Indian Antiquary Vol 43

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
ataraŭ (Âdi. 73, F 535, ii, 4) <Ap. antara <Skt. antarakam,
kapai (P. 310) Ap. kampai <Skt. kampate.
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An exception is formed by the -nta- termination of the present participle, which drops. the nasal altogether and does not lengthen the preceding vowel (see § 122).
[MAY, 1914.
$46. In tatsamas the conjuncts of Sanskrit are generally kept unchanged. The only exceptions, which I have noted, refer to ks, which is occasionally represented by khy (see § 28), and to ji, ny, which are occasionally interchanged as in the two examples following:
jndsikṛta (Yog. ii, 66) <Skt. nydsikṛta-, nyana (F 729, 2) <Skt. jñána-,
(ƒ) Metathesis.
§ 47. Cases of metathesis, i.e., of transposition of one element or interchange of two elements in the same word, are very frequent in Old Western Rajasthani, much as they are, indeed, in Modern Gujarati and Marwari. I shall group the examples I have collected under four heads, to wit: a) metathesis of quantity, b) metathesis of anunâsika, c) metathesis of vowels, and d) metathesis of consonants.
§48. Metathesis of quantity occurs in the examples following:
ahl (P. 553) (see § 89) <Ap. dahi Skt. *adakasmin, külari, kairi (Vi., passim) <Ap. kupari <Skt. kumarî,
nathi (see §115) <*nâthi < Pkt. ratthi<Skt. na'sti,
naht (see § 103) <Ap. nahi<Skt. nå-hi,
maharai (see § 83) <Ap. maharai <Skt. *mahakârakaḥ (Pischel, § 434),
sahd (see § 96) <Ap. sáhu <Skt. çaçvat (Pischel, § 64),
sohamani Ap. sohamanu<Skt. çobhamanam.
From the above it will be seen that in bisyllabic words the long quantity is transferred to the ultimate vowel, and in words having three or four syllables it is transferred to the antipenultimate. The accent seems not to have been of very much account here. It will be further noticed that out of the four examples of bisyllabic words quoted above, three are formed by words, the ultimate syllable whereof was originally h followed by a short vowel, a fact which certainly accounts in some part for the metathesis of quantity, h generally tending to fall out when followed by a short vowel at the end of a word. An exception, however, is in the form following:
kiha (Adi. 13, 47) <kiha (see §§91, 98, (1)<Ap. kaha <Pkt. kamha<Skt. kasmát.
§ 49. Metathesis of anunasika occurs in:
kai, kai (see § 91) <Ap. kâi<Skt. kani,
gayaha (Vi. 45) <Ap. gadha <Skt. *gatásám (―gatánám),
mahaï (P. 212) <*majhal<Ap. majjhahi <Skt. *madhyasmin,
in all of which examples the anunâsika is transferred from a short to a long vowel.
$50. Metathesis of vowels occurs in:
tuhai (see § 110) <Ap. "tau-hi <Skt. tato-hi,
thika (see § 72, (4)) <*thakiu<Ap. thakkiu<Skt. *sthakyitaḥ (cf. Pischel, § 488), pina. (Adi C.)<pani (see § 110) <Ap. pusu <Skt. punar,
viraja (P. 46)<Ski, varij, vaṣijya-,