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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XII.
ouriously enough corresponds in name to the second king of the Gupta dynasty, vis. Samudragupta (320-375), who was the most powerful Indian monarch that ever ruled India after Asoka,
Two points in the above comparative lists are worthy of notice: in the Harshacharita the Dame of the elder brother of Bhaskarvarman is not mentioned, probably because it was useless there, as, in the enumeration of ancestors, the name of the elder brother does not come in. And the second name of Bhāskarvarman, Kumāra, which is also mentioned in Yuan Cbwang's sooounts, has not found its place in the inscription. We cannot however positively assert this, because the names of the donor were contained in the plate which has been lost. The appellation Kumāra means a prince or a bachelor, and it is highly improbable that Bhaskaravarman would remain unmarried, in which case his dynasty of a very long standing would have come to an end with him. Perhaps he retained the designation Kumāra, which he had before he became a king, in deference to the memory of his elder brother, who probably did not either Ascend the throne at all, or, if he did, occupied it for a very short period. For similar reasong Harsbavardhana is said by Yuan Chwang? to have assumed the name of Rajaputra Siladitya, though later on he styled himself Maharajadhiraja. .
Let us now examine the text of the inscription. The opening verse is perhaps an addition made while renewing the document, and so is the last verse-of which more afterwards. The original inscription would then have begun with Svasti. Maha-nau-hasty-afva-, just as the copper plates of Harshavardhana. Then comes a verse in praise of Mabādēva, and next & verse in praise of Dharma. This is somewhat remarkable, when we remember that Dharma was the second of the three jewels (Tri-ratna) of the Buddhists. Yuan Chwang in his account of Kámaräpa found almost a total absence of Buddhism in Bhāskarvarman's kingdom, and the latter's ambassador in the Harshacharita clearly stated before Harsha that "from childhood upwards it was this prince's firm resolution never to do homage to any being except the lotus feet of Siva."
We feel therefore more surprised at seeing him sing the glory of the Buddhistio divinity, though in a Hindu guise, than at finding him issue the grant from his "glorious camp of Karpasu varna." Probably the locality had something to do with the praise of Dharma. We know from Yuan Chwang's description of Karnasuvarna that the place was teeming with Buddhist statoes and temples. Bhāskara, who had become liberal in views on account of his long assogiation with the great Harsha who was a patron of the Buddhists, tried perhaps to gain popularity by this insertion of a passing tribute of respect paid to the local creed-though in a very careful way.'
Then, as was usual with the medieval kings of Kimarüpa who claimed descent from Naraka, the names of that king and his son Bhagadatta and his grandson Vajradatta are mentioned. Curiously enough, in some of the later copper plates Vajradatta is mentioned as a brother of Bhagadatta. The writers of those inscriptions, who were probably very learned people, must have somewhere found Vajradatta mentioned as a brother of Bhagadatta. In the Kalikapurāna, however, we have a list of the son of Naraka, who were four in number-Bhagadette. Mabiersha, Madayat and Sumálin. Vajradatta does not coeur in that list. Similarly
1 Soe Watter's Yuan Chwang, Vol. 1 p. 843, * See above, Vol. IV, plate opposite p. 210. ! Rp. Ind., Vol. 1 p.72; Vol. IV. p. 210. • The Harga-oarita, transl. by Cowell and Thomm, p. 217.
Ritumatyän tu jagayan käla sa Marabah kramat Bhagadattan Mabalirahan Madaeantan Sumaling 1 chaturö janayam asa puoras atas kabita suta) 11
Kālikāpurāna, ch. XL
