODS,-Karring, (Eng.) HAWKING LICENSE, -Koring lil, (Eng.) PAY,-Kas, (Eng.); kae, (Tch.); kas, (M.); khas,
(M. 7) HAYSTACK,-Kag-stiggur, (Eng.) HAYMAKING,-Kas kairing, (Eng.) HE-0, yo, (Eng); ov, (Tch., M. 8); hai, (As.
Tch.); lo, vo, (M.) HEAD.--Shero, (Eng.); sherô, sero, (Tch.); sero,
ser (As. Tch.); shero, shorô, (Psp. M.); képěcona, shěrů, shero, shěrd, (M.);
shero, (M. 8) HEAD, of or belonging to-Sheralo, (Tch.) HEAD-DRE88,-Kěrpa, (M.); pherno, (M. 8)
HEAD-MAN, -Sher-engro, (Eng.) HEAL, to, -Sast'aráva, (M.) HEALED, to be, -Sast'ováva, (M.) HEALTH,---Plapen, (Eng.); sastipe, vestipe, (Tch.) HEALTHY,- Sasto, shasto (Tch.); shastô, (Pep.
M.); sasto, saste vesto, vestô, (M.);
shasto, vesto, (M. 8) HEAP,-Grēmåda, grēmådě, (M.) HEAR, to-Shunáva, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M.); ash
undva, (M.); shundva, (M. 8) HEARD, to be,Shandováva, kandiziva, (Tch.)
ashund'ováva, (M.) HEARING, -Shunaben, (Eng.) HEART.--Zi, (Eng.); oghi, (dim.) oghororf, ongbt,
(Tch.); oghî, onghi, (Pep. M.); yilo, yild,
odhi, od'i (M.); yilo, (M. 7) HEARTH,--Vighna, (Tch.); vatro, vigna, (M. 8) HEAT,-Tatti-pen, (Eng.); tabioipe, tattibe,
(Tch.); tattipê, (Pep. M.) HEAT, to,-Tapiva, tattiarkva, (Tch.) HEATHEN,Hrishka, (M.) HEAVEN,--Charos, cheros, (Eng); sukar devol,
(Toh); cheri, Cheri, (M.); chêrô, (M. 7) HEAVINESS,-Grêu, (M.) HEAVY,-Pordo, (Eng.); parô, (Tch.); baro, (Pep.
M.); bharô, pharô, (adv.) bharés, pharës,
(M.); pharo, (M. 8) HEDGE,-Bor, (Eng.); bar, (M.); bari, (M. 7) HEDGE-HOG, -Pal of the bor, hatchi-witchu,
(Eng.) Heel,-Kfur, khar, (Psp. M.); khur, (M. 7) HEIGHT,-Vuchipe, (Tch.) HELL-Bengako tan, wafoda tan, (Eng.); pokla,
yado, yådu, (M.) HELP, to, -Azhutiâva, (M.) Hen,-Kanni, (pl.) kannis, (Eng.); kasi, (Span.
Gip.); kakni, (Hun. Gip.); kaghni, kahini, chiricli, (Tch.); jimåri, (As. Tch.); kažni, kugni, kaina, (Psp., M.); kayni, gayn,
(M.); kahni, (dim.) chavri, (M. 7) HEN, clucking,-Klòshka, (M.) HER.-La (pro. pers.), laki (pro. posg.), (Eng.) HERB-Yarb, (Eng.) HERBALIST,-Chariêngoro, (Tch.) HERD,-Chiryada, herd'iliya, hergeliya, tarma,
(M.) HERE,-Akai, akoi, aukko, (Eng.); atia, akatis,
avati, avâtiaring, (abl.) atår, atiktar, (Tch.); ate, avatia, (Pep. M.); kothê, kothl, kot'i, koche, kochi, ordo, urdê, ordi, kathë, kathi, kat'e, kat'i, kat'he, kake,
(M.); atya, (M. 7) HERO,- Vit'azu, voyniko, voyniku, (M.) Hew, to,-Licharáva, litráva, choplisaráva, (M.) HIDE, to-Garêva, (Eng.); gheravava, nispeláva,
(Toh.); usbaravara, garkva, (M.); nispelåva, (M. 8)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
HIDE ONESELF, to,-Garud'ováva, (M.) HIDDEN, to be,-Gheravghiováva, nispêlghiováva, (Tch.)
HIDING, (the action of)-Gheraibê, (Tch.) HIGH, Vuchô, uchô, (Tch.); vechin, (As. Tch.); (comp.) vuchedêr, (Tch.); uchô, bharô, pharê, ennålto, (M.); vucho, (M. 8) HIGHEST, Opral'uno, opralutnô, (Tch) HILL,-Chumba, (Eng.); mozhila, muzhila, (M.); dombo, (M. 7)
HILLOCK, Tamba, (Tch.)
HINGE, Guruvêskoro kar, (Tch.)
HIRE, to,-Neymiâva, něymisaråva, (M.) -HIRED, to be,-Neymisard'ováva, (M.) HI8,-(poss. pro.) Oriki, (As. Tch.) Hiss, to,-Shôndava, (Tch.) HIT, to,-Hetavâva, (Eng.); malaváva, nemisaråva, (M.)
HITHER,-Kothê, kotht, kot'i, kochê, kochi, (M.); orde, (M. 8)
HITHERTO, Ajâi, achâi, (Teh.) HOE,-Baskt, (dim.) baskisorů, khanliardo, (Tch.); såpa, (M.) Hoa,—Balô, (M.)
THE RETIREMENT
OF GENERAL CUNNINGHAM. We cannot issue this Number without a few words of farewell to Major-General Alexander Cunningham, R.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., late DirectorGeneral of Archæological Surveys, who, having resigned his appointment,has just left this country, after a connection with it, and with the study of Indian Archæology in all its branches, that has lasted through more than half a century.
Entering the service of the Government of India as a Lieutenant of the Royal (late Bengal) Engineers in June 1831, General Cunningham landed in this country no long while afterwards, and applied himself almost at once to the researches that have made his name so well known.
His first publication was, in 1834, the "Correction of a mistake regarding some of the Roman Coins found in the Tope at Manikyala opened by M. Court" (Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. III. p. 635ff.) And from that time, till now, he has been a constant contributor to that Journal, to the Numismatic Chronicle, and to others devoted to Oriental topics.
MISCELLANEA.
Of separate publications he has given us The Bhilsa Topes, 1854; The Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. The Buddhist Period, 1871, devoted chiefly to the illustration of the campaigns of Alexander, and the travels of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang; The Stupa of Bharhut, 1879, with a magnificent series of fifty-seven plates; and
[APRIL, 1886.
HOG-WASH,-Lětari, (M.) HOLD, (imperat.)-Tel, bonnek, (Eng.) HOLD, to,-Teráva, (Tch.); astaráva, (Psp. M.); ěnkěráva, (M.); ikerâva, (M. 7); teráva, (M. 8) HOLE,-Hev, (Eng.); khar, khev, khef, (Tch.); khav, (Psp. M.); khěň, yezunie, (M.); khar, khev, (M. 7)
HOLES, full of,-Heviskey, (Eng.) HOLY,-Develeskoe, (Eng.); sen, sfento, sfěntu, sfêntu, sen, (M.); svunto, (M. 8) HOLY-WATER SPRINKLER,-Vrekhtúla, (Tch.) HOMAGE, to do-Enkinisard'ovava, (M.) HOME,-Kerey, keri, (Eng.)
HONEY, Gudlo, (Eng.); avghin, (Tch.); hünghe. vin, (As. Tch.); avghin, (Pap. M.); abgin, abd'in, (M.); avgin, (M. 7) HONEY, seller of,-Avghinêngoro, (Teh.) HONEY-INSECT,-Gudlo-pishen, (Eng.) HONOUR,-Pat', (M.)
HONOURABLE,-Pat'uvalo, pat'ualô, pachualô, (M.) Hook,-Körlig, körligu, (M.) HOP, (a plant)-Levinor-engri, (Eng.) HOP-PICKER,-Tardra-mengre, (Eng.)
the Book of Indian Eras, 1884, containing an extremely useful set of Tables for calculating Indian Dates, which does not seem to have as yet become as well known as it should be.
But his name is, of course, best known in connection with his official post as Director-General of the Archæological Surveys of India, for which he was specially selected in 1870 and was persuaded to return to India again after his original retirement from active service. In connection with this office, General Cunningham has given us, in 1877, Volume I. of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, containing the Asoka Inscriptions, and, from 1871 to 1885, twenty-one volumes of Reports of the Archeological Survey of India, whichwhatever criticism may be applied to them in detail-contain an extraordinary amount of information that only requires careful and systematic indexing for its practical value to be recognised.
It is a relief to know that General Cunningham's invaluable collection of gold and silver coins did not share the fate of his books and manuscripts, unfortunately lost at sea, but have reached England in safety. We hope that he has many years before him yet, in which to make the contents of this collection accessible to the public, and to reconstruct many of his othe: unpublished writings which would seem at present to be so hopelessly lost. THE EDITORS.
7th March 1886,

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MAY, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
117
DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY
OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. No. IV.
one is forced to believe that their present for Sacred Stones.
was at some remote period greatly assisted by TN the Bible the Prophet Isaiah condemns the some rude sculptor's chisel. 1 stone-worship of his day in the following An incident, which once happened to the prewords':-“ Slaying the children in the valleys sent writer in Benares, seems to throw some light under the cliffs of the rocks P Among the upon the signification of this symbol in Modern smooth stones of the stream is thy portion; they, India. One day, when wandering in the outthey, are thy lot: even to them hast thou poured skirts of that city the attention of our party was a drink offering, thou hast offered a meat attracted to a temple, which, though handsome, offering. Should I receive comfort in these !" on a closer examination, proved to be an inIn India, at the present day, both the Saiva and significant one. But near it were two tombs :Vaishnava sects of Hindus have their sacred on the larger one was a linga and trident, stones. The lingas of the Saivas exist in all between which was the impression of the soles their temples, while the Vaishnavas have their of two feet; the smaller had only the two feet idlagráma.
upon it. Whilst we were wondering what The Vaishnavas as well as the modern Jains could be the meaning of these symbols in such reverence the impression on stone of the soles a position, a middle-aged native woman came of two feet,'a Vaishộava temple at Gayâ being | up to us and on being asked about the tombs called Bishn-Pad, or Vishnu's Foot.' This said: “The largest one is my father's tomb; the symbol is also many times repeated on the other is the tomb of my mother; they were natural rock of a hill at Sravana-Belgola in both Gosains and so am I." On being questioned Maisur, on which is a Jain temple. Plate IX. still further she added, "We use the signs of the fig. 1 is a representation of this emblem from fpet to express worshipping at our parents' feet, the Raja of Nagpur's palace at Bonaros. Fig. 2 ,e. being their disciples." It would appear is a mosaic pavement in the centre of the floor from this (though I will not vonob for its being of the chhatri or cenotaph at Gôvardhan, invariably the case) that the Gosains bury their erected to the memory of the grandfather of the dead, contrary to the asual Hindú practice of prosent Maharaja of Bharatpur, It is not un. cremation, known in Europe, forming a portion of the The worship of rude 'stones must have preornamentation on one of the large stones within vailed in Kaśmir at one period. At a place
dolmen, at Arzon, in the Morbihan, South called Pandrattan, about three miles from SriBrittany; see Plate IX. fig. 3. In the Island nagar, there are three or foar so-called Saiva of Guernsey, on the Roquaine Road and not stones of very large size. In 1876 one was far from L'Erée, is a field in which is a rocky still upright in its original position, the others mound. A stone, called La Pierre au Dames, were prostrate on the ground. Baron von at one time stood on its summit, but a former Hügel, in his Travels in Kasmír and the Pañjáb, proprietor removed it in a vain search after relates, too, that he found many such stones near supposed treasure, and it now lies at the foot the sacred spring at Islamabad. Similar stones of the mound. On the surface of the stone, I have also been found in places where Buddhism which is of granite, there are two depressed is known to have existed, and it seems not imtraces of footmarks in opposite directions. The probable that such emblems are the relics of a depressions appear to be due to disintegration still older form of religion than that of Buddha, of the granite block, but so closely do they re- which fell into disuse when it was introduced semble the impressions of two human feet, that They have been found also amongst the ruins of Chap. lxvii. 5 & 6.
ante, Vol. IX. p. 138ff.-ED.) . Of this symbol the late Kamer Herr Worseee says, • The expression should be taken in the same sense
it frequently oocurs on rock cutting in Bohuslehn, in the passage in Acts xxii. S, of being brought up at the the south of Sweden (the ancient Scania) and it has feet of Gamaliel. been considered sacred sign over the whole earth, being (Burial among such moetics, we believe, is the intain India an emblem of Buddha and of Viehpu." (Bee' riable rule, and not cremation.-ED.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
the old town of Valabhi in Kathiawad, but I Book of The Wisdom of Solomon, ch. xiii. 10, have never seen any either in Ladak (Western and part of verses 13, 14, 17, and 18, which Tibet), in the Himalayan Valleys of Lâhaul shews that a similar form of worship to that and Spiti, in the upper part of the Satlaj Valley, just noticed was practised in the days or in Ceylon, in all of which Buddhism now of Solomon. It runs thus:-"Miserable are prevails. It should be noted here that, at the they, and in dead things is their hope, who present day, in the Paõjab, in the Central and called them gods, which are the works of men's North-West Provinces, and in the Southern hands, gold and silver to shew art in, and Peninsula of India, the worshippers of Siva far resemblances of beasts or a stone good for outnumber any other purely Hind sect. nothing, the work of an ancient hand'-and
Madden, in his account of the Tarai and fashioned it to the image of a man; or made it Kumaan," says, "a little below the point of like some vile beast, laying it over with vermilion junction of the Gaulà and the Baliya, at a holy and with paint colouring it red, and covering spot called Maipúr or Mayapür, is the Chitr every spot therein; then maketh he prayer for Sild or Mottled Stone, a large rounded boulder his goods, for his wife and children, and is not of quartz conglomerate, reposing in a deep cleft ashamed to speak to that which hath no life. in the sandstone which forms the right bank of For health he calleth upon that which is weak: the Gaula. It is sacred to Devi and Mahadeo for life prayeth to that which is dead: for aid (ie. Siva), and is greatly venerated."
humbly beseecheth that which hath least In the Central Provinces, the Gonds, gene- means to help : and for a good journey' he asketh rally held to be an aboriginal race, and who there of that which cannot set a foot forward." rank very low in the social scale, are still in the The ancient Arabs, prior to the reformation habit of choosing a roagh stone of an oblong of their faith by Muhammad, paid particular form, which they daub over with a red reverence to a stone called Allåt. It had a pigment, set up under a pípal tree (ficus re- conical form, and was probably the same as the ligiosa), and perform půjd (worship) to it. This | linga worshipped in India as the emblem of consists in pouring oblations of milk over it Siva. and making offerings of flowers, &c. As an In Rome, as well as in Greece, and in Etruria instance of the transfer of this custom to it was only after the lapse of several centuries orthodox Vaishnavism I myself saw a pilgrim that art ventured to represent the gods under at Gaya place a small box of lucifer matches a human form. On this account, the earlier on a tray, together with other offerings, and | inhabitants were accustomed to offer sacrifices deposit them in the innermost shrine, on the to the trunks of trees, or to dark-coloured stones: impression of the foot of Vishņu. The custom habit which, according to some passages in of offering libations in this manner is not yet their poets, sarvived for a long time amongst extinct in Europe. At the point de Jerbourg, the lower classes. Indeed, from what we learn the most south-easterly promontory of the from Varro, for more than 170 years the Island of Gaernsey, is a tall rock, which, when Romans rendered worship to their gods without viewed from a particular point, is said to bear having any representation of them whatsoever, some resemblance to a cowled monk. This and Plutarch relates the story that when Numa rock is called by the country people "Le petit regulated the ceremonies to be observed by the bon homme Andrelot," and the fishermen when Romans he forbade any objects of a definite passing it take off their hats and make a form being exposed to public veneration. It is libation to it of any liquor which they may the opinion of certain learned men that such happen to have on board, and throw some old must have been introduced in the reign of the clothes to it.
elder Tarquinius, who was an Etruscan; which There is a passage in the Apocrypha in the lends us to conjecture that he may have brought Panjib Notes and Queries, Vol. I. note 309.
ped as an idol and the latter the idol at SomnAth de6.This custom is by no meang confined to the Gonds or stroyed by Mahmud of Ghaznt in 1024 A.D., called by to the Control Provinces.-ED]
Muhammadan writers Let and Al Lat, and often oonIt would appear from this that stone-worship of this founded with the ancient Arabian goddess. The latter kind was even then an ancient thing.
was a true Hindu liiga set up at Somnath, but there is [There are two idols called Alldt in Musalman books.
apparently no reason to suppose that the real Alat was The former was the pre-Islamite goddess Allot worship in the form either of a rude stone or of a linga.-ED,

Page #141

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Vidi
Plate 7.
111 0 8
Nos. 1, 2, 3 & 4.-MONOLITHS ON THE SUMMIT OF PANDAKOLI, IN KUMÂUN. No. 5.-MONOLITHS IN TARTARY. No. 6.-MONOLITH IN NAXOS.

Page #142

Scale 3
ASIATIC
SYMBOLISM.
5
Scale $
Scale .125
Plate 8.
Scale .125
SCULPTURED STONES AND MONOLITHS IN THE ISLAND OF GUERNSEY.

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MAY, 1886.)
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM..
119
the custom of image-worship with him from his own country.
It would appear that stone-worship was not unknown in Europe, and in England, even as late as the XIth Century. In his work on the Stone Monuments, Tumuli and Omaments of Remote Ages, Mr. J. B. Waring says that Col. Forbes Leslie observes that, in Thorpe's Ancient Laws of England, Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury in the VIIth Century, the Saxon King Edgar in the Xth, and Canute the Dane in the XIth, all forbade the worship of stones. At a Council held at Tours in the VIth Century, it was resolved that the church doors should be closed against those who worshipped certain upright stones, and Mr. Waring adds, that he remembers to have seen an Anglo-Saxon law to the effect that whoever wished to preserve such stones might do so on payment of a fine to the Church. A stone of this sort is possibly indicated in the Edda, the most ancient book of Scandi. navia, where mention is made of an oath taken near the Sacred White Stone. M. Holmhöe in his little work, Buddhism en Norvège, published in 1857, after speaking of sacred stones as known in Kasmir and India, goes on to say: "It is most singalar to find traces of the same customs in Norway. The museum at Bergen possesses three stones of a greyish white marble. One was bronght from & large huug (or tumulus) on a farm called Glein in the island of Daumöe off the coast of Heligoland. This stone is, like those from Balabhipara in Sôrath" (Valabbî in KathiÂwad) "three feet high, and nineteen inches in diameter. Both tumulus and stone were formerly held sacred. The two others were not found in tumuli, but such was probably their original position." Another Norwegian antiquarian, M. Liligren, relates that in the year 1817, in a field in the parish of Sparboe in the diocese of Throndhjem, a stone of precisely the same form was discovered, and another in Vestmanland in Sweden ; and he gives it as his opinion that they had been worshipped as gods. A Mr. Christie also speaks of a similar stone," which tradition says existed formerly near the town of Tromsoe in Finmark, and was worshipped by the
Laplanders, and that the Bishop in consequence had it removed, and thrown into the river." The same person anys also that he himself had seen "on the farm called Opsanger in the parish of Quindherred in the diocese of Bergen, on the summit of a large tumulus, a stone of the same kind.” Stones of this form, when found in Norway, are supposed to belong to the Iron Age. In another place M. Holmhõe says, "according to the ancient laws of Scandinavia, put forth in the first century after the introduction of Christianity there, it is especially forbidden to worship stones."
M. Holmhõe also says: “We will now pass on to stones of another form, which also appear to have been considered sacred. These are stones of a spheroidal or ovoid form, which have been found in certain tumuli. Ono such stone, nine inches in length and seven in circumference, was found within the cell of a tumulus not far from the town of Flekkefjord in Norway." He then goes on to say, “The Museum at Bergen possesses two stones which in size and colour exactly resemble hen's eggs, they are made of some white stone, probably marble, and were found in a tumulus in the district of the Sandfjord in the diocese of Bergen. The proprietor of the land told me that he found them in the cell in the centre of the tumulus." He next proceeds to enumerate several places where spherical or oval stones of the same description have been found in Norway, and also in Denmark, in Livonia, and in the North of Germany. Now in one part of the bázdr at Benares hundreds of spherical or oval stones are exhibited for sale. They are for the most part of the size and form of a common hen's egg." Possibly they are used in private worship, for it is well known to all who have ever been in India that no Hindd except an outcaste will eat an egg or even keep fowls : there seems, therefore, little doubt that some religious meaning must be connected with them. Similar spherical stones, again according to M. Masson, have been found in topes and tumuli in Afghanistan and other places also." They havo invariably been found in the centre of such monuments, which position, M. Masson
The Saiva stones of India, and the menhirs of der tain type in Brittany.
10 Since this was writton, at least ten more such stones have been discovered in Norway.
11 The Sims are said to regard the egg us the symbol of orention, But is the doctrine of the brahmanda or the World'. Ege exclusively Saiva P-ED.)
Travele in 2fghanistan, Biidchistan, 4c.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
thinks, was given to them with some special has a mark upon it which was perhaps intended object.
for the Moon, on Fig. 3 is what looks like a These stones take another form in Scandina- Sun. Fig. 2 is a monolith of the same nature via, of which three or four specimens exist in from the summit of Pandakolt. Fig. 4 is anthe Museum of Antiquities at Stockholm; but other stone from Chandeswar in the same disit seems an open question whether they can be trict." Fig. 5 is a stone from Tartary given in considered to be saiva stones. They perfectly front and side face, and Fig. 6 is from correspond with a description given by M. the island of Naxos in Greece. The two Liligren of certain stones in a passage he quotes last bear a strange resemblance to each other; from & manuscript by M. Schöning, Bishop of but it is a still more singular circumstance to Throndhjem, relating to a custom which existed find the same type of stones existing in Europe, in Norway at the end of the XVIIIth Century. and still used as a place of pilgrimage by M. Schöning says, " at the farm of Qualset in women." A specimen is given in Plate X. taken the Telemarken district, two stones were still from a sketch made for me by a friend some preserved at the end of the last century of the years ago. This statue is known as the Venus.de form of loaves of common rye-bread, that is Quinipily, and is situated near Baud Morbihan to say, round and convex on their upper side. in Brittany. Black, in his Guide to Brittany, These stones were so much esteemed, that they describes it thus :-“It is a nude rudelywere placed upon sents of honour and bathed formed stone statae, about eight feet high, regularly with milk, and butter, and at Christmas standing against a slab. The thighs are distoatered with fresh beer."
proportionately thick, and the arms disproporThere are yet other kinds of sacred stones tionately thin. Round her waist is a narrow some of which are still in use in India, and of girdle, the ends of which fall down in front. which examples still exist in Europe, vis, stone The hands are crossed over the body. The circles, monoliths and stone implements. statue stands on a pedestal nine feet high
In one of Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac's papers on rising from the front of a terrace over a dilathe rock sculptures and monoliths of Kamaun, pidated fountain. From the flatness of the which he has permitted me to use, he mentions features some have supposed it to have an a stone circle on the summit of Pandakoll, (a Egyptian origin, but the probability is that it mountain rising to the height of nearly 8,000 does not date later than the 16th Century, when feet above the sea) within which four monoliths it was an object of impure rites among the are standing. This monument consists of an Bretons," outer and an inner circle of stones. The outer In Brittany, certain upright blocks of stone circle, 16 feet in diameter, is composed of rough
called menhirs have in some districts been stones piled one upon the other, with larger placed in rows of ten or even more lines, forming stones at the entrance. The inner circle, 8 feet thus an avenue leading to a dolmen, or tomb in diameter, is made partly of large stones about of some ancient chief and his family. Other 3 feet in height, and partly of smaller ones, stones again have been placed singly in elevated The entrance is to the south. In England the positions and are somewhat conical in form. stone circles of Stonehenge and of Avebury in They much resemble the Saiva stones of India. Wilts are well known, and similar monuments Near St, Renan, and about 12 miles from exist in the Channel Islands, viz. in Guernsey, Brest, is a monolith called the Menhir of Kerand on the island of Herm.
gloas, said to be the finest in Brittany. It is a Mr. Rivett-Carnac, when describing the four ! quadrangular stone of brownish granite, 19 feet monoliths on Pandakoli, Plate VII., figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, in circumference and 39 feet in height above says, "No priest lives on the hill, which is too ground, tapering slightly towards the top. It is cold, jungly and inaccessible for a lengthened about 2 feet thick at the ends, and 4 feet sojourn, but a fair is, I learn, held there in at the centre. On its east and west sides, at the spring, when many pilgrims visit it, chiefly a height of from 2 to 3 feet from the ground, childless women." He goes on to say: "Fig. 1 is & circular protuberance or bobs. On and
At any rate this is the case with the Menhir of Kergioms in France.

Page #145

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
Plate
9.
M
2
· FROM BENARES. 2. FROM GOVARDHAN.
3. FROM ARZON, MORBIHAN, BRITTANY.
4. TYPE OF MONOLITH COMMON IN SOUTHERN RUSSIA.

Page #146

ASIATIC SYMBOLISM
Plato ro.
BRANI
LKY
ONDERSTEUNINET
enn
REKUPNS
K
MUM
Se
What
Www
LA VENUS DE QUINIPILY, NEAR BAUD MORBIHAN.
BRITTANY.

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MAY, 1886.]
around these two places it has an almost polished appearance, whereas the rest of the stone is covered with a fine short species of lichen, caused by the action of the winds from the Atlantic. Female pilgrims are said to visit it at the present day, and very probably a habit of rubbing the lower part of the monolith has produced its peculiar appearance. It is worthy of remark that the eastern boss seems to be the favoured one. The Rev. W. C. Lukis, in his Guide to the Chambered Barrows of South Brittany, when speaking of an enormous menhir near Locmuriquer, now broken into three fragments, but which would, if entire, be 67 ft. 6 in. long, 13 ft. 6 in. in its widest part, and 7 ft. 6 in. thick, says: "About 658 A.D. the Council of Nantes decreed that all venerated stones or objects of superstitious devotion amongst the people should be demolished. Some have thought that this menhir was rudely thrown down and broken in pieces in obedience to the order of this Council; others again, that it either fell or was injured by lightning."
The following description of a cromlech on the Island of Anglesea, by Captain Lukis, brother of the author just quoted, is a most interesting one in the present connection. Captain Lukis, who is of the opinion that such monolithic monuments of Great Britain were connected with the religious worship of the prehistoric stone builders, wrote in 1860: "I have had another day at Brin-celle Dhu, as it is styled in the Ordnance Map, or Yr Ogof (The Cave), as it is called on the Island of Anglesea. I found a rude pavement of rough slabs and immediately beneath it a thick bed of small beach pebbles. I also measured an extraordinary stone pillar, which is on the right side of the chamber in a slanting direction towards the South, and found it to be exactly 9 feet in length, with a circumference in its thickest part,-for it tapers upwards, -of 14 feet 10 inches. This leaning pillar bore evidence of having been disturbed at the base on the southern side, but I do not conceive that when in its proper upright position it could have touched the under surface of the covering stones. On reasoning on the singularity of this pillar within the prin. cipal chamber, so very unlike the props of construction around the place, it cannot be con
ASIATIC SYMBOLISM.
121
sidered to be for the purpose assigned to stone pillars or supports, which are sometimes found in cromlechs. In the monument of Dehus (or De Tus) in the Island of Guernsey, the rude pillar beneath the second cap-stone was evidently placed therein to support a flaw or crack which was found to endanger the covering stonein other instances also this has been the casebut in all of them the reason of the cromlech builders is clear and evident. At Yr Ogof we find a pillar with a regular abraded surface, almost polished in some parts, and gradually reduced upwards. Its character is so different from those on record, that we are forced to assign some other reason for its introduction into the main chamber. Another abraded pillar stands at the eastern end of the avenue-covered way. It is more rude and irregular than that of the chamber, and stands near a small side cist which appears to be an addition to the chief cromlech.. ... I can only say that the pillars at Yr Ogof assimilate greatly with the styles of the Hindus, although there may be some deeper meaning in placing them within the chamber of the dead."
Plate XI. is a sketch of a menhir discovered. some years ago near Pont l'Abbé in Brittany. It was found buried in a field near the village of Lescomil, and is now in the grounds of the Chateau de Kernuz, belonging to M. de Chatellain. The height of this monolith is about 10 feet, it is about 4 feet 2 inches in diameter at the base, and 18 inches in diameter at the top. Its base is encircled by sculptured figures, each about 4 feet 3 inches in height, and arranged in four compartments. In one is the figure of Mercury, in another of Hercules, in a third of Mars, and in a fourth, which is much defaced, are the figures of Venus and Adonis (?). In Plate VIII. figs. 1 and 3, are representations of two rade sculptured stones in the Island of Guernsey. Fig. 1, the Lady of St. Martin's, now stands at the entrance to St. Martin's churchyard, and fig. 3 is beneath a tree in the churchyard of Câtel parish. This last was found a few years ago under the flooring of the chancel of Câtel Church, when it was being relaid. It is similar in character to the Lady of St. Martin's, but is much more defaced. One cannot fail to be struck with the great resemblance in type
1. Similar ones form the flooring of some of the dolmens in Brittany.

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which these two figures bear to those from Tartary and Greece shown in Plate VII. Plate VIII. fig. 2 is a monolith in the parish of St. Peter's in the Wood, Guernsey. Fig. 4 is a stone with a boss, upon which an incised cross, now let into a low garden-wall belonging to a house in St. Martin's parish. Fig. 5 is another incised stone built into an old archway at St. Clare on the same Island.
In the South of Russia similar rude stone statues abound, and Plate IX. fig. 4 is a reproduction of a drawing sent to me from the neighbourhood of Ekaterinoslav. Stone images of this character have also been found in great numbers on mounds in the Steppes. Most of them are still upright, and as far as I have been able to learn, are all female figures; but my informant, a Russian lady, imagines that they were not all intended to represent the same goddess. Her reason is that these statues, for such they are apparently, are of different dimensions and are not much alike, in so far as their obliterated features allow a likeness to be traced. The hair behind, too, is not always arranged in the same manner;-some have one plait, others two plaits, not unfrequently tied together at the ends. My informant further tells me that "These idols were certainly worshipped in our country (Russia) at a very remote period, and it is even thought that human beings were sacrificed to them, because in many places quantities of bones have been found heaped up near them." The statues are from seven to eight feet in height, but I have been unable to ascertain of what kind of stone they are made. The only information I have been able to procure on this head is, that the material is of a dark-brown colour, and has a yellowish tint in places; also that the stone appears to be of a slightly porous nature: but neither this nor any other kind of stone exists on the Steppes in question. There is a great deal of granite in the bed of the Dneiper, but in the district now under discussion for hundreds of miles there is no material even for making roads, yet an immense number of these statues on mounds exist there and are the only landmarks which the traveller meets with.
[MAY, 1886.
was in India at the time of the Mutiny, and had been accustomed from his earliest childhood to such objects, told me that during his residence there he recognized some celts in a grave near Allahâbâd placed on a rectangular altar. This altar was built up of square stones surmounted by a thin slab, and from its centre rose a short stylus against which the five celts were leaning;-three firmly fixed and two detached. Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac, Head of the Opium Department in the North-West Provinces, and a keen observer during his annual camping tours over various parts of those Provinces, has kindly permitted me to make use of a paper he wrote on this subject, and which was published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1882. The celts, figured in Plate XIII., were, I believe, all found by him in the Bånda district, and their preservation is very possibly owing to their having been used as Saiva stones.
Within the last few years, the attention of Europeans in India has been drawn to the celts, and other stone implements of various kinds and forms to be found there. Captain Lukis, who
As far as his investigations have as yet been carried, no such stone implements have been found in use in the present day, even amongst the most backward of the aboriginal tribes in India. None of the natives seem to understand or to be able to explain their use, they rather regard them as wonderful, mysterious, and even holy-in fact, with the same feeling as they regard anything old and rare-just as of certain beads which they occasionally find in Oudh after the rains, the people say, "We did not make them, God made them." When turned up deep out of the earth by the plough, the celt is supposed by them to be a thunderbolt fallen from heaven. The finder usually places it under the village pipal tree (ficus religiosa), sometimes sanctifying it with a daub of red paint, and thus converting it into one of the emblems of Śiva. Curious to relate, the older people in the Island of Guernsey when they find a celt look upon it as a thunderbolt. Within living memory they used to build such a stone into the wall of a new house or barn, in the belief that thus the building would be protected from lightning. It is said that the younger generation are becoming more enlightened, and that this superstition is dying out by degrees. In Plate XIV. are celts found in Guernsey for comparison with those of India.
A friend, now residing in Guernsey, obtained, a few years ago, a small celt from a farmer in the island of Sark, which this latter firmly

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Plate u
SW
3
R
ven
MONOLITH NEAR PONT L'ABBÉ, BRITTANY.
SCALE .os

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1.
SYMBOLISM.
2.
O
SCALE. $125. THE TOLVEN.
NEAR GWEEK, CONSTANTINE,
CORNWALL.
SCALE. 416.
THE MEN-AN-TOL, MADRON, CORNWALL,
LOOKING S.W.
Plate 12.

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believed was a thunderbolt. Not long previously, during a heavy thunderstorm, one of the farmer's cows, which was grazing in a field, was strack on the shoulder by lightning and killed instantly. The animal was afterwards found sunk on its knees, stiff and rigid. Its owner's immediate impulse was to dig into the earth Yoand about this spot to find the thunderbolt which had caused the cow's death. Strange to Bay, the celt, a small green one, which my friend now possesses, was found near the head of the cow, and the farmer and his wife were both fully persuaded that it had fallen from heaven and destroyed the animal, nor did my friend's reasonings to the contrary have any effect in disabusing them of this idea.
In one of the carvings from the Sañchi Stupa, as reproduced by Mr. Fergusson in his Tres and Serpent Worship, is & figare holding an axe which is fixed on to the handle by cross bands, in the same manner in which it is believed the stone celts were hafted. Mr. Cockburn, Mr. Rivett-Carnao's coadjutor in his labours, found & carving at Kalañjar, which is evidently very ancient. It represents a human figure holding in the right hand an implement which closely resembles a stone celt fixed into a wooden handle. But Mr. Rivett-Carnac seems puzzled to conceive how a very large celt in his collection, which weighs opwards of 8 lbs., could have been hafted and used as a stone implement. May not this object, however, have been intend. ed not for use, but for ornament, and planted before the hut of a chief on a bamboo pole as a symbol of authority, as is customary with the people of the South Sea Islands P Similar large celts have been found in Scandinavia, and the Director of the Ethnological Museum in Copenhagen conjectured that such was their use. I have recently had the pleasure of finding that this idea is probably correct, from viewing in a private collection some colossal celts brought from the South Sea Islands by one who had seen them thus employed.
Plate XIII. fig. 9 is a polished celt, which from its form is one of the most interesting in this collection. It has two notches about half way from the cutting edge which were evidently made for the purpose of binding it to a handle, and tho opposite directions of the planes of the notehes indicate that the binding was carried round it.
Both in India, in Scandinavia, in Brittany, and in the Channel Islands, the stones of which celts have been made are of various kinds, and consequently of various degrees of hardtiens. Some are of sandstone, others of flint or of diorite, others again of hard black basalt, or of a kind of stone which does not exist at all in the neighbourhood in which the celts have been found : e.g., a celt found in Guernsey is made of a material known to exist in no nearer country than Hungary, which would seem to indicate that certain implements of this nature were much prized and carried about on the person. The manufacture of celts gradually increased in perfection. The earliest specimens had no polish, but to some of the later ones, in spite of the hardness of the material, a very high degree of polish has been given. In Captain Lukis' collection is a most beautiful and typical celt of this kind; it is made of a very hard kind of stone, deeply grooved on either side, and highly polished. The Comte de Limur, & wellknown French antiquarian, has said of some of the Indian celts that they so closely resemble in this respect those dug out of the tumuli of Carnac and other parts of Brittany, that had they not been marked out for him, be would not have been able to distinguish the one from the other.
Mr. Rivett-Carnac says that one or two partly polished basalt celts have been found in the South Mirzapur district. They are about the length of the fore-finger, and resemble in shape and size a jade knife from the Lakedwellings of Constance, which Dr. Fischer sent him, and which is now in the Indian Museum for comparison with the Indian types.
Plate XIII. fig. 12, is a celt of polished diorite from Robert's Ganj in the Mirzapur District which considerably resembles in form a village Mahadeo, and this may account for its being found in a shrine so far to the East of India, ms the habit of preserving celts under trees is not general in the Mirzapur district.
Sometimes a number of ordinary celts are. found in India heaped up beneath or near a pipal tree in the manner above described, which the owners will (80 Mr. Rivett-Carnac says) readily part with, but they will not give up any which they have decorated with colour. Mr. Cockburn once found as many as 23 celta during a search of one hour, and altogether,

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since their attention has been drawn to this of India have always regarded the lotus as a subject, he and Mr. Rivett-Carnac have found symbol of creative power. It has from all time Bome hundreds of all types and sizes, and been held sacred by them and might consesimilar in form to many which have been quently be considered by the Buddhists discovered in Europe and America. Mr. suitable receptacle in which to deposit such a preRivett-Carnac's later finds appear to differ cious relic. Again, a curious old brass object in slightly in form from the flint implements and my possession, bought in the bázár at Benares, arrow-heads which he found in Central India seems to afford an almost certain proof that this in 1864, but I would venture to assert that explanation is a correct one. At the base of it is all have their counterparts in objects of a a boll, an emblem of Siva, from whose back rises like nature, which have been found in most a lotus bad, which, on a couple of turns being countries and may be seen in alınost every I given to it, opens its petals and discloses a small museum in Europe, and which were used as agate egg. Behind the bull is a cobra, with its weapons by primitive peoples before they body elevated as if in the act of striking. A became acquainted with metals.
ring which it holds in its month, serves to One of the smaller celte found by Mr. support a small pointed vase which is perforated Rivett-Carnac has been fixed into a handle of at its lower end. If this vessel be filled with stag's-horn, like those found in the Swiss lake. water, the liquid slowly drops upon the egg in dwellings. He had it sharpened, and says the centre of the flower, and thus a libation that it now chops wood as efficiently as a small is poured on the jewel in the flower of the lotus, iron axe.
About the word mari as signifying & sacred It is well known that the Buddhista of stone or lines of stones : it seems to me to Western Tibet and of the Labanl Valley make survive in Europe in place names. If we walls of stones at the entrances to their vil- study a local map of Brittany, we cannot fail lages styled manis, which are occasionally a to be struck with the frequent recurrence quarter of a mile in length, but are never more of Mané, as the prefix to various sites on than four feet in height and the same in width. which are dolmens or megalithic monuments, On the top of these walls numerous inscribed M. Henri Martin, in his Etudes Archæologiques stones are loosely laid, placed there as memo- Celtiques, explains Mané to be the augmenrials of the dead, or when starting on a journey, tation of men or maen, stone :-e.g, menhir, registering a vow, or entering upon any import- great-stone. And he adds that it designates ant undertaking. The person who requires equally an artificial mound, or the summit of a one for any of the above purposes, chooses & mountain, smooth stone, and takes it to one of the local
No. V. monasteries, where a priest usually engraves
Some Ideas about the Future Life. upon it the sacred sentence " On mani padmd Wherever the doctrine of annihilation has ht" which has been translated to mean "All not prevailed, mankind has had in all ages, hail to the jewel in the flower of the lotus." and still retains, the belief that the soul and This sentence appears to be an unmeaning one the body are distinct, and that the soul has to at first sight, but the key to its meaning is, I go through a process of purification, or a season believe, to be fonnd in Ceylon, where a supposed of probation after the decease of the body, in tooth of Buddha, kept in a temple at Kandy, order to atone for evil deeds committed by the in seven or more cases of gold or silver gilt, latter when on earth. These ideas are most in the form of a stupa or tumulus, is an object widely spread. We find them amongst Musalhighly venerated. This tooth, which some mâns and Hindus, amongst the ancient Greeks, Europeans have imagined from its shape and in Sweden, in Germany, in Northern America, size to be that of an alligator, rests within a in the Island of Formosa, in the Fiji Islands, golden lotus flower and may well be likened and in many other portions of the world. to a jewel in the flower of the lotus. From its The process of atonement in a future world peculiar mode of shedding its seeds the natives implies a journey thither, and the nature of that
The natives of the districts of Hangrang in the Batluj Valley, of Spiti, and of Ladak, -in short wherever
Buddhism prevails in the Himblaym, always po those piles of stones som to have them on their right hand.

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6
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11
10
8
00
12
Plate 13.
STONE CELTS FROM THE BANDA AND MIRZAPUR DISTRICTS.

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Plate 14.
STONE CELTS FROM GUERNSEY.

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journey has naturally been a source of speculation and thence of belief. This belief has in its turn given rise to ceremonies mainly aimed at giving relief to the traveller along the dreaded and unknown road, I will here only refer to that form of the ghostly journey which makes the body pass over water. Thus Greeks had their Styx, Akherôn and Kokytos, over which souls were ferried by Charon, and it was their custom to plant asphodel around the tombs of the deceased, as its seeds were believed to be capable of affording nourishment to the dead.
The northern nations of Europe formerly believed that their dead bad to cross over water to the future home in boats or ships. In Scandi- navia bodies were for this reason sometimes buried in ships, and a large boat containing the bones and weapons of a deceased chief was found a few years ago near the Sonde Fjord in Norway, Sweden has popular legends to the same effect. Thus Odin is fabled to have conveyed the slain from Brahalla to Valhalla in a golden ship. Popular opinion of old, again, in Germany, assigned Great Britain, as being across the water, as the Land of Souls. To this day also it is said to be the custom in the parish of Plougnel on the River Treguire in Brittany, for corpses to be conveyed to the churchyard by boat over a narrow arm of the sea, called Passage de l'Enfer, instead of taking them by the shorter land route. It is still a common notion in the East that the Boals of the dead must pass over water, or over a bridge before they can arrive at their final resting-place. In the native State of Chamba, in the Pañjab Himalayas, there is such a bridge, over which all corpses must be carried on their way to the burning ghay near the river where the bodies are cremated, and though there is another perfectly easy and safe path, the bearers of the dead always traverse this perilous causeway, which is hardly more than eighteen inches wide and not protected at the sides in any way. The people of Chamba are Hindûs. The Muhammadans have also their As-Sirat, a sharp bridge, which they believe to be laid over the middle of hell, and which
must be crossed by all at the close of the solemn judgment, whether they are destined for paradise, or for the place of torment." A profession of faith in this is as follows: “We most heartily believe and hold it for certain that all mankind must go over the sharp bridge, which is as long as the earth, and no broader than the thread of a spider's web, and of a height proportioned to its length. The just shall pass it like lightning, but the wicked, for want of good works, will be an age in performing it. They will fall and precipitate themselves into hell fire with blasphemers and infidels, with men of little faith and bad conscience, with those who have not had virtue enough to give alms. Yet some just persons will go over it quicker than others, who will now and then be tried upon the commands which they have not duly observed in this life. How dreadful will this bridge appear to us! What virtue, what inward grace of the Most High will be required to get over it! How earnestly shall we look for that favour! What deserts, what venomous creatures shall we not find on our road! What hunger, drought, and weariness shall we endure ! What anxiety, grief and pain shall attend those who do not think of this dangerous passage ! Let .us, beg of God to grant us, with bodily health, the grace not to go out of this life loaded with debts, for the Arabians often say, and with good reason, that no obstacle is so hidden, as that which we cannot overcome by any expedient or artificial contrivance whatever."
The Egyptian Land of the Dead was in the West, and they placed their tombs, whenever it was possible, on the West bank of the Nile. As the funeral procession of the mourners moved forward, their constant cry was, "To the West, to the West." "When the tombs were, as in most cases, on the West bank of the Nile, the Nile was crossed, when they were on the Eastern shore, the procession passed over a sacred lake." The soul of the dead man was supposed to journey to the under world by a water progress.
This notion of a journey over water after death is common also to savage races of the present day. The inhabitants of the Island of Formosa imagine that the souls of wicked men are
10 This custom most evidently arise from the old Hindu beliel in Vaitarent, the swift river of hell, composed of Alth, blood, and ordure, which must be crossed by hold. ing on to soow's tail as it swims over: a belief which has given rise to many donthroustoma in ane at the pre-
sent day.-ED.)
11 The notion of Ar-Sirat is to be found also in the Zoroastrian and Jowish systems; whence no doubt Muhammad borrowed it.-ED.]
R. . Poolo-Contemporary Review for Aug. 1881.

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tormented after death, and cast headlong into entrance to the infernal regions. In Asia also a bottomless pit full of mire and dirt, and that the dog is associated with the death or funeral the souls of the virtaous pass with pleasure ceremonies. The Parsis place a dog in the and safety over it upon a narrow bamboo bridge chamber of a dying person to serve as the which leads directly to a gay paradise, where soul's escort to heaven. According to their they revel in all kinds of sensual enjoyment, but belief, the soul arrives at the bridge Chinavat, that when the souls of the wicked attempt to pass where the gods and the unclean spirits fight along this bridge, they fall over on one side of it. for the possession of it. If the soul be that Some of the American Indians have a tradition of righteous person it is defended by the that they must go southwards to seek the Land other pure souls, and by the dogs that guard of Souls. According to the Eurocs, an untutored the bridge. In Buddhist countries, too, sometribe in Northern California, the bright rivers, what similar idea prevails. A very large and sunny slopes, and great forests of their paradise savage breed of dogs is kept in certain of are separated from the earth by a deep chasm, the lama-sardis or monasteries in order that which good and wicked alike must cross on & they may eat the bodies of the dead," which is thin slippery pole. The former soon reach the deemed the most honourable form of burial in goal, aided doubtless by the Good Spirit as well Ladak or Western Tibet. In 1876 when passas by the fire lighted on the grave by mourning ing through Lama Yuru, a few marches only friends; but the latter have to falter unaided from Leh, I went over the LAma Monastery along the shivering bridge, and many are the there. Some of these fierce dogs tried to nights that pass before their friends venture to spring out upon our party, and it seemed to dispense with the beacon, lest the soul miss the os that even their owners did not trust them, path, and fall into the dark abyss. Nor do and had much difficulty in restraining their they hold that retribution ends with the ferocious instincts. peril and anxiety of the passage, for they l A very curious instance of the idea that think that many are liable to return to some form of absolution is necessary after the earth as birds, beasts, and insects. After death for sins done in the body occurred in 40 years' residence as a missionary in India in the 14th century; the actors were Samon, one of the Pacific Islands, Dr. George Muhammadans. Tagblaqabad, near the modern Turner, in & work recently published, says city of Dehli, was founded by Ghiâsü'ddin
that the inhabitants of this island held that Tughlaq Shah, who reigned 1321-1325 A.D., tho souls of dead Samoans started for Palsta
and was succeeded by his son Muhammad the spirit world, through two circular holes near Shah Taghlaq, an accomplished prince, but a the beach, the larger hole being for the souls man most unscrupulous in his actions. He is of cbiefs, and the lesser one for those of com- credited with having, among other crimes, commoners. They went under the sea till they passed the death of his father. When he came came to a land where all things were very much to the throne he was the most inhuman and as they had been on earth. Chiefs looked for tyrannical of all the Pathan Sovereigns of India, ward with pride to the use of their bodies as and many of his cruelties were witnessed by his pillars in the house of the Samoan Pluio." cousin Firoz Shih Taghlaq (called also Bárbak)
Connected with this journey of the dead is who ascended the throne on his death in 1351 an attendant dog, whose existence is believed in A.D., and sought by a most singular method East and West in widely separated lands. It to cancel some of his predecessor's sins. The is a popular belief throughout all that part of words of Firoz himself, as related by Farishta, France which formed the ancient Armorica, that who took them from an inscription on a large the dead betake themselves at the moment of Mosque at Firozabad, are as follows:their departure to the parish priest of Braspar," "I have taken pains to discover the surviving whose dog escorts them to Great Britain. In relations of all persons who suffered from the the ancient Scandinavian mythology, a fabulous wrath of my late Lord and Master, Muhammad dog called Garmr was believed to guard the Tughlaq, and having pensioned and provided
A small place about 30 miles South-East of Brest, and Only the friends of the richer people can afford distant about ten miles from the sea as the crow flies. this.

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for them, have caused them to grant their full pardon and forgiveness to that prince in the presence of the holy and learned men of this age, whose signatures and seals as witnesses are affixed to the documents, the whole of which, as far as lies in my power, have been procured and put into a box and deposited in the vault in which Muhammad Tughlaq is entombed." These papers were intended to serve as vonchers of free pardon from all whom the dead man bad deprived of a nose, of a limb, or of sight, and were placed near him in order that he might pick them up at the last day; for according to Muhammadan belief every offence has a double aspect-in its relation first to God, and then to man. In the latter case, pardon given by the injured one is believed to reduce some portion of its future punishment.
I have read that a somewhat similar custom is in use among the Christians of the Greek Church, and that they are in the habit of putting into the hands of a deceased person at his interment a written form of absolution, which is understood to be a discharge in full from all the sins which he has committed during life.
The notion of certifying to the Deity the virtues of the deceased is widely spread. It is said to be customary amongst the Laplanders for six of the most intimate friends of the deceased to place a dead body in a coffin, after wrapping it in linen, with the face and hands left uncovered. In one hand they put a purse with some money to pay the fee of the porter at the gate of Paradise; in the other, a certificate signed by the priest, directed to St. Peter, to witness that the deceased was a good Christian. A superstition of the same nature is held by the people of the Fiji Islands. They worship a god they call Ndengei under the form of a large serpent, and believe that immediately after death the spirit of the deceased person goes to him for purification or to receive sentence, but that it is, however, not permitted to all spirits to reach the judgment-seat of Ndengei. They say that an enormous giant, armed with an axe, is constantly upon the watch on the road thither, ready to attack and wound all who attempt to pass him, and that no wounded
31 These documents, were it possible to obtain them, would doubtless be most interesting.
Bandras is the most favoured spot for this.
33 About a half-penny.
[This is the ordinary Hindû expression for "salva
127
person can go forward to Ndengei, but is doomed to wander about in the mountains. To escape unscathed from the giant's axe Another is ascribed solely to good luck. development of the idea is to be found in India, where a portion of the pujd or worship gone through occasionally by Hindus" is called tarpan. It is a form of absolution for the souls of deceased ancestors and friends, but it can be performed by the male sex only.
The Brahmans have long ago made use of the notion of the necessity of providing for the needs of a future life to farther their own present comforte, and Maurice rightly remarks, "Great rewards are promised to those that are charitable (towards the Brahmans), inasmuch as they believe that if a man performs the first kind of dán (pujú or worship which consists in giving away his own weight in gold or silver) he is ordained to remain in Paradise for one hundred million kalpas or periods of Brahmâ, and that when he re-assumes a human form, he will become a mighty monarch." This particular phase of "good-works" has in modern times taken a most eccentric and objectionable form. There is a class of Hindû ascetics in the Panjab, who call themselves Suthreshâhis, from their founder, a faqir named Suthrâ, who lived in the time of Aurangzeb (1658 to 1707 A.D.) Their legend is, that hearing that he could perform wonders, the Emperor summoned the faqir to his presence and told him that any favour he might ask should be granted, on which he requested that he and his followers might be permitted to go about begging unmolested and freely, and that every shopkeeper should be made to pay them not less than one paisú. His followers still continue their profitable trade, and are noted for their indolence, intemperance and excesses. They carry two short sticks and walk through the bázárs, beating these together until money is given them, nor will they pass on till they get it, sitting dharnú, as it is called, for hours and even days till their demands are satisfied. On receiving alms, they say to the shopkeeper, "May Baba Nanak Shah (the founder of the Sikh religion) take your boat safely over the river of life."'"*
tion," or even for ordinary human "sucress." For notes on the Suthreshâhis see Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I. notes 388, 544, 612; see also ante, p. 125, Note on the River Vaitarapi.-ED.]

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from Vol. XIV. p. 274.)
XXXII.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz Khan on his return from his western campaign encamped again on the Irtish, and in the autumn of the year of the Hen, i.e. 1225, he returned once more to his head-quarters in the black forest on the river Tala,' He was on his way home when news reached him of the death of his eldest son, Juchi. We have seen how after the capture of Khwârizm Juchi had retired to the steppes of Kipchak in an irritated mood. There he spent his time in hunting instead of subduing the neighbouring tribes inhabiting Ibir Sibir, Bulgaria, Kipchak, Bashguardia, Russia, and Circassia, as his father had ordered him. Irritated at him for not obeying his commands in this respect, Chinghiz had sent several summonses to him to go to his presence. He had excused himself on the ground of his ill-health, and he was, in fact, unwell. One day when he was changing his camp he reached a place where there was plenty of game, and being himself ill he ordered his beks to go hunting. A Mangut, who had recently been in his country and seen this hunt, in which he supposed Juchi was taking part, reported that he was not really ill. Chinghiz, who was naturally enraged, prepared to compel his obedience by force, and Chagatai and Ogotai had already set out with some troops, and he was preparing to follow when news arrived that he was dead. This was in 1224, and Juchi was then 48 years old, He was buried near Seraili." We are told Chinghiz was greatly distressed at his son's death, and wanted to punish the Mangut who had brought false intelligence, but he could not be found. The Shajrat'ul-4trak says, "Chinghiz would never hear anything to the disparagement of Juchi, and when the news of his death arrived none of the amirs had the hardihood to inform him of his loss, for he had threatened that anyone who mentioned his death should himself be put to death. They at length all assembled, and it was
note.
Op. cit. p. 149.
Rashidu d-din, quoted by D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 359,
[MAY, 1886.
determined that Alagh Jirji or Georgi (?), who was one of Chinghiz's companions, should tell him while he was performing the duties of bejur (?); and therefore on that occasion he said to him, 'O king! the sea is defiled or troubled, and who can purify or compose it? O my king! a great commander has fallen from his throne, and who has power to raise him up and restore him ?' Chinghiz replied, 'If the sea is troubled my son Juchi is the only person who can still it, and if a great commander has fallen from his throne Juchi alone can raise him up and re-establish him.' Alugh Jirji having repeated what he had said with tears in his eyes, Chinghiz asked him why he wept, and what was the occasion of his sorrow, which made him also sorrowful. Jirji replied, 'I have no power to disclose the cause of my grief. Thou hast said it; thy orders be with thyself, O king; thy penetration has disclosed my secret.' Thereupon it is reported that Chinghiz Khân said, 'Like the wild ass pursued by hunters and separated from its young, so am I, and like a fool who seeks friendship among his enemies, and abandons his friends, so am I, separated from my brave and worthy children.' The amirs thereupon each took his station, and performed the mourning ceremonies for the death of Juchi Khân."
Chinghiz now prepared for his last campaign, in which he revenged himself upon the king of Hia or Tangat for various grievances, of which we have the following accounts:-In the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi we read that before he set out on his western campaign he sent a messenger to Burkhân, the ruler of Tangut, saying, "You have promised to be to me as my right hand. Now that the people of Khoikhoi (the Muhammadans), have killed my envoys, and I go to require satisfac. tion from them, be my right hand." One of the grandees of Tangut, named Ashaganhu, then sneeringly said, "If you are not strong enough, then do not be a king," Aid was accordingly refused, and Chinghiz, when he heard of this, had declared that although it
Serai on the Akhtaba. p. 141 and note 1.
Op. cit. pp. 222-224.
Abu'lghasi, Ed. Desmaisons, D'Ohsson, p. 354. i.e. send a contingent.

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was difficult for him to revenge himself then, he would not fail to do so on his return from the wont.' Bat according to the Yuan-thi-lei-pien the king of Tangat had given refage to two great onemies of the Mongols, one called Sunkoenki, and the other Chelaho. Chinghiz complained bitterly of this, but the king of His made no amends, and even employed these two runaways. The Yuan-shi says that Chinghiz aconsed him of sheltering his onomy Shilga kaankhon, and of refus ing to give his son as a hostage. According to the Siria Shu-shi or special history of Tangut, during the absence of Chinghiz Khan in the west there. had been a conspiracy against him among the Tatars with black carts, who tried to secure the aid of the people of Tangat in their revolt. The account adds that the ruler of Hin had secretly plotted against Chinghiz, and sought aid outside, and in consequence Bolu, son of Mu-khu-ti, had been ordered to wage waragainst him." The Altan Topoki and Ssanang Setsen report carious sacs bo the effect that the king of Tangat had a brown-coloured dog with a black muzzlo which was Whabilghan, and had the power of foresoeing things. When it barked with a loud voice it meant that no danger was impending, whilo when it whined it signified that some foo was threatening. During Ohinghiz Khan's absence in the west, this dog had continually whined. The king, who fan. ciod all danger was passed, urged that the dog was getting old and had lost its cunning, and lived accordingly in a false security."
Li-tsun-hin, king of Hia, had died in 1223, and beon succeeded by his aon Li-te', called Terwang by Douglas, who says his father abdicatod in his favour." Erdmann bays that in the tongue of the Tangutans he was called Iran." Rashfdu'd-din agrees with the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setuen in calling him Shidargho. This name also occurs, as we shall 380, in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. Palladius says the word means an owl or a fierce bird." Schmidt says it is a Mongol word meaning
straightforward, open, and answering to the Tibetan srong."
Tangut with Tibet have long been lands of romantic interest to the surrounding nomads from their quasi-sacred and mystical character as the homes of the most flourishing forms of Northern Buddhism, and this is reflected in the sagas that have been reported about it by the later writers, such as the author of the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Ssetron. They both connect Chinghiz Khan's last campaign there with a romantic story about #beautiful wife of the Tangutan ruler. They tell us that when the latter heard how Chinghiz had conquered China he sent Tortong, son of Bayan Sartaghor, with proposals to pay tribute, and to become his right-hand man. Chinghis accepted this, and sent the messenger back with presenta. On his return the Envoy passed the night at the house of Yabugha, of the tribe Taijint, as they sat together in the evening he spoke to his host and said, “Your Khakan seems indeed to be a son of the Tengri," but his wives are not so fair to look upon. The wife of our roler Shilaghan Kurbeljin Goa, the daughter of the Chinese janjiun Setzen Umadi, is so fair that with her light there is no need of & lamp." Chinghiz Khån, we are told, had had an intrigue with Möngülan Goe, Yabugha's wife, and she informed him of what she had heard abont the beauty of the queen of Tangat, and added that she must become his wife. Chinghiz now sent Shidurgho a mensage to say he was going on a campaign against Sartaghol," and asking him to march with him. Whereupon Shidurgho replied, "Sucha Khalan as this, who has subdued all peoples, is not surely in need of help. The lion, the king of beasta, is the strongest of all, and thoa, valiant Bogda and king of men, why dost thou need help P" Chinghiz, enraged at this answer, replied: "If I am spared I will give thee a fitting answer. The Tengri, my father, be my witness." Thereapon, says Ssanang Setzen," Wajir Setzen of the Khongkirad said, "My Lord, so long as boys are born and men come into being: so long as an iron
Op. cit. p. 150. Gaubil, pp. 48 and 49. . Hyacinthe, P. 183; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 370.
* They are identified with the Merkits by Palladius, on the ground that the latter in one passage in the Yuanshi arg qualified as Koko, i.e. blue or dark. This identification is, however, exceedingly doubtful.
u Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 600.
u Altan Topchi, p. 140; Ssanang Setson, P. 97, 13 DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 108, Douglas, p. 97. 1. Temudechin, &o. p. 439. » Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 614. 1. Seanang Setzen, pages 382 and 883, note 88. 11 i. e. of Heaven. 21 i. e. KhwArizm.
Altan Topchi, pp. 188-939, and Ssanang Setsen, p. 85.

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stirrap holds together speak not thus. Why do you speak of dying? May your life be prolonged! May all your enemies be conquered! May the number of your subjects increase! May the fame of your name spread everywhere!"30
The Altan Topchi has at this point a curious saga in reference to a supposed rivalry between Chinghiz and his brothers. It says that after his campaign in the west the Khormuzda" Tengri" sent him a jade vessel full of wine, an arshin in size. As he began to drink his younger brothers remarked, "The proverb says, To the oldest ten, to the youngest four.' Having appropriated the greater part of the contents of the vessel will not the commander leave us the dregs." Thereupon Chinghiz replied, "At my birth by order of Buddha there appeared in my hand a jade seal from the Empire of Dragons. Now I have received a great jade vessel full of wine. It appears to me I am its owner, but if you wish to drink take it. His brothers thereupon took the vessel and began to drink, but they could not swallow it. They thereupon returned it saying, "We unjustly demanded our portion when it was not ordained above that we should have it. Drink it your self, and appoint us divisional commanders." He accordingly emptied the vessel, which made him somewhat drunk, and continued, "At my birth the jade seal of the ruler of the Dragons appeared in my hand. Now the powerful Khormuzda has sent me down a jade vessel full of wine, an arshin in size. I am the raler appointed by God: we will go to war against the Tangutans."
The kingdom of Hia was then both powerfal and populous, and Chinghiz Khân made corresponding preparations, and, we are told, collected an army of 180,000 men; of these 40,000 Mongols were commanded by Chagatai; 30,000 others by Subutai and Chepe; 20,000 Khwarizmians under Ilenku, 20,000 Indians under Bela Noyan, 30,000 Jats and Kipchaks, ander Badru'd-din, whose grandfather had been put to death by Muhammad Khwarizm Shah, 30,000 other Khwarizmians under Danishmand, and a body of irregulars under the chief of the Uighurs."
[MAY, 1886.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz set out in the autumn of the year of the Dog (i.e. 1226), taking with him his wife, Yesui. During the winter he occupied himself with hunting in the district of Arbukha. The brick-coloured horse on which he rode, taking fright at a wild horse, threw him, and he fell and hurt himself. The army at once halted in the district Surkhat. On the next day his wife Yesui said to the princes and grandees, "During the night your sovereign was in a high fever; you had better hold a consultation." Thereupon they assembled, and one of them, Tolun, said, "The Tanguts are a settled people living in towns: they cannot move away: let us therefore return, and when our ruler has recovered we will come back again." The nobles all approved of this, and informed Chinghiz. The latter said,. "If we retire the Tangut people will inevitably think I am afraid of them. I will rest here and recruit. Let us send a messenger to them and hear what they say." A man was accordingly sent to the Tangutan ruler, who is here called Burkhan by our author, with the message, "You formerly promised to be to us as our right hand, but when I went against the Khoikhoi," you did not go with me; more than that, you reviled me. Now having conquered the Khoi-khoi, I demand satisfaction for your insults." Burkhan replied: "I never spoke defamatory words of you. Ashaganbu it was who made it appear I had done so. If you wish to fight with me then come to Kholanshan," but if you wish for gold, silver, and stuffs, for tribute in fact, come to Siliang for them.""" When the messenger returned and reported these words to Chinghiz he said, "Is it possible for us to retire after hearing such haughty words? If I die he shall pay for them. This I vow before the eternal heaven." Ssanang Setzen does not refer to these negotiations, but he has a saga referring to the hunting that took place at this time. He calls the place Khangkhai Khân, by which the range which forms the watershed between the Orkhon on the north, and the Onghin," and says that while hunting there Chinghiz remarked, "In this place there is a blue wolf and a white doe."
1927
so The phrase is not in the Altan Topchi.
1 i. e. the God Khormuzda. Seanang Betsen, p. 85. Erdmann, p. 489. i.e. the Muhammadans. 3 i.e. the mountain range west of the Yellow River, near which was the capital of His or Tangut.
More to the west, says Palladius.
11 Op. cit. pp. 149-150.
"The Tazek on the south is doubless meant.
"In the original Burtechino and Goa, meaning the two ancestors of the Mongol royal house.

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You must capture them alive, and not kill them. You will also meet a black man on & blue-grey horse. Take him also alive, and bring him to me." The three were duly cap- tured and brought before him. Chinghiz asked the man who he was, and why he was there. "I am a trusted friend of Shidurgho," he said, " and he has sent me to reconnoitre. My name is Khatarakchi Khara Budang, and in all Tangut there is none superior to me. I was captured unwares, while I laid my black head down to rest, and while my grey horse Gün Bolod," a racer, which no creature that has feet can catch, was tethered to the ground by his fore-feet." Then said Chinghiz, "You seem to be a brave man," and spared his life, adding: “They say your Khakan is a kubilghan; into what form can he change himself ?" The man answered, " In the morning he is a black-striped snake, then you cannot catch him ; at noon a tawny-striped tiger, and then also he is safe : but at night he converts himself into a beautiful youth and plays with his wife, then you can secure him."
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz first attacked Ashaganbu, who fled into a mountain fortress. His warriors were killed and his wealth appropriated, while his people were divided among tbe army." The same authority continues with a paragraph which is an anachronism, since Mu-khu-li was at this time dead. It says that while Chingbiz was passing the summer in the snowy mountains he sent the army in pursuit of Ashaganbu, which captured him and his people, who had retired more into the mountains. Chinghiz, we are told, presented Burchi and Mu-khu-li with some of the treasures, allowing them to take what they
llowing them to take what they would, and he farther said to them, "I have not yet distributed the prisoners taken from the Kin. You two divide equally the relatives of the Kin sovereign," let the fair youths be your falooners, and the pretty girls the servants of your wives. The former Kin rulers trusted them, and had them near their persons. They used to harm our ancestors. You are both akin to me, let them therefore serve you."
The snowy mountains of this notice answer apparently to the Morna Khân mountain of the Altan Topchi, and Ssanang Setzen, who report a characteristic saga in connection with it. They tell us that Chinghiz remarked of the place, “This would be a good rallying place for a broken people, and a good campingground for a peaceable people. It is a capital haunt for roebuck and bears." Noticing an ill-omened owl sitting on a tree Chinghiz told his brother, Juchi Khazar, who was a splendid shot, to shoot it. He fired, but the owl escaped and instead a magpie, which had dropped into the line of fire, was transfixed through the wing. This was deemed an ill-omen, and Chinghiz was very angry and had his brother arrested. Then came the Orluk princess to him, and said, “Master, the stains of the vile ought not to foul the purity of the good. The most worthy and distinguished often meet the fate of the worthless. The fate of the ill-omened owl has fallen upon the magpie. Let thy brother go." But Chinghiz had had his jealousy aroused by another incident, and would not consent. We are told that during the campaign one of his servants, named Bogol Mechin, said to him, “Thy brother, Khazar, being drunk, held thy wife, Kulan, by the hand." Thereupon Chinghiz sent his informer to Khazar to demand some eagles' feathers which he won. Khazar replied: "Although he is supreme I can get heron's feathers more easily than he" and gave him the feathers, bat the messenger would not take them on the ground that they were dirty. Presently Chingbiz sent again to demand some heron's feathers. Seeing & hawk flying by he asked the messenger where he should shoot it." In the black and yellow spot on his head," said the messenger. Khazar shot off the bird's head. Again the servant refused, saying that what they really wished for were eagle's feathers, which were more suited to a sovereign than those of the heron, besides, these were stained with blood." Chinghiz now upbraided Khazar with having insulted his wife, with having killed the magpie, and with not sending him such feathers as he wished. He had him bound
so Called Kara Boton in the Altan Topchi. 31 Called Kusibalat in the Altan Topchi.
» Altan Topchi, pp. 97-99. Sranang Setzen or Schmidt noem to have misunderstood the concluding clause, and thus made nonsense.
Op. cit. pp. 150-151. * ie. the In-jun or so-called natural relations, who
numbered 30,000.
* Op. cit. p. 157. 3. This is the version of the Allan Topchi. Seanang Setsen converts the haunt for bears into charming resting place for an old man.
" Sanang Setren oalls the first feathers those of heron, and the second of a hawk.

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by five people and led to a fence and fed on be affected with sores, while the females would the flesh of the wild Tibetan Yak."
be deserted by their husbands. The YuanThe details of the campaign are so varionsly shi-lei-pien further says Chinghiz captured all told that it is not easy to follow them. The the fortresses, which were very numerous, beYuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz on leaving tween Etzina, Ning hia," Kiayukoan and the snowy mountains passed through the town Kan-chau. of Urakhai.
Chinghiz now seems to have gone to pass the In February 1226 according to the Yuan- summer heats in the mountains of Khun-chu shi-lei-pion he captured Etzina, described by and then captured the towns of Su-chau and Marco Polo as situated a 12 days' ride from Kan-chan, situated respectively on the two rivers Kan-chau, towards the north on the verge of named above, which combine together to form the desert. De Guignes and Pauthier say the Etzina. The siege of Kan-chau was, Etzina is found in a map of Hia, of the according to the Kang-mu, marked by a curious Mongol period, and the latter adds that the incident. We are told it was governed by Kiatext of the map names it as one of the seven yêkielia, the father of the boy Chakhan" who lus or circuits of Kan-suh." Klaproth says the had been adopted by Chinghiz Khan as I river Thao-leu-kho, after joining the Khe-shni, described in an earlier chapter. Chakhan was which comes from the south-east from Kan-chau, ordered to communicate with his relatives. He takes the name Etzina and falls into the accordingly wrote a note to his younger brother, lakes Sabo and Sogo, the latter of which was saying he wanted to speak to him, which he in the Ming period still called I-dsi-nay-khai." fastened to an arrow and fired into the town. He, with great probability, puts the town of The boy was only 12 years. He appeared on the Etzina on this river. The Yuan-shi seems ramparts, but they would not let him leave to refer to this town ander the name Khe-shui. the place. Chakhan then sent & confidential chin," and Colonel Yule independently has person to communicate with his father. The suggested that a town called Hoa-triang, latter it seems was agreeable to surrender the placed on the river Etzina in D'Anville's map, place, when Acha, who was second in command, is to be identified with Etzina. It is possibly fell upon him at the head of 36 men, and the town called Tarmegai in the Altan killed him with his son, and also the envoy. Topchi and Seanang Setzen. During its siege He then prepared for a vigorous defence, they relate that an old woman who was but all in vain. The place was taken by assault descended from a monster, and who was called and a general butehery was only avoided by Khara Khang, used to mount the walls of the pleading of Chakhan. The only people which there was a triple circle about the place, executed were Achu and his 36 accomplices." and pronounce horrible curses and exorcisms | Chinghiz now captured Si-liang-fu Cholo and over the besiegers, by which disease was Kholo in Kan-suh. The first of these towns, scattered among them, and many men and says Gaubil, was at that time a very big place. cattle perished. Thereapon Subutai Baghatur It is now a fortress and known as Yong implored Chinghiz that he should release his chang-wei, in lat. 38° 10' long. 14' 10" W. of brother Khazar, who had been putin confinement Peking." It is possibly the Erguiul of Marco as I have described, lend him his dun-coloured Polo. Advancing again across the Shato or horse, Jigürtu Khula, and order him to go and Stony Desert he arrived at Ki-ya-tu, or the Nine shoot the old witch. Khazar soon after shot her Fords over the Yellow River, and captured the in the knee cap. She fell on her side, and as she town of Ing-li-sien, called Yingle by Douglas.co was dying pronounced a curse upon Khazar's The Yuan-shi says he traversed the Shato, descendants, declaring that the males would went by way of Tsi-du and the river, and
» Altan Topchi, pp. 141-142; 8sanang Setren, pp. 99-101. » Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I. p. 226.
i.c. Lake of Idsinai. - Klaproth, Beleuchtung, etc., p. 65, note. - Hyacinthe, p. 188.
Altan Topchi, pp.142 and 149; Seanang Setsen, p. 101. !
* 1e. The capital of Hia. * 1.e. The western part of the great wall. " Gaubil, p. 49. " Called Saha by DeMaille. " De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 117; Douglas, p. 100. " Op. cit. p. 40 note. D'Oheson, Vol. I. p. 371. " De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 117; Douglas, p. 101.

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captured Yar and other towns of the had left his capital, Irkai, and advanced at the second rank." The Yar of this notice is head of 50 tumans, i.e. 500,000 men i Chinghiz apparently the Ing-li-sien of De Mailla's au- Khân went to meet them, and encountered the thority. Thence we are told Chinghiz despatched enemy in a plain dotted with lakes formed by Silitsienpa and Khutu Timur to summon the overflow of the Kara Muran, i.e. the Upper Sha-chau, situated on the river Sirgaldzin in. Hoang-ho, which was then frozen over. The the west of Kan-suh, and nearly directly south battle was so bloody that 300,000 (1) Tangutans of Khamil. Its people pretended to submit to perished. Three of the corpses were standing the Mongols, and prepared meat, wine, spirits, on their heads, for, says Rashid, it is established and other refreshments for their army, but among the Mongols that among ten tumans of meanwhile they planted their best troops in corpses there is sure to be one standing on its ambush with the intention of surprising them. head. This D'Ohsson explains by a reference Khutu Timur, supposing that their submission to the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauwas sincere, marched to take possession of the vais, to which we owe so much interesting place. He fell into the ambush, and was nearly information about the Mongols, Book xxix. captured, as his horse stumbled and threw him, ch. 83, and Book xxx, ch. 95, where we read but Silitsienpu allowed him to mount his own that the Tatars when they put a hostile popucharger, and showed altogether such a bold lation to the sword, and wished to have a front that he defeated the enemy, and withdrew census of the dead were in the habit of standwithout material loss."
ing a corpse on its head for every thousand In July, 122, Li-te, the king of Hin, died victims on elevated ground. Thus after the of grief at seeing his country the prey of the sack of Tiflis in 1221 seven bodies were Mongols, and was succeeded by his son, called placed on their heads in various places to Li-hien by De Mailla and Le-seen by Douglas. show that 7,000 people had perished. The In November of the same year, says the town of Ling-chau was speedily captured Kang-mu, Chinghiz Khân captured nearly all and sacked. We are told that while the their towns from the people of Hia. In vain the troops thought only of securing women and inhabitants sought shelter in the caves of the children, gold and silver, and other booty the earth, hardly two people in a hundred escaped, famous statesman Yeliu-chutsai, whose origin and the ground was covered with bones. At we have previously considered, took charge of this time Chinghiz attacked Ling-chan, situated the government archives and of two mule. on the Eastern bank of the Yellow river, a little loads of medicinal rhubarb which was of great south of Ning-hin, the capital of Hia. An army service to the army in an epidemic which Was sent toits rescue under Vei-min, but Chinghiz ensued. He cured all those who were attacked having crossed the Yellow River put it to flight." by means of this specific alone." We elseThe Vei-min of this notice is apprrently the where read that during the siege of Ling-chau Seouming-ling-kong of De Mailla, who tells us the five planets having appeared in conjuncthat the king of Hia having determinel to tion in the south-west it was deemed a bad make a supreme effort sent him against the omen, and Chinghiz determined to retire for a Mongols, but Chinghiz crossed the Yellow River whilo to the valley of Yen-chau, where he and defeated him." This is apparently the encamped." According to the Yuan-shi-lei-pien struggle referred to by Rashidu'd-din, who he encamped 30 or 40 leagues north of Ningsays that the Mongols having captured many hia the capital of Tangut." towns laid siege to Dersekai Gerhaps the During the year 1226, Ogonai, his third son, native name of Ling-chau), when they heard that with the general Chakhan, marched into Ho-nan Shidurgho, whose Chinese name was Li-wang, and attacked Kai-fong-fu, the Nanking, or
#1 Hyacinthe, p. 133; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 371. * De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 117-118. *s id. p. 118; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 371. . D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 872-873.
Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 122. 56 D Ohanon, Vol. J. Pp. 878-74. So that 5,000 and 3,000
would be nearer the mark than the above large figures. 6DeMailla, Vol. IX. pp. 121-122.
Douglas, pp. 101-102 ; Hyacinthe, p. 133; D'Obsson, Vol. I. p. 378.
Gaubil, p. 49.

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southern capital of the Kin Tartars, and sent Tang-king to summon it to surrender, but they had to raise the siege."
Chinghiz soon reopened his campaign against Hia, and having left a division to besiege Ninghis he crossed the Yellow Kiver in February, 1227, and captured Tsi-shi-chan or He-chichan," and sacked Lin-tao-fu." Then going to the north-west he ruined Chasho, es called Towcho by Douglas, who says it was in the modern Taou-chan-ting. He then captured Si-ning. De Mailla says these successes were secured by Hiuese, the prince of Liau-tung, who was sent across the river with an army by Chinghiz. Gaubil says one division at this time secured the country of Kuku-nor, Kuachan, and Sha-chau." Meanwhile another army under Chinghiz Khân's brother Ochigin, occa- pied Sin-tu-fu in the province of Chih-li." After capturing Si-ning Chinghiz advanced upon Lung-ti," situated to the west of Pialiang-fa in Kan-suh, and captured Te-shunchau,'' and other towns." He now sent an envoy named Shang-tsin to the Sung court at Nanking, and prepared to pass the summerheats in the mountains of Liu-pan.
A kind of presentiment, we are told, seized him that he was about to die, and summoning his officers he said to them, "My time has come. Last winter, when the five planets appeared together in one quarter was it not to warn me that an end should be made of slaughter? And I neglected to take notice of the admomonition. Now let it be proclaimed abroad where our banners wave, that it is my earnest desire that henceforth the lives of our enemies shall not be unnecessarily sacrificed." This is referred to at greater length by the Muhammadan writers, such as the author of the Jahan Kashf, by Rashidu'd-din, etc. We are told that while he was encamped at Ongu-talan-kuduk," a dream foretold to Chinghiz his coming end. He summoned, according
to D'Ohsson, his two sons, Ogotai and Tului, who were encamped 5 or 6 miles away," together with his generals and grandees. Abulfaraj says that he summoned Chagatai Baith, Ogotai, Tului, Kulkan, Shargatai, and Arushar." Turning to the last of these," he said that he wished to speak privately and confidentially with his sons and grandsons, and begged the rest to withdraw. He then addressed them saying, "Beloved children, the strength of my youth has given place to the feebleness of old age, and the firm step of the boy has been followed by the tottering of the old man. The last journey, whose command is so exacting, the summons of death, is at my door. By the power of God and the aid of heaven I have conquered this vast and far-reaching realm, which is a year's journey from its centre to its circumference, for you, my dear children, and have also duly ordered it. My last unconditioned will is that in fighting with your enemies and in exalting your friends you will be of one mind and one purpose, thus securing for yourselves a long and happy life, and also enjoyment and profit from the kingdom. If you hang together you will be able to administer the government thoroughly, and will be in a position to fight your foes, to overwhelm your antagonists, and to live in peace. If, on the other hand, you become stubborn and disagree, you will tear the mantle of the state asunder and it will perish." When he had thus expressed his will he went on to say, “Which of you must I name my successor P" His sons thereupon went down on their knees unanimously before him and said: "Our illustrious father is master and we are his servants, we are entirely in his hands." According to the older Muhammadan authorities, followed by D'Ohsson, he then nominated Ogotai as his successor, and expressed a hope that Chagatai, who was not according to them present, would not raise any questions about this." Mirkhavand
60 Gaubil, p. 49; Douglas, p. 102. 01 Tai-shi, west of the modern Ho-chau. 12 In the modern Teih-tan-chnu.
03 Gaubil calls it Ho-chat, and says it was 14 or 15 leagues north-west of Lin-tao-fu. Lin-tao-fu is in the modern Teih-taon-chau.
** In the modern Ko-chan. • Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 125.
Op. cit. p. 50. 67 Hyacinthe, p. 136 ; Douglas, p. 102. 6 The Lungter of Douglas.
The Ter-sun of Douglas.
TO D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 374. Douglas, p. 103.
11 i. e. Springs of the steppe of the Ongu, by which the mountains running north of Shen-si giving their name to the white Tåtars are doubtless meant. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 379.
13 Erdmann says his three sons, Chagatai, Ogotai and Tului, and his grandsons the children of Juchi.
" Chr. Syr. p. 498.
75 Raverty calls him Baibuku Aka, the son of Juchi Khazar.
16 Erdmann, p. 441. " D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 379 and 380.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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and the other writers who had to be deferential Burkhan, together with the vessels." The to Timur and his family, bring in the ancestors Yuan-shi says that Li-hien, king of Hia, surrenof that hero on this occasion. They have dered and was taken prisoner to Mongolia." The a story which is quite unknown to the older Yuan-shi-lei-pien says that Li-hien found himauthorities that Kabul Khakan made a compact self driven to the last pass in Ning-hia, and with Kajuli Baghatur (the ancestor of Timur), surrendered at discretion in June, and set out conferring on the latter and his descendants for Liu-pan to humiliate himself before exceptional dignities. At this time the head of Chinghiz. He had hardly left the town when this house was Kharajar Noyan, and we are he was massacred, and his palace and the city assured that Chinghiz had the old compact were sacked." De Mailla says it was in May produced, confirmed Kharajar in his honours when the Tangut ruler surrendered, and that and ordered his sons to do so, and to attach Chinghiz wishing to pass the summer heats in their tainghas to the official document con- the north pat chains upon the unfortunate taining these his last wishes." Chinghiz then prince and took him with him, and thus the went on, according to the Western writers, kingdom of Hia came to an end." to point the moral of his advice by the familiar The author of the Kang-mu thus apostro. anecdote of the strength of a bundle of sticks phizes this event :-"From the beginning of when contrasted with a single one, and then the world no barbarous nation has been so used a more probable simile in quoting the powerful as the Mongols. They tear up nations story of the snake with one tail and many | as if they were plants, to such a degree has heads, which, when the frost came, began to their power grown. Why does heaven permit dispute as to which hole was the safest shelter; it?". The Muhammadan writers, who wrote meanwhile it was killed by the cold, while the under the patronage of the Mongols, tell us Inake with one head and many tails, which that after his great defeat Shidurgho withhaving only one person to please, dragged itself drew to his capital Artakhin, whence he sent in time into a safe retreat.
envoys to Chinghiz, begging that a respite Chinghiz having nominated his brother of a month might be allowed him, when Ochigin to prosecute the war in China, and also he would surrender if his life was spared, and appointed his other sons their due positions, he were counted among the chief's sons. Chinset out on his last campaigo." At this point ghiz consented to this, and promised to treat him the authorities differ. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi as his son. This month, it seems, had not says that the ruler of Tangut appeared before expired when Chinghiz died, and he left orders to him and presented him with golden idols, his generals to keep his death & secret, and when golden and silver vessels, boys, girls, horses the king came out of the city as agreed upon, and camels, altogether to the number of to kill him and put the people of Ning-hia to nino times nine. Chinghiz allowed him to do the sword. This was faithfully carried out homage, but he himself sat behind the screen. after his death." While this was going on he became sick. Minhaj-i-Saraj has a curious account of this On the third day he changed the name of last campaign of Chinghiz. He tells us the Burkhan into Shidurgho, and commanded Tolun ruler of Tangut had a large army and war to kill him. He said to Tolun, “When at the materials without end, and on account of the beginning of the Tangutan war I fell from my number of his troops, the power of his servants, horse during a hunting expedition, you being the width of his dominions, and the vastness troubled about my health suggested that I of his wealth and treasures, he had adopted should return, but in consequence of the insolent the name of Tengri Khân. The Mongols remarks of my enemy I waged war on him, had several times invaded his borders, but had and by the aid of heaven I have subdued him. not subdued him, while he had more than once Take for yourself the movable property of defeated Chinghiz Khản in battle. When the
TH Erdmann, pp. 442 and 443. 1. Erdmann, pp. 442 and 43. 10 Op. cit. pp. 131-152. Douglas, p. 103.
* Gaubil, pp. 50 and 51.
* Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 126. * D'Ohsson, Vol. 1. p. 881, note. # D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 380-381. Erdmann, p. 110. 6 l.e. the Divine Khan.

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latter returned home from his western campaign, he took counsel with his grandees and suggested that as he had come back with greatly increased strength, and was contemplating an attack upon Tamghaj" that he should make peace with him and offer him an alliance. Peace was accordingly made. Presently Chinghiz Khân having advanced across the Kara Muran, in a campaign against "Chin and Khita," Tengri Khân" joined him. Some Mongol noyans objected to the alliance, saying that if they were defeated the Tengri Khân would be sure to turn upon them, as he was their enemy, and as his territory would be in the rear of the Mongol army it would be a great source of danger; and they counselled that Chinghiz should have his ally put to death. He accordingly had him seized. The Tengri Khân, conscious of his approaching doom, said, "Tell Chinghiz Khân I have not shown any perfidy towards you. I came to you under a treaty. You are acting treacherously towards me, contrary to our covenant, now listen to me. If when you slay me blood of the colour of milk flows from me know that in three days your death will follow mine." When this was reported to Chinghiz Khân he laughed and said, "This man is mad, blood like milk never comes from the wound of a slain person, nor has any one ever seen white blood. It is most necessary to put him to death quickly" When the executioner struck the Tengri Khân white blood like milk in fact came from the wound. When Chinghiz heard of this he went to verify it, and thereupon his strength forsook him, and on the third day in the graphic words of Minhaj-i-Saraj, "his heart broke and he went to hell." The same author adds that Chinghiz, before dying, left as a last legacy the duty of exterminating the subjects of the Tengri Khân, irrespective of age or sex, and after he died Ogotai carried out this duty and duly put to the sword the unfortunate inhabitants of the land. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz having overcome the people of Tangut and killed their ruler Burkhan, and having exterminated his parents, children, and grand
i.e. China.
sei.e. China.
i.e. the ruler of Tangat.
so Tab.-i-Nas. pp. 1095-1096.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
id. p. 1096.
Op, cit. p. 152.
[MAY, 1886.
children, commanded that at every meal he should be reminded of this with the words, "The Tanguts are extinguished." Having thus fought with the Tanguts for the non-fulfilment of their promises he returned.""*
To turn to the other authorities. The mountain of Liu-pan above mentioned, where Chinghiz spent the summer of 1227, is, according to Hyacinthe, in the district of Ping-liang-fu and Dr. Bretschneider says it still bears the same name, and is marked on modern maps in the department of Ping-liang in Kan-suh, south of the city of Ku-yuan-chau, The Yuan-shi does not name the mountain, but says the Mongol army was encamped at Tsing-shui-hien, a place on the banks of the river Si-kiang about twelve leagues east of the town of Tsin-chau." Rashidu'd-din says Liu-pan was situated on the borders of Churchê," Nangeas and Tangut." While Chinghiz was there two envoys from the Kin emperor named Wanian-kha-chao and Otung Agueh arrived with propositions of peace. Among the presents which they took was a salver filled with beautiful pearls. Chinghiz had them distributed among those of his officers who wore earrings. The rest had their ears pierced in order to be able to share in the distribution. What remained over after this distribution were scattered among the crowd and scrambled for." It was while at Liu-pan that Chinghiz also received the homage of the princess of Lian-tung to which I have previously referred. While encamped here the great chief was taken dangerously ill. Tului was the only one of his sons who was by him. On his death-bed he drew out for his officers plans for securing the Nanking or Southern capital of the Kin empire. "The picked troops of the Kin," he said, "are guarding the defile of Tong-kuan, a most powerful fortress, guarded on the south by a precipitous mountain, while the Yellow River bathes its walls on the north, and acts as a great natural ditch. In order to turn this position you must ask permission from the Sung to traverse a portion of their territory, permission which will be readily granted, as
es The place is marked on D'Anville's map of Shen-si at 34-42 N. L. and 10-18 W. L. of Peking. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 878.
.e. the Kin empire. i.e. the Sung empire. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 375, note. Hyacinthe, p. 186; Jahan Kashf, D'Ohsson, Vol. I.
p. 376.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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the Sang have for a long time been the mortal enemies of the Kin. You will then advance by Tang-chan and Teng-chau," whence you will march straight upon Ta-liang." To relieve his capital the Emperor will have to withdraw the garrison of Tong-kuan. They will arrive worn out with the fatigues of a long march, and it will be easy to vanquish them."100
The Yuan-shi says that Chinghiz died near Sali-kol in his camp of Karatnski. These two names, says D'Ohsson, are Mongol names, given by the invaders to Chinese localities.lol This, according to the Chinese authorities, took place on the 18th of Angust 1127, when Chinghiz was 66 years old, and when he had reigned 22 years.101 Rashidu'd-din makes his age at the time of his death to be 72 years, and says that he had reigned 41 years In another place he says that Chinghiz was born in a Swine year and died in a Swine year, and that he died on the 15th of Khonai of the year of the Swine, answering, he adds, to the 4th of Ramazan 624, Hij. i.e. 18th August 1227,105 which is no doubt the correct date. He says that he died in the mountains called LiungShan, by which no doubt he meant the range so called in Shen-si.'
The Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen make out that Chinghiz Khân was the victim of the beantiful wife of the Tangutan ruler, and embellish their story with the romantic surroundings available to the professors of Tantra Buddhism. We read in their pages that when Shidurgho changed himself into a serpent Chinghiz became the famous bird Garuda. When Shidurgho became a tiger, Chinghiz became a lion, and when he became a boy Chinghiz became an old man, or According to Ssanang Setzen became Khormuzda, the king of the tengri or spirite, and thus the former easily fell into the latter's grasp. He said to the Mongol conqueror, "Do not kill me, for I represent the morning star. and will destroy all your enemies. I will put meat before you and you will not have either hunger or thirst. If you kill me it will be worse for yon, while, if you let me live it will be worse for your descendants." Chingbíz then shot at Shidur
# Two towns dependent on Nan-yang-fu in the western part of Ho-nan.
" i.e. Kai-fong-fu. 100 Gaubil, pp. 51 and 52; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 880. 101 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 378. hos D'Ohaeon, Vol. 1. p. 391; Gaubil, p. 52.
gho and tried to cleave him down with his sword, but he could not wound him, thereupon, according to the Altan Topchi, the Tangutan ruler said, “You have shot at me and struck at me, but have done me no harm. In the sole of my boot you will find a grey thrice-twisted cord, take it and strangle me with it, and your descendants will be similarly strangled. 48 to my wife, Kurbeljin Goa, take care you examine her to her black nails."106 Whereupon he died. According to Ssanang Setzen, Shidurgho said to Chinghiz, “With a common weapon you cannot injure me, but between the soles of my boot is a triple dagger made of magnetic steel, with which I may be killed." With these words he offered him the weapon, saying, "Now you may kill me; if milk flowe from the wound it will be an evil token for you, if blood then for your posterity.104 He also says that he bade Chinghiz probe his wife's previous life diligently. Chinghiz having pierced Shidurgho in the neck killed him and appropriated his wife and people. Every one was surprised with her beauty, but she said, "Formerly I was much fairer, I am now grimy with dnst from your troops. If I could bathe I should renew my good looks." Chinghiz thereupon ordered her to bathe. The Altan Topchi says she had meanwhile caught a swallow, tied a note to its tail, and sent it to her father. In this letter she told him she meant to drown herself, and he must look up the stream and not down for her body. Following out her directions they accordingly songht up the stream, and having found the body each bronght a bag of earth with which they covered it. The hil. lock go formed was called Holkho Kuzgan, and the river Khatun Gol. Seanang Setzen has a different version, apparently pointing here, as elsewhere, to a somewhat different tradition. He tells as the river where the princess bathed was the Kara Muran, that she refused to do so till the Mongols had withdrawn, that then a bird from her father's house hovered by her and she caught it and tied a letter to its neck, saying in it what she meant to do. When she came out of her bath
103 Erdmann, note 33, pp. 572-574. 10. Ynlo's Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 240, note. 306 A Mongol idiom, moaning examine her thorongbly.
100 Compare the sake told by Minhaj-i-Saraj above quoted.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
she was much more beautiful. The following night while Chinghiz lay asleep, she bewitched him, and he became feeble and weak. She then went down to the Kara Muran and drowned herself, whence, says Seanang Setzen, the Kara Muran is called Khatun Eke to this day. When the bird returned to her father, who was called Shang-dsa-wang-ya, and was of the family U, from the Chinese town of Irghai, he went to look for his daughter's body, but found only one of her pearl-embroidered socks. On this he raised a mound of earth still called Timur Olkho.107
Ssanang Setzen says that as the great Chief's life ebbed away he apostrophised those about him thus:-"My fortune-bearing and excellent wife Burte Jujin, my three beloved ones Khulan, Jissu and Jissuken, my unchangeable loyal companion Külük Boghorji Noyan, you nine Orlöks, my incomparable mates, my four brave brothers, my four indefatigable sons, my unyielding flint-like officers and generals, my great people, my noble kingdom, all you children of my wives, my beloved subjects, my dear fatherland." As he was thus giving way to human weakness, Kiluken Baghatur of the Sunids, said to him, "Thy beloved wife Burte Jujin may die; thy administration, admirable as the precious jade stone, may fall into disorder; thy united people may be scattered asunder; Burte Jujin the wife whom thou didst wed in thy young days may die; thy laws, held in such high esteem may be degraded. Thy two sons Ogotai and Tului may become orphans. Thy subjects, the inheritance of thy children, may be lessened. Thy excellent wife Burte Jujin may die. Thy two brothers Ochigin and
No. 161.
This inscription appears to have been discovered by General J. C. Stacy, and was first brought to notice in 1848, in the Jour. Beng.
[MAY, 1886.
Khajikin may fall to the ground. Thy great people ruling so widely may be scattered. Its very spirits, thy friends, Boghorgi and Mu-khu-li will collapse with grief, and when we reach the further side of the Khang-ghai Khân, thy wives and children will meet us, wailing and weeping with the words, 'Where is the Khakan, our Lord ? Therefore, O my master, do be a man and look hither." As Kiluken Baghatur thus addressed him Chinghiz raised himself on his bed and replied, "Be you a faithful friend to my widowed Burte Jujin and to my two orphan sons, Ogotai and Tului, and be ever true to them without fear. The precious jade stone has no crust, and polished steel has no rust upon it. The body that is born is not immortal. It goes away without a house or a place to return to. This keep in everlasting remembrance. The glory of an action is to complete what you have begun. Firm and unbending is the heart of a man who keeps his plighted word. Be not guided by the wishes of others, so will you have the confidence of many. This is clear to me, that I must be severed from you and go hence. The words of the boy Khubilai are very weighty. Do you all weigh his words. He will some day occupy my throne, and he will, as I have done, bring you prosperity." When he had spoken these words," continues our author, "the master raised himself to God his father, in the town of Turmegei in the sixty-ninth year of his age in the Ting (swine's) year (1227) the 12th of the seventh month. 108
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 118).
BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY'S PLATE OF THE MAHARA A VINAYAKAPALA. (HARSHA)-SAMVAT 188.
107 Aitan Topchi, p. 144; Ssanang Setzen, p. 108. Schmidt remarks in a note that the upper Kara Muran or Yellow river, is still undoubtedly called Khatun Muran, i.e. the Queen's river, by the Mongols, and that he has found the name in Mongol writings.
Plano Carpini states that Chinghiz was killed 109 while Marco Polo, no by a thunderbolt," doubt confusing his death with that of his grandson Mangu, says he was killed by an arrow which hit him in the knee at Caaju.110
As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 70ff., when, under the heading of "Inscription from the Bijaya Mandir, Udayapur, &c.," the Secretary of the Society published Dr. Rajendralal
10 Seanang Setzen, pp. 103-105.
10 Op. cit. Ed. d'Avezac, p. 664.
Are Hocheu in Suchnau. Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. P. 240.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
139
Mitra's reading of the text of the plate only, vati of the inscription; and below this, and his translation of it. In 1862, in the same across the surface of the seal, there are the Journal, Vol. XXXI. p. lff., as an accompani- sixteen lines of writing, a to p, transcribed ment to his paper entitled “Vestiges of Three below. Here, again, unlike the body of the Royal Lines of Kanyakubja," Dr. Fitz Edward grant, the letters of this legend on the seal Hall published his own reading of the text are in relief; and, though they are fairly (id. p. 14f.), which was in some respects an well preserved almost throughout, it was improvement on the previously published ver- impossible, for the same reasons as in the case sion. And, with the exception of subsequent of Mahồndrapâla's grant, to include the seal discussions as to the reading of the date,- in the also in the lithograph.-The characters are of course of which, in 1864, & rough and by no | precisely the same type as those of Mahôndrameans accurate lithograph of it was published | pâla's grant; viz. North Indian Nagari of about with Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's notice of Ma- the eighth century A.D. They include forms of hồndrapâla's grant in the same Journal, the numerical symbols of the period for 8, 9, 80, Vol. XXXIII. p. 321ff.,--this latter rendering and 100. The execution of the engraving is of the inscription has remained the standard excellent throughout; and the mark for é published version of it up to the present time. in conjunction with consonants, both as é, I now re-edit it, with a lithograph, from the and as one of the components of ai, 0, and au, original plate, which, having been presented is formed with more care than in Mahondraby General Stacy, is in the Library of the pala's grant. Many of the letters shew, 18 Bengal Asiatic Society, and was there examined usual, marks of the working of the engraver's by me. I have not succeeded in obtaining tool. The plate is very massive and substan any information as to where it was found ; tial; so that the letters, though fairly deep, and from the entry in the Index, published in do not shew through on the back of it.--The 1856, to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic language is Sanskrit, and the inscription is in Society, p. 208, it appears that the locality never prose throughout, except for the half slóka, was known. It has usually been spoken of evidently intended as such, which is introas the "Benares Plate;" but this seems to be duced in line 16, and records the name of the due only to the mention of the Varanasi person who drew up the record.-In respect of (Benares) vishaya in line 10, where the locality orthography, all that calls for notice is the use of the village granted is specified.
of the upadh maniya in tayoh-pad-unudhydtah, The plate, which is engraved on one side line 8 (and line d of the seal);—the paraionly, measures about 1' 9" long by 1' 51" vaishnavở of line 1 of the seal;-and, as in broad. The edges of it were fashioned some- Mahêndrapâla's grant, the parambhagavati of what thicker than the inscribed surface, and lines 3, 5, and 6, (and lines e, i, and k of the with a slight depression all round just inside seal); the use of va for ba, e.g. samvaddha them, so as to serve as a rim to protect the and prativaddha, line 10, though the distinct writing; and both the surface of the plate, and form for ba occurs in bbhátvá, line 15; and the the inscription on it are in a state of excellent doubling throughout of t in conjunction with preservation throughout; but some of the a following r, e.g. puttra, line 2, and pittról, letters are so hopelessly filled in with hard line 13.-1 had no opportunity of taking rust, which it was impossible to remove, that the weight of this plate ; but it is probably they do not shew quite perfectly in the litho- rather heavier than Mahêndrapala's plate. graph.-As in the case of Mahendrapala's As in the case of Mahồndrapila's grant, the grant (No. 160, p. 105ff. above), onto the charter recorded in this inscription is issued from proper right side of the plate there is soldered the camp, complete with many cows, elephants, a thick and massive seal, with a high raised horses, chariots, and foot-soldiers, situated rim all round it, measuring about 8" broad at M a hodaya (line 1.) Then follows the paren" by 1' 11" high, and shaped like the seal of thetical genealogy, repeated in the same words Mahồndrapala's grant. In the arch at the in the legend on the seal, and precisely similar to top there is a similar standing figure, facing that of the Dighwa-Dubault plate as far as the full-front, of a goddess, doubtless the Bhaga-I mention of the Mahdrája Mahondrapaladeva

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1886.
(1. 7). His son, begotten on Dehankgadēvi, given by Vinayakapala, in order to increase was the illustrious Mahárája Bhojadeva the religious merit of his parents, after bath. (1. 8), a most devout worshipper of the god ing on the sixth lunar day in the river Ganga Vishņu. And Bhöjadêva's brother, - by which (1. 14), to the Bhatta Bhullâka, of the Darbhi method of mention it is intended to denote gótra, a student of the Atharva-Véda. Line also his successor,-ancther son of Mahendra- 16 contains the record that the charter was paladeva, begotten on Mahîdêvîdêvî, was the drawn up by the illastrious Harsha. And illustrious Maharaja Vinaya ka pala d évathe inscription concludes in line 17 with the (1. 9), a most devout worshipper of the Sun, record of the date, in numerical symbols, on who meditated on the feet of his father and which it was assigned, vix, the year 188, the brother. The inscription then proceeds to re- ninth day of the dark fortnight of the month cord that the village of Tikkarikågrâma, Phålguna (February March). The era is not in the Pratishth &ņa bhukti (1. 9), and specified in the record; but, applying the date attached to the Kasi para pathaka which to the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, the belonged to the Var åpasi vishaya, was result is A.D. 794-95.
Твхт.?
The Seal. a Paramvai'shņavo mahârâja-sri-Dêvasaktidévas-tasya pa. bttras-tat-pad-inudhyâtah sri-BhůyikAdévyam-ut(panna]h parac mamáheśvarð
mah[ar]āja-sri-Vatsarajadêvastasya d puttras-tat-pâd-anu dhyâ[ta]h śrî-Sundar[i]dêvyám=utpannah parae mbhagavatibhaktô mahå[ra]ja-érî-Någabhatade vastasya pufttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtaḥ
érîmad- Isațâdêvyâm=utpannah 9 paramadityabhaktô
mahârâja-sri-Ramabhadradeva. sætasya puttras-tet-PCA]d-Anûdhyâtah r imad-Appadevyam-ai tpannaḥ
parambhagavatîbhaktô maharaja-sri-Bhojaį dévas=[t]asya puttras-tat-p[A]d-Anudhya tah bri-Chandrabhattk rikâdevyám=utpannah
parambha 'gavatibhaktô m ahara1 ja-sri-Mahồndrapiladovas-tasya
puttras-tat-p[A]d-Anudhyâtam sri-Dehanâgådévyam-[n]tpannaḥ paramavaishnavô ma
n ha rájn-sri-Bhojadevas-tasya b hrata sri-Mah[@]ndrap[4*]ladóva-puott[r* Jas=tayôh=påd-anudhyâtah [r]i-Mahidevidêr [yâ]m-[u]tpannah p. paramadityabhaktô mahârâja-[r]-[V]inaya[ka]på[la]de[ vaḥ 11 )
The Plate. 1 Om Svasti Mahôdaya-sama vasit-aneka-go-hasty-a[éva*)-ratha-patti-sampanna-skaddha
(ndhi)varât=paramavaishnavê maha 2 raja-bri-Dévasaktidévastasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah. sri-Bhủyika"dévyam-utpannah
paramamaheśvarô maha
* Tayah padanudhyatah, line 8.-The expression tat. pod-dnudhuita is applied to the relation of onch son to his father throughout the succession.
Probably the modera Tikree of the Indian Atlas, Shoet No. 88, four miles almort duo south of Benares, and on the same side of the river.-R. Mitra (Index of 1856 to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatio Society, p. 209) first pointed out the identification, writing the modern name Tikkári. F. E. Hall (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 5, note 1) wrote the modern name "Tikari,' and said it is about two miles from Benares, across the river: but I find no such time in such a position.
F. E. Hall (Jour. Beng. Ar. Soc. Vol. XXXI., P. 5, note 1) says that "Pratishthina once designated, no less than other places, what is now Allahabad." "Monier Williams, however, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, enye that, in addition to the famous and better known Pratishthin
on the Godavari, it was also the name of a town at the confluence of the GangA and the Yamuna, on the left bank of the Gang, opposite to Allahabad, the uspital of the early kings of the lunar dynasty."
pratibaddha. This, and the word sabaddha, which I have tentatively rendered by "connected with," are evidently technical territorial terms the full purport of which, as contrasted with each other, is not apparent.
5" (This is the writing) of the firm and long enduring charter that has been drawn up by the illustrious Harsha."-For prayukta, drawn up, see page 107 above, note 9. o nibaddha.
From the original seal and plate. . Read paramarai.
10 and 11 Read paramabha.
11 R. Mitra read Bhúyikd correctly in the text, but ! converted it into Bhamika in the translation.

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W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
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Reat
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..
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S
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Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of the Maharaja Vinayakapala. — The Year 188.
PERMAPURE.
RANCHRIMath TCHESTERNET MAHE S H PratapEBSITINATIEE
TRAN SPIDETAILEDhellations AMEERTANPATANJasraja
measur MPETERANDEINMITRCRIPATERPRATAPGAN TERPA732366 DMD
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HAY, 1886.]
A PASSAGE IN THE JAIN HARIYAMSA.
141
3 raja-sri-Vatsarajadevas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah brf-Sundaridávyâm-atpannah
parambhagavatibhaktô maha.. 4 raja-ari-Nagabhaladvas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-Anudhyâtah Srimad-Isata devyama
atpannaḥ paramadityabhaktå (któ) mahi5 raja-bri-Ramabhadradévastasya puttras-tat-påd-anndhyatah srimad- Appa"dévyâm=
utpannah parambha"gavatibhakt8 maha6 raja-bri-Bhöjadevastasya pattrag=tat-pad-ânudhyâtaḥ śrl-Chandrabhattårikådévyåm=
utpannah parambha 'gavatibhaktô 7 maharaja-sri-Mahendrapalad vastasya puttras-tat-pad-ânadhyatah sri-Dêhanaga"dévyám=
atpannaḥ paramavaishna8 vô mahårája-bri-Bhojadevas-tasya bhratá srt-Ma'hêndra påladdra-puttrag=tayôh-påd
anadhyâtah sri-Ma9 hidevi"dévyâm=utpannaḥ paramadityabhakt8 maharaja-sri-Vinayakapaladevah 11"
Pratishtha. 10 na-bhuktau Varanasi-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Kafipara-pathaka-prativa(ba)ddha-Tikka
rikågråma-sa11 mapagatån=sarvvândva yathåsthåna-niyuktån=prativasinag=cha samajñApayati | Uparili12 khita-grâmas=sarvv-Aya-samêta &-chandr-arkka-kshiti-kalam=parvvadatta-dávavra(bra)
hmadêya-varjji13 tA(+8) mayâ pittroh puny-abhivsiddhaye Darvbhi(rbbhi) sagottra Atharvva's
vra(bra)hmachâri-bhatta-Bhullákâya 14 shashtyâm Gangâyå[m] snätvå pratigrahêņa pratipadita iti" viditvå bhavadbhise
Bamanumanta15 vyaḥ prativasibhir apyrajñaśravaņa-vidhèyè (yai)r=bbhůtvå sarvv.dya asya samapaneyi
iti (1) 16 Śri. Harshêņa prayuktasya sasanasya sthir-ayatéh 11 17
Samvataró" 100 80 8 Phålguna va(ba) di 9 nira(ba)ddham 11
A PASSAGE IN THE JAIN HARIVAMSA RELATING TO THE GUPTAS.
BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A.; MIRAJ. In the Jain Harivansa, a work which is not | fact that it gives the precise date of its compoto be confounded with the Brahmaṇical Purana sition; thus, in the colophon the author says, of the same name, I have lately come across शाकेष्वब्दशतेषु सप्तस दिशं पंचोत्तरेषुत्तररा) an interesting passage purporting to bear on पातीबाबुधनान्ति(नि) कृष्णनृपजे श्रीवल्लभे दक्षिणां। the Gupta era. I do not wish, however, to | पूर्वा श्रीमस्वसिन्तिभूभृति नृपे वत्सादिराने(जे) परां make this passage the basis of any speculation; terAt # ) f(fa) 11 51 I place it before the reader, simply for what it कल्याण: परिवर्द्धमानविपुलश्रीवर्द्धमाने पुरे may be worth. To do justice to the Jain श्रीपाश्चलियनबराजवसती पयामशेषःपुरा। writer, I must say that this work has a decided पश्चादोस्तटिका'प्रजाप्रजनितपाज्याप्रमावर्धने advantage over other Indian Purdņas, in the gia uifer alfa a
11 52
15 R. Mitra read Vanya in both text and translation. 1. Read paramabha.
1 B. Mitra road bhata correctly in the text, but oonverted it into bhatta in the tranalation.
18 See page 112 above, note 46. 11 B. Mitra read the text correctly, but gave the name Kadappd in the translation. 15 and Read paramabha. • R. Mitra read ndld in both text and translation.
* This ma was at first omitted, and then inserted below the line.
* In line o of the seal, this akshara is written, as is optionally allowable in composition for a proper name, with the short vowel i.
* This mark of panotustion is unnecessary. 1. Read sagottr-Atharuvs. * This mark of panotuation is unnecessary.
# Motre, sloka (Anushţubh); the verse oongista, however, of only one pada.
* Read samvatsard, for samvatsaranam.-R. Mitra, apparently treating the numerical symbols as decimal figures, read the date sambatearán 65 bhds-Phulgte ta di 6, the sixth day of the dark half of the moon, in the solar month of Phelgina, in the year 65." F. E. Hall did not offer any interpretation of them.
Another reading, noticed by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, is पश्चादास्ताटकी.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
खुत्वष्टापरसंघसंततिवृहत् पुबाट संघान(न्य)ये प्राम: श्रीजिनसेनसूरिकविना लाभाय बोधे[] पुनः। दृष्टोव हरिवंशपुण्यचरितः श्रीपार्वतः सर्वतो carret( ger [] Feuce: Frer-g(et) Foreet NII 53 (Verse 51) "In śAka seven hundred and five ;-when Indrayudha was ruling over the North ;-when þrivallabh a, the son of king Krishna, was governing the South ;when king Vatsar á ja,' the glorious ruler of Avanti, was ruling over the East ;-(and) while the victorious (and) brave Varaha was governing the West, the kingdom of the Sauryas ;-(52) In the town of Vardha manapura, whose great prosperity was increasing on account of auspicious things, -in the basti, erected) by king Nanna, which was the abode of the glorious Påráva nátha,--this (history of the) lineage of the Haris was formerly finished; and it was afterwards well-composed in the quiet temple of Santi(nåtha), when Jina was offered ample worship on a large scale by the people of Ostaţika(?) (53). This sacred history of the lineage of the Haris was composed again, for the attainment of supreme wisdom, by the glorious and learned poet Jinasena, who obtained eminence in the line of the great Pannata-sangha which has abandoned all other sanghas. May this work, by the grace of Paráva, pervade the regions in all directions, and endure steadily for a long time on the earth!"
The passage relating to the Guptas is in chap. Ix. and runs thus, - ataria
(2) लोकेतितो राजा प्रजानां प्रतिपालकः॥ 83 पटिर्वर्षाणि ताज्यं ततो विषयभूभुजां। शतं च पंचपंचाशद्वर्षाणि तदुदीरितं ॥ 84
चत्वारिंशन्मुरु(6)डा(डा)नां भूमंडलमखंडितं ।
y gor fer T(AT) 11 85 (T) TETTATOTT(ET) (TTT)
: qutus azi paru( 86 भबाणस्य तद्राज्यं गुमानां च शतत्यम् । एकत्रिंशच वर्षाणि कालविबिरुदाहृतम् ।। 87 द्विचत्वारिंशदेवातः कल्किराजस्य राजता । ततोजितंजयो राजा स्यादिंद्रपुरसंस्थितः। 68 (Verse 83.)-" And at the time of the nirvana of Vira,' king Palaka, the son of the king of) Avanti, (and) the protector of the people, sball be crowned here on earth. - (84) His reign (shall last) sixty years. Then, it is said, (the rule) of the kings of the country' (shall endure) for a hundred and fifty-five years. - (85) Then the earth shall be the) undivided (possession) of the Murundas,' for forty years; and, for thirty, of the Push pa mitras,' and, for sixty, of Vasumitra and Agnimitra. - (86 and 87) (Then there shall be the rule) of the " Ass-kings" for a hundred years. Next (the rule) of Nara vâ hana for forty (years). After (these two, the sway) of BhatubAna" (shall last) two hundred and forty (years); and the illustrions rule of the Guptas shall endure two hundred and thirty-one years. This is declared by chronologists. - (89) After this, the bovereignty of Kalkir Aja (shall last) just fortytwo years; and then king Ajitamja ya shall establish himself at Indrapura."13
The following table gives the gist of the above passage - The year of Palaka's - The year of Maha
coronation S v ira's nirvana. Palaka
ruled 60 years. Vishaya-bhaibh ujaḥ , 150 Morondas Pashpamitras
30
12
* Read Trago.
→ [Perhaps the RAshtrakata king Govinda II., the son of Krishna 1.-J. F. F.)
. lit. "who had (the name of rajan with tatsa at the beginning."
• This king Nanna in alluded to in 11. 9-10 of a Rashtrakůta inscription published by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. for 1893) :
लक्ष्मीसनाथवपुरजसुचक्रपाणिनिर्वाच्यविकमनिबद्धबलिः क्षितीशः। गोविंददेव इव नत्रभुजंगदों
गोविंदराज इति तस्य सुतो बभूव ।। • See note 1 above. sc. Mahåvira.
• Vishaya-bhabhujal may perhaps mean 'native rulers,' as distinguished from foreign conquerors.
Vatsaraja, the lover of Vase vadatta, was a Maranda :
तीक्ष्णस्यारेस्स किल कलहे युद्धशौंडो मुरुंडः प्रयोतस्य प्रियदुहितर वत्सराजोत्र जहे
Pirsulbhyudaya. 10 The original, being in Nagart characters, doen not show for certain whether we should read Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra.
"Bhattubipa, though used in the singular, must be the name of a dynasty, not of an individual sovereign. » Ajitamjaya was the son of Kalkiraja :T: 7 fara frare: 11
Uttarapurina. Indrapura on very easily be identified with the modern town of Inddr or Indor in Central India.

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MAY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
143
240
Vasumitra and
porary with himself (Saka-Samvat 705; A.D. ruled
years. Agnimitra
783-84), and gives no hint whatever as to the The Ass-kings" - 100
interval that had elapsed between Ajitamjaya Naravahana
and himself. And I have not been able to Bhattabâņa
obtain any other mention of this king AjitamGuptas
231
jaya, or of his father and predecessor Kalkiråja, Kalkirja
whose name, occurring elsewhere only as that Then Ajitamjaya began to rule.
of the tenth and future avatára of the god According to this account, the Guptas began !
Vishạo, is peculiarly suggestive of this part of to rale after the lapse of seven hundred and
the passage, at any rate, being purely imagitwenty years from the nirvana of Mahavira.
native. The date of this latter event has not as yet
Jinasena has hit off pretty accurately the been satisfactorily and finally settled; but the
duration of the Gupta power; for the latest majority of Orientalists accept B.C. 527-26.
inscriptiordated in the Gupta era, which If we reckon from this date we arrive at
specifically associates the era with the conA.D. 193-94 as the initial date of the Gupta
tinuation of the Gupta rule, is that recorded in rule, which then, according to this Purana,
the Khôh plates of the Parivråjaka Maharaja extended over a period of two hundred and
Samkshobha of the year two hundred and
nines (A.D. 528-29.) But the information thirty-one years.
given by him in the preceding lines, even if NOTE BY MR. FLEET.
right in respect of the succession of dynasties, In order to apply the above passage properly must be wrong as regards the duration of each for chronological purposes," we ought to know of them. For, calculating backwards from what date Jinasena assigns to Ajitamjaya, the A.D. 319-20, the known commencement of the last of the kings mentioned by him, and then the Gupta era, the result, according to Jinacalculate backwards from that date, instead of sêna, for the nirvana of Mahavira, is B. C. forwards from the time of the nirvana of 401-400, later by a century and a quarter than Mahåvira. Mr. Pathak, however, tells me that the generally accepted date referred to by Mr: Jinasêna does not make Ajitamjaya contem. | Pathak above.
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX, COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 116.) Hope,-Nědêzhdi, (M.)
HORSE-DEALER, -Gry-engro, (Eng.) HORN,-Shing, (Tch.); shingh, (Psp. M.); shặng, HORBE, A KICKING-Del-engro, (Eng.) (M.); shing, (M. 8)
HORSE-KEEPER,-Herdelezhtu, (M.) HORNED.-Shingalô, (Tch.)
HORSE-RACING, -Gry-nashing, (Eng.) HOBNY,-Shinghêsgoro, (Tch.)
HORSE, A GRBY,-Parnô, (.) HORSE,-Grestur, gristur, gry, (Eng.); gras, HORSE-SHOE, -Petul, (Eng.); nalchas, pètalo, grastê, (Span. Gip.); daväri, grast, gras,
(Tch.); nal agöri, (As. Tch.); såster, gra, (dim.) grastoro, grai, (Tch.); gråst,
sastri, sastri (M.); petalo, (M. 8) (Psp. M.); agori, agora, (Ag. Tch.); grast, HORBE-SHOE, maker of-Petul-mengro, (Eng) (M.); gara, grast, (M. 7)
HORSE-STEALING,-Gry-choring. (Eng.) Horse, draught,-- Telegre, (M.)
Hose,-Kholov, (M. 7) HORSE, of or belonging to,-Grastano, grastês. Host,- Gazhô, gazha, (M.) koro, (Tch.)
HOSTE88,- Gazhi, (M.) 1. This passage has also to be compared with the Samvat, ap to A.D. 1264 (ante, Vol. XI. p. 241.) And extract, commencing with PAlaka, from the PrAkrit one of the Kathi&wAd inscriptions, vix, the Morbt plate GAthda, given by Dr. Bühler, ante, Vol. II. p. 362 f.
of A.D. 804, actually associates the name of the Guptas 15 Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 15. The expression with the era, if in line 17 (ante, Vol. II. p. 258), where is Nav-åttare-bda-sata dvay Gupta n ipa-rdjya-bhulau there is obviously an error of some kind or another, frimati pravardhamana-vijaya-rdjye Mah.vayuja. gopt is a mistake for gaupte. But the instance viven sariuvatear! &c.-We have very much later dates in the above is the latest one in which the duration of the ers; e.g. in Népal, without any name being allotted to Gupta sovereignty is connected with the era. it, up to A.D. 854 (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 345, inscription 1 16 ante, Vol. XIV. p. 342, note 1. P.) and in Kethiswd, under the name of the Valabht

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144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1886.
9)
Hot - Tatto, (Eng.); tablo, tatto, (Tch.); tattêi,
(As. Tch.) HOUR, -Ora, yora, (Eng); ora, (Tch.); chas, (M.) House, -Ken, keir, ker, (Eng.); kher, kfer, her,
ker, (dim.) keroro, (loc.) kerê, (Tch.); guri, gur (As. Tch.); ker, (Pep. M.); khěr,
(dim.) khororo, (M.); kher, (M. 7) HOUSE OF A JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, -Pokiniskoe
ker, (Eng.) HOUSE-BREAKING, -Keir poggring, (Eng.) HOUSEMAID, -Keir-rakli, (Eng.); pokoyova, poko
yôvě, (M.) How,-Sar, sau, (Eng.); sar, (Tch.); sar, (M.);
ani, (M. 7) HOW MANY P Kebôr, (Pep. M.); sôden, sodën, HOW LONGPS sode, sodi, sade, (M.) How MUCH-Sau kisi, kisi, (Eng.); quichi,
(Span. Gip.); abôr, kebôr, kett, (Tch.); ket!, (Psp. M.); sôden, sodên, sode, sodi,
adde, (M.); kazom, keti, (M. 7) HULK FOR CONVICT8,-Berro, bêro, (Eng.); bero,
(Span. Gip.) HUMAN.-Lachighiðskoro, (Tch.) HUMANITY,-Manuship, (Tch.) HUMBLE,Kharnd, siknd, (Tch); ķharno, (M. 7),
sikno, (M. 8) HUMBLH ONESELF, to,-Khârniováva, (Tch.) HUMBLY ONESELF, to cause to,-Kharniarkva i
(Tch.) HUMILITY,-Kharnipë, (Tch.) HUMP,-Khôchika, (Tch.) HUNDRED,Shel, shil, shevál (Tch.); shil, shel,
(Pep. M.); shol, (M.); shel, (M. 8) HUNDREDWEIGHT, --Cégnari, (M.) HUNG,-Nashado, nashko, nasho, (Eng.) HUNGER,Bokh, (M., M. 8) HUNGRY,Bokkalo, buklo, (Eng.); buklo tan,
(Hun. Gip.); bokhaló, (M.) HUNGRY, to be,BokAliováva, (Psp. M); bokha
l'ováva, (M.) HUNT,-Pol'uvâne, věnât, (M.) Hunt, to-Palladava, (Tch.) HURLER, -Wusto-mengro, (Eng.) Hunt, to-Dokava, dukôra, (Eng.); musaráva,
(M., M. 8) HUSBAND-Rom, rommado, (Eng); rom, (M.) Hur-Kólyba, (Tch.) koliba, (M.) Hut, little,-Kolibaco, (M.) Hut, of or belonging to,-Kolybôngoro, (Tch.)
I XYBELJ,-Mi kokoro, (Eng.) ICE, -Buzia, (Tch.) IDIOTIC, --Levavdô, (Tch.) 11.-I8, (Eng.); te, (Tch., M. 8) IF IT WAS, -Sas, (Eng.) IGNORANT,-Yogmas, (Tch.) IMAGE,-Dikkipen, (Eng.) IMMEDIATELY,-Endată, ondata, (M.) IMMER82, to, -Bolava, (Tch., M. 7) IXMORTAL -Vimulo, (M.) IMPLEMENT OF IRON, -Chinkerdo, (Tch.) IMPOSSIBLE, -N&etis, (Eng.) IMPRECATION,-Arman, armania, (Tch.) IMPRISONED, -Pandlo, stardo, (Eng.) IN,-Inna, inner, drey, ando, (Eng.) IN NO MANNER, -Asarlas, (Eng.) IN THAT MANNER, -Dov-odoyakoenos, (Eng.) IN THIS MANNER,-Kavokoiskoences, (Eng.) INCREASE,Bariováva, (Pap. M.) INDEBTED.-Pazorrhus, (Eng.) INTANT,-Tiknô, (Pap. M.) INHABIT, to, -Lodava, (Tch.); boubava, (Pap. M.) INJURY,-Kushipê, (Tch.) INJUSTICE,- Band'imas, (M.) INSIDE, -Andrál, (M.) INN,-Kitchema,(Eng.); traktörna, traktérne, (M.) INN-KEEPER, -Hanlo, kitchema-mengro, (Eng.);
england, (Span. Gip.); cf. LANDLORD. INQUIRE, to-Pucháva,(Eng.); pucháva, pacháva,
(Tch) INSECT, -Pishen, (Eng.) INSIDER-Wendror, (Eng.) INSTRUMENT OY MUSIC,-Sazi, (Tch.) INSULT, to,-Kush&va, (Teh., M. 7) INTELLIGENCE, --Goti, godt, gudt, (Tch.) INTELLIGENT -Godialô, godi&vêr, godiakoro,
. (Tch,) INTO,-Adrey, (Eng.) INTOXICATED, -Matto, (Eng.); matto, matts
måmini, matto gargashi, matto koro, matticano, (Tch.); zerkoshi, (As. Tch.);
mato, mat'Arno, (M.) INVALID,-Naisváli, (Psp. M.) IRABCEBLE, -Jungklo, (Tch.) IRON,--Saster, (Eng.); shastfr, sastfr, slatêr, santri,
(Tch.); lui, (As. Tch.); shastir, shastri, (Pep. M.); sster, sastri, sdetri, (M.);
shastir, (M. 8) IRON, of or belonging to,--Sasturno, (Toh.); -
truno, (M.) IRONMONGER, --Saster-mengro, (Eng.) Is, Se, (Eng.) IT, -Lou, li, i, (Eng.) IT IS POSSIBLE.-Astis, (Eng.) ITex,-Eange, (Enys ghel, gher. (Toh.); khanitri,
(As. Toh.); ghér, (Pep. M ); ger, (M. 7) ITCFT,–Gheralo, (Pap. M.)
I
1,-Mi, man, (Eng.); me, (Tch.); me, mi, (M.);
me, (M. 8) I ALONE,-Mi kokoro, (Eng.) I AND, -Møya, (Tch.)

Page #177

MAY, 1886.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
145
KI88, to-Chamáva, (Eng.); chumider, (Toh.,
Pep. M., M.) KITE,-Změu, zmiy, (M.) KITCHEN-UTENSILS,-KhArkoma, (Tch.); ķhar.
koma, (M. 7) KITTEN,-Měcěshôra, mecěshoarē, (M.) KNEAD, to,-Uehleráva, (Tch.) KNEE,-Chong,(pl.) chongor, (Eng.); koch, chidini,
(Tch.); kôch, (Pep. M.); cbang, (M.);
koch, (M. 7) KNITE,-Churi, (Eng.); chorf, churt, chindall,
kupidi, (Tch.); churi, (Pep. M., M. 7):
shurt, (M.) KNITE-GRINDER -Churi-mengro, (Eng.) KNIT, to,-Kaváva, khuviva, (Tch.); khuviva,
(M. 7)
KNOB, KNOT, -Kochak, (M. 7) KNOCK DOWN, to,-Pashlik keráva, (Tch.) Know, to, - Jinkva, (Eng.), pinjaráva, pincharave.
jandva, (Tch.); (pres. 1) janêmi, (As.) Tch.); zhandva, (M.); jangva, (M. 7);
prinjanava (M. 8) KNOWN, to be,-Pinjárghiováva, (Tch.) KNOWING-FELLOW, &-Jinney-mengro, (Eng.) KNOWLEDGE --Jinnepen, (Eng.); vēste, (M.) KREUZER, (a coin)-Griycår, (M.)
JEST,-Figl'uri, (M.) Jew,- Jut, (dim.) jutoró, (Tch.); jut, (Pep. M.,
M. 7); zhidovu, zidos, (M.) JEWEL-Minriclo, (Tch.) JEWELLERY,-Rupuibe, (Tch.) JEWEBB, -Zhidóñka, (M.) JEWI8H.-Jutno, (Tch.) JOIN ONESELT, to,-nt'egosard'ováva, (M.) JOINED,-Ent'egomt, entegomi, (M.) Joke, to-Shoguisaráva, (M.) JOURNEY, to,-Jalâva, (Eng.) Joy,--Loshanibê, (Tch.) Joyous,-Loshano, loshanutně, (Toh.); loghano,
(M. 8) Jorous, to be.---Loshániováva, (Tch.) JUDGE.--Borobeshemeskeguero, (Eng.) JUMP, to,-Hoktáva, (Eng.) Just 80,--Huey, (As. Tch.) JUSTICE,-Chechepi, chechipi, chechimas, kanónu,
zhudekata, (M.) JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, -Poknies, (Eng.)
к KEEP, to-Garáva, (M.) KEEP UP, to,-Atch&va opre, (Eng.) KERCHIEY,-Diklo, (M.) KERNEL,-Shiru, (M.) KETTLE,-Kekkauvi, (Eng.); kakkari, kakkavi,
(Tch.); kakavi, kakavi, (M., M. 7). KETTLE-IRON, -Kekkauviskey saster, (Eng.) KEY,-Klism, klisn, (Eng.); kilidt, klidt, (Tch.); .
jup, (As. Toh.); key, (M.); klidi, kulcho,
(M. 7). KEYHOLE, -Klism-hev, (Eng.) KICE,-Lakhki, lakhtf, (Toh., M. 8) Kick, to,-Lakhkt dåva, lakht dáva, (Tch.); laht
dåva, (Pep. M.) KID LEATHER,-Khel, (As. Tch.) KILL, to-Morava, moráva, (Eng.); chinava,
(Tch.); mudaráva, (M.) KILLED,--Moreno, (Eng.) KIND, (subst.) Shihi, shihi, (Toh.) KINDLE, to,-Tarita, (Tch.); phabarkva, (M.);
thardva, (M. 8) KINDXE88,-Lachipe, (Toh.) KING,-Krallis, (Eng.); dakar, dakhår, takar,
takhir, taghar, krális, (Toh.); tahlar, taakar, (Pap. M.); kirayi, kriyu, krul'u,
králu, (M.); dakar, kralis, (M. 7) KING's Box,-Krulevich, (M.) KINGDOM,-Dakaribe, (Tch.); ěmpěršote, ompar.
aciya, omparaofye, ěmpěrěolye, (M.) K188,-Chamis, (Eng.); chupendi, (Span. Gip.);
cham, chumf, chumidibé, (Tch.); mutis, (As. Tch.); chumi, ch&m(Pop. M.); chumb, (M. 7)
LABOUR,-Kairipen, (Eng.) LABOUR, to-But'aráva, (M.) LAOB,-Dori, (Eng.); shndru, (M.) LACERATE, to,-Flekuisarkva, (M.) LACKEY,--L'Okay, l'okay, l'ok'&yi, l'okayi, l'okayu,
l'Okayos, (M.) IR LAD,-Chal, mushipen, raklo, (Eng.); murah,
mrush, (dim.) murshorô, raklo, (Toh.) :
murah, (M. 8) LADLE, -Polontku, (M.) LAKE, Y&zo, yazu, (M.) LADY,-Aranya, rawnie, araunya, (Eng.); aranye,
(Hun. Gip.); rinni, khulanf, (Tch.); ray,
stăpănă, (M.) LADY young, T'ira, (M.) LAMB,-Bakrorð, bakrichô, (Tch.); bakrishô, (M.) LAWB, of or belonging to-Bakrichano, (Tch.) LAME,-Lang, lango, (Eng.); panko, pangô, (Pap.
M.); lang, (M., M. 8) LAME, to,-Pangherava, (Pap. M.) LAXP,-Likhnåri, fangri, fenghiardo, (Tch.) LANCER8,-Bustikkoro, (Tch.) LAND,-Cěnátu, o nato, t'em, (M.) LANDLORD,-Hanlo, (Eng.); gazda, gazho, gazhd,
gospodar, (M.); se INNKEEPER. LANGUAGE, Sbora, sboros, (Tch.) LANTERN, -Mamli-mengro, (Eng.); diklo, (Toh.) LAP,-Pust't, poset't, (M.)

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LARGE, Baro, (comp.) baredêr, (Tch.); adică, adica, (M.); baro, (M. 7) LAST,-Palalunô, palalutnô, (Tch.) LAUGH, to,-Salava, (Eng.); asava, (Tch., Psp. M., M., M. 7); khastiri, khesti, (As. Tch.) LAUGH, Asaibê, (Tch.) LAUGH AT, to,-Khokhavâva, (Tch., M. 7) LAWYER,-Rokrenguero, (Eng.) LAY, to,-Shuvava, (M.) LAY DOWN, to,-Továva, påshliovâva, (Tch.); thoâva, (M.); thováva, (M. 8) LAY DOWN, to cause to,-Pashleråva, (Tch.) LAY, to (eggs),-Bilva, (Tch.); kerava, karava, (M.)
LEAD, Archich, plúmbu, plumb, (M.); moliu, (M. 8)
LEAD, to,-Anâva, (Tch ); ongĕrâva, (M.) LEAF,-Pattin, (pl.) pattinor, (Eng.); patia, (Span. Gip.); patrin, patr, pati, patri, fillo, (Tch.); chilo, (As. Tch.); patrin, (Pap. M.,. M.); patr, (M. 8)
LEAP, to,-Hoktáva, (Eng.); dukhkiva, (Tch.); dekhviti, dekhavti, (As. Tch.)
LEAPER,-Hokta-mengro, (Eng.)
LEARN to,-Shikliovâva, (Pap. M.); set'ovâva, (M.) LEARNING, Sherro's kairipen, (Eng.) LEAST, at,-Makar, měkår, (M.) LEATHER,-Cham, (Eng.); morti, perchâs, (Tch.); meshin, mezin, (As. Tch.); morti, (Psp. M., M. 8); cipa, (M. 7)
LEAVE, to,-Mekâva, (Eng.); mukava, mukhava, (Toh.); mekáva, shudâva, (M.); mukava, (M. 8)
LEAVE BEHIND to,-Mekâva, (M.) LEECH, Pivavicha, (Tch.) LEEK,-Purrum, purrun, (Eng.) LEFT,-Bango, (Eng.); stengo, (M.); styng, zervo,
(M. 8)
LEG,-(pl.) Heres, heris, (Eng.); jerias, (Span. Gip.) chang, chank, Tch.)
LEGs, one who has,-Changunô, (Tch.). LEND, to,-Emprumutiâva, omprumutisar&va, (M.) LENGTH, Duripê, (Tch.); lungo, (M.) LET,-Mekâva, (Eng.)
LET DOWN, to,-Hularâva, (M.) LET Go, to,-Mekâva, (M.)
LETTER, Lil, china-mengri, (Eng.); lil, (M., M. 8) LIAR,-Hoffeno, huffeno, (Eng.); khokhavnô, khokhamnô, khokhannô, (Tch.); elketri, (As. Tch.); khokhamnô, (M.) LICK, to,-Charåva, (Tch. M., M. 7) LICKS HIS LIPS, one who,-Chardicanê-vustêngoro, (Toh.)
[Mar, 1886.
LIE DOWN, to,-Sovêva tuley, (Eng.) LIFE,-Merripen, mestipen, jibben, (Eng.); jibê, (Teh.); mejende, (As. Tch.)
LIFT UP, to,-Lazdava, (Tch.); (imperat. 2) lishdê, (As. Tch.); musarâva, vazdáva, (M.) LIFT ONESELF UP, to,-Pornisard'ováva, (M.) LIGATURE, Bandipê, banloipê, (Tch.) LIGHT (adj.)-Loko, (comp.) lokodêr, (Tch.); lokô, (Pap. M., M.8); linu, (M.) LIGHT, a,-Dudê, (Eng.); mumeli, (M.) LIGHT, to,-Alavava, tarâva, (Tch.); yak lekáva, (As. Tch.); sfinciâva, (M.); tharava, (M.) LIGHT A FIRE, to,-Hatchâva, (Eng.) LIGHTNESS,-Lokipê, (Tch.) LIGHTNING, Malano, maloney, (Eng.) LIKE, (adv.)-An, ani, in, enf, (Tch.); varf, (As. Tch.)
LIE-Hokkano, (Eng.); khokamnibê, khokhaimbê, (Tch.); elki, (As. Tch.); khobaimpé, (Pap. M.)
LIE, to,-Hokkáva, (Eng.)
LIKE, to,-Kamâva, (M.) LIKEWISE, Asâ, asau, (Eng.)
LINDEN-TREE, Tey, t'êyu, kyêyu, (M.)
LINEN, Pokhtan, (Tch.); yismata, (Pap. M.); pokhtan, (M. 8)
LINEN-MAKER, or seller,-Pokhtanêskoro, (Tch.) LINGUIST,-Lav-engro, (Eng.)
LINK, ZAves, (Tch.)
LIP, Vusht, vust, vush, usht, (Tch.); osht, (As. Tch.); vast, (Psp. M.); (pl.) usht, (M.); vusht, (M. 8)
LIP, (dim.)-Vustorô, (Tch.)
LITTLE,-Beti, tawno, tawnie, tikno, (Eng.);
chinoro, (Span. Gip.); khurdo, (dim.) khurdorô, (comp.) khurdedêr, tikno, (comp.) tiknedêr, (Tch.); khandi, (Psp. M.); cognô, cononô, cenunt, conônu, khurdo, (M.); khurdo, (M. 7); tikno, (M. 8)
LITTLE, a,-Cěra, cerâ, cerě, (M.)
LIVE, to,-jibava, (Eng.); jivåva, (Tch., Pap. M.; M. 7); beshava, (M.) LIVED, to have,-Jivghiovava, (Tch.) LIVELIHOOD, Jibben, mestipen, (Eng.) LIVER,-Bako, bukka, (Eng.); vendery, (M. 8) LIVER COMPLAINT,-Bukka, naflipen, (Eng.) LIVING, (adj.)-Zhudô, (M.)
LIVING, (sub.)-Mestipen, (Eng.); mestipen, bestipen (Span. Gip.)
LIZARD, Kholistrava, (Tch.) LOAD, Behri, (As. Tch.)
LOAD, to,-Ladaváva, (Tch., M.); shuviva, (M.) LOAD A PISTOL, to,-Maráva, (M.) LOADED, to be,-Lad&vghiováva, (Tch.) LOAM,-Chik, (M.)
Lock,-Klism-engri, (Eng.)
LOCUST-BEAN, Shengûri, (Tch.) LOG,-Kasht, (M.)
LONDON,-Boro-gav, Lundra, (Eng.) LONG, Dugo, (M. 7)

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LONGING, Duru, (M.) Loox, to,-Dikava, (Eng.); akushâva, rodáva, (M.) LORD,-Raia, rye, (Eng.); khulâi, râi, (Tch.); ray, rayu, stěěn, stěpěnu, (dim.) rayorô, (M) LORD, of or belonging to,-Khulanô, (Tch.); rayikanů, (M.)
MISCELLANEA.
LOSE, to,-Nashâva, (Eng.); najabar, (Span. Gip.); nashavâva, nashâv kerava, (Tch.) nashavâva, (Pap. M.); khasarâva, (M. M. 7)
Loss,-Ziyan, (M. 8)
LOST,-Nashado, (Eng.)
LOST, to be,-Nashâvghiovava, (Tch.) LOUSE,-Ju, (pl.) javior, (Eng.); juv, (Tch., Psp., M., M. 7), Cf. NIT.
LOUSY, Juvalo, (Eng.); juvalô, (Tch.). LOUSY, to become,-Juvâlioviva, (Tch.) LOVE, Dukaibê, dukanibê, (Tch.); manghishê, (As. Tch.); drag, (M.)
LOVE to, Kamava, kamellôva, kamova, (Eng.); dukâva, (Tch.); kamâva, (M.) LOVE ONE ANOTHER, to,-Endragostisard'ovava, (M.) LOVE-AFFAIR,-Dragoste, (M.) LOVELY,-Linu, (M.)
LOVER, a,-Kamo-mescro, (Eng.); dukanô, châino, (Tch.); piramnô, (f) piramnt, (M.) Low, Sikno, (Tch., M. 8); büna, bünoz, (As. Tch.) LOWER, to,-Téliovava, (Tch.); mekâva, (M.)
THE VIJAYANAGARA GENEALOGY. In the course of certain correspondence with a literary opponent, Dr. G. Oppert' has referred to my two papers on the Karnata dynasty; and,though condescendingly admitting that my reprint of the two grants "is on the whole pretty correct," adds that "Dr. Hultzsch, being led astray by foregone conclusions, perhaps also misled by the repeated re-occurrence of a similar succession of names, committed himself to a series of blunders."
Epilogue to Ne Sutor Ultra Crepidam, p. 78. ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 125, 153.
The accusation directed against me by Dr. Oppert recoils on himself. The names printed in italics in his genealogical table, are mere repetitions of persons previously named. A grant of Ranga III. and five grants of Venkata II., ink. impressions of which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Burgess, are identical with the two published grants down to Tirumala III., the father of the two donors. As the dates of these six grants range between Saka 1497 and 1535, Pedavenkata, whose grant is dated in Saka 1558, cannot have belonged to the fourth generation after Ranga III.
LUCK,-Bokht, mestipen, (Eng.); mestipen, bestipen, (Span. Gip.); bakht, (Tch.) LULLABY, Suttur-gillie, (Eng.) LUMP,-Boc, (M.) LUTE,-Lauta, (Tch.)
LYING down,-pashlo, (Tch., M. 8) M
147
MISCELLANEA.
MAD, Diviou, (Eng.); denilô, dinilô, dilinô, (Tch.); lùvali, (As. Tch.); hegedüsh, (M.) divio, (M. 7)
MAD, to become,-Deniliováva, (Tch.); d'il'ovava, (M.)
MADHOUSE, Diviou-ker, (Eng.) MAGAZINE,-Magazinu, magazěnu, (M.) MAGNATE,-Raia, rye, (Eng); khulai, râi, (Tch.) MAGPIE, Rokrenchericlo, kakkaratchi, (Eng.) karakâshka, kakaráshka, (Tch.) MAID-SERVANT,-Hargata, (M.); sluga, (M. 8) MAIDEN, Rakli, (M.)
MAINTAIN, to-Zabaviâva, (M.) MAIZE, Kukuruzo, kukurázu, kut'alô, (M.) MAJOR,-Mayoru, (M.)
MAKE, to-Kerava, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M., M. 7) gheråva, kěráva, karåva, thôava, (M.) MAKE, to cause to,-Kerghis kerava, (Tch.) MALE, Nêre, (As. Tch.) MALE-BIRD, Bosno, boshno, (Eng.) MALEDICTION,-Beddaa, (As. Tch.) MALICIOUS, Tippoty, (Eng.)
and Venkata II., which he did according to Dr. Oppert's table. The key to the difficulty is sup. plied by stanza 28 of the Kondyâta grant (= stanza 25 of the Kallakursi grant), which runs thus:wowtrait: showaught
कल्याणीवशालिनस्तनुभवा [:] पञ्च प्रपञ्चावने । रक्षा नीतिः समभवन्शीरापगाकामिनी गीर्वाणायभूरुहा इव बुधश्रेणीष्टदानोत्सुका ॥ "Formerly from the famous king Ramaraja, who resembled divine Råmabhadra in appearance, and who possessed prosperity and majesty, there sprang five sons, who were able to protect the world, who followed the path of policy, and who longed to grant the desires of the crowd of wise men, just as the (five) trees of paradise which had sprung) from the milk ocean."
The word parvam, formerly,' suggests that the genealógist refers to another Rama than Rama VI., viz. to Rama II.; and the correctness of this supposition is proved by two facts:
1. Venkatadri (styled Venkata I. by Dr. Oppert) is called the younger brother of
In order to avoid confusion, I adopt Dr. Oppert's numbers.
For particulars on these grants see t. c. p. 155.

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[MAY, 1886.
Pedavenkata's grandfather, in stanza 31 of the Kallakursi grant:
2. Dr. Oppert's table furnishes an additional proof, as it gives the names of the four brothers of Ranga II., to whom each of the two grants published by myself alludes.
In this manner the miraculous double string of similar names disappears. Dr. Oppert's Ranga VII. and his two sons Pedavenkata and Chinnavenkata are identical with Ranga II. and his two sons
Pedavenkata and Chinnavenkata (Pinavenkata in the grants); and Venkata V., his son Ranga VIII., and his grandson Gopala, with Venkata I. (Ven. katAdri in the granta), his son Ranga IV., and his grandson Gopala.
These corrections having been made, Dr. Oppert's table agrees, as far as I can control it, with my revised table of the Karnata dynasty."
E. HULTZSCA. Vienna, 12th March 1886.
BOOK NOTICES. JOURNAL OF THE BOMBAY BRANOR OF THE ROTALI "B.O. 150, the date now commonly accepted for ABLATIC SOCIETY, Vol. XVI. No. XLIII. 1885.
"Pataljali."--To this paper Dr. Peterson has Library. Townhall, London: Trubner and Co. attached A "Note on the date of Patafljali" pp. 161 to 880, xix. to xliii., and Index i. to v.
(p. 181ff.), with the object of showing that the Two full years elapsed between the issue of grammarian in question lived in the time of a king No. XLII., the first half of this volume, and the Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra, who was conquered isque, at the end of February of this year, of the by the Early Gupta king Skandagupta; 1. e., iu present Number which completes it. It is much accordance with Dr. Peterson's view of the epoch to be wished that the Secretary would follow the of the Gupta era (published by him in a subeequent example of the Royal and the Bengal Asiatic paper and noticed below), about the middle of Societies, and issue smaller parts at frequent the fifth century A.D. The question depends in intervale, thus providing for the more speedy the first place upon a grammatical example, given publication of the papers submitted to the Society, in his Mahdbhdshya by Patalijali, --iha Pushpainstead of keeping them locked up from the mitran ydjayamah, which indicates that Patati public for so long a time. It is also desirable jali lived in the time, and perhaps at the court, that the papers published in the Journal should of Pushpamitra. But, whatever may be shown invariably be headed by the dates on which they hereafter to be the real truth as to Patañjali's date, are read before, or submitted to, the Society. the rest of Dr. Peterson's argument, as to the In previous volumes, it has been the custom identity of this Pushpamitra, loses its validity, usually, though not quite always, to give this in consequence of the fact that the passage information; in the present Number, it has in the Bhitart inscription, on which he relies, is been uniformly omitted. The Index is meagre, -not samudita-bala-koshat.Pushyamitram cha and gives a very inadequate idea of the various jitud, as he gives it on Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's contents of the volume. It has been prepared, authority but samudita-bala-koshdn-Pwahya. however, in accordance with the custom for mitrdmacha jitud. Skandagupta conquered, not a previous volumes. The practical value of these particular king named Pushyamitra, but the tribe. volumes would be much enhanced by full and confederacy, or dynasty, of the Pushyamitras. detailed Indices. The Editor himself can hardly Art. XIII. & "Note on Bedardyana" (p. 194ff), be expected to do this work alone. But much by the Hon'ble K. T. Telang, is directed might be done in this direction by securing the against Professor Weber's inclination to identify co-operation of the scholars whose papers are this writer, the author of the Brahma-Stras, printed in the Journal ; each of them would with Suka, one of whose pupils was Gaudapáda, probably gladly assist by indexing his own con. the teacher of Govindanaths, who again was the tributions.
preceptor of SamkarachArya; on which identiAs to the contents of this Number -in the first fication Prof. Weber would refer Badardyans paper, Art. XII. "On tbe Auchityalankdra of conjecturally to between 400 and 500 A.D. Mr. Kshemendra" (p. 167 f.), Dr. Peterson draws Telang's opinion is that "the Brahma-Satras special attention to & verse, cited in the Mahu- "date back to a far remoter age than that which bhdshya, and now found to be quoted by Kehé. " Professor Weber assigns to them" me above; mêndra (A.D. 1050) and assigned by him to but he does not appear to be prepared at present "Kumaradana, an author whose date is not to suggest an absolute date for them and their
known, but who, from the specimens of his author. style available in the later anthologies, cannot," Art. XIV. "The date of Patañjali; A Reply Dr. Peterson contends, " be placed ao far back as to Professor Peterson" (p. 199 ff.), is a paper by
1. c. p. 156.

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BOOK NOTICES.
149
Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, who, in respect of the more special point relied on by Dr. Peterson, applies himself to showing that the Pushpamitra (or Pushyamitra) in whose reign Patañjali lived, must have been Pushpamitra the Sunga, of the second century B.C. In a footnote on p. 217, he points out that, on my reading of the passage in the Bhitari inscription, it refers to the Pushyamitras as a tribe, not to an individual king named Pushyamitra. He also quotes some other interesting historical allusions in the Mahabhashya, tending to support his and the late Dr. Goldstücker's) selection of the middle of the second century B.C. as the proper date of Patañjali.
Art xv. "Five Copper-Plate grants of the Western Chalukya Dynasty from the Karnal District" (p. 223ff.), is a paper by myself on four grants sent to me for examination by Mr. R. Sewell, M. a. s., and a fifth obtained otherwise. The paper is accompanied by lithographs of the plates, executed very successfully in the Survey of India Offices, Calcutta No. 1 is the revised text of the inscription dated in the first year of Adityavarman, a son of Pulik gáin II., which was originally published by me in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 668., and which brought Adityavar. man's name to notice for the first time. Nos. 2 and 3 are inscriptions of Vikramaditya I., another son of Pulikesin II., now published for the first time, and dated in respectively the third and the tenth years of his reign. The chief interest of these two inscriptions is, that they are undoubtedly genuine inscriptions of Vikramaditya I. and show that he reigned for at least ten years; and that, in connection with Adityavarman's grant, they shew that, in spite of the reverses which the Western Chalukyas appear to have suffered after the death of Palikesin II., the continuity of their rule was maintained over at any rate such portions of their dominions as lay in the Karnal direction. No. 4 purports to be another inscription, also now published for the first time, of Vikramaditya I., without date; it is possibly spurious. No. 5, from Togarchéļu, is the revised text of an inscription, previously published by me from somewhat imperfect materials in the Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 85ff., of Vinayaditya, the son of Vikramaditya I., dated when Saka-Samvat 611 had expired, and there. fore when Śaka-Samvat 612 (A.D. 690-91) was current, on the full-moon day of the month Karttika in the tenth year of his reign.
Art XVI.“ Wilson Lectureship: Develop. ment of Language and of Sanskrit" (p. 245ff.); Art. XVII.“ PAli and other Dialects of the Period" (p. 275ff.); and Art. XVIII. "Relations between Sanskrit, PAli, the Prakrits, and the
Modern Vernaculars" (p. 314ff.) by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, are Noe. I. II. and VII. of the Lectures delivered by him as the First Series of the University of Bombay Wilson Philological Lectures. A foot-note on page 245 tells us that they have, on Dr. Bhandarkar's offer, been printed in this volume in connection with the controversy as to the date of Patañjali. The conclusions at which Dr. Bhandarkar arrives, on lipguistic development and similar grounds, are that Påpini must be referred to about the eighth century B.C.; that Yåska must have flourished about the seventh or sixth century B.O.; that, as regarde Katyâyana, we may accept the popular tradition which refers him to the period of the Nandas, i.e. to about the first quarter of the fourth century B.O.; and that Patañjali lived in the middle of the second century B.C. As regards the languages, bis conclusions are—that the Middle Sanskrit, or the Sanskrit of Yaska and Panini, continued without any important corruption down to Yaska's time. " After his time, however, i.e. about the seventh "or sixth oentury, the elaboration of the PAli, or "Low Sanskrit as it might be called, began in a " decided manner; and the language continued "to be spoken up to the time of Patailjali." .... "The Prakrits must have begun to be formed "about that time, but they did not then attain "any distinctive character; and the vernacular “speech probably did not finally leave the PAli "stage till a very long time afterwards." ... "The growth of the specific Prakrits ... must "be referred to the early centuries of the Christian
"era." ... "About the sixth or seventh century, | the Apabhramba was developed in the country "where the Brajabhash& prevails in modern times."
... And finally-" The modern vernaculars "seem to have begun to assume a distinctive "character about the tenth century. In the "copper-plate inscription containing the name of "Bhaskaracharya, dated 1128 Saka or 1206 A.C., " which I once mentioned before, Marathf appears 4 in its specific character; and so also does Hindi "in the work of Chand, who flourished about the "same time."-Coupled with their own intrinsic value, the bearing of these Lectures (indirect though it is) on the Patañjali controversy, which is the subject of two of the preceding papers in this volume, may be accepted as sufficient reason for the printing of them in the Society's Journal on this occasion, as a special case. But it is to be hoped that this is not to become a precedent for the future publication of all the Wilson Lectures in this way. The present three Lectures, with the short Note attached to them (pp. 343ff) occupy one

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hundred and one pages out of the two hundred and twenty-three of which this Number consists. The funds of the Society, as far as they are expended on its Journal, are intended for the publication of papers read before the Society itself, and for the cost of plates to accompany them; not for the publication of outside papers and lectures, which ought to be otherwise provided for.-Dr. Bhandarkar's first Lecture is headed by the invocation Namaḥ Paramatmané,
Reverence to the Supreme Spirit!" This is quite out of place in an English Society's Journal; as also is the analogous Om! Ganééâya namah! "Om! Salutation to Gaṇeśa!" at the commencement of Count A. De Gubernatis' Sanskrit address, published at p. xxviii.ff. of this Number. In both instances, these excla. mations should have been cancelled by the Secretary in editing the volume.
In Art. XIX. "A Copper-plate Grant of the Traikaṭaka king Dahrasêna" (p. 346ff.), Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji gives an account, with text and translation, of a new and interesting inscription, now published for the first time, from some plates forwarded to the Society by Mr. J. G. White, Bo. C.S. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji considers that the king's name as given here, Dahrasena, is a corruption, or popular pronunciation, of 'Dharasêna.' The inscription is dated in the year 207 of some unspecified era, which he considers to belong to an era established by the Traikaṭakas, and commencing A.D. 249. He refers, in this connection, to Dr. Bird's Kanheri plate, as being dated specifically in the year 245 of the era of the Traikaṭakas. He also notices, in order to reject it on grounds which in themselves are scarcely sufficient, Dr. Bhandarkar's inclination to take this as the era of the Rashtrakutas (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 35f.) But, in order to prevent the possibility of any suggestion as to a Rashtrakuta era being thrown out again on the same grounds, he should have explained more fully why Dr. Bhandarkar is mistaken in this respect, and how the mistake arose. The original Kanheri plate has been lost sight of; and all that is now available for deciphering it, is the imperfect lithograph published by Dr. Bird. In re-editing this inscription in No. 10 of the separate publications of the Archaeological Survey of Western India, p. 57ff., Dr. Bhagwan. lal Indraji read Trikáṭakánám, with the remark "the tri in Bird's copy looks like stra; but the "upper part must be for the circle denoting i, "badly formed." Dr. Bhandarkar then accepted the reading of Strakúṭakandi, and took 'Strakata' as either an abbreviation of, or
[MAY, 1886.
a mislection for, Rashtrakuta; and hence arose his theory as to the Rashtrakuta era. It is perfectly plain, however, that Dr. Bird has only given a somewhat imperfect representation of ttrai, in which the t, followed by. r, is doubled (in accordance with an early custom of orthography), and that the correct reading of his plate was Tiraikuṭakánám.-Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's notice of a new inscription of so much interest should have been accompanied by a lithograph, for which the original plates afford very good materials.-In his text, he has twice (in lines 2 and 3 of the second plate) written the upadhmaniya, instead of the jihvdmúltya, before ka; the mistake, of course, is a self-evident one, but it is one that should not have occurred. In the translation, the words Buddhagupta-datakam-djnd certainly do not mean "to my Dátaka, Buddhagupta, these commands."The text of this inscription is printed according to a peculiar arrangement which sacrifices nearly a quarter of the space available for each line, in favour of the remark "Line 1 ends" and the entries below it, and yet leaves it a troublesome matter to find out where the lines do end! The only practical method of editing inscriptions for the necessary purposes of reference to the lines, and of finding without trouble in a lithograph any doubtful passage that requires comparison, is to place the numbers at the commencement of the lines, and to begin each line of the original with a fresh line in the printed version. In the Number under notice, this same objectless arrangement is followed also in Art. XX. by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji and in Art. XXIII. by Dr. Peterson, though not in Art. XXI., another inscription by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, in which the proper method of arranging the lines is followed. In respect of prose passages, there is nothing whatever to be said in favour of this arrangement. In respect of passages in verse, there is perhaps no particular objection to an editor arranging them according to the lines of the verses, if he thinks it looks nicer; but nothing is achieved thereby, except waste of space and inconvenience of reference; and, when that arrangement is adopted, a better method of marking the commencement of each line of the original must be devised than that used in this Number.
In Art. XX. "Transcript and Translation of the Bhitari Lât Inscription" (p. 349ff.), Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji gives his own reading of this inscription, with a translation of it, from his personal examination of the stone. This paper is accompanied by a lithograph, the cost of which might well have been saved. It gives a reduction of an "eye-copy" made by Dr. Bhagwanlal

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Indraji in 1869; i.e. it represente, not the original as it existe, but the original as Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji saw it and succeeded in tracing it, which is a totally different thing. Lithographs of this description are now quite out of date.--This version may be a slight im. provement on the last published, Dr. Bhau. Daji's (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 59ff.) But the general editing of the paper is careless to a degree, and destroys whatever value it might otherwise have possessed. Setting aside minor points, such as the omission to correct what may be assumed to be printer's errors; the nge of Lichchhivi in line 3 of the text, but, in the translation, Lichchhavi, without any com. ment on the variation ; &c. &c.,-the verses are treated in the most erratic manner. In the text, they are numbered down to verse 4; but the remaining eight are left unmarked. In the translation, they purport to be numbered down to verse 7; but 1 includes the whole of verse 1 and half of verse 2; 2 includes the second half of verse 2 and the whole of verse 3; 3 represents in reality verse 4; 4 representa verse 5; 5 represents verso 6; 6 represents verse 7; 7 re- presents verses 8, 9, and 10 ; and verses 11 and 12 are left unmarked. On p. 353 we have the curious remark:-"We learn from this inscription that his" (Samudragupta's) son and successor Chandrugupta the second was named Lichchha- viduhitri." This involves a slight impossibility, since Lichchhavi-duhitri means "the daughter of Liohobhavi." an epithet hardly applicable to Chandragupta II., or any other of the male sex ; and also a double mistake, inasmuch as what is really intended-Lichchhavi-dauhitra, "the daughter's son of Lichchhavi,"-is an epithet, not of Chandragupta II., but of his father Samudra. gupta. In connection with the Patasījali con troversy, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji enters into a variety of remarks, and, among them, quotes me, at secondhand, as having furnished Dr. Bhan. darkar with the reading Pushyam itrar grihítva in line 11. He proceeds to say "the whole line, "Bhandarkar adds, is, in Mr. Fleet's judgment, "capable of being read " What this mysterious sentence means, is not explained. But, as to his preceding remark, I have never adopted the reading of grihatod that he attributes to me, for the simple reason that, the vowel before tvd being unmistakably short, the word must be jitvd. Nor do I find it altogether certain that even Dr. Bhandarkar has attributed tha alleged reading to me What that gentleman says (p. 217. note 8) is "He reads you but instead of free there " is in his copy Tecar distinctly. But he says "the whole line is quite capable of being read
"araferner gouf ." The second sentence certainly seems to attribute grihftvd to me; but not so the first, the plain grammatical meaning of which is that Dr. Bhandarkar himself saw grihitud in the impression that I showed him; not that I read grihftvd to him. And this mean. ing is in accordance with his remark in the text of his paper, that he himself could read grihftvd in Dr. Bhau Daji's lithograph. This, however, is a matter that is not worth further discussion. The point that we were concerned with was the reading of the twelve aksharas before cha jitvi. Dr. Bhandarkar wished to test, in order to corroborate or disprove it, Dr. Bhau Daji's published reading of samudito-bala-kúšam=Pushyamitran grihitvd, and Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's proposed reading of samudita-bala-koshat, &c. I told him that the passage certainly did introduce the base Pushyamitra ; and that, though I was not prepared to give him then an absolutely final reading, I was inclined to prefer the accusative plural, Pushyamitrams=chu, with a preceding accusative plural in apposition with it, to the accusative singular, Pushyamitran-cha, with a preceding accusative singular, or with an abla. tive before it; and this is the point that he brings out in the second sentence quoted by me above from his footnote. This was in March or April 1885. Afterwards, in England, when work. ing again on this inscription, I made up my mind finally that the reading was two accusatives plural in apposition, samudita-bala-koshdn-Pshyamitrdmt=cha jitvd (the only possible doubt being whether we should read Pushyu or Pushpa); and I notified this to Dr. Bhandarkar some months ago, soon after seeing his "Reply to Professor Peterson.” I have entered into the point at some length here, because the passage really is one of some importance. I have to add that, before discussing the readings of others, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji should make sure that his own readings are correct. In his translation, he gives “having .....conquered Pushya. "mitra "; but, in his text, he gives the nominative case, Pushyamitras-cha jitvd, which, whatever it means, certainly has not the meaning of the translation. We might take this as a printer's error, overlooked by the author, for Pushyamitrañ=cha; but Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji repeats the same reading on p. 351, with a foot. note, and leaves no doubt about it by the emphatic remarks "the next sign is bcha," and "the ..... is quite distinct."- At the end of his paper, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji throws in his adherence to the theory of A.D. 819 me the commencement of the Gupta era. In connection with this, he quotes the years 98 and 129 as the

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earliest and latest dates for Kumäragupta. But we have the well-known Bilsad inscription of Kumaragapta, which is dated, in words, in the year 98 (Archæol. Sure. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 19, and Plate viii.); and General Cunningham quotes a coin of his which gives the date of 130 odd (id. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Plate V. No. 7.)
Art. XXI."An Insoription of Asokavalla." (p. 357 ff.), by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, gives his text and translation, with remarks, from an impression sent by General Cunningham. This is a Buddhist inscription of the twelfth century A.D., and is of interest as tending to support Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's previous suggestion (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 347) that the date of Buddha's nirvana, relied on in the Gaya inscription of the year 1813 from that event, is the Peguan date, B. O. 638.--Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji origi- nally read the name of the king as Asokachalla. He now corrects this into Agokavalla, and is probably right in doing so. But what is his authority for saying that the second part of the name, valla, is a contraction of vallabha P-His treatment of the details of the date, in line 12, is wrong. He reada Bhadra di 8 rd 29, and translates "the 8th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada, the 29th solar day." But there is nothing in the text, even as he gives it, to represent the
dark half " nor is it explained by him how rd comes to mean " the solar day." The real reading of the original is Bhadra-dind 29.
Art. XXII. "Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche," (p. 361 ff.), by Pandit Durga Prasada, gives, in a tabular form, the results of a careful examination, based on independent sources, of Professor Böhtlingk's collection of Sanskrit proverbs and lyrical pieces. The paper consists of emendations and brief notes which, judging from the two specimens to which particular attention is drawn on p. xxii., will be of considerable use to students of the original collection.
The concluding paper, Art. XXIII. " An in. scription from Kotah" (p. 378ff.), by Professor Peterson, gives his revised version of an inscription edited by Professor Kielhorn in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 162.-This paper is accompanied by a lithograph, which might as well have been omitted : apart from its peculiar colour, the details of it shew, either that the preparation of it was not properly supervised, or, more probably, that it reproduces a very indifferent impression. I am not at present in a position to say how far Dr. Peterson's rendering of the text is an improvement on Prof. Kielhorn's; but I notice that in the first line he follows a slip of Prof. Kielhornin writing the upadhmaintya, instead of the jihvdmúllya, before k; even his own
lithograph suffices to shew that the original has the jihvdmuliya, as of course might be er. pected, Svátadvip.dnukdrdl=kevachid, &c.-" This "inscription is dated in the 796th year of the "Lords of Málava," which corresponds, as Dr. Peterson tells us further on, to A.D. 740, since "it can be shewn that this era of the Lords of "Malwa is no other than that now known as the "Vikramaditya era." The proof is furnished by an inscription at Mandasôr, discovered under my direction, and incidentally mentioned first by Dr. Bhandarkar on p. 219, note 10, which gives for Kumiragupta the date of the year 494 of this era; or, according to the original," when four hundred and ninety-three years had elapsed by (the reckoning from the tribal constitution of the MAlavas." Dr. Peterson's proposed translation of this date (p. 381), is slightly different, - " when four-hundred and ninety-three years from the establishment (in the country P] of the tribes of the Malavas had passed away." He admite, however, that gana-sthiti, which I render by tribal constitution,' may have another meaning than that which he has suggested for it. And, in passing, in connection with the understanding of these MAlava dates, I would deprecate the translation of Malavesandm by the specific expression of the Lords of Malava" (Prof. Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 163; and Dr. Peterson, in the paper under notice, p. 380), or by " of the kings of MAlava" (Dr. Peterson, in his translation, p. 389). It is safer at present to use the legs binding expression of "the Malava lords ;" especially as an inscription at Gyárispur' or
Gyaraspur,' dated when the year 936 of the era had expired (Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 33f. and Plate xi.), uses the simple expression "MalavaKala," in commenting on which General Cunningham in 1880 recorded his opinion that this MAlava era must be the same as the era of Vikramiditya of Ujjain. Following Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in erroneously quoting Gupta-Samvat 98 and 129 as the earliest and latest known dates of Kumaragupta, Dr. Peterson proceeds—" What is the era in the " 494th year of which Kumaragupta was "ruling the wide earth? This is a question to which "I take it there can be but one answer. It is the "era now known as that of Vikramaditya. This "can perhaps be most effectively demonstrated "by beginning at the end, and assuming for the "sake of argument what I desire to prove. "Kumaragupta, then, let us take it, was reigning "in the year 49.1 of the Malava era, that is, of the " Vikramiditya era, that is, in the year AD. 438. "Kumaragupta's earliest and latest known dates, " in the era of his House, are 93 and 129, that is, "the years A.D. 407 and 448. On our hypothesis

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“then the Mandosar inscription falls easily with "in the time at which Kamiragupta is known " to have been reigning: and there is no other " era known to be which will give us the same "result. The MAlava era and the Vikramiditya "ern are tberefore one and the same. It is taken " for granted in the above that the initial year of "the Gupta era is A.D. 319. But with Oldenberg "And Bhandarkar I hold that no apology is "required for such an assumption. Those who "still hesitate may rather fairly be challenged to "show how any other theory of the Gupta era " can be made to fit in with the Mandosar in "scription." I fully agree with Dr. Peterson in his results. In spite of my previous inclination to accept General Cunningham's view of A.D. 166 us the epoch of the Gupta era, and consequently to accept, of Albfrúni's rather ambiguous state. ment, that part as correct which says that it was the downfall of the Guptas that took place in A.D. 319-20, these results forced themselves upon me directly I obtained a complete and fully intelligible impression of this new Mandasor inscription. And they must, I think, be apparent to any one who has the epigraphical data before him, and gives them due consideration. But I would avoid Dr. Peterson's method of taking for granted the points that have to be proved, and of ignoring several other points of importance that require to be disposed of. The case may be put briefly thus :-The Gupta inscriptions and coins give us, for Kumáragupta, the extreme limits of Gupta-Sarhvat 96 and 180 odd. We may take 113 as the mean of these. The result, for this mean, is-1) according to the late Mr. Thomse' view A. D. 191 ; (2) according to General Cunningham's theory, A.D. 279; (3) according to Sir E. Clive Bayley's, A.D. 303; and (4) according to one interpretation of Albirûni's statement, A.D. 432-33. Then applying the Malava era to these results, we must look for its epoch close to respectively (1) B.C 302; (2) B.C. 214; (3) B.C. 190; and (4) B.C. 61-60. But the first three results each entail the supposition of a brand-new era, hitherto unheard of, and utterly unexpected. We must not overlook the fact of the existence of coins, first brought to notice by Mr. Carlleyle (see Archæol. Suro. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 165ft., and Vol. XIV. p. 149ff. and Plate xxi. Nos. 19 to 25), which have on them the legend Malavdndi jayah," the victory of the Malavas," in charac. ters ranging, in General Cunningham's opinion, " from perhape B.C. 250 to A.D. 250." These coins shew that the Malavas existed, as a recog. nised power, long before the time when, as I consider, their "tribal constitution" took place. And, if we have to invent a new era, these coins
might justifiably induce us to select as its epoch B.C. 223, as fixed by General Cunningham for the death of Asoka (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I. p. vii.), or some point thereabouts. But this entails, as I have said, the invention of a brand-new era; a remedy that must, if possible, be avoided. And it further creates the palæographical difficulty-and, within oertain limite, palæographical evidence must be accepted-that it forces the Kota inscription of the MAlava year 795, and the Gyárispor' inscription of the Malava year 936, back to respectively A.D. 572 and 713; periods to which, from their alphabets, they cannot possibly belong. The fourth result, on the contrary, brings us so very close to B.C. 57, the epoch of the already existing and well-known Vikrama era; and at the same time satisfies so well the palæographical requirements of the case; that we are compelled to find in it the solution of the question, and to adjust the equation of the dates thus,-- GuptaBathvat 113 (the mean date for Kumaragupta)
+A.D. 319-20 = A.D. 432-33; and Málava-Sarvat 493 - B.C. 57-56 - A.D. 436-37. This new Mandasör inscription, therefore, proves two things :-(1) that Albtrani's statement that the Gupta era began A.D. 819-20 is certainly correct, but the rest of his statement, that this era marked the epoch of their downfall, not of their rise, is wrong ;-and (2) that, under another name, the Vikramaditya era did undoubtedly exist anterior to A.D. 544. which was held by the late Dr. Fergusson to be the year in which it was invented.
J. F. FLEET. 7th March 1886.
THE Corks OF THE GREEK AND SOYTHIC KINGS OF
BACTRIA AND INDIA IN TE BRITISH MUSEUX, by PERCY GARDNER, LITT. D.; edited by REGINALD STUART POOLE, LL.D. Printed by order of the Trosteen, London, 1896. 8vo. pp. lxxvi. and 198 ; and Plates i. to xxxii. This valuable little volume contains a great deal more than might be assumed from its unpretend. ing secondary title, a "Catalogue." The authors give as in the first place an introduction, dealing very fully with the Historical Outlines of the period to which these coiris relate. This is followed by some brief remarks on the Inscriptions, Monograms, Types, and Weights of the Coins, supplemented by a list of the Normal Weights of Coins a table of the Aryan Pali alphabet as found in the ooing, and a sketch of some of the principal Prekpit legends, with their Greek equivalents and English renderings. Then follows a very detailed and careful account of the coins themselves, rapplemented by twenty-nine very fine autotype plates and three photolithographic. The book will be invaluable to numismatiste, and to all others

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who are interested in any way in the history of the us some specimens in this Journal, Vol. XII. period with which it deals.
p. 6ft. and which are sufficiently numerous to The series commences with the coins of Andra- overlap Chandragupta I. and Samudragupta (as is goras, king of Parthia (), circa B.O. 300, and ends
| required), as well se to fill up the interval. with those of Kanerkes (Kanishka), Hooerkes As regards the mysterious" Bazodeo or Vasu. (Huvishka), and the mysterious" Bazodeo déva, the authors refer to one inscription of his, (Vasudêya).
which," it rightly read," world shew that "he Some of the historical problems involved are as * sometimes dates from year 5 of the era, which yet hardly ripe for discussion. I notioe, however, "will give to his reign the impossible length of 94 specially, that the authors follow Mr. Ferguson in "years." This led Professor Dowson to suggest holding that the "Saka era," the epoch of which is that Vasudeva was general name given to the A.D. 78,"starts from the date, not of the de- kings of the Kanishka dynasty by their Indian "struction of the Sakas, but of the establishment subjects. Apart from this suggestion, the point " of their empire in India under Kanerkes," or, 48 is of considerable importance we bearing upon a a footnote adds, "perhaps Kadphises II., as it is theory which I can find no possible grounds for "Kadphises who begins the ingue of Indo-Sythic accepting as probable in respect of the early kings "gold coins; and Kanerkes' earliest date is the of India itaelf,-that Kanishka, Huvishka, and "year 9."
Vasudeva recorded their dates on the same prin. In passing, I would notice a point suggested to ciple as the Kasmirians in their LékukAla; i.e. me some little while ago by Dr. Hoernle, viz. that, with the omission of the hundrede. I think that instead of speaking of Kadphises I. and Kadphises neither this theory, nor Professor Dowson's sugII., it would be advisable to refer to them always gestion, need be had recourse to, in order to by their full names of respectively Kozola- or explain Vasudeva's supposed date of the year 5. Kujula-Kadphises and Ooemo-orHima-Kadphiaes. A reference to the published lithograph (Archeol. No explanation of the syllables kadphises has ever Surv. Ind. Vol. III. Plate xiii. No. 2); « compari. yet been established; and, in speaking of these son of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table of the two kings as Kadphises I. and II., we may be, and ancient Nagart Numerals (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. very likely are, committing some such soleciam as p. 442.); and an unbiaseed consideration of the if we were to speak of, for instance, Diodotus and requirements of the case, should satisfy anyone Apollodotus as respectively Dotus I. and Dotus II. that what we have is, not the symbol for 5, but
To return to the date of Kanishka and Huvish- either an imperfeotly preserved, or an imperfectly ka,--the general set of opinion of experts now oer. represented, form of the symbol for 70, which of tainly is that Kanishka did establish the Saka course fits in perfectly well with Vasudeva's other era, or at least began to reign very shortly after dates, ranging from 44 (but P 74) to 98. the establishment of it by some member of his
J. F. FLEET. family. The chief obstacle to the general accept- 13th March 1886. ance of this view is the theory that the Early Gupta coinage comes numismatically immediately Lars OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN PRIVATE LIBRA
RIES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. Compiled, arranged, and after that of Kanishka, Harishka and Vasudeva;
indexed by GUSTAV OPPERT, PE, D. - Vol II. 1885. and, as it is now known that the Gupta era did Madras, Government Press. Pp. ix, and 894. begin A.D. 319, the interval of one hundred and
This volume and the preceding, giving together forty years between this date and on the Saka a list of 18,797 manuscripts, would seem at first era theory) A.D. 176, the latest date of Vasudeva sight to offer a very promising field of research does not fit in with the theory. On this point I to Sanskrit Scholars, and thus to make a very would remark,--and it cantot be urged too ample return for the expense that they have cost strongly,--that numismatic (and palæographical) the Government in publication, and for the time theories must be subordinated and adapted to and trouble that the compilation of them has such facts and dates as are established by definite coat Dr. Oppert himself and a more serious epigraphical records. To adopt the reverse pro- matter still the various District Officers through cess, and interpret epigraphical records so as to whom he has obtained so many of the materials. suit numismatic (and palæographical) theories, is A closer examination, however, leads to very utterly unreasonable, and can only end, as it so different results. often has, in hopeless confusion. In the pre
The full form of the Catalogue used by Dr. sent case, we have ample materials for filling up Oppert contains eleven columns. Cole. 6 to 11, the interval between Vasudeva and the Early however,-intended for respectively the Substance Gupta kinga, in the later Indo-Soythian coins and Character; Pages; Lines; In whose Posses. of the Panjab, of which Mr. Thomas has givension; Age of the MS; and Remarks,- are actually

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printed only in the case of 4,996 manuscripts, vis. Name. Of these, Columns 4 and 5 are avowedly 3,368 out of 8,376 in Vol. I, and 1,628 out of filled in on speculation; as Dr. Oppert tells us in his 10,421 in Vol. II. The necessity for Col. 9, "In Preface to Vol.I.-"The columns containing the whose Possession," is hardly apperent, as it subject matter and the author's name having only repeats the entry prefixed as a heading to rarely been filled up by the Pandite, I have sup. each separate list. Take, for instance, Vol. II. plied this deficiency to the best of my ability: the Nos. 7.469 to 7,856. These are preceded by the contents of the columns are therefore enclosed in heading "His Highness the Maharaja of Pudu. brackets." We may, of course, credit Dr. Oppert kõta ;" and yet each of the 387 entries has opposite with having filled in many of the entries cor. it, in Col. 9, either " His Highness the Maharaja," rectly; e.g. Vol. II. No. 1134, Mülatimadhava, or "Ditto," as the case may be; this, surely, is "(Nataka) (Bhavabhūti);" No. 1697, Raghuvaba, rather an unnecessary waste of space. Col. 10, "(Kavya) (Kalidása);" No. 3082, Siddhanta"Age of the Manuscript," is filled in, pretty con- kaumudi, “(Vyakaraṇa) (Bhattējidikshita);" and stantly, from the statement of the owners of the No. 1446, Atharvaņavēda,"(Vēda)." But his manuscripts, and may probably be taken as fairly knowledge of subject-matters and author's names correct in respect of such entries as Vol. II. can hardly be universal, and his memory infal. No. 2106, fifteen years; No. 2110, twenty years; lible. And it is quite impossible that the entries and even No. 2118, eighty years. But it nowhere in these columns can be correct throughout. contains any details of the dates, in support of The two columns in fact, simply resolve them. the entries that are made; though we should like selves into Cols. (1) No. (2) Name of the MS. particularly to know on what authority Vol. II. in Dēvanāgari; and (3) Name of the MS. in No. 662 is entered as two thousand years old ; | Roman; or, in other words, into merely a long No. 438, as twelve hundred years; Nos. 657 and string of 18,797 titles, of the kind which is not of 664 each as one thousand years; or even, to come the slightest use for any practical purposes, and down to comparatively modern times, Nos. 1,962, the insufficiency of which was commented on in 1,963, and 1,964 each as six hundred, and No. 1,967, very pointed terms by Mr. Whitley Stokes, in his as five hundred years old. The first of these 'note written on the 6th August 1868, when the entries, Vol. II. No. 662, is one that specially at- question of Sanskrit Manuscripts was first taken traots attention. For, if it can be substantiated, up by the Government of India (see the Papers M, trom Dr. Oppert giving no special remark relating to the Collection and Preservation of the discrediting it, we might suppose it can be, -it Records of Ancient Sanskrit Literature in India, will give an interesting corroboration of. Dr. Calcutta, 1878.) Rajendralal Mitra's theory, that the Hindus must There is nothing to he gained by going any bave known the art of making paper at least two further with the present series of volumes, thousand years ago! But perhaps it is one of the which with the silence of their Prefaces as to "evidently incorrect" entries alluded to in general anything of importance in the Lista, only give in a terms by Dr. Oppert in his Preface to Vol. I. P In printed form the preliminary memoranda which Col. 11, "Remarks," the entries are so few and far Dr. Oppert should have kept to himself as the between us to be practically none at all, and are basis for detwiled personal inquiries, and thus, oonfined almost throughout to such statements as eventually for the publication of useful lists. "Two Copien," "Three Copies." In Vol. I. there What we require for Southern India is a series indeed are a few entries of a more ambitious kind; of Reports like those given us by Dr. Bühler and such as No. 2, "Such works are also written by Rá. Dr. Peterson for Western India and Rajputång, minujkokrya and Madhavio rya"; No. 4, "Vyzsa by the late Dr. Burnell for the Tanjore Library, is the reputed Author of most of the Puranas," and by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra for Northern India No. 740, “With a commentary; Parājarabhatta and Bengal; bringing discoveries of importance to is also called Bhattarya or Bhattar"; No. 812, prominent notice, and giving, not simply mere "Vidyaranya is another name for Sayaņácarya." strings of names, but full details of the author. But neither of the two volumes contains in this ship, contents, condition, and details of the date of column any entries of a practical and useful kind, each mann.cript,-extracts sufficient to shew the as tending to give any hint as to the value and recension to which it belongs,--and, in individual importance of the particular manuscript remarked cases, such other information as will naturally on.
suggest itself in the course of research. The For the remaining 13,801 manuscripts, we have work, of course, is one that entails a great deal only the first five columns of-1) No.; (2) Name of of labour and patience, and can only progress the MS. in Dāvanigari; (3) Name of the MS. in slowly. But it deserves, and requires, to be done Roman; (4) Subjeot-matter; and (5) Author's systematically and thoroughly, if it is done at all.

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[MAT, 1886.
The present system, as exhibited in the volume TAY , A t; and refra, maftfar. The now under notice and its predecessor, simply same mistakes occur in the Calcutta Ed. of 1875; serves no practical purpose whatever; and it is but the Bombay Editors have corrected a fourth a pity that Dr. Oppert's time and energy should be mistake of that edition. expended so fruitlessly.
On II. 17 we have the note *** -
J. F. FLERT, rarea - 4r fattat Tr. 23rd March 1886.
Fame T TATTRIC" ft. The Editors have
copied from the Calcutta Ed., but, trying THX KIRATARJUNIYA OF BHARAVI, with the COXIN perhaps to give some sense to the passage, they
TART OF YALLINATHA. Edited with various road- have added a mistake in compounding the two ings by N. B. GODABOLE, B.A., and K. P. PARABA. Printed and published by the proprietor of the words Parafaret of that edition. It should of Nirnaya-Sagara Press. Bombay: 1886.
course have been * FUTETTON " Of the private publishing-firms of Bombay,
केवलं श्रयमाणेव किया निमित्त कारकभावस्थापित none seems more anxious than is the Nirnaya
Tari" fat. . Sagara Press, to furnish the student of Sanskrit
The Commentary on II. 27, as printed in the with clearly printed, well got up, and moderately
Bombay Edition, is a regular mine of mistakes. priced editions of the classical works of Sanskrit
In the first place, a well-known definition has literature. The list of books already brought out
been, with two mistakes, thus copied from the by that press, includes amongst others several
Calcutta Ed.-star works of Kalidasa, the Ratndvali, the Dasakumd
HT racharita, and the Kirdtarjunfya. Other works
RIT: Secondly the interpunctuation of the are in the press; and more are to follow, if
whole passage, in which Mallinatha discusses the sufficient assistance and encouragement be given
compound pfit, shows that the passage bas by the public. The principal editors appear to not been understood; and the words for be Mr. K. T. Paraba, and Mr. N. B. Godabole, | शुक्ल and बलाकायां tor बलाकायाः prove that the B.A., and, if I remember rightly, formerly a Editors have again been copying. And lastly, the Jagannath Shankershet scholar of the Bombay final remark TT TTTE :-"tat off is University. In Europe it is unfortunately some.
T HAT rest Farfor shows, not merely what difficult to get hold of books published in
they have been copying, but also that they have India. But having succeeded in procuring a copy
taken no trouble to understand what they were of the Kirátárjunkya brought out by the Nirnaya..
putting before the public. Had they made any Sågara Press, I consider it right both to the
attempt to do so, they would probably have dispublic and to the enterprising publishers, to
covered that the words a f an of the state plainly what opinion I have arrived at by
Calcutta Ed. stand for qerfrafts, and it an examination of a portion of this Edition.
In few words, it is this, that Messrs. Godabole स्थात् tor बालिझ्यात. and Paraba have given us in this edition' little | Proof of copying may also be afforded by more than a reprint of a Calcutta print;-that, W AT for iraft on II. 20; by the sign of As regards the commentary, they have taken interpunctuation before i t on II. 85; by no great trouble to understand what they have M at for on II. 39; and by other mishanded to their printers ;-and that, for the part takes which have been reprinted. which I have had the patience to study, they do To give the editors their due, I must add that not appear to have consulted a single one of the they have appended to their edition an alphabe. aany MSS. which must have been within reach. tical index of the verses of the Kirdt drjun fya.
A few examples out of many may prove this: On the whole, the first edition of the Kirdidr. On II. 19, in which verse the word TOT occurs, juniya, published at Calcutta in 1814, may be we read the note "T " P ereit Part:. said to be still the best. Many of its mistakes At first, we are inclined to consider Fer må have been repeated, while others have been misprint for me. but when we find the same
added, in the later editions. May we hope that misprint in the Calcutta Edition of 1875, w9
the Superintendents of the Bombay Sanskrit begin to suspect that the Bombay Editors have
Series will arrange to put us in possession of
trustworthy and correct text of MallinAtha's copied. On II. 7 Mallin&tha is made to say "apartara
excellent commentary on a poem which, for many
reasons, is one of the most important and attrac. पर: प्रथमपुरुषेऽप्रबुण्यमानो ऽबस्ति" इतिभाबकारः ।
tive works of the classical literature of India P T u rut . Here there are three
F. KJELHORN mistakes. भवतिपरshould have been भवन्तीपर Göttingen.

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JUNE, 1886.]
PRIDE ÁBASED.
PRIDE ABASED. A KASMIRI TALE.' BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. &c.
IN times long past there lived a certain king,
who was so occupied with, and so proud of, his own thoughts and words and actions, that his name became a proverb in the land. "As selfish as our king," "As proud as our king," the people used to say. As will be supposed, the courtiers and Wazirs of this king were thoroughly tired of hearing him and of having to add fuel to the fire by assent and flattery:
"Ah! where is there such another country as this, such soil, so well irrigated, and so fertile ?" he would ask.
rode forth at their head, and sent messengers in every direction to challenge the people to fight.
For a considerable time he would seem to have inspired all countries and all peoples with awe, because nobody accepted the challenge, there being no pretext for such slaughter as there would be in a big battle, unless it was to satisfy this selfish and proud king. But at last another king appeared with his army and defeated the selfish and proud king; and took away all his kingdom and all his glory and all his power.
Here was an end to his pride. Crushed in spirit he disguised himself and escaped with his queen and two sons to some place by the side of the sea, where he found a ship ready to sail. He asked the captain to take him and his little family on board, and land them at the place whither he was sailing. The captain agreed; but when he got a glimpse of the
"Nowhere anything to be compared with it, beautiful queen he changed his mind, and deO king!" termined to fulfil only a part of the agreement --and to take the woman only. "What a beantiful mistress she would make !" he thought, "and what a lot of money I could get if I wished to sell her!" So when the moment for starting arrived the queen first embarked; and then, just as the king and his two sons were about to follow, some strong, rough men, who had been suborned by the captain, prevented them and held them tight, till the ship was well out to sea.
"Ah! yes;" and then His Majesty would stroke his beard and draw a long, breath, as though overburdened with a sense of his own greatness.
Nearly every audience of the king was disturbed by such performances as these. It was becoming very wearisome; and the more so as the king was a man of moderate attainments, and his country and people, also, were of an ordinary character. At length some of the Wasirs determined to answer him truthfully the next time he put such questions to them. They had not long to wait for an opportunity. "Think you," said his Majesty," that there is another king greater than I, or another kingdom more powerful and glorious than mine."
Loudly wept the queen when she saw that her husband and two boys were being left behind. She smote her forehead, tore her clothes and threw herself upon the deck in great distress; and finally swooned away. It was a long swoon, and although the captain used several kinds of restoratives yet for more than an hour she remained as one dead. At last she revived. The captain was very attentive. He' arranged a nice bed for her, brought her the best of food, and spoke very kindly; but it was all to no purpose, for the queen refused to look at him or speak to him. This continued for several days, till the captain despaired of ever getting her love and therefore determined to sell her.
"Nowhere, O king!" the Wazirs and courtiers would reply.
"Where are there such just and clever laws, and such a prosperous people ?"
"Nowhere else, O king!"
"Where is there such a splendid palace as mine ?"
"Yes, O king, there are," they replied.
On hearing this unusual answer, his Majesty got very angry. "Where is this king? Tell me quickly," he said, "that I may take my army and go to fight with him."
Be not hasty, O king," they replied. "Consider, we pray you, before you act, lest you be defeated and your country ruined." But the king became more angry than before. He ordered his whole army to be assembled, and as soon as they were ready, he
157
Told me by Brahman named Mukund Bayd, who resides at Sutha, Srinagar,
Now there was in the same ship a great merchant, who seeing the queen's exceeding beauty,
[Why are the Kasmiris so fond of ship' stories ? It is a point worth investigating.-ED.]

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and hearing her refuse the captain's sait day child. Evidently God has sent you to me. after day, thought that perhaps he might bay Will you be my own children and learn to fish, her, and win over her affection. Accordingly he and live in my house P" Of course, the poor offered the captain a large sum of money for boys were only too glad to find a friend and the woman, and she was handed over to him. shelter. "Come," said the fisherman kindly, Most earnestly and perseveringly the mer- leading them out of the boat to a house close by, chant tried to please her and make her love "I will look after you." The boys followed him, and eventually he so far succeeded, that most happily and went into the fisherman's when he told her that he had bought her for a house; and when they saw his wife, they were large sum of money, and, therefore, she ought to still better pleased, for she was very kind to consent to marry him, she said, "Although the them, and treated them like her own real sons. bargain between you and the captain is void, The two boys got on splendidly in their new because the captain had no right to dispose of .home. They went to school, and in a very me, I not being his, yet I like you and will short time learnt all that the master could marry you, if you will agree to wait for two teach them. They then began to help their years, and if during this period I do not meet adopted father, and in a little while became my husband and sons again." The merchant most diligent and and expert young fishermen. complied, and looked forward in blest anticipa- Thus time was passing with them, when it tion to the completion of the period of probation. happened that a great fish threw itself on to
As soon as the vessel was out of sight, the the bank of the river and could not get back hired men released the king and his two boys. into the water. Everybody in the village
t was useless to seek revenge even if his Ma went to see the immonse fish and nearly jesty had any desire for it; and so he turned everybody cut off a slice of it and took it home. his back on the sea, and walked fast and far Some few people also went from the neighwith the two boys, who wept and lamented as bouring villages and amongst them was a they ran along by his side, till he reached a
maker of earthenware. His wife had heard river, somewhat shallow, but swiftly-flowing. of the great fish and urged him to go and get
The king wished to cross this river, but there some of the flesh. Accordingly he went, was not any boat or bridge, and so he was although the hoor was late. On arrival he obliged to wade it. Finding his way very care- found nobody there, as all the people had satisfully he got across safely with one of his sons, fied themselves and returned. The potter took and was returning to fetch the other, when the an axe with him, thinking that the bones force of the current overcame him and he was would be so thick as to require its aid before drawn down beneath the waters and drowned. they could be broken. When he strack the
When the two boys noticed that their father first blow a voice came out of the fish, as of had perished, they wept bitterly. Their sepa- some one in pain. The potter was very much ration, too, was a further cause for grief. There surprised. "Perhaps," thought he, "the they stood, the one on this side of the river and fish is possessed by a bhút. I'll try again; the other on that side of it, with no means of whereupon he again struck. Again a voice reaching one another. They shouted to each came forth from the fish, saying, "Woe is other, and ran about hither and thither in their me! Woe is me!" On hearing this the potter, grief, till they had almost wearied themselves thought, “ Well, this is not a bhat evidently, to sleep, when & fisherman came by in his but the voice of an ordinary man. I'll cut the bout. Seeing the great distress of the boys he flesh carefully. May be that I shall find some took them both into it, and asked them who poor distressed person." He began to cut they were, and who were their parents. And away the flesh carefully, and presently he they told him all that happened.
descried a man's foot--then the legs appearedWhen he had heard their story, he said, "You then the body and head, all entire. "Praise, have not a father or mother, and I have not a praise be to God," he cried aloud, "the soul is in
Cl. Wide-awake Stories, p. 429," Points in Marriages," ing in trpes, animating carcases and deluding or doNote B.
vouring human beings. Compare the legend of Sanvar and Nir, Legends of • Cr. Indian Fairy Tales, pp. 75, 76, also Wide-anake the Panjab, Vol. III. p. 97 ff.-- ED.)
Stories, p. 411, where instanoes of "'Living in animals' • Built, a malignant spirit haunting cemeteries, lork. I bellies" are enumerated.

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PRIDE ABASED.
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him yet." He carried the man to his house as After a few months, however, his health fast as he could; and on arrival did everything gave way. Such strict attention to public in his power to recover him. A great fire was affairs was too much for him; and, therefore, the soon got ready, and tea and soup, given. The court physicians advised him to seek relaxajoy of the potter and his wife was very great tion in out-door exercise. So sometimes his when they saw that the stranger was reviving. Majesty went a-riding, sometimes a-shooting,
For some months the stranger lived with and sometimes &-fishing. He got especially these good people and learnt how to make pots fond of the latter amusement. Knowing this, and pans and other articles; and thus helped a fisherman came to him one day and said, "Be them much. Now it happened just then that pleased, your Majesty, to accept this fish the king of that country died (for kings die as which came into my hands this day." The well as other people), and it was the custom of king was delighted to see such a large fish and the people in that country to take for their inquired when and how it had been caught. sovereign whosoever the late king's elephant The fisherman explained everything to the and hawk might select. On the death of king, and manifested such knowledge of, and the king the elephant was driven all over interest in his calling, that his Majesty got to the country and the hawk was made to like the man, and ordered him to be ready at fly here, there, and everywhere, in search of any time to go with him on fishing expeditions, a successor, and it came to pass that before that he (the king) might learn everything whomsoever the elephant bowed and on who- about the art, and be able to land big fish like soever's hand the, hawk alighted he was the one just presented to him. supposed to be the divinely chosen one. So "Your Majesty is very good and gracious, and the elephant and hawk went everywhere, and whatsoever your Majesty commands is accepted in the course of their wanderings came by the of all men as right and proper and just; house of the potter and his wife, who had so but be pleased to listen for a moment to your kindly sheltered the poor stranger that was servant. In my house are two sons, who are found in the stomach of the fish. It chanced that stronger and cleverer than I am. If your as they passed the place the stranger was stand. Majesty will order it, I will take care that they ing by the door,--and behold, no sooner did are always ready to attend on you." the elephant and hawk see him, than the one The king agreed. Whenever he went a-fishbowed down before him and the other percheding, he always took these two boys with him. on his hand. "Let him be king, let him A familiarity sprung up between his Majesty be king," shouted those people who were in and the boys in consequence. His Majesty got attendance on the elephant, as they prostrated exceedingly attached to them, they were so themselves before the stranger and begged
sharp and clever and handsome and good, that him to go before them to the palace."
he finally arranged that they should generally The ministers were glad when they heard be with him, no matter what his occupation. the news, and most respectfully welcomed their | Just about this time the merchant who bought new king. As soon as the rites and ceremonies
the wife of the poor king who had been supnecessary for the installation of a king had posed to be drowned, visited that country for the been fulfilled, his Majesty entered on his duties. purpose of trading. He succeeded in obtaining The first thing he did was to send for the an interview with the king, and opened out all potter and his wife and grant them some land his precious stones and stuffs before him. The and money. In this and other ways, such as king was very much pleased to see these wonjust judgments, proper rules, and kindly no- derful treasures, and asked many questions tices of any and all who were clever and good, about them and about the countries whence be won for himself the best opinions of every they had been brought. The merchant told subject and prospered exceedingly.
him everything, and begged permission to trade This is the only instance I know of hawk sharing Vacant throne by kneeling down and salating the with the elephant the right of selection of the successor
favoured individual as he passes by. Cf. also Foll-Tales to the throne.
of Bengal, p. 100, wherein this custom is mentioned, CH. Wido-awake Stories, p. 141, where the king having "Early in the morning the elephant went about, some rooontly died the kimorod elephant is brought out and all times to distant places, and whosoever was brought on the inhabitants of the place have to march pant it in its back was acknowledged king by the people." of single fille, that the animal may élect some one to the also Wide-asoako Stories, p. 327.

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HESTERILI! THIRD
in that country, and sought protection from his became like father and mother to them. A Majesty. The king rèadly granted the mer- year or two ago, all this happened, and chant's request, and ordered that some soldiers the two boys are supposed by every one to be were to be at once told off for this special duty, the fisherman's two real sons. O brother, we are and so arranged that one of them should be on these two boys! And there you have my story." guard always in the courtyard of the merchant. The story was so interesting and its finish so He also sent the fisherman's two sons to sleep wonderful, that the younger brother was more on the merchant's premises.
awake than before. Its narration had also at One night these two boys, not being able to tracted the attention of another. The merchant's sleep for some reason or other, the younger asked promised wife, who happened to be lying awake his brother to tell him a tale to enliven the oc- at the time, and whose room was separated from casion, as it was miserable lying down there with the shop by the thinnest of partitions only, overonly the glimmering light of a little oil lamp. heard all that had been said. She thought The elder brother said: "All right, I'll tell you within herself, “Surely these two boys must be one out of our own experience," and began :- my own song."
"Once upon a time there lived a very great, | Presently she was sitting beside them and learned, and wealthy king, but he was very began asking them all sorts of questions. Two proud. This pride led the poor king to the 1 years or more had made a great difference in direst rain and grief. One day, when going both of the boys, but there were certain signs about with his army, challenging other kings to that a hundred years would never efface from come and fight with him, one great and powerful # mother's memory. These together with the king appeared and conquered him. The defeated answers which she had elicited from them assured king escaped with his wife and two sons to the her that she had found her own sons again. The son, hoping to find some vessel, wherein he and tears streamed down her face as she embraced his family might embark, and get away to them, and revealed to them that she was the some foreign land, and there forget all their queen their mother, about whom they had just troubles. After walking several miles they been speaking. reached the seashore, and found a vessel about She told them all that happened to her since to sail; but alas! the captain of that vesselshe had been parted from them; how the capproved to be a very wicked man. He took the tain of the vessel, finding that he should never be beautiful queen, and then, when the king and able to get her to live with him, had sold her his two sons were going to embark, some men, to the rich merchant ; how this rich merchant hired by the captain, kept them back till the had been very kind to her, and really loved her, vessel had sailed out of sight. Oh! what a and was a thoroughly good man, besides being terrible time that was for the poor king! With clever and wealthy; and how she, thinking what & sorrow-sick heart he turned away with that she should never meet with her husband, his two sons! He walked many miles, not their father again, had promised to marry this knowing whither he went, till he came to merchant at the end of two years, only three a swiftly-flowing river. As there was no days of which remained now. She explained bridge or boat near, he was obliged to wade that she did not like the merchant enough to across. He took one of his boys and got over become his wife, and so she wished to contrive safely, and then was returning for the other, some plan for getting rid of him. when he stumbled over a stone, lost his footing, "The plan is," she said, "for me to pretend and was carried away by the fierce waters; and to the merchant that you attempted to violate has not been heard of since.
me. I will pretend to be very angry, and not "You can imagine the state of the two boys. give him any peace, till he goes to the king and It was night and they had neither food nor asks his Majesty to punish you. Then the bedding, nor did they know where to go, nor king will send for you in great wrath, and will how to get to one another. At length a fisher- inquire about this matter. In reply you must man came along in his boat and seeing these say that it is all a mistake, for you quite regard two boys crying he took them into his boat, me as your own mother, and in proof of and afterwards to his house, and got very fond this you will beg his Majesty to send and of them, and so did his wife, so that they both fetch me, that I may corroborate what you say.

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PRIDE ABASED.
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Thun will I declare you to be my own dear the captain of a vessel, the wife was stolen and sons, and beseech the king to allow me to go taken away to far distant regions, where she free of this merchant and live with you where became engaged to a wealthy trader; while the I may choose for the rest of my days."
exiled king and his two sons wandered in The sons consented to her proposal, and the another direction, till they came to a river, next night, when the merchant, also, was sleep- where the king was drowned. The two boys ing on the premises, the woman raised a great were found by a fisherman and brought up by shout, so that everybody was awakened by the him as his own song. noise. The merchant asked what was the matter. "These two boys, o king, are before you, and
"The two boys, who look after your shop, I am their mother, who was taken away and sold have tried to violate me; so I shouted, in order as a wife to the trader, and who after two days that they might desist."
must altogether live with him. For I promised Hearing this the merchant was much epraged that if within a certain space of time I should He immediately bound the two boys, and as soon not meet with my dear husband and two as there was any chance of seeing the king, he sons again, then I would be his wife. But I had them taken before his Majesty and explained beseech your Majesty to relieve me of this man. the reason of their thus appearing before him. I do not wish to marry again, now that I have
“Whut have you to say in defence of your my two sons. For the reason that I might get selves ?" inquired the king. “Because, if this an andience of your Majesty, this trick was is true we will at once order the execution arranged with the two boys." of both of you. Is this the gratitude you manifest | By the time the woman had finished her for all my kindness and condescension towards story, the king's face was suffused with tears, you? Say quickly what you may have to say." and he was trembling visibly. Presently,
"Oking, our benefactor, we are not affrighted when he had slightly recovered, he left the by your words and looks ; for we are true throne, and walking towards the woman and servants. We have not betrayed your Majesty's the two boys embraced them long and fervently. trust in us; but have always tried to fulfil your “You are my own dear wife and children," Majesty's wish to the utmost of our power. he cried, "God has sent you back to me. I, The charges brought against us by the merchant the king, your husband, your father, was not are not correct. We have not attempted to | drowned, as you supposed; but was swallowed violate his wife; we have rather always re- by a big fish and nourished by it for some days, garded her as our own mother. May it please and then the monster threw itself upon the your Majesty to send for the woman and shore and I was extricated. A potter and his inquire further into this matter.
wife had pity on me and taught me their trade, The king assented, and the woman was and I was just beginning to earn my living by brought. Is this true," he said, "which the making earthen vessels, when the late king of merchant, your affianced husband, witnesses this country died and I was chosen king by the against the two boys."
elephant and the talcon, I, who am now "O king," she replied, “the boys, whom you standing here." gave to help the merchant have most carefully Then his Majesty ordered the queen and her tried to carry out your wishes. But the night two sons to be taken to the palace, and he ex. before last I overheard their conversation. The plained his conduct to the people assembled. elder was telling the younger brother a tale, The merchant was politely dismissed from the made up out of his own experience, so he said. country. As soon as the two princes were old It was a tale of a conceited king who had been enough to govern the country, the king commitconquered by another mightier than he, and ted to them the charge of all affairs, while he obliged to fly with his wife and two children retired with his wife to some quiet place and to the sea. There, through the vile trickery of spent the rest of his days in peace."
• This story should be compared with its most inter 1108 A.D., and borrowed professedly from the Arabian enting variant, "Plaoidus," a tale from the Gosta Roma. fabulista. norum, mediaval oompilation of tales from Roman his- Another variant of this story is to be found in Tibetan tory. The collection was much enriched with tales of Talos, the story of "Kriss Gautami," pp. 222, 283. A all kinds and conntries, but especially with those derived third variant in the story of "Swet-Basanta" in Folktales from eastern souroes, such as the Clericalia Disciplina, of Bengal, pp. 99-107. Another is that of "Barwar and #work by Petrus Alfonsus, a Christian Jew, who lived in Nir" in the Legends of the Panjab, Vol. III. p.97 .

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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA, WITH AN APPENDIX ON THE
AFFAIRS OF HIRAT. Translated from the Tarikh Sultáni of Sultan Muhammad Khan Bdrukudi.
BY E. REHATSEK. In his preface the author of the Tarikh 1841 at Kabul he ascribes to the fact that Sultani, who is probably still living, mentions Nizamu'ddaulah, the newly appointed waxir, the sources used by him when compiling his who was a Bárukzâi, had procured an order work-some already well-known to us-which from Sir W. Macnaghten for the deportation are as follows :-For geographical and statisti. of five Durrani Khâns to Peshwar. This made cal information the Grammar of Goldsmith them determine to rise the very next day in (sio), the Mirátu'lwazah and the Jám-j-Jam; arms to expel the foreign invaders, and thus for the rise of Islâm and the Lôdî and Sur was brought on the evacuation of Kabul by dynasties, the Tarikh-i-Farishtah, Sir John the British forces. There was no long plotMalcolm (sic) and the Mahzan Afghániah; for ting, conspiracy or preparation, and the out. the history of the Ghiljai and Durrâni tribes break would not have taken place, but for the the Jahan-kushd-i-Nadiri and the Majm'ú obnoxious order issued so rashly and perempAbdali; for the Saddozâi dynasty the Memoirs torily. Before this, too, the exile of Şamad of Shah Shuja'a written by himself; and for Khân Popalzâi, which the same Nizâmu'ddaulah the affairs of the Muhammadzâi dynasty the induced Sir W. Macnaghten to.decree, accordinformation given by the Sardár Sher Ali Khân ing to our author foreboded evil, and became son of the deceased Sardár Mohrdil Khan a cause of ruin to Shah Shuja'a, and of despair Muhammadzki, by Qazi Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, to the population as well as to the army. and by the author's own father; as well as by This opinion, however, must be an exaggerated Beveral other Barukzâi and Durrani chiefs, all one, unless Samad Khân was a man of very of whom were still alive when the book was great local influence; but for all we know, such written, and whose statements the author may actually have been the case. General trusted the more as they had themselves taken Elphinstone, althongh he was commander of an active part in the events described in it. the British forces, is not even once mentioned,
The Tárikh Sulțáni, which consists of 291 and this must be attributed to the fact, that pages 8vo, was completed in 1865, but was litho- being an invalid, scarcely able to mount & graphed only in 1881 after the author's return horse, he never appeared in public and remained from a pilgrimage to Makkah. The author is totally unknown to the Afghans; whilst the a Barukzki, and describes events from an political officer, Sir W. Macnaghten, who Afghan stand point. He gives a promise of transacted all business, was by them considered impartiality in his preface, and not only has supreme, and is accordingly called the plenihe kept this, but, as will appear from the foot- potentiary wazir and even Lord, by our author. notes illustrating the translation, he is also With this preamble we may now proceed to remarkably correct in his facts and dates; the the translation itself : difference in the latter from those in Kaye's On the seventh of the sacred month'Žu'lq'adah War in Afghanistan amounting generally to a 1250 A.H. [7th March 1835 A.D.) Shah Shuja's few days only, and as to the former, we departed by way of Sind to the town of possess no means of impugning them. He had Lodiana, where he lived for a while quietly, but not at his disposal the farrago of despatches, allowed aspirations to royal power to occupy reports and correspondence upon which Earo his mind, as will be narrated. pean historians base their accounts, but he He had spent all his life in campaigning and naturally possessed a better insight into the fighting, but unprofitably, as he himself states affairs of his own country than any foreigner in his Memoirs :-"It is evident to the minds could possibly have.
of intelligent persons that great Sultans have Thus he very soon discovered the insignificant encountered many adversities of this kind, position of Shah Shuja'a, as a mere puppet in and that most of them have suffered hardships the hands of the English officers, and often in times which favoured mean upstarts. I alludes to it as though it were a matter of and my adherents have never been, and are course. The outbreak of the 2nd November not now, much dismayed by the flight of our

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troops, the inconstancy of fortune, and the fatigues of marching; but we are aggrieved at the consequences, and our hearts are lacerated, because we have been disappointed, in spite of most strenuous efforts, in the realization of our hopes. We underwent immense trouble in collecting troops and stores for the contest, but all in vain. Nevertheless the portals of divine beneficence are open, and my hands are stretched forth to the Lord of Might. As long as the soul bestrides the charger of thy body, O Shuja'a Shah [i.e. Valiant King], never let the reins of hope escape from thy hands! If treacherous fortune break thy heart a hundred times, comfort it again and again, trusting in the aid of God; for it is not unlikely that the Lord of kings and angels will grant the prayer of an humble suppliant."
After Shah Shuja'a had spent fully four years in the town of Lodiânâ, the Queen of England, having conceived the design of conquering Afghanistan,' ordered Lord Auckland, the Governor-General of the Company of Hindustan, to cultivate the friendship of Shah Shujaa. Accordingly Lord Auckland appointed Mr. [sic] William Macnaghten, the envoy [at Lâhor] to be commander of the army which was to aid Shah Shuja'a, and this envoy concluded between the three powers, namely, the English, Ranjit Singh [of Lâhor] and Afghanistan, a treaty, the contents of which were as follows: Firstly, that an English army shall accompany Shah Shuja'a to Kâbul, and restore to him the country of his ancestors. Secondly, that no one shall claim the countries subject to Ranjit Singh on this side of the river [Indus] or on the other side in Sind, the Sabah of Kasmir and Peshawar with its dependencies, and the Subah of Multan with its surrounding districts: and that the said Shah shall, after the capture of Kâbul and of Qandahår, send annually to Ranjit Singh by way of gift, young horses, exquisite and abundant provisions, including delicious fruits, which Ranjit Singh shall in his turn reciprocate by not failing annually to forward to the court of Shah Shuja'a Indian goods of high value,
The declaration of the Governor-General, dated Simla, the 1st October 1888, however, runs thus :-"The Governor-General confidently hopes that the Shah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his subjects and adherents; and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of Afghanistan established, the British army will be withdrawn."
This is the so-called tripartite treaty, the whole of
163
such as Kasmir shawls, golden lunghie [turbans], kimkhábs [brocades], &c., according to his requirements. Thirdly, that whatever sums may enter the treasury of the Shah by way of good fortune from some Durrânî Khânzâdahs or from others, shall be equally divided between him and Ranjit Singh. Fourthly, that Ranjit Singh shall send annually to the Shâh a subsidy of two lakhs of guldár rapees [i.e. of the Nânakshâhî or Guldår currency] and five thousand Musalman sawárs from the town of Peshawar; and that a portion of the Sind country shall, from generation to generation, belong to the Shah. Fifthly, that if during the reign of the Shâh in Afghanistân any calamity threaten him from the western side he shall avert it, but in case of his inability to do so singly, he shall ask aid from the English and from Ranjit Singh, in conjunction with whom the said trouble shall be removed."
The above treaty having been agreed to, and duly signed, Shâh Shuja'a started on the 23rd of the great month Sh'abân in the year 1255 [1st November 1839] with the English army, resembling the waves of the sea and led by Mr. [sic] William Macnaghten, from the town of Shikarpûr [in Sind]. After viewing the presents of Ranjit Singh and the gifts of the Nawab Bahawal Khân 'Abbâsî [of Bahawalpûr], which consisted of Arab horsea, camels, two big cannons, a sum of money, cloths of gold and silk, with many other exquisite goods, properly exposed in order, according to ancient usage, the Sahibs of exalted dignity [i.e. the English Commanders] desired the English troops which had joined the standard of Shah Shujaa, to salute him; and they, having adorned themselves according to their custom, paid their respects to him, whereat he was as pleased as if the seven climates had fallen under his sway, and presented the officers with pashminahs (woollen cloths), whilst he gave cash to the soldiers. Then the Amirs of Sind were asked for tribute, but as they were filled with evil intentions, they first prepared to fight : however, after seeing English troops arriving by water and by land in countless numbers,
which may be perused in a far more correct form, in Vol. I. pp. 319-321 of Kaye's History of the War in Afghanistan. The treaty was concluded and signed at Lahor on the 26th June 1888.
3 The date given above is too late, and probably the copyist's mistake, not the author's. "The Shah and his contingent moved from Shikarpur on the 7th March." Kaye's History of the War in Afghanistan, Vol. I. p. 412, footnote.

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like the waves of the boisterous sea, they the contents of which were as follows: yielded and paid the sum of twenty-eight lakhs | Firstly, that on the part of the English Governof rupees according to the previous custom, ment an envoy shall always remain with of which amount the şahibs [the English) Shah Shuja'a, who on his part shall likewise gave fifteen lakhs to Ranjit Singh, and thirteen keep one with the English for the transaction to the Shah, as had been agreed upon.
of business. Secondly, that Shah Shuja'a shall After that the two allied powers marched in admit no European into his service nor into his the direction of Qandahår till they reached country, without first informing the Sahibs of Kudni, which is thirty karahs distant from the exalted dignity i.e., the English administratown of Ahmadsbåhi. The Sardárs of Qan- tors) and obtaining their consent. Thirdly, dahár, desirous for an encounter, hastened that the regular troops of the English shall with their infantry and cavalry to the fort be under the command of their own officers of Fathu'llah Khân, which was near, and gar- for the performance of duties approved of by risoned it. About this time Kadů Khin Moh- both powers, but that the number of officers mand, a celebrated trooper, in the service of and of English administrators shall not exceed the Qandahar Sardârs, stole an elephant belong- fifty persons; and that the wages of the said ing to Mr. William Macnaghten whilst grazing, troops shall be paid by Shah Shuja'a from the and took it away. At this period also Haji treasury of his own government. Fourthly, that Khân Ka kari dissolved his connection with the in commercial matters the English administraSardars, and presenting himself with his follow. tors shall be permitted to take any measures, ers to the Shâh during the night, informed which in their opinion will promote the welfare him that certain of them, who had the day be of traders. This treaty between the two fore given out that they would make a night governments was concluded on the 7th May attack (on the English], had mounted their 1839 A.D., i.e., the 22nd of the glorious month horses under that pretext and had returned to Safar 1255 A.H. the town, whence they had taken their families Meanwhile a strange event took place, which and had fled towards Persia.
became an occasion of dismay to all MusalThe next day the united armies marched on mâns, and especially to the Afgháns. One together and halted near the canal of Fathu'llah day a maiden was walking from the city Khân, where the Sardárs had been stationed. towards the villages, when one of the white On the 12th of the glorious month Şafar, on a soldiers (yaki ds sipdhián görah) under the Sunday, in the year 1255 [27th April 1839]" influence of drink, forcibly took hold of her, the troops pitched their tents on the outskirts carried her into a dry water.course, and disof Qandahår, and on the next day Shah Shujaa honoured her. The cries of the girl attracted went with Mr. Macpaghten and his compa- the attention of some persons by the roadside, nions to the castle of the city, where they took and when what had taken place became ap their abode. Shah Shuja'a undertook no known, her father collected a great crowd and business without their consent, and commenced went to the royal darbár to seek justice. Shah to administer the civil and military affairs of the Shuja'a had really no authority, and the Sahibs country under a constant anziety to please them, of exalted dignity made abundant excuses ; but He summoned from the Garmsir [in Southern the circumstance appeared so abominable to Afghanistan] an Ishaqzâi, Haji Dost Mohammad all the Musalmans, especially to the Afgháns, Khân by name, who was a son of Sardár an unusually hot-tempered and jealous race, Madad Khân, and showed him abundant that although they remained outwardly quiet favours. Of all the Sardárs he honoured the from fear, the blood of the Durrânî Khang two Hajts most, namely the one just named, and boiled with rage, and they said to each other :Haji Taj Muhammad Khân Kakari, better known " What will become of our honour, when the as Haji Khân (and mentioned above).
arrival of the Shah has been inaugurated by In Qandahår the English commanders again such an antoward event? It has now become concluded a new treaty with Shah Shuja'a, evident that the authority of the Padshah is
• The name of the town is not given by the author, Kaye says nothing about this new treaty, but only bat it was probably Qandahir.
describes the show held on the 8th of May in the plains of Kayo, op. cit. Vol. I. p. 422, has the 25th April, which Qandaher As a recognition of the restored sovereign. "The is a trifling difference only.
whole affair was a lamentable failure." Yol. I. p. 425.

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merely nominal." Although all the Durrani Khậns, especially Hâji Dôst Muhammad Khân Ishågzâi and Haji Khân KAkarî, gave evident proofs of their grief, they managed to retain their equanimity externally; and their displeasure became known to the Shâh only during the march for the subjugation of Kabul, when they began to manifest their discontent, the first cause of which was the above-mentioned misadventure of the maiden, and the second was the disappointment of HÂji Khan in the hope he had cherished of obtaining the high post of Wazir of Afghanistan.
After having on the 11th of Rabi'u's-sni 1255 AH [24th June 1839] appointed the Shahzâdah Fath Jang to be HAkim [Governor of Qandahår, and the Sardár Muhammad Ata Khân, son of the Sardar Samandar Khân Bami. zâi to be his Lieutenant, the Padshah marched' with the English commanders and their warlike troops in the direction of Kabul; whilst Haji Dôst Muhammad Ishaqzai, Haji Khân KAkari, Muhammad Taqi Khân Vakil, Naru'd. din Khân son of Yahya Khân BÂmizki, with most of the Durrani Khans, excepting Sik Andar Kbán Bamizki, obtained leave for a few days on the pretence of not having prepared baggage for the march, and remained in Qandahår. The Eng. lish army reached Ghazni on the 17th of Rabi'. ta's-gant [30th June 1839],' and after the Sahibs of exalted dignity had reconnoitred all sides of the Hipar (Castle) of Ghazni, they expressed to each other an opinion that Major Leech and Major Todd had drawn up a defective plan of it and had described it in a manner differ ent from the reality, and said that if such had not been the case, they would not have left their siege-guns at Qandahår. After that they came down [from the heights) in the vicinity of Mazar 'AJI LALA in the rear of the minarete, and selected a position. Next day, when the ŞAhibs of exalted dignity were considering how to conquer the fort, news arrived that & Ghiljai, Mihtar Máså by name, who dwelt in the town of Zarmût, was about to arrive by way of the mountains, with twelve thousand men, for the purpose of fighting, and that Muhammad Afzal Khân, the son of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khân, was likewise ready for & contest, and was stationed at a distance of two karahs with two thousand sawdrs. Shah
Shuja'a instantly despatched the infantry, which was at hand with two cannons, to meet them, and the ghárís (crescentaders] having been shamefully defeated after a brief contest, fled into the mountains. During the second night at two o'clock in the morning Mr. William Macnaghten came to the Padshah (Shah Shuja'a) and informed him that in two hours a mine would be sprung, and the Higår of Ghaznî conquered ; and asked the Padshah if he would like to witness the spectacle by ascending to the top of Bahlal Şahib's vidrat (shrinel. Accordingly the Padshah immediately betook himself with a few courtiers to the said locali. ty, and as soon as he arrived on the one side the English cannons were fired, whilst on the other the mine was sprung ; whereon the gate of Bahlal was blown up by the force of the gun-powder and razed to the ground :-as the Kasmiri poet Hamid says :
Suddenly the fire rose high from the fort : Its smoke sent a lasso to the celestial sphere. From the earth & conflagration burst, Like the fire of hell up to the sky: When it overturned that fort-wall from the
roots, The fire and smoke became euch, That the planet Mars was of the companions of
the pit.' The Shah blazed up like fire from joy: He ordered the troops to attack.
All the English forces having entered the city indulged in plunder and rapine, so that those diod, whose cap of life had booom brimful with the wine of fate; and the rest, men and women, having been captured, were thrown into prison. The Sardar Ghulam Haidar Khan, son of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, who had been the Hâkim [Governor of Ghazni, being desirous of avoiding the consequences of such a calamity (as imprisonment], intended to let himself down from the ramparts of Malik Muhammad Khân by means of a lasso, but hesitated to throw himself down ;' and having prepared to submit to the decree of God, fell likewise, after a while, with his family, into the grasp of fate and was oonfined ;-8 Hamid the Kasmiri poet says: When that ripe man, was bound with raw
hideas The sphere said:-'A royal falcon came into
the net.'
According to Kaye, Vol. I. p. 436, the army halted at Qandahår from the 85th of April to the 27th of June.
. On the 21st of July 1899, Kayo, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 487.
See Quran, Ch. LIY. T. 4.

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He was taken to Shah Shuja'a-u'l-Mulk who, the administration of military and civil affairs, after threatening and reproving him, spared acting so closely in conformity with the wishes his life at the intercession of the English, to of the English, that not a hair's breadth of whose camp he was then conveyed. Yaqût difference arose between them. He appointed Khan, the eunuch, with others, was ordered to Mirza Haidar Ali Khân, the army-writer, with take charge of him and of his family.
the approbation of Colonel Claude Martin This event caused so much aneasiness to Wade, to be always with the Salibs of exalted Afzal Khan that he went to his father, who dignity as an agent and secretary. He likewas encamped with his army at Arghandai, and wise so managed the transactions between the gave him a true account of it; whereon the Amir two powers, as to maintain and to augment Dost Muhammad Khân despatched his brother mutual barmony. Nawab Jabbar Khân to Shah Shuja'a and When Shah Shuja'a had become convinced of to the English, under the pretext of making the tardiness of the Qandahar Khâns in arriving, arrangements for his family, but in reality to and of the negligence of Haji Khân Kakari in ascertain the state of affairs. The Nawab elicited, pursuing the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, he after many interviews, the answer from the cast into prison the said ħaji Khân, and the English, that if the Amir Dôst Muhammad Haji Dost Muhảmmad Khân Ishaqzai, and also Khân with his family would consent to go to Naib Amir Birukzâi, Mulla Rashid Barukzâi and Hindustan, the English Government would cer- Åå Husain Farsi-zubân, the last three of whom tainly give him one lách of rupees per annum; had been confidential advisers of the Amir Dôst and he returned and conveyed this information Muhammad Khân. He had also several other to the Amîr Dôst Muhammad Khân.
men, who were Khâns in Kabul, taken and The Amîr, meanwhile, experienced much put into prison. Haji Dôst Muhammad Khân faithlessness and ingratitude from his own Ishaqzai died in captivity from a disease he troops, who, under the Khân Sbirin Khân had, and thus liberated himself from the prison Qizlbásh, broke out into open revolt against of this perishable world. After this Haji him, robbing him publicly, and committing | Khân KAkari was set at liberty. depredations of provisions and goods even in When the Shahzadah Timar, the eldest son of his own camp. This so distressed the Amir that Shah Shuja'a arrived in company with Colonel he blew ap his powder magazine and fleeing with Clande Martin Wade from the Pañjab and his family in the direction of Turkistan, took | Peshawar through the Khaibar Pass, Abdu'shrefuge with the Padshah of Bokhârî, as will shukur Khan Ishaqzâi, who had during thirty be narrated if it pleaseth Allah the Most High. years been plenipotentiary agent of the Padshah
The Darráni Khans who had, as mentioned at Lôdianî, likewise arrived at Kabul in the above, remained in Qandahår to make pre- retinue of the Shahzadah. The Padshah, parations for their troops, did not leave it until after bestowing upon him a robe of honour, they heard of the conquest of Ghazni, when with the approval of the English, made him they hastened as quickly as they could to Wazîr and NÂib of his government. Some time Kâbul, Shah Shuja'a, in concert with the afterwards Sardar Muhammad Zaman Khan, English, then despatched a number of troops in son of Nawab Asad Khân, with his son and command of Captain Outram and of ħajt Khân brothers, Sardar Amîr Muhammad Usman, Kákari, in pursuit of the Amir Dôst Muham- son of Nawab Şamad Khân, and the sons of the mad Khân, but as the Haji was negligent, he Sardar Amîr Muhammad Khân, who were all returned some time afterwards without effect- cousins of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khan, ing his purpose; and when Captain Outram
arrived. They kept up their position and arrived hu reported the matter.
dignity, and the English showed them many When Shah Shuja'a entered Kabul with the civilities; and although the honours enjoyed English commanders and the English army by the Barakzai tribe were extremely distasteful on the 1st of Jumadu's-sâni [12th August to the Padshah, he said nothing for the sake of 1839]" he occupied himself constantly with the English.
0 According to Kaye, Vol. I. p. 460, the British Army appeared on the 6th of August before the walls of Kabul, and the Shah entered the city on the following day.
11 It was on the 3rd September that Cotton, Burner, and other British Officers, with a guard of honour, went out to receive the prince. Kayo, Vol. I. p. 457.

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After an uninterrupted sojourn of nearly four respects; but being overcome by groundless lunar months, when the trees had lost their fear went instead to the múz'a of Safedkôh. foliage, and the snow was falling, the Shah His apprehensions arose from his perceiving determined to spend the winter at Jallalabad, that the Padshah bore nothing but the title, and departed from Kabul on the 24th Sh'aban and that in reality the English Government [2nd November 1839] after having appointed enjoyed all the power. Fanaticism was an the Shahzadah Timur to be governor of Kabul additional motive for his retirement, from with 'Abdu'sh-shukur Khân for his lieutenant, which no friendliness could draw him. Acand Alexander Barnes, who remained behind as cordingly the Government determined to raze his agent. It happened also that whilst the Pad all his fortlets to the ground; but he posshah and the English were dwelling at Nîmla, sessed in Jakản on the outskirts of the the Shahzadah Muhammad Akbar, who was the Safedkôh a strong fort rising into the blue most intelligent son of the Shâh, and cousin tosky, and eluding all the efforts of the 'aamil of Dôst Muhammad Khân, died of a grave malady, the Ghiljâis to destroy it. Some troops were 80 that a further stay at Bagh-Nimla was an- therefore despatched, who effected that purbearable to the Shảh. He, therefore, sent the pose. An English force was also sent in corpse to Lamghân, where it was buried in the command of Mr. (sic) Conolly, because the vicinity of the blessed mazár of [the saint] Khôkis, who live to the south of Jallalábad, had Mihtarlak, and himself departed to Jalla- revolted and refused to pay their dues, but lâbâd.
before the troops arrived they agreed to pay ap On arriving there, Sayyid Hashim, the Hakim on condition that a reduction should be made. of the town of Kuner, and a partizan of the A reduction of twelve hundred rupees was Amir Dôst Muhammad Khâo, failed through granted. Moreover, the road through the fear to come in to pay homage, and so was Khaibar Pass and from JallalAbåd to. Kabul [held to be refractory, Accordingly a detach- being infested by robbers, an agreement of the ment of English troops with several .cannons happiest kind was concluded with the Ghiljai and one hundred sawárs of Abdu'llah Khan Khảns and chiefs of those parts, so that henceChakzai were despatched under the command of forth no traveller was molested. Mr. (sic) Macgregor to remove Sayyid Hashim, After this Shah Shaja'a undertook a pilgrimand to instal in his place Bahâu'ddin Khan. age to the blessed tomb of Mihtarlak (to whom Sayyid Hashim took refuge in his fort and stood be salutation !) which is situated in Lamghan, the siege bravely several days, whereon the where Mirza Ibrahim Khân, the munshibashi English determined to undermine and blow up of the Government, who was the Hakim of the gate, as they had done at Ghazni. But the Tajiks in Lamghản, entertained the troops after they had done so, they found, when and the Padshah with handsome banquets. making the assault, that an extremely thick The Padshah then returned again to Jallalabad, wall had been erected in rear of the gate, and and remained there till he went in company they could effect nothing. The rain being very with the English officers 'to Kabul, where he violent, and the assault fruitless, the English arrived on the last of the victorious month of were compelled to return to their tents. Şafar in 1256 [2nd May 1840]. Meanwhile Sayyid Hảshim, who was very While the English officers were on their way frightened, considered this opportunity to be from Qandahar they had approved of the muz'a the best for escaping. Accordingly he mounted Dillån Rabât, which is situated on the western a charger and fled into the mountains, where- milz'a of Chashmå Maqur, and conceived the on the above-mentioned officers installed idea of building a fort there. Accordingly Bahâu'ddin Khan in his place and returned the ShAhzâdah Timur was sent in that direction to Jallalábâd. On the other hand 'Abdu'l-Aziz with English troops, and returned after an Khan Jabbar Ghiljai, who was a confidential absence of some months. friend of the Amîr Dost Muhammad Khan, Meanwhile some well-meaning persons brought and whose foster-sister the Amir had married, to the notice of Shảh Shaja's that the trade of having previously found grace with the Pad the courtezans was getting very brisk, and that shah and the English, came to pay his any man [i.e. British soldier) could satisfy his

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lust for a small sum of money, because hand information that the Amir Dost Muhammad some females splendidly attired and bewitch- Khan, having escaped from Bokhara, had ingly adorned were boldly frequenting the arrived at Halm, and had made from thence, houses of profligates as often as they chose; with the aid of the Azbaks an attack upon but that this increase in wickedness would Bamian, but had been defeated and bad then inflame the religious sentiments of the popula- gone to Kōhistân. Mîr Masjndi Khan, who tion; (saying:]
was a Sayyid of authentic descent, had there"If no one steps this torrent
upon made preparations for a ghazá (crescenIt will produce much devastation."
tade] to accelerate the arrival of the Amir Shâh Shaja'a being frightened by these Dôst Muhammad Khân. When Shah Shuja'a words, alluded to them covertly and enigmati- became aware of this movement, he despatched cally in a conversation with Mr. William his son, the Shah zâdah Timur with some Macnaghten, who replied :-"Whenever sol- Durrani sawars, accompanied by Mr. Alexander diers are prohibited from doing such things, Burnes and General Shiell and their forces, to they become subject to anaccustomed mala- Kohistán. A conflict took place when the dies." As the Shah desired to please the troops reached the múx'a of Khwajah Khizar, English he said nothing more on the subject. situated near Charikar and belonging to Mir
As long as Mullâ `Abdu'sh-shukûr Ishaqzai Masjadi Khan Bahadur, who was bold enough enjoyed full power, by his good management to offer resistance with only fifty warriors; of affairs the Padshah's total want of but the artillery soon made a breach in the authority did not become publicly known, till fort-wall and the order to storm it was given. a man became obstreperous, on the strength of The Mir now perceived that his position was his friendship with Alexander Burnes, about hopeless, but as life is of use only with a criers being sent through the city (of Kabul) fair name and a brave one, according to the to fix the price of grain, or on account of saying, "If thou abide even one moment only some other trouble. 'Abdu'sh-shukur Khan in the world, be a man," it became necessary reproved him for form's sake, and some per- to sacrifice it. Accordingly, in order to attain sons in the crowd taking the part of the man martyrdom, the defenders of the fort ranged said: "If the Padshah has no authority, why themselves with drawn swords on both sides should 'Abdu'sh-shukur be cajoled " Ames- of the breach, shouting "We belong to Allah, senger of Burnes soon after arrived, and MulA and unto him shall we surely return," and
Abdu'sh-shukar (instead of resenting this im- fought so valiantly that they struck down their pertinence] made excuses to him, saying assailants as they arrived, in such numbers that "I did not know that the man was your their corpses, heaped one upon the other, might dependent." However, while he was wasir he almost have served as a ladder for mounting up kept [the real state of] matters secret, and to the fort. Mr. Conolly also having quaffed managed affairs so smoothly, that the popula- the bitter draught of death in this severe tion trusted the Shah :
struggle, the day-book of his life was folded up. Appoint a God-fearing man over the subjecta, When the General (Shiell) perceived that on Because a virtuous man is the architect of the account of the bravery of Mir Masjad Khan kingdom
it would be impossible to take the fort, he But Mr. Macnaghten and Alexander Burnes gavo up the attempt and withdrew his troops disregarded all consequences, and being dis- from the breach. Mîr Masjadi Khan, whose pleased with 'Abdu'sh-shukur on account of the bravery was worthy of all praise, likewise abovementioned fracas, removed him from his abandoned the fort during the same night, and post, and appointed in his place Muhammad after joining the Amîr Dost Muhammad Khan Ugmân Khân, the son of the Wazir Wafadar was again attacked. First the Indian troops Khan, because he always acted according to advanced, but the Sardar Muhammad Afzal the wishes of the English.
Khan meeting them like a furious lion cut many About this time Shậh Shaja's received of them to pieces, and those, who survived,
Gurin, ch. i., . 151. - is
been killed by
petty fortron Poor Edward Conolly (Arthur's next brother) has | Kohiko." Kayo, Vol. I. p. 557.
dubious hand at
in

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THE LAST YEARS OF SHAH SHUJAA.
169
fied; whereon the English forces advanced and he was ander the necessity of turning from that side to the other.
The English officers had promised to pay a reward of two lakhs of guldár rupees to any one who would slay the Amîr Dôst Muhammad Khan, and bring them his head. He accordingly, finding no refuge in any other direction, was under the necessity of hastening with two sawars in the evening to Macnaghten, who received him honourably, and treated him kindly, although he first said :-"The Shah must make his salám."16 But innate pride prevented the Amir from complying, whereon Macnaghten excused him, acted according to his wishes, and, having afterwards sent for his family to Ghaznî, forwarded him together with them to India. The family remained in Lodiânî where it was lodged in royal houses, but the Amir was sent to Calcutta, where a yearly stipend of two ldkhs of gulddr rupees was assigned to him. On the other hand, in Kabul Shah Shuja'a was in the sight of intelligent persons held as of no account. Indeed his dignity had departed from him, as if he bad fallen from heaven down to the earth.
About this time the Shahzadah FathJang, who was Hâkim of Qandahår, felt aggrieved at some words that Major Leech had said to him, and having, at the request of Shah Shuja'a, come to Kâbul, his own brother Safdar Jang was appointed to his post,
The winter having again become severe, Shah Shuja'a appointed for the second time the Shahzadah Timur Governor of Kåbal, and departed with the English Officers to Jallalábad, where the following events took place during his sojourn :
The Sanko Khel tribe, which lives among the various sections of the Shinvaris, had robbed them of several flooks of sheep, on account of some long standing domestic feud. Accordingly some English troops and a company of the Sawara Janbaz Shahi (Mounted Royal Bodyguard) were despatched to punish the Sanko
24 "The native troopers fled like sheep. Emboldened by the craven conduct of the British osvalry, the Afghan horsemen rode forward, driving their enemy before them, and charging right upon the position of the British, until almost within reach of our guns. The Afghan Babres told with cruel effect upon our mounted men. Lieutenants Broadfoot and Crispin were out to pieces and Dr. Lord was killed by a shot from a neighbouring fort which tore out his bowels." Calcutta Review, Vol. VII., for January-June 1847, p. 58 ; also Kaye, Vol. I.,
Khels, who, however, took refuge in the moantain passes near them ; so that the troops could only destroy and burn their fortlets, and then return.
Another strange event which happened was, that one day Mr. Macgregor produced three pieces of paper with the Shah's seal and handwriting on them, addressed to the chiefs of Kohistân, inciting them to revolt, and to wage a jihdd (crescentade) against the English. The Shâh knew that these writings were altogether forgeries, but was amazed on identifying his own seal and chirograph. He accordingly summoned Mirz& Ibrahim, the Manghibashi, into his presence, and asked him for an explanation. After a little reflection the Mirzê declared that some disloyal person must have obtained possession of the three papers and skilfully changed the contents by erasing (or washing out] some words, and substituting for them some othera of a treacherous import. When the manner in which this forgery had been committed became known to the Shah be sent for Mr. Macgregor, and pointed ont to him the vestiges and marks of the first writing, which could yet be discerned on the papers when attentively examined, whereon his suspicions likewise disappeared. The Shah then said to the English officers that the benefits they had at times bestowed upon the Baruk. zâi tribes would all certainly be requited by treachery, and that they would produce other papers of the same kind.
He also said: "All this is the consequence of appointing Nişámu'ddaulah to be wasir, especially at a time when he has made common cause with Jabbar Khân, Muhammad 'Ugman Khan, Muhammad Zaman Khan, and the like, and has made Mirza Imâm, Burdi Khan, Mastifi 'Abdu'r-Razzaq Khan, Mirza Ahad Khan and Naib Amir Barukzki his agents. I I had possessed any authority I would not have left alive one of the Barakalis, especially the sons of the Sardar Paiņ&A Khan. If you deal with the BarakzAis according to the P. 564. This content is described at some length by both, and has been almost literally copied in both these works from Mohan Lal's Life of the Amer Ddat Muhammad. The conflict is in all the three books called the battle of Purwandurreh (Parwandarrah), but our text does not mention this name, nor indeed gives us detailed an nooount of the fight as theirs the whole of which, however, As already mentioned, is referable to one source only.
w An Oriental salutation inferring inferiority.

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maxim that a foe is to be reconciled by their pay; but in vain, until one day Şamad benefits, you are mistaken. The reverse policy Khân Popalzai made the same request as on of striking off your enemy's bead with the former occasions. As this took place in & sword is the proper one. But you can take your general Darbár, the Padshah was necessarily choice." As they were, however, expecting obliged to turn to Nizamu'ddaulah and to to conciliate that valiant tribe, they did not ask him what he thought of the complaint, care to answer the Shah.
and on the latter replying that it was contrary After that the Shah became anxious to make to the truth, Şamad Khân exclaimed :-"You a pilgrimage to the blessed mazár of Mihtarlak are certainly a liar; you cultivate the friend(to whom be salutation and to pay a visit to ship of the Padshah's enemies, while you cause his beloved mother, and fulfilled both inten- the hearts of all his loyal subjects and welltions. After his return Nizâmu'ddaulah, who wishers to bleed." Then mutual and hot was desirous that no one besides himself should recriminations followed, to avoid hearing enjoy the confidence of the Padshah's Govern. which the Padshah rose and left the Darbár ment and of the English officers, considered it hall, whereon Nizâmu'ddaulah, who had lost all proper for his interest to bring about the ruin self-possession, waited upon Mr. Macnaghten of Ibrahim Munshi, whom the Shih greatly with his complaint and said :-"To-day I trusted. Accordingly he said that Lamghân, have been insulted in pablic Darbár, and if no which the Tajiks had rented to him, was his reparation is to be made, what answer shall own freehold, and no solicitations of the Mun. I give tomorrow to others ? and where shall I shi could extort the money due from him to seek a refage from their bad acts and impudent the Government for it), nor could the Padshah words P" Thereon Mr. Macnaghten indited himself effect anything, because he was unwil the following letter to Shah Shuja'a :ling to act against the wishes of the English "Şamad Khân is a silly impudent fellow and officers (for which reason all the Khâns and by no means worthy to be present at a royal servants of the State despaired of his position, Darbár. If he be expelled from the country and knew that his reign had come to an end). he will be excused from being present." The
Not long after his arrival from Lamghan, Pådshah, who considered the words of the Shah Shuja'a returned in company of the Sahibs English officers as commands from heaven, of exalted dignity to Kabul, and appointed prohibited him nolens volens from making his with their approbation the Shahzâdâh Timûr to appearance [in Darbar]. be Governor of Qandahár; also his haram, The event just narrated became a cause which he had called from Lodiânâ arrived in of ruin to the Padshah and of despair to the Kábul in the month Rab'iu's-sêni, in the year population, as well as to the army. Indeed 1257 [between 23rd May and 21st June 1841). the wickedness of Nigamu'ddaulah reached at
When Nizamuddaulah Muhammad 'Usman last to such a height, that the Padsbah could not Khân, son of Wazîr Wafadar Khân, had attain- bestow a single copper from the revenues ed full authority, and knew that his power | upon anybody. He was moreover, from want 88 wazir was paramount, he became so puffed of authority, unable to continue the allowances up and haughty that he treated persons of granted to the blessed masdrs of 'shiqs and both low and high degree with equal scorn. 'árife, which no one had stopped from ancient He kept most of the salaries of the Darrant days to the present times; and whenever any one Khans and of others in arrears, so that a few appealed to him he only uttered the words of them, whom he believed to be not only "orders will be issued," knowing full well that devoted to his interests, but reckoned as his nothing would be done, but being desirous of servants, often brought it to the notice of the keeping up appearances. Padshah that the Ghulamsas had not received
(To be continued.)
10 The Ghulam here mentioned are the same as the "Corps of Ghuldma of Ahmad Shah AbdAll, organized by him. Aware that a combination of chiefs, or even dis. oontent among tribesmen, might result in his army leay. ing their standards, and returning to their own homes, he had organized a special force dependent on himself,
and hence called Ghulam Shahi. He followed in this respect the example of Nadir Shah, and recruited the corps from the Tajiks and QizlbAshes of Kabul, the Yusufzais of Peshawar, and from amongst the strangers dwelling in the Afghan cities.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
171
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. IV.-Véméi and the Thieves. I listened as she thus related to them the destiny One night as a party of thieves were prowling of the king's son :about in search of booty, they happened to fall "This poor boy, I am sorry to say, has a in with the goddess Vêmâi, going along at full very bad future before him, although he is born speed with a tray on her head. Taking her a king's son. He will lose his parents at the to be a human being, they eagerly went up to age of twelve and will then be deprived of his her, and found that the tray she carried was legitimate possessions by an asurper, who will of solid gold, and contained, besides rice, kanka," condemn him to pass his life as a prisoner and other objects of good omen and a pair of within the walls of a castle. He will, howdice set with diamonds and pearls. Glad to ever, manage to break his bonds after some find such valuable booty within their reach time, and escaping from the castle, will betake they attempted to lay hands on the treasures, himself to a jungle, where he will pass the rest when Vâmâi cried out in an authoritative of his life in ekeing oat & precarious sustenance voice in which was mingled a tone of entreaty, by hunting small game." -"Keep away, my friends, and touch me not, Thus saying the goddess departed. The for I am the goddess Vêmái, and am hurrying thieven, outlaws though they were, loved the to the palace of the king, unto whom a son king, who was good and pious, and were, therehas been born, in order to write his destiny. fore, very much distressed on learning of the Pray, therefore, do not detain me,”
misfortunes that were to befall the prince. "We would willingly allow you to go," said
Nearly twelve years after this all that the thieves, “if you, by way of corroborating
Vēmâi had foretold came to pass, for the good your statement, tell us what is to be the destiny Raja died and his Raņi followed him soon of the king's son."
after, leaving the poor boy an orphan under "I regret," said the goddess, "that I am the care of an ancle, who soon usurped the unable to gratify your curiosity, for I myself throne for himself, and closely confined his have no idea at present of what I shall write nephew in & castle. The thieves, whose sym. down; I have only to throw these dice and pathies the prince had enlisted almost-from await the result, and then write down the his birth, and who were following his fortunes secret of the child's destiny just as it is revealed all the while, befriended him at this juncture, to me."
found means to get him outside the prison “Very well then," said the thieves, "we walls, and hid him in a jungle. Knowing, allow you to go on your errand, on the con however, that the boy was foredoomed to live dition that, on your return from the palace, you on small game they were determined to baffle tell us the destiny of the boy, as it is revealed
his destiny at least in that particular; so they to you."
provided him with a bow and arrows and set The goddess agreed to this and departed, him to hunt in the jungle. The rabbits, deer, while the thieves remained where they were, and so on, as if aware that he was to get his awaiting her return.
living out of them, marched past him and After finishing her business at the king's almost threw themselves in his way, but the palace Vêmâi, true to her promise, hastened to thieves would, by no means, permit him to the spot where she had left the thieves. As shoot them; as soon, however, as an elephant or she approached them they noticed that she such other big game came in sight, they bade was downcast and wore a sad look. Never. him discharge his arrows at them. As the forest theless they flocked around her and eagerly was full of elephants, rhinoceroses, and the like
· Vémfi is supposed to be the goddess who determines the destiny of man. She is popularly believed to visit anseen the bedside of the new-born infant on the sixth night after its birth and to write out its destiny. Under this belief superstitious people place on that night, . tray containing a blank sheet of paper, & pon, ink, 2000anat, and the red powder used for making marks
on the forehand on auspicious occasions near the baby's cradle. They, however, do not expect to hoo any writing on the paper, but are content to believe that the child's destiny has been determined during the night.
A red powder used for marking tho forehead on auspicious occasions such as Birthdays, Weddings, &c.

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[JONE, 1886.
the young prince managed to bag one of these by putting him in the way of killing large huge creatures almost every day, and the sale game they started him fairly in life as a of their hides and tasks realised large sums of merchant in ivory and skins, and thus saved money.
him from the privations he would otherwise In this way the thieves succeeded in baffling have suffered by being doomed to live on small the destiny of the boy in one respect, because I game only.
MUDYANUR PLATES OF SAKA 261 OF THE BANA KING MALLADEVA-NANDIVARMAN.
BY LEWIS RICE, C.I.E., M.R.A.S. This grant consists of five copper-plates, 87 | Bali, the lord of the Dänavas, was descended inches by 25, strung on a metal ring, uncut, a promoter of his race, the king Nandiwhich is secured by a metal seal, 14 inches in varman. His son, Vijayaditya-Deva, diameter, bearing in relief the image of the ball next succeeded to the kingdom, and in turn recumbent, Nandi, with the sun and moon was followed by his own son, a glory to above. The outer side of the first plate the B&D & race, Sri Vad hûvalla bbaand both sides of the last plate are blank; Malla de va-Nandivarman, the donor of but there are traces of an inscription on the the grant. He is described as the roler over a former, which has been effaced. From so much seven and a half lakh country containing twelve as appears, it is evidently the beginning of thousand villages, situated in the Andhra Ganga inscription, containing the usual phrases, mandala or Telaga country. One of the ascripas in the Hosûr and Någamangala plates, tions in his praise, being a complimentary referdown to Harivarman. The plates belong to a ence to Buddha, strikes me as most unusual in resident of Mod yanûr (the Mudiyanür of a Brahman grant. It says of the king (line 15) line 28) in the Mulbågal Taluka of the Kolar that "in compassion for all living things in the District in Maisar, and were found a few years three worlds he was like Bodhisattva," going ago in the court-yard of his house by some on to compare him in other qualities with boys who were digging about in play.
Virabhadra, Mahêndra, and Kårttikêya. It proves to be the charter of a gift of At the end, the carpenter (tvashtri) Nandithe village of Mudiyanür or in its Sanskrit form varmichåryya states, in the first person, that he Ch û dågrama, to twenty-five Brahmans, inscribes the grant by order of Vadhávallabhamade by the Båņa king Vadhiyallabhs
Malla. The king, calling himself VadhûMallad & ve-Nandivarman, in the Saka vallabha-bhpati, also in the first person, conyear 261 (A.D. 339-40), the twenty-third of his firms the grant as long as the sun and moon Own reign, while he was staying at Åvani. endure. The Sarvapradhana, or general The langaage is Sanskrit throughout, very full minister, the Dandadhipa Vaivasvata, then of mistakes: the characters are Pârvada-Hale- records that he has carried out the order. Kannada. There is a constant insertion, un- The inscription closes with the two words necessarily, of visarga before the initial p of a vyadhanam ullégan, the meaning of which is following word, a practice which seems pretty not apparent, though the latter seems to refer general in old inscriptions in this character. to the writing.
The opening lines are in praise of Siva. Of the professed date of this inscription, I Then follow praises of Vishga, with the view express no opinion. It is left to the judgment of introducing him in his connection with of those who feel able to pronounce upon it." Bali in the Vámana or dwarf incarnation; But as regards the other contents of the but some of the ascriptions are such as belong grant, we are not without information to guide only to Siva. From Mahabali or the great ns. From the inscriptions formerly published
It should not be overlooked that the Ganga grant etraced from the first plate comes down to Harivarman, whose reign is assigned to Saka 109 to 210.-[But see ante, Vol. VIII. p. 9121. And, having now seen the
present plates, I consider that this grant is certainly spurioms, at any rate so far as the date is concerned. The Characters are, roughly, of much the same type as those of the Merkers and Nagamangals plates.-J.FF.]

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A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
173
by me which first brought the B Aşa kings to Pallavas were in possession of Kanchi and light, it was found that they claimed to be of Mahabalipura early in the 7th century A.D., the MahAbali or Mahfvali race, and we obtained and that both they and the MahAmallas or the names of B &ņa-Vidyadhara or Mab Abalis soffered defeat at the hand of the Vikramaditya, and Prabhu-Méru. The grants Chalukyas in the second half of that century. published by Mr. Foulkes added considerably That the Baņa kings continued to flourish to our knowledge by giving us the following in the east of Maisûr subsequent to their regenealogy, with certain historical references :- storation, there is abundant evidence in inscripBali.
tions. From one at Mapigatta-Gollahalli, we
find a Banarasa ruling in Saka 821 (A.D. 899Bâņa.
900); and from & fine stone at Kendatti
Madivala, we learn that he was contemporary Bảna Adhirdja,
with the Ganga king Nitimârga and with followed by many kings. Then
Nolambadhiraja. The latter, from inscriptions Jaya-Nandivarman, ruling
at Bêtma igala, was ruling in Saka 826 (A.D. territory to the west of the Andhra country. 904-5) Of Nitimârga I have obtained many
inscriptions. He was ruling in Saka 831 (A.D. Vijayaditya.
909-10), and bore the titles Kongaņi-Varma,
Dharma-mahadhiraja, Satyavákya, Râchamalla Bri-Malladdva, Jagadêkamalla. . and Permanadiga!.
The Båņas are met with down to a late Bâņa-Vidyâdbara.
period. For, my conjecture that the inscrip
tions at Srivilliputtur in Tinnivelly of A.D. Prabho-Mèru-Deva..
1453 and 1476 belonged to them, proved to
be correct, as ascertained by Mr. Sewell at the Vikramaditya.
time. Two kings of this family, styling them
selves Mahávali-Vâọa (for Bana) Adhiraju, thus Vijayaditya, Pukkala-vippuva-ganda. seem to have got possession of the Pandya
throne in the latter half of the 15th century. Vikramaditya, Vijayabáhu.
To return to our grant. The reference to Then the Chôļa king Vira-Nárayaņa the Nandi hill and the PAlir, at the commencesuddenly aprooted the Båņas; but ment, is interesting. The PÅler throughout its they were restored eventually by
course, as formerly pointed out by me, would the Ganga king Kesari or
seem to be identified with the MahÂvali or Prithivipati, in the person of
BÂņa line, from its source in Nandidurga to Hasti-Malla.
its mouth near the celebrated Mahabalipura. The present grant, so far as it goes, con- Among the titles of the restored dynasty were irms this pedigree, and is made by the king " lord of Nandi" and "having the crest of a here called Sri-Mallad êva, Jagadēkamalla, bull," and here we have Nandi on the seal of the the father of Baņa-Vidyadhara. If, as seems original line. Also, if I am not mistaken, the probable, the Ganga king wbo restorid the small coins sometimes picked up at Mahâbali. Båņas, was the predecessor of Sri-Purushapura, have a Nandi on them. who began to reign Saka 649 (A.D. 727-28), The village of Å vani, from which the grant or that king himself, this would give us a date was issued, is a celebrated place. It is said to to which the overthrow of the original line be Avantika kshetra, one of the ten must have been some time anterior. And to places of greatest sanctity in India. Here arrive at the reign in which our grant was Valmiki, it is stated, had a hermitage : here issued, we have to reckon back six generations RAma oncamped on his return from the beyond that event. We also know that the expedition against Lanka : hither Sitâ repaired
Mys. Ins. p. 904, Intro. p. xlix; onte, Vol. X. p. 86. ..See Nelson's Madura Manual, Part III. p. 83 ;
Salom Manual, Vol. II. App. p. 869; ante, Vol. XII. Sewell's Madras Antiguities, Vol. II. p. 223. Pp. 6 and 187.
ante, Vol. X. p. 88. ante, Vol. XIII. p. 190, note 10.

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when put away by him, and here gave birth to her twin sons Knéa and Lava, who were brought up by Valmiki. It is now the seat of a Guru of the Smarta sect, and contains an interesting group of large temples dedicated respectively to Râma, Lakshmana, Bharata, Satrughna, and Vâli-Sugriva. From inscriptions it would appear that they were originally erected about Saka 850 (A.D. 928-29.)
Hodali, which gives its name to the district in which Madyanûr was situated at the time of the grant, is still so called. The boundary villages mentioned are easily identified. Uttagrama is Uttanûr; Kuladipa is the village now called Koladêvi; Kottamangala and Kolattûr still bear the same names. Kanakad våraparvata is the only place that is doubtful; the name is probably a translation of some vernacular name like Sonnabâgilu.
[JUNE, 1886.
It remains to say a word with reference to the Brahmans to whom the grant was made. Of the four named, it will be seen that three, after their gôtras have been given, are described as súmanya-charana. Of this I have been unable to obtain any explanation, though we have a sect of Drâvida Brahmans called Bri. hachch. rapa. The story is that Agastya had been engaged for the performance of a great sacrifice by a Pandya king, who sent invitations to Brâhmans in distant places to attend. Those who received the notice early, came away at once, but those who got it later and had farther to come, did not arrive till the ceremonies bad begun. From this circumstance the former got the name of brihat-charana, the 'big striders' or fast walkers'! Similarly the others may have been distinguished as sámánya-charaya or 'ordinary walkers' !
TEXT.'
First Plate.
1 Ôm namaḥ Sivaya(h) Nandy-ikhya-sailôtkata-kata-pitha-Mandakini-vârinidhir
dhdharêéa[b] Dêvêndra-brindaraka-vandaniya (b)-på
2 daravindyê jayati pranamyah || Svasty astu bhu-bhudharâdhisa-tanayalingya. vaksha-sthalaḥ śirasy-âmṛita-"
3 bhu-chandra-dhârinô dayaya bhuvaḥ sakala-bhuvana-prasådan?' bhûta-yasasô bhâsuratara-taranga-tarala
4
jala-jaladhi-sthita (b)-bhajanga-sayana-sayinah Kamalanabhasya vikrama-trayarambha
lôbha-praksharita-kara-cha
5 rana-saroja-lauchanâlôkanaika-hêtubhata-dana-vibhavasya
maha-Bali-namadhêya (b)-Dâ
navêndrasya vamsa
6 savṛidhdhi" kârêpôdbana (b) "kritayacharaṇa-labdha-sukritôpaniyata-dvija - vara - ghushyamana-punya-ghosha-ni
7 rdhdhûta-duritâri[r] balavad-ibhanga-dalaha" vijrimbhamiga-turaga-nata-niru. dhilâdhikrin-vakra-sainyaḥ sa
8 masta-narêndra-lôka-vandyamânah pratipa(b)-pribhātviṭhavi-vakaha[b] rêndrayata-bahu-dandêss chandêsa-nirjja
Letters which are redundant, are put in ordinary
brackets; and letters supplied, in square brackets.
Read padáravinds.
10 Read prasddhant. Pulbana.
Bead am ita.
11 Read vriddhi.
13 Read dulah.
Second Plate; First Side.
9 ta-karila-khadgah kayûra-hara-dyuti-râjitângah kirita-haripitha-labdha" sa-Nandivarmma" dhṛita-raja-dharmma
10
tatah tasyôttama-sunu[s suna]mad-bhânu-mayúkha-jala."prôtphulla-pamkê[ru]hasannibhâsyah pranimakrit(a)-kshani
11 ya-mauli-mâlâ-nishrishta-prabhâ-mandala-pada-pithah namna Vijayâditya-dêvô nija
bhaja-bala-vilu
12 pta-durvvara-vividha-vairi-vibhavaḥ
sa-jala-jaladhara-thâna-"gambhira-galakṛita-gharjja
nabhipurita-dig-a
kshônîdha
1P niruddh Adhikrin.
Bead labdha.
Read jóla.
so Bead niarishta.
18 Bead dandas
1 Bead varmma.
10 P kehattriya. ip dhvána.

Page #207

JUNE, 1886.7
A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
175
13 ntarala[b] någa-khadgas chatula-rana-ranayamAna-nipâtita(h)-praharana-janita-vraņa.
gaŅAbharaṇa-vapushå vi. 14 rajamânah kritavan Adhi[r]jyam sit tasya tâdpisah srimat-Bâņa-vamśa-kamali.
kara-prabodhana-Jinakarasya" 15 sdnos tribhuvana-madhya-varttinath prâņinâm parama-käruņakathaya" Bodhisatvôpa - mânasya virataya
Second Plate; Second Side. 16 Hara-hita-Virabhadra-sannibhasya råj[y]Adhåradaya Mahendrôpaminasya mukhá
phalat-sêvista]tayå vårir17 bi-sadțišasya Mêru-pratinidhy-êkêchal-aišvarygât Karttiköyánukariņaḥ pratidinam
Umå-nirupita-pramo18 da-hêtoh | apicha" yudhy êva paryyabhavanti dvishantah iva gajah krudhva?
sitihasya saktyâ bahu-pródghâta19 khadgadhruta"-pavana-bihas" chanda-ghaténa yasya froņi-bhârâlasatvas".chalita-gati.
mano-hårinám vå20 dhûnåtizo yasmin lagnâni(1) chêtasy amala-kuvalayakshini naiva(h)payânticil]
tasya tîdrisaste viśvambharå-va21 layabharaṇadirgha-båhôr ahärahar-anivardhdhamina-sakti-trayasya Andhra-mandale
dvadasa-baha22 sra-gråma-sampâdita-saptârdhdha-laksha-vishayadhipatêr aparimita-chitur-asrama-vyava.
sthacharaņa-karana-Sri-Va 23 dhåvallabha-Malladêva-Nandivarmména Åvanya-purð sthitva eka-shasty-uttaradvaya-saté Sakabdah" pravardhdhama
Third Plate; First Side. 24 nâtmanah trayð-vimsati-varttamana-Vilambi-samvatsard Karttikasukla-paksh8 trayd
daśyam Sômavård A. 25 évinyam nakshatré(ti) Bharadvája-gộtra-såmanya-charana-sri-Rudra-Bhatta-sarmmag.
Kausika-gôtra-Trilochana-Bha26 ta-sarmmaņa Kauņdalya-gôtra(h)-såminya-charaņa-Trivikrama-Bhatta-sarmmaņa Kâs
yapa-gôtra-sâmánya-charana-Nard27 yaņa-Bhatta-sarm m[an]á cha sabê nana-gôt;ibhyol," pañcba-vimsati-viprêbhyas tat
pâda-prAkshâļanam kļitvå Ho28 dali-vishayê Mudiyandr-nnâma-grâma adaka-dhârâ-pûrvvai maya dattaṁ | asya
grâmasya simôchyatê 29 purvvayan disi Kuladipasya samipo kanishthayama-tatakasya séto[h] tatra dakshiņa
aruna-sthala paśchima(b)-plavam tatra 80 dakshiņ8 aśðshya-bil&-sthala-våpi-varim tatra purvvam Kuladipaí-jaldgras-spingan
tatra dakshiņê Kana31 kad vara-parvvatasya samipé kabja-saila[b] tatra paschimê Bairamangala-tatakajalagrasyttare
Third Plate; Second Side. 32 kubja-sailkgrasoshya"-påshiņa-vApt tatra paschimé paschima(h)-plava-sarit-pram&ņdna
rijva-gata-paschimê kubja-sai. 33 la-dvaya dakshiņê avata-nivatasya paschim-Otta-grâmasya Kottamangalasya trikůta
brihat-påshåņa-parkti-ma
# Read dinakarasya.
Read karunikataya. ** Read mukta phala.
Here follows a slaka in Sragdhard metre, full of mistakes.
Read gajah kruddha. 1 Read khadgadhruta.
# Read brihat. 50 Substitute sundartņām. * Read sakabde. 3. Read varanh.
** Read bhardlasatudt. * Read varmmana. * Read gotrebhyah. * Read Midshya.

Page #208

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
34 dhya[b] dakshina(b)-plavam-sthalâtôttarê svalpa-krishna-pashana-paṁktis
sahitôttara
plava-sarit-sangama-sva
35 1pa-nadi-tatê sila-sthalam tatra marutyê Utta-gråma-maha-taṭakasya pratimukhe
jala-samîpê si
36 14-athala-pakti[b] asya jalagrasyôttaråsanna-bhinna-svalpa-bila-sthalam tatôttaré purvva-pla va]-sarit tatôtta
37 re
brihat-pashana-paṁkti-paschima-plava-sarit-mûlam tatra (h) pashana-paṁktyôttare brihat-pashana-tatôttarê Utta
38 gramasya Kolattûr-nnâma-grâmasya
kâra-avaṭaḥ
Fourth Plate; First Side.
39 tatra půrvittard paschima (h)-plava-sarit-sahitôttarâsanna-brihat-pashanam tatra parrram amba-plavaayattar
40 tatra pûrvvam kanisḥta-tataka-sahitam tatra purvvam Kolattar-nnâma-grâmâgnêya. simasya Kuldipasya
41 trikúta-saila-sthalam tatra dakshine aruna-sthale sthåpita-pashanam tatra dakshine Kuladipasya 8A
42 mipe kanishțâyâmas-sêtôttarê simâvalaya samaptaḥ | bhumim yaḥ pratigrihyoti yach cha bhûmim pra
43 yachchati ubhau tau punya-karmmâṇau niyata (h)-svarggagaminau | bhûmi-dânan tu yat punyah na bhûto na bhavishya
44 ti yasyêva harapan-nai(?)tva(?) na bhûtô na bhavishyati
datta rajabhis Sakarajibhih yasya ya
45 sya yada bhûmiḥ tasya tasya tada phalam svadattam
harêti vasundhara [m] shashtim varsham sa
[JUNE, 1886.
trikůța-kanishṭama-tatâ ka-jalâśayê bâlachandra
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
46 hasran vishtâyẩm jây tê krimih | hiranyam êkam gầm êkem bhamyim apy Akam
amkuram haran narakam A
47 pnôti yavad A-bhûta-samplavam | na visham visham ity Ahu[b] brahmasvam visham uchyatê. visham kakinah hanti bra
TRANSLATION.
Om! Obeisance to Siva! He, the ocean to (which flow) the waters of the Mandakini whose throne (or source) is on the lofty peak of the mountain called Nandi, lord of the
Be? pratigrihniti.
Read dandt.
Read Sagarddibhiḥ. Read tatévdicharyya. Read vd. "Bead Chida.
bahubhir vvasuda
paradattar va yo
48 hmasvam putra-pautrakam brahmas vam pranayad bhuktâm dahaty â-saptamaṁ kulam tatêvaśchauryya".rûpêna daha.
49 ty â-chandra-târakam | vikramêya tu bhôktriaâ[m] dasa-pûrvvâ[n] daśâparân lôha,
chûrnnâsma
50 chûrnnas cha visham vê jaraya[n] naraḥ| Vadhavallabha-Mallasya vachanênaiva sasanam tvashta Nnandi-varmmâcharyya dânasyasya
51 likhamy ahani ||
YAvat soma-sahasramśu tavat tishtati saśvatal Chûda." gråmam pradasyâmi Vadhu
52 vallabhabhûpati[h] | Ittham kritam sarvvapradhanam Vaivasvata-dandadhipêna ||
Vyadhanam" ullêgam
37 Read yas cha.
Read bhutan.
41 Read #kakinam. 43 Road charnni. Read tishthati.
earth, his lotus-feet worthy of worship from Devendra and the gods, triumphs, the adored!
(L. 2.)-Be it well! His breast embraced by the daughter of the bearer up of the moantains of the earth, bearer on his head of the
40
47 Peddhanam the meaning of these two words at the end is not apparent.
The only river whose source is actually attributed to the hill of Nandi or Nandidurga is the PALAr or Kahtra-nadi, though seven rivers rise in the same group of hills.
As this is understood to mean Parvati, the consort of Siva, the statement seems misapplied to Vishnu.

Page #209

JUNE, 1886.]
nectar-producing moon," source of mercy, his glory illuminating all worlds, reposing on his couch the serpent in an ocean whose waters are flowing in shining waves, was Kamalanabha (Vishnu);-on whose starting to take the three strides, manifesting desire with the signs of hands and feet, was established the fame, as the only giver of gifts in the world, of the great Bali, lord of the Dânavas;-the cause of the increase of whose race, freed from the enemy of sin through the sound of the blessings chanted by great Brahmans possessed of all merit acquired in the constant exercise of holy rites, having a force composed of mighty elephants, his terrible army led by commanders the prancing of whose restive chargers stopped the motion of the earth, worthy of reverence from all the kings in the world, his breast the abode of valour and government, the rod of his arm as long as the world-bearer (Adisesha), his dreadful sword unconquered by the most powerful kings, his body glittering with the radiance of garlands and epaulettes, having obtained the crown and the throne, was Nandivarman, the upholder of royal
A BANA GRANT OF SAKA 261.
virtues.
(L. 10.)-After him, his excellent son, whose face was like a lotus opening to the light of the rays of the morning sun, his footstool illuminated with the radiance caused by the crowns and garlands of prostrate kings, by name Vijayaditya-Deva, possessed of many kinds of wealth won from his enemies by the strength of his own arm, filling all quarters with the shouts from his deep throat resembling thunder from the storm-clouds, having a serpent-like sword, his body glorious with groups of wounds from the stroke of warlike weapons in the moving fight, having governed the kingdom :
(L. 14.)-There was, in like manner-a sun in awakening the lotus-lake of the Bån a racehis son, who in compassion for all living things in the three worlds was like Bodhisattva, in valour the equal of Virabhadra beloved of Hara, in protecting the kingdom like Mahendra, in possession of pearls the equal of the ocean, in
Like the foregoing, this is descriptive of Siva and not of Vishnu.
Prabhu-, mantra, and utadha-fakti.
177
having a (mount) Mêrn of unique immovable wealth resembling Kârttikêya, daily the cause of manifest joy to Umâ; as elephants tremble at the might of a raging lion so were his enemies overcome in battle by the wind of the strokes of the sword uplifted in his hand; the bright lotus-eyes of women, fascinating in their gait from the weight of their loins, being attracted to him could not be taken off again.
(L. 20.)-By him, being such a one, his long arms an ornament to the circle of the earth, daily adding to the three kinds of power," ruler of a seven and a half lakh country containing twelve thousand villages, in the Andhra mandala, cause of continued prosperity to the four castes,-(viz.) by Sri-Vadhuvallabha-Malla deva-Nandivarman, being in the town of A vani, in the Šaka year two hundred increased by sixty-one, the twenty-third of his own reign being current, in the Vilambi samvatsara, on the thirteenth (day) of the dark fortnight of Karttika, on Monday, under the constellation Gemini, to Śri-Rudra-bhatta-sarman of the Bharadvaja gotra and sámánya-charana, to Trilochanabhatta-sarman of the Kausika gotra, to Trivikrama-bhatta-sarman of the Kaundalya (sic) gótra and sámánya-charana, to Narayana-bhaṭṭasarman of the Kasyapa gotra and sámányacharana, and including them to twenty-five Brahmans of various gotras, having washed their feet, the village named Mudiyanûr in the Hodali vishaya, is, with pouring of water, by me given.
(L. 28.)-The boundaries of that village are (here) stated:-(here follow the boundaries in great detail, and then various imprecatory verses).
(L. 50.)-By order of Vadhuvallabha-Malla, I, the carpenter Nandivarmâcharya, inscribe the charter of this grant. As long as moon and sun endure, for so long in perpetuity, I king Vadhuvallabha, make a gift of Chuda-grama." Thus was it done by the Sarvapradhana, the Dandadhipa Vaivasvata. The grant is written (?)
ss This is the translation into Sanskrit of Mudyanúr. Fyddhanom ullégamh; the meaning is not apparent.

Page #210

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1886
(M.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S.
(Continued from p. 147). MAN, -Manush, monish, mush, (Eng.); manus, MELON, WATER, -Shofti, (As. Tch.)
(Span. Gip.); manish (dim.) ma ushoro, MELT, to,Bilåva, (Tch., M. 7) (Teh.); ñêre, mêru (As. Tch.); manush, MELTED, to be,-Bilêniovava, (Tch.) (Pep: M., M. 8); gazhô, gazhd, mangsh, MENTION, to,-Pomenikva, pomenisaráva, (M.) rom, (dim.) romurô, (M.); mero, mursh, MERCHANT,Neguctoru, neguctori, negucitor, (M. 8)
(M.) MANE,-Kðama, (M.)
MERCHANDISE,-Kiriye, (M.) MANGEL-WURZEL-Dip, (As. Tch.)
MIDDAY,-Mezmêri, mesmeri, myazě, myaza, MANGER,-Åslia, pakhni, (Tch.)
myadza, (M.); mismiris, (M. 8) MANGY,-Ghelalô, gheralo, (Tch.)
MIDDLE--Mashkarål, (M.) MANTLE,-Urydibe, (Tch.); mantao, (M.); plash MIDDLE, in the --Maskare, (M. 8)
chos, ( M8) -
MIDNIGHT,-Yékpdsh arått, (Tch.) MANY,-Azôm, (Tch.)
MIDWIFE,-Mormusti, (Eng.); mami, (M. 8) MAPLE, -Paltinu, (M.)
MILE, -Mea, (pl.) millior, (Eng.); mil'a, posht, MAKE-Grasni, grasnakkur,(Eng.); grastnt, gras.
ni, granf, (Tch.); grastnf, (Psp. M.); MILE-STONE, - Mea-bar, (Eng.) graznf, yêpa, (M)
MILE, --Tud, (Eng.); tut, (Tch.); tut, sut, (Pop. MARJORAM,-Khribnos, (Tch.)
M.); kir, pir,(As. Tch.); thud, (M., M. 8) MARK,-Měddha, (M.)
MILE, to, -Dosháva, pishava, (Tch.); dushava, MARKET,-Fôros, (Tch., Pep. M.)
(M.); dosháva, (M. 7) MARRIAGE, -Romipen, (Eng.), biâv, (Tch.); biAv, MILK, SOUR, -Yoghurt, (Toh.); mast, (As. Tch.) piâv, (Pep. M.); nunta, (M.)
MILKMAID, -Tudlogueri, (Eng.) MARRIAGE-GUEST,-Nuntash, (M.)
MILKMAN,-Tudeskoro, (Tch.) MARRIED,-Rommado, romm'a, (Eng.)
MILKY,-Tudalo, (Tch.) MARRIED, to be,-Kununisard'ováva, (M.)
MILL-Poggra-mengri, (Eng.); vasid, (Tch., Pap. MARRY, to,Pandrevåva, (Tch.); nuorisard'o.
M); asdă, (M.); asyav, (M. 7) vâva, onsurisard'ováva, kunaniáva, kunu. MILLER,-Waro-mescro, pauno-mengro, (Eng.) nisaráva, mēritigard'ováva, (M.)
vasiavéskoro, (Tch.); morfri, morar, (M.) MARSH-FLOWER-Tafa, (M.)
MILLET,-Kurmt, (Tch.) MAST.-Bero-rukh, (Eng.); akialdni, (Tch.) MILL-STONE,-Rězhnica, (M.) MASTER. -Dômnu, mêshtero, mêshteru, ray, riyu, MINARET,-Bashavdi, (Tch.) (M.); ray, (M. 8)
MIND.-Zi, (Eng.); minte, (M.) MATTER,-Bee Pus.
MINE, (sub.), -Ogna, (M.) MATTRE88,-Kozákos, (Tch.)
MINE,--Miro, miri, (Eng.); mos minro, (Tch.); MAY, (month of),-May, M.)
meki, (As: Tch.) Me, to, (dative), - Amande, (Eng.)
MINISTER, -Ministru, (M.) ME, (acc.),--Man, (Tch.); man, ma, (M.)
MIRROR, -Dikliardo, gledalo, yalf, (Tch.); avini, MEADOW,--Livado, livardo, (Tch.); mal, málo,
(Ag. Tch.) málu, poyána (M.)
MISCARRY, to,--Márghiováva, (Tch.); shuddva, MEAGRE,-Kiehlô, sanno, (Tch.); kishlo, (M. 7)
shuvava, (M.) MEAL, a funeral,-Prazniko, (M.)
MINER-Wöngar-kamming mush, (Eng.) MBAL-Bee FLOUR.
MIBERABLE. --Chungalô, jungalô, zungalo, bi-bakhMEAN, (adj.),-Prost, (M.)
tiAkoro, (Tch.); chungalo, (Pep. M., M. 7) MEASURE,-Medisin, (Eng.); mosdra, (M.)
MISFORTUNE, --Chingår, chungár, (Tch.) MEASURE, to,-Měsurisaráva, (M.)
MOCK, to,-Prasáva, (Tch., M. 8) MEAT ---M&s, (Tch., Psp. M.); mási, (As. Tch.); MOCKED, to be,-Prasániováva, (Tch.) mas, (M.)
MODESTY,-Laj, lach, lajaibê, (Tch.); pachi, (Span. MEDIATOR,-Mizhlochio, mizhlochio, mizhlochi,
Gip.); laj, (M. 8) (M.)
MOLE, -Povo-guero, (Eng.); korê kermusê, (Tch.) MEDITATE, to,-T'it'iAva, (M.)
MoNDAY, Luyô, luy, (M.) MEDICINY,--Drab, drav, (Eng.); opdr, (As. Tch.); MONEY,-Luvvo, (Eng.); love, rup, (dim.) ruporu, doftoriya, (M.)
(Tch.); orp, (As. Tch.); love, (Psp. M.); MOET EACH OTHER, to, ---Malad'ováva, (M.)
love, lovi, parále, zhělta, (M.); lovo,(M. 8)

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JUNE, 1886.]
MONEY, of or belonging to,-Rupéskoro, lovêngoro, (Tch.)
MONEY-CHANGER,-Luvvo-mengro, (Eng.) MONK,-Kolagěru, (M.)
MONKEY,-Maimuna, (Tch.) MONTH,-Masek, (Tch.); masak, (As. Tch.); chon, måsek, (Pap. M.); shon, shan, shun, (M.); måsek, (M. 8)
MOON,-Dude, chân, (Eng.); hiv, chemut, (Hun. (Gip.); chon, (Psp. M.); chon, chomût, (Tch.); shon, shun, (M.); chomut, chon, (M. 7)
MORE, Komi, yerreder, buroder, (Eng.); po, (Tch.)
AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX.
MORTAR, &,-Havâni, (As. Tch.)
MOTHER, Daya, dieya, die, mam, (Eng.); daia, die, (Rus. Gip.); dai, de, (Pap. M.); dâi, dêi, (dim.) daiori, dâle, dôle, (Toh.); dado, (As. Tch.); da, mâyka, mátka, mesa, (M.); day, (M. 7) MOTHER-IN-LAW,-Mamicholi, sashai, (dim.) sashiori, shashdi, sasti, shashuiori, (Toh.); shasti, shashti, (Pap. M.); sasof, sasut,(M.) MOUNT, to,-Ugliava, ukliava, (Tch.); ukliava, (Psp. M.)
MOUNTAIN,-Tal, (As. Tch.); mozhila, muzhila, play, (M.)
MOUNTED,-Uklistô, (Tch.) MOURNFUL,-Tugno, tug, (Eng.)
MOURNING,-Lipima, (Tch.)
MOUSE, Musso, mushô, massos, (Tch.); mishâkos, mushô, (Psp. M.); shôreku, shôrik, shoareku, (M.)
MOUSTACHE, Shoshanô, (Tch.) MoUTE, Mùi, (abl.) muy&l, (Tch., Psp. M.); zavar, zavád, (As. Tch.); muy, (M., M. 8) MUCH,-Bute, (Eng.); but, (comp.) buteder, butlô, (Tch. Psp. M.); buhu, (As. Tch.); but, (M., M. 7)
MUCUS,-Khalêa, (Tch.)
Mucus of the nose,-Lim, (Psp. M., M. 8) MUD, Chik, (Tch.); chik, chika, (Pap. M.); glôdu, (M.)
MUDDY, Chikalô, (Tch.)
MULBERRY, Dud, tu, (As. Tch.)
MULE, Joro, jornî, (Tch.); joro, (M. 7) MURDER, to, Murdarâva, (Tch., Psp. M.); mudarâva (M.) MURDERER,-Manushfari, (Tch.) MUSHROOM,-Khukhûnr, fiticha, (Tch.); khukhunr,
(M. 7)
MUSHROOM, of or belonging to,-Khukhunrêngoro, (Tch.)
MUSKET, -Pudinô, (Psp. M.) MUSTER, to, Mustrusarâva, (M.) MY,-miro, (Eng.); mo, minrô, mindô, (Tch.); mo, morô, muro, (M.); minro, (M. 8)
179
N
NAILS, (human),-Naior, (pl.) (Eng.); nai, (Tch., Pap. M.); nati, (As. Tch.); angi, (M.); (ag.) nai, (M. 8)
NAILS, (human), of or belonging to,-Naiêngoro, (Tch.)
NAILS, Sasters, sastris, (Eng.); sheritno, (Tch.); yerê, karfin, (M.); karfia, (M. 7) NAIL TO, on,-Contosaráva, (M.) NAILED ON,-Contumi, (M.)
NAKED, Nango, (Eng,); nangô, nangalô, (Tch.;) nangoldi, (As. Tch.); nango, (Pap. M., M. 8); nango, nanga, (M.) NAKED, to become,-Nânghiováva, (Tch.) NAKED, to make,-Nangheråva, nanghiaráva, (Tch.)
NAKEDNESS, Nangipen, (Eng.); nanghipê, (Toh.) NAME,-Nav, (Eng.); nav, naf, (Tch.); nam, (As. Tch.); nav, (Psp. M., M. 8) NAMED, to be,-Bushâva, kharáva, (M. 7) NAMELY,-Adekě, (M.)
NAPE OF THE NECK,-Men, min, (Toh.) NAPKIN,-Mesali, (Tch., M. 8); pâta, (Tch., NARROW,-Tank, tang, (Tch.); tang, (M., M. 8) NAVEL,-Pol, bor, por, (Tch.); navugori, (As. Tch.); pol, (Pap. M.); burtku, (M.) NEAR,-Pashê, pashpashê, (abl.) pashal, pacho, (Tch); nêlag, (As. Tch.); bashê, pashê, (Psp. M.); pash, pashě, (M.); pasho, (M. 8)
NEAR-SIGHTED,-Hegedari, (M.) NEAR, of or belonging to,-Pashalutnô, (Tch.) NECESSARY, to be,-Trebuâva, (M.); hum, (M. 7) NECESSITY,-Tryba, (M.)
NECK, Men, karlo, (Eng.); korf, korin, kurlô, (Tch.); kor/(M.); kori, (M. 7); men, (M. 8) NECK-CLOTH,-Men-pangushi, (Eng.) NEEDLE, Siva-mengri, sovie, su, subye, subie, (Eng.); suv, suf, (dim.) suvori, (Tch.); siv, (As. Tch.); sav, (Pap. M.); suv, (M. 8) NEEDY,-Choveno, (Eng.)
NEGRO,-Kaulo guero, (Eng.)
NEIGH, to,-Hremint'iava, hremintisaråva, (M.) NEIGHBOUR,-Pashemandutno, (Tch.); mejiyêsh,
(M.)
NEITHER NOR,-Ne-ne, (M. 8)
NEST, Ken, sas, tas, (Eng.); kaybu, (M.) NET,-Gond, gond, (M.)
1
NEW, Nevo, (fem.) nevi, (ing.); nevô, (Tch., Pep. M., .8); neve, (As. Tch.); nivô, (M.) NIGHT,-Rarde, (Eng.); ratt, (Tch.); arått, yast, (As. Toh.); rat, ratti, aratti, (Psp. M.); ret, (M.); rat, (M. 8)
NIGHT, as dark as,-Arâttiovel, råttilo, (Tch.) NIGHT, during the,-Aratti, (Tch.)
NIGHT, to stay through the,-Rat'aráva, rat'ardovåva, (M.)

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180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1886.
NIGHTINGALE,-Ratnilgen chiriclo, (Eng.) NIGHTLY,-Bardiakey, Eng.) NINE,-End, enis, intya, (Toh.); nbya, nu, (As.
Tch.); fniya, (Pap. X.); end, (M.); enes,
(V. 7) NINETEEW,- Desh-i-Inie, (Pap. M.) NINETY,- Iniyavardêri, (Pep. M.) NINTH - Ensto, (M.) NIT,-Lik, (adj.) likalo, (Tch.); likh, (M. 8); cf.
LOUBE. Nits, He who has,-Likêngoro, (Tch.) No.--Ne, kek, kekko, chi, (Eng.); na, nána, nånai,
nisti, netik, nánasti, nánastik, ne ne, ma, (Tch.); na, nanki, nastf, ma, (Pep.
M.); ba, (M.); (see Nor.) NO MORE,-Kekkomi, (Eng.) NOBLEMAN, Ghalti, (AB. Teh.); rãi, Pop. M.). NOBLENE88,- Strashnichiye, (M.) NOBODY,-Jenő, (Tch.) NOCTURNAL.-Rattutno, arattutno, rattiakoro,
(Tch.) Noise-Gudlí, godli, (Eng.) Norz-Chee, kek, kekkeno, (Eng.) NONSENSE, -Dinnelipênes, (Eng.) Noon,-Yékpash dives, (Toh.); nimru, (As. Tch.);
mezmêri, mesmêri, mydzē, myaza, myadza,
(M.) No one,-Kayak jend, (Pep. M.) Nose,--Nok, (Eng.); rutunf, (Tch., M. 8); nak,
(As. Tch., Pap. M., M.); nakh, (M. 8) Not, MA, kek, na, ne, (Eng.); na, nichi, nieh,
(M.); chi, (M. 7); na, ni, (M. 8); see No. NOT ANY,-Kekkeno, (Eng.) NOTHING.-Vanesha, (Eng.); hich, ich, chi, chichi,
chiti, (Tch.); na (ma) nishta, (M. 8) NOURIBH, to,-Parvaráva, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 8);
hréniáva, hronisarava, (M.), see FEED. NOURISHMENT,-Hráno, merind'e, (M.) NOVELTY,-Nevibê, (Tch.) Now,-Kanau, knau, kana, (Eng.); akana, okand,
akai, kâi, akangha, (Tch.); akanA, okan,
(Pap. M.); akana, aka, (M.); akana, (M. 7) NUN-Rashani, (Tch.) NUR8,-Daya, dieya, (Eng.); mámkě, (M.) Nut,-Pedloer, penliois, (Eng.); akhôr, akôr,
(Tch., Pep. M.); akhor, (M. 7); peledan,
(M. 8). NUT-TREE, -Akhorin, akorin, (Pep. M.)
OBSCURE,-Biavelikkoro, (Toh.) OCEAN-Okyans, (M.) ODOUR, -Sung, (Tch.); shimg, (M. 8) Or,-De, kata, kat, (X.) OTTERING,-Kiribe, (Toh.) OTTICER,Cheribashi, (Toh.) 07 MO UAE,Kek-kushti, (n.) OIL, -Maklo, (Tch.) OIL, linseed, Pabard8, (Toh.) OLD-Pureno, puro, (Eng.); phuro, puro, (comp.)
phuredêr, purano, phurnô, (Toh.); panari, vidi, (Ag. Tch.); phuro, phard, paro, furo, purano, (Pep. M.); bharů, pharð, (M.);
phuro, purano, (M. 8) OLD, to become, -Phuriniováve, (Toh.) OLD, to grow,-Phoriováva, (Tch., Pep. M.). OLD AGE,-Phuribe, (Tch.) OLD CLOTHES MAN,-Eakijis, (Tch.) OLD MAN,-Phurô, phurd, (M.) OLIVE,-Maklicha, (Tch.); zeiti, (As. Toh., M. 8) ON-Pe, pre, (M.); opre, (M. 8) Once.-Yekorus, (Eng.) ONE,-Yek, (Eng.); yek, (Tch., Pep. M.); ydka,
(As. Tch.); ek, yek, (M.); yek, (M. 7) ONE'S OWN,-Nogo, (Eng.). ONION, -Purrum, (Eng.); puram, (Tch., Pap. M.,
M. 8); bevezi, pivaz, (As. Tch.) ONION, of or belonging to Purumêngoro, (Tch.) ONLY,-Yekoro, (Eng.); numây, numay, num, (M.) OPEN-Pinrô, poravdô, (Tch.); poravdo, (M.);
pinro, (M. 8) OPEN, to,-Pinavêva, pinraváva, poravkva, (Tch.);
puterava, (M.) OPEN THE EYES, to,-Enkalaváva, (M.) OPENED, to become, Pinriováva, (Tch.) OPENING, ķhěă, (M.) OPENING IN A PAIR OF BELLOWS,--Privichi, (Tch.) OPPOBITE,-Mamti, perdal, perdalutnô, (Tch.);
gharshu (As. Tch.); mamai, (Pep. M.) OPPOBITE, he who is,-Mamntno, mamutnano,
(Tch.) OPPOBITE to,--Mamuyal, (Tch.); mamuy, (M. 8) ORCHARD.-Paub tan, (Eng.) OR-Or, vor, (M.) ORDURE,-Hin, (Eng.) ORIFICE,-Mti, (Tch.) OTHER, -Yavêr, (Tch., Pep. M., M. 7) OTTER,--Vidra, (M. 8) OUR, -Moro, (Eng.); amaro, (Tch.); emeki, (As.
Tch.); amaro, amarðă, amard, (M.);
amaro, (M. 7) OUT, (not within),- Abri, (Eng.); avri, (Pap. M.);
bi, (M.); avri, (M. 7) OUTER, -Avryal, (M.) OVEN -Bov, (Tch., Pep. X.); boð, (M.); bov, (M. 7) OVER,Pawdel, (Eng); oprál, (M.) Over the water,-Perdal, predA), (Pep. M., M. 8)
0
Or-Stezhåri, (M.) Oats, --Jobis, (Eng.); pusavdi, (Tch.) DATA,-Sauloholomus, (Eng.); khasloibo, sovel,
(Tch.); sovel, (M. 8). Okey, to,-Kandava, (M.) OBLIGED (compelled), to be,--Musaráva, (M.)

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Jonz, 1886.]
INDRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS.
181
INDRAGOMIN AND OTHER GRAMMARIANS.
BY PROF. F. KIELHOEN; GÖTTINGEN. Profowor Bählor's notice of Professor fortunately, instead of quoting those scholars Peterson's Second Report on the Search for by name, he introduces their statements by Sanskrit M88. (ante, Vol. XIV.p.354) has again such vagne expressions as Kaschit, Kéchit, drawn my attention to Professor Peterson's Bks, Anyé, Aparé, etc. What grammarians were discovery (Report, p. 65), that “the Indra gram- | meant to be denoted by these terms, I first mar" commenced with the words Parerat learnt from the marginal notes in a MS. of a
ati. "To light upon a passage"-50 Professor small portion of Hémachandra's grammar Peterson says, -" which actually quotes the which is in my possession, and I subsequently first words of Indra's grammar, while us yet discovered that the names there given have scholars are disputing as to whether such a been taken from a commentary, called Nydea, work ever exiated, is indeed a reward for on Hêmachandra's Brihadvritti. Of this much fruitless toil." And Professor Bühler Nyása I have now been able to read through adds :-" This discovery settles, indeed, the MS. of the Deccan College (No. 282 of question, if an Aindra grammar really existed." 1873-74), which, I regret to say, does not
It would seem that, in the opinion of both go beyond the first Pâda of Adhyâya II. of scholars we have now at last got actually a Hêmachandra's grammar; and from it I give quotation from that Aindra grammar which, the following names of grammarians or works according to the late Dr. Barnell, preceded the on grammar, which H&machandra is supposed grammar of Påņini, and that, according to their to refer to : views, such an Aindra grammar has really Indrag 8 min. Fol. 116 Indragômi-K 14existed, or may, as Professor Bühler suggests, paka-prabhsitayal [Hémachandra:
. still be in oxistence. Much as I rejoice at.
T
h at TOSTART TATO Professor Peterson's discovery, I cannot but FET ). Fol. 12a Indragomi-Chandra think that the conclusion drawn from it- prabhsitayal; Fol. 15a Chandrándragomisupposing it to be as stated'-is & somewhat prabhsitayaḥ [Hêmachandra: hasty one.
समासार्थवे नेच्छन्ति । सन्मते प्रिवदुबे मिवनये I have indeed been long aware of the fact Tora T 1). [Besides, my own M8. that * grammar composed by Indra must have has Indra-Chandran Fol. 53a). existed, because I knew that that grammar Utpala. Fol. 136 4:1 OThad been used by Hêmachandra. But as the water TT: 1; Fol. 18b;-Fol. 146. faller name of the author of that work is Utpaládayaḥ; Fol. 16a twice. Indragðmin, just as Chandra's faller name Kal & paka; Fol. 256, (and Kalapaks in is Chandragðmin, I feel no inclination to make my own MS. Fol. 53a); Fol. 36 Kâlâ pakadyah; it older than Påņini. And my opinion as to Fol. 116 Indragðmi-Kalapaka-prabhsitayah. ita comparatively recent origin is confirmed Kåsik & kåra. Fol. 116 KibikAkarádayah. by an examination of the statements that are Kshiras våmin. Fol. 136 free scribed to it, a writer who copies from the wife WTO wafacerea : Fol. 159 Värttikas on P. I. 4, 3 and VIII. 3, 1, cannot forms only forrad,
T ; Fol. be older than Påņini, -as well as by the fact 20a Chandra-Bhôja-Kshirasvâmi-prabhțitayah. that Indra or Indragồmin is mentioned in com- Chandrag 8 min. Fol. 12a Indragðmi. PADY with grammarians or grammars like Chandra-prabhțitayah ; Fol. 13a Chandra-preChandragðmin or the Kaldpaka,' about whose bhpitayah; Fol. 15a Chandrendragðmi-prabhri. relation to Panini there can be no doubt. tayah; Fol. 18b Chandrådayah; Fol. 20a
H&m chandra mentions the views of Chandra-Bhoja-Khirasvâmi-prabhsitayah; Fol. other grammarians most frequently; but, un. 23a Chandragðmi-Devanandy-adayah; Fol. 240
1 So far w I know, there is only one Indrs grammar about which there has been any dispute, vis. that Indra Tammar which according to Dr. Burnell is older than
The Ealdpaka, or kaldpardtra, or Kaumdra-vydka
rana, or more commonly Kdtantra, composed by SrlBarvavarman, " after the Satrs compoued by Bhagavat Kamera, and at his command." See the extrots from the commentaries in Eggaling's edition.
Plnini.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Chandragomiya-matam; Fol. 246 ChândraBhôjau. [Besides, my own MS. has Fol. 50b Chandrah, and Fol. 53a Indra-Chandrau].
Durgasimha Fol. 226.-Fol. 15a Durgasimha-Śrutapâlâdiḥ; Fol. 246 Durgab.
Dovanandin. Fol. 16a
s
स्त्रीलिङ्ग उक्तः scil वातप्रमीशब्दः; Fol. 2la काराशब्दे तु देवनन्दी, scil. इच्छति, in काराभू; Fol. 246.-Fol. 86 Dêvanandyadayah; Fol. 16a;Fol. 23a Chandragômi-Dêvanandy-âdayaḥ.
Vamana. Fol. 16a Vâman-âdayaḥ [Hêmachandra_says: केचित्यन्तात्क तिशब्दादेवेच्छन्ति scil. जस्सोर्लुपम् ; they form therefore कति, but not fa.]
[JUNE, 1886.
chandra says सख्यौ पस्यौ । पताविति कश्चित् ।, aud the Nyäsa adds कच्चिदिति । दुर्गसिंहश्रुतपालाहि ].
Bhoja. Fol. 16a;-Fol. 156 Bhôja-prabhṛitayah; Fol. 20a Chandra-Bhôja-Kshirasvâmiprabhṛitayah; Fol, 246 Chândra-Bhôjau.
Pânini. Fol. 200 Panini-prabhritayah; Fol. 186 Paniniy-âdayaḥ; Fol. 19a Paninisûref); Kakkala (se); Jayâdittrânusârinah. ya; the Dhâtupârâyanikâh opposed to the Vaiyakaraṇaḥ; a Nyása and a Nyâsakâra; the Bhashya, Bhashyakara, Bhashyakṛit, Bhashyakâra-Vârttikakarau, and Sriśêsharaja (i.e. Patanjali); Vatsa- Rishabhau (यतः शतृप्रत्ययान्तं महदिति रूपं लाक्षणिकं कप्रत्ययान्तं तु प्रतिपदोक्तंम् । एतच वत्सऋषभावूचतुः 1) ; the Visránta (विश्रान्तादी); the Vaijayantikara; and a marginal note explains the word by Jinêndra-Bhôja-Panini-prabhritayal].
Now from the above list it will appear, that Hemachandra in the compilation of his own grammar has used exactly those grammatical works which we might have expected him to use, viz., besides the Pániniya and its commentaries, the grammars of Chandra, Śâkațâyana (who, of course, has nothing to do with the old Sakatâyana), Bhôja, and Vâmana; the Jainendra, the Kalapaka, the writings of Kshirasvamin, and similar works. Certain it seems, that he has known nothing older than Panini, and we shall probably not be far wrong, when we assume that the grammar of Indra or Indragômin bore a somewhat close relation to either the grammar of Chandragômin or the Kalá
Visrantavidyadhara. Fol. 116 [Hêmachandra says: कश्चित्तु स्वरजयोरनाहिस्थबोर्बकारव - कारबोधयवस्यवर्णादन्यतोऽपि लोपमिच्छाते । अध्यारूड चासाविन्दुध मध्विन्तु। श्री
तस्या उदयः साध्नुश्य इत्यादि ।, and the Nyasa adds कश्विस्थिति। विश्रान्तविद्याधरः ।]; Fol. 96 Virkntavidyadhar-idayah fr स्थानेऽनुनासिके वानुनासिकमिच्छन्ति । स्वक् के इति fr]; Fol. 18a; [besides, my own MS. Fol. 446].
Sakata or Sakatayana. Fol. 136 [and my own MS. Fol. 53a] Sakata; Fol. 16a, Fol. 21a Sakatayana; [my own MS. Fol. 506 Sakata yanah]; Fol. 12a, Fol. 13a, Fol. 15a, Fol. 18a Sakatayan-âdayah.
Sratapala. [My own MS. Fol. 53a]; Fol. 15a Durgasimha-Śrutapâlâdil [Hêma
While I am obliged to Mr. Pathak for having set me right about Pajyapada (ante, Vol. XII. p. 19), I still believe that Devanandin was the author of the original Jainendra-vyakarana. If that grammar is correctly described by the term anékailsham vyakaranam, which even Prof. Peterson appears to admit (Report, p. 68), it follows with absolute certainty from the examples Daivanandinam anekaidehash vyakaranam and Devopajam anékas@sha-vyakaranam, that Devanandin was the rat who invented or proclaimed that grammar. Any Sastri conversant with the rules of grammar can tell whether I am right or wrong. I may add, that that rocension of the Jainendra, which has been commented upon by Somadeva, cannot be the original one, because it does contain the Ekasha-rules, and I have no objec tion to its being ascribed to Gunanandin. Lastly, I regret that Professor Peterson was unable to consult the Deccan College MSS. described by me (ante, Vol. X. p. 75), but they certainly had not gone to Germany Report, note on p. 69), nor have they gone there
even now.
[In addition to the above my own MS. Fol. 506 makes Hemachandra quote the opinion of Ratna mati, called Ratnamatir bauddhaḥ, in the words ; राधीश्वर्थविषयाद्विप्रष्टष्यादिच्छत्वन्यः । लाभाय राध्यति । लाभाव राधयति । लाभाय साधयति । लाभायेक्षेत । लाभाव पश्यति ।. And the Nydsa cites, on its own account, the following: Upadhyaya ( यदाह उपाध्यायः । अट्ट इत्येतस्मात्षष्ठधामापुलित्येव
A
In the Ganaratnamahodadhi p. 2, Vamans is described as the author of the Virántavidyadharavyakarana; the same work mentions, p. 167, a Nydea on the Viranta, and p. 131 a Virántanyasakrit. Brihadvritti of Vamana is quoted, id. p. 452; and Vamans also composed a Lingánussana in 34 Arys, which seems still to exist. In the Nyasa, from which I have quoted in the above, Viárantavidyadhara is certainly intended to be the name or the epithet of a man, not of a grammar; the name of the grammar appears to be Viiranta. Compare Katantra as the name of SarvaVarman's grammar, and Mushți as that of Malayagiri's (Mushtikrit P).
Ratnamati is often quoted. The man here intended I suspect to be the same as Ratna-áripadah, who appears to have composed a commentary on the Chandra-vyakarana, and who is cited (with Vimalamati) in Anandadatta's Paddhati.

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JUNE, 1886.) THE CHANDRA VYAKARANA AND THE KASIKA-VRITTI.
188
paka, together with which it is mentioned. As son and Bhandarkar, who already have done regards the first Sætra of it, for the discovery of so much for the preservation of Sansksit MSS., which we are indebted to Professor Peterson, to purchase as many commentaries on HemaI believe that Hêmachandra has imitated it in chandra's work as they can lay hold of, because his own rule Chie,' which in his grammar I believe that such commentaries will furnish follows immediately upon the Satras 97641 many valuable notes on the history of Sanskrit सिद्धिः स्वाहादात् ।
| grammar. If the information at my command I cannot conclude these remarks without be correct, there must still be in existence two requests. In the first place, I would urge | a Brihannyása, called Sabdamahárnava, my fellow-students to cease speaking of an Nyása by Dharmaghôsha, one by Ramachandra, Aindra grammar, or of the Aindra school of Laghunyása by Kanakaprabha, and similar grammarians, terms for which, so far as I works. They will probably not be pleasant know, there is no justification, and which are reading, but if Professors Bhandarkar and only apt to mislead And secondly, I would Peterson will giye me the chance, I will try to earnestly request my former colleagues, Peter- make the best of them.
THE CHANDRA-VYAKARANA AND THE KASIKA-VRITTI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. Tradition tells us that the Chandra-Vya G Fs, which is a rule of Chandra's. The karana is older than the Kásikd-Vritti. The addition of a to , in the sense of ry, is kindness of Professor Oldenberg, who has taught again in the Kasiká on Påộini V. 2, 122, placed at my disposal his copy of the fragments where the note to that effect is taken from the of Chandra's grammar which are at Cam-. Mahabhdshya. bridge, enables me to prove that the compilers On Pâņini IV. 3, 8 the Kasiká has the note of the Kdikd have diligently used that gram.
I I Chandra's rule is mar, although they never actually mention it. मण्यादिभ्यां मः In the Mahabhdshya on Pimini On Påņini IV. 1, 54 the Käsiká has the note IV.3, 23 fer is formed (not with #, but) z fet Thelg, which is not found |
with R . in the Mahábhashya. The three words are On Paņini IV. 3, 144 the Katika has the taken from Chandra's rule, which corresponds note एकाची नित्यं मयटमिच्छन्ति, तदनन किवते. to Paņini IV. 1, 55, Tede n of Chandra has the rules THTHI TATTI जगजगावकण्ठात्.
On Pâņini IV.4, 29 the Kdáika has the noto On PAņini IV. 1, 68 the Kásika has the note Sayt: Inferthi Chandra's y cercetat
: : which is rule is Terrar not in the Mahábhdshya. Chandra has the rule 1. On Panini IV. 4, 78 the Kabiká has the note
खइति योगविभागः कर्तव्य इष्टसंग्रहार्यः। उत्तरधुरीणः । On Paņini IV. 1, 85 the Katika has the note दक्षिणधुरीणः। Chandra has the rule सर्वोत्तरबमाचेति वक्तव्यम्, which is not in the Maha- T : bhashya. Chandra has ut, in his rule faraftar- On Pånini IV. 4, 101 the Kásikd has the note दित्यबमाण्ण्यः
Sca r i TT: Ang. It On Påņini IV.), 156 the Kášiká has the note was Chandra who taught the addition of either स्ववादीनां वा फिव्वक्तष्य: Chandra has the rales sufix; for his role is 90 v. - ( ST: Re :
On Panini V.1, 12 the Kasiká has the note On Påņini IV. 2, 42 the Kábiká has the note ayte faracenaft. It was Chandra • The Pandits of Tibet are certainly right when they grammar of Parini (ib. p. 64). See Barnell, On the say that the Chandra vydkarana agrees with Panini, Aindra Grammar, p.5. and they may be therefore supposed to be right in main. * Explained by him: Elaftrat
p o garataining that the Kallpavydkarana agrees with the Indrapydkarana, (see Schiefner, Taranthe, P. 64), 1.6.,
काललिजन्स्वानसंख्यापरिमाणापत्यवीप्सालुगवर्णादीनां संज्ञाना MI take it, the grammar of Indragómin. Indragðmin परात्रिस्यं नित्यादन्तरङ्गमन्तरजनचानवकाश बलीय इत्यादीनां would, in my opinion, be the same as Indradhruva (id. p. 63), and TiranAths is quite right, when he says that in न्यायानां च लोकाइयाकरणसमयविदः प्रामाणिकादेव शास्त्रAryadna the Indravy karapa did not appear before the प्रवृत्नये सिद्धिर्भवतीति वेदितम्यम् ॥.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Jun, 1886.
who did so; for his rule is farta: wait (withont 4.)
The second explanation, which is given in the Kdorika of Påņini V. 1, 94, was the one adopted by Chandra; for his wording of the rule is सरस्व ब्रमच.
On Pipini V. 1, 126 the Kdóiká has the note H e t af men. Chandra has the rule सहिपतर्वनिम्बोपः
When on Pånini V.1, 131 the compiler of the Kalikd asks
far, he shows that he knew Chandra's rule waitftat Sant And by his remark उत्तरसूवात्संज्ञामहणमनुष्यते on Pamini V. 2, 81, he indicates that he was acquainted with the wording which Chandra had given to the rules 81 and 82, g li and प्राबोअमस्मिन.
On Pinini V.2.128 the Katiká has the note T ita Chandra's wording of the rule
चारोगगहितामाणिस्थावस्वानादिनिः On Papini V. 3, 12 the Kúbiká has the note
I I Chandra has the rule SATA On Påņini VII. 2, 48 the Kásiká has the note
afa topat. Chandra does read after of:. On Papini VII. 2, 49 the Kalikd has the note केचिदन भरज्ञपिसनितनिपतिपरिवाणामिति पठन्ति. Chandra does read frafafayfarefcx:.
On Påņini VII. 3, 17 (see also on V. 1, 55) the Katika has the note भसंज्ञाशाणकुलिनानामिति कैचिल्पन्ति . Chandra has कुलिज, in hia rule संक्वाबाः संवत्सरपरिमाणस्यासंज्ञाचाणकुलिजस्व.
These instances, to which I might add many others even from the incomplete copy of Chandra's grammar which is accessible to us in Europe, will sufficiently prove, that the
authors of the Karikd-Vritti knew that grammar and used it in the compilation of their own work. They will also show that Chandra has not, like some of the later grammarians, merely copied from the Ashtadhydy, the Värttikas, and the Mahabháshya; but that ho also has either tried to improve on those works himself, or has in addition to them used other works, which do not seem to exist any longer."
Strange it appears that the compilers of the Kariká should never have mentioned Chandra and his grammar; that they should not have done so even in connection with rules such as Påņini II. 4,21 ; IV. 3, 115; and VI. 2, 14, where by quoting the Chandra-Vyakarana they would, one might say, have much more vividly illustrated Påņini's meaning, than by the examples which they have actually given.
It is one of the characteristio features of Chandra's grammar, that, --while it retains the most artificial terms of Paņini's grammar, such as wa, ow, y and others, some of which have not met with general acceptance even in PAņini's own school,---it discards a large number of other terms, many of which have been found Bo appropriate or useful, that they have been adopted even by European grammarians. From Guna and Vriddhi, Chandra goes back to addh and adaich; from Sariprasarana to yana ik or igyanah; Vriddha of course had to become ádaichádyach. For Upasarga, Chandra always employs prddi; for Sarvanáman, sarvadi; for Taddhita, anádi; tak or tafiána serve him for Atmané pada; and the reverse, atañ, for Parasmaipada. Dvandva is expressed by chartha ; Bahuvrihi, by anyartha; and Dvigu, by sa khyádi; Upadhd is upanta ; Upasarjana, apra
1 TAranAtha's account of the composition of the on Panini II. , 21 -4 149 54 Chandra-Vylkarana is as follows " Again come to the
wrong. The right reading in to y south of Jambudvipa, he (.e. Chandragomin) saw in the
E. temple of the Brahman Vararuchi the structure of the
See ante, Vol. X. p. 77. Panini's grammar was called grammar, which had been heard by the Nage, and the the aktlakam vydkranam, because it contains no defini. commentary on Panini composed by the Naga Sesha. tions of expressions like 99. See Papini L. 2, 87.
A commentary must contain few words, but many Haradatta explains 1915ruturante t thoughta; must contain no repetitions, and form a whole. But the Nage is very silly, has many words and few
राहतम् , or पूर्वाणि व्याकरणान्यपतनादिकालपरिभाषायुक्तानि thoughts, and is incomplete. After having expressed area TL; Jinendrabuddhi RIE this censure, he composed, as a commentary on Panini, the Ch 1ndra-Vydkarena with the appendices." And
HTT T ; the Madhaviyadhtavritti FesAgain Tkranatha says:-"From that time till now, fr 1974 .-What innovations VyAdi and Chandra gmin's work has spread widely. inasmuch as orthodox, well as heterodox people, stady by it; but
A pitali made, it is difficult to say ; regarding the former, the Samantabhadra (a grammar oomposed in Molas by Haradatta has the note a (or gera?) samt Chandraklrtti) soon disappeared, and it is not known whether any copy of it is still in existence."-Schiefner,
48 TTT; Jinendrabuddhi has 89394 P. 168 and 185.
करणमिति | म्यारिरपि युगपत्कालभाविनां मध्य दशःकरणानि It does not som quite unnecessary to repeat here, that the roading of the published odition of the Kalikdy f
6

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dhdna ; Avyaya, asainkhya; Karman; ápya; Sakarmaka, sápya; Akarmaka, avyápya; etc. After this we can well understand why the Chandra-Vydkarana, by some kind of exaggera. tion, should have been termed the asajakah vydleuranam," the grammar without technical terms;" and I repeat that the phrase - H T T would have afforded a most appropriate example for Påņini II. 4, 21, etc.
Nor can I quite understand why Chandra's grammar, and those who studied it, should have been passed over in the commentary on
Paņini V. 1, 58 and IV. 2, 65. When the authors had occasion to speak of the three Adhyâyas of Kibakpitsna's Sætra, of the eight of Panini's, and of the ten of Vynghrapad's, they surely could not have helped thinking of the Satra of Chandra, which contains six Adhyâyas. Averse though I am to conjecture, I would venture to ask :-Was the Chandra-Vyakarana good enough to be copied from, but too modern a work to be honourably mentioned together with the Sůtras of sages like Kasakpitsna and others, of which Jayaditya and Vamana probably knew very little more than we do po
MISCELLANEA. GENERAL CUNNINGHAM'S
settlement of the epoch of the era, otherwise ARCHÆOLOGICAL REPORTS.
than as being one of the numerous side-issues I observe that, in the last number of the Indian that have to be disposed of before any settlement Antiquary, it is pointed out that General Cun. of the main subject will be accepted as final by ningham's Archæological Reports only require general readers. But, as such, it appears to me to careful and systematic indexing for their practical require to be discussed. value to be recognized. I am engaged in pre. Sir E. Clive Bayley's theory that the sch paring full analytical index, which will be of the Gupta ora fell AD. IN.
T
i l published by the Government of India as # sepe- Cunningham's theory of A.D.
wrted, rate volume uniform with the Reports. I karo or was apparently supported by tronomical made indices to twelve volumes, and hope to calculations of the details of the date in Badha publish the combined Index by the end of the gupta's Bran pillar inscription, Mud of thd sasivat year; but my leisure is scanty, and I cannot saras of Jupiter's twelve-year cycle mentioned in promise any definite date.
the dates of the inscriptions of the Parivrdjalis Any suggestions offered by readers of the Indian Mahardjas Hastin and Samkehobha. But tho Antiquary will be welcome.
real key-note to it is to be found in his belief,
V. A. SMITH and Mr. Thomas', that certain coins of 'Syalapati' Basti, N. W.P., 6th April 1886.
of Kabal have on them dates accompanied by the syllables ga, gu, gupta, or guptasya, which
were supposed to stand for "Guptasya kedl,"and to A NOTE ON THE COINS OF
denote "the Gupta era," and in his argument THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL.
that the dates of these coins, in order to fit in with In connection with the general subject of the the period of A.D. 887 to 916 assigned by him to Gupta era, on which I shall have occasion shortly Syalapati,' can only be reckoned from A.D. 189 to submit some special remarks, I take this oppor. or 190. tunity of putting together a few notes that I But,-irrespective even of the extreme impro. made about three years ago, when I first read bability of such an expression as Guptanya kala, Bir E. Clive Bayley's Paper, with its Postscript, "the era of Gupta," being used to denote an era "On certain Dates occurring on the Coins of the which, though used by the Guptas, was certainly Hindu Kings of Kabul," published in the Numis. not founded by, at any rate, the Mahardja Gupta, matic Chronicle, Third series, Vol. II. p. 128ff. the first of the family mentioned in the inseripThe question now opened has no bearing on the tions, this theory of A.D. 190 lins, so far us
Soo the quotation from Kshirasv Amin, Prof. Aufrecht pp. 185, 187) read and translated Guptaaga kind (for in z. d. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. XXVIII. p. 105.
kald)-ganandth vidhayn, counting from the era of To the poetioal passages collected from the Kafik.
Gupta." But the real reading in Gupta-prakaw ganar Vitti, ante, Vol. xiv. p. 327, I would now add :
vidhdya, "making the calonlation in the neckoning of On Papini V.2, 22.
the Guptas." war: arh .
This is very different thing. And the
real significance of the expression is it very clear This expression has been supposed to oocur in line indication that this date was being recorded in an ere 15 of the Junagadh rook inscription of Skandagupta,
which was not the customary one for that part of the whero Dr. Bhau Daji (Jour. Bo. Br. R. Ae. Soc. Vol. VII.
country. Pp. 123, 120; and Archæol. Suru. Wout. Ind. Vol. II.

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the above-mentioned grounds are concerned, There remain Nos. 3, 4, and 5, which are read absolutely no support whatever.
respectively as "Gupta" with two doubtful Of the coins in question, those that have the figures, "98 Gu," and "99 Gu;" meaning (6)98 clearest datos on them are Pl. vii. Nos. 24 to 27, and (6)99. And these are unfortunately not so belonging to some unnamed king. They are not easy to deal with, since, though the signs that attributed to Byalapati'; but are considered to are supposed to mean Gupta must be in reality be rather more recent. It is admitted, however, numerals of some kind or another,-there is that they belong to the same series; and I take nothing in Sir E. Clive Bayley's Table, and I can them first because they are so very clear. If we obtain nothing elsewhere, to explain their value examine them with the help of Sir E. Clive as numerals. But, in attempting to find a proper Bayley's Table of Numerals in Pl. vii., it is evident reading of them, we must in the first place notice at once that No. 24 reads, not " 802 Ga," but that the sign which, on Nos. 4 and 5, Sir E. Clive simply "804," with nothing after it; and that Bayley interprete as the figure 9, and enters as Nos, 25, 26, and 27 read, not "812 Gu," but simply such in his Table, occupies exactly the position "814," again with nothing after it, the figures which is filled in Prinsep's coin, noted below, by being in fact absolutely identical with those a symbol resembling a crescent moon on the top of which Sir E. Olive Bayley himself read as simply a short staff with a cross-handle; and this suggests "814" on Nos. 19 to 23, 29 to 31, and 34. In these that the sign in question is not a figure at all. instances, the supposed Gu is nothing but the sign In the hope that some of the readers of this Journal that makes the difference in these numerals may POBBeBe a clue to their real meaning, I now give between a 2 and a 4. And Sir E. Clive Bayley's a reproduction of a the signs that were reading further involves the peculiar anomaly supposed to mean 9 Gupta. The lithothat the figures have to be read in one direction, graph was issued by Sir E. Clive Bayley as capable from the rim of the coin, and the supposed Gu in of being " accepted as a fair rendering of the usual the opposite direction, from the inside of the coin form of the word." But it will be admitted, at once which results in the curious arrangement of "802 and generally I should think, that it answers ng" and "812 np."
in no way whatever to the usual form of the We have here to note that Sir E. Clive Bayley word, and cannot be so interpreted in accordance reported that Mr. Thomas would read the whole with any known alphabet, even though we date in one direction, from the inside of coins, should follow Mr. Thomas in looking upon it as and would interpret it as "Gu 617," denoting the "a degraded and contracted form of the word.” initial date of Samanta's dynasty according to the 1 In trying to find out what these sighs do mean, Gupta era; "and, accepting 319 A.D., according it must be noted that coin No. 3 in Pl. i. gives to Albirúni's statement, as the actual date of the some indications to the effect that the first sign Gupta era, would thus place Samanta's accession as given above, is imperfect on the left side, and in 938 A.D." Allowing for the possibility of the that in its complete form the left side was exactly firat sign being capable of meaning Gu, this way of similar to the right; the whole sign, in fact, being interpretating the figures seems to be equally well something like two crescent moons, back to back, borne out by Sir E. Clive Bayley's Table. But the connected with a bar. first sign cannot mean Gu, and does not inean Also, any information bearing on 'Syalapati's Gu. And a reference to the Table will shew im. real date would of course help much to clear up mediately that the figures have to be read, as Sir the point. And in connection with this, I would E. Clive Bayloy read them, from the rims of the draw special attention to his coin figured in coins; and that the dates are in reality nothing Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 304, Pl. xxv. No. but 80% and 814, as I have pointed out above. 2, which, as now explained by Sir E. Clive
The coins of Syalapati' himsel are Pl. i. Nos. 3 Bayley's Table, gives the unmistakable date of to 5, and 7 to 10. Of these, No. 7 is read as " 707," 814, traces of which are also discernible in No. 1 and No. 8, 9, and 10 as "727," without any sup- on the same plate. This No. 2 has behind the posed reference at all to the Gupta era; and these horseman the same monogram, wu, (not !!) as Sir readings are in accordance with the Table of E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 25, 26, and 27 have; also, Numerals, if the dates are read from the rim of the As explained by No. 1, it has in the upper corner coin like the dates of Nos. 19 to 27, 29 to 31, and in front of the horseman, the same symbol (inter84, referred to above. On the other hand, if we preted by Sir E. Clive Bayley on his No. 20 as a might read the figures on these seven coins from | rude imitation of adal) that appears in the same the inside, there appears no particular objection position on others of these coins, and resembles a to interpreting them as respectively "808" and crescent moon on the top of a short staff with a "868."
cross-handle. These points of similarity suggest

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that possibly Sir E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 25, 26, and 27 (and others) belong really to 'Syalapati,' though his name is not on the obverse. And the unmistakable date of 814 on at any rate Prinsep's Essays, Pl. Ixv. No. 2, further suggests that the figures on Sir E. Clive Bayley's Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10, should not be read as 707 and 727. Sir E. Clive Bayley places Syalapati' in A.D. 887 to 916; which would agree very satisfactorily with the date of 814 on Prinsep's coin, if we might refer it to the Saka era, with the result of A.D. 892-93. On the other hand, General Cunningham, in the Archæol. Suro. Ind. Vol. XIV. p. 45, places him rather earlier, about A.D. 800, but quotes no authority for this. I have not been able to find any other information as to the probable date of 'Syalapati.'
J. F. FLEET. 22nd April 1886.
A NEW GRÁNT OF DHARASENA II. OF VALABHI. I have received from Mr. Wajeshankar Gauri. shankar of BhÅwnagar, through Colonel J. W. Watson, Political Agent, Kathiwad, impressions, with text and translation, of a new copper-plate ingcription of the Mahardja Dharasena II. of Valabhi, dated (Gupta)-Samvat 252 (A.D. 571-72), from the village of Jhar, in the Amrelt Pargana in Kathiawad. The plates were found by Mr. Wajeshankar, and are in his possession. It is not necessary to publish the grant in full; but a description of it will not be out of place.
The inscription is on two plates, measuring roughly about 111' by 8", and appears to be in a state of excellent preservation. The first plate contains 16 lines of writing; and the second, 18. The characters are of the ordinary type of the Kathiawad alphabet, of the period to which it belongs. The language is Sanskrit throughout.
The text follows the draft of the three grants of the same Mahardja, published in this Journal, Vol. VII. p. 68f., Vol. VIII. p. 3018., and Vol. XIII. p. 160ff., and all dated in the same year, 252, but on the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight
of the month Vaisakha. I note below a few passages in which the present grant tends to eluci. date the correct text of the draft.
The contents are, in brief, as follows:- There was the illustrious Sendpati Bhatarka (line 3), a most devout worshipper of the god Mahéévan, who was possessed of glory acquired in a hundred battles fought with (i.e. against) the large armies, possessed of unequalled strength, of the Maitrakas, who by force compelled their enemies to bow down before them. His son was the illustrious Sendpati Dharasena (1.4), « most devout worshipper of the god Mahêśvara. His younger brother was the Mahardja Drôn asinha' (1.7), a most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara,
-who was anointed in the kingship by the partmount master in person, the sole master of the circumference of the territory of the whole world.-His younger brother was the Mahardja, the illustrious Dhruvasena (1.9), a most devout worshipper of the Holy One. His younger brother was the illustrious Mahdrilja, Dharapatta (1. 10), a most devout worshipper of the Sun. His son was the Mahardja, the illustrious Guhasena (1. 15) . most devout wor. shipper of the god Mahesvara. His son is the Samanta and Mahardja, the illustrious Dharssê na' (1. 19) a most devout worshipper of the god Mahêsvara.
From the city of) Valabh (1.1), he, Dhara. sên a, being in good health, issues his commands to all his Ayuktakas, Viniyuktakas, Drangikas, Mahattaras, Chagas, Bhagas, Dhruvddh ikdranikas, Saulkikas, Prdtisdrakas, Dandapatikas, Chauriddharanikas, &o., that he gives as a brahma. déya, for the purpose of maintaining the rites of the five great sacrifices of the bali, charu, vaidvad agnihotra, and atithi (1. 27), to the Brahman Chhachchhara (1. 22), an inhabitant of the town of Brahmapura, & member of the Bhargava gótra, and a student of the Maitrayapaka-Manaraka (lakha)-(1) the village of Vatagram (1. 22), in the Dipanak a patha and the Bilrakhata sthall; (2) one hundred paddvartas (of land) (1. 23) within the area of Bilvakhet, in
* See Dr. Kielhorn's explanation of this passage, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 328.-I find that Dr. Bhau Daji, in 1864, had an idea as to the correct interpretation of this page sage. He wrote (Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. Soc. Vol. VHI. p. 244. "A sentence in the copperplate, which has hitherto not been translated correctly, shews that they" (the rulers of Valabht) "triumphed over . sun-worshipping people (Maitrakas)"
The epithet ért is not used here.--In line 5, the read. ing of this grant is pragastatara-vimala-mauli-manirXnano-Adi, &c.
parama-ramin.-The emperor in question Wa Y.bodharman, for whom we have the date of Malays. Batavat 589 (A.D. 582-83) expired, in one of the Mandeer inscriptions.
• bhagavat; an epithet of Vishnu, Siva, and Buddha; but especially of Vishnu, whom it probably always
denotes when there is no express intimation to the contrary.
In line 91., the reading in ddaka-prakshatit. MbandKali-kalankab; and in line 10, prathita is omitted hatore mahima.
In line 12, the reading is savyg-peda; in line 131 atijayanah baranágat-abhaya-pradana do.; and in kino 15, mahardja-frl-Guhaanah, not fri-mahardja-Gula nan.
In line 15, the reading is santana-vispita Jaknault. in line 16. paftvyamana, and sarasam, not sarabha.com in line 16, Akshmi-paribhogo, and vikram-pasartpripta and in line 19, paramamahagvarapadmanta-mahardja fri Dharaanalaisal to.
Or perhaps thanayuktakas. The text looks like sarvodnedva sydnedykt go, but it may perhape bo wrudn-fra sthandyuktaila go.
ma-taka

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the northern boundary, to the north of the division called Bhatárkaphêda, to the east of an ant-hill, and to the west of the road or river called Amrilikavaha ; (3) in the same eighth region of the compass, an irrigation-well (1. 23), with twenty-five påddvartas of land ly 2 round it; (4) in the eastern boundary of the village of V 618 padraka (1. 24) in the Jhari athall, one hundred and sixty paddvartas (of land) on the south of the high-road, on the east of the field of Jhajjhaka, on the west of the junction of the boundaries of Dadhikapaka, and on the north of the field of Khandaka or (P Viņhaka), & resi. dent of the village of Bhramarakalyagrama;- and (5) twenty-five pdidvartas (of land) (1.26) in the southern boundary of the same village.
Lines 28 to 32 contain the usual mandate against interfering with the full enjoyment of the grant ; and two of the customary benedictive and im. precatory Terses.
These are followed by the statement, in line 83, that the Dataka was Ohirbira, and that the charter was written by the Sandhivigrahadhi. krita Skanda bha ta. Then comes the date, in numerical symbols, of the year 252, the fifth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra. And the inscription ends with the endorsement—"(This is) the sign manual of me, the Mahardja, the illustrious Dhara sê na."
J. F. FLET. 23rd March 1866.
Dv&saptaty-adhikeshu hi
batêshu saptasu gatêshu Gaptânám [lo] Bathvateardshu masi cha
Bhadrapada bukl/kla)-pamchamyan 11 SilAchAryêpa krita
Gambhatåyån sthitêna tikanishi samyag-upayujya kôdhya
matsarya-vinákritairdrye(rynih 11 This passage gives Gupta-Samvat 772 (expired), the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, as the date on which this portion of the Commentary was completed by SilAcharya, at Gambhata (P Cambay).
The second passage, on p. 2560, at the end of the whole book, is in prose, and runs
Saka-npipa-kalatita-samvatsara-batēsashu saptasu ashtänavaty-adhikeshu Vaisakha-buddhaparfchamy&m Achåraţika kpit-êtil ba | Samvat (page 2566 ends here; and the next page, containing the repetition of the date in figures, and the last final words of the author, is lost).
This passage gives Saka-Samvat 798 (expired), the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha, as the date of the completion of the whole Commentary.
The two passages, indicating, as they stand, that Silacharya treated the Gupta and Saka eras as identical, obviously contain a mistake of some kind or another, which must be attributed to a pedantic desire on his part to introduce a mention of an era, -whether the Gupta or the Saka, as the case may be, with which he was only imperfectly acquainted. And the mistake cannot be cleared away, unless we can obtain some independent record of the real date of Silacharya,sufficient to shew whether the Achdratkd was written during Gupta-Samvat 772 to 798 (A.D. 1091 to 1117), or during Saka-Sarvat 772 to 798 (A.D. 850 to 876).
The passages, however, are of some interest, in shewing that, in Stacharya's time, there was still
recollection of the fact that the era, which must have been known best from its use by the rulers of Valabht, and which came eventually, in Kathiawad, to be called the Valabhi-Samvat, -was connected originally and specially with the Gupta kings, by whom it was introduced into Kathiawad and the neighbouring parts.
J. F. Flat. 31st March 1886.
TWO PASSAGES FROM THE ACHARATIKA.
At page 141 f. above, Mr. K. B. Pathak has published an interesting passage from the Jain Harivanía, which mentions the Early Gupta kings, and, in giving a regular succession of dynasties, including them, from the nirudna of Mahavira, purports to have a bearing, though a wrong one, on the question of their epoch.
I now give, as another literary curiosity of a somewhat similar kind, two passages from the commentary named Acharaţkd by SilAcharya on the Jain work called Acharangasútra,- from a manuscript, supposed to be about three hundred years old, shown to me in the early part of 1883 by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji.
The first passage, on pp. 2076 and 208a, is in metre, and runs
10 atrait-dahtama dig-bhagd; 1. e, in the same northern the anthor from other souroen." boundary of Bilvakhta.
Read fatéshu. Since writing this Note, I have found an allusion by Dr. Bhau Daji, in 1864, to what is evidently the same
The Saks era was need 80 rarely, if at all, in Gujarat manuscript, though he quoted only the Gupta dato. He
| and K AthiAwad, that probably the Gupta ers gives the wrote (JOMT. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. VIII. p. 246)—"I real date for SilachArya. And I would throw out. have a Jains manuscript which is dated in the 772nd suggestion that possibly a mistake of the same kind may Year of the Guptakals; but upfortunately the corros. Bobolint for the dates, Saks-Earn Yat 400 and 417, of the ponding Vikrams or Aliv Abans'a year is not given nor apparently spurious UmétA and 11A grants of Didda II. is it possible at prosent to sacertain the exact date of ! (ante, Vol. VII. p. 617., and Vol. X . p. 11511).

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THE EPOCH OF THE GUPTA ERA.
THE EPOCH OF THE GUPTA ERA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E.
UN
NTIL the discovery of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman, which I publish at page 194ff. below, the only direct information available as to the Epoch of the Gupta Era was the statement of Abu Rihân Albirûnî, who, writing in the first half of the eleventh century A.D., left on record the following notes, as taken from M. Reinand's French translation of the original in his Fragments Arabes et Persans, page 138ff.-" People employ ordinarily the eras of Sri-Harsha,' of Vikramaditya, of Saka, of Ballaba', and of the Guptas. 'Ballaba,' who also has given his name to an era, was the prince of the town of Ballabha' (Valabhi), in the middle of Aphilwaḍa, at a distance of about thirty yojanas. The era of 'Ballaba' is subsequent to that of Saka by two hundred and forty-one years. In order to make use of it, we take the era of Saka and deduct at the same time the cube of six (216) and the square of five (25). The remainder is the era of 'Ballaba. This era will be discussed in its place. As to the Gupta-Kala (the era of the Guptas), we understand by the word gupta certain people who, it is said, were wicked and powerful; and the era which bears their name, is the epoch of their extermination. Apparently 'Ballaba' followed the Guptas immediately; for the era of the Guptas also commences (with) the year two hundred and forty-one of the era of Saka. The era of the astronomers commences (with) the year five hundred and eighty-seven of the era of Saka. It is to this era that the Khandakataka Tables of Brahmagupta are referred. This work has among us the title of 'Arkand.' According to it, placing ourselves in the year 400 of the era of 'Yezdirdjed,' we find ourselves in the year 1088 of the era of SriHarsha, the year 1088 of the era of Vikramaditya, the year 953 of the era of Saka, the year
As is shown by Albirant's statement further on, this is not the era of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, commenoing A.D. 606 or 607, but an earlier era, commencing B. C. 457, of which we have no epigraphical record, and, in fact, no information beyond Albirûnl's statement that it existed, coupled with a remark that, in a Kasmir almanack, he had found the epoch of it put forward to Vikrama-Samvat 664 (A.D. 607-8), whence "he felt some doubts that he had not found the means of resolving."
This is quite an imaginary name, which must be
189
712 of the era of 'Ballaba' and of that of the Guptas."
According to the above extracts, Albirûni seems to state in the first instance that the Gupta-Valabhi era began when Saka-Samvat 216 +25=241 (A.D. 319-20) had expired; and this is borne out by his making the year 712 of this era correspond with SakaSamvat 953, the difference being exactly 241 years. In his next mention, however, he apparently speaks of it as commencing with Saka-Samvat 241, i. e. when 240 years had expired. While in a third passage, a little further on in the book," in explaining how the Hindus arrived at the date (January, A.D. 1026) of the taking of Sômnathpâtan by Muhammad of Ghazni, he tells us that they first wrote down 242, then 606, and then 99, with the result of Saka-Samvat 947 (A.D. 1025-26); and here, though he does not expressly mention the Gupta-Valabhî era, there can be no doubt that the first figures refer to it; and they seem to indicate that, in this calculation, the epoch of the era fell when Saka-Samvat 242 had expired.
We have thus three years to choose between for the epoch of the era,-Saka-Samvat 240, 241, or 242, expired; i.e. Saka-Samvat 241, 242, or 243 current,-involving a question that can only be settled by accurate calculations of the data available from the inscriptions, published in detail, so that general readers may see that the processes are satisfactory. And I would here point out that, before any of the existing Tables can be utilised for these calculations, at least the following preliminary points must be settled,-(1) whether the years of the Gupta era had a distinct arrangement of their own; or whether they followed the scheme of the years of the Kaliyuga, Vikrama, or Saka eras; (2) if they were identical with
attributed to Albiránt fancying some connection between the name of the city of Valabht and the Sanskrit word vallabha, which was very often used as a proper name, but not in the case of any of the rulers of Valabht. But, setting aside this mistake about the name, which is rather like that of his treating Saka as the name of an individual, instead of a dynasty, Albtrant is of course speaking of the era that was used by the wellknown rulers of Valabhi.
Fragmente Arabes et Persans, p. 146.

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the years of the Vikrama era, whether they the accession of a king, or from any particular followed the northern reckoning, with the event, but, for convenience of comparison, was year beginning with the new-moon of Chaitra, regulated from the completion of four of or the Gujarat and southern reckoning, with the Jupiter's sixty-year cycles from the commenceyear beginning with the new-moon of Kárttika, ment of the Saka era. seven months later; and (3), after deciding The other school accepted A.D. 318-19 for the the previous points, whether, in the arrange- downfall of the Guptas, and took the Valabhi ment of the months, the bright fortnight era of Arjunadeva's inscription, which indiscame first, according to the custom of Gujarat, putably began then, as being separate altothe Dekkan, and Southern India, or the dark gether from the Gupta era, and as having been fortnight, according to the custom of Ujjain established in commemoration of thut event; and Benares.
and began then to look about for an earlier But, whatever may be the final settlement of date for the establishment of the Gupta dynasty these points, the fact remains that Albiruni and their era as used in their own inscriptions. had information given to him of the existence The chief exponents of this school' bave been of an era, coupled with the name of the the late Mr. Thomas, who held that the era was Guptas and of the city of Valabhi, which began identical with that of the Sakas, commencing A.D. 319-20, or within a year on either side of A.D. 78;-General Cunningham,' who finally that date, and which it is convenient to us to fixed on A.D. 167 ;-and Sir E. Clive Bayley, 1° speak of as the Gupta era. And, that this era who selected A.D. 190. was actually used in connection with the name There was, of course, much to be said from of Valabhi, at any rate, is proved by the either point of view. And, in default of deVerkwal inscription of Arjunadeva of Anhil. finite evidence settling the question one way wad, in which the leading records of the or the other, perhaps the strongest argument year are Vikrama-Samrat 1320 and Valabhi- against the views held by Mr. Thomas, General Samvat 945.
Cunningham, and Sir E. Clive Bayley, was to So much was certain. But it was felt to be found in the following anomalous position, be highly improbable that the era of the Guptas which had occasionally been noticed more should date from the epoch of their extermina- or less directly, but had never been disposed of. tion. And students of the subject divided It was held by all that the Rulers of Valabhi themselves almost at once into two schools. came immediately after the Guptas. It was
The first, represented most publicly and also held that in A.D. 318-19 they founded the with undeviating tenacity up to the last by the city of Valabhi, and established the Valabhi late Mr. Fergusson, accepted Albiruni's state- era dating from then, in commemoration partly ment as to the epoch of the era, but-on the of that event, and partly, of the Gupta rule analogy of the statement which he also seems to having then ceased and the power having make, that the Saka era, too, dated from the passed into their own hands. And yet,-As is overthrow of the Sakas; a statement which, shewn by, amongst other things, the fact that if made, was certainly wrong.-rejected the Bhatarka, the founder of their family, came addition that it dated from the downfall of the only one generation before the year 206, the Guptas; and took A.D. 318-19 for the date of earliest date that we have in the era used in rise of the dynasty, as well as the establish their own charters,--they did not allow this era ment of the era, --selecting this particular year of their own, established under such memorable on the theory that the era did not date from circumstances, to supersede the Gupta era ;
• ante, Vol. XI. p. 241 ff.
See especially Four. R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. IV. p. 818., and Vol. XII. p. 2598. • Jour. R. Ar. Soc., N. 8., Vol. XII. p. 271.
In sooordance with these views, Dr. Bühler fired on about A.D. 200 (ante, Vol. VII. p. 80). But I have not quoted him as a public exponent of the theory, because the full discussion of the matter that he promised (ante, Vol. X.p. 283) has not been issued; and it is impossible to say how far his views might have changed in writing it, even before the discovery of my Mandosor inscription;
especially as his earlier opinion was in favour of A.D. 310 (808 Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 81, note 1.)
• See especially Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 70; and Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. XIII. p. 524.
Archæol. Sury. Ind. Vol. X. p. 1118; and Indian Eras, p. 53ff.
20 In the Postscript to his "Remarks on certain dator occurring on the coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul," published in the Numismatic Chroniclo, Third Series, Vol. II. p. 1984. nee page 1851. above.

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but, as shewn by the Alinâ plates" of Siladitya | details for actual computation. Nor does the VII., dated (Gupta)-Samvat 447, they continued inscription now brought to notice. But, in its the use of the Gupta era for, in accordance mention of Kumâragupta, it answers the purpose with the three starting-points given above, equally well. respectively 206, 294, and 318 years at least, Turning to the Gupta inscriptions and coins, after the establishment of their own era! This the earliest and latest dates that we have for surely involves an improbability far greater Kumâragupta are, respectively, Gupta-Samvat than any other, of whatever kind, that can be 96 and 130 odd. The first is established by his imagined in connection with the whole subject. well-known Bilsad pillar inscription;" and And to this I will only add here that, during the latter, by one of General Cunningham's the first six generations, inclusive of Bhatarka, coins." Lest, however, the coin date should when they were mere feudatory Sénápatis and be looked upon as at all doubtful, we must note Maharājas, the Rulers of Valabhi had, as a also his Mankuwâr inscription, 18 dated Guptamatter of fact, neither the authority, nor the Samvat 129. And, of these extreme dates we power and opportunity, to establish an era of may take Gupta-Samvat 113 as the mean. their own at all; and that, if an era had been Applying this to the various theories regardestablished by the first paramount sovereign of ing the Epoch of the Gupta era, it representsthe family, Dharasêna IV., he would, like (1) according to Mr. Thomas' view, A.D. 191-92; Harshavardhana of Kanauj, have dated it from (2) according to General Cunningham, A.D. his own accession, and not from the original 279-80; (3) according to Sir E. Clive Bayley, rise of his family.
A.D. 303-4; and (4) according to Mr. Fergusson, In order to arrive at any prospect of a final A.D. 431-32. settlement of the question, what was wanted Next, applying to these figures the date was a date for one of the Early Gupta kings, of MÁlava-Samvat 493 (expired), recorded for recorded in some era other than that which was Kumaragupta in the inscription under notice, specially used by them in their own inscrip- we find that the initial point of the MAlava era tions. This has now at length been found in my must lie within a few years either way of (1) new Mandasör inscription, which, composed B.C. 302; (2) B.C. 214; (3) B.C. 190; and and engraved in the year 529 (expired) from (1) B.C. 62-61. the tribal constitation of the Malavas, gives us, The first three results, however, each entail through his fendatory Bandhuvarman, the date the supposition of a brand-new era, hitherto of the year 493 (expired) of the same era for unheard of, and entirely unexpected. At the Kumaragupta,
same time, as regards the second possible result This was not the first instance that had been of about B.C. 214, we must not overlook the obtained of the use of this era, which may for existence of certain coins, found in large numconvenience be called the Málava-Samvat. For bers at Nagar in the north of Malwa, about it is obviously identical with the era which is forty-five miles north of Kot, and originally alluded to in the Kapaswa inscription" dated brought to notice by Mr. Carlleyle," which in the 795th year (expired) of the Mâlava lords, have on them the legend Malavándri jayah and is also mentioned, under the specific name "the victory of the Malavas," in characters of the MAlava-Kála, in a fragmentary inscrip- ranging, in General Cunningham's opinion, tion, dated in the 936th year (expired), at Gya- "from perhaps B.C. 250 to A.D. 250." These raspur' or 'Gyárispur' in Central India. But coins shew that the Mâlavas existed, as a though, in commenting on this latter inscrip- recognised and important clan, long before tion, General Cunningham expressed the opinion the time when, as I consider, their "tribal that this Mâlava era must be the same as the constitution," which led to the establishment of era of Vikramaditya of Ujjain, this point has not their era, took place; and so also, in the other hitberto been capable of proof; for the reason direction, does the mention of them in the that neither of these two dates gave sufficient Allahâbâd pillar inscription, among the tribes 11 ante, Vol. VII. p. 791.
15 id. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Pl. v. No. 7. Wante, Vol. XIII. p. 1628.
20 id. Vol. X. p. 7, and Pl. iv. No. 2. » Archaol. Surt. Ind. Vol. X. p. 83., and Pl. xi.
11 id. Vol. VI. p. 165 f., and 174 1. ; see also id. Vol. u id. Vol. XI. p. 19, and Pl. viii.
XIV. p. 149 ft., and Pl. IIx. Nos. 19 to 25.

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conquered by Samudragupta, shew that down to his time at least they maintained their tribal constitution and importance. And, if we were compelled to have recourse to a new era, these coins might justifiably induce us to select as its epoch B.O. 223, the date fixed by General Cunningham for the death of Asoka ;" which would make the present date of Mâlava-Samvat 493 correspond with A.D. 270, or well on into the first decade of Kumaragupta's reign according to General Cunningham's theory. But this entails, as I have said, the supposition of the existence of an era, of which not the slightest indication has ever yet been afforded by the very numerous inscriptions that have now been examined from all parts of the country, and this is an expedient that must by all possible means be avoided. And, further, it forces the Kota inscription of MAlava-Samvat 795, and the Gydraspur' inscription of Mâlava-Samvat 936, back to respectively. A.D. 572 and 713; periods to which, from their alphabets, they cannot possibly belong. And thus-since, within certain limite, palæographical evidence must be accepted,- it creates a paleographical difficulty that is insuperable. So also does the third result, to practically the same extent; and the first, to a still more marked degree.
The fourth result, on the contrary, satisfies all the palæographical requirements of the case. And it brings us so very close to B.C. 57, the epoch of the well-known Vikrama era
-(an era, moreover, which by the tradition of later times is closely connected with the country of the Malavas, through the name of its supposed founder, king Vikramaditya, whose capital, Ujjain, was the principal city in MAlwa), -that we are compelled to find in it the solation of the question, and to adjust the equation of the dates thus, Gupta-Samvat 113 (the mean date for Kumâragupta) + A.D. 319-20 =A.D. 432-33; and Mâlava-Samvat 493—B.C. 57-56 = A.D. 436-37, which of course falls well within the seventeen years of Kumâra- gupta's reign remaining after his mean date.
My new Mandasôr inscription, therefore, proves :-(1) that Albirani's statement, that the
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicanum, Vol. I. Preface, p. vii. » Jour. R. 41. Boc., N. S., Vol. XII. p. 268.
* This is also recorded in the other inscription of Biradeva I., No. 5 of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji'e Nepál series, ante, Vol. IX. p. 16811. Bat, unfortunately for the general chronological resulta arrived at by him from
Gupta era began within a year or two on either side of A.D. 319-20, is certainly correct;-(2) that the rest of his statement, that this was the epoch of the extermination of the Guptas, and not of their rise to power, is as certainly wrong:and (3) that, under another name, connecting it with the Mâlava clan, the Vikrama era did andoubtedly exist anterior to A.D. 544, which was held by Mr. Fergusson to be the year in which it was invented.
This inscription is, I maintain, in itself sufficient to prove these points. But, if any hesitation should still be felt about accepting them, and if any further confirmation of them is required, we have only to turn to the GölmAdhitôl inscription of the Maharaja Siva. dêva I. of Mânagriha in Nepal, discovered by Mr. C. Bendall, and published by him in this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 97f.
It is dated in the year 318, without any specification of the era. But the clue to the construction of its date is given by its mention of the Mahásámanta Ansuvarman, as the contemporary of Sivadêva I.
Aníuvarman's approximate dato, vis, about A. D. 637, was very well known from Hinen Tsiang's mention of him.". And, as the Nepál series inoluded three inscriptions of Anuvarman himself, Nos. 6, 7, and 8, dated respectively in the years 34, 39, and 45 (P)" of an unspecified era, and another, No. 9, of Jishņugapta, dated in the year 48, and mentioning Ambuvarman, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji very properly referred these dates to the era established by Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and commencing with his accession in A. D. 606 or 607, with the results of A. D. 640-41, 645-46, 651-52 (P), and 654-55.
This much being quite certain, it follows that the date of 318 for Sivadêva I., the contemporary of Amsuvarman, must of necessity be referred to an era commencing just about three hundred years before that of Harsbavardhana. And the era which exactly meets the requirements of the case is the one commencing A. D. 319-20; for then 318 + A. D. 819-80= A. D. 637-38, which is in quite sufficient those inscription, the date of divadeva I. is there broken away and lost.
#Bee Boal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 81; also ante, Vol. XII. p. 429, and Vol. XIV. p. 345.
The second symbol is doubtful; but it is either 4 or 8.

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accordance with A.D. 640-41, the first date which & conquest so extensive as that of the that we have for Arsuvarman.
whole of Northern India and Nepal would We have now to consider how this era of most certainly have been recorded, give not A. D. 319-20 came to be introduced into Nepal. the slightest hint of any such event; in fact, with
This can only have been effected through a the exception of the allusion to the overthrow conquest of the country, by either the Early of the Maitrakas by Bhatarka, from beginning Guptas or the Rulers of Valabhi. As to the to end they give absolutely no detailed inforRulers of Valabhi-I have already had occa mation at all in connection with any of the sion to remark that, for the first six generations, successes claimed by the members of this inclusive of Bhatarka, they were mere feudatory family. And, even if Dharasêna IV. did Sánápatis and Maharajas; and these members conquer Népal, and did introduce there the of the family, at any rate,-even if we admit for era commencing A.D. 319-20, the question the moment that they established this era, -can- still remains, and cannot be answered, -Why not possibly have conquered Nepal, and cannot should he act with such extreme inconsistency as have had anything to do with the introduction of to introduce there this supposedly unused era, the ora there. The first of the family who claimed instead of the Gupta era which he himself, and to be a paramount sovereign is Dharasóns IV., his successors, continued to employ for all the with the dates of 326 and 330, and with the titles official purposes of their own kingdom ? of Paramabhatáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Turning now to the Early Guptas, the case is Paramésvara, in common with all his successors, 1 very different. There can be no doubt that their and also with that of Chalcravartin, which, not era, whatever may have been its epoch, was being assumed by any of his successors, may well known in Nepal at an early date. Kuperhaps indicate that his power was more exten- maradevi, the wife of Chandragupta I., was sive than theirs ever was. Now, in passing, if the daughter of Lichchbavi, or of a Lichchhavi we refer his first date of 326 to A.D. 319-20, prince; 1.e. she belonged to the very family from the result, A.D. 645.46, brings us to a very suit- which, according to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's able period indeed for him to assume the position inscription No. 15, the earliest historical rulers and titles of a paramount sovereign, viz. to the of Népal sprang, and to which, as shown by commencement of the anarchy which, as Ma- his title of Lichchhavikulakëtu or the banner twan-lin tells us," attended the death of Har- of the Lichchhavi family,' Sivadova I. himself sbavardhana, "the warlike lord of all the region belonged. Further, in the Allahâbâd pillar of the north." It ended in the complete disrap- inscription Népal is expressly mentioned among tion, for the time, of the kingdom of Kananj. the countries conquered by Samudragupta. Amía varman became paramount in Népal, and And, finally, the Kahkum pillar inscription Adityasona in Magadha; and the opportunity shews that Skandagapta's empire extended at was of course taken advantage of by Dhara- any rate up to the confines of the country. sēns IV., to assert his independence in the west Now, in my paper on “The chronology of the of India. But, to say nothing of the improba- early Rulers of Nepal," I have shewn" that the bility of the thing on other grounds, the fact Nepal Varnsdvali has possibly preserved for us, that ATMsuvarman became king of Nepal is in unconsciously, a reminiscence, not only of the itself enough to prevent our admitting the introduction of the Gupta era into that connpossibility of a conquest of that country by try, but even of the actual year of its introducDharagêna IV. Referring the same date of tion; vis. Gupta-Samvat 88, when Chandragap826 to the earlier three proposed epochs, we ta II. was on the throne. This special point is have respectively A.D. 408, 497, and 520. For one for further investigation. But it is impossible these periods there is, perhaps, no particular to doubt that the Gupta era must have been objection to our assuming, for the sake of perfectly well known in Nepal, and must have argument, that Dharagêna IV. may have exten.' been used there. It is also precisely the era that ded his power over a considerable portion of would be adopted and hereditarily clang to by Northern India. But the Valabht charters, in the Lichchhavis, connected as they were by
anto, Vol. IX. p. 20.
* ante, Vol. XIV. p. 845€.

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marriage with the Early Guptas. And their I submit, therefore, that, though it may not special attachment to the era in which the date in itself prove the case in the same way that of Sivaddva's inscription is recorded, is shewn my Mandasor inscription does, Mr. Bendall's by its being continued by his Lichchhavi Gölmadhitël inscription farnishes the most Buccessors down to at least the year 435, as valuable corroboration that we could look for shewn by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription of the results derived from the Mandasor No. 3, in spite of the systematic adoption. record; and, -though I shall be very glad to meanwhile of the Harsha era by their neigh- see the matter argued in this Journal, as well bours, the Suryavamsi or Thakurt rulers of as it can be, from any other point of view,Kailâsakatabhavana. And, as I have shewn that the two inscriptions together give absoabove, the era in which Sivadêva's date is lutely conclusive proof of the correctness of recorded, must have begun A.D. 319-20. I those results.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS..
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 141.) . No. 162.-MANDABOR INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND BANDHUVARMAN.
THE MALAVA TEABS 493 AND 529. This inscription, which is now published for, Guru(vara) or Thursday, the fifth day of the the first time, is from Das 8r, or socordingbright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, - to the official and more general form of the the ancient Sanskpit name of the place was name, M&ndasôr, the chief town of the Dasapura, by which it is mentioned also Mandasör District of Scindia's Dominions in in line 2 of an earlier. Nasik inscription of the Western Malwa Division of Central India. Ushavadata.' This, in its modern form of It came to my notice throagh information Dasor, is the name by which, in preference to given by Mr. Arthur Salivan, who, in 1879, Mandasör, the town is still habitually spoken of sent to General Canningham, from Man by the villagers and agriculturists of the locality dasôr, & hand-copy of a fragmentary pillar and neighbourhood, and even as far as Indôr. inscription of a powerful king named Yako- And in some bilingual sanads or warranta, dharman. I saw this copy in 1883, and, of about a century and a half ago, I found recognising in it the name of Mihirakula, sent this form, Dasor, used in the vernacular pasmy oopyista, in March 1884, to take impressions sages, while the Persian passages of the same of this fragment and of any other inscriptions documents gave the form Mandasor. So, that they might find. In the search made by also, Pandits still habitpally use the form them, thoy discovered the present inscription, Dakapara in their correspondence. The And also an entire daplicate copy of the pillar local explanation of the name is that the place inscription of Yasodharman, which had escaped was originally city of the Puranio king the notice of Mr. Sulivan. I myself visited Dasaratha. But, on this view, the modern Mandasör in February 1885.
name should be Dasrathôr. The true explanaAs recorded in the present inscription, and tion evidently is that, -just as now the in another which is on a white stone built into township includes from twelve to fifteen the wall on the left hand inside the inner gate ontlying hamlets or divisions ; Khilchipar, of the eastern entrance of the Fort, and is Jankapura, Rampariya, Chandrapura, Balagañj, dated (Vikrama)-Samyat 1321 (A.D. 1264-65), &o., -80, when it was originally constituted,
# This is the latest date available for the present artament. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji', inscription No. 4 given the date of the year 585, in of course the same ere, but the contents of the record are no matilated, that it is impossible to stamp it, apart from the use of th's on, Lichahhavi insoriptio
Indian Atlee, Sheet No. 85. Lat. 34° 8' N.; Long. 758 E.-The Mandosor, Manderar, Mandisore, Man. dosar, Mandaur, Mundecor, and undesoor,' of maps, &o.
Archaol. Surv. Wort. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 99, and Pl. 14. No. 5.
We may compare the use by Pandite, of Ahipart and Nakhapan for respectively Sampgaum and Ugargol in the Belgaum District, except that it is doabtta whether these are original Sanskrit nano, or only pedantio Sanskrit translations of original vernaculit names.

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it included exactly ten (daba) such hamlete river. This monolith is now partially buried, pura). As regards the fuller form of Mandasôr, in an upright position. The part projecting by which alone the town is known officially | above the ground is about 10' 0high and and is entered in maps, I cannot at present | 1' 9' square, covered with sculptures in the explain the origin of it. But Dr. Bhagwanlal very best old style. A socket at the top shows Indraji suggested to me that it may perhaps that it supported a beam; and, as it is sculprepresent Manda-Dalapura, “the distressed tured on all four sides, it cannot be the jamb or afflicted Dasapura," in commemoration of of a doorway, bat must be either an upright the overthrow of the town, and the destruction of an arch or a pillar of a temple. Exclusive of of the Hindu temples in it, by the Musalmans. floral patterns towards the top, each face shows And, as tending to support this enggestion, I two panels of figure-sculptures, one above the would mention that one of the Pandits whom other; and the villagers say that the monolith I questioned on the spot, gave me Mannada- has been gradually sinking each rainy season,
Or as another form of the name. The true and that they can remember having seen six explanation, whatever it may be, wonld pro- more similar panels of sculptures on each face ; bably be found in the Dasapura-Máhatmya, this would make the height of the monolith not which is extant, but which I did not succeed in less than at least thirty feet. From the sample obtaining for examination.
furnished by the part that is still above the Exclusive of the outlying hamlets, Mandagor | ground, this monolith well deserves to be consists of a fairly large town, close on the entirely raised out of the ground, and the north or left bank of the river Siwand, with a sculptures on it examined and reported on Fort of considerable size between the town by the Archeological Survey Department. and the river. The Fort, which is of Musalman The present inscription is on a stone slab, construction, is said to have been built with apparently rather good and dark sand-stone, stones brought from ruined temples at Mad, built into the wall on the right hand half-way otherwise called Afzalpur, about eleven miles down a small flight of steps leading to the river sonth-east of Mandasör; and the foundations in front of a mediwval temple of the god and walls of it are full of stones, both Mahadeva (Śiva) at the Mahadeva-Ghật, which sculptured and plain, which evidently come is on the south bank of the river, just opposite from demolished Hindu temples. But,-in the Fort, and I think, in the limits of the addition to the magnificent columns which hamlot of Chandrapura. There are no sculpI shall describe in connection with the duplicate tures on the stone. The writing covers, except pillar inscription of Yaddharman, there are for a margin of about half an inch, the whole still sufficient remains, lying all about Mandasör, front of the stone, about 2'7*' broad by 1:43 to shew that Mandasor itself was full of ancient high. It has been a good deal worn away about Hindu temples and other buildings, abounding tho centre of the stone, and also the stone is with specimens of the very best style of archi- chipped at several places round the edges; but tecture and sculpture. A full examination only a few letters here and there are really of the architectural remains, in the course of illegible, and these can in each case be easily which further inscriptions would probably be sapplied. The characters give a good specimen discovered, was out of my power. But I of what may be called the Western Malws noticed specially a very fine well just inside the alphabet of the fifth century A.D. They eastern entrance of the Fort; colossal bas. belong, in general features, to the South India relief image lying near this well; -and a class of alphabete; but they include two letters romarkably fine sandstone monolith in the borrowed from the Northern alphabets, vis. the hamlet of Khilchipur, on the south, across the distinct form of the lingual d, e.g. in tadil, line
• He also told me that, even to the prasent day, the being shown to me, this turned out to be only a small Nlqar Brahmans of Mandasor will not drink the water four-sided obelisk, roughly four or five foet high and of that place, because of the oppressions formerly prao foot or so aquare, of quite modern construction, with tised on them by the Musalmans there.
rade NAgart writing on it which may perhaps be a hunThe 'San And Beu' of mapa, &o.
dred years old, but oertainly not much more. My visit to • The villagers told me that at Khilohtpur there was this obelisk, which I had hoped might turn out to be of very large monolith column, with an inscription on it, importance, led to my noticing on the way the monolith rapposed to be two thousand years old. But, on ito that I have described above.

Page #228

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1886.
6, and chudá, line 17, and also the rare lingual reign of a king named Kum&ragupta, who, dh, e.g. in dridha, lines 9 and 11. The average from the description of him in line 13 as sovesize of the letters is ". -The language is Sans- reign of the whole earth, can be no other than krit; and with the exception of the opening the well-known Kumâragupta of the Early Siddham and the concluding words in line 24, Gupta dynasty. Under him, the governor at the entire inscription is in verse. In respect Dasapura was Bandhu varman, the son of orthography, we have to notice (1) the of Visvavarman. It then proceeds to record occasional use of the jihvámúliya and upa- that, while Bandhuvarman was governing at dhmániya; e.g. jagatah=kshaya, line 1; ganaite Dasapura, the guild of silk-weavers built at kham, line 8; pravisritaik-pushnáti, line 2; and that city a temple of the Sun, which was comabhitámrah-páyát, line 3; but not, for instance, pleted when four hundred and ninety-three in avabhugnaih kvachit, line 5; parah kripand, years had elapsed, "by (the reckoning from) line 14; rajah-pinjaritais, line 5; and pratimd- the tribal constitution of the Mâlavas," and nitáh pramudita, line 9; (2) the occasional therefore when the four hundred and ninety-. doubling of t, dh, and bh, in conjunction with fourth year (A.D. 437-38) was current, on the a following r; e.g. chittréna, line 12; roddhra, thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of the line 18; and abbhra, line: 6; (3) the same of month Sahasya (December-January). Afterth and dh, with a following y; e.g. patthyan, wards, under other kings, part of this temple line 9; and sváddhyāya, line 8; and (4) the fell into disrepair. And then it was restored name of dh, with a following v; 0.g. addhvádi, by the same guild, when five hundred and line 3.
twenty-nine years had elapsed, and therefore The inscription, which belongs throughout when the five hundred and thirtieth year (A.D. to the solar form of worship, rarrates in the 473-74) was current, on the second day of the first place how a number of silk-weavers im. bright fortnight of the month Tapasya (Februmigrated from the Lâ¢& vishaya or district ary March). This second date is, of course, into the city of Daśa pura; and how some of the year in which the inscription was actually the band took up other occupations, while composed and engraved; since we are told at those who adhered to their original parsait the end that it was all composed by Vatsabhatti, constituted themselves into a separate and and the engraving throughout is obviously the flourishing guild. It then refers itself to the work of one and the same hand,
Text. 1 [Sid]dh[a]m [11] Y[6° v]rit[t]y-a[r]ttham=apásyaté sura-gaņais-siddhais=cha siddhy.
artthibhiraddhyân-aik-agra-parair-vid hêya-vishayairem môkah-artthibhireyyógibbih 1 bhaktyå tiyra-tapôdhanais-cha munibhis=s&pa-prasada-ks hamairahetur-yyô jagatab=kshay-abhyudayayðh-påyåt=s& vô bhåskarah (11) Tat[t]va-jõâna vido=pi
yasya na vidur=brahm-argha2 yo-bhyudyatâl-kpitanam yas-cha gabhastibhih pravissitaih-push[n]âti 10ka-trayam
gandharvv-âmara-siddha-kinnara-narais-samstdyatê-bhyatthit bhaktêbhyas-cha dadáti yê=bhilashitam tasmai savitre namal (11) Yaho-pratyaham prativi.
bhâty=udayachalêndia-vistirņņa-tunga-bikhare-skhalit-Amíu-jalaḥ kshib-angana3 jana-kapola-tal-Abhitamrah-pâyât=ga Vassu-k[i]ran ábharaṇô vivasvan (11) Kusoma".
bhar-ånata-taruvara-dévakulasabha-vihárs-ramasi(ni) yât i Låta-vishayannag-avritasailkj-jagati prathita-silpaḥ (11) Tê" désa-partthiva-gan-apahřitáh prakasama
addhv-adi-jâny=-viralány=asukha4 ny=apasya | jât-Adara Dasapuram prathamar manôbhir=anv=agat&s=sa-sata-bandhu.
janâs=samêtya | Mattêbha-ganda-tata-vichyuta-dana-bindu-sikt-pal-Achala-sahasravibhůshi (sha)nayah (1) pushp-dvanamra-taru-manda-vataṁsakay& bhūméhparan=tilaka-bhatam-idam kramêņa | Tati-ottha-vriksha-chyute
See page 189 ff. above. From the ink-impression. Metre, Sardúlavikridita; and in the next verse,
10 Metre, Vasantatilaka. Metre, Arya. 19 Metre, Vasantatilaks; and in the next verse. 1 Metre, Upendravajr; and in the next two Tertes.

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Page #231

JULY, 1886.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
197
5 naika-pushpa-vichitra-tir-Anta-jalani bhantil praphalta-padm-Abharaṇini yatra sa
råmsi karandava-sat kulani 11 Vilola-vichi-chalit-Aravinda-patad-rajah-piñjaritais-cha hamsaih! Sva-kesar-Odåra-bhar-Avabhagnaih kvachit-saramsy-amburahai-cha
bhånti (11) Sva-pushpa-bhâr-åvanatair=nnagêndrair=mada6 pragalbh-ali-kala-svanais-cha ajasra-gabhis-cba par-anganAbhir-yvanani yasmin
Bamalatkritâni | Chalat-patákányabala-sankthâny=atyarttha-buklany=adhik-Ônnatânii taqil-latå-chitra-sit-abbhra-kata-tuly-pamânâni grihiņi yatra || Kailasa".
tunga-dikhara-pratimâni ch=Anyány-ábhanti dîrggha-valabhi7 ni sa-vêdikáni gândharvva-sabda-mukharâni(qi) nivishta-chitra-karmmaņi 10la-kadali
yana-sobhitani | Prasada-mAlAbhir-alamkritáni dharam vidáryy=aiva samutthitâni | vimana-mála-badpisani yattra gribâņi půrnn-êndu-kar-Amalani !! Yad",
bhâty-abhiramya-sarid-[a]vayêna chapal-ôrmmiņa samapagadham 8 rahasi kucha-sklinibhyÂm Priti-Ratibhyam Smar-Aigam-iva | Satya' kshama-dama
sama-vrata-sancha-dhairyya-sväddhyâya-vșitta-vinaya-sthiti-buddby-apétaihi vidyatapô-nidhibhir=8-smayitais-cha viprair=yyad-bhrájate graha-ganaik=kham=iva
pradiptaih 11 Atha" samétya nirantara-sangatair=aharahah-pravijrimbhita9 sauhrideh [*] nipatibhis=suta-vat-pratim[â]nitaḥ pramudita nyavasanta sukhan
pard 11 Sravana "O-[sa]bhaga[m] dh[&]nurvvaidya[m] dridban parinishțhitaḥ sucharita-sat-âsangab-kêchidevichittra-katha-vidah | vinaya-nibhritis=samyag-dbar. mms-prasanga-parêyaņáh-priyamu-parushan patthyam chânye kshama bahu
bhAshitom 11 10 Kêchit"-gva-karmmany-adhikasetath=&nyair=vvijñâyats i yôtisham-ktmavadbhihi
adyapi ch=ânge samara-pragalbhábækurvvanty-ariņam=-hitam prasahya (1) Praja" manojña-vadhaval prathit-ru-vams& vams-anurupa-charit-Abharaṇas-tath-anya i
satya-vratah pranayinim=upakara-dakshi visrambha11 [půryva]m-apard dridha-sauhșidas-cha 11 Vijita"-vishaya-sangairaddharmma-silais
tath-ányair-m[ri]dubhir-adhika-sat[t]vair=118kayâtr-marais-chasva-kula-tilala bhAtairamukta-rågair-adårair-adhikat=abhivibháti srônir-evam-prakáraih 11 TA
runya"-kanty-upachitôpisuvar şahåra-tâmbala-pushpe-vidhin sama12 [lamkri]tô=pil nåri-janah priyam=upaiti na tåvadagry&('rya) ykvan=na pat
tamaya-vastra-y[u]gåni dhatte i Sparía (va]tá" varņņântara-vibhaga-chittrona nêtra-subhagêna 1 yais-sakalam-idamkshititalam-alamkritam patta-vastrena II
Vidyadhari-ruobira-pallava-karnnapüra-vát-brit-Asthirataratin pravichintya 13 [18]kam manushyam=arttha-nichayamarcha tatha vibalAmg=téshår subha matir
abhadrachala tatasuta | Chatus"-samudr-An[t]a-vildla-mêkhalam SumêruKailasa-brihat-payodharám! Van-ånta-vânta-sphața-pushpe-hasinim Kumaragapte
prithivira praksati Samana".dhis-Sukra-Bribaspatibhyam lalåma-bható bhuvi 14 partthivånith Iranisha yah Pirttha-samana-karmma babhäva gôpti ngipa-Viáva
varmma 11 Din" apulampana-parab kripan-frtta-vargga-sandh[4]-pradedhika. dayalur-antha-nAthah kalpa-drumab prapayinâm-abbayar pradesache bhitasya y8 janapadasya cha bandhar-isit ! Tasycatmajah sthairy-nay-pa
panrio bandhu-priyo 15, bandhureiva prajánån bandhy-artti-hartta npipa-Bandhuvarmne dvid-dripta
paksba kshapan-aika-dakshahi Kantda yavá rana-patar-yvinay-invitab=che raje āpi sang=upasțité na madaih smay-Adyaiḥ 1. bringåra-murttir-abhibháty un alakit-pirapoņa yai-kasamachd psiva dvitigah 11 Vaidhavya- tivre
vyasana-kshatánar * Matre, Upajati of Indra vajra and Upendravajzl. 1 Meteo, Malint.
Metro, Vheritatilaka. u Metro, Vasantatilaka.
Metre, V Metre, Upajati al Indra ajrl and Upendravajra.
#Metro, Arya.
entatilaks. I 17 Matre, Vodafasthe.
Motare, Upendrive 11 Motro, Aryh...
Metre, V antatilaks. » Metre, Vasentatilak.. Metre, Indravajra. # Metre, Drata vilambita. * Metre, Haript..
* Metre, Vasantatilake. * Metre, Indravajra. * Metre, Vasentatilaka. ** Metre, Upejata of Indrarajrd and Upendrarajza.

Page #232

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1886.
16 amri(smri)två yam-adyapy-ari-sundariņâm bhayâd-bhavaty-ayata-lòchanânâm ghanastan-ayasa-karah prakampal Tasminn"-va kshitipati-vri(vri)shê Bandhuvarmmany-ndáre samyak-sphitam Dasapuram-idaṁ pâlayaty-unnat-âmsê silpAvaptair-ddhana-samudayaiḥ paṭṭavayair-udaram árêpîbhûtair-bbhavanam-atulam
karitam
17 dipta-raśměl Vistropa-tunga-dikharaṁ sikhari-prakasam-abhyudgat-ênd v-amalarasmi-kalapa-gauram yad-bhati paśchima-parasya nivishta-kanta-chûḍamanipratisaman-nayan-Abhiramaṁ Rama-sanatha-[ra]chanê dara-bhâskar-âméu-vahnipratapa-subhage jala-lina-minê chandrámán-harmyatala18 chandana-talavrinta-har-Opabhodha (ga)-rahitê hima-dagdha-padme | Rôddhra-priyamgukâlê tusharataru-kundalata-vikosa-pushp-asava-pramud[i]t-ali-kal-Abhiramê Smara-vasagakaga-karkkasa-sita-vita-vega-pranritta-lavall-nagan-aikasa khê || tarapajana-vallabbkigand-vipula-kita-pin-bra
19 stana-jaghana-ghan-Alingana-nirbhartaita-tuhina-hima-pâté | Malavânâm gana-sthitya yat[] sata-chatashtayê tri-navaty-adhikê-bdânâm-ri(ri)tau sêvya-ghana-svanê II Sahasya-masa-suklasya prasaste-hni trayodaśê mangal-âchâra-vidhinâ prâsâdô= yam nivesitab II Bahunk samatitena
bhavannsyn 20 kalên-ânyais-cha pártthivaiḥ vyasiryyat-aika-dêśô-sya bhavanasya tatô-dhunâ I Sva-ya-v[](vi)ddhay sarvvam-aty-udaram-udârayê 1 samskaritam=idam nabha[b]bhayaḥ śronya bhanumato griham | Aty"-unnatam-avadatam sprisann-iva manôharaih sikharaih éasi-bhânvôr-abhyudayêshv-amala-mayûkh
Ayatana.
21 bhutam | Vatsara-satéshu pamchasu visaṁty"-adhikeshu
navasu ch=âbdêshu | yateshv-abhiramya-Tapasya-masa-énkla-dvitiyâyâm II Spashtзirasôkataru-kotakasimduvara-lôlâtimuktakalata-madayantikânâm pushp-ôdgamair abhinavair=
adhigamya nûnam-aikyam vijrimbhita-saré Hara-pû (dhú)ta-dêhê 11 22 Madhu-pina-mudita-madhukara-kul-opagita-nagan (n)-aika-prithu-sakhê kalê nava-kuSasin-êva nabho vimalam sum-bdgama-damtura-kâmta-prachura-rôddhré 11 kaus[t]abha-manin-dva Sarigino vakshaḥ bhavana-varêņa tath-êdam puram= akhilam-alamkritam-udaram | Amalina" éagi
kamala-målâm-amsa-saktâm
23 lekha-damturam pingalanam parivahati samûham yavad-168 jațânâm cha Sarigi bhavanam-idam=udaram tavad-astu Śrêny-âdéséna bhaktyâ cha kâritam bhavanam raveh ch-byam prayatnêna rachità Vatsabhaṭṭina II 24 Svasti kartri-lékhaka-vachaka-érôtribhyah
Siddhir-astu ||
(and) who is the cause of the destruction and the commencing (again) of the universe! Reverence to that Sun,-whom (even) the Brahmanical sages, though they knew the knowledge of the truth (and) exerted them. selves, failed to comprehend; and who nourishes the whole of the three worlds with (his) rays diffused in all directions; who, when he is risen, is praised by Gandharvas, gods, Siddhas, Kinnaras, and Naras; and who grants (their) desires to those who worship (him)! May
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained! May that Sun protect you,-who is worshipped by the hosts of the gods for the sake of existence, and by the Siddhas who wish for supernatural powers, (and) by ascetics, entirely given over to abstract meditation (and) having worldly attractions well under control, who wish for the final liberation of the soul, and, with devotion, by saints, practising strict penances, (who wish to become) able to counteract curses;
33 Metre, Mandkrant.
3 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and in the next two verses. as Metre, Ary.
a Metre, Bloks (Anushtabb); and in the next three
verses.
31 Metre, Ary; and in the next verse.
apriian is the nominative singular of the masculine;
vikața
śāśvatan=
pûrvvâ
whereas the neater, spriat, in apposition with griham, is what is required. This, however, would not suit the metre. The only emendation that suits the metre, is to alter the construction and read nabhaḥ spritat-tva. Read vinssaty. 40 Metre, Vasantatilaka. Metre, AryA; and in the next verse. 43 Metre, Malini.
45 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).

Page #233

JULY, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
199
that Sun, decorated with glorious beams, forked lightning. And other long buildings protect you, who shines day after day with on the roofs of the houses, with arbours in the mass of (his) rays flowing down over the them, are beautiful, being like the lofty sumwide and lofty summit of the lordly mountain mits of (the mountain) Kailasa; being vocal of dawn, (and) who is of a dark-red colour with songs (like those) of the heavenly chorislike the cheeks of intoxicated women !
ters; having pictured representations arranged (L. 3.)-From the district of L & ta, which is in them); (and) being adorned with groves of pleasing with choice trees that are bowed down waving plantain-trees. Here, cleaving asunby the weight of (their) flowers, and with tem- der the earth, there rise up houses which are ples and assembly-halls of the gods, and with decorated with successions of storeys; which viháras, (and) the mountains of which are are like rows of serial chariots; (and) which covered over with vegetation, to (this) city are as pure as the rays of the full-moon. This of Dasapura there came, full of respect, - (city) is beautiful (through) being embraced first, in thought; and afterwards (in person) in by two charming rivers, ** with tremulons waves, a band, together with (their) children and kins- as if it were the body of the god) Smara men, -men who were renowned in the world (embraced) in secrecy by (his wives) Priti and for (skill in their) craft (of sille-weaving), and Rati, possessed of (heaving) breasts. Like the who, being manifestly attracted by the virtues sky with the brilliant multitudes of planets, it of the kings of the country, gave no thought shines with Brâhmans endowed with truth, to the continuous discomforts produced by patience, self-control, tranquillity, religious the journey. And in course (of time) this (city) vows, parity, fortitude, private study, good became the forehead-decoration of the earth, conduct, refinement, and steadfastness, (and) which is adorned with a thousand mountains abounding in learning and penances, and free whose rocks are besprinkled with the drops of from the excitement of surprise. rut that trickle down from the sides of the (L. 8.)-So assembling together, (and) day by temples of rutting elephants, (and) which has for day received into greater friendship by (their) (its) decorative ear-ornaments the trees weighed constant. Associates, (and) honourably treated down with flowers. Here" the lakes, crowded like sons by the kings, in joy and happiness with kárandava-ducks, are beautiful, -having they settled in this) city. Some of them the waters close to (their) shores made varie. (became) excessively well acquainted with gated with the many flowers that fall down the science of archery, (in which the twanging. from the trees growing on the banks, (and) of the bow is) pleasing to the ear; others, being adorned with full-blown water-lilies. devoting themselves to hundreds of excellent The lakes are beautiful in some places) with achievements, (became) acquainted with wonder. the swans that are encaged in the pollen that ful tales; and others, unassuming in (their) falls from the water-lilies shaken by the tremul- | modesty (and) devoted to discourses of the true ons waves; and in other places with the water- religion, (became) able to say much that was lilies bent down by the great burden of their free from harshness (and yet was) salutary. filaments. Here the woods are adorned with some excelled in their own business (of silk. lordly trees, that are bowed down by the weight sceaving); and by others, possessed of high of their flowers and are full of the sounds of the aims, the science of astrology was mastered; flights of bees that hum loudly through intoxica- and even to-day others of them, valorous in tion (caused by the juices of the flowers that they battle, effect by force the destruction of (their) suck), and with the women from the city who enemies. So also others, wise, possessed of are perpetually singing. Here the houses have charming wives, (and) belonging to a famous waving flags, (and) are full of tender women, and mighty lineage, are decorated with achieve(and) are very white (and) extremely lofty, ments that befit (thoir) birth; and others, resembling the peaks of white clouds lit up with true to (their) promises (and) firm in friendship
* The original has, as far as line 8, the relative con struotion, which I have changod, for convenience of translation, into the absolute.
Of these rivers, one of ourse is the_Siwand, on the north bank of which the town stands. The other must
be the Sumll,' which now flows into the Siwand about 1 three milou to the north-east of the town.

Page #234

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1886.
with the socompaniment of confidence, are skilled in conferring favours upon (their) intimates. (And so) the guild shines gloriously all around, through those who are of this Bort, and through others who, -vercoming the attachment-for worldly objects; being characterised by piety; (and) possessing most abundant goodness,-(are) very gods in an earthly habitation.
(L. 11.)-(Just as) a woman, though endowed with youth and beauty (and) adorned with the arrangement of golden necklaces and betelleaves and flowers, goes not to meet (her) lover in a secret place, until she has put on a pair of coloured silken cloths, -(80) the whole of this region of the earth, is (almost superytuously) adorned through them, (as if) with a silken garment, agreeable to the touch, variegated with the arrangement of different colours, (and) pleasing to the eye.
(L. 12.) -Having reflected that the world is very unsteady, being blown about by the wind like the charming ear-ornaments, (made of) sprigs, of the women of the Vidyadharas; (and similarly) the estate of man; and also accumulations of wealth, large (though they may be), - they became possessed of a virtaons (and) stable understanding; and then ;-* '
(L. 13.)-While Kum Aragupta was reigaing over the (whole) earth, whose pendulous marriage-string is the verge of the four oceans; whose large broasts are the mountains) Sumêru and Kailasa ;"' (and) whose laughter is the full-blown flowers showered forth from the borders of the woods ;
(L. 13.)-There was a ruler, king Visvavarman, who was equal in intellect to Sakra and Brihaspati ; who became the most eminent of princes on the earth; (and) whose deeds in war were equal to those of) Partha ;-who was very compassionate to the unhappy; who fulfilled his promises to the miserable and the distressed; who was excessively full of tenderness ; (and) who was a very tree of plenty to (his) friends, and the giver of security to the frightened, and the friend of (his) country
(L. 14.)-His son (was) king Bandhuvar
man, possessed of firmness and statesmanship; beloved by (his) kinsmen; the relative, as it were, of (his) subjects; the remover of the afflictions of (his) connections; pre-eminently skilfal in destroying the ranks of (his) proud enemies. Handsome, youthful, dexterous in war, and endowed with humility, king though he was, yet was ba never carried away by passion, astonishment, and other (evii sentiments); being the very incarnation of erotic passion, he resembled in beauty, even though he was not adorned with ornaments, second (Kamadeva) armed with the bow that is made of flowers, Even to-day, when the long-eyed lovely women of (his) enemies, pained with the fierce pangs of widowhood, think of him, they stagger about through fear, in such a way as to fatigue (their) firm and compact broasts.
(L. 16.)-While he, the noble Bandhovarman, the best of kings, the strong shoul. dered one," was governing this city of Daiapurs, which had been brought to a state of great prosperity,-& noble (and) unequalled temple of the bright-rayed (Sun), was caused to be built by the silk-cloth weavers, as a guild, with the stores of wealth acquired by the exercise of their) craft;-(a temple) which, having broad and lofty spires, (and) resembling a mountain, (and) white as the mass of the rays of the risen moon, shines, charming to the eye, having the similarity of (being) the lovely crest-jewel, fixed in its proper place), of (this) city of the west.
(L. 17.)-In that season which unites beputiful women with (their) lords; which is agreeable with the warmth of the fire of the rays of the sun (shining) in the glens; in which the fishes lie low down in the water; which on account of the cold) is destitute of the enjoyment of the beams of the moon, and (mitting in the open air on) the flat roofs of houses, and sandal-wood perfames, and palmleaf-fans, and necklaces ;-in which the waterlilies are bitten by the frost; which is charming with the humming of the bees that are made happy by the juice of the full-blown flowers of the ródhra and priyayu- trees and the jasmine,
- The context is " noble (and) unequalled temple of the bright-ryad (Sun) was caused to be built," &o, in line 16; all that intervenes, is by way of parenthesis.
Conf. B Chat-Sarichiti, xliii. 35, where the earth is doscribed as having the mountains of sunrise and sunset for lipe, and the Himalaya and Vindbys for
breasts.
This, again, is a second parenthes's, the real context of the preceding vore being the description of Bandhu varman in line 148.
lit. 'high-shouldered. 30 The winter.

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JULY, 1886.)
A GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161.
201
creepers ; in which the lavall-trees and the elapsed; on the charming second lunar day of Bolitary branches of the nagand-bushes are the bright fortnight of the month Tapasya ; made to dance with the force of the wind that in the season when (Kamadeva), whose body is harsh and cold with particles of frost; (and) was destroyed by Hara, develops (hie wnin which the cold induced by) the falling of frost ber of five) arrows by attaining unity with the and snow is derided by the close embraces of fresh bursting forth of the flowers of the aboka the large and beautiful and plump and bulky and kedtaka and sinduvára-trees, the pendulous breasts and thighs of young men and (their) atimuktaka-creeper, and the wild-jaamine; mistresses, completely under the influence of when the solitary large branches of the nagandlove ;-wben, by (the reckoning from the tribal bushes are full of the songs of the bees that are constitution of the Malavas, four centuries of delighted by drinking the nectar; (and) when years, increased by ninety-three, had elapsed; the beautiful and luxuriant nodhra-trees swing in that season when the low thunder of the to and fro with the fresh bursting forth of muttering of clouds is to be welcomed (as (their) flowers,--the whole of this noble city was indicating the approach of warmth again); decorated with (this) best of temples; just as on the excellent thirteenth lanar day of the the pare sky is decorated with the moon, and bright fortnight of the month Sabays, this the breast of the god) Barngin with the kaustutemple was established, with the ceremony of tha-jewel. As long as the god) fáa wears a auspicious benediction.
mass of tawny matted looks, undulating with (L. 19.)-And, in the course of a long time, the spotless rays of the moon (on his forehead); under other kings, part of this temple fell and (as long as) (the god) Barngin (carries) a into disrepair ; 80 now, in order to increase garland of lovely waterlilies on his shoulder; their own fame, the whole of this most noble 80 long may this noble temple endure for honse of the Sun has been repaired again by the ever! munificent corporation; (this temple) which is (L. 23.)-By the command of the guild, and very lofty (and) pure; which touches the sky, from devotion, (this) temple of the Sun was as it were, with (its) charming spires ; (and) caused to be built; and this (eulogy) that prewhich is the resting place of the spotless rays cedes was, with particular care, composed by of the moon and the sun at (their) times of Vatsabhatti. Hail to the composer and the rising. Thus, when five centuries of years, writer, and those who read or listen to it)! increased by twenty, and nine years, had | Let there be success!
A GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1161.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; VIENNA. Besides the large Såsbah temple inscription And he has failed to observe that the genesof Mahipala, which has now been properly logy of the kings closes with stanza 9, although re-edited by Prof. Kielhorn (ante, p. 33 ff.), -if not the context-the sigo of interpunctuaDr. Rajendralal Mitra has transcribed and tion after that stanza might have attracted his
translated also the following mutilated in- attention. Manôratha and Madhusddana were scription, discovered by General Cunningham no kings of Gwalior, but the former was the in the fortress of Gwalior and now preserved secretary of Bhavanapala, and the latter a in the Museum at Lucknow, where I copied grandson of Manôratha. The date of the init. As the letters of this inscription, so far scription falls within the reign of Mahipala's as they have been preserved, are large and guccessor, whose name has been lost in stanzas distinct, Dr. R. Mitra has misread only about
7 to 9. & dozen syllables. But he has not attempted The contents of the inscription are, in brief, to decipher that portion of the first line as follows :-Stanza 1 gives the name of Bhuwhich is still readable, and which contains vana páfa, who is the No. 5, MAladdva, also no less than three names of royal personages. called Bhavanapâla and Trailokyamalla, of
Jour. Bong. As. Soc. VOL. XXXI. p. 418. • Archeol. śwry. Ind. Vol. II. p. 354.
Jour, Beng. 41. Soc. Vol. XXXI. pp. 402., p. 400: Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. II. p. 374.

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Prof. Kielhorn's paper, ante, p. 35.-His son genealogy of the builder of the temple was (st. 2) was Aparajita, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 6, introduced.--Stanzas 11 to 13 give the name Dêrapala. The son of Devapála (st. 3), and of Mandratha of Mathara, the secretary of the son's son of Bhuvanapala, was Padma- Bhuvanapala,' who was married to Bhava ().pala, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 7 of the same name. His son (st. 14 to 16) was Mânio handra,
-Of stanza 4 enough does not remain to show who caused to be built a temple (Kirtana) its purport.-Stanzas 5 and 6 give the name of containing statues of Smarári (Siva) and other Mahipalad é ya, Prof. Kielhorn's No. 8 of gods, and who married Râsagati ().-Their the same name, the king of Gopalikêra.' son (st. 17 to 20) was Madhusudana. Stanzas 7 to 9 seem to refer to the death of His younger brother 21 and 22) was Mahipala, and must have recorded the name of A b â chandra, who caust temple of Hara his successor; this name, however, is not now (Śiva) to be built. extant. At the end of stanza 9, a peculiar Stanza 23 records that the inscription was comsign of interpunctuation marks the close of the posed by the Nirgranthanatha Ya God dva. rasisavali; thuse –
Stanza 24 contains an invocation of the god Bhava (Siva).
The concluding prose passage records that (the linga of the temple mentioned in stanza 22)
was set up on the sixth day of the bright The incomplete stanza 10 seems to have fortnight of the month Magha, when eleven contained an invocation of the god Bhava (Siva) | hundred and sixty-one years had elapsed from and of his wife Aparna (Uma), by which the the time of king Vikramárka.
TEXT. 1 [uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu-]TTEIT
forferfolu-uu-vu-Ulr: 1 [ . . . . ] roft - vrata: ......
II (RJ T EU TANTOT ... TUTTI
... jaft: 49[ES: - PUTII CU PT quarto " Far TT962 [-I--u--vu-u----U--uv-u[fr]11 [] THEY
तापावनबारिमौलिखगभ्यर्चनीयांडिपीठोपकण्ठः। अधिष्ठाय गोपालिकेराधिपत्ये वभौ भूमिपालो महीपालदेवः॥ [4] प्रतीपाखिलापियक्षीदवक्षो य एकातपत्रान्धरित्री व्यधत्त । दिशान्तिकुम्भस्थलीशंखभूषां
स्वकीसिन्विलोकीतटान्ते न्यधन ।। [१] वैवस्वतकरदण्डाभिष्टे प. 3 [uuuuuuuuuuu-IuuuuuuuuuuuuuuftTT 11 [O] Tref RTIT : for: STETTY:
Art - रणरिव दुःसहत्वं चस्वावहदिशि दिशि प्रसरन्प्रतापः।। [6] उदारसमरारम्भो दूरेस्तु कुरुते रिपून। यस्यप्रयाणवाापि पलायनपरावणान् ।। [१] ॥ भवस्य भालाम्बकवर्मभेदं रुणध्वपालकचू.
• The yamaks proves that Aparajita has to be taken | Suru. Ind. Vol. II. P. 362. On kirtana, 's temple,' see
proper name and a biruda of DevapAls, whose name ante, Vol. XII. p. 229, 289. occurs in stanza 8.
for the probable site of this temple see Archæol. . This seems to be the original form and the immediate
Surv. of Ind. Vol. II. p. 364 and Plate lxxxviii. source of the modern Dame "Gwalior,' or correctly
20 Probably the word prašastim has to be supplied with Gw Alher. In Prof. Kiellorn's verses 6 and 81, the name
purvam etam. Yasodēva modestly calls himself "the that is used is Gopadri, 'the mountain of Gops'; and in
home of the arts, whose banner is poetry displayed in the
sir Bhdeh48." other inscriptions Gopagiri and other synonyms.
What these six Bhashas are, we learn
from a stanza quoted by Jonarkja on stanza 34 of the • Similar signs of interpunctuation occur at the end
25th oanto of Mankha's Srikanthacharita :of the Kota Buddhist inscription of the Samanta Deva. datta (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 16) and of a Gwalior inscription
संस्कृता प्राकृता चैव शूरसेनी तदुद्भवा । of Bhojadeva (Journal of the German Oriental Society,
ततोपि मागधी प्राग्वत्पशाची देशजोत यत् ।। Vol. XL. p. 38). Stanza 12.-"Brihaspati (aven) in unable (Gurur
Compare also Kalhana's Rajatarangint, VII. 611, Inghuh) to praise (suficiently) the knowledge of the
where prince Harsha is called sarva-bhdah dan sat-kavih. essence of arithmetio and of all manners of writing
Yabaeva ww a friend of the poet Manikantha, who (lipi), the virtues, and the deeds of this man, who used
composed the Slabsha insoription, and he it was who wrote to write down the expenditure, the income, the com
out that insoription. There he is called DigambarArka mands, and the compositions of king Bhuvanapila."
and described is aléaha-bhdahden kavik (ante, p. 46). . This may be the small Sababu temple ; Archool. " Read (.1).

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NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
208
4 [--- -------------] सदा गच्छतु कालयज्वा ॥ [१०] श्रीमान्व
भूव मथुराभिजनो विमायः कायस्थवंशविपिनांवुधरः प्रहृष्टाः। शिष्टास्त्रिवर्गपथगामिमनोरथस्य यस्याध्यगीषत मनोरथ इत्यभिख्याम् ।। [१२] भुवनपालनृपद्रविणव्ययागमनियोगनिधन्धन लेखिनः। गणि
ततस्वसमस्तलिपिज्ञतागुणकृतस्तवनेस्य गुरुलघुः ॥ [१२]. कांतानका5[000-00-~------ललिताड़यष्टिः । स्पष्टीकृतात्मकुलशी
लकलानुभावा भावानुरक्तिपरमास्य रमेव विष्णोः।। १३] यो मानिनां कैरवकुड्मलानां प्रहाद[नं त्तमधादिवन्तुः। स मानिचन्द्रश्चतुरणवान्तभ्रान्तोरुकीर्तिस्तनयोस्य जज्ञे । [१४] स्मरारिपूर्वामरमूर्तिम
न्दरोदरास्मस्मप्रकरार्पितध्वजैः। मरुद्भुतैस्त यदङ्गिनामधान्यचीकरत्कीर्तनमा- . 6--0-॥१५ --- -- -- -विधानेषु यतस्तदीया। शुचिस्मितो
लासितहारकान्तिस्ततो जनै रा[सगतिनिरूचे॥ [१६] विजगद्विततात्मयशोविसदीकृतदिवस तयोस्तनयोभिजनोजवलसवनिजान्वयजाजरविः। मधुसूदन इत्वजनिष्ट विशिष्टगुणप्रणयः स्तुतयोगुरुवारगुणं
प्रति संप्रति य विदुषाम् ॥ [१७] यशोविकासो मधुसूदनस्य मास्मन्मयूखा7 [ . - . -- * ---- -----.] चूर्यमाणः क्षयमापर्दिदुः ।। [२८] येन
बिलोकजनताशयथुद्धिहेतुर्द्धम्मोपि निर्मलतमः क्रियते स्म शस्वत्। तस्यावदातचरिताबुतवर्णनायामोजो विजृम्भितमहो यदि शारदायाः ॥ [१९] करांजलिपुटोद्धृतं जलमिवैष अस्वत्सुधीः समप्रजगदंगिनां
प्रगलवायुरालाचयन् । श्रुतेधितशावुसंशामितरागपात्रार्पि8 [--- -------------]। [२०] आशास यःशिष्टजगज्जनस्य श्रिवं
न्यधारात्मकरायकृष्टां। जना यदीयावरजं तमाशाचंद्र जगुः प्रीतगुरुं सवृत्तं ॥ [२१] पतितप्रपतत्पपतिष्यदमर्त्यगृहोद्धरणः स्वभुजार्जितशुद्धधनष्ययवृहितपुण्यनिधिः। यतिविप्रवरानविपनजनातिहरो भवनं
भवनाशकरस्य हरस्य स कारयति स्म कृती ।। [२२] विदांबुजवनरविः श्रीज9[---------00--] निग्र्मथनाथः । यः षड्भाषाविततकविताकेतु.
हम्म्य कलानां पूर्वामेतामकृत स मुनिः श्रीयशोदेवनामा ।। [२३] मनोभवांधकारातिविघातकरणो भवः। दद्यातः सम्पदो देवो यो गजाजिनभूतिभृत् ।। [२४] ॥ श्रीविक्रमार्कनृपकालातीतसम्वत्सराणां"मेकषष्टयधिकायामेकादशशत्यां माघशुरुषष्ठयाम्प्रतिष्ठाभूत् [1]
NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GÖTTINGEN. 3.-ON SOME DOUBTFUL VARTTIKAS. regarded as Varttikas. With the permission of While trying to reconstruct the Vårttikas of the Editors, I intend in this Journal to discuss Katyayana from the Mahâbhâshya, I have some of those doubtfnl Vârttikas, and I hope never ventured to hope that my attempt would that scholars who are versed in the subject, from the beginning be successful in every and to whom ancient MSS. are more readily particular. I indeed feel convinced that the accessible than they are to myself, will take an general principles which I have followed are interest in the matter and assist in the final correct, and I believe that my edition is likely settlement of a question which is of some to present a fairly true picture of what Kamoment for the history of Sansksit grammar. tyayana's work was like, before it was embodied Not counting the 14 Pratyahara or Sivaby Patañjali in his own work. But I have satras, the total number of rules of Panini's always been ready to admit, that, in individual Ashtadhyâyi in the published text is 3983. cases, the comparison of older or better MSS. According to my edition of the Mahabhashya, than those are which I had at my disposal, the Kåtyâyana has appended notes to 1245 rules superior knowledge of other scholars, or my only, and Patañjali has, independently of Kiown researches, may prove that I have been tyayana, attached remarks of his own to 468 wrong; and there certainly are Vårttikas in my other rules. The remaining 2270 of Panini's edition, about whose right to be there I myself Sûtras are not directly treated of in the Mahafeel doubtful, just as in that portion of the bhâshya, but I may state incidentally that by text which I have assigned to Patañjali, there far the greater number of them have either occur some statements which may have to be been actually quoted by Patañjali, or can
" Read निबन्धन.
13 Cancel the anuevara.

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be shown to be necessary for the formation of those who wish still further to pursue this words which have been made use of by that subject, I may add that there are between 25 scholar in the course of his arguments. and 80 instances, where the reference contained
As Katyâyana in his Vårttikas has treated of in a first Vårttika is not to the rule under somewhat less than a third of Påņini's rules, which it is actaally placed in the Mahâbhiand as he has not told ns in figures to wbich shya, bat to a preceding rule, or where a particular rulo he intended to append a remark Vårttika, which according to the Mahabhaor a set of notes, it might be expected that he shya heads the Vårttikas of one rule, really would have endeavoured to remove our doubts belongs to the Varttikas of the preceding in this respect by some other device, that in rule, and that a few times. We are referred by some way or other he would have pointed out a Vårttika not to PÅņini's role itself, but to the the Satra, to which a Varttiks or a string of Gana appended to it. Thus mach is rendered Vårttikas must be understood to belong. And certain even by a study of the MSS., that in I believe that he really has done this, and that the vast majority of cases KÅtyâyana has clearly the device which he adopted furnishes a means indicated the rules to which his notes refer, of occasionally testing the accuracy of the and the presumption therefore is that he has MSS., and tends to enable us in a number of intended to do so everywhere. If his Vårttikas doubtful cases to distinguish between his own were taken out from the Mahabhashya and remarks and those of his successor and com- printed as a separate work, we should bave no mentator Patañjali.
difficulty in pointing out the Satra to which When in the MSS. we examine what in any given Varttika or number of Varttikas accordance with the general method of the belong. Mahabhashya ought to be regarded as Varttikas, The case is different with many of the notes, we find that in the case of about 1200 which Patanjali has appended to Påņini's Sätras the first of a set of Varttikas, or the rules. When Patanjali tells us Terrat one Arttika that may have been appended farmer (Ed. II. p. 279, 19), we suspect to a rule, contains some distinot reference to indeed that we are directed to add a certain that rale; that it is worded in a manner which suffir, which has been taught by PÅpini, to at once renders it apparent to which rule of | गण and सहाब, but that that suffix isa, we Påņini's the Värttika or the string of Vårtti. know only when Patañjali's note has actually kas belongs. No less than 131 times Katy- been appended to or placed under P. IV. 2, 43. yana has repeated & whole rule of Panini's, What Patañjali has taught in this particular absolutely unchanged, at the commencement of instance, Kâtyâyana would have expressed in the first Varttiks which he was attaching to a sentence like to
arranger that rule. In numerous cases a first Vårttika Tor T erra, a sentence from contains the whole rule to which it belongs, the wording of which it would have been clear altered only so far as to allow of its being at once that the suffix to be added is , while construed with the other words of the Var. from the position assigned to it in the order of
ika. In a very large number of instances the Varttikas, we should have inferred with first Vårttika commences with the first word or certainty that the saffis alluded to is the words of a rule, or reports that portion of it are taught by Panini after the suffix : in to which the remark oontained in the Varttiks other words, the roof P.IV.2, 43. Similar is meant specially to refer. Thus, in the case rules of Patañjali's occur ander P. III. 1, 16 of 24 rules of Paņini's which teach the meaning
P. III. 1, 145 frafas of technical terms, it is the technical term form , P. III. 3, 17 taught in a rule, compounded with the word T rg, P. V. 2, 129 RON
, HTT, that is placed at the beginning of a P. VII. 2, 68
and elsewhere, first Vårttika. Similarly, in the case of about and make it clear that Patañjali did not consider 50 rules which teach the addition of suffixes, it necessary to indicate, by the wording of his the particular suffix taught in a rule, compound- notes, to which of Påņini's rules a particular ed with the word is made to head the note refers. His notes of this kind receive a Varttika or Vårttikas attached to a rale. For meaning only when they are actnally put under

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205
the text of the Sätras ; taken by themselves these statements may perhaps be considered to they are unintelligible.
contain a reference to the Stras to which they It is from such considerations as these, that are attached; but the former has at any rate in my edition of the Mahabhåshya I have been omitted in the MSS. KgB., and the latter occasionally given, as a remark of Patañjali's is rendered superfluous by Katyayana's own what the authority of some of the MSS., some- Vårttika 20 on P. I, 1, 72. Apart however times the best MSS. at my command, would from these, there are other Vårttikas abont otherwise have made me regard as a Várttika. which I feel or have felt doubtful, and I havo In Vol. II. p. 120, 1. 18, all MSS. except K. therefore put together the following list of all have youwate : 4474416 * tfa - first Vårttikas in which I fail to discover with UK. has only at
6 . If certainty any distinct reference to the rules of in this case the MSS. GAA EgB were right, Paņini under which they are placed in the MSS.
M ET would be a Vårttika; but it P. I. 4,24 TSI 7.-Vårt. 1 yocer cannot be a Virttika on Panini's rale परोसे लिदू विरामप्रमादार्थानामुपसख्यानम्. If this were really because it does not contain any reference to a Varttika, we should expect it to contain the that rule. The first Varttika on that rule mustword 79TT TETT, just as Vårt. 1 on P. I. be a forrella and all the MSS. 4, 49 contains the word darat, and Virt. excepting K. must be wrong. In Vol. II. 1 on P. I. 4, 54 returare. When we strike p. 217, 1. 12, GAEgB. have afatetat - it out from the list of Vårttikas, we have the
frarferant ftat afrit , aK. have expected reference to Paņini's rule in the word only
that get : Here |भपादानसंज्ञा of what in my edition is now again a farat ara : cannot be a Vårttika,
Vårt. 2. because it contains no reforence to the rule P. II. 3, 2 for frstar.-Vart. TETTE; the first Vårttika on that rule T
e em. The MSS. AKK. omit must be पुरोगाशस्वायां तद्धितलुग्वचनम्. In Vol. this. If it be really & Värttika, it should II. p. 278, 1. 20, all MSS. except K. have be made to commence with fea r , just as RTI F
R , but Tercan for the there is Torfit in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 13, reasons given above not be regarded as a Vart- gaano in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 18, 9tika on P. IV. 2, 39. The same reasoning I Prva in VArt. 1 on P. II. 3, 28, and iftspeaks again formare on P. IV. 2, 40, fut in Vart. 1 on P. II. 3, 36. T on P. IV. 2, 87 and other statements P.III. 3, 157, reorits Patet.-Vårt. Twhich some of the MSS. have given as Vart- देवन चेत. MS.A. has sच्छा काममवेदन चेत्, but I tikas.
should like to know if this reading is given by I confess that the principle which I have other MSS. The Kasika-Vritti has 7795 tried to explain here, has not from the very इति वक्तव्यम् beginning been so evident to myself as it is at P.V.3,66, starat 699.-Vårt. 1 an present. I now know that some statements, ATENTIE
7. This Vårttika, which I have printed as Varttikas, have as for such it must be, appears to offer two difficullittle claim to be such as others which I have ties which I should wish to see removed. In already rejected. Such are
on the first place, it should, in my opinion, contain P. I. 3, 27, which is omitted in the MS. K.; the term TT, which would show to what rulo the same on P. I. 3, 28, which also is omitted the Vårttika belongs, and which does appear in in the same MS.; VTT on P. III. 1, 10 Patañjali's explanation. And secondly, I canwhich originally was left out in the MS. Dec- not get any satisfactory meaning out of facan Coll. 99 of 1881-82; and on P. III. T TTTTT. The forms to be explained are 2, 83, and in on P. V. 2, 101, which both पचतिरूपम् पचतोकपम् पचन्तिरूपम्. रूपए being a are given by all the MSS. known to me. I do warthika suffix, a derivative formed by it not feel so certain about 1997 on should take the gender and number of the P. I. 3, 16, and o ut on P. IV. 4, 41, because primitive word, to which is affixed. Now
The letters K. G, A. &o., denoto the M89. described in the prefaces of Vol. I. and II. of my edition of the Mahabhlahya.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1886.
in this case the primitive words have no P. VI. 3, 3, T UTTE T art:-Vârt, gender at all, and they are singular, dual, or 1, 3 04r74. AB. and originally E. bave plural, whereas the words formed by 59 have तृतीबायां भञ्ज', E. by alteration तृतीयाया अख', & gender, vis. are neuter, and are all singular. One would expect the Vårttika to commence This must be accounted for, and is accounted with our art, just as Vårt. 1 on P. VI. 3,2 for, by the final portion of the Vårttika which commences with you , and Vårt. 1 on teaches that st is the termination of a deriva- P. VI. 3, 21 with att tive formed by the addition of 59 to a primitive P. VII, 1, 39, gi litteraturster word which is a verbal form. Unwilling as I - Vårt. TarfurstenT TOITETTUTTE. AE. am to alter the text, I would suggest that we omit this; a. and B. omit it too, but the onght to read
tre ia 5991 former has a stop and the figure 2 between SFTTTT:"As (derivatives formed by medns art and are in the next line, and B. has & of svarthika suffixes) take the gender and stop in the same place. I hardly think that it number of the primitives, it is necessary to can be rejected from the Virttikas, because in state that a derivative in 5.99 (does not do 80, that case it would be difficult to explain, why but) takes the termination se when the primi.
Patañjali should have made the subsequent tive form, to which 599 is added, is a verb." statement rai T
& P.V.4, 68, ATS -Vârt. 642 IT- separate rule. वद्विगुबन्त पुरुषबहुव्रीहिसंज्ञाः. Here we expect to P. VIII. 1, 66, f .-Vart. T IT. be told in the Vârttika, of what storzított... ERST: a. All MSS. Lave this, but I doubt its are the प्रयोजनम्. The word प्रयोजनम् appears being a Vârttika, as it stands. altogether 41 times at the commencement of a P. I. 4, 60 a.-Vârt. 1 ETTER; Vårttika, but in all these cases that, whose pur. Vårt. 2. TINTE irer. Vårt. 1 is given by all port is stated in such a VArttika, has been given MSS., but DKEg. read after TETETT . to us in a previous Vårttika (Vol. I. p. 87, 1, 17; Vårt. 2 is omitted in K.; E. has it added 97, 15; 154, 9; 159, 9, etc.). Seventeen times in the margin; g. omits it, but has the figure प्रयोजनम् stands in the middle of a Varttika, and | after पुनश्चनसौ छन्दसि below. पुनश्चनसौ छन्दसि is it is then preceded by a word in the Locative quoted thus by Patañjali in Vol. I. p. 377, 1. or Genitive, which contains that of which 19; it is there called a Várttika by Nagôji. the purport is to be explained by the Värttika bhatta, and is considered one also by Haradatta (Compare e.g. Vol. II. p. 47, 1. 1 aaaa on P. II. 1, 72 (grate THE Ut fact, p. 402, 1, 3 PTT TA a rrara Tra fa). I can only curadu, or Vol. III. p. 141, 1. 5
S T- state that we miss the expected reference to स्य प्रयोजनं स्तोकादिभ्योऽलुगानडिकोइस्वनलोपाः | Påņini's role, which, if the two Vârttikas were p. 179, 1. 12 RICET TU YETT- removed, would be contained in what in my
2). In accordance with this universal prac- edition is now Vart. 3. tice of the author of the Vårttikas, I would 1 P. II. 2, 8, 8.-Vârt. 1 a 9; Vårt. 2 suggest that we ought to read the Vårttika Y TO: ; Vârt. 37 Target:.-P. II. 2. under discussion either समासान्तस्खे or समासा- | 10, न निर्धारणे.-Vart. प्रतिपदविधाना च.-Pataiन्ताधिकारस्य प्रयोजनमव्ययीभावबिगुबन्दसत्पुरुषबहुप्री- jali, in the words प्रतिपाविधाना च षष्ठी न समस्थत fi: .
sfa Tara on p. 412, l. 20, appears certainly P. VI. 1, 28, car: 41.-Vårt. TEXT : to ascribe the statement saneTTT to the All MSS. have this, but, as it stands, it cannot, Vårttikakára, but we miss in the Vårttikas in my opinion, be regarded as & Vårttika. themselves some distinct indication of the Moreover, considering that MRT & well' does fact that the three first refer to P. II. 2, 8, not appear to be used in the older literature, and the last to the prohibitive rule P. IL. 2, 10. that, on the other hand, the verb c is frequently P. II. 4, 3, ME T TE.- Vårt. 1 pit; used in connection with or the stem of the Värt. 2 orei r. Vårt. 1 is omitted by the Bôma-plant,' and that in Rigveda VIII. 9, 19, MSS.gB., and Vårt. 2 by AkKEgB. The term we actually read ftaret TT, one may suot for is used by Katyayana Vol. II. fairly feel inclined to question the correctness p. 114, 1.7, and Vol. III. p. 217, 1. 17, just as he of the reading TTET:
elsewhere empl