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DECEMBER, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI
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(1) kaü (ku) is very rarely met with in Old Western Râjasthânî, where, it being mostly confined to poetry, it may be possibly explained as having been borrowed from the Old Braja of the East. It is from Apabhramça kaü<Skt. krtah, as it has long been recognized. Ex.:
Deva-kai patani" In the city of the God (viz. Somanathapaļļana)” (Kanh, 78, 86), moha-ki nidrà “The slumber of delusion" (Ja. 19).
(2) keraü is identical with Apabhrapça keraü (Hc., iv, 422, 20) < Skt. *karyakah (Pisokel, $ 176). It is pretty frequent in poetry. Ex.:
jane Girivara-keraü griga" [So high] as the top of mount Meru " (F 591, ii, 3), til kaviya na-jana-keri maya “Thou art the mother of poets" (F710, i, 3),
kahisu carita Nemisara-keda "I will sing the life of Nemicvara" (F 715, i, 14) [For keda see $ 29),
nahi para-keri re asa " There is no hope from anywhere else" (F 722, 32), tribhuvana-kerá nátha " Lord (plural majestatis) of the three worlds" (Rs. 158).
(3) caü appears to be only exceptionally used in the MSS. I have seen. The only example I have noted is :
hi sevi sahi tuma-câ pâya “I sincerely worship your feet ” (F 722, 4). Sundry instances thereof are, however, found in the Vasantavilása (Samvat 1508), according to Mr. H. H. Dhruva's description in Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists, Vol. i, p. 327. It is clear that the use of the caü postposition must have been confined to the tract of Rajputana bordering with the Old Marathî area. The origin of this postposition is. I believe, to be traced to Apabhramça * kiccaü < Skt. krtyakah, as already suggested by Dr. Konow and Sir George Grierson (On Certain Suffixes in the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der Indogermanischen Sprachen, 1903, p. 490).
(4) tanaü is identical with Apabhramca tanaü (Ho., iv, 422, 20), and since the time of Mr. Beames has been explained as having originated from the Sanskrit affix -tana, which is used to form adverbial adjectives. I do not think, however, that the above explanation is right. The chief objection that can be made thereto is still that which already occurred to the Rev. S. H. Kellogg, namely that in view of the fact that postpositions generally are separate nouns or adjectives, the derivation of a postposition from an affix would be an unprecedented exception to the general rule. Sir George Grierson has very ingeniously tried to remove the difficulty by the remark that even in Sanskrit -tana can be attached to an oblique case, as in agre-tana, aisamas-tana, pûrváhne-lana, etc. (On Certain Suffixes, etc., p. 489), but this does away with the difficulty only apparently, for, if one looks more inside the question, one will see that in the above examples the suffix -lana is not added because of the agre, etc., being in an oblique case, but simply in consequence of their having assumed an adverbial meaning. It is clear that when -tana was added to agre, the latter was not viewed in the light of a locative, but only of a real adverb of time, and we may be sure that in adding-tana it was quite immaterial to Sanskrit whether adverbs were original or derived from nouns in an oblique case. These are the reasons that have led me to search for a different explanation of Apabhramça taraü, and I believe I have hit upon the right one. According to my inquiries, taraii is from appanaü (<Skt. *átmanakah), by the dropping of the initial vocal syllable agreeably to 8 2, (4), and the common change of p tot agreeably to $ 25. Of the reflexive pronoun atman both the forms
