Kavyanushasana Part 2

Author(s): Hemchandracharya, Rasiklal C Parikh, Ramchandra B Athvale
Publisher: Mahavir Jain Vidyalay
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001067/1

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KAVYANUSASANA ACHARYA HEMACHANDRA SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA VIDYALAYA BOMBAY

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kAvyAnuzAsanam AcAryazrI hemacandraviracitaM tacca dvitIye pustake // prathame vibhAge || gujarAtavidyApIThe bhUtapUrveNa saMskRtasAhitya - bhAratIyaprAcyetihAsAdhyApakena purAtattvamandira bhUtapUrvamantriNA parIkSakopAbhidhena choTAlAlasUnunA rasikalAlena AGglabhASAyAM nibaddhena gUrjaratretihAsapUrvakeNa AcAryazrI hemacandracaritena tadviracita - granthasamAlocanasahitena sanAthIkRtam // dvitIye vibhAge // ema. e. - ityupAdhidhAriNA prAptabhAudAjI - pAritoSikeNa vedAntaviSaye prAptabhANDArakara - pAritoSikeNa gujarAtavidyApIThe bhUtapUrva - saMskRtAdhyApakena es. ela. DI. ArTaskoleja saMskRtAdhyApakena AThavale ityupAbhidhena balavantasUnunA rAmacandreNa AGglabhASAyAM racitayA kAvyAnuzAsanaTippaNyA vyAkRtam zrIkAzIvizvavidyAlaya upakulapatipadAropitaAcAryamavara - AnandazaGkara dhruvamahodayaiH pUrvavacanikayA maNDitam mumbaIstha - zrI mahAvIrajainavidyAlayena prakAzitam

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Published by Messrs Motichand G. Kapadia & Chandulal S, Modi, Hon. Secretaries, Shri Mahavir Jaiya Vidyalaya, Vidyalaya Buildings, Gowalia Tank Road, Bombay 7. First Edition ) [ 1938 VOLUMES I-II-PRICE RUPEES SIX Printed by Manilal Purushottam Mistry, B. A. Aditya Mudranalaya, Raikhad, Ahmedabad.

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KAVYANUSASANA By ACHARYA HEMACHANDRA . Volume II [ Part 1 ] INTRODUCTION Containing a critical account of Mss. and A History of Gujarat as a Back-ground to the Life & Times of Acharya Hemachandra and A Review of His Works by RASIKLAL C. PARIKH Late Professor of Sanskfta & Ancient Indian History, Gujarat Vidyapitha, Late Secretary, Gujarat Puratattva Mandira, Ahmedabad. . [ Part II ] NOTES by - RAMCHANDRA B. ATHAYALE M. A. Professor of SanskTta, S. L. D. Arts College, Late Professor of Sansksta, Gujarat Vidyapitha, Bhau-Daji Prize-man, Bhandarkar Prize-man. Ahmedabad. With a FOREWORD by Dr. ANANDSANKAR B. DHRUVA Pro-Vice-Chancellor & Principal Benares Hindu University. SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA VIDYALAYA BOMBAY

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CONTENTS Vol. II [ Part 1 ] Introduction I: Critical Account of the Mss. etc. I-X II Introduction to the History of Gujarat as a Background to the Life & Times of Hemachandra XI-CCLXII III The Life & the Works :: of Hemachandra CCLXIII-CCCXXX Corrections & Additions CCCXXXI [ Part II ] Notes Preface . ... ... Notes on Adhyayas I-VIII ... ... iii 1--276

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Publishers' Preface We have great pleasure in placing before the public this complete edition of Kavyanusasana, as a masterly work of Sri Hemachandracharya the Great Jain Scholar with Alamkarachudamani and Viveka commentaries by the same author. This scholarly work of Sahitya is almost the last word on the Science of Poetics dealing with all the branches of the interesting subject of Rasas, Alamkaras etc. The treatment of the subject is most scientific and elucidation of its various branches is clear and attractive and in fact leaves nothing to be desired. With a view to prepare important Jain Works in the interests of the general public keeping in 'view its admission for the University curriculum, a resolution was passed by the Managing Committee of Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya in the year 1928 to undertake publication of useful works for University purposes after getting prepared texts with notes thereon on modern lines; and in the first place they selected this great work of Hemachandracharya and entrusted the execution of the work to Mr. Rasiklal C. Parikh a scholar of great learning? IN VARIS It is true that a considerable period has elapsed in carrying out the job, but the delay has been sufficiently compensated by the great care taken in preparing the correct copy of the text and supplementing the same by various important indexes which have literally enhanced the usefulness of the book. The same is calculated to facilitate Sahitya Students and research scholars in the matter of references, OF H

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But the more important part of the work is the history of Gujarat culminating with Hemchandracharya at the hands of Mr. Parikh. He has spared no pains to maake the history very useful and informative. The value of the treatment is enhanced by the writer's supporting almost every statement thereof by quoting relevant authorities. In our view this part of the work will be.. landmark in the history of Gujarati literature, and being useful bath from historical as well 20 literary points of view, is sure to find its permanent plase in the literary world. . . 0 Professor Athavale has prepared notes on the cniginal text and commentary. He being a specialist on the science of Poetics has spared no .pains to make the notes useful to the students of Sahitya and has added to its usefulness by quoting and comparing the subjects under discussion with views of other scholars dealing with the subject of Sahitya. The foreword at the hands of Acharya Dr. Anandshankar B. Dhruva has added to the intrinsic value of the publication. If this publication meets with a proper response Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya is very likely to think of undertaking publication of Jain works of general utility with critical notes. For sometime past critical publication 'of Jain works has been considered a great necessityarid we hope this publication will be considered 2 step towards removal of that long felt want. It is now For the public to judge about the utility of the book. Vidyalaya Buildings Motichand G. Kapadia GoHatia Tanis Road, Chandulal S. Modi 1st February 1998, Hon Socr. i Shri Mahavira Jhina Vidyalaya.

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FOREWORD It is with much pleasure that I contribute a brief Foreword to this excellent edition of Hemacharidus "Kavyanusasana" which has been prepared by two young scholars--Adhyapaka Rasiklal C. Parikli, of Gujarat Vidyapitha and Professor R. Bi Abhavale, formerly of the same Vidyapitha and now Professor of Sanskrit at the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Arts College, Ahmedabad. My "Foreword" has necessarily to be brief in view of the elaborate Introduction, carefully edited Text: of the Sutras and the two commentaries, the numerous Appendices and the explanatory Notes already make a volume of more than a thousand pages. The Introduction is more than an ordinary prefate giving the life of the author, enumerating his works and assesing their values. It sets forth the history of the Province to which the author belonge, from the - earliest times recorded in the Puranas upto those, of Siddharaja and Kumarapala--the two celebrated kings of Gujarat, who were great patrons of learning and were closely associated with Hemacandracarya in Hils literary and religious activities. The purpose, which the editors have in view relating this, long story is to provide a background to the life and times of

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8 Hemacandra', who is not only 'a conspicuous personality in the social and political history of Gujarat and one of the greatest apostles of the Jaina Church,' but is, at the same time, an important figure in the history of the Language and Literature of the whole of India. The chapter on Apabhramsa in his "Sabdanusasana" remains to this day the standard work on the language which is the immediate forerunner of more than one modern language of India. Similarly, his Chandonu sasana" supplies information regarding the Prosody of Prakrta and Apabhramsa which is found nowhere else. His "Desinamamala" is a unique work which contains a rich treasure of Desya words which formed part of the vocabulary of ancient and medieval Indian Languages. In writing "Sabdanusasana", "Chandonusasana" and "Kavyanusasana", Hemacandra had for his object the preparation of works on three main branches of learning-Grammar, Prosody and Poetics-works which the Jainas could call their own. Although these works were also given other proper names*, namely, "Siddha C Here are two intriguing questions: What is the name of this book? Does the name kAvyAnuzAsana' stand for the sutras only or does it cover the commentary ('alaGkAracUDAmaNi ') also ? As regards the latter, the editors say: The Sutras and the Alamkaracudamani form one work and are to-gether referred to as "Kavyanusasana,' though, strictly speaking, according to the colophons at the end of the manuscripts of the work, the Alamkaracudamani is a commentary on the Kavyanusasana and therefore the title Kavyanusasana should be taken to denote the Sutras only." To the evidence of the colophong, I would add the more decisive evidence of the mangala verse of AR 1 35 66

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Hemacandra","Chandoviciti" and "Alamkaracidamani", they were for the Jainas '-782',-'ara'- and 12-8997197's or the Sciences of Grammar, Prosody and Poetics respectively.. the Alamkaracudamani ("praNamya paramAtmAnaM nijaM kAvyAnuzAsanam etc" which I am inclined to regard as the mangalacarana of BasercUDAmaNi and not of kAvyAnuzAsana which has its own mangala Benfsa etc.') which speaks of '#162113=TIAT'as the name of the work of which 873EREAfo is the commentary. Against this, however, is to be set the statement at the commencement of faa "67&TISTIHEITI faan: sfarza" that faas is a commentary on kAvyAnuzAsana where by 'kAvyAnuzAsana ' we have to understand the sUtra or kArikA-cum-alaGkAracUDAmaNi since viveka is actually a commentary not on one but on both. This apparent inconsistency is to be explained as arising from the fact that Hemacandra first composed the Sutras and gave them the title '615219aaa and to them he added an explanatory fat which he called 874381 TETAP, and the two together were intended to be the Sastra of f1z7 ($TOPISTAR '). A still more difficult question is -Is' (521ETAR' the name of the book or its description ? Possibly, it is the latter, meaping merely ' a work of Poetics' like to igraa' which means a work of Grammar' the proper name of the work being facet or fama(Cf 'FAAT AFATTENTICITA ' in the colophon of Hemacandra's Grammar. Cfalso what Hemacandra himself says under verse 2 of Fragana viz. ETETIQTIR femeazafia.) On the same lines, "grafaffet" and not 'BETERTIAR' would seem to be the name of the book, the latter being only a description meaning 'a work on prosody. And yet these books are known more by their descriptive Dames namely, BRERIAAs of different subjects, rather than by the proper Dames such as 'PAGEA ' etc.

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10 In the preparation of these special works Hemachandra has been sometimes charged with 'plagiarism'. For example, in his work on Poetics with which we are here concerned, Hemacandra is accused of 'borrowing wholesale' from "Kavyamimamsa", "Kavyaprakasa ", "Dhvanyaloka " and "Locana". But an impartial study of his work would show that Hemacandra wants the Jainas to know all that the Brahmanas knew, and consequently he does not hesitate to reproduce the wisdom of his Brahmana predecessors, while making substantial addition to the stores he has inherited. Now, to compare the works from which he is said to have" borrowed wholesale "with his "Kavyanusasana": "Kavyamimamsa is a brilliant miscellany on topics relating to Poetry, which, although it can claim ..originality in the matter of ideas and the mode of : presenting them, does not pretend to be a systematic treatise like the "Kavyaprakasa" or the "Kavyanusasana". The author of the "Kavyaprakasa" tries to work out a synthesis-it is at least a syncretism-of all the theories of Poetry from Bhamaha downwards, and produces a comprehensive work on Poetics. Yet in so doing he leaves Dramaturgy out in the cold, except in so far : as it is connected with Rasa. This omission Hema candra duly supplies, and does what Visvanatha does in the "Sahityadarpana" in a later age. The "Dhvanya. loka" and the. "Locana" deal with only a certain aspect or type of Poetry and their scope is more limited than that of the Kavyaprakasa and a fortiori than that of the "Kavyanusasana". * In justification of the wide range of their Introduction the editors remark that "the cultural life of

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the city of Anahilavada Pattana"-with which Hema. candra was connected--was in the high tradition of Pasaliputra, Ujjayini, Kanyakubja, Valabhi and Bhinnamala", and thus the history of the kingdoms and empires of which these cities were capitals becomes distinctly relevant. The editors have accordingly collected information from all possible sources-such as, accounts of travellers, descriptions in literary works, architectural remains, and inscriptions on stones and copper-plates together with such legends in the Puranas and the Prabandhas as are not inconsistent with proved historical facts. This makes the Introduction well worth study in order to realise the place of Gujarat and its greatest savant in the history of India. Bombay August 22, '37 A. B. Dhruva

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namo'stu hemacandrAya vizadA yasya dhIprabhA / vikAsayati sarvANi zAstrANi kumudAnIva // --saMpAdakasya.

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X INTRODUCTION SYNOPSIS Pages 1-X Critical Account of Manuscripts IVI Text VI-X Indexes II INTRODUCTION to the History of Gujarat as a Back-ground to The Life & Times of Hemachandra XI_CCLXII 1. Preliminary remarks on Hemachandra xi-xii. 2 Geographical definition of Gujarat and its ancient divisions xiii.-XV. The bearing of the Puranas on the early history of Gujarat xvi--xxii, Anartta & Anarttapura xvi, Revata & Dvaraki xvii, Raivatas & Yadavas; Haihayas and Bhrgu kachcha xviii-xix. Keshna and Nemi xix-xxii. 4 Maritime activity and colonization xxii-xxy. 5 Gujarat in Maurya times xx-xxxii. The famous rock of Girnar bearing the inscriptions of Asoka, Rudradaman and Skandagupta XXV-xxvi. Chandragupta, The Arthasastra, Asoka, The Thirteen Dhammalipis, Samprati xxvi-xxxii. 6 Bactrian-Greek rule xxxii-xxxiii. 7 The Kshatrapa period xxxiii-xliii. Two dynasties xxxiii. Nahapana xxxiv--xxxvi. Chashtana xxxvi-xxxvii. Jayadaman xxxvii. Rudradaman xxxvii-xli; The Girnar rock inscription; Repairs done to the Lake

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8 9 10 Sudarsana xxxvii--xl. Suvisakha the Pahlava Officer xl. Other Kshatrapa rulers xli- xliii. Sanghadaman and the maritime power of Gujarat xlii-xliii. An early Jain inscription xliii. The Traikutaka Power xliii-xlv. The Gupta Rule xlv-xlviii. Chandragupta II & Kumaragupta xlv. (a) Skandagupta xlvi-xlviii (b) Girinagara Capital of Gujarat xlviii. The Kingdom of Valabhi xlviii-- xxxiii. Sri Bhattarka, Who were the Maitrakas ? xlviii-lii. Records for two hundred & sixtyfive years li. Dharasena I and Dronasimha-liii; Dharuvasena I. & Guhasena; Dharasena II liii-lviii; Sri Siladitya Dharmaditya & Kharagraha lviii-lxii. Description of Gujarat given by Yuan Chang; Siladitya lix-lxi. Dhruvasena II Son-in-law of the Emperor Harsha lxiii-xiv. Dharasena IV Chakravartin; Bhatti & the author of the Bhatti Kavya or Ravanavadha lxiv--Ixvii. Derabhatta, Dhruvasena III Ixvii-lxviii. Kharagraha II ixviii. Siladityas II to VII Ixviii---- xix. Which Siladitya is referred to by Soddhala in his Udayasundari Katha? \xix-lxxi. Importance of Valabhi and its early history: References in the Dasakumaracharita and the Kathasaritsagara Ixxi---xxii. Devarddhigani Kshamasramana and the redaction of the Jain canon lxxii. Description of Valabhi from Yuan Chang's Travels lxxii-lxxiii. The Great Sanghara ma of Arhat Achara and the caves in the Talaja hill; Researches of Mr. Hiralal A. Shah;Valabhi as a centre of learning lxxv-lxxvii.

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15 Bhatti and his Bhattikavya; Mallavadin-the author of the Nayachakra lxxvi-lxxvii. Valabhi as a centre of trade and commerce lxxviilxxviii. Review of the state of different religions lxxviii-lxxix. Administration in Valabhi lxxix-lxxxii. Fall of Valabhi lxxxii-lxxxiii. 11 The Kingdom of Bhinnamala or Srimala lxxxiii-cii. Importance of Bhinnamala lxxxiii; Description from Yuan Chang's Travels lxxxiii-- lxxxiv. The Javanese Tradition Ixxxiv. Gurjaras Ixxxiv-lxxxviii. Description of the ruins of Bhinnamala given by Mr. Jackson lxxxviii-ixc. The Account of the Srimala Purana ixc-xciii. Descriptions of the city from Yuan Chang's Travels and the Prabhavakacharita xciii-xciv. Description of the broken statue xciv-xcv. Dates preserved by the local tradition xcv. Varmalata, Magha, Vidyasala, Brahmagupta, Siddharshi, Haribhadrasuri, Uddyotanasuri, The Kuvalayamalakatha xcv-xcix. A Short Account of the Political History of Bhinnamala xcix-cii. The Kingdom of Anahillapura CIII-CCLXII. 12 Chavada Rulers. Sources: History of the Chavada clan. Discussion on the connection of Chavadas with the Chapas of Bhinnamala ciii-cx. Vanaraja cx-cxiv. Ninnaya and Lahara of the Pragvata family cxiii. Monuments built by Vanaraja cxiii-cxiv, Yogaraja and other rulers cxiv-cxvi. Monuments built. by them cxv. Cultural point of view cxvi. Discussion on a verse quoted in the Praban dhachintamani referring to Jaina-mantra cxvi.

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13 Chalukya Rulers-Mularaja to'Karna cxvi-clxii. Sources : cxvi-cxvii; How Mularaja got the throne ? cxviii-cxix; Mularaja exix--cxxx; Copper-plate-grants cxix--cxxiii; Geneology of Mularaja. His connection with Sri Vyalakanchi. Chalukyas of Gujarat from the North or the South ? cxxcxxii. Accounts from the Dvyasraya, the Suk'tasamkirtana and the Prabandhachintamani. Wars with Graharipu and Dvarapa cxxiii-cxxvii. Mularaja's Dominion cxxviii. Monuments such as Rudramahalaya and Important personages cxxviiicxxx. Chamunda & Durlabha cxxx--cxxxiv. Vira and Viracharya, Lalla-Sarma, Munja etc. Monuments. Bhima I cxxxiv--cl. Sources : Copper-plate grants cxxxiv-cxxxv. Account from the D. K. A discussion on the expedition of Mohmud Gazani cxxxvi-cxxxviii. Political and cultural rivalry between Gujarat & Malava cxxxviii-cixl. Asahillapara as a centre of intellectual activity: Govindacharya, Suracharya, Jnanadeva, Somesvara. The Suvihita monks and the Chaityavasi monks. Sridhara and Sripati alias Jinesvara and Buddhisagara. The Kaula poet Dharma. Santi suri and Muni Chandra cixl-cxlviii. Political personages, Bala Malaraja. Monuments etc. cxlviii-cl. Karna ciclxii. Copper-plates. His victories, etc. c.-clii. The Karnasundarinalitka clii. cliv. Karna's romantic marriage with Mayasalla, their ideal love, the birth of Jayasimha etc. as described by the D. K. cliv-clvi; Karpa

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17 14 a devotee of Hari clviii. Monunients clviii. Bilhana & Abhayadevasuri clix--clxij. Jayasimha Siddharaja clxii-cxcvii. Preliminary remarks. Sources : Inscriptions, Colophors etc. The D. K. etc. clxii-clxiv. At what age J. was crowned clxiv ? Main events of J. Siddharaja's reign clxv-clxxxiii. Empire of Jayasimha : J's policy of appointing his own governors clxxxiiiclxxxiv. Monuments : Rudramahalaya; A temple of Mahavira, Pilgrimage to Somanatha, The Sahasralinga Lake clxxxiv-cxc. Principal Personages: Mayanalla, Sampatkara, Munjala, Mahadeva, Asvaka, Dadaka, Kesava, etc. cxc-cxciv. The account of Al-Idris cxciv-cxcv. His pouplarity etc.. cxcv-cxcvi. His last days cxcviCxcvij. 15. Kumarapala cxcvii-ccxxxi. Sources : Inscri ptions etc. The D. K., Ku. Prai etc. Early wanderings, and succession to the throne cxcvii-cci. Main events cci-ecx. Promulgation of Amari etc. ccx-ccxii; Repairing the temples of Kedaresvara and Somanatha. The building of Kumaravihara and Kumarapalesvara in Asahilla pura ccxiii-ccxv. The conquest of Konkana ccxv-ccxviii. The Empire of Kumara pala ccxviii-ccxx. Principal Political Personages: Mahadeva, Kakka, Yasodhavala, Udayana, Vagbhata, Amrabhata, Sajjana, Vaijjaladeva, etc. Vasaha Abhada, the Treasurer Kapardin, Amiga etc..ccxx--ccxxix. The question of succession and the death of Kumarapala ccxxixCCXXX. A few remarks

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18 : on the decline of the Gujarat Empire ccxxx--ccxxxi. 16 The City of Asahillapura ccxxxi--ccxlii: 17. Learned men contemporary to Hemachandra. ccxlii--cclxii. General remarks ccxliii-ccxlv. Vircaharya, Vadi Simha-the Samkhya dialectician ccxlvi-ccxlvii. Vadi Devasuri, The Kumudachandra--debate & the Learned Assembly of Jayasimha Siddharaja ccxlviicclv. The Poet Laureate Sripala, Devabodha of the Bhagavata school cclv-cclxi. Bhava Brhaspati-the Ganda of Somanatha cclxi. Vagbhata, Vardhamanasuri, Manikyachandra etc. cclxi-cclxii. HI The LIFE and the WORKS of Hemachandra CCLXIII-CCCXXX 18 : An account of the life of Hemachandra ..cclxiii--ccxic. Sources cclxiii-cclxiv. Account from the Kumarapala pratibodha cclxiv-cclxvii. Dates from the Prabhavakacharita cclxvii. When Hemachandra was initiated ? cclxviiicclxix. What was the religion of Hemachandra's father ? Other events cclxix--cclxx. A discussion on Hemachandra's education cclxxicclxxiii. When and How did Hemachandra and Siddharaja meet? cclxxiii-cclxxv. When and How the Siddha- Hema was written? cclxxv-cclxxix. Religious advice of Hema. chandra to Jayasimha and Hemachandra's -liberal and truly philosophic: outlook on religious matters cclxxix-cclxxxiii. Hemachan. dra's contact with Kumarapala, When did it

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19 begin ? Dr. Buhler's view discussed cclxxxiiicclxxxvi. Hemachandra's influence on Kumarapala. A discussion on Kumarapala's conversion. cclxxxvi-ccxic. Effect of Kumarapala's efforts to reform the ethical life of the people. Hemachandra's relationship with other influential persons ccxic. The death of Hemachandra. Pupils of Hemachandra f. n. ccxic. 19 Literary work of Hemachandra ccxc-cccxii :: Preliminary remarks ccxc-ccxci. The Siddha-Hema ccxciccxciii. The Abhidba. nachintamani and other Kosas ccxciii-ccxcvi. The Rayanavali or the Desinamamala; Prof. Pischel's criticism, Prof. Banerjee's answer. The Nighantusesha etc. ccxcvi-ccxcviii. Fulfiilment of Siddharaja's wish ccic. A description of Hemachandra's Academy ccc. The Samskrta Dvyasrayakavya & the P. D. K. CCC-ccci. The Kavyanusasana, The Chhandonusasana ccci-ccciii. The Pramanamimamsa ccciii-cccy. The Public that Hemachandra had in view cccv. The Yogasa. Stra cccv-cccvii. The Trishashtisalaka-purusha charita cccvii. The Vitaragastotra including the two Dvatrimsikas cccvii--cccix. General Remarks on Hemachandra's Literary works; Hemachandra as a writer of Sastras cccix-cccx. Hemachandra as a poet cccx-cccxii. Personality of Hemachandra cccxii The Kavyanusasana cccxii-cccxxvii 21 Chronology of Hemachandra's works cccxxvii-cccxxx 20

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aitihAti pramANAni saMzodhya saMgRhItavAn / saMbhavAsaMbhavau teSAM parIkSya. ca yathAmati // prAsakAnasmi . tAtparthamaitihAsikavRttakaM / kalpitavAnahaM tasmAd gUrjarabhUmicitrakam // gauravaM gUrjare deze viveke'sau. bRhaspatiH / iti yasyAbhavat khyAtiH sa kathaM cizyate mayA // khyAtyA tathaiva kintvasmiJcApale prerito'smyahaM / rekhAskhalanamana syAd varNikA zithilA bhavet // prIyantAM mayi vidvAMsaH parIkSaNavicakSaNAH / yadyatra ruciraM kiMcidApated dRSTigocaram //

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Critical Account of Manuscripts The present edition of the Kavyanusasana comprises the Sutras numbering 208, the Alamkarachuna mani and the Viveka. It also includes a Sanskyta Tippana gathered from the margins of the palm-leaf manuscript printed in the form of an appendix to the main text. The Sutras and the Alamkarachudamani form one work and are together referred to as Kavyanusasana, though strictly speaking, according to the colophons at the end of the manuscripts of the work, the Alamkarachunamani is a commentary on the Kavyanusasana and therefore the title Kavyanusasana should be taken to denote the Sutras only. Viveka is a seperate work, though the name Kavyanusasana is sometimes loosely applied to it also. Hemachandra is the author of the Sutras, the Alamkarachudamani--the explanatory commentary on them, and the Viveka-the exhaustive commentary on the Alamkarachudamani. The authorship of the Tippana is unknown. Its contents are, probably, the notes of a student who took them down while studying the Kavyanusasana from some teacher of Poetics. The text of the Kavyanusasana, that is, the Sutras and the Alamkarachudamani is based upon three manu. scripts-one on palm-leaf and the other two on paper. They are described below. 1. P. The palm-leaf manuscript which is referred to in the text by the letter P is a manuscript from a Jaina manuscript library of Patan known as Tapagaccha Bhandara. It is six hundred years old, having

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Kavyanusasana been written at Cambay in V. S. 1390 i. e. 1334 A. D. This P manuscript contains two works. Its first hundred and twenty-three leaves contain the Chhandonusasanaa work of Hemachandra on metrics. The Kavyanusasana begins on the leaf No. 124B and ends on the leaf 252B. There is an additional leaf attached to this manuscript which gives some Prakrata verses which are numbered from twenty-three to twenty-seven. It is probably a loose leaf of some Prakrta work. il Leaves: 127;-one leaf being given there numbers 232, 233, 234. Lines divided into two lengths of about 4" and 7". Length: about 14". Width: about 2". Lines per page about 5 to 6, rarely 4. Letters per line: about 60 or 65. Writing-measure: about 11" x 1" to 12". There are three margins-two on sides and one in the middle having a hole in it for a string to tie the manuscript with. On the a-page of a leaf there is a red thumb-mark on the middle margin and on the b-page there are three such marks on the three margins. The leaves are numbered on the b side, the left-hand margin giving the conventional letters to indicate the number and the right-hand margin giving the figures.1 The Tippana is written on these margins as well as on the upper and lower spaces of leaves, as also, sometimes, in between the lines. 1 For this and other interesting matter pertaining to old manuscripts see the Introduction to Sammatitarka Vol. V. edited by Pandita Sukhalal and Pandita Bechardas. See also Muni Punyavijayaji's article in the Jaina Chitra Kalpadruma edited and published by Mr. Sarabhai M. Navab, Ahmedabad. 1.

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Critical Account of Manuscripts Leaf 124A : Some letters are rubbed out. Leaves 134B and 135A : ink has faded, consequently, many letters cannot be deciphered. Leaf 172 : An oblong hole on the right-hand end of about 2" length, not interferring with the writing; it must have been there before the leaf was written upon. The leaves of the manuscript are on the whole in a good condition, though their right and left sides are slowly breaking; consequently, the Tippana on those sides has suffered. The manuscript begins : 11.col Bag Tote 77AKHIR ete., and ends : 11 entrare sitaniafatiaagihiT87. AfTHNETT 984179 Geiga E. (252b) pitetezatsegin: LA: ll all b|| zlokasaMkhyAgraMtha 2800 // cha // saM. 1390 varSe caitra sudi 2 bhaume // siteriaatio fosfaenafea il coll Janat ug 03 11 2. I. This is a paper manuscript from the Bhandarkara Oriental Research Institute, Poona; it is therfore named I. It is more than five hundred years old being written in V. S. 1476 i. e. 1420 A. D. Leaves : 117 Length about 11"; Width : about 41". Lines per page : about 11. Letters per line : about 36. Writing bold and clear. The margins of the last twenty leaves are soiled; consequently, the numbering of the leaves cannot be read distinctly. I begins // ahaM // praNamya paramAtmAnaM etc. Ends : B7Cheseqra: a: H ill Maican #TTETmaNivRttiH kRtiriyaM mahAkavizrIhemacandrasUrINAM || (S // graMthAgraM zloka saMkhyA

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Kavyanusasana 2733 // bhagnapRSTikaTigrIvAbaddhamuSTiradhomukhaM / kaSTena likhitaM zAstram yatnena pratigrosha li saa 980EUR ad fran en af acanti In red ink : sAhAzrIvachAbhAryA bAi gurude suta sAha sahisrakiraNena bhaMDAre gRhItvA sutazAMtidAsa affaigara u a: I 3. L. A paper manuscript from the Jaina Bhandara of Limbdi in Kathiawad referred to in the text by the letter L. Leaves : 68. Length : 98"; Width : 44. Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line : about 45. Begins as usual and ends BTEATSE9712: FAIA: The Viveka is based upon three paper manuscripts. All the three are from a Jaina manuscript Library at Patan known as Sanghano Bhandara. They are referred to in the text by the letters A, B, and C. A and B are written in clear and beautiful handwriting and they generally agree in their readings. C is not written so well and often differs in its readings from A and B. The three manuscripts are described below. 4. A. This manuscript is more than three hundred years old-having been written in V. S. 1668 i. e. 1612 A. D. Leaves : 85. Length : 10"; Width : 4.4". Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line : about 55. On the margin of the leaf 56B a figure is drawn to illustrate the verse. A begins on 1B with an auspicious mark, then comes 11 e il faig qaracecaj etc. Ends staranie Tharafat [fa] a faali sehsza: 11 11

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Critical Account of Manuscripts graMthAsa 4000 saMvat 1668 varSe ASADha vada 4 []dane vArasome lakSataM subhaM bhavatu // zrI kalyANamastu // cha // 5. B. This manuscript is also more than three hundred years old having been written in V. S. 1668 i. e. A. D. 1612 - a month before the last one. Leaves : 84. Length 10-4"; Width : 4*2". Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line about 51. Some leaves in this manuscript seem to be substitutes for the older ones which were, probably soiled. B. begins like A. Ends ityAcArya zrI hemacandra viraciteviveke'STamodhyAyaH samAptaH // cha // pranthAnaM 4000 saMvat 1668 varSe ja [je] ThasUda 2 zukle // On the margin of the leaf 84B, in a different handwriting, is written the word kAvyAnuzAsanakathA // . Some scribe, not knowing what the Kavyanusasana was, thought it to be a katha or a story. 6. C. This manuscript is not its calligraphy seems to be older Where A and B failed to give correct readings this manuscript proved very helpful. Leaves : 79. Length : 10; Width : 4*4" Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line : about 56. C. begins on the leaf 1B with auspicious marks. Then comes zrI gaNezAya namaH / zrI sAradAyai namaH | zrI gurubhyo namaH / // ahaM // vivarItuM kvaciddabdhaM etc. Ends ityAcArya zrI hemacandraviracite viveke'STamodhyAyaH samAptaH // va // prathamaM zlokasahasracatvAri // ake 4000 // ba // zrI // cha // zrI // zrI // ba // zrI // zubhaM bhavatuH ! kalyANaM // // dated, but from than A and B.

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Kavyanusasana On the margin of 79B in the same handwriting alaMkAracUDAmaNi viveko patra 79. 7. N. This is the printed edition of the Kavyanu sasana with the Viveka, published by the Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, and referred to in the present text by the letter N. The readings of its Kavyanusasana portion mostly agree with I. Viveka in the N edition is so hopelessly incorrectly printed that at several places one can make nothing of the text.? The Text In preparing the text of the Sutras and the Alamka. rachudamani P has been adopted as the basis and its defects and mistakes have been corrected with help of the I, the L, and at a few places with the help of N. The text of the Viveka is not based upon any one manuscript, because none of the three is sufficiently correct in its readings to be adopted as the basis of the text. However, providentially enough, the three together have corrected one another and provided a tolerably good text. A comparison of the Viveka of the present edition with that of the Nirnaya Sagara will bear out this remark. Readings other than those adopted in the present text are noted in the foot-notes. The variants of the Kavyanusasana and the Viveka are numbered together consecutively. A careful persual of these 1 For other details about the manuscripts such as dropping of passages, change in the order of words, lacunae etc. see pp. 31, 34, 40, 50, 53, 54, 59, 60, 81, 96, 99, 129, 142, 156, 188, 202, 205, 260, 262, 265, 296, 302, 311, 313, 318, 321, 327, 356, 386, 404, 419, 431, 437, 466 etc. of the text.

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The Text vit variants will show that I have erred on the side of giving too many rather than too few. The reason is obvious: a scholar should be given as much material as possible in judging the correctness of the text and as much scope as possible in selecting his own readings. But such errors in readings as appeared unmistakably due to scribes' ignorance, or carelessness are not noted; for example, the dropping of anusvara mark which is so usual, or the forgetting to put the top curve on long (see p. 4, f. n. 2), or the misplacing of refa (see p. 37. f. n. 3), or the misplacing of letters, or the changnig of order of words (p. 377) etc.? In the selection of readings, as indicated above, those of P are generally given preference, though sometimes those of I which are noted in the footnotes seemed more correct (see p. 45 F. N. I for 9779 and ugiat ), because it is the oldest available manuscript of the Kavyanusasana. In the case of the Viveka when none of the three manuscripts gave a correct reading sometimes it had to be framed by putting the readings of A and B, and C together (see pp. 93 F. N. 3. 471a7ra:tet), or sometimes by changing the order of the letters; see for example, p. 154 where C giving manasi, and A and B both giving matasi, the reading adopted in the text is qafe which was what the context required. In addition to these six manuscripts and the Nirnaya Sagar edition, printed editions of works which have been utilized or referred to in the Kavyanusasana and the Viveka have been consulted for the comparison of readings. The various readings of these have i See also pp. 56, 90, 269, 371, 426 etc.

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VIII Kavyanusasana been noted in the footnotes and some of them have, even, been adopted in the text. The Natyasastra of Bharata with the published portions of Abhinavagupta's commentary, the Kavyadarsa of Dandin, the KavyaSutralamkara of Vamana, the Kavyamimansa of Rajasekhara, the Dasarupaka with the Avaloka of Dhanika and other works have proved very useful in the task of guessing correct readings. As will be apparent on a persual of the pages of the Samskrta text, the Kavyanusasana and the Viveka are printed in different types, and the Viveka is printed below the Kavyanusasana. In the Kavyanusasana, the Sutras are printed in black types. All of them are numbered. After the end of the first adhyaya the Sutras have two numbers, the left-hand one indicating the continuous number while the right-hand one the number in the adhyaya. These have been noted at the head of every page; e. g. p. 128: (84) 24. 25. 98. Here y's is the continuous number while 99 is the number of the Sutra in the second adhyaya. All the quotations are also numbered continuously. Those that come in as illustrations are numbered in Devanagari figures, while those that come in as authorities are numbered in Arabic ones. Quotations in the Viveka are also numbered in the same way though separately. I have made an attempt to trace the quotations 1 See the footnotes on pp. 17, 27; 64 for the Vakyapadiya and its commentary; 81, 100, 108, 141, 169, 182, 184, 197, 275, 286; for the Manusmrti 317; 335, for a Prakrta verse of the Mudrarakshasa quoted in SamskTta chhaya in the text 354; 368, 411 etc,

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The Text to their original sources. In many cases, in this trying task, such works as the Subhashitavali (B. S. S.), Kavindravachanasamuchchaya, Saduktikarnamrta and others have proved very helpful. Heart-felt thanks are due to their editors. At the end of every quotation a rectangular bracket is placed and the names of the works are entered therein. Empty brackets indicate that I did not succeed in tracing the original work up to the time of printing it. Some references were found later on and are given in the addenda. I hope that the empty brackets will be handy to scholars in entering the references whenever they are traced. In the first few forms I put the names of authors as given in the Subhashitavali and other works, but later on gave up the practice as misleading and only mentioned the name Su. etc, I have, wherever possible, looked into the original works and compared the quotations with the respective passages. This has, sometimes, shown discrepancies which may drive one to interesting conclusions. For example, refer to pp. 63-64. There Bhartrhari is referred to by name, and the verses Hauffa azia etc. are given. Of these the first verse is found in the Benaras S. S. edition of the Vakyapadiya but not the second algeziniraat etc. A careful study of the commentary of Puayaraja on this verse, and that of the verse No. 316 itself which contains the words aucitya, deza etc. in the light of the quotation of the Kavyanusasana will give some interesting points for the text of the Vakyapadiya. Or refer to the page 89 where Dandin is mentioned by name and a verse of his quoted; and study the footnote thereon. The verse as quoted in

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Kavyanusasana the Kavyanusasana is not found in the Kavyadarsa but it can be gathered from two verses 281 - 282 of the second parichchheda of the K. D. Or study the footnotes on pp. 275 - 286 where Dandin and Vamana are often mentioned by name and compare the quotations with the original. In the case of Dandin one is almost tempted to assume a Sutra-work on Poetics different from the Kavyadarma Indexes I have given seven indexes which are printed after the Kavyanusasana and the Viveka. The first one gives the alphabetical index of all the Samskrta and Prakrta illustrations - in verse and in prose - with the names of the works wherever found in rectangular brackets; the second one similarly gives all the authorities quoted; the third one Prakrta verses separately with their Samskyta translations; the fourth one gives all the Sutras in the alphabetical order; the fifth one gives the names of works and authors mentioned by Hemachandra; while the sixth one gives those put in by the editor; the seventh one gives technical words, place - names and other important words, indicating only important references. In view of the fact that the Kavyanusasana - especially the Viveka - is a mine of information regarding Samskata Poetics, these indexes, particularly the last one, I hope, will be of some service to the students of Samskrta Poetics and Poetry. After these indexes is printed the appendix giving the Tippana. In editing the Tippana I have taken the liberty of emending the text at a few places.

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II Introduction to the History of Gujarat - as a Back-ground to The Life & Times of Hemachandra 1 Hemachandra the author of the Kavyanusasana - is a remarkable figure in the history of Samskrta Literature and Learning, a conspicuous personality in the social and political history of Gujarat and one of the greatest apostles of the Jaina Church. Like every other great man he was moulded by, as well as a moulder of, his times. He lived in an age when Gujarat was reaching its zenith in all activities of life, in fact, in the glorious age of the history of Gujarat. Politically, economically, and culturally Gujarata was reaching its high watermark in the reigns of Siddharaja Jayasimha (V. S. 1150 V. S. 1199), and Kumarpala (V. S. 1199-V. S. 1230) with both of whom he was in intimate contact. The intellectual and cultural life of the city of Anahilavada Pattana was in the high tradition of Pataliputra, Ujjayini, Kanyakubja, Valabhi and Bhinnamala. The fondness of its rulers and merchant princes for raising architectural monuments had resulted in some of the finest temples at Anahilavada Pattana, Modhera, Siddhapura, Somanatha, Arbudachala (Mt. Abu) and many other places, and had created a whole class of master - builders who were in demand even in the South.* And these temples were not only - - * See Burgess The Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat pp. 21-22. See also, references from Manimek halai: There in The Beginning of South Indian History: p. 137. " is mention of a temple of the most beautiful workmanship in the same city (Puhar) built by the Gurjjars.' 19

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Kavyanusasana sanctuaries of religion; they were sanctuaries of arts also. Through a contemporary description of the temple Kumaravihara by Ramachandra - a worthy pupil of Hemachandra, we get a glimpse of the arts of sculpture, painting, music, dancing and play - acting as they were being fostered in these temples. All this culture had behind it the munificence of its merchant - princes whose fabulous wealth was the fruit of their sea - faring adventures. The religious outlook of the age was one of admirable toleration though now and then enlivened by the priestly rivalries of different sects. Such a development of the life of the people had behind it its peculiar cultural history of centuries. The culture of the city of Anahilavada and Gurjaradesa in the time of Hemachandra was not the result only of its own history of centuries. As the city and the kingdom governed from it developed, it directly inherited the accumulated cultural traditions of Bhinnamala, Valabhi, and Girinagara and indirectly those of Kanyakubja, Ujjayini and even of Pasaliputra. One may say, without any fear of serious contradiction, that though the rulers were changing and causing some political disturbances, the general cultural life of Gujarata and Malava together was a matter of continuous growth. It may be noted that when, in history, Gujarata and Malava did not form one political unit, they often waged bitter wars against each other, and as a result, were joined together. . So, to get a clear perspective of the age in which Hemachandra lived and of his relation to it, it will not be regarded as altogether out of place if I make an attempt to present a short survey of the history of Gujarat, keeping in view cultural points and links wherever possible.

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Introduction xiit 2 . The philological derivation of the word Gujarat is still a matter of controversy.* It may, however, geographically be said to occupy the north-east corner of the Western India. 'But for historical purposes it is necessary to define it in greater detail. Following the two great authorities on the history of Gujarat The Bombay Gazeteer Vol. 1 (hereafter referred to as the B G.) and the Rasamala we may define its boundaries more exactly as follows : To the North of Gujarat is Marwad; to the north - east Abu and other outliers of Aravali range. The east is guarded and limited by rough forest land rugged in the north with wide spurs of the Vindhyas, more open towards the central natural highway from Baroda to Kutlam, and southwards again rising and roughening into the northern off - shoots from the main range of the Satpulas. The southern limit is uncertain. History somewhat doubtfully places it at the Tapti. Language carries Gujarata about a hundred miles further to Balsar and Paroi where forest - covered hills from the north end of the Sahyadri range stretch west almost to the sea. The Gulf of Cambay and the Arabian Sea wash its southern and south-western shores. The Gulf of Cutch and a salt and sometimes innundated desert called the Rana are the boundaries to the west and north - west.' "The least protected part of this frontier line, and that by which Gujarata has usually been invaded," says the author of the Rasamala, " is on the north - west, * See the section on the Gurjaras. See also Divetia's The Gujarati Language and Literature. pp. 34 35.

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Xtv Kavyanusasand where a sandy plain intervenes between the desert and the foot of Mount Abu. " The province includes two parts, Mainland Gujarata or Gurjjararashtra and Peninsular Gujarata the Saurashtra of ancient, the Kathiawar of modern history. To a total area of about 72,000 square miles Mainland Gujarata with a length from north to south of about 280 miles and a breadth from east to west varying from 50 to 150 miles contributes 45,000 square miles; and Peninsular Gujarata with a greatest length from north to south of 155 miles and from east to west of 200 miles contributes about 27,000 miles. " (Bombay Gazetter Vol. 1; p. 1). (6 The use of the name of Gurjaratra, Gujarata or Gurjaradesa for this whole geographical portion is, comparatively, modern. As we shall see further on the word Gurjjara itself is found first in the Harshacharita of Bana (seventh century A. D.). I shall discuss this point when we come to describe Bhinnamala. I may be excused for the anachronism of using the name Gujarata before it actually came into use. It must not, however, be supposed that this province had no important history before it was known as Gujarata. In ancient times, different parts of Gujarata had their own names. The northern part the Mainland Gujarata was known as Anartta; the southern part as Lata which is referred to in older Samskrt literature as Aparanta; and the Peninsular Gujarata was known as Saurashtra or Surashtra or Surashtra. The boundaries of these districts were often changing, so it is not possible to delimit them exactly. In between Anartta

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Introduction XV and Lata there was Svabhra - the region round about the river Svabhramats or Sa barmati. Kachchha (or Cutch) was known by this very name from ancient times. The region round about Abu was known as Maru. So that'... ...... Anartta - Surashtra - Svabhra - Maru - Kachchha......... Aparanta ........,' of the Girnar Rock Inscription of Rudradaman of 150 A. D. practically gives us the whole of the present-day Gujarata. Of these, references to Saurashtra and Aparanta in older Samskyta literature are plenty. References to the word Lata in earlier literature are few. Latas are mentioned, in the Anusasanaparva of the Mahabharata, among Kshatriya tribes. Latas are also mentioned in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra. Ptolemy (150 A. D. ) refers to the province of Lata by the form Larike, while the Gulf of Cambay was known as the sea of Lar, and Al Masudi ( 944 A. D. ) calls it the Larwi sea (p. 510 the B. G.). Lata is frequently mentioned in the incriptions and literature from the beginning of the fifth century* onward. Mr. Altekar quotes a verse from the Mahabharata which mentions Aparanta, the Paschima Samudra or the Western Sea and Prabhasa where Arjuna made his pilgrimage. For Saurashtra or Surashtra, the B. G. Vol. I. p. 1 refers to the Mahabharata and Panini's Ganapatha. Mr. Altekar gives quotations from the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Markandeya, the Kurma and the Vishnu Puranas, as well as from the Baudhayana Sutras, the grammer of Panini and the Arthasastra of Chanakyax * See for an interesting discussion of the origin of the word Laca Mr. Ratnamaoirao Jhote's History of Cambay. X Mr. S N. Majmudar - Sastri in his notes to the Ancient

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XY Kavyanusasana For the earliest history of India we have to rely upon the traditions preserved in the Purinas. These sacred books, after the critical sifting done by scholars like Pargiter, are now being properly regarded as mines of historical material. As Mr. Rapson says "The Puranas are confessedly partly legendary and partly historical...... ... The descriptions of ancient monarchs and their realms are essentially historical " (Cambridge History of India Vol. 1 page 299.). Principal Anandsamkara Dhruva, in a learned and critical lecture which he delivered under the auspices of the Gujarata Vernacular Society in the year 1924, shows the bearing of the Puranas on the early history of Gujarata. Anartta is the first province that comes to our view in the Puranic traditions. As noted by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji the Vishnupurana gives the longest account; the one given in the Bhagavatapurana agrees with it and the Matsyapurana and the Harivamsa also refer to it. Saryati a son of Manu Vaivasvata was given the south - west portion of India. Anartta a son of Saryati established a kingdom which according to the Puranas was known after him as Anarttadesa. Principal Dhruva, however, suggests another derivation which accords with the history of the province. It is that this province was called Anartta because it was inhabited by Dasyus who did not follow the Rta Geography of India by Cunningham refers Valabhi to Panini's Garacatha, while Mr. C. V. Vaidya refers Mahinagara a city on the banks of the river Mahi also to the same source. It is, however, a question whether the references are by Panini himself or are later additions.

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introduction xvii - that is the cult of sacrifice - yajnadharma - of the Brahmanas, and therefore would be called Anitas - or Anarttas by the northern Aryans. Anarttapura which is an older name of Anandapura (that is modern Vadnagara ) might have been founded in these early times and become the first centre of Aryan religion and culture in this part of the country. I'robably it was this city which kept the light of Vedic learning and culture burning throughout the later history of this province as is attested by the grants of the Valabhi kings aud other successive rulers of Gujarata. Even to-day the Vadanagara Nagara Brahmanas or Nagaras, as the aristocrats among them would call themselves, are known to maintain a certain standard of traditional Brahmanic culture. Revata the successor of Anartta made Kusasthali or Dwaraka in Saurashtra his capital and from there governed the country called Anartta. We thus find Anartta and Surashtra joined together from very early times. As we shall see later on in the inscription of Rudradaman in the phrase 'Anartta - Surashtranam' the provinces were looked upon as connected with each other. This Revata had a son who was called Raivata. He or more probably one of his descendants who was called Raivata Kakudmi was attacked by the Yadavas from the sea who ultimately became the rulers of Saurashtra. The descendants of Revata would be known accor ding to an usage of the Samskyta language as Raivatas * * One of the older names of the mount Girnara is Raivataka which is described under that namne by the great poet MAzba of Bhinpamala in his Sisucalavadha canto IV. JainEducation International

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xvilt Kavyanusasana One of these who was known as Raivata Kakudmi had a daughter named Revati who was married to Baladeva-the elder brother of Sri Krshna. The love of Revati and Baladeva is immortalised by Kalidasa in the beautiful phrase-Revati-lochanankam' of the Meghaduta. This Raivata, according to the Puranas, had lost his kingdom before he married his daughter to Baladeva. This may mean that one of the Raivatas was attacked by the Yadavas, probably from the sea, who ultimately usurped the kingdom of the Raivatas but legalised their position by marrying one of them to a princess of the royal family that preceded them. The Raivatas being descended from Manu Vaivasvata or Manu-the son of the Sun-would naturally be regarded as of the Solar race. Pargiter regards the Solar race as originally non-Aryan, while the Lunar race as Aryan. Principal Dhruva, rightly, points out that this view is altogether imaginary and has no basis in tradition and is contradicted by the oneness of the culture of the Solar and the Lunar races. The Yadavas were the descendants of Yadu, and essentially Aryan in their blood. Aila Pururavas, who was supposed to be descended from the Moon (and who is the hero of the famous play of KalidasaVikramorvasiya ), had a son named Ayu who married a daughter of the Danava Svarbhanu-a non-Aryan. Thus the Yadavas had an admixture of Dravidian blood in them. One branch of the Yadu-family, separate from the main Yadavas, was known as Haihaya. The famous hero Sahasrarjuna Kartavirya belonged to this race. He conquered the city of Mahishmati on the banks of the

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Introduction xix Narmada from Karkotaka Naga. He was a powerful king who defeated even Ravana of Lanka. He was a disciple of the famous sage Dattatreya, and is reported to have performed ten thousand sacrifices. According to the Puranic tradition Kartavirya and the whole clan of Haibayas * were killed by Parasurama the son of Bhrgu. : The modern city of Broach whose Samskrta equivalent is Bhrgu-kachchha which literally means the coast of Bhrgus, bears the imprint of Bhrgus at least in its name.* The suciety formed for research into the Narmada valley will, let us hope, throw more light on the early history of this part of Gujarat. Puranas give a detailed account of the different Yadava families which are also constantly mentioned in Jaina literature. The principal families were those of Vtshai, Kukkura, Bhoja, Satvata, Andhaka, Madhu, Surasena, and Dasarha. In the family of Satvata who was thirty-seventh from Yadu, Sri Keshna was born. It was in his time that Yadavas had to leave Mathura on the Yamuna. They subsequently settled in Saurashtra and established themselves as its rulers, probably supplanting the Raivatas. Ugrasena was a leading Yadava chief who had the co-operation of the families of Yadu, Bhoja, and Andhaka. His principal seat was either at Dwaraka or at Raivatanagara or Ugrasenapura, that is, modern Junagadh. Sri Krshna and Baladeva were very influential * According to a verse in the Prabandhachintamani Chavalas belonged to the Haihaya dynasty. See the section op Chavadas. * Buddhists give a different explanation. See S. N. Majumdar's edition of Cunningham's Ancient Geography.

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Kavyanusasana persons. They were related to the Pandavas through their paternal aunt. Arjuna looked upon ri Ksshni as * his guide, friend and philosopher. The coming of Arjuna to Aparanta, and the right royal reception that Ktshna and other Yadavas gave him is described in the Mahabharata Adiparvan-chapters 218-221. The romance of Subhadra and Arjuna--their faliing in love at a festival and their subsequent marriage in Girnar is beautifully described in the same work. According to the author of the B. G. "The large fair still held in the west Girnar valley near the modern temple of Bhavanatha is perhaps a relic of this great Yadava fair." (p. 10). When Sri Klshna had gone to Indraprastha to attend the Rajasuya sacrifice of Yudhisthira, where he subsequently killed Sisupala - the king of Chedis, Duaraka was attacked by Salva-the king of Myttikavati in the country of Svabhra, that is, the region about the river Sabaramati-the present-day Sabarakantha. When Sri Keshna returned, he met Salva in battle near the seashore and defeated him and killed him. The going of Sri Kihna to Indraprastha and the killing of Sisufala forms the subject-matter of the Sisu palavadha, the Mahakavya of Magha-a poet of Srimala or Bhinnamala one of the ancient capitals of Gujarat. The romance of Subhadra and Arjuna is the subject-matter of the Naranarayanananda the Maha. kavya of the minister Vastupala. Thirty-six years after the war of Kurukshetra the glory of the Yadavas was extinguished. The principal cause was the family feud, the excessive addiction to

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Introduction xxi drinking unbalancing the clan-mind already excited by other causes. Here I may mention the Jaina tradition about Arish anemi who became the twenty-second Tirthamkara, as preserved in the twenty-second adhyayana of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra-a canonical work of the Svetambara Jainas. It mentions two Yadava kings Vasudeva and Samudravijaya who are evidently brothers, in the city of Soriyapura (a place near Mathura). Vasudeva had two queens Rohini and Devaki whose sons were Rama and Kesava respectively. Samudravijaya had a queen named Siva whose son was Arishtanemi. Samudravijaya had another son Rathanemi or Rathanemi after whom this adhyayana or chapter is named. (The commentators refer to the intervening events, -the fleeing away from Soriyapura and the coming to Dwaraka of these Yadavas who are mentioned as belonging to the Andhakavrshni family.) When Arishtanemi becomes of age Kesava asks for Aristanemi the hand of the beautiful damsel Raymati-or Rajamati who calls herself the daughter of Bhojaraja (according to the commentators Ugrasena a Yadava prince who was ruling in Junagadha). The match is settled, and as the marriage procession, with Arishtanemi on the best elephant-gandhahastin-of Vasudeva (evidently of Sri Krshna) is proceeding to the house of the bride's father, Arishtanemi discovers the pitiable conditions of the animals which are penned in pounds and cages and which are to be slaughtered far his marriage-feast. His heart is filled with emotion and he thinks of renouncing the world which he does ultimately without marrying Rajamati. Rajamati, on

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Kayyanusasara hearing this, being filled with grief, renounces the world also and becomes a nun. As she is proceeding to Raivataka mountain for practicing penance she has to stop on the way on account of heavy rains. As she is drying her nun's garments she is caught sight of by Rathanemi the brother of Arishtanemi who was also practising penance in the jungle. He is enamoured of her beauty and requests her to be his wife. Rajamati peremptorily refuses his demand and reminds him of his high and noble traditions, of their respective families and advises him to be of a steady mind and not to go after every woman that he meets and consequently lose the merits of his penance. Rathanemi is cured of his infatuation. (To describe this purification is the purpose of narrating this episode in the 22nd chapter of the Uttaradhyayana ) Leaving the Puranic traditions, we come to the more authentic period of inscriptions, coins, references of foreigners, and semi-historical literary accounts of the Jainas and others. Before we discuss this, a few words may be said about the maritime activity of Gujarat. As a glance at the map of India will show Gujarat has a goodly part of sea-coast to its credit. In fact the main part of Gujarat is scarcely a hundred miles away from the sea-coast. Naturally, the people living in Anartta, Saurashtra, and Lata were more sea-aring than the people living in the interior of India. We find history corroborating this. Mr. Hewitt would carry the history of the sea-borne commerce of Gujarat to 3000-6000 B. C. Mr. Jackson in the B. G. Appendix IV in a footnote (p. 492) summarises

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Introduction xx111 'the available evidence of Gujarat Hindu enterprise by sea', which gives a good idea of the maritime activity of Gujarat in the last two thousand years. In fact the main cause of the fabulous wealth of Gujarat was not so much the fertility of its land, as the commercial enterprise of her people. Yuan Chang has noted this in case of Bharucha and Valabhi and we find the author of Nabhinandanoddharaprabandha saying in so many words that all people risiding in Gujarat make lot of money with little effort on its many sea-coasts, afetar a: gaf aangeg hai. Jahit pa asfa fa:Aftaga il Fl. 81. SEATA , .. In this connection, mention may be made of the colonising activity of Gujarat. It appears, from the traditions preserved in the Mahavamsa and the Dipavamsa, that Ceylon owes its name Simhaladvipa, its language Simhalese and its aryanisation to a prince named Vijaya the son of the king Simhabahu who reigned at Simhapura in Lala or Lata-a name by which Gujarat was often referred to by forcigners. According to Dr. L. D. Barnett, the Aryan immigration started from Sihapura in Lata ( possibly the modern Sihor, in Kathiawar ) and Sopara, The latter band belonged to the Simhalas (Sibalas) or 'Lion-tribe' and it was probably they who imposed their Aryan tongue on Ceylon. "The landing of Vijaya is made to coincide with the decease of Gautama Buddha in 483 B. C.' (Cambridge History of India Vo. I pp. 605-607 ]. * # Mr. Ratnamanirao Jhote in an illuminating article on the Shipping of Gujarat' has very ably controverted the view of Prof. Radhakumud that Prince aya started from

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XXIV Kavyanusasana Colonisation of Java, by a prince of Gujarat, which took place, according to the Javanese tradition in the beginning of the seventh century A. D. may, also, be mentioned here. According to Mr. Jackson this is an incident which "redeems the early history of Gujarat from provincial narrowness and raises its ruling tribes to a place among the greater conquerors and colonisers. This incident is the tradition that during the sixth and seventh centuries fleets from the coasts of Sindh and Gujarata formed settlements in Java and in Cambodia. The Java legend is that about 603 A. D. Hindus led by Bhruvijaya Savelachala the son of Kasamachitra or Balya Acha king of Kujrat or Gujarata settled on the west coast of the island" (p. 489 ). Discussing the probability of this incident Mr. Jackson says " During the last two thousand years the record of the Gujarata coast shows a genius for seafaring fit to ensure the successful planting of northwest India in the Malay Archipelago." (p. 492). the coast of Bengal. One convincing argument against Prof. Radbakumud's viewis provided by the account of the voyage which makes Vijaya stop at the port of Sopara near Bombay. This would be quite natural if he started from some port on the Gulf of Cambay but very absurd if he sailed from some port on the Bay of Bengal. The connection of Gujarat and Ceylon is suggested in many folk-stories and sayings in Gujarati and also in a Jaida work called Vividba- Irtha-Kalpa, in which a templo at Bharucha known as Sakunika vihara is said to be built by a Simhali princess. For a different view see Mr. Sengar's article in the Indian Historical Quarterly Vol. III, pp. 403-8, 1927. Mr. Sepgar's theory is that Prince Vijaya belonged to the Sengar clan of Rajputs and that his original home was Radba North East India.

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latroduction From the end of the Yadava supremacy in Saurashtra to the rise of the Mauryan empire, there is a blank in our knowledge of the history of Gujarat. Possibly Yaudheyas * Abhiras, and such ather tribes were contending for supremacy. Yadavas were also there. But we do not know of any definite event unless we accept the historicity of Prince Vijaya embarking from the coast of Lata and conquering the island afterwards known as Simhaladvspa and establishing an Aryan kingdom there. This, as we have seen before, coincides with the death of Gautama Buddha. This takes us to the 5th century B. C.. : 5. . The earliest monuments of history that we have as yet discovered in Gujarat are those on a rock in the mountains of Girinara. This conic granite about twelve feet high from the ground and having a circumference of about 75 feet in its lower part is situated on a narrow path leading to a valley, a mile to the east of the city of Junagadha in Kathiawar. It has three documents of the first class historical importance inscribed on it. As a monument of history its importance can scarcely be exaggerated. In fact it is unique for the history of India. It bears side by side inscriptions of the three kings - greatest in the history of India: Asoka, Rudradaman and Skandagupta. This is the only monument which in the inscription of Rudradaman contains, according to Vincent Smith, the only known epigraphic record containing the names of Chandragupta and Asoka Maurya' (E. H. I. p. 133 ). * For information regarding the coins of Yaudheyas, their democratic constitution, etc. see the B. G. pp, 19 and 36, 37.

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Kavyanusasana The oldest record on this rock is the 'Dhammalipi' of Asoka giving his code of fourteen regulations in the Praksta language. The second commemorates the repairs done by Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman to the lake Sudarsana ( meaning' good to look at '), constructed by Pushyagupta - the governor of Gujarat appointed by Chandragupta Maurya, which had become' durdarsana' ('not good to look at'), the dam having crashed on account of the huge floods of Girnar rivers. The third commemorates a similar event three centuries later,- the floods having again damaged the lake, the repairs this time being done by Skandagupta of the Gupta dynasty, These three inscriptions - of Asoka, Rudradaman and Skandagupta-carry us respectively to the periods 274 - 237 B. C. (C. H. I Vol. I p. 698 ), 150 A. D. and 456 A. D. (E. H. 1. 3rd. edition ). Thus we find that we are given a glimpse in the past history by the inscription of Rudradaman, which discovers Gujarat to be a province of Chandragupta Maurya (274-237 B. C.). Girinagara was then probably the provincial capital; while the southern capital of the Mauryas seems to have been Sopara' (the B. G. p. 14). The governor of the province was one Pushyagupta. He belonged to the Vaisya caste and probably was a brother of one Chandragupta's queens. He, it was, who first built the Lake Sudarsana or the Lake Beautiful, near the city of Girinagara, probably at the foot of the mountain Urjayat -as Girnar was then known. It was primarily meant for irrigation purposes. Being a 'Jalasaya' or an 'abode of waters' it must have become a sacred place; as all such places generally become in India. This Lake Beautiful must also have been a place of

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Introduction recreation and diversion to the citizens of Girinagara, and the pilgrims from the rest of India. It is worthwhile emphasizing this point; for it was a regular feature of the ancient civic life of this land. The tradition of having a large and beautiful lake near a city for irrigational, religious and recreative purposes was maintained in Gujarat through the munificence of its kings and merchant - princes who thought it an act of religious merit to construct such 'abodes of waters'; and one may say, in the Lake Siddhasaras or Sahasralinga of Siddharaja Jayasimha, near Apahilavada Patana, the tradition was revealed in its most magnificent and beautiful form. xxvfl The following remarks of Vincent Smith gives a good idea of the irrigation works in the time of Chandragupta Maurya:-- "The proper regulation of irrigation is a matter of prime importance in India; and it is much to the credit of Chandragupta that he maintained a special Irrigation Department charged with the duty of measuring the lands and so regulating the sluices that every one should receive his fair share of the life-giving water. The allusion to the measurement of lands as part of the duty of the Irrigation Department indicates that a water-rate must have been levied, and the reference to sluices implies a regular system of canals. The inscription of Satrap Rudradaman,............ bears direct testimony to the care bestowed by the central government upon the question of irrigation, even in the most remote provinces. Although Girnar is situated close to the Arabian Sea, at a distance of at least 1,000 miles from the Maurya capital, the needs of the local farmers did not escape the imperial notice." (E. H. I. p. 132)

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**vill Kavyanusasana The Arthasastra, whose authorship is attributed to Vishnugupta Chanakya - the prime minister of Chandragupta Maurya, throws some side - light on Surashtra and Aparanta in the time of Mauryas. In those days, we learn from it, there were Srenisguilds of Kshatriyas and others in Surashtra and Kambhoja who followed the profession of ' Vartta' that is agriculture, breeding of cattle, and commerce, and 'Sastra' that is arms. This description of the war - like tribes of Kathiawar agrees well with their historical profession almost to the end of the 19th century. This may also very well refer to the Yadavas, Yaudheyas, Abhiras etc. who must have been then in possession of Surashtra. Elephants were a very important part of the army in Ancient India. In fact, according to the Arthasastra the successes of the kings principally depended upon the elephants.' In this context we find that elephants from Aparanta or west coast were of middle size, while the Saurashtra elephants were of smaller size. When discussing the question of the amount of rain necessary for good crops in different parts of India the Arthasastra says 23 dronas-(rain was measured by a drona) are necessary for Avanti, but for Aparanta the amount is 'amita', that is, unmeasured or unknown. When giving information on the best variety of cotton, the Arthasastra mentions Aparanta cotton next to Madhura cotton, that is, Madura cotton. Broach cotton is still famous and rates of cotton in Indian markets are quoted even to-day in terms of Broach.

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introduction" XXIX: After Chandragupta Maurya" comes the Great Asoka. In his time also Gujarat was a province of the Maurya empire, and Girinagara continued to be the capital. On behalf of Asoka, the inscription of Rudradaman tells us, his governor Yavanaraja Tushasfa, who in spite of the title Yavanaraja is regarded as a Persian by scholars on account of his name, 'adorned the lake with the supplementary channels in a right royal style.' The most important event of Gujarat history of this period, however, is the inscribing of the 'Dhammalipi of Asoka, on the rock of the mountain Urjayat or Girnara referred to in the beginning of this section. The civilizing influence of this royal edict cannot be exaggerated. It inculcated the very essence of Aryadharma - of Aryan civilization as it developed in India - a fusion, no doubt, of many influences. The first edict gives the injunction to abstain from taking life either for sacrificial offerings or for sport. And the emperor himself sets an example by cutting down the slaughter of thousands of animals for the royal kitchen to three animals, and in future even stopping this. The second edict describes the provision for medical treatment of human beings and animals, planting of medicinal plants, and the building of wells and planting of trees on roads for the benefit of human beings and animals. The third refers to the appointment of officers who will travel in the different parts of the empire to see that the people practice the 'dharma', and that the people regard it as good to attend to their parents properly, to treat hospitably

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XXX friends, acquaintances, relatives, Brahmanas and Sramanas, to abstain from taking life and not to be extravagant and not to be hoarding. The fourth describes what was the state of affairs in these matters formerly, what this Beloved of gods has done and what his successor will abide by. The fifth edict has also similar import. The sixth one proclaims his ever - readiness for doing good to the people and his easy approachability to his subjects. The seventh shows that mere giving of money in charity is nothing without self-restraint, purity of heart, feeling of gratitude and firm devotion. The eigth edict tells that formerly kings used to go out for hunting but that now the Beloved of gods travels for dharma,' to pay his respects and give gifts to Brahmanas, Sramanas and the elders, to see people in villages and discuss matters of 'dharma' with them. < Kavyanusasana The ninth edict asks women to abstain from frivolous and meaningless ceremonies, to treat properly their servants, to honour the elders, to behave with restraint towards animals and to give gifts to Brahmanas and Sramanas. Fathers, brothers, and husbands are asked to instruct their women - folk accordingly. The tenth and the eleventh edicts insist upon dharma. The twelfth edict advises toleration of all sects and respect for all religions. People are asked to practise restraint of speech in praising their sects and finding fault with those of others. This particular edict is the most noteworthy and gives us an idea of the liberal culture of the emperor. The thirteenth edict which on the Girnar rock is

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Introduction XXXI much mutilated insists upon the practice of essentials of all religions. The fourteenth refers to the form of dhammalipis. This brief summary would help our imagination to rcalise how it must have affected the very depths of the springs of human action. There can be no record of the results of such mental processes - either in individuals or groups. But that its effect must have been immense admits of no doubt. Two tendencies to be observed in the mass of Gujarat people through their history - one feeling a sort of repulsion to killing animals, and the other feeling no particular antipathy towards people of different religious persuasions - owe their development not a little to this influence. The sentiment of Ahimsa - non-violence - towards animals was no doubt fostered by the Jaina influence, and the attitude of toleration must have proved a very useful equipment of mind to a commercial people. Gujarat had another emperor of Asoka's type in Kumara pala ( 12 cen. A. D.) who used his royal influence to spread dharma. Immediate succession after Asoka is not definitely known. The inscriptions of the cave at the Bara'ber hill near Gaya and at the Nagarjuna hill bear testimony to the succession of Dasaratha - probably a grandson, The caves are dedicated to the Ajivaka sect. Another successor of Asoka was Samprati. Though there is no epigraphic evidence of his existence * he is mentioned in the Brahmanic, Buddhist and Jaina traditions. According to the Jaina tradition he was converted to Jainism by the Sthavira Suhastin, and was a builder of * Mr. Jayswal identifies some coins as those of Samprati.

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Kavyanusasana innumerable temples - so much so that a newly discovered Jaina idol or an old Jaina temple whose builder is unknown is attributed to him. He is specially mentioned as a king of Ujjayini ruling Western India, and one who had propagated Jaina faith even in Anarya countries. Considering the fact that Jainism found a strong foot - hold in Western India and Gujarat the tradition should be regarded as embodying historical reality. Samprati's reign probably ended by about 197 B. C. - if we accept 237 - 36 B. C. as the year of Asoka's death and accept 40 years' interval as given by the Puranas. : From about 180 B. C. to 100 B. C. we find traces of Bactrian - Greek sway in Saurashtra and Kachchha. Our main sources of information are the Bactrian - Greek coins found in Kathiawar and some references in Greek and Roman writers. Of these Bactrian - Greek rulers the most noteworthy is Menander. We find a helmated bust of this king with a Greek legend round it on the obverse of his coins, while on the reverse we find a figure of Athene Promachos with the Bactro-Pali legend' Maharajasa Tradatasa Menandrasa.' The reference to camps, temples and wells by the author of the Periplus as those of Alexander is incorrect. The camps, temples and wells must have been those of Menander. He is the Milinda of the Milindapanha - a Pali treatise in the form of a dialogue on the Buddhist philosophy. The dialogue is between Milinda and Nagasena who solves his questions and converts his royal antagonist to Buddhism.

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Introduction Xxxili The last Bactrian - Greek ruler that we know of was Apolodotus whose coins have the legend in BactroPali characters : ' Maharajasa Tradatasa Apaladatasa.' After Apollodotus, to the end of the first century A. D.. there is a blank in our knowledge of the history of Gujarat. On the strength of the information derived from a great number of coins mainly discovered and interpreted by Dr. Bhagawanlal Indraji, a few inscriptions, and references from foreign writers, we are again able to construct the history of Gujarata for three centuries and more. This is the period known as the Kshatrapa period. The coins and inscriptions are now proved to have been dated in the era which starts from the beginning of Kanishka's reign in 78 A. D. As Prof. Rapson says these coins and inscriptions "range from the year 41 to the year 310 (119-388 A. D.) and form the most continuous and complete chronological series found on the monuments of ancient India. It was in consequence of its long use by the Saka princes of Western India that the era became generally known in India as the Saka era..." (C. H. I. Vol. I p. 585.). Amongst the Kshatrapas, we have to distinguish between two dynasties - the Kshaharatas and the line of Chashtana. The word Kshatrapa appears under three forms Chhatrapa, * Chhatrava and Khatapa, while Kshaharata appears under the form Chhaharata in Praksta legends on the coins. Acording to Mr. Jackson May not the title Chhatrapati be a sanskritization of this word ?

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Xxxlv Kavyanusasana " Kshatrapa was originally a Persian title adopted by the Greeks and continued in use among their successors; it originally denoted a provincial governor; but when the Greek kingdom broke up and their provincial chiefs became independent, it continued in use as a royal title." (B. G. p. 22.) Nahapana was the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarat and Saurashtra. He belonged to Kharosthi family. It is not certain whether he made his conquests as a general of Kanishka or independently on his own account. His advance is traced as lying through East Rajputana by Mandasor in West Malwa along the easy route to Dohad as far as South Gujarat. From South Gujarat his power spread in two directions by sea to Kathiawad and from near Balsar by the Dang passes to Nasik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord the great Andhra kings of the Deccan" (B. G. p. 24 ). It is not known whether Nahapana was also ruling over Ujjain and East Malwa and north Gujarat also. According to Vincent Smith his capital might have been at Nasik, though there is no definite information on the point. The Bactro - Greek legend on the three of the four coins found by Dr. Bhagawanalal Indraji is Rano Chhaharatas Nahapanasa, on the fourth is simply 'Rano Chhaharatas. The Nagari legend on all the four is Rano Kshaharatas Nahapanasa!. On the obverse of the coins there is a bust, presumably, of Nahapana. Of the four coins one gives the youthful image, one old, and the remaining two represent intervening stages of life." The dress of the bust is in the style of the

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Introductiori xxx overdress of Nahapana's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half - down the ear. The neck shows the collar of the coat." (B. G. p. 24). In addition to Nahapana's coins there are, at Nasik and Karla, the inscriptions of Usavadata - his son-in-law and at Junnar, of Ayama - his minister which give us valuable information about him. His title of Kshatrapa which is not found in his coins is mentioned in Usavadata's inscriptions in which he is called Ksharata Kshatrapa Nahapana. We find the charitable acts of Usavadata described in some of these inscriptions. Those that pertain to Gujarat are - the building of riverside steps at the Barnasa or Banas river near Mount Abu '; the giving away in marriage, which included the expenses of the ceremony, of eight Brahmana brides, at Prabhasa in Saurashtra; the building of rest - houses and alms - houses at Broach; of waiting-places and steps on both the banks of the Tapti and other rivers and also the providing of free ferries to cross them, etc. According to the B. G., Nahapana on his conquest of Gujarat and West Deccan founded the era which is known as the Saka era and which corresponds to 78 A. D.. On the subsequent coins and inscriptions of Kshatrapas, it is according to this era, that the years are given. Nahapana had no son. He was succeeded, probably, by his son-in-law Usavadata. Soon after, however, the Kshaharata satraps were destroyed by Gautamiputra Satakarni - an Andhra king. His inscription at Nasik mentions Surashtra and Aparanta as parts of his

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XXXVI Kavyanusasana dominion. This event is dated by the B. G. in 138 A. D. but in or about 126 A. D. by Vincent Smith. In the meanwhile another Kshatrapa comes on the stage. His name was Chashtana. He soon wins back the portions of Gujarat taken by Gautamiputra. The family of this Kshatrapa is not connected in any way with Kshaharata Nahapana. Some of Chashtana's coins bear the legend Rajpo Kshatrapasa Ysmotikaputrasa Chashtanasa, while others bear 'Rajpo Mahakshatrapasa Ysmotikaputrasa Chashtanas. We gather from this that his father's name was Ysmotika or Zamotika which appears to be a foreign word. His father must have been an ordinary man as no title is prefixed to his name. Another thing that we understand from the legends is that in the beginning Chashtana was only a Kshatrapa and later on became a Mahakshatrapa. When he was a simple Kshatrapa his dominion must have extended only to Malwa and North Gujarat. He is identified with Tiastanes of Ptolemy who gives Ozene or Ujjayini as his capital. He must have called himself Mahakshatrapa after winning back Saurashtra and Aparanta from the Andhra kings. Chashtana became the founder of a great dynasty and had at least twentyfive or twentysix successors. His name is mentioned in the inscriptions of some of his successors. We may imagine his appearance from the busts on his coins. "He wears a moustache, the cap is not grooved but plain, and the hair which reaches the neck is longer than Nahapana's hair. " In one of his coins the hair seems dressed in ringlets.

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Introduction xxxvii His coins have the symbol of the sun and the crescent moon. Chashtana was succeeded by Jayada man who calls himself only a Kshatrapa in his coins which are very rare. Barring the names of Chashtana and Ysamotika which sound foreign, the names of the rest of the Kshtrapas are purely Indian. * Jayadaman was succeded by Rudradaman. He was, to judge from what we know, the greatest of the Kshatrapas and one of the greatest kings that ruled over Gujarat." His beautiful silver ccins, in style much like those of Chastana, are frequently found in Kathiawada. On the obverse is his bust in the same style of dress as Chastana's" (B. G. p. 34). The coins bear the following legend in Nagari characters : 'Rajpo Kshtrapasa Jayadamaputrasa Rajpo Mahakshatrapasa Rudradamasa.' We had occasion to refer to his famous inscription on the Girnar rock. It gives us details which testify to his greatness as a powerful, cultured and benevolent ruler. His reign, in all likelihood, seems to have lasted for more then forty years. * He himself earned the * Damajadasri also appears foreign. the Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji supposed the beginning of the reign of Rudradaman to be in the year 65 and the end of his reign in the year 80. Mr. Jackson carries his reign upto 95 in order to give bim atleast 30 years' reign Only one date -- that of the year 72 of the rock inscription was known to them. But four other inscriptions of Rudradaman's reign found later, mention the year 52. This in itself gives 20 years' reign to Rudradamad. The abundance of his coins and the scarcity of the coins of his on and grand-son make Mr. Jackson give

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Xxxviii Kavyanusasana title of Mahakshatrapa, which was enjoyed by his grandfather but not by his father who was only a Kshatrapa. Through his own prowess he had become the lord of Akara - Avanti, Anupa, Anartta, Surashtra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindh - Sauvira, Kakura, Aparanta, Nisada etc. with all their former cities, business towns, and villages; that is, roughly, of the country from Bhilsa in the east to Sindh in the west, and from Mount Abu in the north to the North Konkan in the south including the peninsulas of Kathiawad and Cutch'- in short of Western India. He had humbled the pride of Yaudheyas who had become puffed because they were called Vira - Valorous - by all Kshatriyas. He had twice defeated Satakarni the lord of Dakshinapatha, but, because he was a near relative (a son-in-law), he was not uprooted. This consideration earned for him public appreciation. He was famed for his mastery in the science and art of SabdaLanguage, Artha-Politics, Gandharava-Music and Dancing, and Nyaya-Logic. So also was he proficient in the manly and military arts of riding and managing horses elephants and chariots, of duelling, of fencing with the sword and the like. He was a master of ( Rudradaman a reign of 30 years. According to our new calculation it would take Rudradaman's reign upto the year 82, that is, 160 A. D. One coin of his grand-son bears the year 100-the earliest date found on Kshatrapa coins - that is, the year 178 A. D. How many years should be allowed to his son Damajadasri is a question; but 28 years' reign appears to be too long for him. If we allow him only five years, as Mr. Jackson does, his reign will extend to the year 95, that is, 173 A. D. This would give in all 43 years' reign to Rudradaman. There is nothing improbable in such a supposition.

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Introduction xxkh'ikh fine speech in prose as in verse. His body was strong and proportionate; he had a fine figure. He was chosen in marriage by many princesses. All the Varnas-castes or communities-approached him and elected him as their king for his merits. He made cities, business-places and villages safe from robbers, beasts of prey, wild animals and disease. He had vowed not to kill men except equal foes met in battle. The inscription gives a graphic picture of the rain-storm and the floods in the Suvarna-sikata, the Palasini and other rivers of the mountain Urjayat and the havoc they had worked with the lake. The rains had made the whole earth one sea of waters. The dam was broken by the velocity of the floods. The wind had toppled down the peaks of the mountain, uprooted the trees, and destroyed the banks, attalaka ( top-rooms on fortifications ), upatalpa ( upper-story ), dvara( entrances'), and sarana ( chambers ). It was, as if, the wind of the day of destruction. The flowing away of all the water made the Lake Sudarsana appear as if it were a sandy desert-painful to look at. There was left a gaping chasm 420 Hastas in length and 420 in breadth and 75 Hastas deep. 'The task of re-building a lake with such a huge chasm was staggering. His ministers and officers had not the energy to face it. So they advised the Mahakshtrapa to leave it alone. When the people saw that the dam was not to be re-built they raised a hue and a cry. One minister-Suvisakha the Pahlava - son of Kulaipa who was appointed at that place the governor of Anartta-Saurashtra by the king undertook to execute the task for the benefit of the city and

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Kavyanusasana the village. The new dam was thrice as strong and thrice as long and wide as the old one. Huge amounts of money were spent after the work. But the people were not harassed with new taxes or forced labour. The whole work was finished promptly and the lake Sudarsana - that is, beautiful-was made Sudarsanatara more beautiful.' x Suvisakha - the Pahlava deserves notice. He is described as an ideal officer in the inscription. He must be a Persian settled in Gujarat. According to the B. G. "This trade connection between the Persian Gulf and the Western Sea-board must have led to the settlement from very early times of the Pahlavas who gradually became converted to Buddhism, and like the Parasis their modern enterprising representatives, seem to have advanced in trade and practical influence" (P. 35). The incriptions from Cutch of the year 52, that is, 130 A. D. enable us to infer the spread of Buddhism in these parts * * This inscription of 150 A. D. mentions the original builders of the lake Chandragupta and Asoka of the 4th century B. C. It seems there were other inscriptions nearby upon which the author of this inscription might have relied. * The four other inscriptions of the year 52 in the reign of Rudradaman are in connection with the memorials raised in memory of dead relatives. Three of them are raised by Madana son of Sihila, one, in memory of his sister Jeshtavira; another, in memory of his brother Kshabhadeva; and the third, in memory of his wife Yasadata-daughter of Sihamita. Yasadata is called Samaneri - that is, a woman Buddhist disciple. The fourth is raised by Treshtadata - a Sramanera in memory of his son Rshabhadeva.

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Introduction XLI After Rudradaman there were about twenty-two kings some of whom were Mahakshatrapas while the rest were Kshatrapas. Rudrada man was succeeded by his son Damajadasri who was succeeded by his son Jivadaman. But Jivada man appears to have been deposed soon after he came to the throne by his uncle Rudrasimha I. Of the time of Rudrasimha we have one inscription from the village of Gunda in Halar district (Kathiawad) which is dated in the year 103, that is, 181 A. D. It commemorates the event of building a well for public use in the village of Rasopadra by the general Rudrabhuti the son of the general Bapaka Abhira. After his death his nephew Jivadaman again seems to have come to the throne. We have one of his coins bearing the year 118, that is, 196 A. D. Then comes Rudrasena - a son of Rudrasimha to the throne. Of his time we have two incriptions - one found at Muliyasar and the other at Jasdan. The inscription from Muliyasar commemorates a heroic deed of Vanijaka who saved a friend's life at the cost of his own. The Jasdan inscription refers to a 'satra', which may mean a house for charitable feeding, built It may be poted that the gotras of Rshabhadeva of the second and the fourth inscriptions are the same viz. Opasati - which is also the gotra of Jeshtavira of the first. The father's name in the second is Sihila, while in the fourth is Treshtadata. Ya adata-wife of Madana-and Treshtadata were Buddhists. The stones on which these four inscriptions are engraved are called Lashti' in all the four. These inscriptions were deciphered by Prof. Devadatta Bhandarkara. They were originally at Andhau in Cutch. ( Historical inscriptions of Gujarat. Part I. pp. 17-20).

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XLII Kavyanusasana by several brothers whose names cannot be made out. In the geneology the kings are called 'Swami' and 'Bhadramukha '. I mention only those Kshatrapa kings about whom we know something more than mere names which are given by the coins. In the case of Sanghadaman the interesting question arises whether or not he is to be identified with the 'Sandanes whom the Periplus describes as taking the regular mart Kalyan, near Bombay from Saraganes that is the Dakhan Satakarnis, and, to prevent it again, becoming a place of trade, forbidding all Greek ships to visit Kalyan, and sending under a guard to Broach any Greek ships that even by accident entered its port' (B. G. footnote p. 44.). There are, however, reasons against identifying Sandanes with Sanghadaman. After examining the available evidence the author of the footnote of the B. G. concludes "The only possible lord of Gujarat either in the second or third century who can have adopted such a policy was the Kshatrapa of Ujjain in Malwa and Minnagara or Junagadh in Kathiawada, the same ruler, who to encourage foreign vessels to visit Broach had stationed native fishermen with well-manned long boats off the south Kathiawada coast to meet ships and pilot them through the tidal and other dangers up the Narbada to Broach. It follows that the Sandanes of the Periplus and Ptolemy's North Konkan Sadans are the Gujarat Mahakshatrapas" (p. 45). From the hoard of Kshatrapa coins found in 1861 near Karad on the river Krishna, thirty-one miles south of Satara, it is inferred that from Vijayasena

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Introduction XLIII (A. D. 238-249) to Visvasena (A. D. 296 - 300) at least, the Gujarat power had spread in the Deccan. (B. G. pp. 48 - 49 ). There is a mutilated Kshatrapa inscription - No. 9 of the Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat - which gives no date but mentions the names of Chashtana and Jayadaman. The Kshatrapa that may have been intended is probably the great-grandson of Chashtana and grandson of Jayadaman. In that case he would be Damajadasri son of Rudradaman. This inscription mentions Girinagara as the place where something is done. It mentions Kevali (Jpa )na sam (?...prapta) nam...jaramarana'. From the occurence of the word Kevali, it appears to be a Jaina inscription, because, this word is generally used by Jainas in the sense of one who has attained to omniscience. So this inscription may be taken to imply the existence of the followers of Jainism in Saurashtra in the second century A. D. The power of the Kshatrapas was destroyed by Chandragupta II of the Gupta dynasty, and Western India including Gujarat and Surashtra was annexed to the Gupta Empire. Rudrasimha son of Satyasimba was attacked, dethroned and killed. Vincent Smith puts this event in the year 395 A. D. 8 Before we come to the Gupta rule over Gujarat we may take notice of the Traikutakas. We have three copper plate grants of the Traikurakas. One from Pardi of the king Dahrasena dated Sam. 207; another from Surat of the king Vyaghrasena dated

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XLIV Kavya nusasana Sam. 1; and the third from Kanheri dated Sam. 245 not giving the king's name but only mentioning in the year two hundred and forty five of the increasing rule of the Traikutakas.' We have also coins of Dahrasena and his son Vyaghrasena. In Dahrasena's coin on one side is a bust and on the other a Chaitya and stars and the Brahmi legend "Maharajendradattaputra - Parama - Vaishnava - Sri Maharaja Dahrasena. " On the silver coin of Vyaghrasena we have the Brahmi legend 'Maharaja Dahrasenaputra - Parama - Vaishnava - Sri Maharaja Vyaghrasena. The Samvat is identified with Chedi or Kalachuri era. The initial date is 248-49 A. D. So the three inscriptions will have the corresponding dates, 45556 A. D.; 489-90 A. D.; 493-94 A. D. respectively. Even though the materials regarding the Traikutakas are meagre, it is possible to infer from them that they were powerful kings who ruled southern Gujarat and North Konkana and for sometime Saurashtra also, (Puratattva Vol. II p. 58) in the later half of the 5th century A. D. According to the B. G. this dynasty rose to consequence about the time of the middle Kshatrapas (250 A. D.). " Dahrasena was the performer of an Asvamedha sacrifice. We know from his coin that his father's name was Indradatta. He issued his grant from his military camp at Amraka to a Brahmana named Nanna inhabitant of Kapura giving him the village Tadaka sarika the smaller in the Vishaya - district - of Antara mandali.. The name of the Dutaka was Buddhagupta.

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Introduction XLV His son Vyaghrasera who calls himself the lord of wide Aparanta and other country ( Atidesa ) issued his grant from Aniruddhapura to a Brahmana named Nagasarman a 'Purohita - pallika' in the Ahara of Iksharaki. The grant was written by the Mahasandhivigrahika - the great minister for peace and war - Karkka. The name of the Dutaka is Halahala. We learn from the coins and these grants that Dahrasena and his son Vyaghrasena were devout Vaishnavas. In the grants they call themselves Bhagwatpada - Karma - kara - the servants of God, and in the coins Parama - Vaishnava the devout Vaishnava. We may note that these Traikutakas were connected with Haihayas. 9 Chandragupta II came to the throne about the year 375 A. D. The conquest of Malawa and Gujarat including Saurashtra must have been a matter of long war." The expedition which conquered Malawa seems to have passed from Allahabad by Bundelkhand to Bhilsa and thence to Malawa." The way by which the second Chandragupta's army must have marched is inferred as follows : "From Ujjain by way of Bagh and Tanda in the province of Ratt he seeins to have entered South Gujarat and to have passed from the Broach coast to Kathjawada." Chandragupta II struck silver coins in the Kshatrapa style. His coins in Gujarat are rare while those of his son Kumaragupta are common. On many gold coins of Chandragupta II a young man is standing behind the main figure with his right hand on the shoulder of the main figure. These figures are supposed to refer to Kumaragupta

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XLVI Kavyanusasatia and Chandragupta II. From these facts it is inferred that on conquering Gujarat and Saurashtra, Kumaragupta was appointed the viceroy over these provinces. Kumaragupta ascended the throne after his father in the year 413 A. D. He was succeded by Skandagupta in 455 A. D. The first year of his reign was full of trouble for the new emperor. He had to fight the Huns. But within a year or so he seems to have subdued his enemies. He probably added Cutch to his dominions as his coins are common there. Again we find the lake Sudarsana providing history, if not making it. The third inscription that the Girnar rock, already referred to, bears is that of Skandagupta of the Gupta Samvat 135, that is, 457 - 58 A. D. It commemorates, in 39 beautiful stanzas, the event of re - building the dam which was again broken by the stormy floods, In the first stanza, the glory of Vishnu is sung. Then the Rajarajadhiraja's glory is sung. That is either Skandagupta himself or one of his predecessors. In the third, Skandagupta is mentioned by name and is described as having made the earth 'repose on him' through his own power. In the fourth, mention is made of his having humbled his enemies in Mleccha countries. Upto the tenth verse his kingly qualities are described. In the eleventh verse, the king is described as anxiously thinking as to who amongst his officers is cumpetent enough to bear the burden of governing the Surashtras. He finds that Parnadatta is the man for the job, and appoints him to the post. The king felt at ease after putting Parnadatta in the West as gods feel at ease by appointing Varuna in

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Introduction XLVII the West. (13). Then in six verses, Chakrapalita the son of Parnadatta is described. The twenty-sixth tells us that his father seeing his qualities gave him the task of protecting the city. Five more verses describe his work as an efficient officer. Verses 26 and 27 describe the rains pouring down day and night on the sixth of the month Jyeshtha in the Gupta year 136, that is, 456 A. D. In verses 28 and 29 the rivers Palasani and others having their source in the mountain Raivataka (Girnar) are described as going to their lord the sea. The movement of the waters from the mountain to the sea is described as the riverine hand (nadimayo hastah) of the friendly mountain Urjayat beautified by the flowers growing on its banks, extended towards the ocean which was in great turmoil on account of the monsoon.* Verse 30, describes the terror of the people not knowing what to do and their day and night counsels. Then comes the description of the rebuilding of the lake. The whole work was finished in the year 137 of the Gupta Samvat in two months' time. The length of the new dam was one hundred hands, the breadth sixty eight, and the height seven purushas. The last verse expresses the hope that the city enjoyed by its citizens may prosper, and that its sins be destroyed by Brahma sung by hundreds of Brahmanas and be free from famine and other troubles for a hundred years. This part of the inscription is called Sudai sana *This might also mean that like Varuna Parnadatta was a maritime lord. * A slightly different interpretation is put upon this verse by others.

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XLVIII Kavyanusasana tataka - samskara - grantha - rachana - composition on the repairing of the lake Sudarsana.' The second part of the inscription mentions the building of a temple of Vishnu near the lake by Chakrapalita in the Gupta samvat 138." The temple as if rising from the mountain Urjayat appears as if lording over the head of the city." * The temple is so high that it seems "to obstruct the passage of birds in the sky." * Skandagupta died about the year 430 A. D. After him the Gupta power appears to have declined from Western India. In Ujjayini Toramana rules, while Gujarat becomes independent under the rulers of Valabhi. Under the Mauryas and the Guptas the imperial city was Pataliputra, and under the Kshatrapas it was Ujjayini. Leaving out of consideration Anandapura and Dwaraka - capitals of Gujarat in Puranic times, we may say that historically, the first capital of Gujarat was Girinagara and it remained so far more than seven centuries from the time of Chandragupta Maurya (-321 - 297 B. C.) to the time of Skandagupta ( 480 A. D.). 10 For the history of Valabhi and its rulers our main sources of information are the copper - plate grants issued by the rulers of Valabhi, a few coins, the contemporary accounts of the city and the province given by Yuavan Chang, and references in literary * ..... ...figafatstaatsart I kuvet prabhutvamiva bhAti purasya mUni // * See note 1 on the remains of the dam in the B. G. p. 70. # Puratattava Vol. II p. 58.

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Introduction works such as the famous Bhattikavya, Dasakumaracharita, the Kathasaritsagara, and the Udayasundari. katha of Sodahala, and the traditions of tards. The traditional accounts of the bards given by Major Watson in the Indian Antiquary Vol. III narrate incidents which are not contradicted by other things known from more reliable sources. In fact they seem to fit in well with them. Relying upon them we can gather the following facts. Bhatarka's + forefathers were rulers of Ayodhya who were subsequently conquered by the Guptas. Bhatarka was a general of Skandagupta. Now we know from the Girnar rock inscription that Parnadatta was the governor of Aparanta and his son Chakrapalita was the executive head of Girinagara. According to the bardic accounts Kumarapalagupta - a prince - was sent by his father to conquer Gujarat, who after fulfilling his mission appointed Chakrapani son of Prandat as the governor of the province. Now this Chakrapani and Prandata may be identified with Chakra palita and Parnadatta respectively of the Girnar inscription; though this will create a little discrepancy. According to the inscription Parnadatta was appointed by Skandagupta and Chakrapalita by his father. This, however, may easily be explained away by supposing that Skandagupta may have confirmed Parnadatta and his son - appointed by his father Kumaragupta. * In any case Bhatarka seems to have displaced Chakra palita or Chakrapani accord + It is also spelt as Bhatakka and Bhattarkka in the copper-plate grants. * It appears that the bards have confused Skandagupta and Kumaragupta I and II.

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Kavyanusasana ing to the bards, and become an independent ruler at Valabhi after Skandagupta. To what race did Bhatarka belong? According to the B. G. "Bhatarka belonged to some low or stranger tribe. Though the evidence falls short of proof the probability seems strong that Bhatarka belonged to the Gurjara tribe, and that it was the supremacy of him and his descendants which gave rise to the name Gurjjara -- ratra - the country of the Gurjjars, a name first used by outsiders and afterwards adopted by the people of Gujarat" (p. 85). Inferring from the copper - plates known to them, the authors of the B. G. had come to the conclusion that Bhatarka had crushed the power of the Maitrakas and had become consequently a sovereign ruler. But Fleet did not accept this view. The wording of the copper - plates is such as to give rise to a different interpretation. According to Fleet "Maitrakanam" means that Bhatarka belonged to the Maitrakas. But Kielhorn did not accept this interpretation as there is no such word as Vamse or Kule. The later discovery of other copper - plates at Ganesgada, however, supported the view of Fleet. Hultzsch who discussed the whole question again in the Epigraphica Indica Vol. III says on the strength of the new discovery. "Whether we paraphrase the passage by 'Maitrakanam Bhatarko'bhavat' or supply the word ' Vamse 'after' Maitrakanam', it is now evident that Bhatarka, the ancestor of Valabhi kings, himself belonged to the family or tribe of the Maitrakas." These Maitrakas are identified with the Medhas or Mehrs of Kathiawad in the B. G. Mr. Jayaswal,

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Introduction LI however, on the strength of certain references in the Arya Manjusri Kalpa and the Paikuli Sassanian inscription in Asuristan regards the Maitrakas as a branch of Yadavas (pp. 25-26) * The Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat Part I edited by Mr. Acharya, publishes one hundred and one copper plates of which five are undated and do not contain the names of the donors. The first plate is that of Dronasimha and is dated Valabhi samvat 183 Sravana 15th of the bright half which agrees with 502 A. D. Saturday 6th of July. The last plate that we have is that of Siladitya the Seventh and is V. S. 447 Jyeshtha 5th of the bright half which will correspond with 766-67 A. D. May or June. Thus we have records for two hundred and sixty five years. The plate issued by Dronasimha does not mention the names of his elder brother Dharasena or his father Sri Bhatarka, unless we understand Paramabhattaraka - padanudhyato in Dronasimha's plate as referring to Bhatakka or Bhatarka. The first mention of the names of the founder and his eldest son is in the plate of Dhruvasena I dated Valabhi samvat 206 Bhadrapada that is, 525-26 A. D. If we suppose that Bhatarka became independent after the death of Skandagupta whose general, presumably, he was,++ we may say that Mr. C. V. Vaidya, however. is of the opinion that Maitraka was the name of the family like Maukhari, Chalukya etc., and that it must be left untranslated, and no conjectures should be hazarded about its meaning. But if any are to be made, why not say that Maitraka means Maitra - born of the sun. p. 243 History of Medieval Hindu India Vol. I. * It is not certain whether Toramana's sway extended over Gujarat or not. If it did, we will have to come down to 490 A. D. for Bhatarka's independence.

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Lii Kavyanus asana he and his son Senapati Dharasena I ruled over Gujarat for about twenty to twenty - two years, that is, 480 - 500 - 502 A. D. Thus we have in all twentyone rulers reigning in the city of Valabhi over a period of about two hundred and eighty seven years. Of these twentyone, the copper - plates issued by fifteen kings have been discovered up till now. From the titles prefixed to the names of kings, as also from the mention of places and districts we are able to form some idea about the political position of different kings with reference to other rulers, imperial or otherwise of India, as also of their dominions. The titles, however, should not be taken too literally. Senapati, Mahasamanta, or Mahapratihara do not necessarily suggest dependence as some of these were repeated as a matter of routine. So also the title of Chakravartin when it occurs for the first time may be taken to indicate All - India power but not a thorough - going subjugation of the whole country. Bearing these considerations in mind let us try to form some idea of the political power of Valabhi kings. The founder Sri Bhatarka who must have been an able man and whose great valour is described in the plates is only called a Senapati - probably because he did not assume other titles. So also his eldest son Dharasena. But his second son Dronasimha calls himself ' Parama - Bhatyaraka - padanudhyato' as also *Maharaja'. This means that though he was a great king' he was looked after by the great Bhattaraka, that is, lord. It is not certain who this great lord' was; whether he was an emperor or some great head of a religious sect; for the word Bhattaraka conveys

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Introduction LIII " 46 both the meanings. In the plates of his younger brother Dhruvasena I the third son of Sri Bhatarka we find it mentioned that he was crowned king personally by Paramaswami'. -'over - lord' the king of the whole world. This probably means that his sovereignty was recognised by the then occupant of the imperial throne, who may have personally come to grace the occasion. According to Cunningham It was the last act of supreme sovereignty performed by Buddhagupta." It may be that the general Bhatarka and his son the general Dharasena were military rulers who were more or less occupied with fighting; for it is only about Maharaja Dronasimha that the plates of Dhruvasena say that he acted according to the duties prescribed for kings by Manu and other law-givers and was consequently a' Dharmaraja' who had made provision for education (Vinaya) and systematic government (Vyavasthapaddhati) of his people. This description reminds us of Kalidasa who, if he lived in the Gupta period, must have been fresh to the memory of the literary men of Drenasimha. The poet in his Raghuvamsa describes Dilipa as the real father of his subjects because he educated, protected, and supported his people who were said to swerve not an inch from the path laid down by Manu. Maharaja Dronasimha seems to have set the fashion for his successors of giving great donations though only one copper plate of his is as yet discovered. He made his donation for the benefit of a temple of the goddess Panduraja. Of Dhruvasena I we have in all about sixteen plates. In some he calls himself' Parama - bhattaraka -

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LIV Kavyanusasana padanudhyata' that is, 'one looked after by the great over - lord', Mahasamanta - 'the great chief' and Maharaja ' the great king. In addition to these titles, in the plate dated 216 ( = 535 A. D.) found at Vala - the modern namesake of Valabhi, he gives himself the titles Mahapratihara ''the great door - keeper,' Mahadandanayaka, 'the great general or governor,' Mahakartakstika which may be literally translated as the great follower of Kartikeya - the general of gods,' and Maharaja ' the great king.' In some later plates he gives himself merely the first and the last titles. In common with his predecessors his military exploits are referred to in his plates. His two special qualifications may be noted. One is, Avaboddha Sastrartha - tattvanam - knower of the essence of the Sastras, that is, authoritative works on the different branches of learning. Another, refers to his great liberality to friends and learned men, and religious institutions. We find from his plates that his father Bhatarka and his elder brothers Dharasena and Dronasimha were Parama - Mabesvara - that is, great devotees of Siva and that he himself was Parama - Bhagavata, that is, a great devotee of Vishnu. His grants, however, show him to be a man of liberal religious outlook. His copper - plate dated V. 216 (that is, 535 A. D.) is given for the benefit of a Buddhist Vihara built by his niece ( sister's daughter ) Dudda who is called Paramopasika and that of V. 217 ( that is, 536 A. D.) for this as well as another Vihara built by Buddhadasa. The expenses of providing Buddhist monks with the necessaries of life, of treating Buddhist pilgrims from all

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Introduction LV directions as guests, of worshipping Buddhist idols, and of repairing Vitaras, were met from the income of these grants. The other grants are to Brahmanas learned in different Vedas. It may be noted that three grants one of 210 (=529 A. D.), the other of 221 (=540 A. D.), and the third of 226 (=545 A. D.) - are given to the Brahmanas of Vadanagara the famous seat of Brahmanical learning. In the first it is simply called Nagara; in the second Anandapura; and in the third Anarttapura. In the third the names of the donees cannot be made out; in the first, the donees are two brothers: Santisarma and Devasarma of Atreyagotra, students of the Vajasaneyi version of Yajurveda. In the second the names of the donees are Skanda-trata and Guhatrata of Bharadwaja gotra, students of Samaveda ( Chhandogasabrhmachari ). This shows that the limits of his kingdom in the north must have included Vadanagara also. Dhruvasena I must have reigned, at the least, for more than twenty years; probably for thirty years, from 519 to 549 A. D. After him his brother Dharapatta seems to have occupied the throne. His records, if any, are not yet discovered. It is rather strange that he is not mentioned in the grants of his son, though he is mentioned in those of his grand son. From them we learn that he was Paramaditya bhakta - the great devotee of the Sun. The first plate of Guhasena the son of Dharapatta is dated V. 240 (=559 A. D.). In all we have five records of his reign, three of which are copper - plates. The second one is dated 246 (= 565 A. D.) and the third one

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Lvi Kavyanusasana is dated V. 248 (=567 A. D.). Upon a broken clay - pot we have a very small inscription giving the date 247 (566 A. D.) and the name Sri Guhasena and the word 'ghata.' It means that here is something referring to the pot. The fifth record is a stone inscription from which we can make out only the name of Guhasena and nothing more. Guhasena is simply called Maharaja in his plates but his other special qualifications mentioned in this as well as in his successors' plates may be noted. It seems the the Royal Treasury had been replenished in his times for he is compared to an ocean for possessing wealth. Another description of his which says that from the time of childhood his second was his sword is rather significant. Like Dronasimha he seems to have paid much attention to the regulation of Smotis in the act of governing his people. In his case it is mentioned that the word ' Rajan' was literally true for he pleased the heart of his people. * This again reminds us of the Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa where the poet says the same thing about Raghu. All the three plates describe grants given to the Buddhist monasteries. The first is given to the Vihara in the city of Valabhi built by Dudda who is called Pujya - that is respected. This is natural for she was an aunt- that is, father's sister - of Guhasena. In addition to the usual purposes of providing for the monks and pilgrims, repairing the monasteries etc. one more purpose is mentioned - viz. buying of books of good religion' that is, Budhism for the Vihara. * His handsomeness, form, steadiness of mind, depth of intelligence, and wealth are referred to.

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LVII This proves the existence of a library at least of Buddhist books. The eighteen Nikayas are also mentioned. The second plate describes the grant given for the same purpose. Dudda is referred to more respectfully as Duddapada and the Vihara is called after her Dudda - vihara. At the end we find Introduction Svamukhajna- that is, 'oral order. This probably implies that no Dutaka was necessary. It was written by Skandagupta - appointed to the post of the minister for war and peace. The third is given. to the Abhyantarikavihara-built by Mimma who is respectfully referred to as Mimmapada, near the Bhattarkavihara which was given to Rajasthaniya (- that is the official guardian -) Sura. Here also the oral order is mentioned, the grant being written by the same Skandabhatta. In the first two grants Guhasena is a Paramamahesvara, that is, a great devotee of Siva; in this, however, he is a Paramopasaka, that is, a great devotee of Buddha. This means that he became a Buddhist between the years 565 to 567 A. D. This may have been due to the influence of the aunt Dudda. Guhasena ruled probably from 554 A. D. to 569 A. D. He was succeded by his son Dharasena II. We have some ten or eleven plates bearing his name, the earliest being V. 252 (571 A. D.) and the latest being V. 270 (589 A. D.). As mentioned before, his plates give the name of his grandfather Dharapatta left out by his father's plates. Most of these grants are given to Brahmanas of various families learned in the Vedas. One plate of the year 252 (571 A. D.) is given to one Rudragopa - a son of Rudraghosha of Kausravas gotra and a student of Atharvaveda. He lived in Anarttapura that is, modern Vadanagara. 8 -

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LVIII Kavyanusasana The grant of the year 259 (578 A. D.) was given to a vihara named Bappapadiya built at the suggestion of Acharya Bhadanta Sthiramati. One grant of the year 270 (589 A. D.) was given to the already famous Duddivihara. A third grant, whose date cannot be made out, is also given to a vihara in Valabhi. Another of the same year was given to one Vishnumitra who originally belonged to Anarttapura and was then living in Khetaka, that is modern Kheda. The village Asilapallika in the Bandarijidri taluka may probably be Asapalli - the older site of Karnavati and modern Ahmedabad which is so near to Barejaoi. Of his special attributes we may note the following: He had astonished all the archers by his natural strength as well as his training in archery. He maintained all the gifts of the previous kings. He showed in himself that Sri (= Wealth) and Sarasvati (- Learning) could live together which again reminds us of Kalidasa's Bharatavakya in the Vikramorvasiya. He ruled for more than 18 years. He was succeeded by his son Sri Siladitya who was known by the title Dharmaditya because he took particular care in following the model of the ideal kings of old. Even though he was immensely learned he could find pleasure even in a little good - saying wherever he found. Ten of his plates have been discovered-the earliest dated in the year 286 (605 A. D.); the latest in the year 290 (609 A. D.). One grant of the year 286, and another whose date cannot be made out are given to a Vihara in Vamsakata which was built by the king himself. The grant of the year 287 and one grant of the year 290

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In troduction LIX are given to the Bhikkhunis of Yakshasura. Another grant of the year 290, it may be noted, was given to a temple of Mahadeva - a rare instance, looking to the fact that almost all the kings of Valabhi were Paramamahesvaras. This one may indicate that there might have been many more such grants which are either lost or are not yet discovered. If we do not have some such supposition it would be very difficult to explain this paucity of grants from these great devotees of Siva. A third grant of the year 290 gives to the Brahmanas Mitrasarman and Gamesvara sons of Rudrasarman the village of Dasapura to which place they originally belonged ( Mandosara in Malwa ), but were then living in Valabhi. This shows that his kingdom included part of Malwa at least. As Molap'o of Yuan Chang comprises main land Gujarat we may quote from his travels, as it gives I "Although it is impossible to reconcile all the data given in the pilgrim's text, and several details are open to controversy, it is clear that the kingdom or country of Mola - Po essentially comprised the basin of the Mabi river, with the region to the east of Sabaramati and a portion of the hilly tract of Southern Rajputara perhaps extended as far east as Rutlam. Mo-la-P'o was bounded on the North by the Gurjar kingdom of Bhilmal, on the north - west by the subordinate principality or province of Anandapura (Varnagar), lying to the west of Sabarmati, and on the east by the kingdom (Avanti) or eastern Malwa of which Ujjain was capital. Besides Anandapura two other countries, Ki - t'A or Ki - ch'A and Su-la-ch'A or Sulatha were dependencies of Mo -la - Po. The latter dependency certainly is to be identified with Soratha (Surastra), or Southern Kathiawar. The identity of the former is disputed some good authorities holding the Chinese name to mean the Kaira (Kheda, Khetak) District, while others believe it to mean Kuchchh" (Cutch)." (E. H. I. pp. 323-324.)

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avyanusasana some idea of the civilization of the people at the time and summarizes the records of the country about Siladitya. "This country Mo - la - Po is about 6000 li in circuit. The capital * is some 30 li round. It is defended (or supported ) by Mahi river of the south and east. The soil is rich and fertile and produces abundant harvests. Shrubs and trees are numerous and flourishing. Flowers and fruits are met with in great quantities. The soil is suitable in an especial manner for winter wheat. They mostly eat biscuits and (or, made of ) parched corn flower. The disposition of the men is virtuous and docile, and they are in general of remarkable intelligence. The language is elegant and clear, and their learning is wide and profound. "Two countries in India on the borders, are remarkable for the great learning of the people viz., Mo-la - Po on the South-west and Magadha on the North-east. In this they esteem virtue and respect politeness (humanity ). They are of an intelligent mind and exceedingly studious; nevertheless the men of this country are given to heretical beliefs as well as the true faiths and so live together. There are about one hundred Sangharamas in which some 2000 priests dwell. They study the Little Vehicle, and belong to the Sammatiya school. There are une hundred Deva " The unnamed capital, which was situated to the southeast of a great river, or according to another reading, of the Mahs has not been identified. If the great river means the Sabarmati, the capital may have stood at or near the site of Ahmedabad" (E. H. I. p. 323 ). It might, as well, have been Mahinagara or Skambhatirtba or Cambay.

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Introduction Temples of different kinds. The heretics are very numerous but principally the Pasupatas (the cindercovering heretics). "" LXI The records of the country state: Sixty years before this flourished Siladitya a man of eminent wisdom and great learning; his skill in literature was profound. He cherished and protected the four kinds of creatures, and deeply respected the three pleasures. From the time of his birth to his last hour, his face never crimsoned with anger, nor did his hands ever injured a living thing. His elephants and horses drank water that has been strained, after which he gave it them, lest any creature living in the water should be injured. Such were his love and humanity. During the fifty years and more of his reign, the wild beasts became familiar with men, and the people did not injure or slay them. By the side of his palaces he built a Vihara. He exhausted the skill of the artist, and used every kind of ornaments in decorating it. In it he put images of several Buddhas, Lords of the World. Every year he convoked an assembly called Moksha Maha Parishad, and summoned the priests of the four quarters. He offered them the four things in religious charities; he also gave them sets of three garments used in the religious services and also bestowed on them the seven precious jewels in wonderful varieties. This meritorious custom has continued in practice without interruption till now." (pp. 260-62. Book II. Buddhist Records of the Western World--Beal.) It is this Siladitya, who according to Dr. Jayaswal, is referred to in the Aryamanjusri Kalpa. * 66 "" G 66 * This Sila the Dharmraja, of the family of Dhara is Siladitya Dharmaditya I, the seventh in succession from

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LXII Kavyanusasana His grants and those of his successor mention Guhasena after Bhatarka omitting the intervening kings. Siladitya was succeeded by his younger brother Kharagraha none of whose grants, if any, are as yet discovered. We, however, learn from his son's copperplates that he was a learned man as also a patron of learning. From the same source we come to know that he worked in the capacity of Yuvaraja to his elder brother, a fact which is corroborated by the mention of Kharagraha - as a Dutaka in some grants of Siladitya. Dharasena I founder of the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhi. His inscriptions which date equivalent to 605 A. D. to 609 A. D. have been found. His successor Chapala will correspond with Kharagrha (his nephew) of the inscriptions. His nephew Dhruva. seda II was the next king. Records of his, dated 629-639 A. D. have been found. Dhruva is described in the AMMK as anuja of Chapala, which is to be taken in its original sense born after,' 'a younger cadet' and not "younger brother.' Yuan - Chang saw the artistic Buddhist temple built by Siladitya when he visited Valabhi in the reign of Dhruva, who was a vassal and son-in-law to Harsha. The dynastic description and the extent of the territories of Siladitya given bere settled the controversy started by Hoernle. (J. R.A.S., 1909, 122.) He was the king of the territory from Ujjain in Eastern Malwa upto the west country of the sea, that is, Kachchha, which was the limit of the west country according to the Puranic Geography (1. A. 1933, 126); and he was king of the Ladas, that is, what we call Gujarat, and of Valabhi that is, southern Kathiawar. Dhruva, according to our text, becomes subordinate, which was a fact in Harshavardhan's time." (Imperial Hist. of India pp. 24-25)

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Introduction LXIII He was succeeded by his younger brother Dhruvasena II. We have about seven grants of this king. The earliest is dated 310 (= 629 A. D.), the latest 321 (=640 A. D. ). We learn from these grants that his other name was Baladitya. They also attribute to him proficiency in arts generally and mastery in the Graminer of Panini, who is mentioned by the name of Salaturiya, and in the science of Polity. He is compared to Manu the first king, because like him he was elected king by his subjects for his merits. His steadfast friendship did not deter him from giving up those friends who were found to have faults of character. This reminds us of Raghuvamsa canto I verse 28, where Kalidasa says of Dilipa that he cut off connection with even a dear person if he were wicked, like a snake-bitten finger. The grant of the year 310 (= 629 A. D.) is given to the vihara which was built by Guhaka and was a part of the great vihara built by the princess Dudda in Valabhi. So also the grant of the year 319 (=638 A. D.) was given for providing for the Bhikkhunis residing in the vihara built by one Punnabhata near the Yakshasura vihara. In the year 320 (= 639 A. D.) he renewed the grant given to the temple of Kottammahikadevi by Maharaja Dronasimha which appears to have become null interim. This might either refer to the grant of Dronasimha given in the year 183 (= 302 A. D.) where, however, the name of the goddess is Panduraja or it might refer to some other gift unknown to us. The grants of the years 320 and 321 (= 639-40

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LXIV Kavyanusasana A. D.) give villages in Malwa to certain Brahmanas. This shows the extent of his territory. From a copper plate grant of Dadda II, who was a contemporary, we learn that Dhruvasena II who was defeated by the great Harsha of Kanouj, was helped by him. Later on, however, Sri Harsha gave Dhruvasena II his daughter in marriage and made peace with him, probably because he was a blue-blooded Kshatariya. This is an instance similar to that of Pradyota - king of Ujjayini giving his daughter Vasvadatta to Udayana Vatsaraja. This event is also referred to by Yuan - Chang who refers to Dhruvasena as Tu - lu P'o - Po-ta, that is, Dhruva Bhatta. He was succeeded by his son Dharasena IV. We have about four grants of his discovered up, till now. The earliest being dated 326 (=645 A. D.) the latest 330 (=649 A. D.). He was the most powerful of the monarchs of Valabhi. He is called Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Chakravarti Sri Ajjakapadanudhyata Sri Dharasena. The mention of the title Chakravartin in the case of Dharasena IV requires some explanation and confirmation. It is rather difficult to imagine that this is merely an ornamental applelation. It must have some basis in fact. Now we know that he was the son of the daughter of Harshavardhana who was then the emperor of India. As Harshavardhana died without a direct male heir, his throne might have been occupied by his daughter's son Dharasena IV. This would entitle Dharasena to call himself a Chakravartin. This supposition receives confirmation from Sri Arya Manjusrikalpa.

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Introduction This book was written about the year 770 or roughly 800 A. D. * Now we know from Yuan - Chang that he referred to the then king of Valabhi as a kshatriya and we also know that his name was Dhruvapatta or Dhruvabhatta. As Harshavardhana was a vaishya there is some point in calling his successor a kshatriya. Again we find from the copper - plates of Dharasena IV that he had given many donations in support of Buddhist viharas for the maintenance of the monks and for the worship of Buddhist idols. All this evidence supports the identification of the king whose name began with Dha' with Dharasena IV - made out by Dr. Jayswal. LXV "Rajyavardhana had his successor in Harsha; and Dh., that is, Dharasena IV his grandson was really Harsha's anuja or descendant in which sense the MMK always uses the term. According to the Mitakshara idea of Hindu Law, Dharasena IV would be considered a successor and descendant of Rajyavardhana. It is difficult to give value to the initial V. or J, (Tibetian version) of the successor of Dh. but the description * Jayaswal's Imperial History of India. Introductory p. 3. According to the MMK Rajyavardhana was succeeded by a Kshatriya, the first letter of whose name began with 'Dha'. He ruled for three years. He was succeeded by a king the first letter of whose name began with a letter 'Dha'. He is called Sarvabhumika Bhupati which technically means an emperor. He had an army consisting of elephants, horses and chariots, as well as a navy. He conquered all the enemies that faced him in battle. He decorated the earth by building many viharas and idols of Buddha, 9

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LXVI Kavyanusasana leaves little doubt that it was Dhruvasena III, 'the youngest' of his grand - uncles, all elder to Dharasena's grandfather. The long age ( 100 years ) confirms the identification. " It is noteworthy that the Valabhi kings maintained a navy. "Dharasena IV in the year 546 A. D. issued two copper - plates; in the earlier of the two in the same Kartikadi year ( 326 GE) he is not Chakravartin (Emperor ), while a few months after he assumed that title ( Bhandarkar's List, No. 1348, No. 1349). We should therefore conclude that his grandfather Harshavardhana died between the month of Magha ( 5th Dark Fortnight) and Asadha (S., 10). By that title he claimed to be the heir to the Empire of Harshavardhana and something more, that is, as the Emperor of South." (Imp. Hist. of India. p. 67) This sudden development of the kingdom of Valabhi into an empire through inheritance explains the geographical description of the territories as well as the big titles of the successors of Dharasena IV; though we may note that the title of Chakravartin is dropped by his successors some of whom still call themselves Paramesvarat. + We cannot say with certainty who was the king whose name began with Va or Ja, who succeeded the king the initial letter of whose name was Dha. He may be Derabhatta or bis son Dhruvasena III or Siladitya II; or it is just possible that Dharasena might have had a son whose name began with Va or Ja and the kingdom of Valabhi might have passed to Derabhatta the son of his grandfather's brother. This is merely a surmise.

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Introduction LXVII His grant of the year 326 (= 645 A. D.) is donated to meet the expenses of the upkeep of a vihara as also of repairing a reservoir in the vicinity to provide facility of water, both of them, originally, gifts of the minister Skandabhata. It may be noted that the Bhikkhus who resided in this vihara were of the Mahayana sect of Buddhism. The three other grants are given to various Brahmanas learned in Vedas. The first grant of the year 330 (= 649 A. D. ) is given to a Brahmana hailing from Anarttapura. This one and the other of the year 330 (=649 A. D.) are issued, it may be noted, from the royal military camp at Bharukachchha, that is, the modern Broach. The Dutaka in the two grants of 326 is Kumara Dhruvasena, while in those of 330 is Rajaduhita (that is Princess ) Bhupa or Bhuva. Two attributes of the emperor may be noted: his pearl ear - ring is said to indicate the pure learning that he had received through his ear; the other, he is called a Dhanurveda in Karmuka, that is the very embodiment of the science of archery. It was in the reign of this emperor that Bhatti the author of the Ravanavadha more usually known as Bhattikavya, lived. After Dharasena IV the line of succession turned back to the son of Siladitya II, whose name was Derabhatta. No records of his reign are found. From references about him in his son's copper - plates we gather that he was the lord of the earth whose two breasts were the mountains Sahya and Vindhya. He was succeeded by his son Dhruvasena III. Two of his grants are found. One of them is dated in the year 334 ( =653 A. D.). The other plate being broken ite

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LXVIII Kavyanusasana date cannot be made out. The first one is given to Bhattibhata who was a son of Bappa and a resident of Mahichchhaka. One is tempted to guess that this Bhatti might be the same as the author of Bhattikavya. The other grant is donated to the Duddavihara. The learning of Dhruvasena III is described figuratively by saying that as his ear is already ornamented with learning the jewelled ear - ring was a sort of repetition of ornament. He was succeeded by Kharagraha II who is called Dharmaditya. * One grant of his dated 337 (=656 A. D.) is found. Strangely enough we do not find his other name Dharmaditya in this grant of his. The donee is one Narayana hailing from Anandapura and residing in Khetaka. After Kharagraha II we have six kings all of whom bear the name of Siladitya. No grant of Siladitya II is discovered, but in those of Siladitya III he is called the lord of the earth whose breast is the mountain Vindhya. Siladitya III is called Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri Bavapadarudhyata Paramabhattarka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri Siladitya in his copper - plates. About eleven of his * It is rather strange that he is referred to as 'agraja' which usually means an elder brother. Diladitya II who succeeded Kharagraha II is also very strangely called Siladitya's 'agrajanma'. I think there is some clerical error in 'Agraja' which should be 'Angaja' and 'Agrajanma' which should be * Angajanma'. We may not that just before this, in the plates, Sri Dhruvasena is called 'angaja'-son-of Derabhatta. If this explanation of the discrepancy is accepted, Kharagraha II would be the son of Dbruvasena III and Siladitya Il would become Mae son of Kharagrabe II.

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Introduction LXIX copper - plates have been found, the earliest being dated in the year 342 ( =661 A. D.) and the latest in the year 365 = 684 A. D.). The plates dated 343, 356 give grants to viharas built by Vimalagupta and Sthiramati situated within the precincts of Dudda vihara, and the one, having no date, gives a grant to Dudda. vihara. The donee of the plate of the year 352 (=671 A. D.) is a Brahmana named Gopadatta a son of adhvaryu Kikkaka hailing from Anandapura and residing at the time in Valabhi. Of Siladitya IV there are about five copper - plates; the earliest being dated 375 (= 694 A. D.) the latest 387 (= 706 A. D.); of Siladitya V two, both dated in the year 403 (= 722 A. D.); of Siladitya VI one, dated 441 (= 760 A. D.); and of Siladitya VII one, dated 447 (= 766 A. D.). All the Siladityas from II to VII bear almost the same titles. If these titles are to be regarded as indicative of some real state of affairs, we can say that after the emperor. Dharasena IV the dominions of the monarchs of Valabhi must have been very extensive including the whole of modern Gujrat plus at least western Malva. So many as six kings coming in succession bearing one name of Siladitya explains why in later tradition Valabhi was associated with the name of Siladitya. This, however, is a stumbling block to the student of history; for very often when this name occurs in literature, it is not possible to understand which of the seven Siladityas is intended. Thus we find in the Satrunjayamahatmya that one Siladitya was a Jain whose teacher was Dhanesvara. We cannot say which of the seven is intended.

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LXX Kavyanusasana We also find a Siladitya mentioned by Sodohala the author of the Udayasundarikatha (composed between 1026 - 1050 A. D.). While describing the genesis of his caste of the Valabha Kayastha (that is Kayasthas of Valabhi ) he refers to one Kaladitya as the founder of his caste. This Kaladitya is mentioned as a brother of Siladitya and as his principal minister. Here again the question arises which of the seven Siladityas is meant. Soddhala himself, in a way, answers the question. When describing the victorious march of Siladitya he mentions one Dharmapala - the ruler of Uttarapatha whom S. finds difficult to subdue. The only powerful king of Uttarapatha of the name of Dharmapala that we know of is the second king of the Pala dynasty. According to the Tibetian historian Taranatha, as quoted by Smith, "his rule extended from the Bay of Bengal to Delhi and Jalandhara in the North and to the valleys of the Vindhyan range in the south' (E. H. I. p. 398 ). A ruler of such a dominion would, of course, be called an 'Uttarapatha - svamin !. He is said to belong to the dynasty of Mandhatp. Smith puts Dharmapala who is credited with a reign of sixty - four years about 800 A. D. (E. H. I. p. 398). Prior to the thirty-second year of his reign, as recorded in two of his grants, he had defeated Indrapala or Indrayudha and installed in his place Chakrayudha. This event took place soon after 800 A. D. So we can see that Dharmapala must be ruling prior to 800 A. D. say about 790 A. D. Relying on the evidence of the MMK Dr. Jayaswal places his predecessor Gopala's reign in the year C. 730 A. D. to 757. Now we saw that the latest Valabhi copper - plate that we

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Introduction LXX1 know of is that of Siladitya VII of the year 766 A. D. That makes him a contemporary of Dharmapala, with whom, according to Soddhala he waged a successful war. This early reverse in arms that Dharmapala must have suffered at the hands of Siladitya VII might explain why there is no king soon after Gopalaka. However this may be, we can say almost with certainty that Siladitya VII and Dharmapala were contemporaries and that it is Siladitya VII that is referred to by Soddhala. From this survey of the kings of Maitraka dynasty from Sri Bhatarka to Siladitya VII we find Valabhi assuming prominence in the history of India. It must not, however, be supposed that the city of Valabhi was found by the Maitrakas or that it had no prominence before that. We have evidence to infer the existence of Valabhi in the second century A. D. In the collection of articles found near Valabhi made by Mr. Vajeshankar Gaurishankar there are clay seals of the second and the fifth century A. D. which prove the existence of the place at that time. Ptolemy of the second century A. D. seems to refer to Valabhi under the name of Balai. Valabhi was not so much inland in ancient times as it is now. According to the author of the B. G. "its choice as capital was probably due to its being a harbour on the Bhavanagara creek. Since the days of Valabhi's prime the silt which thickly covers the ruins had also filled and choked the channel which once united it with the Bhavnagara creek when Ghela was probably a fair - sized river " (p. 79.). We find reference to Valabhi in the story literature which generally give imaginary place-names but make

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!LXXII Kavyanusasana an exception in case of great capitals like Pataliputra, Ujjayini or Valabhi. The Dasakumaracharita (before 700 A. D.) and the Kathasaritsagara which though comparatively a modern work utilizes very old materials, mention Valabhi as an important place. According to the Jaina tradition Devardhigani Kshama Sramana redacted the Jaina canon to its present form in the year 980 or 993 after Mahavira that is, in the year 453 A. D. or in the year 466 A. D., in the city of Valabhi. An assembly of all the learned Jaina monks was called and an authoritative form was finally given to the Jaina canon. This proves the prominence of the city of Valabhi at the very beginning of the Maitraka rule. Yuan Chang who came to Valabhi about the year 641 A. D. gives a description of the city which enables us to form some idea of its splendour. The Buddhist pilgrim says as follows: "This country (Fa-la-pi) is 6000 li or so in circuit, the capital about 30. The character of the soil, the climate and the manners of the people are like those of the kingdom of Malava. The population is very dense; the establishments rich. There are some hundred houses (families) or so, who possess a hundred lakhs. The rare and valuable products of distant regions are here stored in great quantities. There are some hundred sangharamas with about 6000 priests. Most of them study the Little Vehicle, according to the Sammatiya school. There are several hundred Deva temples with very many sectaries of different sorts. When Tathagata lived in the world, he often

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Introduction LXXIII travelled through this country. Hence Asoka - raja raised monuments or built stupas in all those places where Buddha rested. Scattered among these are spots where the three past Buddhas sat down, or walked, or preached the law. The present king is of the Kshattriya caste, as they all are. He is the nephew of Siladitya - raja of Malva, and son-in-law of the son of Siladitya the present king of Kunyakubja. His name is Dhruvapata (T'u-lu-h'o-po-tu). He is of a lively and hasty disposition, his wisdom and statecraft are shallow. Quite recently he has attached himself sincerely to the faith in the three "precious ones." Yearly he summons a great assembly, and for seven days gives away most valuable gems, exquisite meats, and on the priests he bestows in charity the three garments and medicaments, or their equivalent in value, and precious articles made of rare and costly gems of the seven sorts. Having given this in charity he redeems them at twice their price. He esteems virtue (or the virtuous ) and honours the good; he reverences those who are noted for their wisdom. The great priests who come from distant regions he particularly honours and respects. Not far from the city is a great sangharama which was built by the Arhat ( 'O-che-lo ); here the Bodhisattvas Gunamati and Sthiramati (Kien - hwui) fixed their residences during their travels and composed treatises which have gained a high renown." (Bud. Records of the Western World - Beal Bk. XI pp. 266267 - 268.) The existence of many viharas is, as we have, seen, attested by the several copper - plates of Valabhi. 10

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LXXIV Kavyanusasana Dudda -- vihara which seems to have developed into a vihara - mandala - a group of Viharas containing within its precincts the viharas built by Buddhadasa (V.217536 A.D.), Gohaka (V. 310=629 A. D.), Sthiramati and Vimalagupta (V. 343=662 A. D.). The other viharas in the city itself and near Valabhi were:--the Bhattarkavihara and a vihara built by Her Worship Mimma-near the Bhattarka - vihara (V. 248=567 A. D.), Sri Bappa - padiya vihara built by Sthiramati ( V. 259=578 A. D.), - one built in Vamsakata by Siladitya I, - one built by Punnabhata in the vicinity of Yakshasura - vihara near Valabhi (V. 319=638 A. D.), and one built by the minister Skandagupta with a water - reservoir to supply water to the vihara (V. 326-645 A. D.) and others. The great sangharama built by Arhat or Achara referred to by Yuan Chang has been identified with the caves in the Talaja hill (Bhavnagar State Kathiawad) by Mr. Hiralalal A. Shah. * This vihara is the same as is mentioned in the copper - plate grant of Dharasena II of the year 259 ( = 578 A. D.). It is described therein as "Sri Bappapadiya vihara caused by Acharya Bhadanta Sthiramati in Valabhi." We are to understand that it was situated not actually in the city itself, but nearby; because to indicate in the city itself the words "Valabhi Svatalanivishta " are, generally, used. This agrees well with the description given by Yuan - Chang who says 'not far from the city.' Mr. Hiralal after comparing the other viharas built by Achara which are identified with those of Ajanta and Nasik, comes to the conclusion that this vihara of Achara also must be in a hill. This agrees very well with . * Puratattva Vol. 1, pp. 103-112.

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Introduction LXXV the caves in the Talaja hill near Bhavnagar, which is not very far from Valabhi and the main door of whose principal assembly-hall looks over the old site of Valabhi. That Valabhi was a great seat of learning is again proved by 'I-tsing a junior contemporary' of Yuan Chang. According to him "Nalanda in South Behar and Valabhi were two places in India which deserved comparision with the most famous centres of learning in China and were frequented by crowds of eager students who commonly devoted or 3 years on attendance at lectures on Buddhist philosophy. This statement explains the assertion of Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chang) that Mo-la P'o or Western Malawa, and Magadha were the two countries of India in which learning was prized, because Valabhi and Mo-la p'o were then politically one, both territories apparently being under the government of Dhruvabhata, the son-in-law of King Harsha, paramount sovereign of Northern India. (Early His. of India Smith p. 314.) "" - - Valabhi appears to have been a great centre of learning not only Buddhistic but Vedic and Jain also. We find in the 32nd taranga of the Kathasaritsagara (composed between 1063 - 1081 A. D.) that one Vishnudatta native of Antarvedi goes to Valabhi for learning. Again if there is anything which the grants attest quite definitely it is the royal patronage of Vedic learning throughout the whole kingdom. We saw that the learned Brahmanas of Anandapura + + K. S. S. p. 141. (N. S. E.) sa viSNudatto vayasA pUrNaSoDazavatsaraH / gantuM pravavRte vidyAprAptaye valabhI purIm //

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LXXVI Kavyanusasana (= modern Vadanagara ) are conspicuous in the grants. The great Bhattikavya - a veritable literary feat - which appears to have been the model of Hemachandra's Dvyasraya kavya - was composed at Valabhi. This is merely a single literary remain which is, however, suggestive of a vast literary activity. This inference would appear right if we remember that the kings of Valabhi themselves are described as very learned. One of them Dhruvasena II is specially described as proficient in the science of Salaturiya - that is -the Grammer of Panini, and the Science of Polity. Of the existence of Jaina learning, evidences are not wanting. We saw that in the beginning of the Maitraka rule Valabhi was the scene of a great Jaina scriptural activity. Under the supervision of Devardhigani the whole Jaina canon was redacted to its present form. In fact this is one of the greatest events in Jaina history. We may also here refer to Mallavadin one of the greatest of Jaina dialecticians and the author of Nayachakra. According to the Prabhavaka. charita Malla was the youngest of the three brothers - the name of the other two being Jitayasas or Jinayasas and Yaksha who lived in Valabhi with their mother whose name was Durlabhadevi. They had a maternal uncle who was a Svetambara Jaina monk and was known as Jinananda Suri. He was defeated by a Buddhist monk named Nanda or Buddhananda in a public controversy at Bhrgukachchha (Broach). He left that city and came to Valabhi where he made his nephew his disciples. All the three received high learning at Valabhi and became great masters of Sastras. Jitayasas wrote a Nyasa - a sort of commentary - on a work of

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Introduction grammar known as Visrantavidyadharavara (probably only Visranta Vidyadhara); Yaksha composed a Samhita known as Nimittashtangabodhini while Malla wrote his famous treatise on Jaina philosophy known as Nayachakra. Malla went to Broach and defeated his uncle's opponent Buddhananda in a public controversy in the royal assembly. He was given the title of Vadin as a token of victory. There seems to be some truth in this episode. For we find that soon after the fall of Valabhi-power Buddhism gradually disappears from Gujarat and Jainism taking its place. This may be due not a little to the controversies carried on by Mallavadin. * As to the importance of Valabhi as a centre of trade and commerce we have sufficient evidence. We saw what Yuan - Chang says on this matter in his travels. The story - literature also bears testimony to this. For example, in the Dasakumaracharita of Dandin (before 700 A. D. - almost a contemporary) we find There is a city named Valabhi in Saurashtra. In it there is an owner of ships named Grhagupta who can vie with Kubera in riches. He had a daughter named Ratnamati. A merchant - prince named Balabhadra from Madhumati (present day Mahuva) comes to Valabhi and marries her" etc. (p. 225). We find in this story Khetaka + associated with Valabhi. So also << LXXVII This work V. V. is referred to by Hemachandra in his grammar Siddha-Hema. Vamana is said to be the author of the Visranta-Vidyadhara. See the Puratattva, Vol. IV. p. 91. The story is somewhat differently told in the Prabandha. chintamani and the Prabandhakosa. There Malla is associated with Siladitya. The grants also associate Valabhi and Khetaka.

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LXXVIII Kavyanusasana in the Kathasaritsagara we find a Vidyadhara, who had to take birth in the family of a merchant, being born in the city of Valabhi as a son to a very rich merchant and bearing the name of Vasudatta.- He is ordered by his father to go to other parts for business etc. (T. 22; p. 85). In the same work, again, we find Devasena of Pataliputra going to Valabhi for trade - business * leaving his wife Kirtisena to the tender mercies of his mother. (Taranga 29 p. 130 K. S.). We pause here for a while to review the state of different religions in Gujarat from the Kshatrapa rule to the Maitraka rule. Judging from the coins of Kshatrapas and the copper - plates of Maitrakas, we find that the state religion, or to be more precise, the royal religion was Saivism. "This Saivism seems to have been of the old Pasupata school of Nakulisa or Lakulisa as the chief shrine of Lakulisa was at Karavana" (p. 83 B. G.). * As a result of the missionary activities of Asoka Buddhism seems to have made good head - way amongst the people as well as in the : acireNaiva jAto' haM bhUtale vaNijAM kule / nagayA valabhInAmnyAM mahAdhanANikasutaH / vasudattAbhidhAnaH san vRddhiM ca gatavAnaham / (zlo. 59-60) x ekadA sa patistasyA devaseno vaNijyayA / gantuM pravavRte bandhuprerito valabhI purIm // * According to the latest researches of Mr. Ratnamanirao Skambha or Skambhatirtha -- the old Sansk!ta name for Khambhata - was the original home of Lipga - worship and that Gujarat was known as Lata to foreigners because it worshipped Lata - or the stone - phallus. See for this interesting theory 'History of Khambhata: by Mr. Ratnamanirao. Principal Anandsbanker Dhruva, however, and some other scholars also, do not agree with this view.

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Introduction LXXIX nobility and also in royal families. Inscriptions of the followers of Buddhism of the time of Rudradaman and the copper - plates of Valabhi are evidences of this state of things. Guhasena in one of his plates is called Paramopasaka-a great follower of Buddhism for which Dudda his paternal aunt seems to be responsible. The spread of Jainism, though not so marked, is made evident by a Jaina inscription of the Kshatrapa period to which we have previously referred. According to Mr. Jayaswal Nahapana was a Jaina. Be that as it may, at the time of Valabhi - supremacy Jainism seems to have made considerable progress; otherwise Devardahigaai would have found it impossible to hold his council of Jaina monks in Valabhi. As a result of the activities of Mallavadin Jainism seems to have received fresh impetus. Vaishnavism seems to have received much support in the time of the Guptas. The Traikutaka kings were Parama-Bhagavatas, so also Dharasena II. Dharapatta was a Paramaditya-bhakta or a great devotee of the Sun. . One fact, however, seems to come out clearly from the copper - plate grants of Maitraka kings, and that is, that the spirit of toleration and reverence for good things of all religions - taught by Asoka was not forgotten by subsequent rulers. Even though, almost all the kings of the Kshatrapa and the Maitraka periods were great devotees of Siva, their gifts extended to all creeds and sects, especially, to Buddhism. The copper - plates supply us with many details which enable us to visualize the administration of the kingdom of Valabhi. The B. G. gives a good summary which I quote in the footnote below.+ + " The Valabhi grants supply information regarding the

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Kavyanusasana As to the fall of Valabhi, Buhler, in 1872, confessed that it was a question most difficult to decide. Mr. Niharranjan Ray in his articles on the Maitrakas of Valabhi (Ind. Hist. Quarterly. September 1928) says that after so many years of research it is still one of the most difficult question to decide. The B. G. mainly relying upon the tradition mentioned by Alberuni places the sack of Valabhi about the year 770 A. D. (pp. 94-96). As to the man who was mainly instrumental in bringing the foreigners to overthrow the king Siladitya leading office-bearers and the revenue police and village administrators whose names generally occur in the following order: (1) Ayuktaka meaning appointed, apparently any (2) Viniyuktaka) superior officer. LXXX (3) Drangika, apparently an officer in charge of a town, as dranga means a town. (4) Mahattara or Senior has the derivative meaning of high in rank. Mhatara the Marathi for an old man is the same word. In the Valabhi plates mahattara seems to be generally used to mean the accredited headman of a village, recognised as a headman both by the people of the village and by the Government. (5) Chatabhata that is bhatas or sepoys for chatas or rogues, police mounted and on foot, represent the modern police Jamadars, havaladars and constables. The KumarapalaCharita mentions that Chatabhatas were sent by Siddharaja to apprehend the fugitive Kumarapala. One plate records the grants of a village unenterable by Chatabhatas.' (6) Dhruva fixed or permanant is the hereditary officer in charge of the records and accounts of a village, the Talati and Kulkarni of modern times. One of the chief duties of the Dhruva was to see that the revenue farmers did not take more than the royal share. The name is still in use in Cutch where village accountants are called Dhru and Dhruva. Dhru is also a common surname among Nagar Brahamans and Modh and other Vanias in Cutch Gujarat and Kathiawada.

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LXXXI there is a general agreement in the traditions. It was Ranka a Marwadi merchant - prince, originally a very poor man coming from Pali, and getting his fabulous wealth in Valabhi, who, as the author of the Prabandhachintamani says, "brought mud to his Introduction (7) Adhikaranika means the chief judicial magistrate or judge of a place. (8) Dandapasika literally holding of the fetters or noose of punishment,' is used both of the head police officer and of the hangman or executioner. (9) Chauroddharanika the thief catcher. Of the two Indian ways of catching thieves, one of setting a thief to catch a thief, the other the Pagi or tracking system, the second answers well in sandy Gujarat and Kathiawada where the Tracker or the Pagi is one of the Barabalute or regular village servants. (10) Rajasthaniya, the foreign secretary, the officer who had to do with other states and kingdoms rajasthanas. Some authorities take rajasthaniya to mean viceroy. (11) Amatya minister and sometimes councillor is generally coupled with Kumara or Prince. (12) Anutpannadanasamudrahaka the arrear-gatherer. (13) Saulkika the superintendent of tolls or customs. (14) Bhogika or Bhogoddharanika the collector of the Bhoga that is the state share of the land-produce taken in kind as a rule one-sixth. The term bhoga is still in use in Kathiawada for the share, usually one-sixth, which landholders receive from the cultivating tenants. (15) Vartmapala the roadwatch were often mounted and stationed in thanas or small roadside sheds. (16) Pratisaraka patrols night-guards or watchmen of fields and villages. (17) Vishayapati division lord probably corresponded to the present subah. (18) Rashtrapati the head of a district. (19) Gramakuta the village head men." B. G. Vol. I pp. 11 -- Zp 81-82.

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LXXXII Kavyanusasada name by destroying his country" ( desabhangasamasa. ditapanken Rankena.). As to the time when this event took place there are three dates given by Jaina writers. A gatha quoted by Merutunga-the author of the Prabandhachintamani gives 475 V. S. (or as given by a different reading 375) (=419 (319) A. D.); Rajasekharasuri - the author of the Prabandhakosa gives, 573 V. S. (=517 A. D.); while, Jinaprabhasuri - the author of the Vividhatirthakalpa gives the year 845 V. S. (=789 A. D.). The first two dates are clearly unacceptable because, as we saw, the latest Valabhi grant discovered is that of the year 447 ( =766 A. D.), unless we take them to refer to earlier sacks of Valabhi, which is not altogether improbable. The year given by Jinaprabhasuri - 845 V. S. (-789 A. D.) - seems to be correct. In the Arab references given in the B. G. (pp. 524-25 ), we find that the expedition of 776 A. D. though partially successful ended in disaster. This "dettered Al Mahdi ( A. D. 775 - 785 ) the succeeding Khalifah from extending the eastern limits of his empire." From this we may conclude that the final Arab attack which with the help of the treacherous Ranka gave almost a death-blow to the city of Valabhi must have taken place after 785 A. D. This conclusion fits in very well with the date of Jinaprabhasuri; so we may further conclude that the glory of Valabhi was extinguished in the year 789 A. D. " After the overthrow of Valabhi " says Vincent Smith. "its place as the chief city of Western India was taken by ANhilwada, which retained that honour until the fifteenth century, when it was superseded by Ahmedabad." (E. H. I. pp. 314 - 315 ). Before we

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Introduction Lxxxiit come to Aoahilavada, let us pause for a while to have a look at Bhinnamala - which was, according to the Srimala purana (Adhyayas 72,75 ) the immediate source of men, money and culture of Asahilavada. 11 The importance of Bhinnamala or Srimala in the history of Gujarat cannot be exaggerated. It was the first capital of Gurjaratra-which means literally '(the land ) protected by the Gurjaras' and which is the sanskritised form of the Praksta word Gujjaratta from which the modern word Gujarata is derived. In other words, it was the first capital city of the Gurjaras who gave this province its present name. And, even after it ceased to be the capital, it was the people who hailed from Srimala that mostly made the history of Gujarata. To the present day most of the Hindu population (in which term I include the Jainas also ) of Gujarat trace their origin to their connection with Srimala and its suburbs. The first authentic source of information that we have about the Gurjara kingdom and its capital Bhinnamala is, again, from the travels of Yuan - Chang who seems to have come to this part about 641 A. D. He says as follows: "Going north from the country of Valabhi 1800 li or so, we come to the kingdom of Kiu - che lo (Gujjara )x. X Julien restored the Sansklia dame of the country Kirche-lo as Gurjjara. Mr. Watters thought that the pilgrim probably transcribed a name like Guchala or Guchara' (p. 250). Col. J. W. Watson identified Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bhinnamala. Cunningham tells us that this city is exactly 300 miles to the north of the ruins of Valabhi' (p. ).

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LXXXIV Kavyanusasana This country is 5000 li or so in circuit. The capital which is called Pi-lo-mo-lo is thirty li or so round. The produce of the soil and the manners of the people resemble those of Surashtra. The population is dense; the establishments are rich and well supplied with materials ( wealth ). They mostly are unbelievers; a few are attached to the law of Buddha. There is one Sangharama with about a hundred priests; they are attached to the teaching of the Little Vehicle and the school of the Sarvastivadas. There are several tens of Deva temples, in which sectaries of various denominations dwell. The king is of the Kshatriya caste. He is just twenty years old; he is distinguished for wisdom, and he is courageous. He is a deep believer in the law of Buddha; and highly honours men of distinguished ability."' We may infer from this that in the first half of the seventh century A. D. Bhinnamala which lies about fifty miles west of Mount Abu was known as the capital of a Gurjara kingdom whose circuit was more than 830 miles. In this connection, the Javanese tradition, which has already been discussed previously, may be referred to. According to it the prince Bhruvijaya Savelachala who came to Java about 603 A. D. was the son of Kasamachitra or Balya Acha who was king of Kujarat. This word Kujarat is restored to Gujarata. Now if this tradition had a contemporary origin we may say that in the beginning of the seventh century a Gurjara kingdom existed in this part. From the copperplates discovered in south Gujarat the existence of ' a small Gurjara kingdom in and about Bharucha about A. D. 580 to 808 is inferred' (B. G. p. 113). From a copper-plate of the year V. S. 900 (=844 A. D.) of the Pratihara king Bhoja I discovered from a temple

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Introduction LXXXV in ruins in the village Siva in Jodhpura state we learn that the village Siva which was in the Dendvanaka district of Gurjaratrabhumi (Gurjarat land or Gurjaraland) was given in gift. A stone - inscription of the ninth century A. D. discovered at Kalinjare mentions a village named Mangalanaka which is also a village in the Jodhpura state as situated in Gurjaratra-mandala. Two inscriptions of V. S. 918 ( =862 A. D.) discovered from the village of Ghatiale in the Jodhpura state - one in Sanskrta and the other in Prakrta - mention Gurjaratra and Gujjaratta respectively. All these pieces of evidence, though fragmentary, make it probable that the dominion of the Gurjaras was extensive. If the Gurjara kingdom of Bharucha may be regarded as the remnant of a Gurjara empire one may say that the Gurjaras might have spread upto Narmada in the south. The northern limit would be the eastern part of Jodhpura state.* Now we have to face the questions who were the Gurjaras, when did they occupy Bhinnamala, and when did they spread over the whole province which was named after them. The earliest reference to the Gurjaras as yet discovered in Samsketa literature is to be found in the Harshacharita of Bana a protege of Sri Harsha. There we find that Prabhakaravardhana the father of Sri Harsha is called Gurjara - prajagara, that is, according to the commentary Samketa 'one who deprived the Gurjaras of their sleep,' or it may mean, 'une who was wakeful, * See Pandit Gaurishankar Oza's Rajputaneka Itihasa part I. pp. 130-133 and also his articles in the Nagari Pracha. ripi Patrika New series Vol. III pp. 341-46.

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LXXXVI Kavyanusasana that is, on his guard against Gurjars. This will carry us to the latter half of the sixth century A. D. - the period of Harsha being 606 A. D. to 647 A. D. According to Smith the Gurjaras whom Prabhakaravardhana defeated were " probably those of Rajputana, but possibly those of the Gurjara kingdom in the Punjab, now represented by Gujarat and Gujaranwala Districts." (p. 336 E. H. I.). If the Gurjaras were those of Bhinnamala we can say that they were ruling there in the sixth century, and if they were those of the Punjab we may guess that some of them might have been compelled to leave the Punjab and come to Bhinnamala in the latter half of the sixth century. The generally accepted view about the origin of Gurjaras is that 'they were foreign immigrants and were closely associated with, and possibly allied in blood to the white Huns' (p. 321, E. H. I. ).* Pandit Gaurishankara Oza - the great historian of Rajputana, has very ably controverted the prevalent view about the foreign origin of the mediaeval royal dynasties of India, including that of Gurjara dynasty in his 'History of Rajputana Part 1 (pp. 36 - 67 and 133 - 134 ). We cannot enter into the merits of his arguments here, but this much may be said that from a strictly logical point of view, the question is still unanswered and some of the arguments of the learned Pandita are unanswerable. One strong argument, however, in favour of the foreign origin and late advent of Gurjaras into India is that they are * Cunningham connects Huns with Yuechi that is Kusadas while Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar following Sir James Campbell connects them with the Khajara tribe.)

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Introduction LXXXVII not mentioned in the tribal lists of the Mahabharata or any other Samskrta work earlier than the Harshacharita. Another important question is whether Chapas, Chavotakas or Chavadas, Pratiharas of Bhinnamala and later on of Kanauja, the Solankis and other ruling tribes of Gujarata were of the Gurjara origin or that they were simply called Gurjaras because they ruled or belonged to the province which was already known as Gurjaradesa or Gurjaratra-bhumi. Pandita Oza holds the latter view. According to him the Gurjara rule had ended in Bhinnamala before the coming of Yuan - Chang or before the completion of Brahmasphutasiddhanta of the astronomer Brahmagupta who is called Bhillamalikacharya in the Saka Samvat 550 that is, 628 A. D.; because, the king who was ruling then in Bhinnamala was one Vyaghramukha belonging to the Chapa dynasty (Rajputaneka Itibura part I pp. 132-133). If we accept this view we will have to assume that the Gurjara power spread over the whole of Gujarata and part of Rajputana before or by the beginning of the sixth century A. D.. For this, however, we have no corroborating evidence. Pandita Oza himself confesses that it is not certain when the rule of Gurjaras began and how long it lasted.' There is nothing improbable, however, in the Chapas, Pratiharas, etc. originally belonging to the wider Gurjara clan; and I think the simultaneous mention of Chavodakas, Gurjaras etc. in inscriptions should not be made much of. It is not difficult to find wider clans and castes mentioned. with their sub-clans or sub-castes. For example, we know that the Vaghelas were a branch of the Solankis; yet we find Vaghelas and Solankis mentioned together.

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LXXXVIII Kavyanusasana Similarly, though the Pragvatas are also Srimalis they are often mentioned with them. The same is true about other castes. For example, some of the Vadanagar Brahmanas call themselves Nagars, and call the others Brahmanas. That does not mean that Nagaras will cease to be Brahmanas if they may be simultaneously mentioned with Brahmanas. If we accept the suggestion that the Chapas, Pratiharas etc. were Gurjaras we can explain with greater probability and plausibility the spread of Gurjara power as well as the name Gurjaratra over the whole of the province.* Mr. Jackson in his excellent monograph on Bhinnamala published as an appendix to the B. G. Vol. I gives a detailed account of the ruins of the city, of the objects of interest in it, of its surroundings, of its history, and inscriptions discovered there. From this we gether that Bhinnamala must have been a magnificent city. "The site of the city is in a wide plain about fifteen miles west of the last outlier of the Abu range. To the east, between the hills and Bhinnamala, except a few widely - seperated village sites, the plain is chiefly a grazing ground with brakes of thorn and cassia bushes overtopped by standards of the camel - loved pilu Salvadora persica. To the south, the west, and the north the plain is smooth and bare passing westwards into sand. From the level of the plain * According to Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar Gurjaratra was originally only a province in Rajputana. The presen:-Jay province got its name after the Solankis became its rulers when the Gurjars first entered it and gave it the name Gurjaratra or Gujarata. Mr. N. B. Divetia seems to agree with this view. (Gujarati Language & Literature. p. 38. ).

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Introduction IXC stand out a few isolated blocks of hill, 500 to 800 feet high, of which one peak, about a mile west of the city, is crowned by the shrine of Chamunda the Sri or Luck of Bhinnamala. From a distance the present Bhinnamala shows few traces of being the site of an ancient capital. Its 1500 houses cover the gentle slope of an artificial mound the level of their roofs broken by the spires of four Jain temples and by the ruined state office at the south end of the mound. Closer at hand the number and the size of old stone - stripped tank and fortification-mounts and the large areas honeycombed by the diggers for bricks show that the site of the present Bhinmal was once the centre of a great and widespread city." (B, G, Vol. I, p. 449.) For Srimala we are fortunate in possessing another important source of information viz. Srimalamahatmya or S. Purana.+ This Purana, in a legendary form, gives much interesting information about the city of Srimala. A brief summary of this account will give some idea of its historical importance. The site which ultimately became known as Srimala was in the beginning known as Gautamasramathe hermitage of the sage Gautama. Gautama was asked + According to some these two are different works. Mr. Jackson takes this Purana to be four hundred years old. We gather from the S. Purana that Gautama created 84 Jaina gachchhas out of which Tapa-gachchha was the principal (A. 74 v. 54.). Tapa-gachchha was started in the year V. S. 1285-1229 A. D. The mention of eighty four gachchhas indicates a still later date. See the Jaina S. S. Vol I No. 3 p. 39. As in the case of other Puralas, however, information contained in this also may be much older than the final redaction of the Parana.

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XC Kavyanusasana by Siva himself to go to that place where there was a lake known as Traiyambaka lake. This lake is described as being situated to the north of the mountain Saugandhika (that is the mountain near Sugandha that is modern Nasik) and to the north-west of the mountain Abu. * Near this lake was a forest sacred to Varuna and known as Varuna-kanaua because Varuna got his overlordship of the West by practising penance there. Gautama founded his hermitage there occupying an area of five gavyutis - that is about ten miles, and resided there with his wife Ahilya and disciples. * This place later on became Srimala. The mythical explanation of the name Srimala is interesting. Sri or Lakshmi was born as a daughter to the sage Bhrgu and was married to Vishnu. As she was flying over the place with her Lord and other gods they stopped at the place. It was after bathing in the lake Traiyambaka that Sri remembered her true self. On the occasion of Sri's self - realization gods covered the whole place with malas-that is garlandsof divine flowers. Consequently the whole site of five krosas which was occupied by the vimanas of the gods was named at the request of Sri as Srimala. She gave the whole place as a gift to Brahmanas, and * asti saugandhikAdaguruttarasyAM dizi dvij| vAyavyAmadhaMdAraNyAt siddhagAndharvasevitam / sarasTeyambakaM nAma sarvapApapraNAzanam || a. 2 zlo. 22-23. X Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesa - the Divine Trinity and other gods and goddesses were requested to reside there. The sage Devala who went on a pilgrimage to that place uttered the following verse being impressed with its holiness: ekatastyambakaM sarazcaikato gautamAzramaH / / 3771777 Gama et fria 77: 11 A. 4. V. 51.

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Introduction expressed her intention to keep a part of herself there. Vishnu asked the Ganas to bring holy Brahmanas from different parts of the country and asked Visvakarma to build in the meanwhile a city on the site. The divine architect built a magnificent city which is beautifully described in the Srimala Purana.* The city was inspected by Sri, Vishnu, and other gods from air and they expressed their satisfaction with the words 'Oh lovely! lovely! What beauty! What magnificence !'+ << Sri, being completely satisfied, gave Visvakarmacelestical hasta-sutras-armlets (literally threads for arms) and golden lotus garlands; while Vishnu gave him a boon which is historically significant. The best of Brahmanas will study the science of architecture that you have created as if it were a dharmasastra (religious work). Without doubt you will be the first of architects who will honour you when they build palaces and houses." When we remember the architectural heritage of Gujarat and the class of master - builders who created it, this promise seems to have been properly fulfilled.x * See. Adhayas 9 (verses 1-22), 10 (vs. 2-24), and 72 (verse 1-15). + ahoramyamaho rUpamaho mahaH / x parituSTA tato devI pradadau vizvakarmaNe / hastasUtrANi dvivyAni khajaM ca kanakAmbujAM // pradadau devadevo'pi varaM tasmai gadAdharaH / 30 triSu lokeSu zAlAnAM yatkRtaM zAstramuttamam / dharmazAstramiva prItyA paThiSyanti dvijottamA / / 31 tvadAyAH zilpinaH sarve bhavitAro na saMzayaH / loke niSpadyamAneSu prAsAdeSu gRheSu ca / arcayiSyanti martyAstvAM sarve kAmArthasiddhaye // 33 XCI

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Xcit Kavyanusasasa The holy Brahmanas came and received the free gift of the city from Sri, giving Gautama the place of honour. The Brahmanas from the Sindha - forest, however, did not accept the leadership of Gautama and were, therefore, expelled. The city then, after the site on which it was built, became known as Srimalanagara. This, according to the Purana, was the name of the city in the Satya Yuga. Its name in the Treta Yuga was Pushpamala, while in the Kali Yuga is Bhinnamala or Bhillamala. * Its fourth name is indicated in the Purana+ and mentioned in the Prabandhachintamani viz. Ratnamala in connection with the story of the king Sri Punja and his daughter Srimata. It is possible to form some idea of the extent of the city. According to the Srimala Purana, as we saw, the extent of the Gautamasrama was five gavyutis, that is roughly about fifteen miles. The area of the city occupied by big mansions was equal to the area occupied by the vimunas of the gods that is five krosas roughly ten miles.x The whole vistara - or extent of the city is described as five yojanas that is roughly fifteen to twenty miles. The form of the city was square. I The Puruna gives certain figures about Srimala, calling it Srimaliki sarvasamkhya - that is all figures * puSpamAlA mayA kaNThe kazyapasya nivezitA / garat gechiafa afat taraffaat ll A. 45. V. 56. + See Adhyaya 66. X See Adhyaya 3 ( V. 124-25 ), and 8( Vs. 14, and 37, 38. I A. 10. V. 58. aytgaffari GTE AAaa: 1

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introduction xciit of Srimala.' According to this there were 1000 Ganapatis, 4000 Kshetrapalas, 84 Chandika Devis, 1000 lakes, 11000 Sivalingas, 999 principal temples and 18000 Durga - temples. There were 4000 Brahmasalas and 8000 shops, and 1000 assemblies. The city had 84 gatest in the wall fortifying it.* Those vaishyas who stayed in the eastern part of the city were known as Pragvatas, in the southern as Dhanotkatas and in the western and northern as Srimalins. We find corroboration for this account from the description given by Yuan - Chang. According to him "Pi - 1o - mo-lo is 30 li or so round" that is, about six miles; "the population is dense, the establishments are rich ( well ) supplied with materials." Prabhachandrasuri the author of the Prabhavakacharita (V. S. 1334 A. D. 1278) describes this magnificent city as follows: "In Gurjaradesa or Gurjaraland which is the abode of perennial wealth there is a city called Srimala which is like the face of the earth damsel. The rows of the kumbhas on its temples appear like jewels on the city's crest. It is adorned with magnificent palaces + Adhyaya 71. The Purana gives the figures about the population of the city also. *"Of its fortifications, which, as late as A. D. 1611, the Engligh merchant Nicholas Ufflet, in a journey from Jbalor to Ahmedabad, describes as enclosing circuit of thirty-six miles ( 24 kosa) containing many fine tanks going to the ruins, almost no trace remains." (P. G. p. 449.) X A. 13. V. 25. prAgvATA dizi pUrvasyAM dakSiNasyAM dhanotkaTA / zrImAlinaH pratIcyAM vai urasyAM tathA'vizan / /

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XCIV Kavyanusasana beautified by Mattavaranam and its main roads are decorated by the presence of mighty elephants. There are also beautiful Jaina temples and great sages in the city." i Mr. Jackson describes in detail the Jaikopa (Yakshakupa) or Yaksha Well and the temple of Jagatsvami-the Sun.* The most interesting thing near the lake is a massive broken statue. Mr. Jackson after describing the statue in detail says "In spite of its featureless face and its broken hands and feet the figure has considerable dignity. The head is well set and the curls and diadem are an effective ornament. The chest and the full rounded belly are carved with skill. The main fault in proporation, the over-shortened lower arm and leg and the narrowness of the throne, are due to the want of depth in the stone. The chief details of interest are the figure's head-dress and the ball of stone in its right hand. The head-dress seems to be a wig with a row of crisp round curls across the brow and four lines of long curls hanging down to the shoulders and the crisp curls on the top of the head. The mukuta or diadem has three upright faces, a front face over the nose and side faces over the ears joined together by two rounded bands. At first sight the stone - ball in the right hand seems a cocoanut which the king might hold in dedicating the lake." Examination shows it to be a human head. (B. G. P. 457.) "The appearance of the figure, its massive well * An architectural term meaning a projecting part of a house looking like a protruded neck. getal HAITOT 37. F. 8-66. X For Yaksha-kupa-mahatmya see Adhyaya 22 and for Jagatsvamin see A. 43 of Srimala Pura'a.

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Introduction proportioned and dignified pose, and the long wig-like curls, like the bag wig on the figure of Chand on the south-west or marriage compartment of the great Elephanta Cave, make it probable that this statue is the oldest relic of Shrimal, belonging like the Elephanta wigged figures to the sixth or early seventh century the probable date of the founding or refounding of the city by the Gurjjaras." (B. G. P. 458). 'According to the dates preserved by the local tradition, the first temple of Jagat Svami, or the Sun was built in in 222 S. V. (=166 A. D.?) The city was destroyed in S. V. 265 (=209 A. D.). In S. V. 494 (=438 A.D.) the city was sacked second time by a Rakshasa. In S. V. 700 (=643 A. D.) the city was re-built. In S.V. 900 (=844 A. D.) it was destroyed for the third time. In S. V. 955 (-896 A. D.) the city was again restored and it was followed by a period of prosperity till the beginning of the 14th century.' (B. G. P. 463.) XCV The first authentic source of information about Bhinnamala is an inscription of Varmalata who according to the Prabhavakacharita was a king of Bhinnamala. This inscription is dated V. S. 682 (=626 A. D.). This is probably the same Varmalata who is referred to by Magha in the Prasasti of his Mahakavya Sisupalavadha. If the identity is accepted we can place Magha who according to the tradition was a poet of Srimala 50 years after this or considering the reference to Nyasa about 700 A.D. (See Keith Samskrta Literature); for Suprabhadeva, the grand-father of Magha was the prime minister of Varmalata; the name of the poet's father being Dattaka who was addressed as Sarvasraya by the people for his friendliness towards all. It may be that Magha

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XCVI Kavyanusasan ended every canto of his poem with the word 'Sri' for which he is called 'Srayanka' with a view to commemorate his city Srimala in his epic. While describing the surroundings of Bhinnamala Mr. Jackson refers to a large area rough with heaps of bricks which is said to be the site of an old Vidyasala or Samskrta College. According to S. Purana there were one thousand Brahmasalas and four thousand mathas where the different branches of learning were taught.+ It says : pratyUSe brahmaghoSeNa devazaGkhasvanena ca / gavAM huMkArazabdena vatsAnAM vAsitena ca // zrImAlamabhavad bhUpa bAhyAbhyantaraM zuci // 4 dharmazAstrANyanUcyante sarahasyAni sarvataH / pelo faqet aaret 21%.Tota alt 21. Y?. And in A. 71 v. 9: caturvedAH sAGgAzca tvupaniSatsahitAstathA / sarvazAstrANi vartante zrImAle zrIniketane // This tradition of Srimala being a great centre of learning is corroborated from other sources also. We saw that the great poet Magha flourished in this city. We also know that the great astronomer Bhillamallakacharya Brahmagupta completed his treatise on artronomy known as Brahmasphutasiddhanta in Saka 550 (=628 A. D.). Albureni (A. D. 1020) says that 'the Brahmasphutatasiddhanta was composed by Brhamagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhinnamala between Multan and Anhilwada.' Srimala was also a great place of Jaina learning. The famous Upamitibhavaprapanchakatha of Siddharshi was finished in V. S. 962 (906 A. D.) at Bhinnamala. + See S. Mahatmya A. 12. v. 22; and also A. 71.

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Introduction XCVII It was also one of the centres of literary activity of Haribhadrasuri the author of many important works on Jaina philosophy and also of a general work on the Schools of Indian Philosophy known as Shad-Darsanasamuchchaya. He also composed the SamaradityaKatha a novel whose hero is Samaraditya. This work is mentioned as a sakalakatha in the K. S. It is this Haribhadrasuri who is credited with proselytizing a number of Pragvatas who, later on, played a very important part in the history of Anahilavada Patan. Siddharshi who according to the Prabhavakacharita was a citizen of Srimala was also a disciple of Haribhadrasuri. It was for his sake that the commentary Lalitavistara was composed by Haribhadrasuri. The Prakita novel 'Kuvalayamala - Katha' of Uddyotanasuri, which was so effectively utilized in settling the date of Haribhadrasuri by that great scholar Muni Sri Jinavijayaji, * was completed at 'Sri Bhinnamala Nagara' in the afternoon of the last but one day of the year 700 of the Saka Kala.' The author ends his work with the words :" This has not been composed with the pride of being a poet or with the intention of writing poetry. It has been composed because it is a Dharma - katha. Therefore, do not look to its demerits." These few instances will suffice to give an idea of the active literary life of Srimala, which was the immediate inspiring model of Anahilvada - Patana. The part that Haribhadrasuri played at Srimala must have inspired not a little the ambition of Hemachandra. Having noted the Puranic explanation of the name * See the Vasanta Rajata Mahotsava Smarakagrantha. 13

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XCVIII Kavyanusasana + Srimala, let us, before we come to the religious and political history, see if it is possible to have an historical and more rational account of this place-name. In all the four names viz. Bhinna or Bhillamala, Srimala, Pushpamala and Ratnamala-the word mala is common. Now the word mala has three meanings - a forest between two villages, a hilly piece of land and a mlechchha jati - a non- aryan foreign or aboriginal tribe. All the three meanings will suit the context, but the name of Kaliyuga viz. Bhillamala seems to be the first historical name while the others are laudatory names. It is a known fact that many tracts become known by the name of the tribes who reside there. This particular tract in the beginning must have been occupied by the aborigines known as Bhillas and Malas and must have therefore been known as Bhillamala. As the city prospered, its proud dwellers must have tried to change the name to Srimala, though, as we have seen before, Brahmagupta the famous astronomer of the early part of the seventh century A. D. calls himself a Bhillamalakacharya. The frequent troubles, according to the Purana and local tradition, caused by the Rakshasas to the city might have been nothing else than the rebellions of these Bhillas and Malas who were deprived of their possessions. One of the holy places described by the S. Purana bears the name of Kairata Lake, that is a lake sacred to a Kirata or Bhilla. X +See Abhidhana-Chintamani. mAlA bhillAH kirAtAzca sarve'pi mlecchajAtayaH // kA. 4, zlo. 598. and mAlaM grAmAntarATavI / kA. 4. lo. 29 // According to Mallinatha (M. D. V. 16 ) mAlaM zailaprAyamunnatasthalam / x See A. 19. The name of the Kirata was Jhinjhira.

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Introduction XCIX We may here briefly refer to the religious history of Srimala. From the S. Purana we gather that it was a place of Saiva and Vaishnava worship. But from the same source we learn that Jaina religion became predominant in the Kali Yuga.* From Yuan-Chang we learn that Buddhism also prevailed there in his time. Now we come to a short account of the political history of Bhinnamala. After Varmalata (A. D. 626), Vyaghramukha the king of the Chapa dynasty was reigning in the year 628 A. D. When Yuan - Chang came about 641 A. D. there was a Kshatriya king who was 20 years of age. He might have been a son of Vyaghramukha. In the copper - plate grant of the Chalukya Samanta Pulakesin of the Kalachuri Samvat 490 ( 740 A. D.) there is a reference to Chaotakas being attacked by the Mussalmans. If they were the chapas of Bhinnamala, we can say that Bhinnamala must have been attacked between the years 732 and 740 A. D. + After the Chaotakas we find Pratiharas reigning in Bhinnamala. It is not known when the Chapas were displaced by the Pratiharas. Pandit Gaurisankar Oza puts this event between 740 and 809 A. D. The first Pratilara king that we know of is Nagabhatta or Naguvaloka. If he is the same Nagabhatta wlio is mentioned in the copper - plate grant of the Chauhan king Bhartrvrddha II of the V. S. 813 ( =757 A. D.) discovered in the village of Hansot in the Broach District, in which Bhartsveddha is called * See A. 73. Stari a races afroafer fast got llen + For an alternative view see the next section on Chavadas,

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Kavyanusasana a samanta of Nagavaloka, we can say that his dominion extended from Marwad in the north to Broach in the south.' In his time the Baluchis made an expedition against his kingdom but were defeated. Then, we pass over to two other kings-Kakutstha and Devaraja-and come to Vatsaraja. He conquered the Gauda kings of Bengal. When he was engaged in fighting with a king of Malava, he was attacked by the Rashtrakuta king Dhruvaraja who ultimately defeated him. Vatsaraja had to flee back to his country Maravada and hand over the two white umbrellas which he had taken from the Gauda king to the Rashtrakuta king. He is referred to in the Jaina Harivamsapurana composed by the Jaina Digambara Acharya Jinasena in Saka Samvat 705 (= 783 A. D.). He is also referred to by Uddyotanasuri in bis Kuvalayamala-katha (p. 271). He was succeeded by his son Nagabhatta II. He was also called Nagavaloka. He defeated Chakrayudha the king of Kanouj and thus became the lord of an empire. We know from the Gwalior inscription that he conquered the kings of Andhra, Saindhava, Vidarbha, Kalinga and Vanga and took the mountain-castles of Anartta, Malava, Kirata, Turushka, Vatsa, and Matsya. We have an inscription of hin V.S. 772 ( =716 A. D.) found from Buchakala a village in the Jodhapura state. He was a great devotee of Bhagavati. This Nagabhatta is also called Ama by the Jaina writers. According to the Prabhavakacharita he died in V. S. 890 (=834 A. D.). Probably it was in his time that Bhinnamala ceased to be the capital of Gurjara empire and only remained a provincial capital. The seat of the Gurjara empire then became Kanyakubja.

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Introduction ci We pass over his son Ramachandra and come to Bhoja Deva who was the most powerful king of the Pratihara dynasty. We have about five inscriptions of his time ranging from V. S. 900 to 939 (=844-883 A. D.). His silver and copper coins bearing on one side the legend Sri Mahadivaraha' and on the other an image of Bow have also been discovered. He was also a devotee of Bhagavati. His queen's name was Chandrabhattarika Devi. A sixth inscription of his has been discovered in Kathiawad which shows that his sway extended to that province also. "Bhoja" to quote Smith "enjoyed a long reign of about half a century ( C. 840-90 A. D.) and beyond question was a very powerful monarch whose dominions may be called an empire without an exaggeration." (E. H. I. p. 397.) "Unfortunately, no Magesthenese or Bana has left a record of the nature of his internal government" ( Ibid p. 380 ). He was succeeded by his son Mahendra pala. He is also called Nirbhayaraja or Nirbhaya-narendra. Two of his inscriptions and three of his copper-plates have been found dating from V. S. 950 to V. S. 967 (=894-911 A. D.) Two of the copper-plates were found in the village of Una in the Junagadha state. That proves his suzerainty over that part. He had appointed a governor whose name was Dhiyaka and who was administrating the province on his behalf. His teacher was the famous poet and critic Rajasekhara who is the author of a work on Poetics called the Kavyamimaisa, and of the plays, Karpuramanjari Viddhasalabhanjika, Balaramayana and Balabharata. We find that Hemachandra has

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Kavyanusasana borrowed many passages from the Kavyamimamsa in his Kavynusasana. Mahendrapala was also a devotee of Bhagavati. He was succeeded by Mahipala. He is known also by the name of Kshitipala Rajasekhara was living in his time also. He refers to him in the prologue of his play Balabharata, as the Maharajadhiraja of Aryavarta and the conqueror of Murala Mekala, Kalinga etc. He fought with Rashtrakuta king Indraraja III and was defeated according to the account of the Rashtrakutas. A copper-plate of his has been found in the village of Hadala in Kathiawad of Saka samvat 836 ( =914 A. D.), from which we learn that a feudatory of his named Dharanivaraha of the Chapa dynasty, was reigning there. Another inscription of his dated V. S. 974 (=918 A. D.) has also been found. He was succeeded by three kings: Bhoja II, Vinayapala, the younger brother of Bhoja and Mahendrapala II, the son of Vinayapala. In his time Gujarat seems to have become independent under Mularaja Solanki of Anahilavada Patana. (See Nagari Pracharini Patrika -- New series Vol. IX; pp. 320-27). In this period upto 953 A. D. Bhinnamala seems to have continued as the most important city in Gujarata. Immediately after that during the reign of one Bhimasena a migration of 18,000 Gurjaras from Bhinnamala is recorded. *" An important result of this abandoment of Bhinnamala was the transfer of overlordship from Bhinnamala to Anahilavada ". (B. G. p. 469 ). * According to the Srimala Pura!a Sri left that city in the V. S. 1203=1147 A, D,

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Introduction CIII 12 Now we come to the history of the Anahilavada kingdom. For the early history of Anahilavada - Pattana and its Chuvada rulers, we have no contemporary records, either inscriptional or literary. The earliest reference to the Chavadas of Anahilavada is in the Vadnagara inscription dated V. S. 1208 - A. D. 1152 in the reign of Kumarapala. The earliest reference to the name of Vanaraja, the first Chavada king of Anahilavada is of the year V. S. 1216 (= A. D. 1160 ) in the colophon of an Apabhramsa work called Neminatha. chariu of one Haribhadra Suri who completed the work in that year in the residence provided by the minister Prthvipala in the reign of Kumarapala. This prasasti or colophon which is published by Prof. Jacobi at the end of his edition of Sanatkumaracharitam (p. 152 ) is a very important historical document as it narrates the history of an influential family in which was born the famous general Vimala who built on Mount Abu that great work of art-the temple known as Vimalavasahi. It also gives some interesting information about the reign of Vanaraja to which we shall refer at the proper place. The Moharajaparajaya of Yasahpala which was acted in the reign of Ajayapala (V. S. 1229 - 1232 = A. D. 1173 - 1176) also makes mention of Vanaraja and the excessive addiction of Chavadas to drinking liquors. The Prabhavakacharita of Prabhachandra Suri (circa V. S. 1334 = A. D. 1278 ) throws light on the rights given by Vanaraja to Chaityavasi monks as

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GIV Kavyanusasan against the Suvihita monks. The Sukrtasamkirtana of Arisimha (about V. S. 1278-1287=A. D. 1222-1231 ) is the first work which describes all the kings of Chavada dynasty in regular succession. The commentary of Abhayatilakagaai on the Dvyasraya of Hemachandra which was completed in the year V. S. 1312=A. D. 1256 mentions the story of the shepherd Anabilla who showed Vanaraja the site for founding the city named after him. The most important work, however, which provides ample material for the whole history of Anahilavada kingdom is the Prabandhachintamani of Merutunga (about V. S. 1361 = A. D. 1305 ). It is the first work which gives a regular chronology for the history of Gujarat from the founding of Anahilavada Pattana in the year V.S. 802 (= A. D. 746) to the year V. S. 1277 -( A. D. 1221 ), when Vastupala went to pilgrimage. Another work which gives the chronology for this period differing in some points from that of the Prabandhachintamani is the Sthaviravali or Vicharasreni of Merutunga ( about V. S. 1400 = A. D. 1344 ) who has been mistakenly identified with the author of the P. C. though really a different person. A collection of old prabandhas edited and published by Muni Jinavijaya under the title of Puratanaprabandha Samgraha supplies many dates and details for the history of Anahilavada. It appears that many of these prabandhas were the original source of the P. C. and later works. The Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri (about V. S. 1364=A. D. 1308 ) whice is a sort of guidebook of Jaina Tirthas of the fourteenth century is a veritable mine of materials for the history of Gujarat.

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latroduction CV The Ratnamala of Krshna Kavi, a work in Hindi language of the seventeenth or the eighteenth century is 'a poetic history with good descriptions and many fables taken from the Prabandhachintamani' (B. G. p. 149 f. n. 2). The Purana of the Modhera Brahmanas also supplies some interesting material. A careful study of these works makes evident the earlier existence of traditional chronicles oral as well as written. Coming to the history of Chavada-clan which is also referred to under the Sanskritized forms Chapotkata or Chavotaka or simply Chapa-we find that there is evidence to prove the existence of two kingdoms different from one established at Anahilavada. The first is that of the Chapa king Vyaghramukha of Bhinnamala to which we have already referred. The second is that of Dharanivaraha of Wadhavan in Kathiawad who was subordinate to the Pratihara emperor of Kanauj about the year 914 A. D. (R. I. pp. 144-149 ). We have no definite information as to the connection of the Ehinnamala Chapas or earlier Chapotkatas of Wadhavan, if any, with the Chavadas of Anahilavada. We may here note that according to a verse in the B. P. ms of the P. C. the lord of the Chapotkatas is said to be in the family ( vamse ) of King Haihaya. We, however, require more evidence to make the significance of this relation more definite. The Ratnamala of Krshoa Kavi narrates the story of Jayasekhara-the Chavada king of Panchasara. According to this account, Jayasekhara was attacked by Bhuvada of Kalyanakataka in V. S. 752, i, e. A. D. 14

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CVI Kavyanusasana 696: The city of Panchasara was beseiged by the attacking army. The siege continued for fifty-two days. When Jayasekhara saw that he could no longer hold against the enemy, he sent away his queen Rupasundari who was pregnant, to a forest near by with her brother Surapala who was his general. Jayasekhara met with a heroic death in Open battle. In the forest Rupasundari gave birth to a son who was later on known as Vanaraja. This account of Jayasekhara is not given by any other work. The Puratanaprabandhasamgraha tells a different tale about the parentage of Vanaraja. It says "In the village of Ambasara, there lived two brothers named Chanda and Chamunda of the Chapotkata clan. An astrologer informed them that the child which the wife of Chamunda was carrying when born would kill Chanda. So she was abandoned. She went to Panchasara where she made her living by gathering fuel and other things. Sri Silagunasiri who had gone out, saw the shade of Vana tree bending over the boy who revealed auspicious marks. The mother was given shelter in a Chaitya or temple where he resided" (p. 12 Vanarajavsttam). The name of the mother is not mentioned by the P. P. S. The P. C. makes no mention about the parentage of Vanaraja. Its account begins thus : " Gurjaradharitri, i. e. Gurjarland was a part of Kanyakubja. In the village of Panchasara in the district of Vadhra in that Gurjarland, a mother placing her boy in a cloth-swing under Vanatree was gathering fuel. Silagunasuri observed that the shade of the tree even though it was afternoon was bending over the child. Thinking that this was due

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latroduction CVII to the mysterious prowess of the boy who would become a Jainasasanaprabhavka i. e. a propagator of Jain faith, he took him from his mother who was provided with a living. He was entrusted to the care of Ganini (i. e. the head-nun ) Viramati. He was given the name of Vanaraja. When he was eight years old he was asked to look after the holy things so that they might not be damaged by rats. He did this by killing them with arrows. Silagunasuri foresaw from his horoscope that he was to become a great king and so he was returned to his mother. Vanaraja lived with his maternal uncle who was leading the life of an outlaw against the ruling power. The account of the Modhera Brahmanas who claim to have given shelter to the queen and brought up her boy, gives her name as Chhatta or Akshata.* From all these accounts we find that Vanaraja was connected with Panchasara in the earlier part of his life. Now let us see if we can discover some relation between the Chavadas of Anahillapura and those of Bhinnamala through Panchasara. According to the P. C. a king named Bhuyaraja was reigning in Kalyanakataka which was the capital of Kanyakubja country, which contained thirty-six lacs of villages (p. 11). According to the same authority Gujrat was a territory of Kanyakubja country at the time of Vanaraja's birth. This is, however, an anachronism. For, we know that the * The Prabhavaka-charita gives the name of the monk as Devachandra. This is possible, for, Devachandra was a disciple of Silagunasuri. See Pr. Ch.p. 265, and the introduction of Muni Kalyanvijayaji to the Gujarati translation of the same, p. 87.

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CVIII Kavyanusasana Pratiharas who were reigning at Bhinnamala in the middle of the eighth century A. D. became masters of Kanyakubja in the beginning of the ninth century A. D. when Nagavaloka II ( see page C) defeated Chakrayudha and became the ruler of Kanyakubja. According to the chronology of the P. C., however, Vanaraja died in the year V. S. 862 = A. D. 806 at the age of 110. This would mean that he was born in V. S. 752 = A. D. 696. Thus, at that time, Gujarat could not be a territory of Kanyakubja. This anachronism may be explained by assuming that northern Gujarat was subject to the Pratiharas of Bhinnamala who, later on, became emperors at Kanyakubja and so in later tradition Gujarat was regarded as a part of Kanyakubja. Now, we saw that the Chapas were displaced from Bhinnamala by the Pratiharas. It is not certain, however, when this event took place. We saw that Vyaghramukha of Chapa dynasty was reigning at Bhinnamala in the Saka year 550 = A. D. 628. When Yuan - Chang visited Bhinnamala about the year 642 A. D. a young Kshatriya was reigning there. From the copper-plate of Pulakesi Avanijanasraya dated in the Kalachuri year 490= A. D. 739, we find that the Chavodakas were afflicted by the Arabs, about that time. In the opinion of Pandita Gaurisamkara Oza, the Chavotakas were attacked at Bhinnamala (p. 146 Rajputaneka Itihasa). The B. G. regards them as the Chavadas of Panchasara (p. 149 - 50 ). The mention of Chavodakas, in the grant, after Saindhavas Kachhhelas and Saurashtras

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Introduction Cix would support the opinion of the B. G.; for Panchasara is on the border of Kachchha, Kathiawad, and Gujarata. This would mean that the Chavadas were rulers in northern Gujarat up to the year 739 A. D. and that for some reason, not known to us, they had changed their capital from Bhinnamala to Panchasara. After that time, they might have been deprived of their power by Pratiharas who must have given them a severe defeat at Panchasara slaying their king in battle. This event must have driven the Chavadas to become outlaws against the Pratiharas who though, at that time were rulers at Bhinnamala, became soon after emperors at Kanyakubja, and were, therefore, taken in later tradition, as the kings of Kanyakubja. The Chavadas avenged themselves by robbing and killing the officers of the reigning king and when they had sufficient means founded a kingdom with Anahilavada as its capital. If we accept the traditional date of V. S. 752=A. D. 696 for the birth of Vanaraja, his age would be about 43 years when this event might have taken place. According to the chronology of the P. C. he founded Anahilavada in the V. S. year 802=A. D. 746. But if we do not accept the rather unusually long age of 109 years given to him by the P. C. and suppose him to be born in the year V. S. 796 = 740 A. D. in a forest, he would be about 66 years old at the time of his death in the year V. S. 862 = A. D. 806. But even if we accept the traditional chronology, there is nothing unusual in supposing that after his father was slain in battle, say in the year 740. A. D. he might have lived as an outlaw against the new power for

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Kavyanusasana about six years, and after avenging himself by robbing and killing the officers of the new power, he might have established an independent kingdom at Anahilavada. I must, however, confess that this supposition about the connection of Vanaraja Chavada with the Chapas of Bhinnamala and of their defeat at Panchasara at the hands of Pratiharas, though not improbable, is one, which requires more evidence to be accepted as an historical fact. . Whatever may be the antecedents of Vanaraja, all authorities agree on the point that he established the kingdom of Anahilavada by founding a city on a site shown to him by one Anahilla - the son of Bharuyada Sakhada - that is Sakhada the shepherd (P. C. p. 13).* From the play Moharajaparajaya of Yasahpala, we learn, " Formerly the king Sri Vanaraja observing the good features of the land founded a city on it" ( Act III p. 67). In the same play Kumarapala is addressed as one enjoying the kingship earned by Sri Vanaraja (Act IV, p. 108). The story, (or as Abhayatilakagani in his commentary on the Dvyasraya puts it 'loka-sruti', that is, the hearsay of the people) goes that as Vanaraja was looking for a place fit for the brave, he, on promising that the city would be named after the shepherd, was shown a piece of land where a powerful hound was being harassed by a fox * According to the Vividha-tirtha-kalpa of Jipaprabha there was formerly a town named Lakkharama (=Sk. Laksbarama) on the bank of the river Sarasvati. This town was the site on which Anahilavada Pattana was founded. (... ...SPEITIA sarassaI naItaDe / puvviM aNahillavADayapaTTaNanivesahANaM kira taM Asi / (Do 51. V. T. K.).

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Introduction CXI (The D. K. canto 1, V. 4). The same story is repeated by the the P. C. and other works substituting a hare for the fox. * The resources for establishing a kingdom Vanaraja obtained according to the P. C., by becoming nominally a spear-man of the Kanyakubja-power (according to our supposition of the Pratiharas of Bhinnamala ), and then waylaying and killing in a mountain - pass called Surashtra the tax-collector as he was returning to the capital with six months' revenue from Gujarata which amounted to twentyfour lacs of Paruthakadrammas (probably Parthian gold coins ) and four thousand horses of the Tejas breed. The city was founded by building a dhavalagiha (literally White house, i.e. a Royal Court or palace ) under a Jali tree. He was crowned king on Monday the second of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha in the year 802 after Sri Vikramarka. The Tilaka ceremony ( making an auspicious red - mark on the fore - head) was performed by his adopted sister Sridevi, the sister of a merchant of Kakara village. When Vanaraja was an outlaw, he went to the house of this merchant on a thieving expedition, but turned back from the place as his hand accidentally got wet in a pot of curds. This was equal to dining at the place and according to the ethics of the outlaws, he could not rob a house where he had dined. On the next day, he was called secretly at night by Sridevi who treated him with sisterly affection. He was treated to a dinner and given a dress. Vanaraja promised ... * Similar stories are told about the founding of Ahmedabad and other cities.

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CXII her that she will perform the Tilaka ceremony which is a sister's privilege at the time of his coronation. He kept the promise. He made one Jamba, a merchant, his Mahamatya, i. e. the principal minister. As the story goes, Vanaraja with his companions met him in a jungle when he was an outlaw. Jamba had five arrows with him, but broke the two of them in their presence. When asked the reason, he said that three arrows were sufficient for the three of them. Vanaraja was naturally impressed with the man and tested his skill by asking him to shoot at a flying object which he did to his satisfaction. How much historical reality there is in these stories, we cannot definitely say. Looking to the times and surroundings, they are not at all improbable. The colophon at the end of the Neminathachariu supplies us with more reliable information which is important as indicating the way in which Vanaraja tried to make his city prosperous and strengthen his kingdom. It says There is a family called Poruyada (S. Pragvata) originally of the city of Sirimala (S. Srimala ). The family is a treasure of excellent men (lit. Manikya - rubies - amongst men) of innumberable virtues." This family which owned elephants, horses, and a rich store of merchandise came to the town of Gambhuya ( a place near Anahilapura Patana ). In that family, there was a famous rich merchant-prince named Thakkura Ninnaya. On one occasion, the king, (i. e. Vanaraja ) who looked upon him as a father (janayabuddhie ) took him to his own Anahillapada (that is Ninnaya was requested to reside in his own Kavyanusasana 66

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Introduction CXIII capital of Asahilla pataka). There, Ninnaya built a temple of Rshabha - the first Tirthamkara of the Jainas. This Ninnaya had a son named Lahara who was a general of the armies of Vanaraja. This Lahara went to the Vindhya Mountains and caught many elephants; he also defeated many kings with the intention of taking away their elephants.' He was a devotee of the goddess Vindhyavasini in whose honour he built a temple in a village called Sandathala. Lahara believed that it was the favour of this goddess who entered his bow (dhanush ) which enabled him to conquer his enemies easily. The author of the Prasasti tells us that the goddess is known there after the name of Lahara - Dhanuhavi (because she was the presiding deity of his dhanush (i. e. bow ). Lahara presented his elephants to Vanaraja who 'being satisfied with his work' rewarded him with the grant of the village Sandathala. This geneologist of the Pragvata family tells us that Lahara was favoured both by the goddess LacchiLakshmi and the goddess Sarasai - Sarasvati - that is - he was favoured both by Fortune and Learning. This account enables us to imagine as to how Vanaraja got the help of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury. We learn from the Prabandhachintamani that Vanaraja invited Silagunasuri from Panchasara and showed his gratitude by requesting him to occupy his throne and accept his whole kingdom which naturally the sage refused. At his suggestion, however, he built a chaitya - a temple - which was known as the Panchasara chaitya in which the idol of Parsvanatha 15

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CXIV Kavyanusasan - the twenty -- third Tirthamkara - brought from Panchasara was consecreted. According to the Prabandhachintamani, the king placed his own statue in the pose of worship in this temple. The statue printed in the Rasmala is supposed to be this statue. Its authenticity, however, is doubtful. Arisimha also refers to this temple as if it were a mountain. Vanaraja built also another temple in honour of the goddess Kantesvari or Kanthesvari known as Kantesvari-prasada. The Prabandhachintamani says that Vanaraja reigned for more than 59 years and lived for 109 years. We have no information as to the extent of his dominions. According to our three authorities on the Chapotkata dynasty, the Sukstasamkirtana, the P. C. and the Vicharasrepi, Vanaraja was succeeded by his son Yogaraja. In his reign, ships of a foreign king laden with rich cargo were driven by storm to Somanatha Pattana in Saurashtra. His son Kshemaraja requested the king to permit him to take possession of these foreign ships. There were ten thousand horses of the Tejas breed, eighteen elephants and crores of other things in the ships. "They will carry all these things to their country through our country. If your Majesty orders, the whole of it will be brought here." (P.C.p.14) Yogaraja, however, forbade it. But Kshemaraja and his younger brother, thinking that the king had grown senile took passession of this foreign property as it was being carried through the boundary of their kingdom. This may be the boundary between Kathiawad and main - land Gujarata. When Yogaraja heard this news, he was deeply affected by this misdeed

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Introduction GXV of his sons; for he was trying to wipe off the bad name that attached to his dynasty as that of the Charatas or robbers. He fasted unto death for the sins of his sons. According to A and D miss of the P. C. Yogaraja ruled for more than ten years, while according to V. Sreni 9 years. In the other mss of the P. C. he is credited with a reign of 35 years and a life of 120 years. If we accept, however, the version of A. D. mss which agrees approximately with that of V. S. in different regnal years and in order of succession those of the S. S. and the V. S. we can deduct twenty-five years from 120 years of his life. That will give him a life of about 95 years. He built a temple in honour of the goddess Bhattarika Sri Yogesvari known as B. S. Y.-Prasada. Following our three authorities which agree in the order of succession we find that there were in all eight kings of the Chapotkata dynasty and that their rule lasted for 190 years according to the P. C. and 196 years according to the V. S. Of these, the seventh king Agada who is called Ahada by the S. S., built two temples, one known as Agadesvara-prasada probably dedicated to Siva and the other known as Kantesvariprasada dedicated to the goddess Kantesvari in whose honour, as we saw, Vanaraja had also built a temple. The eighth king Bhuyagada who is called Sri Bhubhata by the S. S. built a temple known as Bhuyagadesvara-prasada He, to protect the city, built also, a wall round the city of Anahilavada Pattana which is called here only Sri Pattana. According to the S. S. he was succeeded by his sister's son who belonged to the Chaulukya family.

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CXVI Kavyanusasana : . From the cultural point of view, two things may be noted. One of them is Yogaraja's refusal to take possession of the foreign property and fasting unto death for the sins of his sons though he could kill them as none of them could bend the bow which he did easily. The other is the building of Devaprasadas or palaces dedicated to gods. The wall round the city of Anahilavada must have been a magnifiscent thing, because as we shall see later on, it had specially attracted the attention of the poets. According to a verse quoted in the P. C. the kingdom of the Gurajars from the time of Vanaraja onward was made firm by Jain counsels. It is a question how much of this claim is historically valid. The official religion of the kings was, no doubt, Saiva and Sakta. But the influential persons in the state, the rich Mahajanas, for example-men like Thakkura Ninnaya of the Pragvata family whom Vanaraja invited to live in Anahilavada, were, probably, most of them Jainas. They occupied high posts in the state, - many of them were Mantris or Councillors and some of them like Vimalasaha were Dandanayakas - commanders of army and then governors of districts. So from this point of view, the claim may be regarded as valid - at least partially. As, however, we shall see later on there was nothing characteristically Jaina as far as their political life was concerned. The rivalries of the priests of different sects, it appears, was always kept in check by the rulers of the state. 13 The total absence of contemporary inscriptional evidence of the Chavada period is somewhat relieved

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Introduction CXVII in the Solanki period. Luckily a number of copperplate-grants and some stone-inscriptions have been discovered which help us in piecing together the history of the period. The literary material of the period is in greater abundance. In addition to the books mentioned for the Chavada period which also supply us with material for the Solanki period, we have the Samsksta and the Praklta Dvyasrayas of Hemachandra himself. The other name of the S. D. is Chaulukyavamsotikirtana that is An Account of Chaulukya family and that of the P. D. is Kumara pala charitam, that is the Life of Kumarpala. Next to the contemporary inscriptions, these two epics of twenty cantos and eight cantos each respectively are our most reliable sources for the history of the period not only political but social also. The two commentaries on the two works, one that of Abhayatilakagani and the other that of Purnakalasagani elucidate many historical points. The Kartikaumudi of SomeSvara Bhatta, the friend of the minister Vastupala gives in the first two cantos, descriptions of AoahilavadaPattana and of the lake Sahasralinga and a short account of the Solankis or Chaulukyas. The Prabhyakacharita (V. S. 1334 = A. D. 1278 ) of Prabhachandra in addition to the life of Hemachandra refers to some events of the Solanki period when narrating the lives of contemporary great men of the Jain sect. The other contemporary works will be noted at their proper places. For the chronology of the period our main sources are the P. C. and the V. S. The dates of the inscriptions and those of colophons supplement this chronology.

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CXVIII Kavyanusasana How the kingdom of Anahillavada passed from the hands of Chavadas to those of Solankis, remains, as yet, an obscure question. The Vadnagara inscription of Kumarapala simply says that the Rajyakamala (Royal power) of Chapotkata kings became of her own accord his slave.' The Moharajaparajaya tells us that the family of Yadavas and the family of Vanaraja were destroyed through drinking (p. 109). Madyasekhara the personification of intoxicating drinks in the same play says " He was fondled for a long time in the royal palaces of Chavukkada (or Chavana ) kings (p. 108). The Sukatasamkirtana of Arisimha simply tells us that after Bhubhata, his sister's son Mularaja came to the throne. The D. K. is altogether silent on the point. The P. C. supplies the deficiency by giving the following account. Three brothers named Raja, Bija and Dandaka, sons of Munjala of the family of Sri Bhuyaraja of Kanykubja, while returning from their pilgrimage to Somanatha came to Anahillapura. Raja managed to marry the sister of Samantasimha named Liladevi. She died when she was in a state of pregnancy. An operation was performed upon her and the child brought out of the womb. As he was born under the influence of Mula constellation, he was called Mularaja. When the boy grew up his maternal uncle Samantasimha under the influence of drink used to play with him by temporarily making a king of him. On one occasion, seeing his opportunity, Mularaja killed his maternal uncle and usurped the throne with the help of his party (P. C. p. 16). The bards also relate a similar story with a few variations.

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Introduction CXIX From all these accounts, we can infer that Mularaja Solanki must have forcibly taken the kingdom of the Chavadas. It is highly probable that he might have been the sister's son of the last king as Arisimha relates. That drunkenness had something to do with it - was the belief of the people in the time of Kumarapala. In his copper-plate-grant dated V. S. 1043-A. D. 987 discovered from Kadi, Mularaja is called Chaulkikanvayo Maharajadhiraja Sri Mularajah Maharaja. dhiraja. Sri Rajisutah. This means that he belonged to the Chaulkika dynasty and his father was Maharajadhiraja Sri Raji. If this title of the father is not given to him on account of the greatness of the son we must conclude that Raji was also a king. He is called Rajibhu - that is son of Raji in the D. K. (V. 92,30). In canto III v. 99 Hemachandra calls him. the son of the brother of Dadhakka! This means that one of the brothers of Raji was called Dadhakka. Abhayatilakagani in the commentary gives the names of the three brothers as Raji, Bija and Dadhakka. In the D. K. itself I have not found the name of Bija. In Canto I v. 188 of the D. K. Mularaja is called Chandikamata. The commentator explains it as one whose mother was queen Chandaladevi. * Liladevi of the P. C. may be another name or a mistaken Samskritized rendering of the Prakrta of Chandaladevi. According to the chronology of the P. C., Mularaja regined from V. S. 998 to V. S. 1053 (A. D. 942-997). We have three copper-plate grants of Mularaja According to the alternative explanation Chandika would refer to the goddess Gauri.

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CXX Kavyanusasana and one that of Chamundaraja issued by him as heirapparent in the reign of Mularaja. The first is dated in V. S. 1030 - Bhadrapada sud 5. This grant is not yet published. The late Dr. H. H. Dhruva, in his article, in the Vienna Oriental Journal (Vol. V, p. 300 - 1) gave information about this copper - plate. The grant refers to a piece of land of Paladiyagrama in the Gambhuta visaya (district). The grantee is one Vacchakacharya. The occasion is the bathing-ceremony after solar eclipse. The lekhaka or writer of this grant is one Kela and the Dutaka is Mahasandhivigrahika Sri Jaya. After this comes the copper - plate - grant of Chamundaraja. This was recently discovered. A photograph of the copper-plate was sent by Diwan Bahadur K. H. Dhruva to Muni Jinavijayaji who has very kindly supplied me with its transcription in modern Devanagari script. This copper-plate grant is important from many points of view. The first is its Samvat which is Guptasamivat 1033. Now this is not the real Gupta Samvat, but it shows that in later times, these Samvat names were used indifferently. Sometimes Vikrama samvat was called Gupta samvat as in this particular case. * Another point of importance is that Mularaja married Sri Madhavi, the daughter of Chahamana king Bhoja and that Chamunda Raja was born of her. The most important point in the information that this copper - plate supplies, is, however, about the geneology of Mularaja. The P. C., as we saw, gives * It may be noted that in the opinion of some scholars Vikrama samvat and Gupta samvat are identical.

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Introduction CXXI - Munjala as the name of Mularaja's father. The Kumarapala - prabandha and the Ratnamala name some of his ancestors as:--Bhuyada - Karnaditya - Chandraditya - Somaditya - Bhuvanaditya and Raja. The Kumarapalacharita of Jayasimhasuri, however, gives a different account. In the city of Madhupaghna, there was formerly a king named Chulukya. The descendants of this king were known as Chalukyas. Among his descendants there was one Sahajarama who had a cavalry-force of three lacs of horses, and who defeated the lord of Sakas on the battle - field. This Sahajarama had a son named Dadakka or Dandakka who got a victory over the king of Pipasa. This Dadakka had a son named Kanchivuala who had a son named Raji who was the father of Mularaja. Thus Kanchivyala was the name of the grand - father of Mularaja. Whether this Kanchivyala was the same person as Munjala or a different person we do not know. It is possible to interpret the term Kanchivyala as meaning the Vyala of Kanchi that is the mad elephant, tiger or king of Kanchi. It is therefore likely that Kanchivyala might have been an honorofic title of Munjala extolling some of his exploits. However that may be, the name of Kanchivyala receives corroboration from the copper plate under discussion. It says that Mularaja was in the line of Sri Vyala-Kanchi. " lAghyaH causkikarAjavaMzatilaka zrIvyAlakAJciprabhoH / santAne tridazendra tulya mahimA zrImUlarAjo nRpaH // It need not be said that Sri Vyala - Kanchi is the same as Sri Kanchi - Vyala. Thus we come to know definitely that Sri VyalaKanchi was an ancestor of Mularaja. 16

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CXXII Kavyanusasana The question whether the Chalukyas of Gujerat came from the north or the south still remains unsettled. Madhupaghna of the king Chulukya can be identified with Mathura, but it might as well indicate Madura in the south. Pipasa may be identified with Biasa. But Kanchi, however, tempts one to guess that the Chalukyas or Solankis of Gujarata came from the south. * The grant authorizes a field near the village Varunadisarmmakapura (modern Vadasania ) to be given to a Jaina temple for incense, lights, and flowers. This is also significant as we shall see later on. The grant contains the signatures of five sravakas. It ends Sri Chamundarajasya mama matam. This style of signing is still prevalent in Gujarata. The third grant is dated V. S. 1043 Magha Vadi 5 Sunday (A. D. 987). It begins, Rajavali - purvam. This would mean that the previous royal line should be taken as understood. It may, however, indicate that Mularaja might not have liked any reference to the previous Chavada kings. It compares the king to Rajahamsa, Brahma, Vishnu, Siva, Indra Kalpaviksha, Meru, Ocean, Cloud and the Elephant of Indra. In the comparision of Rajahamsa by a pun upon the word Paksha which means a wing and a side we are made to understand that both the sides - paternal and maternal of the king were pure. We have already referred to this copper - plate as giving the name of his father Maharajadhiraja Raji. The grant is issued from Srimad Anahilapataka. It was given at the time of the bath in the waters of Prachi * See Jipavijyaji's learned presidential address to the historical section of the twelfth Gujarati Sahitya - parishad. pp. 9-11.

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introduction CXXIII Sarasvati at Sristhala after the solar eclipse and the worship of the god of Rudramahalaya the lord of the gods. A village named Kamboika in the Modhera Ardhashtama in the Sarasvata Mandala is given to the temple of Sri Mulanathadeva in Mandali in the district of Vardhi (or Vadh ). The writer of the grant is one Kanchana - a son of Kayastha Jejja. It ends Sri Mularajasya. The grant was personally given by the king. The third copperplate ( which was published in the E. I. Vol. X) is dated V. S. 1051 Magha sudi 15. Mularaja is called Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Sri Mularaja Deva. The occasion is Lunar eclipse. A village named Varnaka in the district of Satyapura is given to Sri Dirghcharya son of Durlabhacharya, a learned Brahmana of Kanyakubja. The grant is written by Kayastha Kanchana probably the same as the writer of the previous one. The Dutaka is Mahattama Sri Sivaraja. The grant ends as usual with the signature of the king. Hemachandra has described at length two main events of the life of king Mularaja: one - his fight with Graharipu of Vamanasthali and his powerful ally Laksha of Kachchha; the other-his fight against Dvarapa lord of Lata. In the second fight, it was his son Chamunda who led the army against Lata. The name of Sri Mularaja is mentioned in the verse 135 of the first canto of the Dvyasraya, the preceding 131 verses being devoted to the description of Anahillapura - which is given in graphic detail - not all conventional. He is called Chalukyakulachandrama - the moon of the family of Chalukyas.

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CXXIV Kavyanusasana It appears from verse 144 that Mularaja was of syama, i. e. dark complexion as also was his grand-son Durlabha (v. 60 Canto VII). The family deity of the Chalukyas was Sri Somanatha - that is god Siva whose image was consecrated in a temple at Somanatha Pattana or Prabhasa Pattana in Kathiawad one of the most ancient holy places of pilgrimage of India known even to the Mahabharata-as we have seen before. Any thing of importance that Mularaja did was supposed to be at the suggestion of the god Somanatha. So we find Hemachandra saying that it was at the suggestion of the god Sambhu who appeared to him in a dream that he undertook the expedition against Graharipu. He consults Jambaka and Jehula, two of his main counsellors. According to Abhayatilakagani, Jambaka was his Mahamantrin while Jehula - the Rapaka of Khairalu was his Mahapradhana. Jehula recounts the misdeeds of Graharipu in detail - the main being his harassment of the pilgrims and the sacrilege of the holy places by killing and eating the sacred animals. His treatment of the defeated enemies is referred to as not worthy of a Kshatriya. In short he is described as an incarnation of the devil. So Jehula advises the king immediately to send a general without even sending an envoy for the formal declaration of hostilities. Jambaka agrees with Jehula so far as subjugating Graharipu is concerned. He describes the strongly fortified position of the enemy, as the mountain is only at a distance of Krosa while the sea is at a distance of Yojana from his capital. He also refers to his constant watchfulness and his powerful ally

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Introduction CXXV Laksha of Kachha, the son of Phulla and requests the king to proceed personally against these Abhiras if he wants victory (verse 103 - 108 - 09). In an open meeting, the decision is taken to proceed against Graharipu of Vamanasthali. Mularaja is glad that he has an occasion to fight. The fight takes place on the river Jambu - mali which can be identified with the river Bhogavo in Kathiawada, on whose bank there is a place called Jambu near Limbdi. Some of the allies of Mularaja are the kings of Meru, Kasi, Arbuda and many Bhilla tribes referred to as eighteen Bhuta jutis (C. IV 79).* For two days the battle continued indecisively. On + Abhayatilakaga?i says that here "krosa and yojana' are not to be taken literally but as merely suggesting very small distances, because 'the mountain is at a distance of seven Krosasas while the sea is at a distance of five yojans from Vamanasthali. If there was any other capital of Grabaripu at a distance of a Krosa from the mountain and a yojana from the sea, I do not know." A very frank confession worthy of a historian ! * It appears that the author of the B. G. has not correctly understood some verses of the D. K. bearing on this context. It says' Mularaja had also his owo younger brother Gangamaha etc. (p. 160 ). Now Mularaja had no brother of that name. The verse which appears to be the basis of this information is the second verse of Canto II of the D. K. It simply means Gangarnaha and his youger brother who, as the commentary says, were Mularajaprpau - that is two kings on the side of Mularaja - rose to fight. These two brothers were reigning in Gangapura probably a place in Rajaputada. Then again the B. G. says "It is specially mentioned that in this expedition Mularaja received no help from the sons of his paternal uncle Bija and Dandaka" (p. 160 ). I have found no

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CXXVI Kavyanusasana the third day Mularaja personally went into the thick of the battle on his elephant with two quivers filled with missiles. Graharipu in a frenzy of rage mounted the elephant of Mularaja. In the combat Mularaja succeeded in throwing Graharipu down from his elephant. Mularaja then jumped from the elephant and tied Graharipu with ropes and thus made a prisoner of him. (IV 100 - 103 ). Then Laksha of Kachchha dressed in white rushed towards Mularaja and insulted him by abusing and calling him Mula. In a deadly combat Mularaja pierced Laksha with his spear and killed him there and then.x Queens of Graharipu with their children come to Mularaja and request him to release their husband which Mularaja does. From there, Mularaja goes to Somanatha and worships the god Somanatha. According to the commentator, it was Sivaratri (V. 139) when he recited his prayers. Mularaja returned to his capital with one hundred and eight elephants within five or six days. The cause of war with Dvarapa of Lata is given as the insult Dvarapa offered to Mularaja by sending reference to the sons of Bija and Dandaka in the Dvyasraya. Bija is not even mentioned. The verse in which the name of Dadhakka occurs is 99 Canto Ill. It rather means 'who did not serve Da hakka's brother's son by following him?' The ineaning is - everybody followed Mularaja who was the son of Raji brother of Dadhakka. X In spile of its uncouth grammatical language, it must be confessed, Hemachandra has described thc fight with great vigour. In fact, we may remark in passing, that the Duyasraya has considerable poetic inerit of vigour and graphic description which is however hidden under its forbidding grammatical garb.

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Introduction : CXXVII him as a present an ominous elephant. The matter was discussed and an expedition against Lata was decided upon. Prince Chamunda who had listened in the temple of Siva to the heroic deeds of Arjuna described by Vyasa (VI 6 ) was spoiling for a fight. So he was made the General of his army though Mularaja accompanied him ( 44). Svabhravati or the river Sabaramati was the northern boundry of Lata. As the army encamped on the river, people began to flock to Bharucha, the capital of Lata. Prince Chamunda defeated Lata. The event is described by calling Chamunda 'the hurricane which uprooted the tree in the form of the king of the southern bank'( VI 99 ). The Sukstasamkirtanana first describes the defeat of Barapa whom he calls the Dandanatha general or governor of the king of Kanyakubja (II - 5) and then refers to the defeat of the army of Laksha Kacchapa -- that is Lord of Kachchha. The war with Graharipu is referred to as a war with Laksha by all subsequent writers probably because he was killed in battle. The K. K. refers also to these two wars with Barapa and the ambitious Kachchha king Laksha. It, however, calls Barapa the general of the king of Lata. The P. C. describes these events a bit differently. According to it Mularaja was simultaneously attacked on one side by the king of Sapadalaksha and on the other by Barapa who is called the general of the king of Telangadesa. This fight with the king of Sapadalaksha is not referred to by Hemachandra, but we find the king of Maru as Mularaja's ally in his fight against Graharipu. The P. C. also without referring to Graharipu

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CXXVII Kavyanusasana refers to Lakha or Laksha whose mother cursed Mularaja with a skin - disease called luti, because he touched the moustache of the dead hero lying on the battlefield with his foot. From his copper-plate of V. S. 1051, and the information from literary sources discussed just now, we can form the following idea of Mularaja's dominions at the end of his reign. In the north, his sway extended as far as Satyapura or Sachora in the Jodhapura state; in the west, it extended to Saurashtra and Kachcha and in the south up to the river Narmada, and in the east probably as far as Godhard. From his copper-plate of this V. S. 1043, we learn that Rudramahalaya was already built at Sristhala on the river Sarasvati, so also a temple of Siva known as Sri Mulanathadeva was built in Mandali (Mandala) for whose benefit the grant is given. The P. C. informs us that Mularaja first built two temples of Siva in Sripattana, that is Anahilla pura - one known as Sri Mularajavasahika and the other in honour of Sri Munjaladeva - on the authority of the P. C.- his grand father - known as Sri Munjaladeva prasada. Mularaja, being a great devotee of Somanatha, the P. C. tells us, used to go every Monday to Somesvara - pattana. The god being greatly pleased with his devotion came to Mandali, so Mularaja built there a temple known as Mulesvara - prasada to which, as we saw, the grant of V. S. 1043 (987 A. D.) is given. Being further pleased with his devotion, the god came to Anahillapura; and so Mularaja built another temple known as Tripurushaprasada - probably to commemorate the three brothers Raji, Daghakka and Bija who are known to the

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Introduction CXXIX tradition as the three adi-purushas i. e. original persons of the dynasty; or it might simply mean that it was a temple of the trinity of Siva, Vishnu and Brahma. The S. S. K. also refers to Mularaja's visiting Sonianatha every Monday and to his building three Sambhu temples (II - 3, 4). According to the D. K. Mularaja after consulting his ministers, Purohitas, and astrologers gave the throne to his son Chamunda and himself retired to Sristhala that is Siddhapura on the Sarasvati and ended his life by sacrificing his body in fire. The S. S. K. and the P. C. refer to similar incidents. Here we may refer to the important persons of Mularaja's reign. Hemachandra mentions Jambaka, and Jehula the chief of Kheralu, as his principal ministers. The grant of V. S. 1051 (995 A. D.) describes the grantee Sri Dirghacharya-son of Sri Durlabhacharya originally of Kanyakubja as' aseshavidyaparaga 'that is 'master of all departments of learning' and 'taponidhi' (lit. ocean of austerities ) that is a great ascetic.' The name of Mularaja's Mahasandhivigrahaka-great minister of peace and war-was Sri Jaya who was the gift - causer of the grant of V. S. 1030 (974 A. D.). From the colophon of the Neminathachariu, we learn that in the Pragvata family of Ninnaya and Lahara was born one Vira who was a minister in the reigns of Mularaja, Chamunda, Vallabha and Durlabha. He was in charge of the Tankasala that is the mint where he made coins in the image of Lakshmi. From the Surathotsava of Somesvara, we learn that Sri Sola - Sarman was the Purohita of Mularaja. He performed the great sacrifice known as Vajapeya. 17

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CXXX Kavyanusasana The great ascetic Kanthadi and his disciple Vayajalladeva, whose account is narrated by the P. C., may also be mentioned as two opposite types of Yogis who represent peculiar religious attitudes which have affected the religiousconsciousness of Gujarata. Kanthadi, when requested by Mularaja, refused to become the head of the Royal Temple of the Tripurusha - prasada and preferred to remain a recluse; while his disciple Vayajalladeva consented to take charge of the temple if he would be provided with means to enjoy life in a royal style which included thirty-two beautiful women to sing and dance before him. The queen of Mularaja thought that a man living such a life could not be chaste and so tested his character by trying to ensnare him with her feminine charms. But Vayajalladeva proved superior to these attractions and punished the queen for her frivolity. This story may be real or may be purely a myth but it does represent a peculiar type of men which existed in those days and which in its weaker instances has proved to be the bane of religious institutions of India. * According to the chronology of the P. C., Sri Chamundaraja reigned for thirteen years from V. S. 1053 - to 1066 = A. D. 997 to 1010. We have already referred to his copper - plate - grant of the pseudo - Gupta Samvat 1033 ( = A. D. 977) which sanctioned a field to be given to a Jaina temple. His conquest of Lata we have also mentioned. 1 X Compare the story of Nannasuri teaching the KamaSastra of Vatsyayana in his Chaitya in the Prabhavakacharita (pp. 161 - 163 ).

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Introduction CXXXI No important event of his reign is described by the Dvyasraya. The Vadanagara - prasasti of Kumarapala informs us that he defeated Sindhuraja whom we cannot exactly identify. He may probably be Varapa of Latadesa the word Varapa literally meaning 'lord of waters. According to the D. K. he had three sons: Vallabharaja, Durlabharaja and Nagaraja. When referring to their education, Hemachandra mentions their training and proficiency in managing horses and elephants. About the birth of these princes the Prabhavakacharita gives some significant information. Chamundaraja was very much troubled by the fact that his queens always suffered from mis-carriage. He once mentioned this anxiety of his mind to his minister Vira. (This Vira was the same as mentioned by the N. C. Colophon ). Vira consulted his religious preceptor Sri Virasuri. He gave him some charmed fragrant powder and directed that the queens should sprinkle themselves with it. After this treatment Srimad Vallabharaja and other sons were born' (The Pr. C. verses 136-148 pp. 213-14). According to the same book, Chamundaraja had met previously Sri Virasuri whose sermons he had heard and of whose miraculous power he was aware. This incident together with his grant to a Jaina temple may be taken as signifying some Jaina influence on the king. The Dvyasraya tells us that the prince Vallabharaja with the permission of the king Chamundaraja led an expedition against Malava, but on the way he was attacked with an incurable disease (which according to the commentatory was small-pox) and died of it. The generals very tactfully retreated the army

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CXXXII Kavyanusasana and came back to Anahillapura. The king was deeply touched with this sad incident and retired to the holy place of Suklatirtha on the bank of the Narmada, after giving the crown to his second son Durlabharaja. (C. VII verses 1-58. The commentator Abhayatilakagani while commenting on the verse 31 of the C. VII narrates a different tale. Chamundaraja became sexually very loose, so his sister Vachinidevi managed to remove him from the throne and give it to Vallabharaja. Chamundaraja, smarting under this disgrace, proceeded to Benares, but was attacked in Malava and robbed of his umbrella and other royal insignia. He returned to Anahillapura and asked his son Vallabha to march against Malava. The commentator says As such an incident would not be worthy of the person described, the incident is merely suggested by saying that he took the permission of his father' (p. 531). There may be some grain of reality in this story and if we read it in connection with the fact that his queens always mis-carried we are tempted to guess that Chamunda may have suffered from some foul sexual disease. (6 << The P. C., however, refers this incident of being robbed of royal insignia to Durlabharaja. It was Munja of Malava who perpetrated this insult. Merutunga says From that time onward hereditary enmity was formed between kings of Malava and Gujarata. According to the A.ms of the P. C. Sri Chamunda-raja built two temples presumably of Siva., one known as Chandanathadevaprasada and the other Chachipesvara-devaprasada (p. 20). The second may very well be Vachinesvara, (Va and Cha being written similarly in Devanagari).

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introduction In that case that temple would be in commemoration of his sister. Chanda also may be some relative. Vallabharaja is mentioned after Chamunda in the dynastic list, and is given a reign of six months. He earned two titles Rajamadanasamkara and Jagajjhampana or kampana-meaning 'world-shaker.' CXXXIII According to the D. K., however, Chamunda was succeeded by his second son Durlabha, who according to the P. C. ruled for eleven years-from V. S. 1066 to 1077=A. D. 10101021. He was invited, narrates the D. K., to the Svayamvara of his sister Durlabhadevi by Mahendra - king of Maru. He went there with his younger brother Nagaraja. He was chosen by the princess whom he married. Nagaraja was married to the younger sister of Durlabhadevi named Lakshmi. A battle with the disappointed kings is also narrated (C. VII verses 66 - 142). Durlabha is suggested to be of dark complexion in v. 60 of the same canto. In verse 64, there is a faint suggestion of Jaina influence-when Hemachandra says that Durlabha gave up Ekanta i. e. one-sidedness of out-look. According to the commentary of Abhaya. tiilakagani, Durlabha built Jain temples (v. 63) and came under the influence of one Jinesvarasuri (v.-64). * According to the P. C. he built a lake, named after him, Durlabhasara., and according to the A.ms of the P. C. he built, in addition, in Sripattana a royal palace of seven floors with a building for treasury and for Ghatika to keep time, and a stable for elephants. He also built a temple known as Sri Madana-samkara * See also the Prabhavakacharita p. 264.

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CXXXIV Kavyanusasan prasada for the spiritual benefit of his brother Vallabharaja. From the Surathotsava of Somesvara, we learn that Lallasarman son of Solasarman was the Purohita of Chamunda and his son Sri Munja-the Purohita of Durlabharaja. The Dvyasraya says 'Nagaraja the younger brother had a son named Bhima, and both Nagaraja and Durlabha thought that they were discharged from 'parental debt' of producing a son ( Pitruna ).' This means that Durlabha had no issue and adopted Bhima as his heir. Bhima was brought up in the laps of Durlabha. The education of Bhima is also described. He became a master of gymnastics.. Durlabha asked Bhima to accept the throne which, however, he first refused. He requested that his father Nagaraja should be made king. On both of them, however, pressing him, he mounted the throne. Both Durlabha and Naga dedicated themselves to religious life and died soon after. The P. C. gives Bhima 42 or 43 years' reign from V. S. 1077 - 78 to V. S. 1120 = A. D. 1021 - 1064. Three copper-plate-grants of his reign have been discovered - dated V. S. 1086 Kartikka sudi 15 (A. D. 1029 - 30), Vaisakha sudi 15 of the same year (A. D. 1030), and Samvat 93 Chaitra Sudi 11, that is V.S. 1093=A, D. 1037. The first which is issued from Anahillapataka gives a village called Masuragrama in Ghadahaaikadvadasa in the province of Kachchha. The grantee is one Bhattarka Ajapala - son of Acharya Mangalasiva - originally of Navanikaka in the province of Kachchha.

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Introduction CXXXV The writer of the grant is Vatesvara - son of Kayachcha ( ostha ). The Dutaka is Sri Chandasarmma the great minister of peace and war. The second is also issued from the capital, the writer and the Dutaka being the same as the last one. The grant gives a field near Mundakagrama in Vardhivishaya ( in the Vadhiar district ) to one Vasudeva son:of Balabhadra - Udicha Brahamana - a Brahamana froin the north. The third is dated Samvat 93. It may be that the figures to indicate thousand may have been left out or intentionally kept understood. The year intended is V. S. 1093. The writer and the Dutaka of this grant are the same as those of the previous two. It is issued from Anahilapataka and grants a field in the limits of a village called Sahasachanagrama in Kachchha. The grantee is one Govinda - son of Damodara of Vatsa-gotra originally of Prasannapura-sthana. * These grants indicate that Vadhiara and Cutch continued to remain within the jurisdiction of Asahilapataka in the reign of Bhima. I. The Dvyasraya mentions the two main political events of his reign as the defeat and imprisonment of Hammuka - the ruler of Sindha and the acceptance of a freindly alliance by Karna - the king of Chedi whose other name is given as Kalachuri (v. 28, C. IX). Two of his secret emmissaries, after their tour, come to Bhima and inform him that the king of * It is likely that the Brahmanas reffered to in this grant are Praspora Dagars of Gujarata amongst whom Vatsagotra is common. Probably the word Praanora has something to do with Prasannapara.

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CXXXVI Kavyanusasana Sindha is planning to murder him; and that the ruler of Chedi is also becoming unfriendly. Bhima after consulting his ministers first marches against Sindha. In verses 74-84 C. VIII. Hemachandra gives a graphic and vigorous description of the Sindhuvaha or 'flow of the Indus', and tells that the king of Sindha 'enjoys a quiet sleep', being protected by this watery barrier. Then the heroic effort of building a bandha, (a sort of a bund) is described poetically in verses 90 - 106 of the same canto. The army of Bhima crosses the Indus and a royal battle ensues. Hammuka is defeated and imprisoned (124), and the horses of Bhima graze on the grounds of Hammuka and his sugar-canes become the fodder of his elephants ( 125 ). From Sindha, the conquering army marches towards Chedi. An envoy of Bhima, whose name is given as Damodara by Hemachandra and who appears to be the same as the Mahasandhivigrahika Damara vipra of the P. C., approaches Karna-the king of Chedi, chewing beetle-leaf wifh camphor etc. in a lordly style and asks him on behalf of Bhima whether he is a friend or a foe. Karna of Chedi chooses to be a friend and sends many presents to Bhima including a suvarna-mandapika of Bhoja the famous king of Malava, which according to the commentary, Karna had won from Bhoja. Bhima returns to the capital welcomed by the ladies of the city. A son is born to him who was named Kshemaraja and was known as 'dharmika ' or religious amongst the people. He got another son named Karna. Another important event of Bhima's reign which

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Introduction CXXXVII is not mentioned in the Dvyasraya or the P. C. may be narrated here. It is the sack of Somanatha which has been described at length by modern historians (see C. H. I. Vol. III pp. 23-26). It was believed that this event is nowhere mentioned or even suggested in Hindu accounts. This is, however, not correct. The event is referred to in an Apabhramsa poem of Dhanapala and the V. T. K. of Jinaprabha. Muni Sri Jinvijayaji-that great savant and researcher of the history of Gujarat-edited and published for the first time in his J. S. S. (Vol. III pp. 241-43) that poem in the Apabhramsa language and in the Utsaha metre of the poet Dhanapala-the author of the Tilakamanjari. Dhanapala was a court - poet of the famous king Bhoja of Dhara a contemporary of Bhima I. In this poem reference is made to the looting by the Turks, of Srimala country, Anahilavada, Chandravati, Soratha, Devalavada and 'Somesvara pleasing to the mind of the people'. Thus this is an almost contemporaneous account. The V. T. K. refers in the Satyapurakalpa to the looting of Gurjara country by Gajjanavi, that is the lord of Gajani in the V. S. 1081 = A. D. 1025 (p. 29). Both these references apply to the expedition of Mahamud Gajani. It is, however, strange to find that no mention of the sacking of Somanatha is found in the Ta'rikh - i- Lamini of Al-'Utbi who was a sort of Private Secretary to Mohmud. He wrote a good account of Mohumd's biography, and is definitely known to have lived four years after this event. Rasinuddin and Hamidulla who came after more than two hundred years and have written accounts of Mohmud also make no 18

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CXXXVIII Kavyanusasana mention of this account. The first Muslim historian to mention this event is Ibu Asir (about 1230 A. D.). From this absence of reference amongst early Muslim historians, we are driven to the conclusion that this expedition against Somanatha must not have been an event of that importance which it is reported to be by the later Muslim chroniclers upon whom the modern historians have almost uncritically relied. It might have been just the ordinary looting of a marauding army as the places came on its way. * The K. K. and the S. S. K. mention the defeat of Bhoja at the hands of Bhima which the D. K. does not directly mention. The Puratanaprabandhasamgraha and the P. C. describe incidents which refer to constant warfare between Malava and Gujarata - relieved by a few intervals of peace. An effort made by Bhoja to break the peace-treaty (Sandhidushana ) is mentioned in the P. P. S. and the P. C. They also refer to an attack on Anahillapura by a general of Bhoja named Kulachandra or Phula who was a Digambara Jaina. This event happened, according to the P. C., when Bhima was engaged in his expedition against Sindha. This has made the stealing by Kulachandra' proverbial (p. 32. The P. C.). On another occasion Bhima had to send his Minister of War and Peace Damara to avert a proposed expedition against Gujarata by Bhoja as there was famine. Damara managed this business very cleverly by instigating Bhoja to march against the southern king Tailapa who had beheaded his uncle Munja, and by spreading a rumour, as he was ( *For a further discussion of this topic, see Jinavijaya's article Mahmud Gaznavi and Somanatha in the J. S. S. Vol. III Pp. 252-257.

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Introduction CIXL about to march that Bhima was attacking Malava and thus compelling Bhoja to sue for peace with a present to Bhima of an elephant and his female. The P. C., lastly, mentions an attack by Karna of Chedi on Malava when Bhima assisted Karna as an ally. After Karna won in the battle, he refused to share the gains with Bhima, so the latter sent Damara against Chedi who managed to get a share in the spoils from Karna. This is the same incident which Hemachandra describes in the D. K. and which enables us to identify Damara of the Prabandhas with Damodara of the D. K. The P. P. S. and the P. C. relate many incidents which reveal a state of political and cultural rivalry between Gujarat and Malava. Many of the stories in the P. C. turn round the uncommon wit and intelligence of the Brahmana Minister for War and Peace-Damara or Damodara. He seems to be the Birbala of the P. C. x We are able to gather from the Prabhavakacharita that already in the time of Bhimal Anahillapura has developped into a great centre of intellectual activity. The Prabhavakacharita being devoted to the great men of Jaina religion naturally gives prominence to the learned men of that religion. But from the background it provides, we gather that poets and dialecticians of different sects from different parts of India visit the capital of Gurajaradesa. And even in the case of the learned men of the Jaina sect, their X The uncommon wit and wisdom of Damara seems to have become almost proverbial in Gujarat; for we have still the habit of saying in the Gujarati language : DAhyo Damaro thaje $ Be a wise Damaro!' For the famous well of Damodara see further on.

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CXL Kavyanusasana greatness is shown more by their proficiency in logic and the art of dialectics (Pramanasastra), mastery of all the schools of philosophy (darsanas), their thorough grounding in grammar and the science of language (sabdasastra), and their cleverness in poetic compositions. Anybody familiar with Samskrta Learning knows that these-Logic and Grammar, Philosophy and Literature are some of the main subjects that formed the common field of intellectual activity in India. And again as in the case of Santyacharya and Suracharya they often went to other kingdoms to fight the intellectual battle on behalf of their country. The intellectual rivarly between Dhara and Anahillapura was keen, and Bhoja and Bhima I always were jealous of the intellectual status of their courts. Bhoja in order to test the intelligence of Gurjaradesa (Gurjardesavijnata) so that he might see his opportunity for breaking the peace - treaty (sandhidushanotpattaye) sends a guthu - a stanza in Praksta with his sandhivigrahika to Bhima. The gatha means that 'a lion whose prowess is seen in the ease with which he kills a powerful elephant does not care to make war or keep peace with a deer.' * The suggestion is clear. The several answers proposed by his court-poets do not satisfy Bhima who is ill at ease to find a thrashing rejoinder. His courtiers go out and find one Govindacharya who was attending a dance-performance in a Jaina temple with his pupil Suracharya. The Prabhavakacharita gives a graphic description of the dance and tells us that when the * helAniliyagaindakumbhapayaDiyapayAvapasarassa / TEET agus ia farietta gero Il The P. C. p. 28.

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Introduction CXLI damsel perspiring reposed on a stone-pillar Govindacharya was requested to describe that graceful pose. He looks at Suracharya who composes a beautiful verse on the reposing damsel. + The courtiers, being impressed, request Govindacharya to attend the court which he does with his pupil Suracharya. He is requested to prepare a befitting reply and again he looks at his pupil. Suracharya prepares the answer in a Prakrta gatha. It means: The creator in Bhima, created the destroyer of the sons of the blind one; what does one matter to him to whom a hundred did not matter? Here there is a pun upon the word Bhima and Andhakasuta. Bhima the Pandava killed the hundred sons of the blind Dhrtarashtra; so this Bhima will easily kill one son of the blind. This gatha confirms the tradition that Sindhula the father of Bhoja was deprived of his eye-sight by his brother Munja. This Suracharya was a cousin of the king Bhinia, being the son of his maternal uncle Sangramasimha. If the mother of Bhima was Lakshmi, younger sister of Mahendra who was the king of Marudesa, we may infer that Sangramasimha was a prince of Marudesa. Sangramsaimha died when his son was very young. His name, before he became a Jaina monk was Mahipala. His mother handed him ever for education to a brother of her husband who had become a Jaina monk known as Dronacharya. This Dronacharya was + See the Pra. Ch. p. 246. vs. 20-25. yatkaGkaNAbharaNakomalabAhuvallisaGgAt kuraGgakadRzo navayauvanAyAH / na svidyasi pracalasi pravikampase tvaM tatsatyameva dRSadA nanu nirmito'si // 26 // X andhayasuyANa kAlo bhImo puhavIi nimmio vihiNA / jeNa sayapi ma gaNiaM kA gaNaNA tujjha ikkassa || The P C. p. 280

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CXLII Kavyanusasania probably a disciple of Govindacharya who is referred to as a man of versatile learning. Mahipala became a master of Vyakarana, Nyaya, and Dharmasastra. After finishing his education, he became a Jaina monk and and became famous as Suracharya. As a young man this Suracharya was a terrific task - master of his pupils who once complained about his harshness to the elder Guru. The elder Guru rebuked him for his impetuous nature and asked him to show the power of his intellect by conquering the learned assembly of Bhoja. The young dialectician understood the taunt and expressed his determination to proceed to Dhara which he afterwards did with the permission of his Guru, and his maternal cousin king Bhima, who sent him there as his representative. His intellectual feats are decribed at length in the Prabhavakacharita. + A royal Purohita in ancient India was a persona grata. In the reign of Bhima I this position was occupied by one Somesvara. This gentleman appears to be a man of very liberal outlook. It was through his intercession that Jaina monks known as Suvihita or Vasativadins got a footing in Anahilla pura, which was a stronghold of the Chaitya-vasin Jaina monks from the time of Vanaraja who was brought up, as we saw, by the Chaityavasin monk Silagunasuri. The Suvihitas or the Vasativadins practised more rigorously the discipline of Mahavira while the Chaityavasins were like the abbots or the heads of Mathas of other Hindu sects who led a life of ease and luxury. Artistic culture as well as harsher intellectual disciplines were fostered + See pp. 245-261.

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Introduction CXLIII by them. But they were not remarkable for their ascetic life, while the Suvihitas were. But the convention was that Suvihitas could not live in Asahillapura. Jinesvara and Buddhisagara two munis or monks of Suvihita type come to Anahillapura. They were Brahmanas of Madhyadesa learned in the fourteen Vidyas as well as Smotis and Itihasa and bore the names Sridhara and Sripati before they were converted. When they found no place in the capital, they went to the Purohita and recited the Vedas and showed their mastery of Brahamanical learning. They were welcomed by Somesvara to whom they showed the similarity of Veda-Upanishad - philosophy with Jaina philosophy. It was the emphasis on daya or non-violence towards animals in Jaina religion which made them accept that faith. Somesvara provided them with lodging and boarding and when the men of Chaityavasis asked these monks to leave Anahillapura the matter was brought before the king whose name the Prabhavakacharita gives as Durlabha.* The Chaityavasis argued their monopoly of residence on historical grounds. The king accepted their plea but requested them to allow these people to live in the capital as he could not refuse residence to respectable people. Somesvara then requested the king to provide for them a place of residence. Jnanadeva the pontiff of the Saiva church came at that time to visit the king. He was informed of the incident. He was very much pleased to see that his * See the Pra. Ch. pp. 264-267. This incident may have taken place at the end of Durlabha's reign or more probably in the beginning of Bhima's reign.

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CXLIV Kavyanusasan preachings had the desired effect on the king in as much as he honoured 'all holy men.' " Siva is Jina" says Jnanadeva "Let the Purohita give them land belonging to the Tripurusha (the Saiva temple built by Mularaja ) in the Rice-market. I will see to it that no trouble arises either from our side or the other side (p. 266 ). " Somesvara followed his instructions and got a residence for the Jaina ascetics. "After that' says the Pr. Ch. " a series of residences sprung up; for that which is founded by great men prospers; there is no doubt in that" (p. 266.). This incident explains the mental attitude of the religious leaders of the higher type as also how vested interests were responsible for quarrels within the sect itself. Buddhisa gara composed a Samskata grammar which is named after him and consists of eight thousand slokas - ( that is units of eight syllables ) according to the Pr. Ch.. According to the pra Sasti of the ms of this work, which is not yet published, the volume of the grammar was 7000 slokas. It was composed at Jabalipura ( Jalor ) in the year V. S. 1180=A. D. 1124. Jinesvara wrote a work on Logic. + Another important figure of the times is the learned poet Dharma of Sri Bhrgukachchha ( Broach) on the banks of the river Mekala-Kanya ( Narmada ) in Lata. His account is given at some length in the Prabhavakacharita in connection with the poet Dhanapala of Dhara and the great logician of Anahillapura - Santyacharya.* His father Suradeva was a very learned + See Puratattva Vol. II pp. 83-84. * See the Pra. Cha. pp. 238-242.

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Introduction CXLV man- Brahman incarnate'. His mother Savitri was the crest - jewel of the Satis, and was famous for her charities. The family belonged to the Kaula sect of Saivism and so Dharma is often referred to as the Kaula Kavi Dharma. Dharma had an elder brother named Sarma and a sister named Gomati. As a child he was a great dunce; so his father had asked him to find out some employment for himself. He became. a guardsman in some sugar-cane field on the other side of the Narmada, and while serving there, through the favour of some Yogini, his intellectual powers suddenly developed. As he approached the bank of the river to cross it, he burst into a poem describing its powerful flow.* He crossed the river in a boat and went home. But he was not welcomed by his father and so left his home in disgust abusing his Kaula sect in choicest terms. He toured all the provinces holding debates with the learned men and defeating them. He came to Dhara and sent his challenge to the king Bhoja. There he describes himself as having defeated Sambhu of Gauda ( Bengal ), Dvija in Dhara, Vishnu in Bhattia - Mandala and Pasupati in Sri Kanyakubja. His challenge is that let any body face him in the sciences of Tarka, Lakshana and Sahitya. He easily defeats all the learned men of Bhoja's assembly. Bhoja sends for his friend the poet Dhanapala who had left him as he was insulted in connection with * ete mekalakanyakApraNayinaH pAtAlamUlaspRzaH saMtrAsaM janayanti vindhyabhidurA vArI pravAhAH puraH / helodvartitanartitapratihatavyAvartitaprerita* 1974alparacaipirasigaatit: Il 783 H Pra. Ch. p. 239. 19

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CXLVI Kavyanusasaan his novel Tilakamanjari, and appeals to his patriotism by saying "Shall a foreigner-a Kaula-defeat Dhara ?" Dhanapala returns from Satyapura (Sachor in Rajputana) and defeats Dharma who accepts his superiority by saying that there is no body who is Dhanapala's equal. Dhanapala asks him to visit Santisuri of Anahillapura. Dharma at his sugggestion starts for Gurjaradesa ( Pr. Ch. pp. 238-244). He comes to Anahillapura and meets the great logician Santisuri in an open debate. The arguments that Dharma puts forth were taken from the Tattvopaplava * a dialectical work showing that nothing is provable and nothing is knowable. ( The author of this work is one Jayarashibhatta.) Sri Santyacharya answers all his arguments and Dharma accepts him as his superior, and as a wonderful logician. He says "A man like Dhanapala would not tell a lie. You are really a learned man" (Ibid. pp. 221-222). This Santisuri appears to be a great figure in the intellectual and literary world of Gurjaradesa and Malava. The Prabhavakacharita devotes a whole chapter to this dialectician and poet (It may be remarked here, in passing, that in the culture of ancient India, Logic and Poetry were not divorced from each other). According to it he was born in a village known as 'Unattayu' to the west of Sri Pattana, the present day Una near Radhanpura. His father was a rich man of the Srimala family and bore the name of Dhanadeva. His mother's name was Dhanasri. He was known as Bhima. Vijayasimha, seeing his * A Palm-leaf ms of this work was first discovered by Pandita Sukhalalji and Pandita Bechardas from a Bhandar at Patana. An edition of this work by Pt. Sukhlalji and tbe present writer is under preparation.

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Introduction CXLVII uncommon intelligence begged him of his father. He was taught all the Kalas (arts) and Vidyas (sciences). From the learned assembly of Bhima, he got the titles "Kavindra" (A king of poets) and Vadichakrin (A king of dialecticians). Dhanapala-the famous man of letters of Dhara-got his Tilakamanjari critically examined by Santyacharya at the suggestion of his Guru Mahendrasuri. Dhanapala personally went to Anahillapura to make the request. He was astonished to see the high level of intelligence of a pupil of Santisuri whom he wanted to take to Dhara. Santisuri replied : " He has yet to study the difficult Pramanasastras. He should not be taken away from his studies". At the request of Dhanapala and with the permission of Bhima, Santisuri went to Dhara as a representative of Gurjaradesa. He was very well received by Bhoja. There he critically went through the Tilakamanjari - katha and wrote a Tippana on the work which exists in a manuscript form. Bhoja in order to see the intellectual powers of this Svetabhikshu of Gurjaradesa offered him a lac of rupees for every Vadin (dialectician ) that he defeated. Santisuri defeated eighty-four of them and got the title Vadivetala from Bhoja in addition to the promised sum of money which he spent in building temples. Santisuri was a Chaityavasin. Abhayadevasuri-the author of that big commentary * on the Sanmatitarka of Siddhasena Divakara known as Vadamaharnava was Santisuri's teacher. * This Santisuri had thirty-two students studying pramanasastra under him. It appears that Buddhist logic was also taught there and regarded as very difficult * See further on.

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CXLVIII Kavyanusasana to grasp. + A young Jaina monk of the ascetic type named Muni Chandra attended his lectures standing unknown for a fortnight. When Santisuri put certain questions to his students, nobody could answer them. Chandrasuri with his permission answered them to his satisfaction, and then narrated his state of affairs. Santisuri was very much impressed with him and offered to teach him, at the same time providing him with a residence behind the Mint (Tankasala), as he being a Suvihita monk had great difficulty to find one. So it appears it took some time, even after the royal permit, before these monks could find an easy footing in Asahillapura. Santisuri, after his debate with Dharma, met a dialectician-come to Anahillapura from Dravida country, whose name is not given but who is represented as talking in a strange language. He was also worsted. Santisuri composed a commentary on the Uttaradhyayanasutra with whose help Vadi Devasuri a disciple of Muni Chandra defeated the Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra in the time of Jayasimha. It appears Santisuri was responsible for starting a school of logic amongst the Jainas; for we find this Vadi Devasuri composing a big work on the subject known as Pramananayatattvaloka and its commentary Syadvada - Ratnakara. Santisuri died in the year V. S. 1096 = A. D. 1040. We find from the copper-plates of Bhima that his Maha Sandhivigrahika (Great Minister of War and Peace ) was Sri Chandasarman. To his minister Damodara orDamara we have already alluded. From + gaat geplazar slaggaT: I us Pr. Ch. p. 220.

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Introduction cxLix the Surathotsava, we learn that Bhima's Purohita was Soma ( vs. 15 - 16 ) who seems to be identical with the Somesvara mentioned by the Prabhavakacharita and to whom we have already referred. From the N. N. C. Prasasti we learn that Vira-the Minister of Durlabharaja, who is also mentioned as we saw by the Pr. Ch., had two sons named Neohu and Vimala. Nedhu was a minister of Bhima while Vimala was a general of Bhima. Vimala was sent to bring the ruler of Abu under subjection which he did. He was, then, made the governor of the place. This Vimala, like his fore-fathers, was a worshipper of Sakti under the name of Amba. After having made friends with the former ruler of Abu, he built there the famous marble temple-a wonder of the world in sculpture and carving. The temple is known after him as Vimalavasahi. We learn from the Puratanaprabandhasamgraha that Neqha became a monk and Vimala was made a king by Sri Bhima who, as insignia of honour, gave him an elephant and an umbrella (p. 52). It appears that the construction of the whole temple was not finished in Vimala's life-time; for the ranga - mandapa, according to the P. P. S. was made by his son Chahila (p. 152). According to the N. N. C. P., however, it was constructed by his grandson Pethvipala in the reign of Kumarapala. From the P. C. we learn that Bhina had a son named Mularaja who died young. This Milaraja, in a year of famine, got the farmers freed from the payment of revenue. He died soon after. Next year, when the crops were good, the farmers brought the revenues of the last year with the present year. But the king refused to take what he had already let go. The

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Kavyanusasana revenues were ultimately spent in building a Saiva temple in honour of Bala - Mularaja known also as Tripurusha - prasada. Bhima built another temple in honour of Siva, known as Sri Bhimesvaraprasada; another of his temple is known as Bhattarika Bhiruani - prasada. His queen Udayamati, who was a daughter of Naravahana Khangara ( of Soratha ), built a step - well which had beautiful carving. The remains of this step - well are near Patan, His minister Damodara seems to have built a well which must have been a great work of art as we gather from a Gujarati couplet. * Bhima, according to the D. K., first offered his throne to Kshemaraja, who, however, refused to accept it, as he wanted to devote his life to religious pursuits. Then Bhima and Kshemaraja together asked Karna to become the king (C. IX v. 73 - 75). Bhima died soon after. Kshemaraja retired to Mandukesvara near Dadhisthali, on the banks of the Sarasvati. Dadhisthali was given to Devaprasada son of Kshemaraja, so that he might attend upon his father (vs. 76 - 77 ). Acccrding to the P. C., Karna reigned from V. S. 1120 to V. S. 1150 = A. D. 1064 to A. D. 1094 for about thirty years. Two copper - plate grants of his dated V. S. 1131 = A. D. 1075 and V. S. 1148 = A. D. 1092 have been discovered. The first grant contains the geneology from Mularaja to Karna. It refers to the grant of a village called Dhamanachha (the modern Dhamna) in Nagasarika district (Navasari). * rANIkI vAva ne dAmodara kuvo jeNe na joyo te jIvatAM muvo.

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Introduction CLI The grantee is one Panaita Mahidhara learned in all Sastras, son of Rudraditya, grandson of the Brahmana Madhusudana of Mandavya gotra hailing from Madhyadesa. It is written by Keka (Kekaka ) son of Kayastha Vatesvara. The Dutaka is Mahasandhivigrahika Sri Gaditya. This same grant is to be found in another copy. It is dated Saka Samvat 996 ( 1074 A. D.) a month later than the first one. In the geneology of Karna, it omits the name of Chamunda. It contains the family history of Sri Durlabhesa the Mahamandale. svara of Karna for Lata, who seems to have confirmed the original grant. The second grant of V. S. 1148=A. D. 1092 is issued from Asahila pataka. It does not give the geneology. In it Karna is called Trailokyamalla. It gives a field in the village called Sunaka in the district of Anandapura (Vadanagara ) containing 126 villages. The field is given for the benefit of a step - well made by Rasovika Thakkura Mahadeva. The grant is written by Akshapatalika Kekkaka son of Kayastha Vatesvara. The Dutaka is Mahasandhivigrahak Sri Chahilla. In it the signature is Sri Karnadevasya. From the first grant, we learn that before 1075 A. D. the dominion of Karna in the south extended beyond Tapi and Navasari. This is the usual southern limit of Gujarata. From the second grant in which Karna assumes the title of Trailok yamalla, we may infer that before 1092 A. D. Karna had won his main victories. The D. K. and the P. C., however, do not refer to Karna's expeditions or fights against other kings. But from the Sukstasamkirtana and the Surathotsava,

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CLII Kavyanusasana we learn that Karna led an expedition against Malava and inflicted a defeat on the king, bringing with him from Dhara an image or linga of Nilakantha Mahadeva. It appears from other sources that Jayasimha son of Bhoja with the help of the Chalukya king Somesvara of the south had regained his power after inflicting a defeat on Karna - the king of Chedi - an ally of Bhima I. Karna Solanki of Anahillapura must have defeated this Jayasimha. But Udayaditya, who came on the throne of Malava after his nephew Jayasimha, regained the lost power. We learn from an inscription of Sundha Pahadi that Karna had to fight with the Chauhanas of Naddula. A severe defeat was inflicted on Karna's army. This quarrel with the Chauhans began in the reign of Bhima I. From the Karnasundari Natika of the Kashmiri poet Bilhana - a contemporary work, we learn that Karna had sent an expedition to conquer Gajjana-naara (Gajjananagara) under Rucchika, if the name in the play is not imaginary (p. 53). A messenger named Virasimha, sent by the successful general, describes, before the king, the battle which took place on the banks of the Sindhu (p. 54). * The S. S. also refers to Karsa's victory in Sindha. Most of the accounts about Karna, however, occupy themselves with describing his uncommon beauty of person - charming to women (K. K. C. II vs. 20-21), and his love-romances. The Karnasundari Natika of the Kashmiri poet Bilhana takes for its plot a love - episode of Karna. The heroine is a celestial damsel - a Vidyadhari. The drama follows closely the models of Malavikagnimitra - a historical

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Introduction CLIII play of Kalidasa and the Ratnavali of Sri Harsha, in its plot, as also in other details. We are not able to identify exactly the heroine of the play with any historical personage. This has led to a fanciful explanation of Karnasundari* - as the city of Karnayati supposed to be founded by Karna as a rival of Anahillapura. On the face of it the explnation is absurd and shows a complete misunderstanding of the Samskrta play and its technique. If any historical person is intended in the character of the Vidyadhari Karsasundari, it could be no one else but Mayagalla, the beloved queen of Karna whose romantic love forms the subject - matter of the ninth canto of the Dvyasraya Kavya where the romantic meeting of Mayanalla and Karna resembles somewhat a similar account in the play. Even though there is no definite evidence to enable us to identify the Vidyadhari with Mayanalla, whatever indications we can gather from the play point in that direction. Samskrta dramatists very often give clues to their characters in the prologues of their plays. The Sutradhara, in this play, is at a loss to understand why his wife is not quite sweet with him. He guesses that he might have said something in his dream, referring to the beautiful damsel from the south, whose art and youth he had closely observed as she was dancing before the king. This Dakshinatya Nati probably is meant to suggest the heroine Vidyadhari who became Karnasundari. This reference to the south, if it suggests * Karna Solanki by Mr. Ramlal C. Modi in the Bhartiya Apusilanagrantha presented to Pt. Gaurishankara Oza, Part III, pp. 14 - 25. 20

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CLIV Kavyanusasana anything, must refer to Mayapalla, who was a princess from Karnataka. We learn from the play that the name of the Devi - the principal queen - of Karna at the time of the play was Sita. The minister, who is compared to Yaugandharayana and whose scheming activities are responsible for the whole episode, is Sampatkara popularly known as Santu. It was through this relationship that Sampatkara wanted to achieve the Chakravartitva-emperorship-of the king. This probably refers to the fact of an alliance between the king of Karnataka Vikramaditya VI who was married to a sister of Mayanalla, and Karna; - an alliance brought about through a common father-in-law. The association of the king of Karnataka and Karna is mentioned on an inscription of Udayaditya of Malava. It is likely that the minister Sampatkara may have been in some way responsible in arranging this match for a political purpose. The play might have been performed after the Gujarat victories in Malava and Sindha. The marriage of Karna with Mayanalla must have taken place before these victories. The account of Karna in the Dvyasraya mainly concerns itself with describing the romance of Karna and Mayanalla, their marriage, and the birth of Jayasimha. Hemachandra devotes about ten verses ( 178-88 ) in describing the valour etc. of Karna. Then the account of the romance begins. The door-keeper ushers in a painter who has been touring through different parts of India and has drawn wonderful pictures. The artist lays bare before the king, a painting on cloth (alekhyapata ). The king is charmed with a princess

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Introduction CLV (6 drawn on it, and inquires about her from the painter. The artist answers : There is a city named Chandrapura in the south. A king named Jayakesin reigns there. This princess named Mayanalla is the daughter of that king. Glory to her. Then the artist narrates how this princess even though in full youth refused to marry, and how she ultimately succumbed to the charms of a painting of Karna shown to her by a travelling artist. Then the artist describes her love-lorn condition. " I, feeling like weeping, painted her in this picture and brought her to you. My work is done!" (vs. 117-18). The match is arranged and Mayanalla comes to marry Karna with a big dowry of elephants etc. given by her father. The whole party encamps outside the city. Karna goes to see the elephants incognito with an attendant. There he sees the princess in a latagrha - a bower of creepers. From her Cholaka - a sort of boddice - he infers that she is a virgin and makes inquiries of her name etc. Her attendants inform the king that she has graced the Kadamba family. " Hemachandra informs us that Mayanalla was made Mahishi, i. e. the principal queen. We know from the history of the Kadamba family that Jayakesin's forefathers ruled in Chandrapura ( Chandor in Salestta Taluka near Goa) and that Jayakesin, himself having conquered Goa, transferred his capital there. Jayakesin died in the year V. S. 1136 A. D. 1080. The marriage took place when he was alive. From the D. K. we learn that Karna married Mayanalla after he came to the throne. The event might have happened in the early part of his

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civi Kavyanusasana reign. In that case, the marriage must have taken place between A. D. 1064 and A. D. 1080. We gather from the D. K. (X v. - 2) that for a long time after their marriage they had no issue. Karna goes to the temple of the goddess Sri ( Srivesma ) or Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, and propitiates her by praying and by practising austerities. Karsa's devotion is tested in various ways. First the heavenly damsels try to tempt him, but they fail; then a terrible male-form tries to frighten him, but it also fails. The goddess is pleased and grants him his desire. The canto XI begins with the description of the ideal love of the king and the queen. Mayanalla bears a child. A son is born. Astrologers, riding on horses, come to the palace. His glorious future is fore - cast. He is revealed to be an incarnation of Ramachandra (v. 20). The elderly ladies of the family gave him the name of Jayasimha (v. 39 )- a different type of name - reminiscient of his maternal grand-father's name - Jayakesin. + According to the P. P. S. Jayasimha was eight years old when Karna died. If this date is correct, Jayasimha's birth must have taken place in V. S. 1142 - A. D. 1086. The account of the P. C. -- that Mayanalla was very ugly and that Karna, who first refused but later on consented to marry her under a threat of suicide from his mother Queen Udayamati, had great dislike for Mayanalla, - should be discredited as utterly going against the much earlier testimony of Hemachandra, + The word of a means face that is lion. So the names are identical in meaning.

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Introduction CLVII who would not not have described their passionate love in such glowing terms if the things were as described in the P. C.. If the facts were as the P. C. relates Hemachandra would rather have remained. silent on the point. The other part of the scandalous story that the minister Munjala secretly substituted Mayanalla for a low-born woman to whom Karna was attached and that consequently she bore a child may equally be discredited. The P. C. tells us that when Jayasimha was three years old, he mounted the throne in play. This being rather ominous the king, acting on the advice of his astrologers, crowned the boy king. He then went to suppress the turbulent Bhilla chief Asa of Asapalli and founded a city, or more probably renamed Asapalli which became known after him as Karnavati, and ruled there as king. The suppression of Asa and the founding of the city or renaming Asapalli are historical facts. But the crowning of Jayasimha at the age of three does not seem probable. The Dvyasraya tells us that when Jayasimha had finished his studies and was coming of age, Karna after consulting his ministers asked him to accept the throne so that he might lead a retired life, devoted to Hari (God). Jayasimha first refused but on his father pressing him, he consented, and so was crowned king. Karna asked Jayasimha to look after his brother's son Devaprasada and his descendants. The P. P. S. tells us that when Jayasimha was eight years old, Sri Karna died. He was trained for rulership (Gunasreni) by the minister Santu even when he was eight years old (p. 35).

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CLVIII Kavyanusasana It appears from the D. K. that Karna became a devotee of Hari or Vishnu. When he is persuading Jayasimna to accept the throne, he says " Before the female - serpent old age bites this bird of my soul, it is time for me to meditate on that God whose hands are as long as the king of serpents (Sesharaja ) who lies on his serpent-couch, whose insignia is the bird that kills the serpents (Garula ), who wears a garment of the colour (yellow) of the king of birds (Garuda ), and who has made the difficult path to heaven easily accessible (v. 95 - 96). Again when referring to his death, Hemachandra calls him " Brahamavadi and Harismari." We saw that Karna propitiated Lakshmi for a son. We may, however, note that in his copper-plates, he is referred to as worshipping Siva. So also in the Karnasundari. This means that he might have become a Vaishnava in the latter part of his reign after the birth of Jayasimha. From the P, C., we learn that while proceeding to fight Asa, he received signs of good luck from the goddess Bhairavadevi and so Karna built a temple in honour of that goddess Kochharaba (probably connected with Kocharab-a suburb of Ahmedabad) - and another in honour of the goddess Jayantidevi at the place where he defeated the Bhilla chieftain. He also built in Karnavati a temple known as Karnesvaradevatayatana and also a lake called Karnasagara which may be the original of the present-day Kankaria Talao which was also known as Hor-ekutub. In Sri Pattana he built a temple known as Sri Karna - Meru Prasada (p. 55). Near Modhera also, he built a lake and a temple known after him.

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Introduction CLIX From his copper - plates we learn that two of his Mahasandhivigrahikas were Sri Gaditya and Sri Chahila. From the Karnasundari, we learn that his principal minister whose intelligence and loyalty, the poet describes at some length, was Sampatkara. Sampatkara or Santu continued to mind the affairs of the state even in the time of Jayasimha. I have referred to the Karnasundari Natika of Bilhana. This Bilhana was a sojourner in Anahillapura. He was a poet from Kasmira who stayed for a while in the capital of Gurjardesa when he was out, travelling in India, seeking fortune. He gives a sort of his autobiography in the XVIII canto of his poem Vikaramankadevacharita. According to it he was a native of Khoaamukha, a village near Pravarapura (v.71) (according to Dr. Buhler, at a distance of three miles from Pravarapura in Kasmira. His father's name was Jyeshthakalasa whom he describes as very learned (Sarasvata-rasa-nidhana and Sruti-nidhi) and his having composed a commentary on the Mahabhashya (79). His mother's name was Nagadevi whom he describes as an in house - management ( 80 ). The poet then describes adept himself as one in whose mouth the goddess of Speech resided from the time he became a student (81). He was a master of the Vedas with their Angas, of the Mahabhashya of Patanjali, and the beautiful art of Poetry and Poetics was his very life - breath (82). Before he came to ANhillapura, he had visited Mathura, Kanyakubja, etc. He stayed for some time in the court of Karna of Chedi ( vs. 93) who, as we saw, was a contemporary of Bhima I. Bilhana avoided. Dhara, probably because there was enmity between

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CLX Kavyanusasana Chedi and Malava, though he writes in his boasting style that Dhara was sorry that he did not go there. From Chedi, he came to Anahillapura. He must have come there in the early part of Karna's reign, probably soon after Karna's marriage with Mayanalla. It may be that he might have written the play to commemorate the event. * It appears his stay in Asahillapura was not of such consequence as to deserve mention in his selfeulogistic account. He merely refers to it'as contact with Gurjars on the way. He was disgusted with their speech and with their way of wearing dhoti. His references to Anahillapattana, and to Karna, and his eulogy of the Mahamatya Sampatrkara in the Karnasundari, however, tell a different tale. It might be that because he wrote his Vikra mankadevacharita in the court of Ahavamalla a rival Chalukya king, he had to make slighting references to the Gurjaras, or it might be that his unchecked arrogance which he reveals in his auto-biographic account met with a check in the court of Anahillapura and that his vanity was wounded. However that may be, the blemishes of speech and dress which Bilhana refers to must not be regarded as unreal. * Mr. Ramlal Modi thinks that the play must have been written not in the time of Karna, but in the early part of Jayasimba's reign, because the plav is not acted in one of Kaina's Daiva temples, but in the Jaipa temple of Sampatakara. This argument, I think, is flimsy, and is based upon an ignorance of the customs of the times. It was an usual thing in those days, for such plays to be acted in Jaina temples on festive occasions; and a foreign poet might very well write a play for the festival in the temple of the prime - minister.

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Introduction CLXI Bilhana went to Somanatha and from there took boat, in the opinion of Dr. Buhler, from the neighbouring port of Veravala and voyaged to the south. He settled in the court of Ahavamalla-the Chalukya king of Kalyana, as the Vidyapati, or Master of Learning. Another great figure whose activities extended up to the middle of Karna's reign was Abhayadevasuri. He is known as the Navangi tika-kara that is a commentator on the nine Angas of the Jainas. He is different from the Abhayadevasuri who was a teacher of Santisuri and the author of that great commentary on the Sanmati - tarka of Siddhasena Divakara. He was a son of Mahidhara, a rich man of Dhara. His mother's name was Dhanadevi. It was through the influence of Abhayadeva that a big temple in honour of Parsvanatha was built on the banks of the river Sedhi or Seti in Gujarat. The rich men of Dholka who had accompanied Abhayadevasuri collected a fund of a lac of rupees to build the temple. The land was given by the villagers. Amresvara, a pupil of Sri Mallavadin who was an expert in architecture was made the headman. In addition to his food etc., he got one dramma daily as his wages. From this payment, he saved some money and built a small temple himself which existed in the time of the author of the Pr. Ch. (pp. 267-272). " Abhayadevasuri died in the reign of Karna somewhere between V. S. 1135-39 A. D. 1079-1083. According to the D. K., Karna died peacefully as a Brahmavadi and a Harismari'. But the Hammiramadamardana suggests that Karna was killed by Duhsala in battle. For many reasons which Mr. Ramlal 21

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CLXII Kavyanusasana Modi has ably given in his article on Karna (pp. 20-21), it appears that this incident referred to in a poem written three-hundred years later cannot be believed as against the almost contemporary account of Hemachandra. 14 Siddharaja Jayasimha is the most remembered of the kings of Gujarata. He still lives in folk - literature and folk-drama. + Like Vikrama and Bhoja he has become almost a legendary figure. In fact, it appears to be the ambition of Jayasimha to become like Vikramaditya of Ujjayini in all aspects of life. Jayasimha's behaviour with such a conscious aim in view explains the lasting impression that he made on the imagination of the people of his own as well as of later generations. Otherwise it would be inexplicable to understand why the Dvyasraya Kavya which gives a normal historical account of the preceding kings of Anahillapura from Mularaja to Karna, as also of the succeeding king Kumarapala, gives a super-normal account of the contemporary king Jayasimha. This can be explained on the assumption that the uncommon personality of Jayasimha was assuming a legendary character in his own times. In fact, Jayasimha is better known as Siddharaja * or Siddhiraja (as he is called in the + The Vesa of Sadharo Jesang.--that is, how Siddharaja Tayasinha is known to folk-literatnre - still forms an important item in the traditional stock of folk-playlets performed by Bhavaiyas - a caste of hereditary actors. * Siddharaja may be understood either as the king of Siddhas or as the king who is a Siddha - a master of Siddhis. For another and historically more probable implication of the word see furthe on.

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Introduction CLXIII D. K.) which means a lord of Siddhis-super- natural powers. We shall have occasion to refer to this aspect when we came to the account of the D. K. In addition to the inscriptions, and literary accounts, we have been utilizing up till now, we are fortunate in possessing, for this period, other sources of information which help us in arranging some of the events of his reign chronologically. These are the colophons of some of the contemporary manuscripts. This important material was first made known by Muni Sri Jinavijayaji in his address which he delivered as an Honorary Member of the Gujarat Sahitya Sabha. As to the additional literary sources, we may note the Siddha - Hema grammar, the Desinamamala, the Chhandonusasana, and other works of Hemachandra; the Vagbhatalamkara of Vagbhata in which Jayasimha is referred to in about ten verses, the Ganaratna mahodadhi (completed in V. S. 1197-A. D. 1141) of Vardhamana suri, some verses of another contemporary writer Sagarachandra quoted in the G. R. M., and the drama called Mudritakumudachandra of Yasaschandra which gives an account of the controversy held between Kumudachandra, a Diagambara Acharya and Devasuri, a Svetambara Acharya, and incidentally describes the learned assembly of Jayasimha and refers to some of its literary figures. The Satarthakavya of Somaprabhasuri - a contemporary of Kumarapala-has for one of its hundred interpretations Jayasimha as the subject. Two Islamic writers also supply us with some useful material. One is the geographer Al-Idrisi,

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CLXIV Kavyanusasana author of the Nuzhat - ui - Mushtak who visited the court of Jayasimha (C. H. I, Vol. III, p. 517 and the B. G. Vol. I p. 508 ). The other is Muhammad Ufi the author of Jame - ul - Hikayata (N. P. P. Vol. II, pp. 163 - 64). The Prabandhachintamani gives forty-nine years' reign to Jayasimha, from V. S. 1150 to V. S. 1199 A. D. 1094 - 1143. In the unpublished collection of Gujarata Inscriptions of Muni Sri Jinavijayaji, nine inscriptions of Jayasimha's reign are noted; so also, in his address referred to, he has noted nine dated references to Jayasimha in the colophons of various manuscripts. A fragment of the prasasti of the Lake Sahasralinga was deciphered by Jinavijaya on a slab of stone set in the wall of a small Saiva temple in Vijaliamoholla (Patana), which was first noticed by Mr. Ramlal Modi (see Prasthana, Vol. 12, pp. 213-298). Now the first question that faces us is the age at which Jayasimha was consecrated king. From the D. K. as we have already noted, we gather that he was just reaching youth when he was asked by his father to assume kingly position. He is compared to a plant of Vrihi corn which is forming sheaves or clusters in Sarad - months of September - October. ( Yatha stambakarer Vrihih sa tadasit tathodayi ( v. 57). ) The verses that follow show him to be a brave and obedient lad. From the P. P. S., we learn that he was eight years old whe Karna died and from the P. C., we learn that he was formally crowned king when three years of age. The P. P. S. tells us that he was being trained for kingly duties by his minister Sampatkara.

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Introduction CLXV From this evidence, we may infer that Jayasimha was not of age when he came to the throne. The main event in the time of Jayasimha's minority or the early part of his reign was an attack on Anahillapura by Naravarman * the king of Malava when Jayasimha was absent on a pilgrimage to Somanatha with his mother Mayanalla or Minaladevi, as she is called in the Gujarati. Probably the best part of the army was with the young King and Queen-Mother. So Sampatakara or Santu who was in charge of the capital had to make peace with the invader by giving, as the P. C. says, Jayasimha's merit of pilgrimage to Somanatha. It is a question whether the invader was satisfied with merely religious merit. Anyhow when Jayasimha returned, he resolved upon to retrieve his honour by waging a war against Malava. When on pilgrimage to Somanatha, the Queenmother used to encamp a few miles ahead of the king. As she approached Bahuloda * a place where the pilgrimtax was levied, she found some poor pilgrims, who could not pay the tax, returning in great sorrow. Mayanalla's religious sensibility was greatly affected and she, out of sympathy, returned with them. When Jayasimha The P.C. gives the name of the invader as Ya ovarman, but at the time Naravarman was on the throne of Malava. See Pandita Oza's article on Jayasimba in the N. P. P. Vol. IX, p. 268. Mr. Ramalal thinks that this attack was made by the Chauban king Yojaka Nadula on the strength of a general reference in an inscription two hundred years later than this event. There is no confirmatory evidence for this opinion. * The identity of the place Bahulola has caused some discussion amongst scholars. Two places-one on the boundary of Gujarata and Kathiawada known as Bholada and the other

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Kavyanusasana was informed of the incident he let go the whole tax to satisfy his mother, which according to the P. C., amounted to seventytwo lacs of the current coin. * The first contemporary record of Jayasimha's reign that has been discovered up till now is a colophon dated V. S. 1157-A. D. 1101, that is seven years after his accession to the throne. In this, the reference is simply - Sri Jayasiinhadeva rajye - i. e. 'in the reign of Sri Jayasimha.' This simple mention of his name without any titles is indicative of his minority; and its sole purpose is just to record the name of the occupant of the throne. near Suklatirtha on the river Narmada known as Bbaloda - are put forward as representing Bahuloda, where the pilgrimtax was levied. Mr. Ramlal Modi holds the latter view. He says that the tax was levied from the pilgrims of the soutb; so the place must be on the southern boundary. On what evidence he says that the tax was levied only from the southern pilgrims, he does not indicate (p. 17 Article on Karna. ). As far as I know, there is no mention of such a distinction. It is absurd to assume a place, hundreds of miles away from Somapatha, as the place where the pilgrim-tax was levied. Bholada on the boundary of Kathiawada and Gujarata would have a better claim if no nearer place of the same name could be discovered. As it is, Muoi Jipavijayaji has drawn my attention to one Bahuloda near the foot of the Girnara mountain. It is mentioned in the Prachin Gurjara Kavya Sangraha. P. 73 .. eu vAuhaloDauM koTauM tali niyasai girinAru / o dIsai vavaNathalI dhavaliyatuMga payAra [2] || 24 (The reading f at is not found in the printed text of the G. O S. but J. V. has found it in a manuscript from a Patan Bhandar ). This Vauhaloda or Bahuloda would be the most appropriate place to levy tax on the pilgrims for Somanatha. X These events-attack of Naravarman and the remission of the pilgrim tax-are not mentioned in the D. K.

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Introduction CLXVII The colophon of V. S. 1164 = A. D. 1108 is our second contemporary reference. In it we find Jayasimha described thus : Samasta - Rajavali-Virajita-Maharaja. dhiraja - Paramesvara Sri Jayasimhadeva rajye. This indicates that by V. S. 1164, when Jayasimha might be twenty - two years of age, he had assumed full powers. Two years later in the colophon of V. S. 1166 = A. D. 1110 we find the significant title. Tribhuvanaganda'* which means the guardian of the three worlds.' We may infer from this that Jayasimha's military adventures might have begun by this time and that he was exercising full sovereign-powers. In the colophon of the month Falguna of the V. S. 1179, the same titles continue with an additional "Srimat.' From the same colophon, we learn that Santu was then the Mahamatya or Chief Minister. In the colophon of the month of Bhadrapada of the same year, we find that the chief minister is Asuka. This means that Santu had retired. The king has the additional title of Siddhachakravartin. After this, in my opinion, should be placed that inscription of Jayasimha, in which the digit for the decimal place cannot be made out. * The king is * The word 'ganda' is desya meaning "a chief of police! groggi . See the Desinamamala p. 106 B. S. S. * Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar read the year as 1200. But, from all accounts, Kumarapala was reigning in that year. Jipavijayaji reads it as 11? 0. If we put the figure 'g'it will suit the context well. I This inscription records the grant of some money to to (probably 155 ) for performing plays in the temple of the goddess Sri Bahughina probably Babuchara.

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CLXVIII described in it as Samasta - Rajavali-Virajita-Maharajadhiraja Sri Jayasimhadeva. ++ This inscription gives the name of the Chief Minister as Asvaka. This Asvaka is the same as the Asuka of the colophon of Bhadrapada V. S. 1179. We also learn from the PrabhavakaCh. that when Devasuri after defeating Kumudachandra in a public debate refused to accept money offered to him by king Jayasimha, his minister Asuka advised the king to build a Jaina Temple with it as Devasuri was indifferent to wealth (p. 295 vs. 270-271). Now we know that this debate took place in V. S. 1181. This corroborates the evidence of the colophon as well as the inscription. The title Siddha chakravarti in the colophon indicates that between the mcnths of Falguna and Bhadrapada of V. S. 1179 Barbarka must have been defeated and made a slave. This title is not given in the inscription probably because it had not yet become current outside the capital where, however, the colophon of V. S. 1179 was written. Thus we find that by the end of the year V. S. 1179 the first great deed of Jayasimha's life was achieved. Now the first deed of Jayasimha that the D. K. describes is his fight with Barbaraka who was troubling the sages of the time who approach Jayasimha to request him to kill the Rakshasa. (This is reminiscent of Rama and Visvamitra, and the killing of demons who were troubling Visvamitra. ). The whole of the twelfth canto of the D. K. is devoted to this episode. We learn from it that Barbaraka had come with his men as far as Sristhalapura (Siddhapura) on the Sarasvati and devasted the holy place and the temple Kavyanusasana

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Introduction CLXIX of Svayambhu - Rudra - Mahakala - Deva (5, 6, 13). The sages say that even a Chalukya child could protect them (14). This may have reference to the young age of the king. Jayasimha encamps on the river Sarasvati. Barbaraka, who comes to know of it, sends his men to fight Jayasimha's army. A terrible fight ensues, and Jayasimha's army begins to fly away from the battlefield. Jayasimha himself goes to fight and his vetrin or door-keeper by his heroic speech brings back the soldiers to fight again. Barbaraka also comes to the battle-field and a mortal combat ensues between him and Jayasimha. Jayasimha strikes a blow on the head of Barbaraka with his sword which breaks into two. They wrestle with each other and the king so compresses the gaint in his arms that he vomits blood and swoons. Barbaraka is tied and made a prisoner. Then the wife of Barbaraka named Pingalika (76) requests the king to release her husband, and undertakes to keep him in order. Thenceforth Barbaraka becomes a very faithful follower of the king, * We learn from the first verse of the thirteenth canto that Barbaraka presented the king with heaps of gold coins and rubies. He also showed Jayasimha how he could remain under sea by Visna method (4). Who this Barbaraka was-we are not able to say definitely. The D. K. refers to him as the leader of Rakshasas. Other synonyms of the word Rakshasa are also used for him and his tribe. Another contemporary * According to many authorities, he was a powerful ally of Jayasimha in his war with Khengara of Saurashtra and Yalovarman of Malava. 22

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CLXX Kavyanusasana work - the Vagbhatalamkara - calls Barbaraka a naktanchara' meaning a'rakshasa'. + From this we may infer that in the view of Hemachandra, these people, whose leader Barbaraka was, were of some nonAryan tribes who did not care for the gods of the Aryans. Otherwise they would not desecrate the temple of Rudra on the Sarasvati. Whoever may have been this Barbaraka, his subjugation and enslavement at the hands of Jayasimha gave the conqueror a mythical character in the eyes of his people. This Barbaraka was regarded by later generations as a Bhuta or an evil spirit and according to the Kumarapalaprabandha of Jinamandana * Jayasimha was called Siddha, because he subjugated this Babara Bhuta as he is called in the Gujarati. * The protection that was ensured to his people by the defeat of this + Sloka 125. 9a tat: aisia yg asrat fara: 1 [ATTAZITEIT. gft. x; 974. ] The commentary of Simhadevagani on the V. L. quotes another verse which also seems to be contemporary. 579 FTT qaqafeTT fasigaar 789 FFEE II ( Ibid p. 17). * siddho barbarakazcAsya sidbharAjastato'bhavat / X Regarding Barbaraka, see B. G. Vol. I, foot-note p. 174. In the Mahabharata, in one list of Anaryan tribes, Barbaras are mentioned between Kisatas and Siddhas. May it not be that Jayasimha was called Siddharaja because he subjugated these Anaryans who were also called Siddhas ? In south Kathiawad, there is a province called Babariawada. Probably they were pirates and were very wealthy. See also The History of Saurashtra by Bhagvanlal Sampatram pp. 63 - 65. The identification of Barbaras with Rabaris is an interesting hypothesis.

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Introduction CLXXI Barbaraka entitled him to assume the title of Siddhachakravartin - the Siddha Emperor. The same titles continue in the colophon of the year V. S. 1179 (A. D. 1123), and in the two colophons of the year V. S. 1191 (A. D. 1135). This may indicate that his main victories were yet to come. Hemachandra devotes the thirteenth canto of the D. K. to the description of Jayasimha's nocturnal rounds in the city and outside to hear what people say and to remove their grievances. When once on such a round, he came to the river Sarasvati and crossed it. He heard from the Dasavatari Arama near the river, (that is a park where there was a Dasavatari temple,) a moaning sound. There he finds the king of Nagas - Ratnachuda and his wife. This Ratnachuda was of Bhogavati in Patala. He helps this Ratnachuda by taking out salt-water from a well infested with wasps ahd saves him from suicide. How this incident mentioned in a contemporary work can be interpreted, I do not know. + We learn from the Prabhavakacharita that in V. S. 1181-A.D. 1125 the famous controversy between Kumudachandra - the Digambara and Devasuri - the Svetambara was held in the court of Jayasimha. We shall have occassion to refer to this event later on. * + Bhogavati in Patala has recently been identified with Khambhata (Cambay) by Mr. Ratnamanirao Zote. Has this episode anything to do with the incident mentioned by Muhumad Ufi in the Jame-ul-Hikayata? See N. P. P. Vol. IX, p. 291, Pt. Oza's article. * The Mudrita - kumudachandra which has for its plot the

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CLxxii Kavyanusasana The second colophon of the V. S. 1191-A. D. 1135 is of the month Falguna - the year beginning with the month of Chaitra. In the colophon of the month of Jyeshtha in the year V. S. 1192 A. D. 1136, that is about three months later we find the additional title of Avantinatha - Lord of Avanti. This shows that Jayasimha got his final decisive victory over Malava within these three months. The P. P. S., the P. C. and other works give many details about this war with Malava. One is that this war lasted for twelve years. If this tradition is correct we can say that the war in the reign of Jayasimha must have begun in the year V. S. 1180. This does not mean that Jayasimha was out of Anahilla pura fighting for these twelve years. For, as we saw, in the year V. S. 1181, Kumudachandra and Devasuri held their dialectical duel in his presence at Anahillapura. It was only the last attack that Jayasimha led personally. This is the impression that we derive from the D. K. also. The fourteenth canto of the poem is devoted to this episode. We are told that as Jayasimha used to go out for his usual morning-ride on a male or female elephant or on a horse, no body could suspect debate of Devasuri and Kumudachandra has two verses describing Jayasimha. In this play, he is generally referred to as Siddharaja. From these verses we learn that Jayasimha had brought Barbaraka under his subjection, that he could frighten Sakinis (evil spirits embodied in female forms) and assemble Yoginis and that the 'Vira' that he was - he was wandering freely in the cemetery at night with his sword in his hand. (P. 21 Act II, v. 21, p. 50 Act V v. 14). As the conquest of Malava is not referred to, the play was probably written before V. S. 1192.

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introduction CLXXIII anything about his nightly vigilence, and that people were consequently surprised to find that Jayasimha knew everything about them. So they thought that he was a superhuman being - a Vidyadhara (v. 3). This was probably the popular belief about Jayasimha even in his own times. In those days such beliefs were common and easily formed. Hemachandra tells us that Jayasimha would even accost the Sakinis and Yoginis - super-natural female embodiments of spirits and take them to task if they troubled his people. Once when on such a nocturnal round, he met the Yogini Kali of Avanti who threatened Jayasimha with her displeasure if he did not offer worship to her and make friends with Yasovarman - king of Avanti, that is, Malava. The king asked her to do her worst and protect her devotee Yasovarman whom he was going to catch alive in battle. He told her if he did not succeed in that he would then offer her worship. The king seizing his sword gathered his army and started immediately (v. 20). With lightning speed he appeared on the shores of the Sipra. A seige was laid round Ujjayini and instructions were given by Jayasimha to raze the ramparts to the ground. In the evening, the operations were suspended and Jayasimha went out to see the beauty of the surroundings of Ujjayini. There he finds the Yoginis Kali and others--the guardian-spirits of Ujjayini - talking and conspiring to kill him. In the fight that follows he spares Kali and her friends because they were women. 'Being the son of a good mother, + he + Sammatsatvena. The commentator explains as : 'because

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CLXXIV Kavyanusasana was naturally compassionate'(v. 64). Kali the guardian spirit of Ujjayini was pleased with his generosity and promises that Jayasimha would conquer Yasovarman and other kings. (66 - 68 ). Yasovarman comes to know of this incident and flies away that very night to Dhara which was a 'Sudurga' - a better fort - (v. 70). In the morning Jayasimha led his soldiers and Ujjayini was 'broken'. He himself proceeded to Dhara and "This great hero of the Chalukyas, like a dancer dancing his sword on the battle-field, seized the lord of Malavas who had entered Dhara' (v. 72 ). The king Yasovarman was then made a prisoner. (v. 73 ). This is a how Hemachandra describes the greatest event of Jayasimha's reign. Presumably it only touches the last expedition of the great war of twelve years. The super-natural element of Yoginis is difficult to explain, though it does not come in the way of understanding the event. Jayasimha's meeting of Ujjayini's Yogini Kali in Asahilla pura might signify that Jayasimha was not successful in the early stages of the war, that overtures for making a friendly alliance with Yasovarman were made to Jayasimha, and that he rejected them. Tradition has preserved many details of this war with Malava. Some of them may be noted here. We learn from the Vagbhatalamkara that it was Barbaraka who built a sort of bridge on the river Sipra ( Pari IV v. 152), presumably to enable the army to cross it. According to the G.manuscript of the P. P. S. 'when deliberation on the conduct of war was being he was the son of Mayahalla who was a sammata because she possessed all the qualities like compassion etc.'

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Introduction CLXXV held with the minister Aliga, a Charana that is a minstrel said 'Dhara cannot be taken by people having religious marks * on their fore-heads ! Jesal who can beat even Yama - Lord of Death should come.' A letter was sent to Jesala who was then a prisoner. After consulting his father, Jesala led the attack on Dhara riding a powerful elephant named Yasahpataha or Jasa padaha. The elephant rushed at the gate and smashed it, but at the cost of his own and Jesala's life (p. 35). According to the P. C., when Jayasimha could not take the fort of Dhara, he consulted Munjala-a minister from his father's time-who informed the king that he had learnt from his emissaries in Dhara that they had overheard an inhabitant of the place saying " If the army of the enemy attacks the south gate, Dhara could be stormed otherwise not." Jayasimha personally led the attack riding his powerful elephant Yasahpataha with Samala as the driver. "The elephant charged the big iron bar fastening the gates and broke it, but he was 'broken within,' and as the driver after making the son of Karna (Jayamsimha ) descend, was himself getting down, the elephant fell on the ground. As the elephant died like a warrior, he took the form of Vinayaka under the name of Yasodhavala (the god Ganapati ) in the village of Vadasara.' This means * ehe TIlAlehiM dhAra na lIjaI karaNautra / jama jehe prauMcehi joii jesalu Avatau // (p. 35 ) ( See also f. 23.) This is a fling at the religious people in the army. It is known that Bawas formed a considerable part of the king's army in those days. See the B. G. Vol. I. p. 14. Or it may be a fing at the Jaina ministers and generals of the army,

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CLXXVI Kavyanusasana that a memorial was raised in his honour in the form of a white Ganapati - image in that village. The P. C. quotes a verse in praise of this Vinayaka suggesting this incident (p. 59). The triumphal march of the conquering hero riding on a majestic elephant with the royal prisoner Yasovarman of Malava bearing in his hand a wooden sword through Anahillapura must have been an occasion of the greatest jubilation in the history of that city. Contemporary inscriptions in verse and prose mention the defeat and imprisonment of Yasovarman in so many words as if it had become a part of the royal writ. The Prabandhas dilate upon the occasion. Many must have been the panegyrics sung by bards and poets. A few of these, in the Samskrta, the Prakrta and the Apabhramsa, have been preserved in the Prabandhas and other works. x We saw from the colophons that the conquest of Malava took place between V. S. 1191 month of Falguna and V. S. 1192, month of Jyeshtha the year being According to the P. C. the wooden sword was substituted for the real sword at the suggestion of the minister Munjala who threatened to resign if Jayasimha refused to act according to his advice. If these incidents mentioned by the P. C. are historical, Munjala must have been very old at the time of Malava victory; because he was a Mahamatya of Karna in the year V. S. 1146 A. D. 1090. x Hemachandra himself composed about sixteen stanzas placed at the end of his grammar Siddha - Hema. Some more are given in the ChhandonuSasana and other works. Vagbhata in his Alamkara and Vardhamanasuri in his Ganaratnamahodadhi give verses referring to this event.

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latroduction CLXXVII a Chaitradi that is one beginning with the month of Chaitra (A. D. 1136). The final battle must have taken place within these three months. We find in a mutilated inscription of V. S. 1193 - A. D. 1137 discovered at Gala (in Dhrangadhara State, Kathiawada, ) among Jayasimha's titles, the title of Avantinatha, that is Lord of Avanti, also. This is a further corroborative evidence of his victory over Malava. This inscription refers to some temple of the Goddess Sri Bhattarika Sri Devata and a small temple of Ganapati in Drumatirtha Khani. Something is done by five people - panchakula - * one of whose names can be red as Pari, Sri Kumara, another as Pari Kera ...... The Mahamatya or the Chief minister was Ambaprasada in charge of the treasury - Vyayakarana. The engraver was Maho......K. A later inscription of V. S. 1195 = A. D. 1139 found at Ujjain (Ujjayini) in Malava mentions the defeat of Yasovarman in so many words. We find all the titles of Jayasimha in this inscription - Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara, Tribhuvanaganda, Siddha Chakravarti, Avantinatha, Barbarakajishnu, Sri Jayasimhadeva - vijaya-rajye. This inscription, though incomplete, gives us other important information also. We learn that Mahattama + Sri Dadaka was minding the Srikaranadi' affairs, i. e. chief ministerial functions. He was a Nagara. His son Mahadeva who was the principal military officer in Malava was also the * This word generally means a tax - collector. + Mahattama appears to be the Samskrta original of the Gujarati surname Mehta. 23

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CLXXVIII Kavyanusasana Governor of the place. It appears that he or his father was one of the principal generals of Jayasimha in his war with Malava. Another inscription of the same year but found at Bhadresvara in Cutch gives us similar information. The two additional titles are-Dharavidambaka, (molester of Dhara ) and Trailokyamalla - ( champion of the three worlds ). The prime minister at Anahillapataka was Sri Dadaka. Something is given for the worship of Sri Udalesvara and Sri Kurapalesvara in a new temple built by Sri Kurapala - son of Sri Asapala, son of Todi, son of Maharaja. The inscription is incomplete. The inscription of V. S. 1196 = A. D. 1140 found at Dohad gives us some more historical information. Excepting the last line, the whole of it is in verse. It begins with a Namaskara to Vasudeva. We learn from it that Jayasimha had thrown into prison the kings of Surashtra and Malava ( v. I); he, also, had uprooted other kings, and made the kings of the north carry his orders (v. 2). In the third verse, his capital Anahillapatakanagara whose temples obstruct the path of the sun is compared to Ayodhya of Rama. The fourth verse tells us that the Vahinipati (probably meaning captain of a battalion ) Kesava was made the general of the army in the Dadhipadra District (Dohad District) by the king residing in the capital. The fifth verse informs us that this general Kesava built a temple in honour of Goganarayana in memory of his mother in Dadhipadra. * * An inscription of V. S. 1198 - A. D. 1142 of the subordinate king Somesvara has been found at Kiradu in the Jodhapur-state. An inscription discovered at Sambhara consisting of twenty

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Introduction CLXXIX The defeat and imprisonment of the ruler of Surashtra and the uprooting of Sindhuraja and other kings and the submission of northern kings are the new historical facts gathered from this inscription. The D. K. does not mention any one of these events excepting that Jayasimha ' after putting under check the roguish kings made the way to Kedaradeva safe (XV 14). This may refer to northern kings. The defeat of Sindhuraja, however, is referred to by Hemachandra in his Chhandonusasana (p, 12) and by Vagbhata in his Alamkara (p. 57). Who this Sindhuraja was is not yet settled. According to Simhadevagani, a commentator of the Vagbhatalamkara, he was Sindhudesadhipa, i. e. the lord of Sindh. But, as the B. G. says " Nothing is known regarding the Sindh war." In the K. K., and in the Vasanta-vilasa mahakavya, however, we find that Sankha whose other name was Sangramasimha is called the son of Sindhuraja. * Again in the K. K. we find that Sankha asks Vastupala to hand over Cambay* to him, because as you know, this city was subject to my father (- pit;bhukti, )' while Vastupala answers him that it was taken by Nipasimha - eight verses but unfortunately very much mutilated gives the whole geneology of the Chalukya family. After the eleventh verse, however, the inscription is so broken that we are not able to make much sense of what remains. We learn from it that in V. S. 998, Mularaja was reigning. But, the date of the inscription itself is destroyed. Another small and broken inscription without date found at Girinara refers to the Jaina Tirthankara Nemingtha. It mentions the ruling king as Siddha Chakrapati Sri Jayasinghadeva.

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CLXXX Kavyanusasand after fighting with Simha who was assisted by 'cavalrymen.' The reference is undoubtedly to Jayasimha and Sindhuraja because we find that the K. K. when referring to Jayasimha's fight with Sindhuraja mentions the attribute of having a strong cavalry with reference to Sindhuraja. On the strength of these references, Muni Jinavijayaji, I think, rightly identifies Sindhuraja whom Jayasimha uprooted as the father of Sankha who wanted to take back Cambay which was a part of Lata from Vastupala. X We cannot, however, say in which year this defeat of Sindhuraja took place. It, however, did take place before V. S. 1196-A. D. 1140. As to the other event mentioned by the inscription, viz; the defeat and imprisonment of the ruler of Surashtra, we find corroboration for it in the SiddhHema grammar of Hemachandra. In the two examples aruNat siddharAjo'vantIn ' and ' ajayat siddhaH saurASTrAn' we find references to these two important events of J's reign. We can also infer from the uses of tenses that the conquest of Saurashtras must have taken place earlier than the siege of Avantis. Again in a verse attributed to Ramachandra - a pupil of Hemachandra - by the P. C., Jayasimha is called Giridurgamalla ' i. e. Champion of Giridurga or Junagadha (p. 63). << "" The K. K., the P. P. S., and the P. C. - all mention this event in some detail. The bardic accounts of Soratha are full of it and have represented the whole episode as a tragic romance Woven round the beautiful Ranakadevi whom Jayasimha loved, but whom Khengara of Jungadha managed to marry and who thus gave cause for a war which ended in Khengara's C C

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introduction CLXXX destruction. The Sorathas (couplets) put into the mouth of Ranakadevi are full of poignant pathos, but it is a question whether they are useful as historical material. The existence of Ranakadevii herself is even doubtful. From the K. K., we only learn that Jayasimha crushed the very powerful Khengara of Surashtra in the battle as a lion kills an elephant ( C. II. v. 25). The V. T. K. (p. 9) also gives the name as Khengararaya; so does the P. P. S. (pp. 32, 54). But the P. C. gives the name as Navaghana. Now from the accounts of the bards, it appears that when Jayasimha came to the throne Navaghana who was a very powerful man was the ruler of Junagadha. Jayasimha had once defeated this Navaghana on the border of Gujarata and Kathiawada and humiliated him. Khengara his successor was made to vow by his dying father that he would break the gates of Anahillapura, which he did when Jayasimha was engaged in Malava. The immediate cause of war with Khengara, according to the bards, was Ranakadevi. * According to the P. P. S., it was Udayana of Cambay who killed Khengara (pp. 32, 34). According to the same authority Udayana was killed in battle while fighting with Sangan Dodiaka. According to the Kathiawar Gazeteer, the Thanadar of Jayasimha was expelled and Noghana III seated on the throne (p. 444). According to the Pr. Cha. Udayana was mortally wounded while fighting under Kirtipala brother of Kumarapala, who was sent to fight Navaghana of Surashtra. mandala. This Navaghana must be Noghana the third (Pr. Cha. p. 332.) See Saurashtra desano Itihasa Part I by Bhagvanlal Sampatram, pp. 104 111, and the Gazeteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. VIII, Kathiawar, pp. 493-494.

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CLXXXII Kavyanusasana According to the bardic accounts, Khengara was killed in battle; but according to our inscription he was only imprisoned. The name of Ranakadevi is given neither by the P. P. S. nor by the P. C. The P. P. S. gives the name as Sonaladevi, while the P. C. as Sunaladevi. The P. P. S. quotes eleven while the P. C. eight Apabhramsa verses, supposed to be uttered by Sonaladevi, after Khengara met a hero's death in battle. It is not known in which year this event took place. The B. G., on the basis of an inscription on Girinar of V. S. 1176 - A. D. 1120, thinks that Sajjana was a Governor of Surashtra by that time. There is, however, only one inscription of Jayasimha's time on Girinara that I am able to trace and that one gives no date and does not mention Sajjana. But from the V. T. K., we learn that, in V. S. 1185, Sajjana, as the Governor of the place, built a temple of Neminatha; while the P. C. tells us that Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building the temple. If the account of the P. C. is to be relied upon, we can say, that Sajjana was the Governor of Surashtra in V. S. 1181 - 82 A. D. 1125 - 26. * Surashtra might have been conquered before A. D. 1125 -- 26. Thus there is no direct evidence from which we can know the year in which Ra'Khangara was defeated and taken prisoner. The inscription in the Sodhalivava of Mangarol in Kathiawar, however, gives some clue. It gives its date in two eras V. S. 1202 and Sri * Noghana III died in 1140 A. D. (K. G. p. 494 ) 1f Kuniarapala's brother Kirtipala fought with this Naughana it must have been after V. S, 1199 = 1143 A. D.

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Introduction CLXXXIII Simha Samvat 32. No doubt, this Sri Simha Samvat prevalent in Saurashtra refers to the era inaugerated by Jayasimha to commemcrate some important event. We know of no other important event other than defeating the powerful king of Junagadha. If Simha era was intended to commemorate this event we can say that Khengara must have been defeated in the year V. S. 1170 = A. D. 1114. Two other political events of Jayasimha's reign may be mentioned here : one of them is his march against Madanavarman of Mahobaka (in Bundelkhand ). According to the K. K. the lord of Mahobaka under the pretext of hospitality gave him fine ( 11.3). The P. P.S. and the Prabandharatnakosa also narrate this episode. But from an inscription found at Kalinjara we learn that Madanavarman defeated the king of Gujarata. It appears that the whole episode ended in a friendly alliance. * From an inscription found at Talavada, we learn that Jayasimha defeated one Paramardi. Pt. Oza identifies him with Paramardi of Kalyana in the south who was known as Vikramaditya VI. + Thus we find that by the year V. S. 1196 = A. D. 1140 Jayasimha's conquests were almost complete. Not only did Jayasimha consolidate the dominion which he inherited from his father, but he added Malava which at that time included Mevada as a part of its dominion. His was truly an empire in the proper sense of the word. For, in addition to Gujarata and * N. P. P. Vol. IV p. 286 Pt. Oza's article on Jayasimha. + Ibid p. 286.

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CLXXXIV Kavyanusasana Surashtra proper, his sway extended beyond Ajmer in the north, to Cutch and Sindha in the N. W., Mevada in the N. E. and Malava in the east. In the south, Karna's authority extended beyond Navasari; while Jayasimha's authority extended as far as Kalyana (in the Nizam's dominion ). As we shall see this empire was further strengthened and extended by Jayasimha's successor Kumarapala. We saw that after conquering Malava, he put Mahadeva as his Governor in Ujjayini and Kesava in Dadhipadra or Dohada. After defeating Sindhuraja of Lata, Udayana seems to have been made a governor at Cambay (the P. P. S. p. 32). So also after imprisoning Khengara, Jayasimha appointed Sajjana as the Governor of Surashtra. It appears to be a feature of Jayasimha's policy that he generally annexed the country he coquered to his own dominion and that he appointed his own officers to govern them on his behalf. He was, one may say, a believer in the policy of 'thorough'. This is probably the meaning of a Praksta verse * quoted in the P. C. where Jayasimha is compared to a maker of wicker - work who after breaking all the royal bamboos ( families ) made one umbrella for the whole world (p. 75). Jayasimha, however, did not impress his own generation merely as a conqueror. No doubt, the very first attribute with which the K. K. characterizes him is that of Jagajjayin - conqueror of the world; but other sources and especially the tradition show xsa jayau kUDabaraDo tihUyaNamajjhammi jesalanarindo / chittUNa rAyavaMse ika chattaM kayaM jeNa //

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Introduction CLXXXV him to be a great builder of architectural works so much so that even to-day to the popular mind, Jayasimha is the builder of almost every Hindu architectural remain of some antiquity. As in his war, so in his building - ventures, tradition associates Barbaraka with him as his chief assistant. There is a verse + quoted in the P. C., which tells us that Jayasimha did FOUR great things which no body could do. These four things are:-A Mahalaya (great temple referring to Rudra Mahalaya) a Mahayatra - (great pilgrimage to Somesvara on foot) a Mahasaras ( - great lake referring to the Sahasralinga lake) and a Mahasthana ( a great place ). We cannot definitely say what is referred to by Mahasthana; probably it referes to the great Danasala built near the lake Sahasralinga - a sort of free boarding and lodging place for students. The fifteenth canto of the D. K. is devoted to the description of these things. Hemachandra tells us that in Siddhapura on the bank of the river Sarasvati, which turns there to the east, Jayasimha built Rudra - Mahalaya ( v. 15). Now we know that Rudra - Mahalaya was first built by Mularaja, and that much damage was done to it by Barbaraka. So Jayasimha must have repaired or rebuilt the whole temple in a style befitting the conqueror of Ujjayini where was the famous temple of Mahakala. It is possible to imagine the magnificence of the great Rudra - Mahalaya even from its ruins. "The gigantic fragments" says Dr. Burgess, + mahAlayo mahAyAtrA mahAsthAnaM mahAsaraH / yatkRtaM siddharAjena kriyate tanna kenacit // 24

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CLXXXVI Kavyanusasana " That still reinain, impress the beholder with admiration at the scale and grandeur of the conception.... So far as can now be made out, it covered an oblong of about 230 feet by 300 feet, in the centre of which stood the temple - two or three storeys in height, with a Mandapa 50 feet square inside having porches on the east, north and south sides and the shrine on the west. In or round the court, were eleven other shrines to the Rudras. The court was perhaps surrounded by small cells after the manner of some of the Jaina temples, with the principal entrance on the east and a ghat or flight of steps down to the Sarasvati river on that side. Of this splendid temple only a few magnificent fragments remain, the four pillars of the north porch, and five of the east porch to the Mandapaone being an engaged pillar inside the door, four pillars in the back of the Mandapa, a beautiful torana or Kirtistanbha - and one cell at the back of the court; also a number of pillars and doors of three other cells, possibly all in situation which have been turned into a mosque about 57 feet in length." * We learn from the Upadesatarangini of Ratnamandira (cir. 15th cen. A. D.) that Saliga of Desalahara family repaired the temple-of Rudra Mahalaya and' again gave youth to the fame of Sri Jayasimhadeva.' The P. C. tells us that this Rudramahakalaprasada was twenty - three hands in measurement. This means that the garbhagrba - or the inner hall in which the principal image was seated - was twentythree hands in height. The other parts of the temple must have Burgess and Cousens Archeological Survey : Northern Gujarat. pp. 59-60. See also the plate facing p. 64.

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Introduction CLXXXvit been in proportion to this central building. We learn from it also that there were statues of Asvapatis (- Masters of Horses - ), Gajapatis (Masters of Elephants, ) Narapatis - ( Masters of Men, ) and that in front of these statues was the statue of Jayasimha himself with his hands folded in the pose of a devotee before Siva praying that the temple may never suffer destruction.' When the flag was hoisted on the Rudramahakalaprasada, the flags from the Jaina temples were lowered (p. 61 ). A composition in the Apabhramsa of the poet Gadda describing the Rudra-Mahalaya is quoted in the Upadesatarangini of Ratnamandira mentioned above. The text of the poem is not correctly printed but from the last line it appears that the poem was addressed to Jayasimha Chakravarti personally; so presumably it must be a contemporary record. From it, we learn, 'there were 1444 'varas' (?) + 1700 pillars, 1800 puttalis set with jewels and rubies and garments of silver, thirty thousand flag - staffs, and 10,000 golden kalasas and fifty - six kodi ( which may mean either 56 crores or 56 twenties ) images of horses and elephants. 'Says the poet Gadda, the temple delights gods and men. Oh Chakravartin Jayasimha! your fame shines in this famous place !' (pp. 64 - 65). There are other ballads in old Gujarati giving different figures for pillars etc. We learn from an old unpublished prabandha that the minister Aliga was appointed to look after the +The meaning of this word is not clear. It might refer to varangadas-dancing damsels. Or there might be some mistake in the reading,

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CLXXXVIII Kavyanusasara building of the temple, that Aliga himself built a Chaturmukha-temple known as Rajavihara at his own expense in Siddhapura, and that the king being pleased with him granted him several villages in V. S. 1198 = A. D. 1142. If Jayasimha commenced the rebuilding of Rudra - Mahalaya after his conquest of Malava in 1192-A. D. 1136, we can say, it took him six years to complete the work-not too long a time, looking to the gigantic work.+ The D. K. tells us in the next verse ( 16 ) that Jayasimha built at the same place a temple of the last Arhat, and put certain Brahmanas to look after it. This means that Jayasimha built a temple of Mahavira in Siddhapura. This is the first reference in the D. K. - to something specifically Jaina. In the next verse ( 17 ) we are told that the king properly honoured the Arhata Samgha. It is difficult to reconcile this contemporary reference with the P. C.'s account that flags were removed from the Jaina temples. After this Hemachandra describes the second great thing that Jayasimha did - his pilgrimage to Somanatha on foot ( v. 18-36). The description of the pilgrimage is interesting from many points of view, but we cannot go into its details here. * In Deva pattana Jayasimha was received by Ganda who was in charge + Saliga who repaired the temple was a brother to the famous Samarasa. They were contemporaries of Allauddin Khilaji; both the brothers were important and influential personages in the time of Islamic rule in Asahillapura. + We learn from verse 26 that the names of the three of Jayasimha's queens were Kunti, Avanti and Kuru. Probably these are not their proper names, but their names after the provinces of their birth.

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Introduction CLXXXIX of the city. The king worships Siva who appears to him in person and blesses him Be thou now Siddhirat by Suvarna-siddhi through which you have removed the indebtedness of the earth "-v. 50. This is the explanation of the word Siddhiraja given by Hemachandra. << The king requests the god to grant him a son, but Sambhu touching his hairy head tells him your brother Tribhuvanapala's son Kumarapala will be king after you and disappears (v. 54-56). From Somanatha, Jayasimha goes to Raivataka or Girinar mountain and there pays his respects to Nemi the twenty-second Jaina Tirthankara (vs. 6388). Then he granted Simhapura and other villages to Brahmanas (v. 97-98) and returned to his capital (v. 100). Then comes the description of the sacrifices he performed and we are told that whenever doubts arose as to certain rituals, Jayasimha himself removed them (108). That showed how learned he was (vs. 104-113)! After these Ishta - Karmans comes the great Purta - the construction of the Great Lake ( 114 ). This was the third great thing that he did which others can never do. 93 (6 Near the banks of the lake, he built Satrasalas for Brahmanas (115). These Satrasalas were congested with students coming there for food (116). On the bank of the lake he built 1008 temples of Sambhu (117) and 108 temples of goddesses. Near the same lake, he built a temple of Dasavatara (that is a temple containing images of the ten incarnations of Vishnu, v. 119). There also he built mathas (according to the commentator, residencies for students and others) to please professors of different departments of learning. (11), Jain Education.International

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CLXC Kavyanusasana He built these temples to gods as if he was raising big monuments to his fame ( 123 ). This great lake of Jayasimha Siddharaja known as Siddhasara or Siddhasagara or more popularly as Sahasralinga-talava, with its 1008 Siva temples and 108 Devi temples and numerous other fanes and with its Kirtistambha shining like a silvery column, must have made the surroundings of Asahillapura-pattana magnificent. Satrasalas and Mathas providing for various departments of learning must have made the area something like a University-suburb. The surrounding wood - land beauty, with its touch of nature, must have made it a thing to tickle the imagination. From the few descriptions that have survived, we can say that many contemporary and later poets must have sung the sacred majesty of the beautiful lake. A prasasti, by Sripala, the poet-laureate of Jayasimha's court, was inscribed on the Kirtistambha -a slab of which has been discovered. The description in the K. K. gives a graphic picture of the city and the lakes as they appeared after one or two generations. * Coming to the great personages of the times, it is the Queen - Mother Mayanalla or Minaldevi as she is known to Gujarat, who first commands our attention, This princess of Karnataka who for sheer love went all the way to Gujarata to marry its king Karna has been well described by Hemachandra. The life-long intense attachment of this royal couple which was not * For a detailed accout see Saraswati Purana and the excellent monograph on Siddhasara by Mr. Kanaiyalal B. Dave.

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Introduction CXCI blessed with an offspring for a long time appears to have touched the imagination of Hemachandra. Mayanalla after the death of her husband spent her life in a religious manner - going to pilgrimages and building works of public utility. Whether she took any part in the affairs of the state-we have no evidence to judge. According to the P. C., as we saw, she got the pilgrim-tax of Somanatha removed through her son. But this was a religious act, surely not a service to the state. Her holiness is particularly emphasised by the story of the Jar of Sin' in the P. C. 6 It appears Jayasimha was greately attached to his mother. When, after conquering Malava, on his return to Anahillapura, he was being congratulated with Mangala verses, he seems to have been poignantly reminded of his mother who was then dead. The sentiment that Jayasimha must have given vent to is expressed in a verse quoted by the Prabandhkosa, as being uttered by the king. 'Let no woman give birth to a son like this (referring to himself) whose luck bore its greatest fruit after the death of his mother! "+ Two lakes one at Viramgama and the other at Dholka-named after her have survived. "" - Of the other great political figures of Jayasimha's reign, we may mention Sampatkara or Santu, Munjala, Asvaka, Dadaka, Mahadeva, Kesava, and Udayana. We have already referred to Sampatkara as the chief minister in the time of Karna. He was probably a native of Baroda. His father's name was Varnag mA sma simantinI kApi janayet sutamIdRzam / bRhada bhAgyaphalaM yasya bhRtamAturanantaram // P. K. p. 115.

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CXCII Kavyanusasana and mother's name was Sampuri. In the begining, he was a governor of Lata in Bhrgukachha. Being a great statesman, he was made the chief minister by Karna. The Karnasundari of Bilhana was acted in his temple. His engrossment in state affairs, - so much so that he has no time to talk to his children or his newly married wives - his proficiency in state - craft, and his success in political affairs are specially mentioned by Bilhana. He is described as surpassing even famous ministers like Yauganadharayana of the past. Gujarat's alliance with the southern Kadamba family of Karnatak through marriage was probably the result of his policy. He had sent an army under the General Sachchika to fight the Sultan of Gajni whom it defeated on the banks of the Sindhu. When Madanavarman, the maternal uncle of Karna, grew turbulent in Anahillapura, Sampatakara managed to get him killed in a fracas of soldiers. We have seen how Sampatakara managed to send away Naravarman of Malava who attacked Anahillapura in the absence of Jayasimha. The P. C. tells us that when Jayasimha was returning from one of his early expeditions against Malava Samtu cleared the way for the king by suppressing the turbulent Bhillas (p. 75). It appears, however, the old minister who had trained young Jayasimha for kingship was growing distasteful to the young ambititious monarch who once insulted him. Sampatakara resigned his post and left Gujarata for Malava. We know from the colophon of V. S. 1179-A. D. 1123 that he was minister till then, but in V.S. 1180-A.D. 1124 Asuka was minister. So he must have resigned about that time. He, however, remained

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Introduction CXCII steadfast in loyalty to his king. Jayasimha came to know of this and repented of his conduct with the old minister and called him back. When Sampatakara was returning to Gujarata, he died on the way at a place called Ahada on the border line of Mevada and Malava, the original site of Udaipur. Munjala, we learn from a colophon of a ms., was a mahamatya great minister of Karna in V. S. 1146A. D. 1090. The P. C. tells us that Munjala managed to substitute Mayanalla in place of a low-born woman whom Karna loved. But this whole episode is, as we saw, without any historical foundation. The second reference to Munjala in the P. C. informs us that when Jayasimha could not take Dhara, Munjala, on the strength of his secret information, asked Jayasimha to attack by the southern gate. Again it was at the suggestion of Munjala that a wooden sword was given instead of a real sword to Yasovarman in the triumphal march when he was seated behind Jayasimha. If Munjala lived so long as to do all these things, he must have been very old indeed! From V. S. 1179-80-A. D. 1123-24, Asvaka or Asuka seems to have occupied the position of one of the chief ministers. From the M.K.C., we learn that Mahattara Gangila was the prime minister in V. S. 1181-A.D. 1125. We know from the two inscriptions of V. S. 1192A. D. 1136 that Dadaka was the prime minister at Anahillapura. But nothing more is known about this Nagara prime minister at the time of the great Malava victory. His son Mahadeva was the Governor of Malava. In the inscription of V. S. 1193 Ambaprasada is referred to as the Mahamatya and in charge ofVyayakarana - treasury. 25

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CXCIV Kavyanusasana From the inscription of V. S. 1196-A. D. 1140, we learn that Kesava was a general of the army and the Governor of the Dohada district. He was a Vaishpava and built the temple of Goga Narayana at Dadhipadra or Dohada in memory of his mother. Udayana was a Governor of Stambhatirtha. We shall speak of him later on. What impression Jayasimha and his capital Asahilla pura created upon a foreigner, we gather from the following account of the geographer Al - Idrisi who visited his court (C. H. I. Vol. III 517). "The city of Nahrvala is governed by a great prince called the Balhara. He has troops of elephants, worships Buddha, wears a gold crown and dresses in rich robes. He generally rides a horse, especially once a week, when, with a hundred women richly clothed with gold and silver rings on their hands and feet, their hair in braids, he gives himself up to games and show-fights. The ministers and commanders only go with the king on occasion of battle. The chief strength of the king lies in the elephants. His title Balhara means the king of kings. The city is frequented by a great number of Musalman merchants who resort to it in business. They are well received by the king and his officers and find protection and security. The Indians by nature are inclined to justice. Their good faith, loyalty and faithfulness are so well known that every one hears that their country is prosperous. As a proof of their love of honesty, if a creditor is anxious to receive a debt, he has only to draw a line round his debtor who will not move till he has satisfied his creditor or the debt is paid. The people eat grain

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Introduction skhsu and vegetables and animals that die a natural death. They never take away animal life. They have a great respect for cattle and bury them when they die; when they get past work, they feed them." How equitably Jayasimha behaved with Mussalmans is seen from the report of an incident in Khambhat by Muhammed Ufi in his Jame-ul-Hikayata + The following story of the gram-seller from the P. C. shows what tales - real or unreal - had formed round the popular king. "Once the king was witnessing a play at night in a temple known as Karnameruprasada. At the time a gram-seller - just a bania - put his hand on the king's shoulder. The king got interested in the bania's jolly manner. ( Presumably this has reference to the bania's jolly and friendly remarks as the play was proceeding). The king offered him a beetle-leaf with camphor which the latter took with great delight. After the play was over, the king, through his men, inquired of his whereabouts and sent for him in the morning to go to his court. The king complained that, his neck was aching on account of the weight of the bania's hand. The bania realized the whole thing, but answered with his ready-wit: "Your Majesty ! you carry the burden of the whole earth on your shoulder, and even then it does not feel it; how can it feel the pain of the burden of a bania's hand - just like the blade of a grass ?" The king was pleased with the man's sense of propriety and gave him handsome reward" (pp. 70-71). From the Vagbhatalamkara and a verse of Sripala quoted under the name of Kaviraja by Somaprabha. + N. P. P. Vol. IX p. 291.

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Fcxcvi Kavyanusasaria charaya in his commentary on his Sataratha Kavya, we learn that Jayasimha's banner bore the sign of a red-crested cock on it (V. L. Pari. 4. v. 81 and Introduction to the K. Pra. p. 11.) * Yasahpataha was his favourite elephant who was killed while breaking open the gates of Dhara. From the Vagbhatalamkara, we learn that Jayasimha had also another elephant named Sri Kalasa whom the author mentions as one of the three jewels of the world - the other two being the city of Anahillapataka and the son of the king Karna, i. e. Jayasimha (C. IV. v. 132).x Of the literary figures and the learned assembly of Jayasimha, I shall speak when we come to describe Hemachandra's life. The last days of Jayasimha are described in the * indraH sa eSa yadi kiM na sahasramaNAM lakSmIpatiryadi kathaM na caturbhujo'sau / AH syandanadhvajadhRtoddharatAmracUDaH zrIkarNadevanRpasUnuraya raNAgre // re bhUpAH kavirAja eSa bhavato jalpatyudaJcabhujaH pUjyA vazcaraNAyudhA paramamI yuSmatkule devatAH / yad yuddhotsavadarzanaikarasikaH zrItAmracUDadhvajo devaH pazyata nAdhunA pari...yatyekAtapatrAM mahIm // ekAGgavIratilako bhuvanaikamallaH siddhAdhipaH paramasAhasikaprakANDa: / dandhibarbarakajiSNuravantinAtha ityUjitairjayati nAmabhireva devH|| Both these verses are attributed to Kaviraja that is Sripala by Somaprabha. (See Introduction Ku. Pra. p. 11). x aNahilapATakaM puramavanipatiH karNadevanRpasUnuH / zrIkalazanAmadheyaH karI ca ratnAni jagatIha //

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Introduction CXCVII last two verses of the 15th canto of the D. K.. Jayasimha remembering the words of the god Somanatha that Kumarapala was to succeed him after his death, tried for self realisation. Thinking of Paramesthins, he went to the city of Indra + (vs. 123-24.) According to the P. C., Jayasimha's reign lasted up to the beginning of the year V. S. 1199-A. D. 1143. In a colophon of Margasirsha of 1199, we find Kumarapala regining in Anahillapura. So Jayasimha must have died in the beginning of Kartika of V. S. 1199. According to the P. P. S. after the death of Jayasimha, his sandals reigned for eighteen days (p. 45). This shows that it took some time before the new king was elected. 15 Of the reign of Kumarapala, we have more than twenty three inscriptions, two of them on copperplates and the remaining on stone. Of these, two stone-inscriptions one of V. S. 1207 - A. D. 1151 and the other of V. S. 1208-A. D. 1152 and one copper-plate grant, of V. S. 1212-A. D. 1156, are directly connected with Kumarapala, while the others refer to him as the reigning sovereign. As to the literary material, there are many Jaina works dealing with Kumarapala. We shall mention -- + We see that there is a significant difference here in describing the succession. The usual procedure of the reigning king calling his successor to accpt the throne, and the successor first refusing and then accepting it is omitted here. The ugly facts of Kumarapala's succession Hemachandra intentionally omits. This trait of Hemachandra is worth keeping in mind when utilizing the D. K. for historical purposes it is that rather than narrate false accounts better omit the incidents altogether.

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CXCVIII Kavyanusasana only three contemporary works. These are, in addition to the remaining part of the S. D. K., the Prakata Dvyasraya or the Kumarapalacharita of Hemachandra, the play called Moharajaparajaya and the Kumarapalapratibodha of Somaprabhacharya. Some twenty verses in the Chhandonusasana, about 105 verses in the Desinamamala and a few verses in the Trisashtisalakapurushacharita and Parisishtaparva, have Kumarapala for their subject. Hemachandra is the author of these works. The Kumarapalaprabandha of Jinamandana has been, up till now, largely drawn upon by scholars. As we inferred from the D. K. the succession of Kumarapala to Jayasimha's throne was not in the usual manner. We have no direct contemporary evidence explaining why Jayasimha was averse to the succession of Kumarapala. According to the D. K. (C. IX v. 70-77) Bhima I had a son named Kshemaraja who was older than Karna. He was asked to accept the crown which he being of a religious temper refused. Karna, therefore, mounted the throne and Kshemaraja led a religious life in Dadhisthali on the Sarasvati. Kshemaraja had a son named Devaprasada. When Karna gave his throne to Jayasimha, he asked him to be kind to his brother's son Devaprasada. Devaprasada put his son Tribhuvana pala under the care of Jayasimha and died with Karna on the Sarasvati ( D. K. C. X. v. 110 - 115 ). Jayasimha looked upon Tribhuvanapala as his own son (X. v. 116). Kumarapala was a son of this Tribhuvanapala. The same geneology is given in an unpublished inscription of Chitodagadha quoted by Pt. Oza in his Rajputane -

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Introduction CIC ka - Itihasa ( Vol. I, pp. 218 - 19 ). The geneology of Kumarapala given by the K. Pratibodha also agrees with this. Thus Kumarapala belonged to the senior line of the family and was fully entitled to the throne. We find that the D. K. generally refers to K. as Bhaimi - (that is - a descendent of Bhima - ) as if, thereby, emphasing his rightful claim to the throne. * * The P. C. however, tells a different tale. According to it Bhima married a hetaera named Bakulddevi or Chauladevi who was very faithful to him, and had a son by her named Haripala. This Haripala had a son named Tribhuvanapala whose son was Kumarapala. Jayasimha could not bear that a kiasman who, on mother's side, was low-born should succeed him. So he was always seeking for an opportunity to kill Kumarapala (p. 77). This account of the P. C. gives a credible explanation of Jayasimha's hostile attitude to Kumaras &la, but differs in its geneology from contemporary accounts and flatly contradicts the D. K. according to which, Kshemaraja was fully legible for the throne. We do not know what was the authority of the P. C. for giving such a humiliating origin to a king, who according to the Jaina sources, was a Parame-Arhata - a great Jaina king. As it is, we cannot accept it in face of contemporary authorities. For another and a more probable explanation see p. CCI. The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandana gives the same geneology. It gives also additional information about the other relatives of Kum&rapala. The name of the mother of Kum&rapla was Kasmiradevi. She had three sons Kumarapala, Mabipala and Kirtipala. She had two daughters named Premaladevi and Devaladevi. The first was married to Krshnadeva, the master of Sri Jayasimhadeva's Horse and the second to Arporaja, ruler of Sakambhari. Kumarapala was married by his parents to one Bhopaloa or Bhupaladevi (p. 18). We learn from the Pra, Cha. (p. 319. v. 392 ) that this Bhupaladevi accompanied her husband in his wandering.

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Kavyanusasana The account of the early part of Kumarapala's life is to be gathered from the Prabandhas. His early travels are, however, referred to by Yasahpala - a contemporary of Kumarapala-in his play the Moharajaparajaya ( Act I, 28 ). According to the P. P. S. when Kumarapala left Anahillapura, through fear of murder, he was about twenty years old. He travelled in various parts of India and made pilgrimage to Kedaranatha seven times. He had to travel incognito for thirty years. He proceeded to Anahillapura when he heard of Jayasimha's death in the shop of a shoemaker in Ujjayini (P. P. S. p. 38 ). While thus running about to save his life, he was helped by many people. Once when Kumarapala happened to be in Stambhatirtha (Cambay), his future kingship was forecast by Hemachandra in presence of Udayana who was then the Governor at Stambhatirtha. When Kumarapala could not believe in such an impossible future Hemachandra wrote down the exact date of his coronation as Sam. 1199 Kartika Vadi 2 Sunday, and gave one copy to Kumarapala, and another to Udayana for verification. When Kumarapala was pursued by the soldiers of Jayasimha, he was helped in various ways by Hemachandra; though according to the account of the Pr. Cha. Udayana out of his loyalty to Jayasimha or more probably fear, refused to give quarter to Kumarapala (Pr. cha. 322 vs. 443 - 444 ). Kumarapala got the throne through the help of his sister's husband. His name is given as Kanhadadeva in the P. C. (p. 78). Somaprrbhasuri - a contemporary of Kumarapala,

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Introduction cc1 gives the following account of his accession to the throne. "When Jayasimha went to heaven to make friends with the king of gods this earth became sad as lotuses do when the sun sets. Then the ministers, who surpassed the Guru of gods - Bphaspati - in intelligence, seeing the kingdom without a protector began to converse like this.' (Then follows the geneology of Kumara pala from Blima I to which we have referred ). 'His (Tribhuvanapala's ) son named Kumara pala is bright, of a pleasant face and like Indra in splendour. He is liberal, brave, and a protector of the helpless. He is endowed with all royal qualities, therefore let us make a king of him; away with others possessing no merits. Thus consulting with one another, and seeking unanimity with palmists, astrologers etc., Kumarapala was established on the throne by the ministers. Then the whole world became satisfied.' (P. 5 Ku. Prati. G. O. S.) According to the P. C., Kumarapala was about fifty years old when he mounted the throne. This he did in V. S. 1199 which is corroborated, as we saw, by a colophon also. We can put Kumarapala's birth in the year V. S. 1149, one year before Jayasimha came to the throne. Perhaps there was not much difference of age between the uncle and the nephew and as Kumarapala was a legitimate rival to the throne Jayasimha might have become jealous of him. According to the P. C., Kumarapala reigned from V. S. 1199 to V. S. 1230-A. D. 1143-1174 (pp. 95-96). The first few years of Kumarapala's reign were very troublesome. But he, being a man of mature age and much experience, gathered from a wandering 26

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CCI Kavyanusasana life full of hardships, soon restored order within his kingdom, consolidated his power and extended his empire. It was in his reign that Gurjaradesa reached its zenith. Immediately after him its decline began. The first man to trouble him was his brother in-law, who was instrumental in getting him the throne. He, however, did not like that Kumarapala should not only reign but rule and so tried to belittle him publicly. Kumarapala gave him warning which he did not heed; so he got him severely beaten by his athlets. Thus, according to the P. C., he set a lesson for other Samantas who understood that the king was not to be taken lightly (p. 71). The earliest inscription of his reign, as yet, discovered is of the year V. S. 1202-A. D. 1146 in the step-well of Sodhalivava of Mangrol of the king Muluka of Gohila dynasty a chief subordinate to Kumarapala. From this we learn that when Sri Siddharaja died, Kumarapala 'suddenly occupied the throne of Jayasimha.' This phrase is no doubt significant. The inscription begins with a beautiful prayer to Siva and after referring to Kumarapala's accession to the throne goes on to inform us that one Somaraja of Guhila dynasty built a small temple in the name of his father Sahara in the jagati or compound of Somanatha. This inscription provides for the expenses of the worship of Sri Saharesvara. The grantor is Sri Muluka. This prasasti is composed by Parama Pasupatacharya, - Mahapandita Sri Pra - Sarvvajna. In addition to the V. S. 1202, it gives Sri Simha Samvat 32. This Samvat, no doubt, refers to the era started by Jayasimha probably to commemorate the victory over Ra'Khengara.

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Introduction CCHI An inscription dated V. S. 1205-A. D. 1149 of Paramara Somesvara a subordinate chief of Kumarapala has been discovered in a temple of Siva in Kiradu in Jodhpur State. The Chitodagadha inscription of Kumara pala is dated V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151. This inscription is a long prasasti of 28 verses. It commemorates the granting of a village for the worship of Hara to the temple known as Samiddhesvara. It also mentions the granting of an oil mill for the purpose of lighting the temple by the Dandanayaka - the General-Sajjana. The temple was in charge of the Saiva nun Gauridevi a disciple of Bhattarika Uttamadevi. The prasasti is composed by the poet Sri Ramakirtti a disciple of Sri Jayakirtti and the head of the Digambara sect. The prasasti is written in excellent poetic style. This inscription mentions the Chalukya dynasty in general terms, refers to Mularaja and Siddharaja and then describes Kumarapala. We learn from it that after defeating the lord of Sakambhari and leaving his big army encamped in a village named Salipura Kumarapala went to Chitrakuta, i. e. Chitoda to see its beauty. The poet then describes Chitrakuta and the temple of Samiddhesvara. We learn from this inscription that before the year V. S. 1207 i. e. before the eighth year of his reign Kumarapala defeated Arnoraja the king of Sapadalaksha. This is the first event of Kumarapala's reign that the D. K. narrates at great length in three cantos XVI, XVII and XVIII. We are told in the sixteenth Canto that

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Kavyanusasana CCIV 'Kumarapala having come adorned the throne of his forefathers' (v.1). Seeing the energy and vigilance of their sovereign neighbouring chieftains like those of Maheyas (according to the commentary ruler of Godraha or Godhra) and Rashtriyas (?) waited upon him (v. 6). Then we are informed that suddenly Anna ( Anaka= Arnoraja) rose against Kumarapala. (The commentary explains by saying that after the death of Jayasimha seeing that Kumarapala being a new king would be weak, Anna opposed him unexpectedly, unexpectedly because there was no cause.) Not only Anna rose against him, but 'this king of the north (sapadalaksha and other countries) instigated Ballala the king of the east (i. e. Malava) to attack the rear of the king of the west (i. e. Kumarapala.) when he would be engaged in fighting Anna' (v. 8). Not only that, Anna got other kings also to help him (9). A secret emissary of Kumarapala comes and informs him that within a day Anna would be attacking the boundary of his kingdom' (v. 13). Some of Kumarpala's former allies, including Chahada x the head of the elephant section of his army, had joined the enemy (14-16). The king of Gonarda that is Ballala who was Kumarapala's vassal (Rajakiya) had also joined the enemy (17). The king curbing his anger considered the whole situation calmly and resolved upon his strategy. He sent his general, according to the commentary, a Brahamana named Kakka against Ballala and himself marched against Anna' (22-23). * X This Chahada is different from a son of Udayana of that name. This treacherous Chahada is referred to as Tyagabhata by YaSahpala in his Mobarajaparajaya.

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Introductiori CCV Kumarapala, however, proceeded in such a way as to give no clue to his purpose. (v. 26). He came to Abu whose king Vikramasimha was his vassal. Vikramsimha welcomes Kumarapala and describes Mount Abu and his territory (vs. 35-70). In this excellent description we find mention made of Achalesvara temple, Adinatha temple - presumably the one built by Vimala-and the fair held in honour of Sri Mata. The river Banas is also referred to. The seventeenth canto is devoted to the descriptions of flower-gathering, bathing, music, dancing, play-acting, putting on clothes of Kusumbha colour, drinking, etc. (XVII-35, 35-75, 76-138 ). The eighteenth canto is devoted to the description of the battle between the armies, and the personal combat between Anna and Kumarapala (Bhaimi) ( v. 101-102 ). The valour of both of them is admired and their combat is compared to that of Arjuna and Karna (101-102). When, however, Anna fell down being wounded by Kumarapala's iron arrow ( 103 ), Kumarapala did not take the advantage and kill him (104). The army of the enemy was routed ( 105 ). The nineteenth canto opens with Kumarapala searching for the dead heroes lying on the battlefield (1). A peace-messenger from Anna comes and praises Kumarapala's Kshatra Dharma in not taking an undue advantage when Anna was wounded (4). An offer to continue the same relations as were with Jayasimha is made and accepted. As a token of alliance, Anna's daughter named Jahlana is offered in marriage; Kumarapala accepts the offer but requests

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CCVI Kavyanusasana that the marriage should take place in Asahillapura - (his capital 34.). It must have been after his victory over Anna or Arnoraja that Kumarapala went to Chitodagadha and made the grant that is referred to in the inscription of V. S. 1207 already discussed. Kumarapala must have returned to his capital after this semimilitary and semi-religious tour to Chitradurga, to which place he is mentioned as going to see its natural beauty. Verses 40-90 of the nineteenth canto are devoted to the description of the marriage-festival which is very interesting as throwing good light on social customs and manners of the times which in many respects are similar to those of the modern times in Gujarata. As the marriage-ceremony was reaching completion a messenger from the General appointed in Malava (v. 95 ) comes and informs Kumarapala of the victory of his "Gurjara-Brahma-Senani(that is the Brahmana General of Gujarata ) over Malava. The different stages of the fight are described by the messenger. In the first stage two of Kumarapala's vassals Vijaya ane Krshoaka * prove treacherous and join the enemy (v. 98 ). The morale of the army is spoiled and the army of Kumarapala recedes in the first stages. His General exhorts his soldiers : "Fie upon your Hastivarchas that was so much praised by my king!" (v. 106). The last stage of the fight is also described. Ballala approaches the General 'breaking through * We do not know who this Vijaya and Keshanaka were. Was this Krshanaka the same as Kumarapala's brother-inlaw of that name?

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Introduction CCVII hundred rows of soldiers which were impregnable like ramparts of wood and stone and which could not be pierced through even by two days' efforts (v. 120 )'. The General again exhorts his soldiers to fight for their life (v. 121-122). The soldiers, arranging them. selves in the shape of 'two - boat,' attacked the enemy whose army was in the shape of a half - boat the other half being destroyed ( v. 124). That hero of Avanti whose driver of elephant was killed, was thrown down from his elephant by a group of five kings in the presence of the Gurjara-Brahma General': (v. 126 ). Ballala was, however, 'killed by some wicked Brahmanas before the General could stop it through some great Brahmanas' (v. 126 ). The messenger was properly rewarded for the welcome news of victory. Then the king went to his palace with his bride 'people looking at him from the shops of eatables.' Then the mother-in-law and the Purohita who had accompanied the bride returned to their place ( 133 ). Kumarapala ruled well. (135 - 137 ). In this description of the D. K., we get an account of two wars fought by Kumarapala in the early part of his reign, that is before V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151. We learn that Vikramasimha was a vassal of Kumarapala whom he invited to be his guest for some time at Abu. Now, from an inscription of V.S. 1202 * = A. D. 1146 of Ajarigama, we learn that in that year Yasodhavala was reigning in Abu; so Vikramsimha must have died by that time. From this we can infer that Kumarapala must have been compelled to march against Anna in * See Pt. Oza's Raj. Itihasa pp. 175 - 76.

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CCVIII Kavyanusasana V. S. 1201 in the third year of his reign. We cannot say exactly when the final battle was fought. It is likely that this war must have lasted for a number of years, and Kumarapala must have got his decisive victory somewhere about V. S. 1207, or a little earlier; for we learn from this inscription of V. S. 1207 that he encamped his army in the village of Salipura and went personally to Chitrakuta. We also learn from it that his General Sajjana accompanied him to Chitrakuta. The other war that with Malava - also must have been finally won by this time - that is V. S. 1207. In the Vadanagara prasasti of V. S. 1208, the king of Malava is represented as killed. - We learn from the prasasti of V. S. 1287-A. D. 1231, in the temple of Tejahapala that Yasodhavala seeing that Ballala, ruler of Malava was opposing Kumarapala, immediately killed him (Prcahina Jaina Lekhasangraha by Muni Jinavijayaji p. 79). This shows that in the fight with Ballala, Yasodhavala was Kumarapala's ally and must have actually gone to fight with him. He might have been one of those five kings who threw Ballala down from his elephant. The name of this Ballala, however, is not mentioned in any of the inscriptions of Malava *. This means that he was some subordinate chieftain, and this rising against Kumarapala was possibly the act of some of these chieftains of Malava. This inference is corroborated by the D. K. where Ballala is called Gonardiya (XVI v. 17) which according to the commentator means that Ballala was a native of Gonarda, a town " *Pt. Oza's Raj. Itihasa p. 176.

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latroduction ssikh in Avanti (that is Malava ). His co-conspirators are mentioned in the twentysecond verse. We have an inscription of this Mahamandalesvara Yasodhavala dated 1207 at Abu. Of the year V. S. 1208-A. D. 1152 we have the famous prasasti - inscription of Vadanagara which we have been utilizing as an important source of Gujarata history. This prasasti consists of thirty verses and a line in prose giving the date and the name of the engraver. The prasasti begins with Om Namah Sivaya. The first verse praises the 'Ichchhasakti' or 'Will of God'. Verses 2-3 describe the mythical origin of Chalukya dynasty. From 4 to 14, the kings of this dynasty from Mularaja to Jayasimha are described. Verses 15 to 19 are devoted to Kumarapala. The wounding of Arnoraja is described in terms similar to those of the D. K. In verse 15, Kumarapala is described as making the goddess Chandi intoxicated with the blood of the king Arnoraja who was wounded in chest by his arrows, reside in his arm, and, as satisfying the greed of the goddess for lotuses by hanging a lotus in the form of the head of the lord of Malava. The same thing is repeated in verse 17. Verses 20 - 24 describe the Nagara or Vadanagara and verses 25 - 30 describe the building of a fortifying wall round the city. The building-operations of the wall must have begun earlier as it was complete in V. S. 1208. In verse 30, we learn that the author of this prasasti was the king of poets-Sripala who could compose a great work in a day and who was accepted as a brother by Sri Siddharaja.' This is the same 27

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CCX Kavyanusagana Sripala as wrote the prasasti of the Sahasralinga Lake of Jayasimha. The inscription was engraved by Nagara Brahmana Pandita Valana on Thursday the second of the bright half of the month of Asyina of the year V. S. 1208. This inscription indicates that by V. S. 1208 -A. D. 1152 Kumarapala was firmly established. In it he is represented as one who got his kingdom through the favour of Somesvara, one whose work of killing the enemies was accomplished by goddesses, and so one whose army was just a thing of play ( v. 18). Like Asoka, Kumarapula, after the bloody wars of the early part of his reign, appears to have turned his mind to non-violence towards animals. For, we find, in the D. K. that Hemachandra, after narrating his wars with Anna and Ballala, his marriage with Jalhana and the safety and security in his kingdom (XX v. 1-2), describes Kumarapala's efforts in spreading the doctrine of non-violence towards animals. A poor villager on an auspicious day was driving some goats to a slaughter house. Kumara pala accosted him and was very inuch affected by what he heard from him (v. 10 - 20). He proclaimed "Amari " or non - killing of animals ( v. 22 - 23). Thenceforth sacrifice of animals for religious purposes was stopped (v. 20). "Out of consideration for Kumarapala's words sages like Dakshina Bhargava sacrificed barley in their dargha - satras (or great sacrifices )" (v. 30 ). Hunting was also stopped (31 - 34 ). + +That this was the result of Hemachandra's teachings, we learn from H's own words in the prasasti of the Tripurusha-- Salakapurushacharita.

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CCAI Introduction The influence of this promulgation of Amari was felt even in states subordinate to Kumarapala. We have an inscription of Maharaja Alhanadeva of Kirata or Kiradu in Maravada dated 1209-A. D. 1153 - Magha vadi 14 Saturday, granting * Abhaya' that is safety to animals on the $ivaratri and on the eigth, eleventh and the fourteenth days of every half of the month in three cities. Anybody breaking the order of Amari - or nonkilling - was liable to a fine of five drammas. This proclamation is countersigned by Sri Kalhana son of Alhana. It was written by the Maharajaputra Sandhivigrahika Thakkura Kheladitya. This 'grant of safety' was caused by Putiga and Saliga son of Subhamkara living in Sri Nadralapura, and of Pragvata family. The inscription was inscribed by one Gajaila.. A similar inscription of Sri Punapaksha bearing no date but of the time of Kumarapala has also been found at Ratanpura in the Jodhapur State, giving the grant of Abhaya and promulgating Amari at the instance of the same two gentlemen Putiga and Saliga. (Prachina Jaina Lekha Samgrapha pp. 201 - 203 ). Thus we find that these two inscriptions corroborate the account of the D. K. We learn from the inscription of Ahalanadeva that Sri Mahadeva was the prime minister in V. S. 1209-A, D. 1153. + * Another inscription of V. S. 1209 but of the month of the second Jyeshtha has als been found. An inscription of v. S. 1210-A. D. 1154 has been discovered at Bhatunda in Jodhapur state of the Maha-prachanda-danda-Dayaka Sri Vaijaka of Nadula who is mentioned as a vassal of Kumarapala. A copper plate-grant of V. S. 1212-A. D. 1156 of Kumarapala has been recently discovered. It contains the whole geneology

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CCXII Kavyanusasana The D. K. devotes fifty-two verses to describing another great boon that Kumarapala granted to his subjects. It was a recognised custom. The property of a child-less man passed on to the state after his death. We find mention made of the custom in the Sakuntala of Kalidasa in which Dushyanta, himself being child-less, out of sympathy, asks his ministers to make proper inquiry and find out if any one of the wives of the rich man who died child-less, was carrying (Act. VI). The D. K. narrates at great length a pathetic episode of a widow of a rich man whose only son died and who herself was on the point of committing suicide. Kumarapala who, of a mid-night, heard her wailing, went to her and consoled her and promised her to stop the cruel custom: The Moharaja-parajaya gives a different story referring to the annuling of this custom of appropriating the property of a man who died child-less. It appears that both the stories are probably imaginary, meant to give a poetic effect to this great deed of liberality which was in itself a historical fact. In fact Kumarapala was said to have done that which no other king had done. The story of the D. K. which is interesting from many other points of view, however, is more credible than that of the Moharaja-parajaya. Kumarapala orders his ministers not to take 'mrta-vitta' that is the property of a dead man from Mularaja to Kumarapala. It grants one dramma daily for the worship of Sri Lakhanesvaradeva in the Jagati (compound) of Sri Tripurushadeva in Nadula. It has been written by Sri Mahadeva son of Mahakshapatalika Sri Lakshmana of Gauda Kayastha family. The Dutaka is Mahasandhivigrahika Thakkura Sri Delapa. It is signed as 'Sri Kumarapala devasya.'

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introduction CCXIII ( 84-2-6) and for this he receives the praises of his grateful people ( 89 ). The last 12 verses of the twentieth canto of the Samskrta D. K. describe the raising of temples by Kumarapala. 'When the king was informed by his emissaries that the mansion (temple) of Kedara was in a delapidated condition he called Khasa a robber etc.' (90). We saw previously that Jayasimha by punishing the roguish kings had made the way to Kedara safe (XV 14 ). It appears that the same trouble again rose in the time of Kumarapala. * After abusing Khasa, Kumarpala blames himself 'for living in a good house and letting the god to live in a broken place.' He calls' his minister Vagbhata and orders him to send artisans, money, labourers and supervisors so that the whole temple may immediately shine like moon and become fragrant.' "For as you are devoted to me, I am devoted to Lord Sambhu" (v. 91-92). Kumarapala even blames his * It is not clear which Kedara is intended in this context. Is it the famous Kedare vara in the Himalayas or a place of similar name somewhere near Somabatha ? According to the B. G. it was the temple of Kedare vara in Kumaon' (p. 190 ). But the Khasia Kolis are to be found in Saurashtra also, and it is rather too far for the king of Gujarat to control the Khasas of Kumaon in the Himalayas and repair the temple of Kedara there. Kumarapala asks his minister Vaghbhat to repair the temples cf Somanatha and Kedaresvara simultaneously. This would be possible if both the temples were near each other. I must confess however, that there is nothing impossible in Kumarapala, repairing the temple of Kedaresvara ip Himalayas for after he had defeated Anna of Sapadalakshay as we shall see further his power extended as far as the Kumaon mountains.

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ccxiy Kavyanusasana minister for his negligence in allowing the temple to delapidate ( 63 ). The minister Vagbhta then reminds the king of Somesvara, and Kumarapala orders that, that temple be also rebuilt. ( 94 ) The minister, under orders from the king, calls his men and instructs them to build the temples of Kedara and Somesvara (65). The artisans go there (96) and we are informed that the 'artists built that pair of temples' ( 97 ). Then we are told that Kumarapala receiving blessings from Arhatas built a temple with gold and jewels containing an image of Parsvanatha made of sphatika stone. This temple, according to the commentary, was built in Anahillapura (98). Another temple of Parsvanatha was built in Sri Devapattana (99). When these temples were built travellers everywhere were talking like this: Have you, my good friend! heard of the city of Somesvara ? Have you been there? Have you gone, good man! to the wide city of Gurjaras? Have you seen the beautiful temple known as Kumara-Vihara ? ( 100 ). + At the desire of Sambhu to stay in Asahillapura expressed in a dream, Kumarapala built a temple to that god known as Kumarapalesvara (101). The sages bless and praise Kumarapala and ask him to inaugurate an era after his name as he had freed the earth from debts ( 102 ). + someTpurI3makalaya3: sumatA3i Apa 3: sAdhA3u gUjerapure agama: pRthaa3u| tatra3 abhU3varakumAravihAracaityadRSTayA3i didivati tavAjani pAnthavArtA // sa. 20, zlo. 100.

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latroduction CCXV From an inscription-discovered in the temple of Bhadra Kali at Prabhas Pattana dated Valabhi Samvat 850, month of Ashadha (V. S. 1225 = A. D. 1169 ) which is an eulogy of Bhava Bihaspati who was made a ganda or officer - in - charge of Somanatha, we get some useful information about the rebuilding of the temple of Somanatha. The first thing that we are able to infer is that the whole work was over before V. S. 1225-A. D. 1169, five years prior to Kumarapala's death. Another thing that we learn is that it was at the suggestion of Bhava Bihaspati that Kumarapala. ordered the re-building of the temple. It may be that Bhava might have approached the king through Vagbhata who might have drawn the attention of Kumarapala upon the necessity of re-building the temple simultaneously with the rebuilding of Kedaresvara. We may put this event between V. S. 1220-1225A. D. 1164-1169. The last great political event of Kumarapala's reign was his war with Mallikarjuna of Konkana of Silahara dynasty. This event is not narrated in the Samskata Dvyasraya but it forms the subject-matter of the sixth canto of the Prakrta Dvyasraya. The whole of the P. D. K. is devoted to the life of Kumarapala and is entitled Kumarapalacharita. The preceding five cantos describe the city of Asahillapura and the daily life of Kumarapala and also the seasons. * See the B. G. Vol. I p. 185-186."Of this Mallikarjuna two stone-inscriptions have been found ope at Chiplun dated A. D. 1156 (Saka 1078) the other at Bassein dated A. D. 1160 (Saka 1082 ). p. 86.

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CCXVI Kavyanusasana In the sixth canto, after the description of the moonrise (vs. 1-21) comes the description of the holding of the Royal assembly with Kumarapala seated on a golden throne (22-39). Sandhivigrahika or the Minister for peace and war reports to the king his success in war with Mallikarjuna of Konkana. The choice army of the lord of Konkana is referred to. His valour, which would make one forget the valour of the famous fiftytwo heroes, is mentioned. The march of Kumarapala's soldiers to Konkana is described. The enemy riding his elephant comes out of his city whose name is given as Thana (v. 49) which must be the modern Thana near Bombay. He made his way into the Gurjara army and a terrific fight followed. The enemy's elephant was pierced by the arrows of Gurjaras. So also the rider - the lord of Konkana. "His lotus-like head was cut off by your soldiers" (vs. 41-70). The Minister of War and Peace continues his narrative thus: "You have earned the royal power of Kunkana consisting of seven departments. Thus enjoying the south, you are joined to the Sri of Srinagara, Tilanga and Kanchi (vs. 71-72 ). * Then the reports of the exploits of Kumarapala's army in other parts of the country are given (vs. 73-95). Last comes the vijnapti or request of the lord of Jangala. (vs, 96-101) From this we learn that Kumarapala had crushed Turuka, the lord of Dhilli (Delhi) and the king of Kasi (v. 96). The * pahu, siri-nayara - sirIe jujjasi, juppasi tilaGgalacchIe / juJjasi kaJci - sirIe, bhuJjanto dAhiNiM ihi // ( 72. sa. 6.)

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Introduction CCXVII reporting goes on till mid-night when the assembly disperses ( v. 107 ). The P. C. throws more light on this episode. We learn from it that it was Ambada (a son of Udayana) who first offered himself to fight Mallikarjuna of Konkana. He was made the General of the army and despatched with other Samantas or chiefs. Somaprabhasuri, a contemporary, corroborates this information of the P. C. He says Kumara pala used to win victories even with Vaaija generals of the army like Ambada. * Ambada or Amrabhata marched to Konkana whithout any break and came to the banks of the river Kalavini which was in high floods. As he was crossing the river and a part of the army was encamping on the other bank, Mallikarjuna attacked the invading army and put it to flight. Ambada returned feeling disgraced; but he was again encourged to fight Mallikarjuna with a new army and other Samantas. The same river was crossed by the ford made in the first expedition and when the "unequal" fight began Ambala 'carefully made Mallikarjuna his aim' and approached him. He mounted Mallikarjuna's elephant and threw him down, and when other Samantas or chiefs were engaged in looting the city he cut off the head of Mallikarjuna and wrapped it in gold and worshipped the 'feet of the king Kumarapala with this lotus in the form of the head of the enemy'. x Byar JhAFFTR Farat An 799: aforizo stara poeticiaEIGHT: II (p. 471. K. Pra.) 28

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CCXyti Kavyanusasana The booty that Ambada had won is also described by the P. C. (pp. 80 - 81 ). We find in the inscription of Tejahpala dated V. S. 1287-A. D. 1231 previously referred to that when the Paramara king Dharavarsha of Abu (V. S. 1220-76) 'marched to the battle-field, the queens of the lord of Konkana began to weep' (J. P. J. S. II Part II, p. 79). This means that he must have been one of the chiefs who went to fight as an ally of Kumarapala against Mallikarjuna of Silhara dynasty. From another source, we learn that the Chauhana king Somesvara was also with Kumarapala's army fighting in Konkana+ The final battle must have been fought before A. D. 1162 which is the earliest known date of Mallikarjuna's successor Aparaditya. * This success extended the Gurjara empire as far as Kanchi in the south - the original home of Anahillapura Chalukya's, if the copper - plate of Chamundaraja recently discovered may be interpreted to suggest such a connection. In the north, the king of Delhi - Visaldeva Vigraharaja Chauhana - was his vassal. This, we learn from an inscription of this king dated V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164. In the east Malava and Mevada were in his possession; and if the Prakrta Dvyas raya of Hemachandra is to be believed, the sway of Kumarapala extended as far as Gauda. In the west, his power extended as far as Sindh. If this inference is correct, Kumarapala in the last years of his reign, at least, must have been almost an AllIndia - Emperor. However that might be, the Gurjara + Pt. Oza's Rajputaneka Itihasa. * See B. G. Vol I, pp. 185-186.

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Introduction CCXIX Empire was of considerable extent in all directions and it reached its widest extent in Kumarapala's time. * According to the Srimalapurana a Vaisya named Sunanda who was native of Pattanapura i. e. Anahilvaoapattana requested the Sri to reside in Asahillapura and so the goddess took leave of Bhinnamala and proceeded to Patan in V. S. 1203, Vaisakha suda 3-A. D. 1147, * There is a minor inscription of V. S. 1228-A. D. 1172 discovered at Bhadalai in Marawada which simply refers to the regining king as " Sri Kumarapaladeva" without any title whatsoever. The majority of the inscriptions pertaining to Kumara. pala's reign discovered up till now are those of his Samantas or vassals. They give us an idea of the extent of his way. Thus we gather from the inscription of V. S. 1202-A. D. 1196 discovered at Mangarol that the king Muluka of Gohila family ( capable of governing Saurashtra ) was Kumarapala's vassal; so also from that of V. S. 1205-A. D. 1149 and that of V. S. 1218-A. D. 1162 discovered at Kiradu in the Jodhapur state that some vara of Paramara family was his vassal, from that of V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151 discovered at Abu that Ya odbavala of Paramara family was his vassal; from a copperplate of V. S. 1218-A. D. 1162 that Kirtipala of Chauhana family was also his Samanta; from the Sivalika inscription of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 that ViSaldeva Vigraharaja of Delhi was bis Samanta; from that of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 of Udayapura in Mevada that Vasantapala of Stharovaka(?) family was his vassal; from that of V. S. 1223-A. D. 1164 discovered at Abu and from that of V. S. 1223-A. D. 1167, we learn that Dharavarsha of Parmara family and Kelhandeva of Chauhana family were also his vassals. Some of these vassal-chiefs were related to Kumarapala through marriage, as for example, Anda of Sapadalaksha or Somesvara the father of the famous Prthviraja Chauhana.

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. CCXX Kavyanusasana This might be interpreted to mean that the glory of the Gurjaras reached its Zenith in Asahillapura in the : reign of Kumarapala and that many influencial and rich families must have finally left Bhinnamala for Patan. (Adhyaya 75.) We have some reliable information about the principal political personages of Kumara pala's reign. The P.C. tells us that after Kumarapala occupied the throne, he made Aliga and Udayana, the elder statesmen of Jayasimha's reign - who must have become very old by this time, his principal advisors (Jyayan Pradhana ), and that Sri Vagbhata popularly known as Bahada, a son of Udayana, his great minister ( Mahamatya ). The D. K. also, as we saw, mentions Vagbhata as Kumarapala's minister who was entrusted with the work of building temples of Kedaresvara and Somesvara. From the accounts of the Prabandhas also, it appears that this Vagbhata was a person of great influence and power in the reign of Kumarapala. Udayana who was popularly known as Minister Uda was one of the remarkable men of the age. He was intimately connected with the life of Hemachandra. Short accounts of his life are given in the P. P. S. and the P. C. He is also mentioned in the Pra. Cha. as well as in the Prabandhakosa and the V. T. K. The account in the P-ms of the P. P.S. is more complete than those of others. According to it Udayana belonged to the Srimala community and was originally an inhabitant of a village named Vaghara near Javalipura (or Jalore) in Maravada. His geneology is as follows : Sreshthi Bohittha - Asve$vara - Yakshanaga - Viradeva - Udayana. His wife's

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Introduction CCXXI name was Suhadevi who was a daughter of Thakkura Samba of Dhavalakakka (modern Dholka). He was doing business in ghee. He appears to have been an intrepid fellow from the early part of his life as he used to go out for his business even at mid-night with his bow and quiver of arrows. Once while going about like this he got a good omen and went with his wife and two sons Bahada and Chahada to Asapalli which was then recently renamed Karnavati. Arriving there Udayana first went to worship in a Jaina temple, which according to the P. C. was known as Vayatiya - jinayatana ( Jaina temple of Vayatas or Vayanas ). As he was coming out of the temple, he met the wife of Salapati Tihunasiha (that is Salavi or Master-weaver Tribhuvanasimha ) who with her servants was going into the temple. The P. C. gives her name as Lachhi (Lakshmi) a Sravika of the Chhimpika community. Udayana was taken by her to her house where he was treated as a guest by her husband. Tihunasiha asked him whether he would stay in his house or independently. Uda resquested that he would like to live independently and was given a small piece of land by Tihunasiha near his house. As he was erecting the door, he discovered a hidden treasure. King Karna, who was at that time in his new city, called Tihunasiha and asked him to hand over the newly discovered wealth. Tihunasiha answered: Your Majesty! a certain Maruka ( Maravadi ) has come to me. In his house something is discovered. I That is Chhipa community-the same as Salavi communitywhose hereditary profession was weaving, colouring and printing of cloth. The P. C. 56.

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CCXXII Kavyanusasan' do not know what it is." Uda was sent for; but when Karna saw that Uda was a lucky man he was given the seal of ministership and the title of Ranima. This is how the early rise of Udayana is described by the P.P. S. and also by the P. C. with a few variations ( The P. P. S. p. 32., The P. C. p. 56). The P. P. S. in the beginning of its account tells us that Udayana was made the Governor of Lata and given ministerial seals by the king. The name of the king is not mentioned. He must have been given that post by either Karna or more probably by Siddharaja Jayasimha. When Udayana was staying at Khambhata (Cambay) probably as a governor of Lata - Province he performed the Diksha - festival of Hemachandra. We have referred to the incident of his meeting Kumarapala at Cambay when the latter was running about for his life. We have also mentioned, on the authority of the Pra. Cha, his fight against Khengara of Junagadha. According to the P. P. S. it was Udayana who slayed Khengara (p. 34). We saw that Udayana was appointed as an elderly counsellor with Aliga, while his son Vagbhata was made the Prime Minister ( The P. C. p. 79). His wife Suhadevi died when Udayana was considerably old. A typical incident is narrated by the P. P. S. with reference to Udayana's re-marriage at the age of seventy. Vagbhata saw that his father was feeling unhappy. So he thought of remarrying him. He found out a grown up girl ( lit. an old daughter gar) who was a daughter of a merchant in Vayadapura. Under the pretext of a pilgrimage Udayana

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Introduction CCXX111 was taken there. A dinner party was arranged, but the Sangha (community) refused to sit to dinner as it was pre-arranged by Vagbhata. Udayana asked the reason thereof and he was told unless he obeyed the word of the community which was that he should remarry - they would not sit to dinc. Udayana said "I am seventy years old. This is not the time to marry. Untimely doings do not look well." Vagabhata interposed "The authority of the community is very powerful. " Udayana said "Who will give his daughter ?" - meaning of course to an old man like himself. The whole thing, was, however pre-arranged and Udayana was married to the daughter of a merchant of Vayadapura. She was the mother of Rayaviddara Ambada or Amrabhata the killer of kings. This Amrabhata is the same as is referred to by Somaprabhasuri-a contemporary of Kumarapala - as the Vanija General of Kumarapala's army and who, according to the P. C., slayed Mallikarjuna of Konkana. According to the P. P. S. Udayana was mortally wounded in his fight against Sangana Dodiaka at Melagapura after Udayana had defeated and killed Khengara (p. 32 & p. 34 * ). The last two desires of this dying general were to rebuild two temples - one on the Satrunjaya Hill and the other at Broach known as Sakunikavihara. The first desire was fulfilled by Ambada or Amrabhata. The final ceremony of flaghoisting on the temple at Satrunjaya took place, This account supplements the account of the Pra. cha. p. 322. The P. C. gives the name as Saynsara of Surashtra p. 86.

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CCXXIV Kavyanusasana according to the P. C. in V, S. 1211-A. D. 1155, at the hands of Vagbhata (p. 87). From the Kiradu inscription of V. S. 1209-A. D. 1153, we learn that Sri Mahadeva was the prime minister at Anahillapura at that time. This Mahadeva must be the same as was appointed the Governor of Malava by Jayasimha. It is likely that Ujjayini and Dhara must have been in his charge when Ballala of Gonarda rose in rebellion, and that after Ballala was slain in battle, General Kakka might have been appointed the Governor of Malava. Mahadeva, on retiring from Malava, must have been given the position of prime minister which was occupied by his father Dadaka. We do not know how Kakka and Mahadeva were related. We know from Hemachandra that Kakka was a Brahmana. Probably he was a Nagara of Vadanagara. Mahadeva, we know, definitely, was a Nagara of Vadanagara. It was customary to give the position of a father to his son in those days. In all likelihood, Kakka was a son of Mahadeva. But this is only a guess. From the inscription of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 we learn that at that time Jasodhavala or Yasodhavala was the prime-minister at Anahillapura. From the inscription of V. S.-1225 A. D. 1169, it appears that Yasodhavala or Dhavala was probably a Brahmana of Anandapura, that is a Nagara of Vadanagara. There he is referred to. in the past tense, so it appears either he had ceased to occupy that position or that he was not alive at the time. The wife of this minister built two temples, probably near Junagadha. - We may; here; mention Kapardin the treasurer of Kumarapala. According to the P. C., it was at his

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Introduction CCXXV suggestion that Kumarapala, even at the age of fifty learnt Samskrta grammar and three poems and thus earned the title of Vichara-Chaturmukha (p. 89). Kapardin himself, it appears, was a learned man and a friend of Hemachandra (p. 90). When Vagbhata was attending to the building of the temple at Satrunjaya near which he founded a town named after him Bahadapura, he gave the charge of his post to this Kapardin. (p. 87). Kapardin was one of those persons who accompanied Kumarapala in his pilgrimage to Satrunjaya. He is called Bhandagarika Kapardin by the P. P. S. (p. 43). In the Prabandhakosa of Rajasekhara this Bhandagarika Kapardin is also called a leader amongst poets and donors (atai arani agzif 7517f: 994 Il p. 48). Kapardin was given the post of prime-ministership by Ajayapala-the successor of Kumarapala. Even though warned by a Maruka who knew the significance of omens, he accepted the post. He was later on arrested and killed by Ajayapala in his palace. (The P. C. p. 96). About Kumarapala's generals of the army, we have also some information. The D. K., as we have seen, mentions the Gurjara - Brahma - Senani - whom the commentator Abhayatilakagni identifies with Kakka. He crushed the rebellion of Ballala. From the Chitodagadha inscription of V. S. 1207- A. D. 1151, we infer that the "Dandanayaka Sajjana" was with Kumarapala in his expedition against Anaka, and we learn that he was one of those few people who accompanied the king to Chitodagadha leaving the rest of the army in the village of Salipura. This Sajjana is probably the same as was appointed the governor 29

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CCXXVI Kavyanusasana of Saurashtra by Jayasimha and as built the temple on Girnara. If he is the same person he must have been very old at the time of Kumarapala's expedition; because, as we saw on the authority of the V. T. K., he completed the temple on the Girnar mountain in V. S. 1185-A. D. 1129 (p. 9). This Sajjana of the Srimala community belonged to the family of Jamba who was a Mahamatya of Vanaraja. According to the P. P. S. he had two niore brothers named Amba and Dhavala. + From the inscriptions of V.S. 1210-A.D. 1154, and V. S. 1213-A. D. 1157 we learn that Sri Vaijaka or Vaijalladeva was the Mahaprachanda Dandanayaka (that is the great terrible general) of Kumarapala. In the reign of Ajayapala, we learn from a copper-plate of V. S. 1231-A. D. 1175 that he was a governor of Narmada-Tata that is of Lata Desa. From the P. C., we learn that Ambada - son of Udayana and according to the P. P. S. a step - brother of Vagbhata (p. 32 ) was also one of the generals of Kumarapala. He was, as we saw, responsible for the conquest of Konkana and slaying of Mallikarjuna. +In addition to this Sajjana the General of Jayasimha and Kumarapala, prabandhas mention three more Sajjanas. One is Sajjada Sakariyaka of Jayasimha's time. (P. P. S. p. 36). Another is Sajjana the potter who saved the life of Kumarapala by hiding him in a kothi. He was rewarded with Chitrakuta when Kumarapala became king. The Dandanayaka Sajjana of Kumarapala who accompanied him to Chitod is identified by some with this potter Sajjana (P. P. S. p. 38) There is another Sajjana of the time of Bhima II who was also a general and an orthodox Jaina of the Srimala community (P. P. S. p. 49 ).

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lotroduction CCXXVII The P. P. S. quotes an apabhramsa doha composed and recited on the occasion by a Charana * which definitely makes Ambada responsible for killing Mallikarjuna. According to the Pithvirajavijaya of Jayanaka, however, it was Somesvara, the father of Psthviraja Chauhana who killed Mallikarjuna. We may here mention the names of his ministers who belonged to the family of Vimala. The apabhramsa prasasti of the Neminathachariu continues its narrative up to the reign of Kumarapala. We learnt from it that Dhavala - the son of Neaha was a minister of Karna; he continued to occupy that position in the reign of Jayasimha also. Through the boon of the goddess Dhanuhavi, ( that is - his family deity - Vindhyavasini who, as we saw, was given that narne because she resided in the bow of his ancestor Lahara- ) he built a temple known as Revantaprasada. This Dhavala had a son named Ananda. Ananda's wife Paumavai or Padmavati by name was very religious. He also occupied the position of his father in the reigns of Siddharaja and Kumarapala. He had a son named Puhaipala or Pythvipala who also occupied ministerial posts. Ptthvipala built the beautiful mandapa in the temple at Abu built by his ancestor Vimala. He built several other temples. It was in his temple at Anahillapura that Haribhadrasuri completed his Neminathachariu. Thus this prasasti gives us the history of an illustrious family of the Pragvatas who played such * zja [] afts Afesta ga 131 pADI mAthauM vADhiuM uaDihiM deviNu pAu // .

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CCXXVIII Kavyanusasana an important part in the history of Gujarat, from the time of Vanaraja to Kumara pala. In this connection, the name of Vasaha Abhada may be mentioned. He was not directly connected with the state in any way. He must have, however, been a very influential person of the times, as we shall see anon he was one of those who was consulted by Kumarapala about the succession to the throne after him. From a very poor condition he rose to be one of the richest men of Anahillapura. He maintained his high position throughout the reigns of Kumara pala, Ajayapala and Bhima II. We learn from the P. P. S. that of the sons of Abhada two were Mahesvarins, that is, worshippers of Mahesvara or Siva and three were Sravakas, that is Jainas. (p. 33). According to the Prabandharatnakosa of Rajasekharasuri he had a daughter named Champalade , who had become a widow early in life, and who used to manage his household affairs being very learned and tactful (p. 100). It was this Abhada who saved the temple of Taranga from being destroyed by the orders of Ajayapala. Now we come to the Purohitas of Siddharaja and Kumarapala. We saw that Amasarman was the Purohita of Karna. It was through his miraculous powers that the evil effect of the magic of the Purohita of the king of Malava was warded off. The Surathotsava informs us that it was through his blessings that Siddharaja could conquer the king of Sindhu, the king of Malava and the king of Sapadalaksha. Kumara performed many sacrifices and built many lakes.

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Introduction CCXXIX This Kumara had a son named Sarvadeva. He was proficient in the Smoti of Manu. He was a devotee of Vishnu. We are not informed whether he was Jayasimha's Purohita after the death of Sarvadeva. Probably he was. Sarvadeva had a son named Amiga. He was the Purohita of Kumarapala. Whether he was the same as is described to be an opponent of Hemachandra by the P. C., we do not know. It was he who carried the ashes of the body of the king Kumara pala to Prayaga, Kumarapala had no direct male heir to succeed him. As usual, the rival claimants to the throne must have made the crowned head very uneasy. We learn from the Prabandhakosa just referred to, that once when Kumara pala and Hemachandra had grown old, a consultation was held at night between Kumarapala, Hemachandra and Abhada-probably in the residence of Hemachandra-as to who should succeed the king. "The king asks, 'Your worship! I have no son, whom should I put on the throne ?' His Holiness answered 'Make Pratapamalla-son of your daughterking. He will maintain Dharma. Ajayapala will undo the Dharma you have established.' Here Abhada intervenes 'Your worship! Whatever sort,-one of the family only proves useful!' Again Sri Hema said 'Under no circumstances make Ajayapala king.' After this consultation the three rose to go." (P. K. p. 98). We learn from the same authority that there was a feud in the group of disciple-monks of Hemachandra. On one side were Ramachandra, Gunachandra and others; on the other side was Balachandra. This Balachandra was a friend of Ajaypala - the nephew of the king. He

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CCXXX Kayyanusasana overheard the consultation about the succession to the throne and informed Ajayapala of it. This made Ajayapala a sworn enemy of Ramachandra and his party, but a friend of Abhada, who, as we saw, later on used his influence in saving the Jaina shrine at Taranga. - According to the same authority, Kumarapala died of poison administered by Ajayapala thirty-two days after the death of Hemachandra. This event must have taken place in V. S. 1230. according to the year beginning with Kartika or Chaitra but V. S. 1229 according to the one beginning with Ashadha. In the Udayapura inscription dated V. S. 1229, Vaiskakha Sudi 3 Monday, we find Ajayapala mentioned as the reigning sovereign. This means that Kumarapala must have died, according to the Kartikadi year, in the early part of the year V. S. 1230-A. D. 1174. This correctly removes the discrepancy between the P. C. and the Udayapura inscription. Thus we see that the seeds of the disruption of Gujarat power were already sown in the last days of Kumarapala's life. The disintegration of the Gujarat empire soon followed. For a time like the dying flicker of a lamp, the glory of Gujarat shone bright again in the time of Viradhavala Vaghela and his great ministers Vastupala and Tejapala, to be extinguished for ever in the reign of Karna II. Gujarat continued to flourish and grow rich and build temples even after this, but its political self-respect was gone! The causes of this disintegration and downfall must have been many and various, but they must not be sought in the differences of the religious creeds of the people.

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Introduction ssxxxt In fact, the harmony, no doubt with human lapses here and there, between different creeds was phenomenal, so much so as to appear incredible to one who is only familiar with the history of Christianity and Islam ! The main cause of the disruption seems to be that the kings believed and their ministers and religious priests encouraged them to believe that the state was the personal property of the king and that it was treated as such. Add to this a certain lack of political selfrespect which allowed the people to live and multiply and prosper rather than die and become annihilated if not allowed to live as free men. This, howerver, was only one, though in my opinion, the primary cause; there being many other contributary causes. 16 What was the city of Anahillapurapataka like, this Gurjaradesarajadhani-capital of Gurjaradesa-of which its people - poets, kings and even retired monks-were so proud ? Vagbhata-poet and critic and a contemporary of Jayasimha - called it one of the three jewels of the world-the other two being the king Jayasimha Siddharaja himself and his elephant Sri Kalasa. (See f.n. p. CXCVI). In the time of J. it had become a point of honour-to be settled either by martial or literary passage of arms-to maintain three kings : that Gujarat was like Bshaspati - the teacher of gods - in the matter of discrimination, that Pattana - (literally city) that is Asahillapura was a veritable ocean of men and that the king was the emperor of Siddhas. *. * gUrjaratrAyA vivekabRhaspatitvaM nRpasya siddhacakritvaM pattanasya ya narasamudratvaARET ( 8H17:) faqca pp. 28-29 P. P. S.

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EURCXXXII Kavyanusatana So here I may pause for a while to put before the student some of the material which will help his historical imagination draw, at least in outline, the picture of this city from which, so to say, radiated the glory of the Gurjara Empire. We are fortunate in possessing some very good contemporary descriptions of the city. The student will find that the two descriptions of Asahillapura from the pen of Hemachandra himself in his two Dvyasrayas -Samskita and Praksta-are, in spite of poetic egaggerations and embellishments, sufficiently realistic to guide his historical imagination. The Prakrta description in the Ku. Pra. of Somaprabha - a junior contemporary of Kumara pala is also interesting. The inscription of the General Kesava of Dadhipadra District gives in one verse a characteristic description of Asahillapura. Of later descriptions the one in the Kirttikaumudi of Somesvara - the friend of Vastupala-is very fine and gives us an idea of the city as it must have impressed the poet in the last days of its glory. As to the history of the place, up till now it was held by scholars that it began with the founding of Asahillapura by Vanaraja in V. S. 802 - A. D. 746. But the V. T. K. of Jinaprabha edited and published by Muni Jinavijaya gives a tradition which enables us to trace its history three - hundred years prior to Vanaraja. From it, + it becomes clear that + Jipaprabhasuri in the twenty-sixth Kalpa of his V.T.K. while narrating an early tradition about the building of the temple of Arishtanemi in Anahillapura incidentally gives some interesting details about the earlier history of the place before the time of Vanaraja. He also enumerates the names of the kings who ruled in the city from Vaparaja to Allauadina

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Introduction CCXXXIII the temple of Arishtanemi, the history of which he is narrating, existed in the time of Jinaprabhasuri and that a festival in memory of the flag-hoisting day was held on the fullmoon day of every Margasirsha. According to the tradition learnt by Jinaprabhasuri the fag-hoisting ceremony first took place in the year Khilji. The tradition, that he narrates, he learnt, as he himself says, from the mouth of antiquarians' (hea garagi ai ). I translate it below as it appears to contain some historical facts. "Formerly there was a very rich merchant named Jakkha in the city of Siri Kanna-ujja (Kanouj). He, once upon a time, with a caravan of bullocks, taking merchandize with him, in order to trade, started for Gujjaradesa which was a part of Kannaujja* and given as dowry to Mahaniga-the daughter of the lord of Kannauajja. In due course he encamped in Lakkharama on the bank of the river Sarassai ( Sarasvati). Indeed it was formerly the place where Anahillavadaya was founded. Encamping his caravan, as the merchant was residing (lit sitting ) there, monsoon approached. The clouds began to pour down. Once upon a time in the month of Bhaddvaya (Bbadra pada ) that caravan of bullocks suddenly disappeared. Nobody knew where it had gone; a search was made but in vain. Then in a dream came Bhagavai Ambadevi to him whose heart was aching with anxiety on account of this almost total loss of property. She spoke "Dear boy! are you asleep or awake?" Jakkha said "Oh Mother ! how is sleep possible to me whose caravan of bullocks-whole property-is lost?" The goddess spoke" Good man ! In this Lakkharama there is a triad of idols uuder a tree of Ambiliya. Get three men to excavate it. One idol is that of Siri Aritthanemi, another that of Siri Pasanaha and the third that of Ambiyadevi." Jakkha asked " Bhagavai ! There are many Ambiliya trees; how am I to recognise that particular region ?" The goddess answered For the explanation of this apachronism of the tradition see p. CVIII. 30

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CCXXXIV Kavganusasana V. S. 502 = A. D. 446. At that time the place was known as Lakkharaina. Jinaprabha is not clear on the point whether this ceremony took place in the lifetime of Jakkha the original builder of the temple. From the fact that it is the people who request Jasobhadda " Where you see a circle of red metallic ochre (1343) and a collection of flowers, know that as the place of the triad of idols. When that triad of idols will be discovered and worshipped, your bullocks will return of their own accord. "In the morning after getting up and first performing (his usual) worship, he did according (to the behests of the goddess) and the three idols were discovered. They were worshipped with proper ceremony. Within a moment the bullocks returned in an unimaginable way. The merchant was pleased. In due course he raised a temple, (lit a palace) and the idols were installed. "Once upon a time when the monsoon was over Siri Jasobhadda Suri-the ornament of Bambhana gaccha wbile going to the city of Khambhaitta (Cambay) from Aggaharagama which was adorned with 1800 pattasaliyagharas (residences for Jaina monks) happened to pass by that place. The people requested "Your holiness ! you cannot go further transgressing this holy place." Then the Suri bowed to the idols, and performed the flag-hoisting ceremony with festivities on the fullmoon day of Maggasira (S. Margasirsha). Even today every year the flag-hoisting ceremony is performed on the same day. That flag-hoisting festival took place when fivehundred and two years (502) had elapsed after Vikkamaiccha (S. Vikramaditya). "Then in the Vikrama year eight-hundred and two (802) the king Vanaraya the pearl of Chaukkada family (a ) founded Pattana on the site of Lakkharama in the region approved by Anahilla Govala. (uratarsakelaag aga)." V. T. K. p. 51. After this the author gives the geneologies of the king who ruled over Patana up to Allaudin. "There were there seven kings. of Chaukkada dynasty viz. Vanaraya, Jogaraya, Khemaraya, Bhuada, Vayarasiha, Rayanaiccha, and Samantasiha.

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Introduction CCXXXV and not Jakkha we might infer that at the time Jakkha was not living. But it can be argued against this view that usually it is thc samgha that invites the Acharyas. Any how if the ceremony took place after the life-time of Jakkha we will have to put the building of the temple earlier, how much earlier we have no means to guess. However that might be, we have here a tradition informing us of the existence of a human habitation known as Lakkharama-probably a town of mercantile importance, full threehundred years before the founding of the city which took place, according to this account as also that of the P. C., in the year V. S. 802-A. D. 746. Whether the story of Jakkha the merchant of Kanyakubja is historical or not, the existence of Lakkharama prior to the founding of Asahillapataka along its site as also the existence of the temple of Arishtanemi in Lakkharama seem to be historical. If we study the history of the capital cities of India, we will discover, in many cases, that they are not founded in altogether wild places. The places where the capital cities were founded, had, generally speaking prior to Then in the very same city there were eleven kings of Chalukka dynasty viz. Mularaya, Chamundaraya, Vallabharaya, Dullaharaya, Bhitnadeva, Kanna, Jayasimhadeva, Kumarapaladeva, Ajayadeva, Bala-Mularaya and Bhimadeva. Then in the family of Vaghelas were born the kings Lunappasaya, Viradhavala, Visaladeva, Ajjupadeva, Sarangadeva, and Kannadeva. After that the rule of Surattaras Allavadina etc. prevailed in Gujjaradbaritti. That lord Aritthanems whose door-keeper is the goddess Kohandi is even to day worshipped in the same way." p. 51.

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CCXXXVI Kavyanusasanda their being capitals, some importance-either mercantile or military. We may quote the instance of Ahmedabad or we may refer to the earlier history of Pataliputra. So in the case of Asahillapura, this tradition about the existence of Lakkharama points to the same thing. + The inscription of the Vahinipati Kesava who was made a Danda - nayaka at Dadhipadra or Dohada of V. S. 1196 - A. D. 1140 contains the earliest dated description of Asahillapataka as far as I have been able to discover. It is as follows: 'aNahillapATakanagaraM suramandiraruddhataraNihayamArgam / yasyAsti rAjadhAnI rAjJo'yodhyeva rAmasya // 3 // The city of Anahillapataka in which the path-way of the horses of the sun is obstructed by the temples of gods is the capital of the king just as Ayodhya was the capital of Rama.' This description of the city, though short, is, quite characteristic of the place. In the V. S. 1196 - A. D. 1140 in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharaja Anahilla pataka must have been veritably a city of temples. We have referred, on the authority of the P. C. at their proper places, to the monuments built here by several kings. These temples of gods, as we can gather from the Kumaraviharasataka of Ramachandra a pupil of Heniachandra were not only places of devotion, but of artistic culture also. The lay-out of this city of temples, was, probably, in the shape of a Swastika - as it appears from +This pame Lakkharama whose Samsklta form would be Laksharama has a Buddbist ring about it. Buddhism must have been flourishing in the early part of the fifth century A. D. or even earlier in Gujarat. The description of Yuang Chang indicates that Buddhism in Molapo or Gujarat was not a new thing in his time, but something that was coming down from ages.

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Introduction CCXXXVII the very first verse + of its description by Hemachandra. It was sui rounded by a fortifying wall which, as we learnt from the P. C., was first built by Bhuyada: This sala, vapra or kotta (all synonyms for city-wall) seems to have impressed the imagination of the poets very much; for as one approached the city the innumerable sikharas or domes of the temples and this wall with its turrets and gopuras must have caught the eye first and tickled the imagination. Hemachandra, in his Prakrta Dvyasraya, while describing the city, describes first the prakara ( the city - wall ) as the looking-glass of the heavenly damsels referring to its high towers of sphatika - stone. * In the Samskrta Dvyasraya he describes the citywall thus : 'Here everywhere shines the Sala (citywall ), like the Lord of serpents (Seshanaga - the cosmic serpant white in colour), in height like the Lord of mountains ( Meru ), looking down upon the enemies, with its white heads bearing banners that lick the heavens' ( C. I. V. 127 ). Somaprabha, in the Ku. Pra., also, first describes the city-wall and compares it to a pearl-necklace. (p. 3). Somesvara, in his K. K., also gives a similar simile and imagines it to be a hedge of good deeds to guard the city against Kali (C. I. v. 49 ). * + asti svastikavad bhUmerdharmAgAraM nayAspadam / / ____puraM zriyA sadAzliSTaM nAmnANahilapATakam // sa. 1. 'lo. 4. * tiasviihrvhumuhaadrisiihuuyphlihsilsihro| jassiM puhaivahumuhaavayaMso sahai pAyAro // sa. 1. lo. 3. * See also Hemachandra's T.S. P. C. Parvan 10, canto XII, vv. 39 etc., the Vasantavilasa of Balachandra (p. 9 v. 40-44 ) and Hamira-mada-mardana of Jayasimhasuri p. 47 v, 23.

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CCXXXVII Kavyanusasana As we saw while referring to the Sahasralinga Lake, surrounding Asahillapura were great forests which lent a sylvan magnificence to the approaches of the city. Somesvara describes the surrounding thus "Where near by is a circle of forests full of innumerable trees which looks like the shadow of the high city-wall."+ There was also a moat round the city-wall which is compared to Sea protecting his daughter Lakshmi in the city. Aonther attractive feature of the city must have been the holy river Sarasvati. It appears that the river Sarasvati must not have been so dry then as it is now near Asahillapura. * This virgin river lent a sacred charm to the surroundings of the city. There is a whole Purana called Sarasvati Purana dedicated to this river which is very useful for the history of Anahillapura. * The Sahasralinga Lake had its watersupply from this river whose waters, through channels, were first gathered and controlled in a well known as Rudra - kupa (S. P. C. 16. vs 1 - 2.). Hemachandra describes it thus: + anekAnAkahacchannA pratyAsannA vanAvaliH / yatronnatasya vaprasya'chAyeva pratibhAsate // sa. 1. Lo. 50. * Hemachandra, no doubt, exaggerates when he says that the waters of the river were fordable by boats (F1ZFSI), but it appears that the description might hold good for monsoon and even winter. A study of the physical features of rivers of Gujarata indicates that there has been a progressive scarcity of water in them. Descriptions of Sabaramati, given by foreign travellers, also, suggest such an increasing scarcity of water in that river also. * In the opinion of Mr. Kanaiyalal B. Dave who has carefully studied this Purana it was written in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharaja.

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Introduction CCIXL "Here is the Brahmi river purifying Heaven and Earth, cutting off all sins and bearing the marine fire; the story of whose account is worth listening to, and whose waters are sweet to cattle and fordable by boats." People going by bullocks and people going by boats do not care for their bullocks and boats being engrossed in the sweet songs of women guarding the rice fields (in the river) songs worth hearing! "In the fortnight sacred to the manes (in the Sarad-Autmn ) the ladies standing, look, from the gavaksha, (the windows, naturally, of the mansions on the bank of the river) at the land covered with grass pleasing to cattle and at the river (Sarasvati) pleasing to the gavaksha" (C. I. vs. 23-25). 66 Hemachandra gives the following picture of the out-skirts of the city. Its out-skirts (afja:) are resorted to by coy-boys and camel- boys, having shoulders as muscular as those of bulls, standing on the backs of the animals - outskirts covered with vegetation palatable to cows and camels." (v. 26). But the glory of Anahillapura was its Royal Lake. We have already referred to it (p. p. CLXXXIXCLPC) and we cannot go into its detailed description here. Poets of successive generations have sung of its beauty and magnificence. Suffice it to say that it was a monument which brought forth and revealed the best that was in the princes and the people of Gurjaradesa; that it was a place of worship, learning, and out-door recreation for the rich as well as the poor; that it afforded an opportunity to the best engineering skill in the construction of the lake, the Rudra - kupa, and the feeding channels and to the best artistic talents of the J 46 r

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CCXL Kavarustaysna architects and the sculptors; that, in short, it was a proper symbol of the munificence and the love of magnificence of Gurjaratra ! To the temples as a characteristic feature of the city, we have already referred. The mansions of the city are also described by Hemachandra and a typical residence of a rich man is described by Yasahpala in his Moharajaparajaya (Act III pp. 53-58). In the S: D. K. Hemachandra describes the gardens and the beauties who visited them thus: "Here in gardens lovely with all seasonal flowers shine damsels whose eyebrows are curved like the letter ", etc. (v. 11 ). The third canto of the P. D. K. is devoted to the description of Kumarapala's garden. The great extent of the city, H. describes figuratively thus : "Oh people! the knee of Maruti (Hanuman ) which did not ache while wandering in Lanka would ache if he desired to go from end to end here! (v. 32). + About the learned men of the city we shall speak in the next section. Here we may refer to the general literary culture of its men and women. We have already referred to the colleges built around Sahasra. linga. Hemachandra tells us 'A tongue - tied student +In the Moharajaparajaya, Kubera describes Anahillapura from his aerial car to his wife Patalachandrika. The first thing that attracts his attention is the row of flags on the temple known as Kumaravibara. Next he points to the river Sarasvati and then to the Lake of Sri Siddharaja. Bakasthala and the pillar of victory are mentioned; the matchless palace of the king and the row of mansions in the market.place are admired. He concludes by saying 'In this glorious city what is not worth seeing ?" p. 67. See also the Vasantavilasa canto II.

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Introduction CCXLI studying in the Vidyamatha of this city would become a fine orator!'* 'A man who does not know how to utter a syllable would, here, in a moment, become learned in the six schools of philosophy' (v. 39). Speaking about the Brahmins of the city, H. says 'They used to perform their six karmans, were of pure speech, and famous in all directions for their mastery of various departments of learning' (v. 108 ). In verse 122 he describes how teaching was done. Hemachandra does not forget to mention the sweet speech, the beautiful voice, and the proficiency in fine arts of the women of Anahillapura (v.v. 35, 106, 111, etc.). The happy family life of the citizens ( v.v. 104, 132 etc.), their liberality in giving gifts (114 etc.), their hospitality (v. 63 etc.), their bravery and adventurous spirit (v.v. 17, 54, 113 etc.) and the beauty of their women are also described by Hemachandra. Coming to the religious life of the people, we find that all sects found place in Asahillapura and all the schools of philosophy were studied in the city. H. says it was a city which 'gave place to ninetysix sects and in it all the asramas lived joyfully; (that is people in Brahmacharyasrama, Grhasthao, Vanprasthao and Samnyasao lived happily in the city )'.+ The city * The commentator explains the word Vidyamatha thus: 'A type of residence, equipped with materials of feeding, clothing etc. for teachers and students made by kings.' This shows that the State not only supplied schools but boarding houses for students and teachers. That again indicates how education was endowed by the State in Gujarat. C. I v. 7. + Somaprabha says there was no envy between the different Dharmikas-sectarians jassi samaccharamaNA jalAsayA na uNa UFFHARPET p. 4. 31

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CCXLII Kavyanusasana had representatives of Karmakanda as well as Brahmavadins (v. 82 etc.). The six gods - Brahma, Vishnu, Siva, Surya, Soma and Kartikeya were established in the city by its kings (v. 46), that is there were royal temples dedicated to these gods in Anahillapura. The sound of conches in the city's temples is said to over-power Kali ( 88 ). We are also told how a Jaina sees in Arhata, Siva, Vishnu and Brahma (v. 79 ); and how the sixteenth Tirthankara Santi is remembered by his devotees (v. 129 ). Though, thus, almost all the religious sects were represented in Asahillapura, Saivism, Jainism, and to a certain extent Vaishnavism seem to have occupied the place of honour. The morality of the people as revealed by the synthesis of different Purusharthas-Human Purposes-is described in several verses (8, 20, 21, 45, 92, 130, 133 etc). In fact, H. in the very first verse of the description of the city calls Asahillapataka-' An Abode of Dharma' (FATIT ). To Hemachandra, people of Anahillapura appeared "First in bravery, first in sastra ( science, learning), first in self - control, first in meditation, first in truth, first in six schools of philosophy, and first in six angas of Vedas'. * 17 When describing the reign of the Bhima I, we had occasion to refer to the intellectual life of Anahillapura X SIE staigalt i ste si F SAIK haragi prAGga satye prANa SaDdarzanyAM prAGga SaDaGgathAmito janaH // saH 965 //

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Introduction CCXLIJI pattana. We saw how the keen rivalry between Gujarat and Malava, and their rulers Bhima and the famous literary king Bhoja was not only political but keenly intellectual also. We also saw how the poets and dialecticians from different parts of India used to visit this capital of Gurajara-desa where their literary and dialectical talents were put to test. Tarka, Sahitya and Lakshana - Logic and the Art of Dialectics, Literature and Poetics, Grammar and the Philosophy of Language-were the subjects affected by the cultured citizens of Anahillapura and proficiency in these subjects was a pass-port to the royal courts and the assemblies of the learned. The chaityas and the * Mathas of different sects, in fact, were the academies and the colleges where these subjects were discussed and taught. We referred to the great dialectician Santisuri who had thirtytwo students studying under him Pramanasastra which included the Buddhist logic whose categories were difficult to grasp. ' * This atmosphere of learning, of public debates, and of literary criticism as also of literary compositions was a significant feature of the times which became more and more marked with the spread of political power of Asahilla pura. We saw that when Jayasimha built his famous lake, he also built Mathas - something like residential colleges - * From the following passage of the M. K. C. we learn that the works of Kanada, Akshapada, Uddyotakara, Vachaspati and Udayana were being studied in Gujerat. Incidentally It also shows Vadi Devasuri's mastery of the works of these authors. maharSiH-deva ! adya zrI devasUreH prAmANikamanohAriNIM vANImAkarNya vizIrNaH kaNAdAkSapAdabhaNito pakSapAtaH, udvignamudyotakaroktAvantaHkaraNa, bharucigocaratA#972 qrafyfdaft:, prafuarahryggnafrani ( p. 49).

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"CCXLIV Kavyanusasana provided with almost all the then known branches of learning, round about the precincts. As we saw, the descriptions of the city by the D. K. and other contemporary and later works point to a high state of literary development. It was in this intellectual milieu that Hemachandra, the greatest intellectual of the age lived and did his work. He must have received immense benefit and impetus from such an environment, but he must have also found it very difficult to shine out amongst such a galaxy of learned men. This, probably, explains his tremendous literary outputencyclopaedic in its scope and accurate in detail. When Hemachandra came on the scene many learned men of different religious persuasions had played or were playing their parts. We shall note some of these - as it will help us in forming an idea of the intellectual company which Hemachandra joined. Some of the learned men of the times of Karna and even Bhima I, it appears, were living in the early part of Jayasimha's reign, though for want of chronological information, we cannot exactly name them. : We mentioned the two learned Brahmanas of Madhya - desa, Sridhara and Sripati known after their conversion to Jaina faith, as Jinesvara and Buddhisagara who were responsible, through the good offices of Somesvara the Purohita and Jnanadeva the great Saiva Pontiff, in getting a footing in Anahillapura for the Suvihita monks of the Svetambara Jaina sect in teeth of opposition from the powerful and influential Chaityavasins. We referred to the Samsketa grammar composed by Buddhisagara and known after him. Jinesvara wrote

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Introduction CCXLV a work on Pramanasastra. + We also referred to the dialectical powers of Santisuri, bearing the titles of Kavindra and Vadichakravartin received from Bhima, and that of Vadivetala from Bhoja. He held controversies with the Kaula poet and dialectician Dharma of Bhrgukachha who in his turn showed his mastery of that dialectical work the Tattvopaplava, and also with a Dravidian logician. We also saw that Santisuri had in addition to his thirtytwo students, one more student more brilliant than his thirtytwo named Muni Chandra of the Suvihita type. This Muni Chandra became a master - logician who trained the famous Vadi Devasuri-the author of the Pramananayatattvalokalankara and its commentary the Syadvadaratnakara-, and who defeated the famous Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra in an open debate held under the chairmanship of Jayasimha himself in his court. We shall refer to this incident later on. We also referred to Abhayadeva known as Navangi - tikakara. The visit of the Kashmiri poet Bilhana to Anahillapura, though of a short duration, is very significant. It is suggestive of the literary contact between Gujarat and Kashmira, and must have something to do with the ambition of Hemachandra to propitiate the Goddess of Learning who resided in Kashmira ( kAzmIravAsinIM devIm ). The following interesting information is given by JineSvara at the end of his Pramanalakshna (Puratattva Vol. IV, pp. 83-84): zabdalakSma pramAlakSma yadeteSAM na vidyate / nAdimantastato hyete paralakSmopajIvinaH // zrIbuddhisAgarAcAryaivRttairvyAkaraNaM kRtaM / asmAbhistu pramAlakSma vRddhimAyAtu sAmpratam //

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CCXLVI Kavyanusasana According to the Pr. Ch., Govinda suri who was the teacher of Suracharya was living in the reign of Jayasimha also. If it were so, it must be in the early part of Jayasimha's reign and even then he must have been very old indeed. This Govindasuri is referred to as the teacher of Viracharya who was a friend of Jayasimha. It is more likely, however, that some other teacher, who must have been a student of Govindacharya and therefore in the line known after the famous teacher, is referred to. In the course of a friendly conversation, narrates the Pr. Ch., Jayasimha told Viracharya that the greatness of the learned men depended upon the royal recognition. Viracharya's self-respect was wounded and so he wanted to leave the city of Anahillapura. Jayasimha tried to stop him from going, but according to the Pra. Ch., he flew away to Pali in Marwad using his Yogic powers. Jayasimha repented and requested him to return which he did after an extensive tour in different parts of India, in course of which he defeated several dialecticians - especially Buddhists in Mahabodhapura. He was highly honoured by the king of Gwalior also. A dialectician of the Samkhya school named Vadi Simha - this looks more like a title than a proper name - visited Anahillapura and challenged the learned men of the city to meet him in public debate. Jayasimha, who was very jealous of the honour of his kingdom in matters of learning approached Govindacharya who sent his pupil Viracharya to fight him. We do not know whether this debate took place before Viracharya 'left Asahillapura or after he

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Introduction CCXLVII returned; because the order in narrating events adopted by the Pr. Cha. is not always chronological. It is more likely that Viracharya might have met the Samkhya dialectician before he left Anahilla pura; in fact the power of debate that Viracharya showed, might have been the cause of his intimacy with Jayasimha. Viracharya also defeated in debate one Kamalakirti a Digambara dialectician. The Pr. Cha. gives no dates about him (pp. 272 - 277). Deva Surior Vadi Deva Suri - Devasuri the Dialectician as he became known - was one of the great masters of Logic and Dialectics whose activities were spread in the reigns of Siddharaja Jayasimha and Kumarapala. He belonged, as we saw, to that school of great logicians of Muni Chadra suri and his teacher Santisuri, who himself, as we saw, was a student of Abhayadevasuri - the author of that great philosophical work known as Tattavabodhavidhayina or more significantly Vada Maharnava - the Ocean of Dialectics - in the form of a commentary on the Sanmatitarka of Siddhasena Divakara. * The praises bestowed on Devasuri by contemporary learned men like Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect and Hemachandra himself and the dramatist Yasaschandra as well as later logicians like Yasovijaya, are, we find, not unfounded when we study Devasuri's Pramana - naya - tattvaloka and his Syadvadaratnakara. In his own days, especially, in the early part of his career, * This work has been edited by Pandit Sukhlal and Pandit Bechardas and published in Alve volumes by the Gujarat Puratattva Mandir, Ahmedabad.

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CCXLVIII Kavyanusasana he became famous as a great debater who silenced several dialecticians especially the great Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra. This defeat of Kumudachandra was a sort of land - mark in the history of Svetambara Jainas. As a verse attributed to Hemachandra says there would have been no Svetambaras in Gujarat if Devasuri had not defeated Kumudachandra who had, according to the conditions of the debate, to leave this province. This incident, as we saw, forms the subjectmatter of the play of Yasaschandra known as the " Mudritakumudachandra or Kumudachandra Silenced". This play is a sort of contemporary account which gives many interesting details about the intellectual life in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The Pra. Cha. in its chapter on Vadi Devasuri mainly draws upon this work and supplements its information from other sources. From these two works, we get accurate infcrmation about the main events of Devasuri's life. : From the Pra. Cha. we learn that Devasuri was born in the year V. S. 1143 A. D. 1087 (p. 295. v. 286), that his father's name was Viranaga who belonged to the Pragvata family, that his mother's name was Jinadevi, that originally they were of Maddahita in the district of Ashtadasasati (modern Madhar in Palanpur State) and that the wordly name of Devasuri was Purnachandra. The family preceptor was the famous Muni Chandrasuri. On account of an epidemic, Virangaga had to leave his native place and migrate to Bhrgukachha in Lata, where it appears he had to live in poor circumstances. In his ninth year (V. S. 1152-A. D. 1096) Purnachandra was ordained monk by Muni Chandra

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Introduction CCIL suri (pp. 279 and 295 ) and was first given the name of Ramachandra. Ramachandra soon mastered 'Tarka, Lakshana and Sahitya, became a touch-stone in the current schools of philosophy - his own and those of others : tarkalakSaNasAhityavidyApAragataH sa ca / Bpara FAQTFAK adina *1935: II c ll' (p. 280). : Then Ramachandra began his career as a dialectician. In Dholaka he defeated a dialectician named Bandha of the Sivadvaita school (v. 39 p. 280 Pr. ch. ). According to the M. K. C., however, it was Munichandrasuri - Devasuri's guru - who defeated the Saiva dialectician who is described there as surpassing both Brhaspati and Sukracharya (p. 17 v. 10). It may be that Devasuri might have taken prominent part in helping his guru in the debate with this powerful Saivadvaita dialectician. The Pra. Cha., then, refers to Devasuri's meeting Kasmirasagara in Satyapura ( or Sachor in Marwada), Gunachandra the Digambara in Nagapura (or Nagor in Marawada), Sivabhuta [ degti ) of the Bhagavata school in Chitrakuta (or Chitod), Gangadhara in Gopagiri (or Gwalior ), Dharanidhara in Dhara, Padmakara in Pushakarini and Keshna - the leader of Brahmanasin Bhrgukshetra (p. 210 vs. 39 - 41 ). How much of this statement is historical - we cannot say, as we have no other corroborative evidence. But the defeat of Gunachandra the Digambara is corroborated by the M. K. C. (pp. 16 & 25 ). According to the play, this debate was held in the court of Arnoraja of Sapadalaksha whose protege the play-wright Yasaschandra was. This event took place before his famous debate 32 iolentician

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CCL Kavyanusasana with Kumudachandra and probably was responsible for Kumudachandra's challenge to Devasuri for a dialectical duel, though we have no definite information on the point. The Pra. Cha. mentions six learned friends of Devasuri viz:- Vimalachandra, Harichandra, Somachandra, Parsvachandra, Santi and Asokachandra (p. 280). There is corrobarative evidence to prove the historicity of these persons in several Jain works of Gujarat. The M. K. C. mentions one Asoka as a follower of Devasuri (p. 13). May not Somachandra be our Hemachandra who bore that name before he became an Acharya ? After Ramachandra was thus qualified, he was made a Suri or Acharya.* This ceremony took place in the year V. S. 1174-A. D. 1118 that is when he was in his thirtyfirst year (p. 295). He was thenceforth called Devasuri. Devasuri was first introduced to Jayasimha through the minister Ambaprasada who appears to be himself a philosopher as he is referred to by Devasuri in his logical treatise. The occasion was, as usual, dialectical. One Devabodha of Sri Bhagavatadarsana' visited Srimat Pattana' and challenged the learned men of the city to explain a verse which he wrote down on a leaf and hung it at the royal gate. For six months it remained unexplained; then Ambaprasada introduced Devasuri to the king. Devasuri explained the verse in the presence of the king, who, from that day, became his friend (p. 281 P. C. ). Devabodha " 6 We cannot definitely say whether all these dialectical conquests of Devasuri were acheived before he became Acharya.

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Introduction CCL1 also became a great admirer and friend of Devasuri. Acting on Devasuri's advice, a rich man named Bahadax built a temple in honour of the last Tirthankara - Mahavira Vardhamana. In the year V. S. 1171-A. D. 1115 Devasuri's guru Munichandrasuri died, most prabably in Anabillapura. Devasuri became the head of his group and school. When Devasuri went to Nagapura - Nagor - Devabodha happened to be there. Devabodha greatly praised Devasuri * before the king Ahladana who consequently received him with great honour. In the year V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125, the Kumudachandra debate took place. This formidable Digambara dialectician was, according to the Pra. Cha, a southerner and the guru of Jayakesin - king of Karnataka and the maternal grand father of Jayasimha Siddharaja. He had defeated several dialecticians whose marionettes he used to tie to his left foot as so many tokens of dialectical conquests. He is represented to be the very incarnation of pride (p. 283. P. C.). In the M. K. C., Kumudachandra himself narrates his own exploits. His opponents included Buddhists, Bhatta Mimamsakas, followers of Sankara, and Kapilas that is Samkhyas. How much historical truth there is in this narration we cannot say. We know, however, that these schools of philosophy flourished in the south and that Digambara * This Bahala was not the son of Udayana, nor the author of vagbhatalamkara. This is some other person. Many Babadas are known. * The praise of Devabodha is as follows: yo vAdino dvijihvAn sATopa vissmmaanmudritH| zamayati sadaivasUrinarendravandhaH kathaM na syAt // Pra. Cha. V. 76 p. 283 ).

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CCLII Kavyanu sasana Jainism was then rich in philosophers and dialectcians of a very high order, some of whose works have survived to this day. It was in Asapalli (- the older name of Karnavati, and the modern Ahmedabad - ) that the seeds of discord between Kumudachandra and Devasuri were sown. Both of them were staying for the monsoon in that city, This must be the monsoon of the year V. S. 1180-A. D. 1124. According to the M. K. C., Devasuri, at first, did not mind the vauntings of Kumudachandra and rather tried to practice the 'Sama' or 'control of anger' which was his religious duty to do. But his correligionists and disciples would not put up with the boastings of this naked dialectician when they had a man like Devasuri with them. So when an old nun was harrassed by Kumudachandra, Devasuri was roused to fight and so he sent word to the Jaina sangha of Anahillapura. Asahillapura welcomed his suggestion, and Devasuri sent an invitation to Kumudachandra to meet him in the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha which the latter readily accepted. It appears there were many machinations from both the sides to prejudice the issue. Devasuri, however, strictly forbade his party to try underhand means and even though, at first, he had some difficulty with the minister Gangila, he got a fair hearing in the court of Jayasimha. "Both the protagonist and antagonist were called to the debating hall " says the Pra. Cha., "on the fullmoon-day of Vaisakha. V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125 ( v. 193, p. 290 ). We are not told whether this was the first or the last day of the debate. The questions at issue were whether souls in feminine incarnation could

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Introduction CCLIN liberate themselves and so also whether monks who put on clothes. The Svetambara dialectician maintained that women could liberate themselves, as liberation depended upon a person possessing 'sattva' and women were known to possess 'great sattva.' Instances were quoted from the $astras, of Sita and others, and as contemporary evidence the name of the queen mother Mayanalla was mentioned, who, from the way in which she is referred, appears to be living at the time. This debate is merely referred to by the M. K. C. but described in detail by the Pra. Cha.. The debate lasted for sixteen days and at last Kumudachadra was silenced, who as a last resource tried to find a grammatical fault in the word Kotakoti that Devasuri had used. The judges, however, held that the usage was quite according to Panini. We are told that Devasuri used his knowledge of the commentary of Santisuri on the Uttaradhyayanasutra bearing on this topic and defeated Kumudachandra who could not answer his arguments. ( P. C. pp. 283-293 M. K. C. pp. 44 - 51 ). In this connection the M. K. C. supplies us with very good information about the learned assembly of Jayasimha.+ The king himself was the chairman whose decision was final. He was assited by four sabhyas ( members of assembly ) - in the words of Pratihara Maharshi who was learned in Tarka, Bharata and Parasara (Logic, Mahabharata and the Smrti of Parasara.), Utsaha whose learning had become famous + This informarion is further supplemented by the eighth and the last chapter of the P. N. T. L. of Devasuri which discusses the nature of Vada, Vadin, Sabhya and Sabhapati.

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CCLIV Kavyanusasana in Saradadesa (i. e. Kasmir ), Sagara - the ocean of wonderful intelligence and Rama learned in Logic and Dialectics. On the side of Devasuri were the 'poet laureate Sripala and Bhabhu-a man of wonderful genius '. On the side of Kumudachandra were the three Kesavas'. The general Silanka and at first the minister Gangila were, somehow, against, Devasuri. Unfortunately we have no other information about these learned people. Utsaha, we know from the part he plays in the drama, was a grammarian. He must be the same man as was sent from Kashmir with the eight grammars for Hemachandra. The learned assembly of Siddharaja is compared by Devasuri to the divine assembly of Indra known as Sudharma Sabha. The poet Sripala says 'one can remain proud of his proficiency in Grammar, Poetry and Poetics, and Logic and Dialectics as long as one has not visited the Assembly of Jayasimha.'+ The Pra. Cha. quotes a verse attributed to Hemachandra which we have already referred to. It is, however, not explicit on the point whether Hemachandra was actually present in the assembly. __+" devasUriH---kazcAyaM svasabhayA parAjitAyAM sudharmAyAM sudhAspardhAnubandho dharAdhIzvarasya / kiM nAlokyante'nekacaturAnanAH / kiM na parisphuranti gaNanAti. kAntA girIzAH / kiM na lakSIkriyante punnddriikaakssaaH| kiM na jambhante bhUrizo jiSNavaH / kiM nollasanti bahavo raajhNsaaH| kiM na vilasanti sahasrazo bhUtanayabudhAH / kiM na pragalbhAyante madhyesudharmAdhikRto mantriNaH / kaviH [ zrIpAla:]-bhagavan IdRgeva gurjarezvarasya sabhA / tathA hi tAva vyAkaraNapravINabhaNitiH [teH] prAgalbhyamujjambhate tAvat kAvyavicArabhAradharaNe dhIrAyate dhuryatA / sAvat tarkakathAnubandhaviSame baddhAbhilASaM mano yAvanno jayasiMhadevasadasi prekSAvatAmAgamaH //

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Introduction CCLV According to the P. C., however, Hemachandra accompained Devasuri to the debate. Probably he was there either in the capacity of a junior counsel on the side of Devasuri or merely as a curious spectator of the show. Jayasimha being greatly pleased with the success of Devasuri presented him with a big sum of money which, however, the latter being a Suvihita, did not accept. The money was spent in building a temple at the suggestion of the minister Asuka, in which the idol of the first Tirthamkara was istalled by four Suris - Devasuri being presumably one of them - in the year V. S. 1183-A. D. 1127. Devasuri's magnum opus was a treatise on logic known as Pramananaya - tattvalokalamkara and the commentary on it known as Syadvada-ratnakara. He was helped in this work by two of his students Bhadresvara and Ratnaprabha. He wrote several other works and left a number of learned pupils - of which Manikya, Asoka, and Vijayasena are mentioned in the M. K. C. + Vadi Devasuri died at the ripe old age of 83 years in the year V.S. 1226-A. D. 1170 in the reign of Kumarapala. We may, here, say something, about Devabodha and Sripala, both of whom were great favourites of Siddharaja though their mutual relationship was anything but friendly. Probably they were jealous of each other for the royal favour. + See the Samsklta introduction of Mupi Himansuvijaya to P. N. T. L.

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CCLVI Kavanusaayssa We learn from the autobiographic verse + of Sripala in the Vadanagara prasasti of Kumarapala that he was famed for composing a great prabandha (literary composition ) in a day, that he was accepted as a brother by Sri Siddharaja and that he was called Kavichakravartin - king of poets. * This verse is quoted in the P. C. and other works whenever Sripala is referred to. From the diction of this prasasti whose author he was, we can say, that he must have been a poet of no inconsiderable merit. We have seen that he is one of the characters of the contemporary play M. K. C.. From that play, we also gather that he was a friend of Siddharaja from childhood, the very essence of good poetry and bearing the title of Kaviraja. We also learn from it that he was blind. * He is called Thakkura Sripala by the Pratihara in the play. The verses put in his mouth in the play are really fine - and it may be that some of these may really be Sripala's. From an inscription on an image in the temple of Vimala on Mount Abu, we learn that the poet Sripala belonged to the Pragvata family and that his i galefacq=haEI9a-41: nifheilsafazaaay: 1 zrIpAlanAmA kavicakavartI prazastimetAmakarot prazastAm / * aye kathaM siddhabhUpAlabAlamitraM sUtraM sukavitAyAH, kavirAjavirudakamalanAlaM zrIpAlamAlokayAmaH / 4 kaviH-pAtuM netrAJjalibhistvadrUparasAyanaM vidhihatasya / zrIdevasUrisuguro bharamasti me bhAgyam // de.-kavIzvara ! apratikAryA'yaM purAkRtAsakRtaparipAkaH, paraM kRtaiva bhagavatyA bhAratyA tvayi trilokAkalanakauzalajuSaH sArasvatacakSuSo vitaraNena karuNA / / (p. 39 the M. K. P.).

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Introduction ...cky.IT father's name was Sri Lakshmapa. + In all likelihood the image represents the poet. We find confirmation of these facts from the Kumarpala-pratibodha of Somaprabhasuri which was finished in the year V.S. 1241-A. D. 1185 about 11 years after the death of Kumarapala. It also tells us that Sripala belonged to the Pragvata family and he was addressed as 'Kavindra' and 'Brother' by Sri Siddhapati. * The Pra. Cha. tells us that when Devabodha contemptuously asked as to who that blind fellow was, Jayasimha himself introduced the poet. From this work we learn also that Sripala had written prasastis for RudraMahalaya and Durlabha Sarovara the same as Sahasralinga and a great Prabandha-composition-known as Vairochanaparajaya probably a play. The prasastis must have been similar to the Vadanagar-prasasti. Some verses of the lake prasasti are quoted in the P. C. and, as we noted, a slab forming the part of the Kartistambha of the lake bearing on it a fragment of the prasasti has been discovered. Stray verses of Sripala also have been found. * From such fragmentary poems, we cannot + See Muni Jinvijaya's Introduction to the play Draupadi Svayamvara of Vijayapala grand son of Sripala pp. 7-22. x prAgvATAnvayasAgarendurasamaprajJaH kRtajJaH kSamI vAgmI sUktisudhAnidhAnamajani zrIpAlanAmA pumAn / yaM lokottarakAvyaraJjitamatiH sAhityavidyAratiH zrIsiddhAdhipatiH 'kavondra' iti ca bhrAteti ca vyAharat // [. sfa ate ( garfen) g. Yuv.] * See Jinavijaya's Introduction to Draupadi Swayamvara. A hymn called Sri Chaturvinsatijinastavanam attributed to Sripalz is published in the Jaina-stotra-samdoha. p. 121. 33

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CCLVIII Kavyanusasana form any correct estimate of Sripal's poetic abilities; we can, however, say from them that all his verses are marked by chaste and forceful diction. For Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect, our main source of information is again the Pra. Cha. The references to Devabodha in later prabandhas are more or less confused. The Pra. Cha. generally refers to him with great respect. Devabodha who is called a "Mahavidvan,' 'a great savant' when he came to Anahillapura, in the begining, showed great indifference towards the king. He had, however, placed at the royal gate his enigmatic verse for the learned men of Anahillapura to explain. We saw that after six months, Devasuri solved the ENIGMA. This made Devabodha an admirer of Devasuri. But probably before the riddle was, solved Devabodha did not care to go to the court of Jayasimha. After consulting Sripala his poet laureate Jayasimha sent a messenger to request Devabodha to come to his court, which, however, the latter refused to do and asked the king to go to him if he wanted to see him. "I have seen rulers of Kanykubja and Kasi. What do I care for the ruler of Gurjars whose dominion is so small ? If your ruler, however, wants to see me, let him come here, and sit on the ground while I shall be sitting on a lion-seat" (v. 191-193, p. 305-8). This was the reply of Devabodha. Jayasimha was impressed with the man's attitude and so went to see him with Sripala. In this visit Devabodha referred to Sripala in very contemptuous terms and even when Jayasimha personally informed him of his poet laureate's achievements Devabodha showed scant respect for the blind poet

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Introduction CCLIX with a verse of biting sarcasm. * This must have been the origin of antagonismi between these two literators. Then followed what may be described as a poetic passage of arms between Devabodha and Sripala. Devabodha must have come to Anahillapura about V. S. 1178-A. D. 1122 when Devasuri returned from Arbuda mountain, knowing that his Guru Munichandrasuri would die within six months. He solved the riddle of Devabodha after his return from Abu. Soon after in V, S. 1178, Munichandrsuri died. Before V. S. 1181, Devabodha and Devasuri again met at Nagapura or (Nagora) where before the king Ahladana Devabodha praised Devasuri with a verse of arya metre. It may be that Devabodha might have immediately returned to Anahillapura or more probably he might have visited Kasi and Kanya-Kubja before he again came to Gujarata. In that case the incident with Sripala must refer to the second visit. We saw that after the defeat of Kumudachandra, a temple was built with the money which was to be presented to Devasuri. This temple was finished in V. S. 1183-A. D. 1127. On that occasion, the Pra. Cha. tells us, Devabodha was invited to take part in the festival by Devasuri with great joy because he was a worthy person * (pp. 309-310 vs. 222-224). Devabodha came and showed his great poetic gift by reciting a fine verse as Jayasimha came to the Jaina temple from the Saiva * J*: TTA1977: Jahifafa sft a l agreataetaea gal a afausar il p. 308, v. 208. devabodho'pi satpAtraM tatrAhUyataH harSataH //

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CCLX Kavyanusasana temple. * He also showed his miraculous power by making a buffalo-driver who was fetching water from a lake and whose education consisted of two syllables 'Tha - ja,' compose and recite a poem as if he were a learned man, by simply putting his hand on the man's head. Sripala put a watch on Devabodha's activities and found out that he was not quite the ascetic he pretended to be. But he did not succeed in discrediting Devabodha in Jayasimha's eyes, and when Devabodha wanted to leave Jayasimha to his 'vulgar assembly,' ( IdRggrAmyanaTagrAme saMyogaH sadRzo'stu vH| 268) it was with great difficulty that he was persuaded to stay. Within three years, however, Devabodha became vey poor. Hemachandra had come to know of this quarrel. He, however, fully knew the worth of Devabodha. In Hemachandra's opinion, in these days, there is no learning except in this man'* Devabodha also fully knew the worth of Hemachandra and when he came for a visit, he paid to Hemachandra the compliment which he alone knew how to pay. + Hemachandra succeeded in making Sripala and Deva bodha friends; for as the Pra. Cha. says, it is the first duty of the ascetics to pacify quarrels.'*. At the suggestion of the poet-laureate * eko rAgiSu rAjate priyatamAdehArdhahArI haro nIrAgeSu jino vimuktalalanAsaMgo na yasmAtparaH / durvArasmaraghasmaroragaviSavyAsaMgamUDho janaH / zeSaH kAmaviDambito na viSayAn bhoktaM na moktaM kSamaH // x dRzyate nAnyasAmAnya saMkrAmitaguNottaram / sArasvataM na kutrApi samaye'sminna, vinA // 288 // + pAtu vo hemagopAlaH kambalaM daNDamudvahan / SaDdarzanapazugrAmaM cAraya jainagocare // Adyo dharmo vratasthAnAM virodhopazamaH khala //

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Introduction CCLXI Jayasimha gave a lac to Devabodha who settled his debts with the money. Then that Mahamati, as the Pra. Cha. calls him, retired to the banks of the Ganges and passed his life in meditation. In this context, we inay also mention Bhava Brhaspati whose life is described in the inscription in the Bhadrakali temple at Prabhasa Pattana dated Valabhi samvat 850 = V. S. 1230-A. D. 1174. Bhava Brhaspati was born in Varanasi in Kanya: kubja district in a great Brahmana family. He made it the mission of his life to revive Saivism of the Pasupata school. For this purpose he left his native place and took to travelling. As the inscription says "For the purposes of pilgrimage, making kings devout, and protect religious places, this ocean of austerities went out" (v. 6). First he went to Dhara where he made the Pramara kings his disciples. Then he came to Jayasimha who looked upon him as his brother. Bhava Brhaspati reminded Jayasimha of his (Jayasimha's) mission of life viz. to revive old places of Siva worship. The king on the very day made him a Mahattara and an Acharya. After Jayasimha's death, Kumarapala made him a 'ganda' that is the officer in charge of Somanatha Pattana and rebuilt the whole temple under BIhaspati's supervision. The rest of the inscription describes how Ganda Bhava Bihaspati revived the glory of Somanatha by building temples, wells, etc.. Two other literary men of Jayasimha's time should also be mentioned. One is Pandita Vardhamanasuri-the author of the Ganaratnamahodadhi which was finished in the year V. S. 1197-A. D. 1141. He calls himself a pupil of Sri Govindasuri who probably is the same

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CCLXII Kavyanusasana as we have referred to; -- the teacher of many worthy pupils. This Ganaratnamahodadhi is a work on grammar unique in its subject matter. The other is the author of Vagbhatalamkara a work on poetics. This Vagbhata is often confused with the minister Vagbhata. But the two are different. The minister Vagbhata was a son of Udayana while our author is a son of Soma as he himself says in a verse in this work. He was also a Jaina. This work seems to have been finished between the conquest of Malava and Jayasimha's death, for, it refers to the conquest of Malava and has no verse in praise of Kumarapala. It must have, therefore, been composed between V. S. 1192 and V.S. 1199-A. D. 1136-1143. Thus it was composed at the time when Hemachandra might have been composing his Anusasanas. The Kavyanusasana refers to Vagbhata. Another contemporary who also wrote upon Poetics may be mentioned. His name is Manikyachandra Acharya, the second commentator on the Kavyaprakasa of Mammata and the first coinmentator outside Kasmira. His commentary is known by the name of Samketa. It is one of the best commentaries, written in excellent style, on the K. P. * The commentary was finished in the year V. S. 1216-A.D. 1160 month Madhava (Chaitra), according to the colophon at the end of the commentary. This Manikyachandra belonged to the line of Silabhadrasuri; the name of his direct preceptor was Sri Sagareudu alias Sagrachandra. This Manikyachandra is not to be confused with a pupil of Vadi Devasuri of that name. * See Prof. R. B. Athavale's article on Mapikyachandra' in Puratattya Vol. I, pp. 181-187.

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III The Life and the Works of Hemachandra 18 The main problems in connection with the life of Hemachandra have been critically considered by the late Dr. Buhler in his learned monograph on the subject published in 1889 at Vienna. No student of Hemchandra's life can afford to neglect the study of this fine piece of research. In fact this monograph has been largely drawn upon by scholars for information regarding the life of Hemachandra. The publication of some new material and a re-examination of the sources used by that learned scholar, however, make it necessary to reconsider the whole question and revise some of his opinions. It will not be possible, however, in this introduction, to discuss all the questions in detail. * Dr. Buhler used the following four works: (1) The Prabhavakacharita of Prabhachandrasuri completed in the year V. S. 1334-A. D. 1278. (2) The Prabandhachintimani of Merutunga. (3) The Prabandhakosa of Rajasekhara. (4) The Kumarapala Prabandha of Jinamandana Upadhyaya. The two Dvyasrayas, the Prasasti to the Siddha Hema, and the Mahaviracharita from the Trisashtisalakapurushacharita - Hemchandra's own works - were also used by him. * See the Preface pp. IX-XI to the English translation of Dr. Buhler's Life of Hemachandra published in the Sioghi Jaioa Series.

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CCLXIV Kavyanusasana To these sources we are able to add three more works: (1) the Kumarapalapratibodha of Somaprabha. suri and his Sataratha Kavya; (2) the Moharajaparajaya of Yasahpala and (3) the Paratana-prabandha Samgrah. Of these three - the first two are works of authors contemporary to Hemachandra; while the last as we have seen, is a compilation supplying many details. The Kumara pala pratibodha is, then, our main contemporary authority for information regarding Hemachandra. But the author, frankly, confesses that though there is much else that is interesting in the lives of these two great men (viz: Hemachandra and Kumarapala ), he has only touched that part which pertains to the inculcation of Jainadharma. 'For this,' he says, 'he should not be blamed, for a man may choose from a kitchen full of many eatables, only that which he likes' (p. 3, K. Pra. G. O. S.). This means that though we shall have to examine the later sources in the light of information derived from this work, there will remain many gaps in the life-story of Hemachandra to fill which we will have to rely solely upon the later sources. Of these, as we shall find, the Pra. Cha. is comparatively more useful. The Kumara pala-pratibcdha does not directly narrate the life-story of Hemachandra. The author provides a dramatic occasion for it. Kumarapala is very anxious to know what true religion is and is not satisfied with what his Brahmanical preceptors tell him; for it involved killing of animals in sacrifices. The king is not able to sleep being much troubled in mind over the question. Then his minister Bahadadeva (S't Vagbhatadeva ) bows to the king and makes his submission thus " Oh King ! if you want to know the nature of dharma anda dharma

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Introduction CCLXV listen attentively, for a moment, to what I say." Then Bahada narrates the life-story of Hemachandra up to the time he is introduced to the king, beginning with the history of the Purnatallagachchha to which Hemachandra belonged. This dramatic occasion has been regarded by the later prabandha-writers and even modern scholars, drawing upon them, as historical. An inference is made from this that this was the first occasion when Hemachandra was introduced to Kumarapala. However it appears to me, that this prologue is purely imaginary created by the author to give a poetic touch to his narration. The minister Bahada, after narrating the history of Purnatalla gachchha, informs us that Devachandra suri - the author of the Thana-vitti and the Santijinakatha comes to Dhandhuka in course of his usual itinerary. After Devachandra had finished his sermon a handsome looking boy who was hearing the sermon approaches him and requests him to help him cross this ocean of the world by giving him a boat in the form of Sucharitra (that is by making him a monk).' The guru asks the boy his and his father's names. Nemi-the maternal uncle of the boy-who was present there, gives the guru some information about the boy and his parents. He says: "Here, (i. e. in Dhandhukka ) lives a prominent merchant of the name of Chachcha who worships (his ) god and preceptors. He has a wife named Chahini wbo is my sister. This boy is their son. His name is Changadeva. * In these days, the * After this, the dream that Chahini dreamt when this boy was conceived is narrated. This shows that Hemachandra was becoming a legendary figure in a work completed 12 years after his death, Chachcha belonged to the Modha community, 34

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Kavyanusa sana OCLXM boy's mind does not delight in anything except dharma' (p. 21). The guru - Devachandra - said " If the boy is initiated in the order, it would be nice. We shall take him and teach him the truth of all the Sastras. He will do good to the people like a Tirthamkara. So you ask his father Chachcha to permit him to enter the religious order.' (p. 21 ). The father, out of affection for his son, does not give the necessary permission. But the boy was determined to become a monk, so he left his home, being encouraged by his maternal uncle. With his guru he came to Khambhatittha that is modern Cambay, and was ordained a monk there after satisfying the Sangha (or Congregation of laymen and monks ). He was given the name of Somachanda (or Somachandra). After practising the Tapa (austerities) taught by the Jaina Agamas "he crossed, within a short time, the whole ocean of learning." His guru Sri Devachandra seeing that he possessed a number of qualities impossible to acquire in this iron age, established him in the position of a Ganadhara; that is he was made an Acharya and a leader of other monks. Because his body had the colour of gold, he was called Hemachandra (p. 22). Hemachandra was moving about various provinces. But he was asked by a goddess not to go to other countries leaving Gurjara Vishaya (that is Gurjara country ). "You will do great benefit by staying here." Obeying this divine order Hemachandra gave up going out to other countries, and lived in Gujarat preaching to (literally awakening ) many people."

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Introduction CELXVI The minister continues the narrative: " It was to him (Hemachandra ) that the world-famed Siddharaja the - crest jewel of the learned - used to ask alt his doubts. It was the hearing of his sermons that made the mind of King Jayasimha like the dharma of Jinendra. Then Jayasimha made here (i. e. in Anahillapura ) the beautiful temple known as Rajavihara and the temple containing the idols of four Jinas known as Siddhavihara in Siddhapura. At the suggestion of Jayasimhadeva, this lord of Munis composed the grammar known as Siddha-Hema, a work which is the treasure-house of the science of all languages (lit, words). Jayasimha was. never satiated of hearing his nectar-like speech. "So if you want to know the nature of dharma as it is, consult with devotion this best of the munis (p. 22). Thus he was advised by his minister Bahada." This brief account, in fact, gives the main events of Hemachandra's life and is, on the whole, reliable. The later accounts fill in the details. We shall, here, however, consider only those which are consistent with this account without entering into a detailed criticism of the rest. The dates for the main events of Hemachandra's life are supplied by the Pra. Cha.. According to it, Hemachandra was born in the year V. S. 1145-A. D. 1089, full-moon night of Kartika; he was initiated into the holy order in V. S. 1150-A. D. 1094, and was made a suri or Acharya in V. S. 1166-A. D. 1110 (p. 347 vs. 848-49 ). On the date of Hemachandra's birth, there is unanimity in all the works. As to the date of his

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CCLXVIII Kavyanusasana initiation, however, there is some discrepancy. According to the injunction of the Jaina Sastras, no person who has not completed his eighth year is legible for initiation into the Jaina holy order. We find that the P. C., the P. P. S., the Pra. Kosa and the K-Prabandha * say that when Hemachandra was initiated, he was about eight years old. The K-Prabandha gives the date of initiation as V. S. 1154-A. D. 1098 (p. 12). This seems to be correct. The discrepancy between the Pra. Cha. and the later accounts is easily explicable; and the K-Prabandha in a sense has done this. Devachandrasuri must have come to Dhandhuka in V. S. 1150, when his eyes were, first, cast on the boy Changadeva and his own formal consent also must have been taken at that time. Considerable time, however, must have elapsed before the necessary permission was obtained from his father Chachcha. We learn from the P. C. that Changadeva came with Devachandra to Karnavati and was brought up with the sons of the minister Udayana-one of whom must be Bahada or Vagbhata. After the father was appeased and satisfied, he gave his consent. According to the P. C., it was Chachha or Chachiga, as it calls him, who performed the festival of initiation. This should be taken to mean that he was satisfied and must have been present on the occasion. It is likely that the invitations were also issued in his name. Somaprabha does not give the name of Udayana as the person who was responsible for the festive occasion; but later works give his name. This probably means that Udayana, who in V.S. 1154-A. D. 1098 must have been the officer in charge of Cambay must have paid all the expenses. According to the P. C.

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Introduction CCLXIX Udayana had offered three lacs to Chachha, which, however, the latter had contemptuously refused to accept. So Udayana must have spent on the festive occasion a part of the money he was ready to offer to Chachha. All these arrangements must have taken about three or four years to be completed. However that may be, it is certain that Hemachandra could not have been ordained before he was eight years old. So we may say that in V. S. 1150-A. D. 1094, Changadeva first came under the influence of Devachandra and his virgin mind untouched by wordly considerations was easily influenced; and in V. S. 1154-A. D. 1098, he gladly joined the holy order. One who is familiar with such happenings, even now, finds that these things do not happen soon and take considerable time. * " Another point which is not mentioned by Somaprabha may also be referred to here; and it is the religion of the parents of Changadeva. His mother Pahini and her brother Nemi were Jainas. But the father is called a 'Mithyatvin' - Jaina word for a nonJaina by the P. C. and other works. He appears to be a Mahesvarin from his use of the word Siva nirmalya" when he was offered money (The P. C. p. 83). There is nothing strange in this as we find that persons in those days of the same family followed different faiths. We saw that of the five sons of Abhada, two were Mahesvarins (P. P. S. p. 33). This latitude in matters of faith should be borne in mind if we want to find Dr. Buhler's explanation of this matter is not acceptable to me as it is not based upon a proper understanding of the material and the custom in these matters. See pp. 6-8 & Notes p. 67, n. 17. S. J. S.

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CCLXX Kavyanusasana a proper explanation of the fact of persons of one faith praising the deities of other faiths. As to the date of Hemachandra's 'Suri-ship'there is no difference of opinion. The Pra. Cha., as we saw, gives the year V. S. 1166-A. D. 1110. So does the later K - prabandha (p. 13). Thus we find that Hemachandra became a member of the Jaina holy order at the age of eight and became a Suri - a leader - at the age of twenty one. * According to the K-prabandha the ceremony of 'Suriship' took place in Nagapura (Nagor) and the man who * It may be interesting to compare these dates with those of some of Hemachandra's great contemporaries. The dialectician Devasuri was Hemachandra's senior by two years being born in V. S. 1143-A. D. 1087; so also as a monk, Devasuri being initiated in V. S. 1152--A. D. 1096. Hemachandra, however, became Acharya eight years before Devasuri, who was raised to that position, in the year V. S. 1174-A. D. 1118, when he was 31 years of age. At the time of the debate with Kumudachandra, on the authority of the P. C. and the Pra. Cha., Hemachandra was in Apahillapura and present in the court. Hemachandra ( aged 36 ), a junior in age, but senior as an Acharya must have been of some help to Devasuri (aged 38). At the time Hemachandra was not so famous as Devasuri. If Jayasimha was eight years old when he came to the throne in V.S. 1150-A.D. 1094, he would be older than Hemachandra by three years. Jayasimha became a king and Hemachandra became monk at the saine age, both of them too young for the positions that they occupied. Both, however, discharged the duties of their respective stations in a manner few have dore. Hemachandra was older than Kumarapala by four years, if we are right in putting the birth of Kumarapala in V. S. 1149A. D. 1093. The difference in age between the two, we may pote, was not much.

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Introduction CCLXXI paid the expenses was one Dhanada, a merchant of the place. (p. 13). In the life - story of a man of such extensive and extra - ordinary learning as Hemachandra, one would desire to know how he was educated, where he was educated and who were his teachers. Unfortunately, however, we have very little information on the point. In the K-pratibodha, we find Devachandrasuri saying to the maternal uncle of Changadeva that Changadeva after taking the vow, 'will go deep into the truth of all Sastras.' After he took the vow, we are told, within a short time, he crossed the ocean of learning. After he became an Acharya, he used to go out to other countries but he was asked to stay in Gujarat. This is all the information that the Ku - pratibodha gives. Hemachandra himself says in the prasasti of the Trishashtisalakapurushacharita, that he got all his learning through the favour of his Guru Devachandra (v. 15 afnergieferatlaiqaHEIGA: 1) But this does not carry us far in answering our questions. The Pra. Cha. tells us that "Somachandra quickly became master of Tarka, Lakshana and Sahitya. But he was not satisfied with his capacity of retaining a hundred thousand padas in mind; so he took permission of his Guru to propitiate the goddess living in KasmiraKasmiradesavasini. From Tamralipti-that is Cambay -- he started and put up for the night in a Jaina temple near by known as Sri Raivatavatara. At midnight as he was sitting in meditation, the goddess Brahmi * appeared to him and asked him not to take the trouble of going all the way to Kasmira, as she being satisfied with his devotion, would grant him what he desired.

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CCLXXII Kavyanusasana After spending the night in her praises, in the morning Somachandra returned to his upasaya - place of residence. Thus Soma became a Siddha - Sarasvata without any trouble" (Vs. 37-46). Then Soma was made a Suri ( 48 - 59 ). Jina mandana in his Ku-prabandha describes a similar event with more mystifying details. Devachandra - the guru of Hemachandra-was no doubt a learned man. But the question is whether he alone could have taught the various branches of learning whose mastery Hemachandra reveals in his works. Stambhatirtha or Cambay, where Hemachandra appears to have passed his early years, was, no doubt, then an important port of India, and must have ample facilities for acquiring learning. But it is nowhere referred to as a centre of learning in the way Anahillapura is. It is likely that Somachandra might have studied for some time in Anahillapura, but we have no information to that effect. The reference to Kasmiravasini goddess, seems to me, to be of some significance. Somachandra, no doubt, wanted to go to Kasmira for further study. We know from Bilhana what a great centre of learning Kasmira was in those days. But as the journey to Kasmira was, in those days, full of danger, the young scholar was advised not to go there. The appearance of the Kasmira - vasini goddess may be interpreted as suggesting that Hemachandra had something to do with Kasmira in matters of study. We know from Bilhana's sojourn in Asahillapura that Panditas from that land of Sarada - as Kasmira was called - used to come to Gujarata. In the Assembly

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Introduction CCLXXIII of Jayasimha was a Pandita named Utsaha who was a great grammarian and whose learning was even famous in Kasmira (See p. CCLIII ). * It was this Utsaha who was sent again by the Kasmira panditas with the eight grammars from Kasmira, from which Hemachandra compiled his work. It will not be an altogether wild guess if I suggest that some of Hemachandra's teachers might have been Kasmirian Panditas and even Utsaha may be one of them. The same suggestion is supported by the fact that the sutras of the Kavyanusasna are based upon the Kavyaprakasa of Mammata, and that, after discussing the theory of Rasa by quoting verbatim passages from the Natyavedavivrti, Hemachandra says in the Viveka in so many words "We follow Abhinavaguptapada "; Abhinavagupta and Mammata both of them were the luminaries of Kasmira in learning. After Somachandra became Hemachandrasuri, his mother Pahini, we are told by the Pra. Cha., entered the holy order. At the request of Hemachandra she was seated on a simhasana (seat of honour) - a rare honour to a nun due to her son's greatness (vs. 61-63). Now we come to the question as to when and how Hemachandra was first introduced to Jayasimha. If we accept, on the authority of the P. C. (p. 67) and that of the Pra. Cha., that Hemachandra was present at the time of the Kumudachandra debate, we can say *The fact that one of the earliest commentaries of Mammata's Kavyaprakasa, viz:-the Samketa of Manikyachandra was composed in Gujarat confirms the fact that there was intimate contact between Gujarat and Kasmira in matters of learning. 35

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CCLXXIV Kavyanusasana that he was introduced to the court of Jayasimha by the year V.S. 1181-A.D.1125 *. At that time Hemachandra would be 31 years of age. The Pra. Cha., however, tells us that after Hemachandra was ordained a Suri, he went to Anahillapura ( v. 64). Two questions arise in connection with the statement: Whether this was Hemachandra's first visit to the capital ? and, how much time must have elapsed after his Suri-ceremony before he reached the capital ? We have no means to answer these questions definitely. The first meeting of Hemachandra and Jayasimha is described thus : When Siddharaja seated on his elephant was going out for his usual outing (known as Rajapati ) through the city he saw Hemachandra standing aside near a shop. He stopped the elephant near a mound and asked the suri to say something. Hemachandra uttered a verse : Oh Siddha ! let your majestic elephant move fearlessly. The Diggajas (Elephants of Directions) niight tremble. Don't mind them, for, you bear (the burden) of the earth.'+ The king, who was intelligent enough, understood the meaning and was pleased with the compliment. He asked Hemachandra to see him in the afternoon for diversion (vs. 65-69). Thus on the authority of the Pra. Cha., which there is no sufficient reason to doubt, these two remarkable men of the age-one a king and the other a monk-got into touch with each other. The contact * If the account of the K-prabandha of the first meeting of Kumarapala and Hemachandra when the former waited upon Jayasimha, is true, we must imagine Hemachandra to be in Anabillapura even earlier than V. S. 1181. +kAraya prasaraM siddha hastirAjamazaGkitam / aflara fangT: fa da Fazalgar aa: 11

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Introduction CCLXXV must have soon developed into intimacy and mutual admiration. The meeting of two such men could not but be of great consequence. The next occasion of their meeting that is referred to in the Pr. Cha. is the return of the conquering hero after subjugating Malava, when representatives of different sects gathered to congratulate the king. Hemachandra, who was also there representing the Jaina sect, recited a verse full of resonant grandeur welcoming the king. When the verse * was explained - ' as if the exploit of the king was being explained' - the king became mightily pleased and invited the suri again to his place (vs. 70-73 Pra. Cha.). This meeting must have taken place between the last months of V. S. 1191 and the beginning of V. S. 1192-A. D. 1136. The first literary fruit of the royal friendship was the great grammar of the Samskrta language and the Praksta dialects known as Siddha - HemachandraSabdanusasana. In the last verse of the prasasti at the end of this grammar, Hemachandra himself tells us how he came to write it: "Muni Hemachandra composed this grammar-faultless and complete-being repeatedly requested by him ( Sri Siddharaja ) who was tormented by grammars very lengthy, difficult to grasp, and incomplete" (v. 35). From the verses devoted to Siddharaja in the pr.sasti, it becomes quite clear that the grammar was completed after the Malava victory. It is highly probable that Jayasimha requested Hema * bhUmi kAmagavi ! svagomayarasairAsiJca ratnAkarA ! muktAsvastikamAtanudhvamuDupa ! tvaM pUrNakumbhI bhava / dhRtvA kalpatarodalAni saralaidigvAraNAstoraNAnyAdhatta svakarairvijitya jagatIM nanveti siddhAdhipaH //

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CCLXXVI Kavyanusasana chandra to compose a good grammar after his return from Malava. The Pra. Cha. gives a long account describing the occasion which was responsible for the writing of this grammar which is not only not contradictory to what Hemachandra himself says, but which supplements it, and which appears to be highly probable. 66 'Once when the officers were showing the king books from the Library of Avanti, his (Jayasimha's) eyes fell upon a 'lakshana pustaka'-a book on grammar. The king, asked What is this?" Swami that is Hemachandra answered "This is the Bhoja - Vyakarana. It is the prevelant grammar of the language. The lord of Malava was the crest-jewel of the learned. He composed works on Sabdasastra, Alamkarasastra, Daivnjasastra and Tarkasastra." Thus Hemachandra goes on mentioning the various works by Bhoja (vs. 74-78).' The patriotic jealousy of the king was probably roused.' He asked: 46 Have we no such series of scientific books in our library? Have we no learned man Vidvan) in all Gurjara desa?" The learned men (in the assembly) looked at Hemachandra, all simultaneously. The king very respectfully appealed to Hemachandra and requested him : Fulfil my desire, Oh Maharshi ! Compose the science which will give proficiency in Language. Who, other than you, is the master? At the present time, the short Kalapaka grammar is in use; but it does not give sufficient knowledge of the language. There is the Grammar of Panini. But the Brahmanas say it is a part of the Veda (Vedasya angam); and through arrogance they are fault-finding. What is to be done when they are averse? Oh leader of the Munis! 66

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Introduction CCLXXVII compose a new grammar for the benefit of all people. I will have celebrity and you will have celebrity and merit. 39 3 Thus, the abhyarthana' or the repeated request of the king, referred to by Hemachandra himself is described by the Pra. Cha. There are, of course, poetic flourishes in the description, but there is no reason to doubt the historicity of the occasion. We have seen, before, that the rivalry between Malava and Gujarat was not only political but literary and cultural also. The kings of Gujarat were as jealous of the paramountcy of their learned assembly as the paramountcy of their power. Jayasimha, in fact, wanted to emulate the famous Vikrama of Ujjayini, and after he had become Avantinatha, it was but natural for Jayasimha to make his Gujarat superior in literary culture also. 'Hemachandra replied: "Your word is only a reminder of what it is our duty to do. But there are eight grammars, and these works are, no doubt, in the library of Sri Bharatidevi. Get them through your men from Kasmiradesa; so that, Oh Great King! the science of language be composed well" ' (vs. 85-6-7). This speech, if it embodies the substance of what Hemachandra might have said, indicates, why Hemachandra wanted to go to Kasmira. It was probably to be a great Vaiyakarana; and to be a great Vaiyakarana was the hall-mark of rare learning then, even as it is now, among the panditas of India. It secondly indicates that Hemachandra was thinking of writing a grammar even before the king requested him to do so. The grammar with its commentary and other appendices was quickly completed after the request

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CCLXXVII Kavyanusasana of the king. Looking to the great bulk of the matter and the time and the energy that would be required to prepare it, it would have been physically impossible if the work was not begun much earlier. 'Jayasimha immediately sent his officers to the Land of Vagdevi-Learning. They went to Pravarapura - the same place from where Bilhana had come, - and propitiated the goddess who ordered her officers to send men with the collection of books, as "Hemachandra was her own incarnation." The ministers of Bharati gave the books and sent a Pandita named Utsaha' (v. 88 - 92). * * Hemachandra went through the collection of grammars and prepared a new and wonderful grammar which was named Siddha-Hemachandra Sabdanusasana (v. 96). "The grammar was acclaimed as the best among grammars by all learned men and was accepted * This Utsaha Pandita must have been the same as is referred to in the Mudrita K. C. as one whose wonderful and great energy of learning was known in Daradadea (p. 45)+ Thus there is no doubt about the historicity of this person. But it creates a chronological difficulty. If Utsaha pandita was present in V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125 in the court of Jayasimha, how could he be sent with the officers of Jayasimha in V. S. 1192-A. D. 1136 or after. We can explain the difficulty by supposing that Utsaba might have returned to Ka mira after V. S. 1181 and that he must have been sent with the officers of Jayasimha to Gujarat, probobly because he was a familiar figure there Or we may have to assume that this grammar-writing incident might have happened much earlier, say, in V. S. 1180 and that it might have been finished only after Malava victory in V. S. 1192 A. D. 1136. It may have something to do with Hemachandra's expedition of learning to KA mira.

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Intoduction CCLXXIX as an authority by all the modern Panditas" (98-100). At the end of each pada was attached a verse praising the kings of Chalukya dynasty from Mularaja Onwards. The whole work was copied and sent to different parts of India. Twenty copies were sent to Kasmira which were respectfully kept in her library by the Goddess of Learning' (v. 101-111 ). Kukala-a Kayastha learned in eight grammarswas appointed the teacher of this grammar. * On the fifth of the bright half of every month known as Jnana-panchami, examinations were held and the successful candidates rewarded with armlets by the king (v. 112-115). The enthusiasm of the reception that was accorded to his grammar must have inspired Hemachandra to write other works on allied subjects such as - lexicons, poetics, metrics, etc. We shall refer to these when we come to discuss Hemachandra's works. Many are the incidents reported by the Pra. Cha., the P. C., and the K. Prabandh of Jinamandana and other prabandhas about Hemachandra and Jayasimha. We cannot go into all these, but refer to one which throws light on the religious and ethical influence that Hemachandra exercised on Jayasimha. * Jayasimha, desirous of liberation, once, asked the leaders of various religious sects as to what was the truth in the matters of God, Religion and the Patra (a proper perron) ? Every sectarian praised his own creed and * This Kakala is mentioned by Hemachandra himself, in his grammar as Kakkala. sa EFT TEN I B1. 7. . 30. See the Puratattva Vol. IV. p. 69.

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C@LXXX Kavanusaaysna slighted others. The king felt perplexed at this and consulted Hemachandra. He gave his answer in the form of a parable from the Puranas. The substance of it is as follows. 'A wife in her effort to win over her husband from another woman got him transformed into a bull unwittingly. She repented, and once, standing under a tree and grazing her bull-husband began to bewail her lot. The God Siva was passing through the heavens with his consort who heard the wailing of this unhappy woman and who asked her husband the cause and the remedy of it. Siva said that in the shadow of the tree was growing a herb which could restore the human form. The woman heard this but did not know which was that particular herb; she drew a circle on the ground on which there was shadow and began to cut the grass and put it into the bull's mouth. When that particular herb, without her knowing it, was placed in the mouth of the bull he was restored to human shape. Hemachandra said, " Just as that particular herb, even though it was unidentified, did its work, similarly in this iron age even though the truth is hidden, one may get its benefit by respecting all darsanas with proper devotion. That is a fact." ; (P. C. p. 70). On other occasions Hemachandra is reported to have preached that ethical code which forms the common substance of all religions. * Whether these stories are historical or not, they do indicate the spirit of Hemachandra's preachings to his royal friend. From the Anekanta point of view of Jainism, Hemachandra was doing just the thing that * See the K. Prabandha of Jinamandana pp. 14 - 15.

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Introduction CCLXXXI was expected of him; for, Anekanta is claimed to be Sarvadarsana - samgraha' by Hemachandra and other Jaina logicians. * Various motives explaining Hemachandra's attitude have been imagined by Dr. Buhler and other scholars which may or may not be real. Subjective element greatly affects such interpretations. Historically we can say this much-that even in those days in every sect, there were persons of higher type who took a broad and truly spiritual view of religious matters and who could understand the essential identity pervading through the warring creeds. We may quote as an instance the name of Jnanadeva,-the Saiva pontiff of the time of Bhima Iwho is reported to have said "Siva is Jina. The emphasis on difference is the sign of a mithyamati-a pseudo-philosopher." We may also remind the reader of the liberal minded Purohita Somesvara who was instrumental in getting a footing for the suvihita monks * . So there is nothing improbable in imagining that Hemachandra really took a liberal view of things. His prayer to Siva in Somnanatha-pattana might also be regarded in this light as inspired by such a wider vision. He has also told us, in his Dvyasraya, how a Jaina sees in Arhata, Siva, Vishnu and Brahma ( C. I. v. 79). This, however, did not make Hemachandra an inch less Jaina. The practical effect of such a moral guidance must have been what it is reported to be by the contemporary * We may mention another Somesvara a great-grand son of this Somesvara as a later example of this catholic type. He was a friend of the minister Vastupala, and the author of the K. K. and the Surathotsava. 36

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GELXXXII Kavyanusasana writer - Somaprabhasuri, viz. 'in all doubtful questions he became worthy of consultation'*. We saw from the S. D. K. - which strictly maintains a Brahmanical and Saivite atmosphere throughout the poem in contrast to the Jaina atmosphere of the P. D. K.- that Jayasimha built a Jaina temple of the last Tirthamkara in Siddhapura after he had rebuilt Rudra Mahalaya, and that he put certain Brahmanas to look after ita fact confirmed by Somaprabha's K-Pratibodha also. In the last years of his life, Jayasimha must have felt some inclination towards Jainism as is evidenced by the Arab Geographer Al Idrasi who says that the king used to worship the Buddha image. This, however, does not mean that he wavered in his devotion to Siva. In ancient India, kings were, by policy, tolerant of the different creeds of their subjects. In the case of Jayasimha, however, in his last years at least, we may imagine, it was not merely a matter of policy. This inclination towards Jainism must have been largely the result of Jayasimha's contact with Hemachandra whose extraordinary learning and intelligence as well as strictly ascetic life of the Suvihita type as distinguished from the easygoing and luxurious life of the Chaityavasi abbots, must have greatly impressed the mind of the king. There were, also, other Jaina monks in whose contact Jayasimha had been. We saw that Viracharya was Jayasimha's friend from childhood. So also another Hemachandra - known as Maladhari Hemacliandra - had some influence with Jayasimha. This Hemachandra got the permission of Siddharaja to fly flags and put golden eggs on the Sikharas of * See p. CCLXVII.

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Introduction CCLXXXIII Jaina temples. He also got a copper-plate order from him prohibiting the killing of all animals for eighty days in a year. + Now let us consider the relationship of Hemachandra with Kumarapala. The first question that faces us is as to when did Kumarapala and Hemachandra first meet. Dr. Buhler, on the strength of some verses in the Mahaviracharita of Hemachandra, comes to the conclusion that 'Kumarapala's acquaintence with Hemachandra began, according to the verse 53, in the time when the empire had achieved its greatest expansion and when the war-expeditions and conquests were over" (p. 34). The learned Doctor rejects the accounts of the Prabandhas on this topic as got up later on with a view to motivating the later relationship' (p. 34). It appears to me, however, that the learned Doctor draws a conclusion from the verses based upon an implication which the verses do not carry. For the order of narration of events does not necessarily imply their chronological order, and when we study the verses carefully we find that no such sequence is intended. The first seven verses ( 45 - 51 ) describe Kumarapala and his beneficent rule, the next verse ( 52 ) describes the extent of his empire and the last six verses (53-58) describe the daily contact with Hemachandra. This is merely a way of narrating and does not imply, as Dr. Buhler believes, that Kumarapala got acquainted with Hemachandra after the 'greatest' expansion of his empire. If it implies any such thing, it would be + See Note 53 in Dr. Bubler's Life of Hemachandra pp. 83-84 S. J. S.

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CCLXXXIV Kavyanusasana only that their intimate contact 'doing honour daily to that monk' began after that 'greatest expansion' of his empire. It does not mean that their first acquaintence began at that time. Another argument of Dr. Buhler that the prabandhas though mention early acquaintence do not describe the relationship of Hemachandra and Kumarapala immediately after the latter became king. First, we cannot infer anything from the absence of mention, and secondly Kumarapala in the beginning of his reign was too busy subduing his internal and external enemies and consolidating and extending his empire to think of religiously meeting Hemachandra. This, however, does not preclude the possibility of his early acquaintance and even occasional meeting after he got the throne. On the contrary, it appears to me that one of the causes of Kumarapala's attachment to Hemachandra must have been the support he got, no doubt indirectly, from the monk through his rich and influential followers like Udayana and his son Vagbhata. We have already referred to the meeting of Kumarapala and Hemachandra when the former in his wanderings was looking for a shelter. We have also referred to the Horoscope of Kumarapala which Hemachandra had cast. It is not necessary to assume the scientific validity of astrology in order to believe in the reality of this incident. For such things were quite common in those days as they are even now; and astrology with medicine was practised by Jaina monks in those days and was a means of getting influence over the people. So we may very well believe that the fulfilment of Hemachandra's forecast was one of the

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Introduction CCLXXXV events which made Kumarapala believe in the infallibility of Hemachandra. The Kumarapalaprabandha of Jinamandana mentions an earlier meeting of Kumarapala and Hemachandra.' Once Sri Kumarapala went to Pattana to wait upon Sri Jayasimhadeva. There he saw Hemacharya seated on a lion-seat before the king. He felt that this learned Jaina muni is being respected by the king. It would be a meritorious thing to meet him' So Kumara pala went to the lecture-hall of Hemacharya and asked him which was the best virtue. Hemachandra answered: "To look upon the wives of other people as one's own sisters is the king of virtues"; and gave a sermon on chastity (pp. 18 - 22 ). If this meeting was at all historical, it must have been before Kumarapala was compelled to wander about for fear of his life, that is about V. S. 1169- . A. D. 1113. (See p. CCI). According to the Pra. Cha. when Kumarapala could not succeed in subduing Arnoraja, he offered worship at the suggestion of his minister Bahada to the image of Ajitanatha which was installed by the hands of Hemachandra ( vs. 451 - 452). + From the P. D. K., the Ku. Pratibodha and the Moharaja - parajaya - all contemporary works - we gather an impression that in the latter part of his reign, Kumarapala's manner of life was like that of a good ravaka following the twelve vows. Through his royal authority he had promulgated Amari or non-killing of animals (D. K.). From the Moharaja-. parajaya we learn that he tried to check drinking, gambling etc. He also built several Jaina temples. According to Jipamandana's K-Prabandha it was in V. S. 1216-A. D. 1160 that Kumarapala publicly took the Jaina vows. This dato is not improbable.

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CCLXXXVI Kavyanusasana Kumarapala, however, as we saw, had no leisure up to V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151 to think about religious or ethical things. It was after his empire was consolidated that Kumarapala came in real spiritual touch of Hemachandra. His minister Bahada must have been instrumental in fostering the relationship between Kumarapala and Hemachandra. This is how we may interpret the passage from the Mahaviracharita about Kumarapala. Kumarapala must have had great faith in Hemachandra. His forecast about his future kingship given at a time when he had not enough to eat, had come true. Hemachandra was then famous as a learned man and much respected by his predecessor Jayasimha. His great ministers like Bahada and others were Hemachandra's followers. Thus Kumarapala was prepossessed in favour of Hemachandra. As the contact continued from day to day, Kumarapala must have come more and more under the spiritual influence of Hemachandra. After some time Kumarapala must have looked upon him as his guru. Just as Hemachandra composed the Siddha-Hema grammar at the request of Jayasimha, so according to his own testimony, he composed the Yogasastra, the Vitaraga-stutis and the Trishashtisalaka-purushacharita at the request of Kumarapala. From the fact that Hemachandra calls Kumara pala a Paramarhata in the prasasti of the Trishashtisalakapurusha-charita as also in the Abhidhanachintamani, we can infer that in Hemachandra's eyes Kumarapala by that time must be following the ethical code of Jainism to such an extent as to deserve that title.

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Introduction CCLXXXVII Here we might consider the question of Kumara. * pala's conversion to Jainism. In what sense, we may ask, Kumarapala was converted to Jainism ? There is sufficient proof for one answer, viz: -he was trying to follow the Jaina ethical mode of life. That he regarded Hemachandra as his spiritual guru and offered worship at the Jaina temples might also be taken as real. But if by conversion is meant that Kuinarapala abjured the faith of his fore-fathers and gave up the worship of Siva and other Puranic deities, it is contradicted by other historical facts. First of all, we find, in the last canto of the S. D.K., Kumarapala distinctly mentioning his devotion to Siva; and secondly in the inscription of Bhava-Bshaspati of the year V. S. 1229-A. D. 1173, the last year of Kumarapala's reign, he is called ' Mahesvaranapagrani, the foremost of Mahesvara kings' (v. 47). From these facts, it becomes clear that though Kumarapala's mode of life was changed, that though the old way of worshipping with animal-sacrifice was also completely given up, he did not cease to be a worshipper of Siva - the god of his fore-fathers. This might appear anomalous to people accustomed to strict sectarianism; but in those days of religious elasticity it was not uncommon. We saw what advice Hemachandra gave to Siddharaja-Jayasimha. When Hemachandra, according to the P. C., went to Somanatha-Pattana with Kumarapala, he was asked by the king to utter prayers to Siva; and Hemachandra did it in verses which are preserved. So also in a more authentic form, we find prayers to Siva in the S. D. K.. As Buddhisagara pointed out to Somesvara, it was only the emphasis

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CCLXXXVIII Kavyanusasana on daya - compassion especially towards animals, that mainly mattered; and we find Kumarapala promulgating Amari and annuling the law of confiscating the matavitta (- the wealth of a man who died without heir ). The effect of Kumara pala's efforts to reform ethically the life of the people did not become permanent; but in some respects they must have deeply affected the consciousness of the people in Gujarat. This can be inferred from the fact that even to this day in Gujarat there is a natural aversion to killing animals, eating flesh and drinking liquors at least in higher society and that in all grades of Hindus it is regarded as a religious and meritorious act to give up these things. We saw, while discussing Kumarapala's reign that if the account of the Prabandhakosa was to be believed, Hemachandra was consulted by Kumarapala even in important political matters such as succession to the throne. In other matters, especially those pertaining to public reforms according to his preachings, his advice also must have been sought. In the colophon of the T. $. Salaka-purusha-charita which was one of his later works, Hemachandra informs his readers as follows on this point: "The Chalukya King Kumarapala-the conqueror of Chedi, Dasarna, Malava, Kuru, Sindhu and other inaccessible countries through the power of his own arms,-a veritable lion,-a descendent of Sri Mularaja, -properly disciplined, and a great Arhata ( devotee of Arhat ), once bowed to him ( Acharya Hemachandra ) and spoke "Oh Lord ! receiving orders from you who render service without any expectation, I stopped throughout the earth all things that lead to hell-such

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Introduction CCXIC sinful things as gambling and drinking liquors, gave up taking the wealth of a person who died without a son and decorated the earth with the temples of Arhat and thus became Samprati of the present age." (vs. 16-18). Hemachandra's relationship with other influential persons like the great Udayana and his equally great son Bahada as also with Abhada and others was also very intimate. His attitude towards the learned men of other sects was, generally, liberal. He, as we saw, greatly appreciated the learning of Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect and was instrumentsal in bringing about friendship between him and Sripala. His relationship with Amiga, however, must not have been cordial. In those days of debates and controversies, he must have given and received many blows in the battles of wits. But the discipline of tapas that he received early in life must have made this man of intellect sufficiently patient to bear them calmly, and not allow them to come in the way of his spiritual development. We shall come to this aspect of his character when we discuss his works especially the Yogasastra Hemachandra, according to the Prac. Cha., died in the year V. S. 1229-A. D. 1173 at the ripe old age of 84 years a short time before Kumarapala died.* * Hemachandra had a group of disciples who were very learned and who helped him in his works. Of these, Ramachandra deserves special mention. He is reputed to be the author of a hundred praband has that is compositions. Some of his plays are published; they are good as literature and show considerable skill in the technique of play-writing. His Natyadarpana-a work on 37

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CCXC Kavyanusasana 19 Now we come to the literary work of Hemachandra. Tradition credits him with the authorship of innumerable compositions, to the extent of three and a half crore verses. Some of these works are, however, of doubtful authorship; yet the works, which are undoubtedly Hemachandra's, are so extensive in volume and varied in subject-matter, as to make one agree with those who have conferred upon him the title of 'Kalikalasarvajna - The Omniscient of the Iron Age.' Hemachandra himself provides us with definite information about his main works. In the colophon of the T. S. P. C. already referred to, Kumarapala, after mentioning what he did at the order of Hemachandra, says "Formerly at the request of the devoted king Siddharaja-my predecessor, you first composed a grammar with appendices, and made easy by a good commentary. Then for me you composed the fault-less Yogasastra and for people (Lokaya ) Dvyasraya, and other Sastras - the principal among them being Chhandas, Alamkrti and NamaSamgraha. You are always ready to do good to people; yet I make this much request that for the knowledge of people like myself bring to light the lives of sixtythree great men. "On account of his pressure Hemachandracharya composed in fine language the lives of great men with the sole view of imparting Dharma" (v. 18-20). Dramaturgy--has been published in the G. O.S. It throws some new light on the history of Sanskrta Drama. His Kumara-vihara Sataka is a fine piece of description and gives an idea of what big temples were in those days. The poem should be studied carefully by every student of Gujarat architecture and art.

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CCXCI These verses mention Hemachandra's main works in his own words. They are (1) The Grammar with appendices and commentary, that is the Sabdanusasana. Introduction (2) The Yogasastra. (3) The Dvyasraya. (4) The Chhandonusasana. (5) The Kavyanusasana. (6) The Namasamgraha, that is, the Abhidhana chintamani, Desi Namamala and other dictionaries, and (7) The Trishashtisalaka - purusha - charita. The order of mention, however, is chronological order. To these, on the authority of their respective colophons and that of Somaprabha and that of Yasahpala (the author of the Moharajaparajaya), we add the Vitaragastutis and the two Dvatrimsikas and the Pramanamimamsa. Sabdanusasana is Hemachandra's first major work. We do not know if he had written anything before this. It is likely, however, that he must have had some practice in writing. not the We have, already, described the occasion of composing this grammar, how the work was done and what success it met with. According to the P. C., the whole grammar was written in a year. This, however, appears to be physically impossible. Any how the work, must have been finished before the death of Siddharaja in V. S. 1199-A. D. 1143. A grammar consists of five parts: (1) Sutra (2) Ganapatha. (3) Dhatupatha (4) Unadi and (5) Linganusasana,

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?cxcii Kavyanusasana In the case of other grammars, all these five parts are composed by different persons. In the case of Siddha - Hema, all the five parts are the work of Hemachandra. This is one of the unique features of this grammar which makes it a complete and consistent whole. Another unique feature of this Sabdanusasana is that it is a grammar of Samskrta as well as of Prakrta dialects. The S. H. consists of eight Adhyayas, each adhyaya consisting of four padas. The total volume of the sutras is 1100 slokas (each sloka having eight syllables). The total number of the sutras is 4685 of which 3556 describe the Samskrta language while 1119 the Prakrta dialects. On these Sutras, Hemachandra has written two commentaries the Laghuvrtti and the Brhadvrtti - the Small Commentary and the Great Commentary. Supplementing these are the Dhatuparayana with his own commentary, Unadi with his own commentary and the Linganusasana with a Brhat - Tika *. * I cannot go into a detailed description of the work here. I refer the reader to the learned article of the Vyakarana Tirtha Pandita Bechardas with the title "Gujaratanu Pradhana Vyakarana' 'The Principal Grammar of Gujarat' published in the Puratattva, Vol. IV, pp. 61-100. Pandit Bechardas who is a great Vaiyakarana (master of grammar) himself has given a detailed description of the S. H., compared it with other Samskrta grammars by pointing its indebtedness to them as well as its special features, showed its superiority as a text book, and given us an idea as to what a mine of grammatical lore is its Brhadvrtti. In an appendix to his article the learned Pandita has given a historical account of other grammars of Gujarat and also of later commentators. Dr. Belvalkar's 'Systems of Sanskrta Grammar contains a chapter on the Hemachandra School (pp. 73-81).

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Introduction ssxsni Hemachandra also wrote a Bihannyasa on his grammar-a fragment of which has been discovered and edited by Pt. Bhagavandas Doshi. According to the tradition the extent of this work was 84000 slokas. If we are to judge from the fragment, we can say that the tradition is right. This work is modelled upon the Mahabhashya of Patanjali. Hemachandra, has, consciously, tried to give his work a non-sectarian character by making his Mangala in such a way as to be acceptable to all the sects. In the commentary on the second sutra, Hemachandra makes it clear that "As Sabdanusasana is common to all sects, it would be very pleasant to have recourse to Syadvada which is the synthesis of all Darsanas." This grammar is not only a work of profound and wide learning, but is written with such skill as to make the whole subject clear to students of different grades. The author has not pretended to be original in a subject where there was not much scope for originality of matter, but has aimed at being as useful to the students of the subject as he could. Judged from this point of view there is a distinct originality in the treatment of the matter. And we must remember, the royal request was to prepare a grammar which would be perfect' and yet 'easy to grasp'. That purpose is completely fulfilled in this work. In fact, in estimating the works of Hemachandra, we must always keep in mind the aim which he generally makes clear in the beginning of his books. After the grammar with its Angas was completed Hemachandra undertook lexicography of Samskrta and Desi words. We learn this from the first verses of

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CCXCIV Kavyanusasana the works themselves. Here also Hemachandra wrote the texts as well as commentaries. He says: " I, who have finished the Sabdanusasana with its angas, bowing to the Arhatas (the worshippable ones and the Jinas ) compose Nama-mala-the Garland of Nouns, some of which are not capable of derivation according to grammatical rules, some are, and others in certain senses are derivable and in certain not." In the commetary, Hemachandra gives this Garland of Nouns the name of Abhidhanachintamani. In the first verses of the commentary Hemachandra says " Bowing to the speech of those who are the authors of Dharmatirtha, I compose an exposition (Vivsti) on my Namamala which will make clear the essence. (This might also mean that the name of the commentary is Tattvabodhavidhayini (1). This effort is for the purpose of Sreyas. What is the good of boasting ? The thoughtful will never indulge in praising one's self and slandering others (2). In this work, be it noted, Pramanya - (that is - authenticity of words etc. ) is from Vasuki and Vyadi, Vyutpatti (derivation) from Dhanapala, and Prapancha (comprehensiveness ) from Vachaspati and others (3)." Hemachandra thus mentions his principal authorities in the third verse. Whether a particular word is genuine or not he has decided on the authority of Vasuki and Vyadi; as to how a particular word is to be explained, he has consulted Dhanapala to whom we have already referred. To make his work comprehensive he has drawn upon Vachaspati and others. The second verse is significant. It suggests that Hemachandra's grammar might have been

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Introduction CCXCV severely criticised and in his opinion unjustly criticised by some contemporary critics. That is probably why he is so particular in referring to .his authorities in the very beginning of this work. We shall touch this point again when we come to discuss his Pramanamimamsa. Appendices known as A. C. Parisishta-were also composed and placed at the end of each Kanda of the A. C. This work is, however, not a separate entity and we have no means to decide whether it is Hemachandra's own work or some of his students. Hemachandra completed his Samskrta lexicon by writing a supplement known as Anekartha-samgraha. In the first verse, Hemachandra says "I, who have made a collection of words having one meaning, now, contemplating the Arhats, prepare Anekartha-samgraha (collection of words having more than one meaning) by arranging words, according to their number of syllables, in six chapters." The commentary on the Anekartha Samgraha is composed by Hemachandra's disciple Mahendrasuri in the name of Hemachandra, as M. himself says, at the end of the second Kanda (p. 86 Edition of the A. S. by Th. Tachariac). Thus Hemachandra established his reputation as a Samskrta Lexicographer. That this work became current and that Hemachadra was regarded as an authority is proved by many quotations from his work in later commentaries as well as from the verse: hemacandrazca rudracAmaro'yaM sanAtanaH / Abhidhanachintamani with its supplements and commentaries is, like the S. H., characterized by the

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CCXCVI Kavyanusasana clearness of its exposition and the comprehensiveness of its subject-matter. One might say that the commentary Tattvabodhavidhayini which was composed in the reign of Kumarapala is a veritable mine of information on Samsksta lexicography. If it is studied carefully and critically, it will throw a flood of light on the history of the subject, Just as Hemachandra, by composing an adhyaya on the Praksta dialects, made his grammar unique and comprehensive of all languages current in India, to make his lexicographical work perfect, he composed a dictionary of Desya words. The last verse of the work says " This collection of Desi words named Rayanavali (a necklace of jewels ) is composed by Siri Hemachandra as a seshalaesha (a small appendix) to grammar' (v. 77). In the commentary it is called an appendix to the eighth Adhyaya. Thus according to the author himself, it is to be regarded as connected with his grammar. We gather the same impression from the introduction to the commentary also. So strictly speaking, we should say that this work belongs to the department of grammar rather than that of lexicography. The word Sabdanusasana, however, is comprehensive enough to include grammar and lexicography, Hemachandra himself uses this word in this comprehensive sense in his Kavyanusasana. This work on Desi words which resisted all attempts at systematization was of peculiar difficulty; and its accomplishment was a matter of satisfaction to the Acharya. He, himself, says "Desi is difficult to collect, and even if collected, it is generally difficult to grasp. Therefore, Acharya Hemachandra collects it and classifies it."

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Introduction ccxcel By using the word ' Desi' in the feminine gender, Hemachandra wishes us to understand it as a part of the language which could not be treated satisfactorily according to the rules of Samskrta and Praksta languages which he had formulated in his grammar. Hemachandra, nowhere, suggests that the Desi cannot be derived from the Samsketa. Dr. Buhler indulged in much gratuitous criticism as he did not clearly grasp this conception of the author himself. Prof. Muralydhar Banerjee in his introduction to the Desinamamala has ably discussed the whole question of Desi and answered the points raised against Hemachandra (Sections I & II ). As to the illustrative verses, Prof. Pischell remarked "These examples are either void of all sense or of an incredible stupidity ...... It was a most disgusting task to make out the sense of these examples some of which have remained rather obscure to me" (p. 8) Introduction Desinamamala. B. S. S..). Prof. Banerjee, however, remarks "If the illustrative gathas of Hemachandra which have appeared to Pischel as examples of ' extreme absurdity' or nonsense are read correcting the errors made by the copyists in the manner explained above they will yield very good sense. A few examples of such corrected readings are given below to make the point clear" (pp. XLIII to LI ). Afrer discussing this point in detail, Prof. Banerjee comes to the conclusion: "As the gathas when read in this way give a good sense, they can no longer be regarded as examples of 'incredible stupidity.' They will be appreciated, it is hoped, by every lover of poetry as a remarkable feat of 38

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CCXCVIII Kavyanusasana ingenuity worthy of Hemachandra and far beyond the capacity of his disciples to whom Pischel is inclined to ascribe them" (p.LI). This is an example of how further research can sometimes reverse the previous judgements. The importance of Rayanavali or Desinamamala cannot be exaggerated for the philology of modern provincial languages of India. It deserves to be utilized more by our philologists than it has been up till now. In this work, as in his previous ones, Hemachandra has made good use of the works of his predecessors. He quotes about twelve authors and two kosas. * Avantisundari is one of the authorities referred to. She must be the wife of the poet Rajasekhara who refers to her as an authority in his Kavyamimamsa and who, therefore, must have been very learned and written some works on the subject. After the work of Rayana vali was over, Hema. chandra prepared a botanical dictionary known as Nighantusesha. He himself says in the first verse "I, who have made collections of words having one meaning, those having more than one meaning and Desya words, shall, after bowing to the foot-lotus of Arhat, speak of Nighantusesha (1). No commentary on this work is known. This completed Hemachandra's work on lexicography. The grammar comprizing the five angas with their commentaries, and the four lexicons-the Abhidhanachintamani with its commentary, the Anekartha - samgraha, the Rayanavali ( of Desya words ) with its commentary, and the Nighantusesha-completed his Sabdanusasana that is Science of Words. * Banerjee's Introduction to Desidamamala p. XXXIX.

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Introduction CCIC Thus in different departments of the study of language as then known, Hemachandra provided students of Gujarat with excellent text books containing the substance of each discipline-presented in a lucid, precise and rational form; for advanced students Hemachandra wrote his copious commentaries giving them all the available information on the subject up to date. For purposes of study Hemachandra's works are unsurpassed. Thus was fulfilled the royal wish of Jayasimha Siddharaja in a manner and a style befitting that monarch, who, above all, loved grandeur and aimed at supremacy in everything. One may say, Jayasimha not only built a University in mortar and stone but provided it with excellent books for study * . It is likely that this part of Hemachandra's literary activity was finished by V.S. 1199-A. D. 1143 the end of Siddharaja's reign and the beginning of Kumraapala's reign. Seven years (V.S 1192-1199) were scarcely too many for such a stupendous task. It was only possible for a man like Hemachandra whose powers of concentration and retention were developed by Yogic exercises. And it is a question whether even he could have accomplished it unaided and without ample facility of books. As it was, Hemachandra was provided with a good library by his royal friend. Hemachandra, also, had the assistance of his * As a modern poet of Gajarat with a fine pun on the word Haima has said "Siddharaja by lighting the Haimapradipa-( the Golden Lamp and the light-giver Hema) of Sarasvati made his name meaningful." haimapradIpa pragaTAvI sarasvatIno sArthakya kodhuM nija nAmanuM siddharAje. From the poem Rapakadevi, by Prof. Ramanarayan Pathak.

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ccc Kavyanusasara pupils like Mahendrasuri, Ramachandra, Gunachandra and others who were only next to him in learning. The Pra. Cha. supplies us with a brief but realistic description of the audiance-hall of Hemachandra which was something like an Academy of Letters. The occasion is the coming of Devabodha - the Bhagavata to see Hemachandra. "He (Devabodha ) went to the audience - hall ( Asthana) of Sri Hemachandrasuri. There the great poets were busy composing new works; great number of words were being written upon a number of patrika - pattas ( writing boards ); discussions with one another were going on about the derivation of words and illustrations were being quoted from old poets. It was the residence of Brahmollasa, the parental abode of Bharati, a place where the learned were well provided. + The Samskrta Dvyasraya Kavya must have been begun after the completion of the Siddha-Hema. But this epic of twenty cantos must have been composed at intervals. How many cantos were written before the death of Jayasimha we cannot exactly say. The last five cantos which are devoted to Kumarapala, were, no doubt, written in the middle of Kumarapala's reign; but it is a question whether all the first fifteen * anyadAbhinavagranthagumphakulamahAkavau / paTTikApaTTasaMghAtalikhyamAnapadavraje // . zabdavyutpattaye'nyonyaM kRtohApohabandhure / girona - EET-E6217stka76 11 brahmollAsanivAse'tra bhAratIpitRmandire / zrIhemacandrasUrINAmAsthAne susthakovide // Pra. Cha. p. 314, vs. 292-294.

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Introduction cantos were finished before V. S. 1199-A.D. 1143; though Jayasimha might have insisted upon its completion. I think the first fourteen cantos narrating the events up to the conquest of Malava must have been composed early enough to be placed before Jayasimha. The fifteenth canto which refers to the succession of Kumarapala, was, probably, written in the early part of Kumarapala's reign. The remaining five cantos and the Prakrta Dvyasraya must have been written in the latter part of Kumarapala's reign. * The substance of these historical epics, we have utilized in describing the history of the Chalukya family of Anahillapura. Another name of the S. D. K. is Chalukyavamsotkirtana as that of the P. D. K. is Kumarapalacharita. Of the poetic merits of these epics, if any, I shall speak later on. CCCI After the Sabdanusasana, comes the Kavyanusasana. In the second sutra, Hemachandra says The correct speech was discussed by us in Sabdanusasana, now its poetic aspect is being laid down by us in its correct form." In the commentary, Sabdanusasana is described as the Siddha-Hemachandrabhidhana-grammar bearing the name Siddha - Heinachandra. The identity of the authorship is also mentioned. << * Another alternative suggestion that both the D. Ks were written, after the AnuSasanas were finished in the reign of Kumarapapala is also tenable. The fact that they are not mentioned in AnuSasanas can also be interpreted in both ways, viz:-that either the poem being written piecemeal was incomplete at the time of the composition of the Anu asanas or that they were not begun at all.

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CCCII Kavyanusasana The Viveka was evidently composed after the Chhandonusasana, as it refers to it. The general description of the work, we have already given in the pages I-X of this introduction. Its subject-matter will be critically discussed in a separate section. The Chhandonusasana was composed after the Kavyanusasana, as we learn from its first verse; but before the Viveka on the Kavyanusasana, as we just now saw. Hemachandra says in the first verse "I, who have completed Sabda - Kavya - Anusasanas, after contemplating the speech of Arhat, will speak of the Anusasana of the Chhandas (metres) useful to poetry". In the commentary, the identity of the authorship of the Sabdanusasana, the Kavyanusasana and the Chhandonusasana is reiterated. This work consists of about 763 sutras divided into eight Adhyayas.* As usual, the commentary is lucid and interesting. The information that it gives on the Prakrata and especially the Apabhramsa metres is invaluable, and is likely to throw much light on the The first Adhyaya which consists of 16 sutras is called the Sanjadhyaya, because ft explains the technical words and signs used in the work. The second Adhyaya consists of 415 sutras and is called the Samavritavyavarpina (because it describes metres of uniform lines). The third Adhyaya consists of 73 sutras and describes arddhasama vittas, vishama vrttas and matra chhandas. The fourth Adhyaya consists of 91 sutras and describes Arya, Galitaka, Khanjaka, and Sirshaka metres. The fifth Adhyaya consists of 49 sutras and discusses Utsaha and other metres. The sixth Adhyaya consists of 29 sutras and describes Shatpadi, Chatushpadi etc. The seventh consists of 73 sutras and describes Dvipadi; the eighth consists of 17 sutras and describes scansion.

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Intoduction CCCIII history of metres used in the different provincial languages of India. The illustrative stanzas also deserve attention; especially the Praksta and Apabhramsi ones. The poetic quality of many of these verses is really high and if the majority of them are the work of Hemachandra, as it is supposed to be, they would show him to be a lyric poet of a high order. The work requires to be critically edited and annotated. Thus these three Anusasanas, the Sabdanusasana, the Kavyanusasana and the Chhandonusasana - and if the Linganusasana is to be taken separately, four Anusasanas, and the two D. K. s comprise among themselves, the whole field of Lakshana and Sahitya vidyas. They are Hemachandra's authentic contributions to the science and the art of language as they were understood in Ancient India. Thus after making his contributions to the study of Lakshana and Sahitya, Hemachandra turned his attention to Pramanasastra or Tarka-Logic and Dialectics. On this subject, he wrote a work called Pramana-mimamsa. In the commentary on the first verse, Hemachandra says "that after the Sabdanusasana, the Kavyanusasana and the Chhandonusasana, Pramana is being considered now. The identity of the authorship of the Sabdanusisana etc. with that of this work is also implied." From the introduction to the first sutra, we learn that this work Pramana-mimamsa * was to consist of five Adhyayas, no doubt on the model of the five adhyayas of Gotam's Nyaya sutra. But only a fragment * A critical edition of this work is being prepared by Pt. Sukhlalji to be published in the S. J. S.

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CCCIV Kavyanusasana of this work has been recovered which extends up to the end of the first Ahnika of the second adhyaya. Either the Acharya did not live to finish the work, or the remaining portion yet awaits discovery if it is not destroyed. As it is, we have a hundred sutras and the commentary on them preserved for us. This work or the fragment of the work is interesting from many points of view. It shows Hemachandra as a logician and a master of the Darsanas. The work is characterized by his usual lucidity and preciseness of exposition. The introduction to the first sutra throws interesting light on the conception of authorship which Hemachandra had. 'The purva-paksha asks why does the author pose as a Jaina sutrakara ? There were so many sutrakars before ! Hemachandra answers : "Your question is narrow. Rather ask what and how many were the grammatical and other sutras before Panini, Pingala, Kanada, Akshapada and others?" The opponents' silence is to be understood as allowing that there were many. Then Hemachandra goes on saying "These disciplines (Vidyas ) are without a beginning (Anadi); they become new from the point of view of Samkshepa-summarizing and Vistara-expanding, and are said to be composed by this and that author also from the same point of view." * What Hemachandra * nanu yadi bhavadIyAnImAni jainasiddhAntasUtrANi tarhi bhavataH pUrva kAni kimIyAni vA tAnyAsanniti / atyalpamidamanvayuGkasthAH / pANinipiGgalakaNAdAkSapAdAdibhyo'pi pUrve kAni kimIyAni vA vyAkaraNAdisUtrANItyetadapi paryanuyujhva / anAdaya evaitA vidyAH saMkSepavistAravivakSayA navanavIbhavanti, tattatkartRkAzcoF I 5. 1. pp. 1-2

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latroduction CCCV means is probably this: no author writes anything absolutely new, it is only the development and the treatment that is new. + We saw, in the review of his literary activity which Hemachandra has given in the prasasti of the T. S. P. C., that the grammar was written at the request of Jayasimha, while the Dvyasrayas, the Kavyanusasana, the Chhandonusasana, and the lexicons and other Sastras ( which might include the Pramanamimamsa if it was then written ) were written for the people. From this reference it is clear that Hemachandra's intention, in this part of his activity, was to serve not merely Jainas but all the people, for the word - lokaya - does not mean" for Jainas" only, but "for people in general." I think the significance of this emphasis of Hemachandra has not been properly grasped by scholars * who say that Hemachandra's intention in composing these works was to provide merely for his correligionists. The public which Hemachandra had, in his view, was, no doubt, wider than his own sect. Now, we come to discuss the works which Hemachandra wrote at the request of Kumarapala. Even these works which are sectarian in subjectmatter have a wider appeal on account of their easy style and manner of treatment. + These remarks of Hemachandra in the P. M. suggest that Hemachandra was probably criticised for claiming to be an author of various works in which he mostly systematized what others had said. * For example Prof. Jacobi. See his Introduction to the Pari ishtaparvan p. XXIII B. I. S. 39

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CECYI Kavyanusasana Of these, the main are the Yogasastra, the T. S. P. C. including the Parisishta-parvan and the Vitaragastutis including the two well-known Dvatrimsikas. ...The subject - matter of the Yogasastra is distinctly religious. The whole work consists of twelve Prakasas. Yoga is described as the thing that leads to liberation ( lit. cause of liberation) and it consists of three jewels - Jnana ( knowledge ), Sraddha (faith), and Charitra (conduct ) ( v. 15). In this part, Yoga is described in Jaina terminology. The first three Prakasas are devoted to ethical rules in Jaina phraseology. In the fourth Prakasa soul is identified with the "three jewels" and then follows description of Yoga which embodies the substance of the Yoga-system of Patanjali. The fourth discusses the nature of contemplation, asanas, etc. The fifth describes the control of breath and the acquisition of miraculous powers. The rest of the prakasas are devoted to similar topics. : In the fourth verse of the first prakasa, Hemachandra says " After having acquired knowledge from the ocean of learning, the tradition of sadguru (the initiator), and one's own experience, the Yoga - sastra is being composed. " The same thing is repeated in the fifty - fifth and the last verse of the twelfth prakasa, with the additional information that" Acharya Hemachandra put into language the secret of Yoga at the repeated request of Sri Chalukya Kumarapala-the king." + The commentary on the first four prakasas is prolix in the style of Jaina Vyakhyanas or sermons narrating anecdotes, stories, etc.; while on the remaining prakasas, it is brief. Probably the commentary is not the work +Prakala 3, v. 4; Prakasa 12, v. 55.

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Introduction cocku of Hemachandra himself but of one of his pupils. It contains passages from the T. S. P. C. also, The Trisashti-salakapurusha-charita + is a huge work composed in ten parvans, and the Parisishta parvan is a sort of appendix to it. The work is written in an easy flowing style and contains fine descriptions. It has for its, model the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. One cannot judge such a huge work by examining minor details, but it should be judged in its total effect. Prof. Jacobi has carefully examined the Anushtubh metre as it is used by Hemachandra in this work, and come to the conclusion that Hemachandra had used the sloka in a way peculiar to himself ' (pp. XXI). But. I think the learned professor is a little beside the mark when he says "He (Hemachandra) apparently attempted to facilitate the literary activities of the Jainas by making the Sloka a more handy means of composition than its classical model..." (pp. XXIII). I am inclined to regard the liberty which Hemachandra has taken with the Anushtubh metre as due to the fact that he was writing this work on the model of the Puranas, the Ramayana and Mahabharata which have metres which are lose in comparison with those of the later Kavyas. The Vitaraga stotra consists of about 186 verses. It is divided into twenty Stavas-(prayers)-most of them having eight verses. * + The sixtythree great men include twentyfour Tirthamkaras, the twelve Chakravartins, the nine Vasudevas, the nine Baladevas, and the nine Prativasudevas. *(1) The Prastavana stava (2) The Sahajatisaya - varnanastava (3) Karmakshayajatisayavarsana stava

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cccviii Kavyanusasana In the last stanza of the Vitaragastava, Hemachandra says "Let Kumarapala get the desired fruit from this stava (prayer) of Vitaraga originating from Sri Hemachandra." These are known also as the " Twenty Vitaragastutis " which are referred to in the Moharajaparajaya as " Twenty Divyagulikas that is divine pills." These hymns include also the two well-known Dvatrimsikas or set of thirty two stanzas, the Ayogavyavacchedika and the Anyayogavyavachchhedika i. e. 'that in which the author disproves the allegation that Jainism is wrong, and that in which the claims of other systems that they are right' (p. XVIII Introduction Syadvadamanjari" B. S. S. ). . These poems are the philosophical hymns of Hemachandra. The poetic diction in them is of a high order and they sometimes rise, in spite of their philosophical preoccupation, to a real poetic grandeur. The following remarks of Principal Anandsankar Dhruv quoted from his learned introduction to the Syadvadamanjari on the Anyayogavyavacchedika, more or less apply to all these stutis: " The former (the A. V.) is a genuine devotional lyric, pulsating with reverence for the master and is at the same time a review of (4) Suketatisayavarqanaprakasa (5) Pratiharyastava (6) Vipakshanirasaprakasa (7) Jagat Karttvanirasaprakasa (8) Ekantanirasastava (9) Kaliprasamrastava (19) Adbhutastava (11) Achintyamahimastava (12) Vairagyastava (13) Virodhastava (14) Yogasiddhastava (15) Bhaktistava (16) Atmagarhastava (17) Sarvastava (18) Kathorastava (19) Ajnastava (20) Asihstava.

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Introduction CCCIX some of the tenets of the rival schools on which the Jaina sees reason to differ. Devotion and thought are happily blended together in one whole, and are expressed in such noble and dignified language that it deserves to rank as a piece of literature no less than that of philosophy (P. C. XXIV). "" This brief review of Hemachandra's literary work will, I hope, give some idea of the contribution he made to Samskrta Learning and Literature. It is a very difficult task to give a proper estimate of his work. Only a scholar of Hemachandra's capacity can do it justice. It surely makes one feel that the man who did all this work must have possessed extraordinary intellectual powers must have been a veritable intellectual giant. -- We can divide Hemachandra's work into two parts Sastric and literary or poetic. We saw that his Sastric activity covered almost the whole field of the then known branches of learning. These works, as we saw, are characterized by clearness of exposition and lucidity and preciseness of expression. They seem to be designed with the practical view of providing excellent and exhaustive books for the purposes of study. They are, however, not reinarkable for originality of ideas. * The following remarks of Prof. Jacobi give a fair estimate of Hemachandra's work: "Hemachandra has very extensive and at the same time accurate knowledge of many branches of Hindu and Jaina learning combined with great literary skill, and an * Hemachandra has given, his idea of originality (lit novelty) and authorship in the Pramanamimamsa. pp. CCCIV-CCCV.

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COCX Kavyanusasana easy style. His strength lies in encyclopaedical work rather than in original research but the enormous mass of varied information which he gathered from original sources, mostly lost to us, makes his works an inestimable mine for philological and historical research." (Ency. of Religion and Ethics. Vol VI. p.591). Hemachandra's sastric work has, always, been so much in the fore-front that it has, so to say, monopolized the attention of the students of his work - now and in ancient times; yet a careful study of his poetic works reveals him to be a poet of no mean onder. His two Dvyasrayas, his illustrative verses in the Rayanavali (or the Desinamamala ) and the Chhandonusasana, the T. S. P. C. and the devotional hymns, throw a flood of light on his poetic faculty. Possibly some critics will feel it strange that I should think of associating poetry with the Dvyasrayaswhich are, in their opinion, merely grammatical exercises. But is it not a peculiarity of poetry that it is sometimes discovered in strange places ? Let it be, at once, granted that the language of the S. D. K. is uncouth; it is there on purpose. But once you get accustomed to it and pierce through its forbidding exterior you get genuine epic poetry. The descriptions of the S. D. K. are generally picturesque and realistic, e. g. the description of Anahillapura, that of the sudden appearance of monsoon when Karoa was practising penance, that of the Arbudachala, etc.. Even the conventional descriptions of seasons, bathing, flowergathering, etc. in the S. D. K, are more objective and realistic than those found in the recognized Mahakavyas. The descriptions of battles -and there are many

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Jatroduction cccx as I have remarked before, are always full of vigour and realistic without ever approaching the grotesque. The story of Mayanalla is told with a fine touch of emotion; one almost wished, that at least for this portion, Hemachandra might have forgotten his grammar. The episodes are arranged in such a way as always to maintain interest. The S. D. K. possesses many of the characteristics of a good and vigorous epic but they are all hidden under its uncouth and forbidding exterior. The simile of cocoanut given to Bharavi's + Kirata applies more appropriately to the S. D. K. as far as its exterior is concerned, and if not equally, almost equally to its inner substance. The exterior of the P. D. K. is less uncouth. Its descriptions are good specimens of Praksta poetry. Of the poetic worth of the Praksta verses put in as illustrations in the Rayanavali the following remarks of Prof. Banerjee give a correct idea. "A careful reading of the gathas ... would lead one to discover sense and highly poetical sense in these gathas.... In fact these gathas...form a valuable contribution to Praksta lyric poetry at the same time comparable to the Sattasai of Hala" (p. XLI). " They will be appreciated, it is hoped, by every lover of poetry as a remarkable feat of ingenuity worthy of Hemachandra." (p. LI Introduction. ). A careful and systematic study of the T. S. P. C. will reveal genuine poetic qualities of description, emotion, and story-telling and prove Hemachandra to be a Maha Kavi. + art ifd aat ara: etc. Afegata.

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CCCXII Kavyanusasana The verses placed at the end of every pada of the S. H. show his vigorous style and mastery in the poetry of the court. Many of the illustrative verses in the Chhandonu. Sasana in the Samskrta, the Prakrta and the Apabhramsa are genuine pieces of lyric poetry. If, as is the opinion of some scholars, most of them are Hemachandra's own compositions, they would show Hemachandra to be a writer of fine muktakas. We have referred to Hemachandra's devotional hymns and Principal's Dhruva's remarks on one of them. Thus it would appear that Hemachandra was not only a great writer of Sastras but a writer of good poetry also. He was really a master of Lakshana, Sahitya and Tarka,-Grammar, Literature and Philosophy. Let us consider Hemachandra's personality. He had if the traditional explanation of his name is not, merely, a literary flourish - a bright complexion of golden hue; probably he had an imposing exterior. His works reveal him to be a great savant, an able writer of Sastric works, a good post. He was a great reformer of public morals - for that was what he achieved through his influence on Siddharaja Jayasimha and Kumarapala. His prayers show him to be a genuine and thoughtful saint; and an autobiographic reference shows him to be a Yogin. Hemachandra was a genuine devotee of the Omniscient. No doubt, Hemachandra was a great man not only of his age, but of all ages. It may not be altogether irrelevant to say, here, that the Modha community of Kathiawar which gave one great man in Hemachandra, has given another great man to the world in Mohandas Karamachand Gandhi.

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20 THE KAVYANUSASANA Hemachandra's aim in composing his various treatises, always, was to achieve completeness of information on their respective subjects. In doing this, he, however, appears to have been influenced by the needs of primary and advanced students. This double purpose was fulfilled by adopting the method of first writing a text-book consisting of sutras with a commentary on them giving in a systematic and lucid form as much information of the subject as was of primary importance and necessary to give practical proficiency in it. To achieve completeness, he wrote additional commentaries incorporating all the available discussions of the previous writers on the subject treated. These additional commentaries were, of course, intended for advanced students who wanted to be masters of the subject. The third point that may be noted in this connection is Hemachandra's aim to achieve authenticity in his works. This has made him give the previous discussions on the subject almost in the words of the authors themselves. In order to make his works current and authentic on the subjects which were generally discussed by Brahmanical writers, it was, probably, thought necessary by this Jaina Acharya to adopt this method. This procedure, however, has laid him open to the charge of plagiarism and given his works an appearance of compilations. But a careful and a minute study of his works reveals that Hemachandra has always treated his subjects with great 40

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CCCXIV Kavyanus asana discrimination and definiteness and mentioned the names of authors where he thought that particular contributions were theirs. A careful study of the S.H. and all the commentaries on it written by the author himself will bear out these remarks. A similar study of the Kavyanusasana confirms them. The Kavyanusasana consists of 208 sutras divided into eight Adhyayas. The first adhyaya contains 25, the second 59, the third 10, the fourth 9, the fifth 9, the sixth 31, the seventh 52 and the eighth 13 sutras respectively. In these 208 sutras, so to say, is concentrated the whole subject of Samskrta Poetics in all its aspects. This Kavyanusasana of 208 sutras is, as the author himself says, 'extended (pratanyate)' in the commentary which is known by the name Alamkarachudamani. The name of the Alamkarachudamani is mentioned in the colophons at the end of all the adhyayas, but nowhere in the body of the text. This indicates that naming the commentary might have been a later idea. There is, as we have seen, another commentary which the author, in its first introductory verse calls the Viveka of the Kavyanusasana ". This, again, indicates that the author looks upon not only the sutras but the vrtti (commentary) also as Kavyanusasana. In the vrtti, the Kavyanusasana is said to be extended (pratanyate)' while here, the Viveka is said to be extended in detail (pra-vi-tanyte).' This is also clear from the first line of the introductory verse where the purpose of writing the Viveka is "" x Pandit Bechardas's article on the S- H. previously referred to will be found very useful in such a study.

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Introduction CCCXV expressed as 'to explain at certain places what is written and to add something new at certain places.' A study of the Viveka shows that this purpose is carried out properly in it. The number of quotations given in the Al. C. as illustrations are about 740, as authorities about 67, in all about 807; those in the Viveka, as illustrations about 624; as authorities about 201, in all about 825. Thus the total number of quotations in the Kavya. nusasana is about 1632. In the Al.C. and the Viveka Hemachandra mentions by name about fifty authors, and about eightyone works. Many of the works named belong to the authors mentioned. In addition to these, I have traced the names of some works from which quotations are taken but whose names are not mentioned by Hemachandra. All these references will be found in indexes of authors and works (pp. 521-526 ). This will give an idea of the usefulness of the Kavyanusasana for the history of Samskrta Poetics and Literature. Now, let us see what problems of the Samsksta Poetics are discussed in the Kavyanusasana. The first sutra is devoted as usual to mangala - namaskara; while the second sutra, after informing us that the correctness of speech has been discussed by the author in his Sabdanusasana, lays down the Sastra - prayojana (the purpose of the treatise) viz:--the poetic aspect of the language. In other words - the author tells us that he is discussing Poetics in the treatise (pp. 1-3).

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CCCXVI Kavyanusasana The third sutra deals with the abhidheya prayojana that is the purpose of the subject of poetics that is the purpose of poetry. This purpose is laid down by Hemachandra as threefold, viz:-aesthetic pleasure ( ananda ), fame (yasas), and to be sweetly didactic (Kantatulyataya Upadesaya). Here it may be noted that Hemachandra has omitted the three additional purposes given by Mammata, viz:--earning of money, knowledge of worldly behaviour (courtly behaviour etc) and the removal of evil ( through the mysterious influence of the poetic hymns etc.). The reasons for not accepting these three purposes are succintly given in the Al, C. and more clearly with illustrations in the Viveka (pp. 3-4). This illustrates the method of Hemachandra. The fourth sutra gives the 'cause of poetry' (Kavyasya Karanam ) viz:-pratibha - genius - which is explained in the Al. C. as 'intelligence occupied in imagining new things (nava-navollekha - salini prajna)'. Here also Hemachandra differs from Mammata in laying emphasis on the main cause, which according to him is 'pratibha' or genius while the other causes mentioned by Mammata are regarded as mere accessories by him. This discrimination of what is of primary importance and what is secondary is really an important thing in such a subject as poetics. In the two sutras, five and six-this pratibha (genius) is described in Jaina terminology. The seventh sutra tells us that this genius is to be trained (lit. polished) by means of the study and the practice of the art. The eighth sutra mentions the subjects of study which are briefly described in the Al. C. while expounded with illustrations in the Viveka. The ninth and the tenth

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Introduction CCCXVII sutras describe the poetic practice which is briefly explained in the Al. C., but in detail with a great number of illustrations in the Viveka (pp. 13-23). The eleventh sutra defines the nature of poetry; this definition differs a little from that of Mammata in the place it assigns to alamkara (figurative speech) in the definition; while rare instances of poetic speech without alamkara are included by putting the conjunctive particle 'cha' in the sutra. In the succeeding sutras all the terms of the definition are defined and discussed. These terms are - Sabda ( Word ), Artha ( Meaning ), Dosha (Defect), Guna (Merit), and Alamkara (Figurative Speech). The twelfth sutra gives the general definition of gun3 and dosha with reference to their functions. The thirteenth defines the general nature of Alamkara while the fourteenth describes their utility to Rasa. The sutras 15-25 define and discuss the nature and relation of Sabda and Artha; the last sutra-the 26th adds Rasa as one of the Vyangya arthas ( suggested meanings ), the Abhidha, the Lakshana and the Vyanjana and the Vyanjana arthas having been discussed in the previous sutras. This finishes the first Adhyaya. The second Adhyaya of the Kavyanusasana is devoted to Rasa, Bhava, Rasabhusa and Bhavabhasa and the classification of poetry as first rate, second rate and third rate on the principle of poetic excellence. The first 55 sutras are devoted to the former subject while the last three are devoted to classification. This subject of classification has been discussed by Mammata in the first Adhyaya which becomes a stumbling block to a student who has not yet understood what poetic excellence is. The discussion of it after Rasa, as in the Kavyanusasana, is a distinct advantage to the student.

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CCCXVIII Kavyanusasana As this sort of classification, in the opinion of Hemachandra, originated with Mammata, his name is mentioned with the quotation of the Karikas in the Viveka. The Viveka on this adhyaya extensively quotes from the Bharata Natyasastra as also from the commentary of Abhinavagupta on it. The whole portion discussing Rasa is quoted almost verbatim from Abhinavagupta's commentary. The third adhyaya, in its ten sutras, deals with the Doshas. The Al. C. and the Viveka fully discuss the subject. The Viveka, as usual, gives a great number of illustrations and quotes passages from the Kavyamimamsa of Rajasekhara on the subject of Desa and Kala that is Geography and seasons of India. The reason of not mentioning the name of Rajasekhara here might be that, in the view of Hemachandra, Rajasekhara also might have taken this matter from some other author. The fourth adhyaya deals with gunas. In the first sutra the three gunas - Madhurya, Ojas and Prasada are mentioned. In the Al. C., Hemachandra following Mammata, says that the gunas are only three and not five or ten. The Viveka on the Sutra is very important as it discusses in detail the views of Bharata, Mangala, Vamana, Dandin etc. mentioning their names (pp. 274-287). The discussion in the Viveka on the relation of metres and gunas is interesting (pp. 287-288). The remaining eight sutras define the three gunas and discuss how they are related to the quality of the syllables used (pp. 289-294). The fifth adhyaya treats of the six Sabdalamkaras

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Introduction CCCXIX which the Viveka enumerates as Anuprasa, Yamaka, Chitra, Slesha, Vakrokti, and Punaruktabhasa. Their varieties are also discussed. The first sutra defines Anuprasa while the second distinguishes Latanuprasa. The third sutra defines the Yamaka while the fourth says where it is possible. The Al. C. on the fourth sutra describes and illustrates the varieties of Yamaka. The fifth sutra defines the Chitra, while the sixth defines Slesha. The seventh sutra mentions the varieties of Slesha. The eighth sutra defines Vakrokti while the ninth defines Panaruktabhasa. Many of the illustrations for the Sabdalamkaras are taken from the Devisataka of Anandavardhana, who is mentioned in the Viveka on the fifth sutra as Nonasuta Sriman Anandavardhana, that is, Anandavardhana - the son of Nona (p. 321 ). Rudrata's Kavyalamkara has also been largely drawn upon in this Adhyaya. The Viveka on the seventh sutra, while explaining Pathadharmatva (pp.333-336) quotes at length from the Bharata Natya Sastra-probably from Abhinavagupta's commentary. This passage is interesting from many points of view. The sixth adhyaya treats of twentynine artha - alamkaras including Samkara. It will be seen that Hemachandra has greatly reduced the number of principal Arthalamkaras, which according to Mammata, are sixtyone in number *. This Hemachandra has * For the history of the development of Alamkaras see Prof. Jacobi's article 'Bhamaba and Dandin' in Sitzungberichte der Prussian Academie der Wissenschaften or its translation in the Purattatva Vol. II pp. 81-89.

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CCCXX Kavyanususana done by neglecting minor and unimportant distinctions. He'includes Sams:shti under Samkara, so defines Dipaka as to include Tulyayogita in it, defines a figure Paravstti which contains the Paryaya and Parivitti of Mammata, omits all those figures that have a touch of Rasa, Bhava etc. in them (viz:-Rasavat, Preyas, Urjasvi Samahita), and passes over Ananvaya, Upameyopama as varieties of Upama, includes under Nidarshana the figures Prativastupama, Drashtanta, and Nidarshana of others. He uses the names Jati and Anyokti for Svabhavokti and Aprastutaprasamsa". + The twenty-nine arthalamkaras that Hemachandra discusses in 31 sutras are enumerated by the Viveka as follows: (1) Upama (2) Utpreksha (3) Rupaka (4) Nidarsana (5) Dipaka (6) Anyokti (7) Paryayokti (8) Atisayokti (9) Akshepa (10) Virodha (11) Sahokti (12) Samasokti (13) Jati (14) Vyajastuti (15) Slesha (16) Vyatireka (17) Arthantaranyasa (18) Sasamdeha (19) Apahnuti (20) Parivitti (21) Anumana (22) Smoti (23) Bhranti (24) Vishama (25) Sama (26) Samuchhaya (27) Parisamkhya (28) Karanamala (29) Sankara The definition of Upama I ATTEIGTAI - that Hemachandra has adopted is different from that of Mammata. He has laid emphasis on the aesthetic element in the definition. The Viveka, however, mentions and discusses all the alamkaras given by previous writers including Bhoja +Kane's Introduction to the Sahitya Darpana pp. CXIV etc.

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Introduction cccxxi the author of the Sarasvati-kantha-bharana, who in that work describes probably the greatest number of Alamkaras. The Viveka shows how some of them are included in the alamkaras of the text and how others are not to be regarded as alamkaras. (pp. 339-405). The Al. C., after finishing its comment on the thirtyfirst sutra which defines Samkara, discusses the problem as to why this one is called Sabdalamkara and the other one Arthalamkara.' The answer is that if 'Vaichitraya-charm- of the alamkara is predominantly due to its Sabda, it is to be called a Sabdalamkara while if it is due to Artha, it is to be called Arthalamkara' (p. 401 ). Thus in six adhyayas (143 sutras) the whole nature of Kavya as such is defined and discussed in detail, the subject which Mammaga has discussed in ten Ullasas (212 sutras) of his Kavyaprakasa. The seventh adhyaya discusses, so to say, the question of characters in a literary work. It describes what is a Nayaka (hero) (sutra 1), what are his characteristics (gunas) (sutras (2-10), the four classes of Nayakas (11), their descriptions (12-19), and what is a pratinayaka-opponent of a hero (20). Then comes the description of the different classes of Nayikas or heroines (21-23-24-20). The thirtieth sutra describes the eight states (avasthas ) of the Nayikas viz:(1) Svadhinapatika (2) Proshitabhartrka, (3) Khandita, (4) Kalahantarita (5) Vasakasajja (6) Virahotkanthita (7) Vipralabdha and (8) Abhisarika. The remaining twentytwo sutras ( 31-52 ) are devoted to describing the qualities and the characteristics of women. 41

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CCCXXII Kavyanusasana The Viveka on this adhyaya is meagre, probably because what was to be said has been said in the Al. C. This adhyaya is mainly based upon the Dasarupaka of Dhananjaya a literary man of Munja's Court, as also upon the Bharata-Natya-sastra and the commentary of Abhinavagupta ( pp. 406 - 431). The eighth Adhyaya treats of the varieties of poetic compositions (garaAFFITAT). The first sutra classifies literary composition into prekshya (to be enjoyed by seeing) and Sravya (to be enjoyed by hearing or reading). In the Al. C. is explained what makes a poet whose work ( Karman) is called poetry, and then the authority of Bhatta Tota on the subject is quoted. The second sutra divides prekshya into Pathya (to be recited), and Geya ( to be sung). In the third sutra are mentioned the twelve varieties of Pathya viz: (1) Nataka (2) Prakarana (3) Natika (4) Samavakara (5) Ihamrga (6) Dima (7) Vyayoga (8) Ut@rshtikanka (9) Prahasana (10) Bhana (11) Vithi and (12) Sattaka. The Al. C, on this sutra quotes extensively from the twentieth chapter of the Bharata Natyasastra (C.S. S.). The Viveka on the same also gives interesting information. Most probably it is based upon the commentary of Abhinavagupta (pp. 432 - 445). Over and above these twelve varieties of recitable plays other varieties such as Topaka etc. defined by Kohala and others are also included under the head of pathya (445). The fourth sutra mentions the eleven varieties of Geya-prekshya (visual performance which is musical) as(1) Dombika (2) Bhana (3) Prasthana (4) Singaka (5) Bhanika (6) Prerana (7) Ramakrida (8) Hallisaka (9) Rasaka (10) Sri- gadita (11) Ragaktivya.

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Introduction cccxXIII The Al, C. quotes verses explaining the nature of these varieties from some unknown work. Other varieties of geya such as Sampa, Chhalita, Dvipadi are also mentioned. We are asked to consult Brahma, Bharata and Kohala. It might be that the verses quoted in the Al. C. are taken from some work of Kohala. The Viveka gives examples of some of these varieties and also other useful information (pp. 445 - 449). * The fifth sutra mentions the five varieties of Sravya Kavya viz:-(1) Mahakavya (2) Akhyayika. (3) Katha (4) Champu and (5) Anibaddha. The sixth sutra defines Mahakavya. It is mostly in verse and composed either in the Samskrta, the Prakrta, the Apabhramsa or the Gramya. It is divided into either sarga, asavasa, samdhi or avaskandhaka which have their last verses in different metres from the rest. It must have its Samdhis (lit. joints) properly developed and possess charm of language and meaning. The Al. C. quotes verses from Bharata explaining Samdhis which, it is taken for granted, are the same for the Nataka as for the Mahakavya. The Viveka gives examples from dramas (p. 449-455). The other terms are also explained in a phraseology which appears to be taken from the Kavyadarsa of Dandin, which appears * We may note, here, that the Natyadarpana of Ramachandra a pupil of Hemachandra deals with the same subject. It should be studied with this portion of the Kavyanu asana. The Nat yadarpana indicates that Rainachandra had made excellent use of Hemachandra's great library; for we find in it the names of so many unknown dramas. The late Prof. Sylvian Levi wrote an article on the subject before the work was published in the G. 0. S. The article is translated in the Gujarati in Puratattva, Vol. V. p. 45.

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CCCXXIV Kavyanusasana to have been largely drawn upon by the Al. C. in this adhyaya. (See Dandin's Kavyadarsa Pari. I vs. 11-36). The Al. C. and the Viveka mention some poems by name which are otherwise not-known, as e. g. Abdhimanthana as an example of an Apabhramsa poem, Bhimakavya as that of a Gramya poem, * Hariprabodha as that of a Samskata poem divided into Asyasakas (pp. 455 - 462 ). The seventh and eighth sutras describe Akhyayika and Katha respectively. In this matter, Bhamaha has been followed (See Bhamaha Alamkara Pari I. vs. 18 - 25-29. See also Dandin's Kavyadarsa Pari I. vs. 23-28). The Al. C., in addition to the Harshacharita and the Kadambari, mentions Lilavati as a Padyamayi katha (story in verse as distinguished from the Kadambari as a story in prose). The other varieties of Katha are explained in the Al. C. with their respective examples. They are Akhyana (Govind ), Nidarsana (Panchatantra, Kuttanimata ), Pravahlika (Chetaka ), Manthallika (Gorochana and Anangavati), Manikulya (Matsyahasita ), Parikatha (Sudraka), Khandakatha (Indumati ), Sakalakatha (Samaraditya - no doubt of Haribhadrasuri ) and Bihatkatha (Naravahanadattadi Charita referring to Gunadhya's work ). Most of these works are unknown to us. The ninth sutra defines Champu while the tenth defines the anibaddha as muktaka etc. This refers to the composition of verses ( without the story element or so little of it as to be negligible). The eleventh sutra tells us that if there is a single verse, it is to * This Bhimakavya might have for its subject matter Bbima I the grand-father of Siddharaja.

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Introduction cccxxy be called a Muktaka, if two verses a Samdanitaka, if three a Visesaka, and if four a Kala paka. According to the twelfth sutra a collection of five to fourteen verses is to be called a Kulaka. According to the thirteenth and the last sutra any collection of good verses - one's own or of other people-is called Kosa. As an example of Muktaka, the Al. C. mentions the well known muktakas of Amaru. As an example of Kosa is mentioned the Saptasataka (of Hala), of Samghata the Vindavana and the Meghaduta, of Samhita the Yadu. vamsa and the Dilipavamsa. Thus the whole subject matter of Samskrta poetics in all its aspects is treated in the treatise-the Kavyanusasana. Not only that, but Hemachandra has tried to be up-to-date in his authorities. There is only one other work which can bear comparison with the Kavyanusasana in this matter and that is the Sahityadarpasa of Visvanatha who wrote his work, in the opinion of Mr. Kane, between 1380 A. C. to 1384 A. C. (Introduction the S. D. p. CXXIII ) more than two hundred years after Hemachandra wrote his work. According to Mr. Kane ( in the introduction to the S. D. p. c. XIV ) Hemachandra has been quoted by Kumaraswamin in his commentary named the Ratnapana on the Prataparudrayasobhushana of Vidyanatha on pp. 46-47-224-233-259-279-299 of that work (published in the B. S. S.). Here, I may refer to two remarks of Dr. S. K. De about the Kavyanusasana of Hemachandra. Dr. De says " As a text book it (i.e. the Kavyanusasana ) hardly supercedes the Kavyaprakasa" (History of Samskrta Poetics Vol. I p. 203). Now if it were a

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CCCXXVI Kavyanusasana question of the relative values of their respective contributions to the literature of Samskrta Poetics, the superiority of the great Kavyaprakasa of Mammata is undoubted. But I beg to differ from the learned Doctor in his opinion on their relative merits as text books. What characterizes a good text book is its treatment of the subject matter. It should be so clear as to make it easy to grasp, so graded as to satisfy the needs of different grades of students, so systematic as to reveal the rational character of the subject matter, and it should be sufficiently exhaustive. Now the main thing that characterizes the Kavyaprakasa is its systematic and rational treatment of the subject. But Mammata has tried to be systematic at the cost of clearness. In fact the Kavyaprakasa is one of the most difficult Samskata books and in spite of its proverbially innumerable commentaries, * it yet remains a hard nut to crack. In fact the Kavyaprakasa is a laconic work. In his effort to be systematic Mammata has forgotten that there are students less learned than he who are to study his book. The treatment of the subject in the K. P. as far as the essential nature of Kavya goes, is, no doubt, complete. But a student of Samsksta poetics will have to consult other works for the study of the different forms of Samskrta literature. This is another drawback. Judged from this point of view, the superiority of the Kavyanusasa na is, to my mind, undoubted. For, it possesses all the qualities of a good text book inentioned above. If we are asked to point out what is the one merit which the works of Hemachandra possesses above all, we should say that they are excellent text books. * kAvyaprakAzasya kRtA gRhe gRhe TIkA tathApyeSa tathaiva durgamaH //

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Introduction CCCXXVII The second remark of Dr. S. K. De is that the Kavyanusasana is merely a Siksha grantha. I wonder how anybody who has even cursorily gone through the Kavyanusasana with its Al. C. and Viveka can form such a view of the work. It, no doubt, includes the topic of Kavisiksha as it includes many other topics also. But that should not make one regard it as merely a Siksha grantha and classify it as such, as Dr. De has done. In fact the Kavyanusasana is a work which should take its place with the Kavyaprakasa and the Sahityadarpana as treating the subject of Samsksta poetics in all its aspects.. 21 CHRONOLOGY OF HEMACHANDRA'S WORKS As we have seen, Hemachandra, has, himself, indicated the order in which he wrote his works, in the works themselves. He, has, however, no where given exact dates for any of his works; nor we are able to ascertain them from any independent direct source. Dr. Buhler has attempted to assign approximate dates to these works which are, on the whole, correct. Dr. Buhler, from the reference in the Prasasti at the end of the S. H. to a pilgrimage, concludes 'that the grammar should have been finished after this time '. He puts the composition of the grammar between the return from Malava and the end of the pilgrimage - for which he assigns a period of two or three years. The return from Malava is put by Dr. Buhler in the year V. S. 1194-A. D. 1138 and so he comes to the conclusion that the "Grammar must have been ready, at

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Kavyanusasana the earliest, towards the end of Vikrama year 1197A. D. 1141 (p. 18). We have seen, on the authority of the colophons which were not available to Dr. Buhler that the victory over Malava took place between the last months of V. S. 1191 and the first months of V. S. 1192-A. D. 1135-36. Accepting the interval of two or three years which Dr. Buhler assumes we may place the completion of the grammar at the earliest, towards the end of the Vikrama year 1195-A. D. 1139. In the opinion of Dr. Buhler, both the Kosas were completed before Jayasimha's death (p. 18), so also the first fourteen cantos of the S. D. K. (p. 19). The whole poem in its present form, however, cannot have been completed before V. S. 1220-A.D.1164 (p. 19). The Kavyanusasana and the Chhandonusasana were probably written in the beginning of the rule of Kumarapala (pp. 19-36). Dr. Buhler, however, is not correct in assuming that there are no compliments to the king in the illustrations of the C. S. (p 36); for, as we have seen, both Jayasimha and Kumarapala have been praised in the Chhandonusasana; especially the latter. There are about four references to Jayasimha and about fortynine to other Chalukya kings, most of which refer to Kumarapala who is mentioned under his own name (e. g. pp. 4, 14, 16 etc.), as the son Siddharaja-meaning of course, successor to Siddharaja (pp. 11, 12, 14 etc.), and also as a descendent of Bhima (p. 4. etc.). To the early part of Kumarapala's reign belong also numerous supplements to both the great Samskrta Kosas and the text of Rayanavali, or Desinamamala. To CCCXXVIII <<

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Introduction CCCXXIX the supplements belong, first of all, the Seshakhya Namamala which purports to complete the Abhidhana. chinatmani and which contains, particularly, extracts from Yadavaprakasa's Vaijayanti (p. 36). The three Nighantus - according to the tradition Hemachandra wrote six of them - also belong to this period. The commentary with illustrative verses on the Rayanavali, Dr. Buhler puts about the years V. S. 1214-1215A. D. 1159 (p. 37). The text of the Yoga-Sastra as also that of the Vitaragastotra were probably written shortly after V.S. 1216 - A. D. 1160. The commentary, on the other hand, was probably completed a few years later (p. 40). The composition of the T. S. P. C. is placed by Dr. Buhler, between V.S. 1216 and 1229-A, D. 11601173. The last five cantos of the Samskata Dvyasraya Kavya and the P. D. K. or Kumaravalachariya as it is called also belong to this period. "The commentary on the Abhidhanachintamani was probably the last of the scholarly works of this late period. The fact, that in this commentary both the Y. S. and the T. S. P. C. are cited, proves not only that it belongs to the period after V.S. 1216-A. D. 1160, but also that it was written during the last years of the author's life' (p. 49). As a further proof of this late date, Dr. Buhler adduces the fact that the commentary of the Anekarthakosa was written by Hemachandra's pupil Mahendrasuri who wrote it in his master's name after the death of the latter (Hemachandra) (p. 49). The Pramanamimamsa, according to Dr. Buhler's opinion, also belongs to the works of the period of V. S. 1216-1229-4. D. 1160-1173 (p. 49 ).

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CCCXXX KavyanusaBana 3 Here, I may draw attention to the fact that in the Abhidhanachintamani itself, which we have placed in the last years of Jayasimha's reign, Kumarapala is mentioned by name and described as Chalukya, Rajarshi, Paramarhata, Mrta - sva - mokta (one who has given up the confiscation of the wealth of the dead), Dharmatma and Marivyasanavaraka (preventor of the vice of killing) (A. C. V. 3 v. 376 377). This would indicate that this work also belongs to the latter part of Kumara. pala's reign. But on other grounds, which Dr. Buhler has discussed, it will be better to regard this verse as an addition in a revised edition of the A. C. There is ample proof in the works of Hemachandra, that he himself later on revised some of his works and added new material to them in course of revision. The process of perfecting the works must have continued to the very end of his life. | 3 4.1 Akshayatrtly a, V. S. 1992. 24th April, 1936. } Rasiklal C. Parikh

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For 29 note not 14 top 32 Corrections & Additions Page Line Incorrect Correct XXI 30 Far XXVI 24 one one of XXXVII 32 His on His son XLIII 29 Traikurakas Traikutakas LX top L. LX LXVIII not CLVII not not CLX Sampatrkara Sampatkara CLXVI CL CLXVI CLXVIII Devasted Devastated CLXXI 18 Ahd And CLXXIV 14 is a how is how CXC CLXC CXC CCI Add footnote + + Hemachandra in the T. S. P. C. Parvan X M.Charita C. 12 vs. 45-46 gives the date 1669 years after Viranirvana = V. S. 1199. CCXXXI 25 Kings Things CCIXL 17 Coy-boys Cow-boys CCLX 14 Vey Very

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KAVYANUSASANA Vol. II [ Part II ] NOTES by RAMCHANDRA B. ATHAVALE M. A. Professor of Samskrta, S. L. D. Arts College, Late Professor of Samskrta, Gujarat Vidyapitha, Bhau-Daji Prize-man, Bhandarkar Prize-man. Ahmedabad.

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PREFACE M y friend Mr. Rasiklal Parikh has ably shown in "V his introduction, what unique position Hema: chandra occupies among the galaxy of writers on Sanskrit poetics. His present work is by far one of the most comprehensive works in the whole of Sanskrit literature on poetics. The critical acumen and profound scholarship that he has shown in his fais, simply staggering. He has a thorough grasp of his subject and has given glimpses of his originality in the said commentary. I have tried my best to explain the text of #12119T17 clearly in my notes. I have written these notes especially with a view to help the students of Sanskrit poetics in the Arts Colleges of to-day. I have tried in these notes to remove almost every textual difficulty and have offered explanations of the difficult points in the text, as far as possible, with the help of faas. I must, however, own that I have only partially handled the vast material treasured by the author in his fat-for the very simple reason that I was afraid of increasing the bulk of the present volume. I shall feel my labour amply rewarded if the students of the present work find it easy to understand the text clearly with the help of my notes. My special thanks are due to Mr. Motichand G. Kapadia B. A.; LL. B. Solicitor Bombay, honorary Secretary Shri Mahavir Jain Vidyalaya Bombay-for the opportunity that he has offered to me of writing upon a subject so important and interesting to the students of Indian Culture. Maharashtra Society R. B. Athavie Ahmedabad, 25th June, 1936

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CONTENTS Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyaya 9 -cu) II (cc-990) III ( 943--Puz) IV ( puxa-758) V (784-) VI (783804) VII ( 806-839) VIII ( YapY9EUR ) Pages 1-73 74-114 115-159 160--163 164-179 180-234 235-258 259_-276

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Notes. ADHYAYA I. While writing the present work, Hemchandra had clearly before him ancient works on poetics especially kAvyaprakAza of mammaTa. Works like kAvyaprakAza start with kArikAs, that is, verses usually in 81969 or 3raf metre. These wifols are almost versified Sutras and are pregnant with deep meaning. In order to explain clearly these pithy verses (*1918), generally an author himself writes a commentary thereon. Thus the aerfaers along with its commentary form the text of the work. In the present work, Hemchandra has adopted the same method. He first writes a Fifat and then explains the meaning of that #f41, himself. But this explanation, the author does not feel to be quite adequate. He, therefore, has written another commentary, this time thoroughly exhaustive, furnished with detailed discussions and illustrations that explain the text most clearly. He has given the name of fage to this bulky commentary. Lay readers and college students are not expected to go through this facte of Hemchandra. We have therefore availed ourselves of the rich material in this faat and have tried to explain the body of the text with the aid of faa. In the verse " GUFE TTATEARAH" Hemchandra says that he writes 4107/Tata for the pleasure of the learned in the field of poetics. In the introductory verse, Hem. has tendered his obeisance to the supreme soul. But not being satisfied with this verse, he writes another

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P. 1. A. 1. S. 1. )* verse evidently as a benedictory verse. It need not be stated that FATTO is a peculiar feature of Indian works. Every work must have a benedictory verse, otherwise, the work, as the popular superstition is, would hardly see its completion without any obstacles. This Akarate, then, is the convention (447) of the respectable men in the society (NTE). The deity that is the object of this obeisance or salutation differs according to the subject matter of every work or according to the peculiar religious tenet of an author. In the following verse "8795fTaFA199714" etc. Hemchandra has observed this convention and offered his salutations to the language of jina (jainI vAk ). The word jina means 'a conqueror' and was applied as an honorific term to mahAvIra, the founder of Jain religion. janI vAk or the language of jina is ardhamAgadhI-a subdivision of the prAkRta language. Taport is the language or rather a 91ka dialect in which agift preached his jain doctrines to his audience. It is quite in the fitness of things that, Hemachandra, who was a renownded Jain preacher, should show his deep reverence for startet, the language of the sacred books of the jains. Thereft, according to Hem., is sanctified by hertt with his acceptance of it. Translation :-We meditate upon pantat, the language of feta-the language, in which every word is full of natural sweetness ( or can be easily understood even by dull persons because it is free from artificiality ) [ 3151SHEZIC991], the language which expresses the very essence of things or points to the supreme bliss ( Tarefarfall) and which assumes the forms of various other languages. *P=Page of the Sanskrta text, A=Adh yaya, S=Sutra.

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(P. 2. A. 1. S. 1. Our author explains the phrase akRtrimasvAdupadAm in two ways. He seems to prefer the second interpretation. He thinks that starts is specially of very great use to children, women and dull persons, for this reason that the profound, religious principles are propounded by hereke in it, for the sake of easy understanding. But this description of gartref that it is full of sweetness would equally apply to musical compositions or the like. To exclude these, therefore, Hem. says that ardhamAgadhI is paramArthAbhidhAyinIm ie it leads to final beatitudenot directly of course but by stating the four fold division of things which is as follows:-(i) 970*77. The whole of Jain religion is based on three things ( otherwise called the three gems )--4F74.Ja (right knowledge ) 957965ta ( right faith ) and 9725aifea ( right conduct). This right conduct is here said to be author which becomes right only when it is accompanied by right knowledge and right faith. caraNakaraNa leads to mokSa (absolution), which according to the Jains, consists in complete freedom from every sort of 4 ( action. ) The second division is toe which deals with the true nature of a thing or substance ( 47 ) which according to the Jains has the three characteristics 3191EUR (birth ), .272 ( decay) and start (stationariness). True nature of things, therefore, we know by studying this division of dravya. The third division is futa. By studying nora we know about the life of every being-the eclipses of the sun and the moon and various other things. Ofora, therefore, is indirectly useful to us in attaing absolution. The fourth division is ist which deals with the lives of the saints, preachers and is pioneers of

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P. 2. A. 1. S. 1. ] Jain religion.) Their lives are a standing inspiration to the seekers of absolution, hence leads indirectly to final beatitude. The adjective paramArthAbhidhAyinI, therefore, is peculiarly appropriate with regard to . sarvabhASApariNatA is also an adjective of ardhamAgadhI ( jainIvAk ). According to Hemchandra, er was the only language at the beginning of creation. In course of time, however, this Divine language transformed itself into various languages according as it was used by gods, men, barbarians and lower animals. In support of his statement, Hem. quotes the verse aar aat" etc. which means: the gods used this art, but then it was called the language of the gods and others. << As the rain water falling from the clouds is of only one nature, but when it is mixed with the water of a river it is transformed into river-water and assumes a different characteristic, in the same manner, originally only one language, assumes different names when it is used by different persons or beings. It will be seen that this statement of Hem. is philologically quite unsound. It merely speaks of the highest estimation in which the author held ardhamAgadhI, which according to him has miraculous powers. anuyoga means division. prekSAvat learned man. Why should the readers feel any inclination to read this work? To this, the answer of our author is as follows: Verse 2: We have fully explained the nature of correct speech in our work present work we are going zabdAnuzAsana ", now in the to treat the subject of what is poetry or what is called poetic speech. The work in which treats of grammar is named by him as f. Therein he has distinguished "(

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(P. 3. A. 1. S. 2. correct words from incorrect words. That work serves as a ground-work to the present work. In the present work, 49 has not even touched the subject of grammar and has merely referred his readers to PAGEA obviously because, he, being the author of both these books, does not find any necessity of repeating what he has already said elsewhere. To discuss the nature of poetry then, is the object of the present work. The subject matter is poetry. But what is the aim of poetry ? To this 2497's answer is as follows: Sutra 3 : The object or aim of poetry is joy, fame and advice like that of a wife. Poetry is the extraordinary creation of a poet (lipi fa# ) which the author explains as follows:' when a poet is informed with the spirit of poetic imagination, he is able to describe things in the most graphic way. The creation of the poet, under the influence of this sraut is called a poem (71154). The list of the aims of poetry as are here mentioned by man reminds one of a similar but more exhaustive list, (given by AFHC in his $15375818T) which runs as follows: kAvyaM yazase'rthakRte vyavahAravide zivetarakSataye / sadyaH paranirvataye kAntAsaMmitatayopadezayuje // The aims of poetry are : fame (in most cases ) money, competency in everyday life, protection from evil influences, immediate supreme joy; and advice after the manner of a wife. It will be clearly seen that he has given prominence to supreme joy as the most important motive of poetry and rightly so. RAE's list seems to us to be a bundle of aims good, bad and indifferent. It is a list of aims of poetry that are found in the generality of poets. The aims that

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P. 3. A. 1. S. 3. ) are actually found to be cherished by different poets are mentioned by AFAT, while that seems to place before the readers a list of aims that should be cherished as noble ones by all the poets. The former is practical, the latter is ideal. E in his $18415#17 states the following as the aims of poetry : dharmArthakAmamokSANAM vaicakSaNyaM kalAsu va elfa effa sitfat a nyararla aruan (ch. 1/2) Compared to this also, the list of 24975 appears to be more appropriate-evidently because he has assigned the highest place to the aim of Supreme joy,' as he says distinctly : thaghad fanacht: 4180975787. bhojadeva in his sarasvatIkaNThAbharaNa pithily remarks : kAvyaM rasavatkavi: kurvan kIrti prItiM ca vindati. In fact the ideal aims of poetry must be only prIti (ie supreme joy) kIrti, (fame) and gas (delightful but ) effective advice. fagare in his arrecaayo says:-agasi sgia: galceq. dhiyaampi| kAvyAdeva // sA0 da0 1/2 hemacandra next defines this suprerne joy ( sadyorasAsvAdajanmA etc). as one that springs from enjoying a sentiment in a poem, a joy in which the mind forgets every other thing, and which is similar to the joy of self realization. This joy, then, is the highest aim of poetry ( sarvaprayojanopaniSadbhata) and may be felt both by the poet as well as the reader, (* in his fax distinctly remarks that gat (fame) and seara (knowledge ) are aims that are inferior to this aim of 'supreme joy'). TT however is the sole monopoly of the poet. It cannot be shared by the readers. ___ In the following passage begining with prabhutulyebhyaH the author explains as to how groc differs from Vedas, Puranas and other kinds of literature. The whole passage ,

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(P. 4. A. 1. S. 3. has almost literally been copied from mammaTa's kAvyaprakAza. Next to the aim of supreme joy, the aim of 'delightful advice' is also very important. In fact it can be said to be the main characteristic of a poem. The Vedas command like a master who says 'Thou shalt or shalt not do this. They are thus never delightful. In Vedas the very words have acquired a sort of sanctity and admit of no change. In Puranas, advice is tendered, after the fashion of a friend, in a friendly manner but it is advice after all. It is the import of the advice given, that really matters. Thus Toz is all-in-all, in Vedas. Be is a predominant thing in gior's; but in flag there is no direct advice given-either in a peremptory tone or in a direct way. In qaz, sentiment ( T ) reigns supreme. Toe and sell play a subordinate part to th. The advice (if at all given ) is given in such a sweetly indirect manner-after the fashion of a wife trying to give some sort of advice to her husband, advice given with winning gestures, in sweet delightful words possessing an insidious charm. The reader in the end, knows what he is expected to know and never feels the bluntness of direct advice. The reader must be of course a man of soft emotion. For such a reader is the word used by 24975. In his face he defines the word egy as a man, who has the capacity to idenity himself with the subject-matier of a poem. In support of his statement hemacandra quotes from hRdayadarpaNa the lines. " 778919174ATPART" etc. which have the same import as the passage of the explained above. In this connection, in his faaa has started an interesting discussion. He says there are poems in Sanskrit which have distinctly an immoral tone. For

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P. 5. A. 1. S. 3.] << instance the verse vayaM bAlye DimbhAn " etc. (see viveka for the whole verse) Are such verses in any sense of the term didactic or capable of conveying any sound advice to the readers? The answer to this question as given by is this:- 'True. These verses are frankly immoral in their tone-but only outwardly. The inner object of the poets in writing such verses is really to disuade their readers from acting in the way shown in the verses. Unless one knows what a morally objectionable thing means, one cannot be asked to refrain from doing such a thing. Hence even such verses must be said to contain an element of advice in them. "" In the passage dhanamanaikAntika etc. hemacandra rightly criticizes and others of kindred opinion, for holding that wealth, shrewdness in everyday life, and freedom from disease or any other mishap are also the objects of writing a poem. He says that these and other objects are not peculiar to poetry only, for a man may obtain wealth not only by writing a poem but by other means also; wisdom in everyday affairs can be secured not by poetry alone but from any other competent work such as arthazAstra of cANakya; and freedom from any evil or disease can be brought about not only by means of our reading or writing a poem but also by some religious performance, or by uttering some sacred . we cannot, therefore, say that only a poem () is written with the objects of wealth etc. Another fine interpretation of the word if is given by hemacandra. He says kAvya that is not necessarily written with the objects such as wealth, freedom from disease etc. for it is not quite certain that may bring about wealth etc. either to the poet or the 8 66

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[P. 5. A. 1. S. 4. reader. In fact it is universally acknowledged that poets are proverbially poor. These objects can, therefore, be summarily dismissed as pafah ( i. e. not definite ) thus:-(1) because wealth and other things can be secured in other ways (2) because wealth and other things may not be necessarily secured from poetry. Now starts the question what is the root cause of poetry-from what does it spring ? The answer of that is explicit. He says:-- Sutra 4th :- The (main) cause of poetry is vivid imagination or bright conception. pratibhA is defined by hemacandra as a genius which has the characteristic of creating new things. This then is the main cause of poetry. That learning and study merely enhance the power of genius will be proved later on. According to HEAT the cause of poetry is: strar fagorar esta#189jaamoner i kAvyajJazikSayAbhyAsa (iti hetustadudbhave) // kAvyaprakAza 1-3 The power of poetic genius, cleverness acquired by reading other poetic works and works on other subjects, and by a deep observation of things around and a practice of versifying under a competent person-- all these combined are the cause of poetry. Here it should be noted that siahl is considered by AFHT to be indispensable--it should be, of course, accompanied by other things. 79, on the other hand, says that sfahr is the only cause of poetry but says that gfaat is either the gift of God or of a great man, or it may be acquired by profound learning or by constant application. bhAmaha fully agrees with the advocates of pratibhA as being the sole cause of poetry; when he says:

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P. 6. A. 1. S. 5.) ___ 'kAmyaM tu jAyate jAtu kasyacitpratibhAvataH ' bhAmaha 1-5 Altogether then, there are three schools holding different views as regards the cause of poetry: -- (1) sfahi or genius is the sole cause of poetryhemacandra and bhAmaha belong to this school. (2) Tam thinks that though fahr is the sole cause of poetry, it can be acquired even by profound learning and study. (3) AFAS holds that (sau) genius along with cleverness and practice is the cause of poetry. daNDI in his kAvyAdarza has anticipated mammaTa in holding that the combination of pratibhA, vyutpatti and abhyAsa is the root of cause of poetry. naisargikI ca pratibhA zrutaM ca bahu nirmalam / amandazcAbhiyogo'syAH kAraNaM kAvyasaMpadaH / rAjazekhara who says "vyutpattipratibhe iti yAyAvarIyaH" agrees with AFAZ in holding both deep observation and genius as essential for poetry. sfahi according to an is of two kinds:-- (1) Natural and (2) Conditional or depending for its birth on external causes. Out of these kinds the first is: 5th sUtraH-sahajA (natural) pratibhA manifests itself when the obstacles which impede its course are totally removed; and when future obstacles are nipped in the bud or removed beforehand. The sun is a selfluminous celestial body, but when clouds screen its light, it can not shine; when, however, the clouds and other such obstacles are removed, the sun shines with its native lustre; similarly, when the obstacles (such as maraton-one that obstructs knowledge and others) are totally removed and when there is no further possibility of any obstruction, the native genius manifests itself. There is no necessity of any charms

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11 (P.6. A. 1. S. 639. or incantations for the birth of such a genius. This is suggested by the word #17 in the Sutra. The words AvaraNa, kSaya and upazama are technical terms used in Jain works in the sense of obstructions, total destruction and checking respectively. hemacandra here alludes to the gaNadharas (the disciples of mahAvIra) as men of genius who composed dvAdazAGgI (the sacred works of Jain religion), on the strength of this natural genius. q 6th:-(2) Artificial or conditional gaat can be had by muttering the words of sacred works or mystic incantation. The only difference between natural and conditional genius is that while in both 737 and 3974 are necessary for the mainfestation of genius, in the former these (979 and 3997) take place naturally, while in the latter they are brought about by 427, kar etc. Sutra 7th:--Now this two-fold sfaat is rendered brighter or more powerful by vyutpatti and abhyAsa (that is proficiency and application.) These two-(ayegfer and 3x379) cleverness and study are never the direct causes of fahi but they only enhance the power of sfahl; for without poetic genius cleverness and study are totally useless. In the 8th Sutra our author defines the word wycofer as the proficiency in 1827 (poetry), all sciences and in all things concerning the world around us. wegfa comprises under it a wide range of knowledge of humanity as a whole, and observation of human nature and of the vast world around us (both animate and inanimate). agrafer also means profound learning and extensive reading of manifold branches of literature such as

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P. 7. A. 1. S. 8. ] grammar prosody, lexicons, Vedas and other similar works, history, logic, dramaturgy, Erotics, Economics, Systems of Yoga and poems composed by great poets. This, then, is the staggering range of knowledge which--according to is to be traversed by a poet-aspirant! In his fa, quotes, in this refe 12 rence, the following verse: na sa zabdo na tadvAcyaM na sa nyAyo na sA kalA / jAyate yanna kAvyAGgamaho bhAro guruH kaveH // There is not a single word, or a thing or a clever adage or an art-that cannot be pressed into service for writing a poem. Infinitely heavy is the task of a poet !! In his fa Hem. gives a host of illustrations as to how various poets have utilised, in their own poems, their knowledge of different arts, sciences and human nature. We do not, however, suppose that those poets were really proficient in those various arts and sciences as would have us believe. For instance, when the author of a describes the sleight-of-hand or indrajAla, it never means that the author was really adept in black art. Mere reference of an art does not prove proficiency in that particular art, for such references can be made even by laymen as well. The purport of. (in giving a series of illustrations), therefore, seems to be this that a poet should be a keen observer of men and things in this world and should press into his service the impressions of these things in his mind for enriching his composition. There is another point in 's insistence on a poets' acquiring an insight into human nature and things in general. He says:-( affama etc.) if a

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13 (P. 8. A. 1. $. 8. poets' genius is refined by such a vast range of knowledge, he would never describe things in a way which is absurd and inconsistent with the real nature of those things. For instance, if in describing spring a poet says that there are gift fra flowers everywhere in spring, it will be absurd and contrary to the state of things in nature, for giftigia flowers are seen in abundance only in rainy season. A poet, in short, must be a man of minute observation and an eminently practical man; otherwise his poem is sure to be a butt of ridicule. Almost all noted writers on Rhetorics have discussed this point and emphasised on the paramount importance of ' a sense of propriety' as they call it. , in his sitfactaarteaf, has, exhaustively and in a masterly manner, dealt with this subject, and freely pointed out various lapses or blunders of Sanskrit poets-even of the great poets like kAlidAsa and bhavabhUti-- due to their lack of this sense of propriety, rAjazekhara, in his kAvyamImAMsA (8th chapter ), has given similar illustrations to show how poets in their poems make use of their knowledge of various subjects. 77191, in his patter, has also casually referred to this sense of propriety which has to be strictly observed by the poets (Vide Tariant fat. al. p. 50/51 ); says he " anaucityaM tu rasabhaGgahetutvAtpariharaNIyam / bhaGgazca pAnakAdirasAdau sikatAdi nipAtajanitevAruntudatA / tacca jAtidezakAlavarNAzramavayovasthA prakRtivyavahArAdeH prapaJcajAtasya tasya yallokazAstrasiddhamucitadravyaguNakriyAdi tadbhedaH / In the ninth Sutra A. emphasises the necessity of constant practice in writing poems under the guidance of either a great poet or a Rhetorician or both. The word kAvyavid has been interpreted by hemacandra

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P. 13. A. 1. S. 9. ) 14 in two ways: kAvyaM vetti and kAvyaM vinte one who composes a poem or one who is a critic of poetry. Under the instructions of such a man a poet-aspirant should constantly practice. For, genius is sharpened by practice and becomes as it were a TI ( wish-yielding divine cow) in yielding the nectar of a poem (718212a). Aa=2 here quotes a passage in support of his emphasis on practice: "Priat felag etc. " It means:---It is the practice alone that brings about a skill in anything. "True ease in writing comes from art not chance'. as the English poet would have it. One drop of water, alone, cannot wear out a stone.' mammaTa also, in his kAvyaprakAza, emphasizes on this point by saying 'faTafetanta'. 2477 closely follows AFAZ in this respect. The best discussion on this point is found in apurier in which the author has, in a detailed manner, given instructions as to how a poet-aspirant should proceed gradually with his study of composing poems. In the following discussion, 2497 has very closely followed rate and has copiously drawn upon the eleventh and the twelth chapter of kAvyamImAMsA. What a poet-aspirant should do, is to keep before him the poems of great poets as models and try to imitate them in a skilful manner. A peculiar feature of Sanskrit poetry is its poetic convention. hat in his plezataiat defines poetic convention (or fagna ) as follows:-- " 3161enitaalfthuq qzarrardi anelgaftaufa 991: afat AT:" ( 516 pto 14th chapter ) poetic convention describes things neither accepted to be such by the Fials nor

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15 (P. 14. A. 1. S. 10. found in everyday life. It accepts some things merely handed down by tradition and rejects some things though found in everyday life. This acceptance and rejection of things merely on the strength of tradition is four-fold:-(1) with regard to set ie. class (2) with regard to gor ie. quality (3) with regard to some action (4) with regard to some particular thing (784). Now this poetic convention deals with these fourfold things ( Filayofan) in three ways: Sutra 10th (1) gatszaa:--Some things that actually exist in a particular place or at a particular time are supposed by poetic convention as not exist ing. For instance:-- In spring malati flowers are actually seen blooming; but the poetic convention regards these flowers as not at all existing in spring! Sandal trees have got flowers but a poetic convention would have us believe that they never exist! This then is the afara ie. not describing some things as existing even when they do exist. For detailed illustrations VideoLATAIA (Ch. XIV) (2) asato'piniyandhanam Every river has not necessarily lotuses in it. But a poetic convention allows the poets to describe every river as abounding in lotuses ! To a poetic fancy every reservoir of water is full of swans and every mountain is treasured with gold ! Describing, therefore, things which are not actually found in a certain place is stagisa faqa . FATA:-Some things, or some creatures are generally found everywhere. For instance, crocodiles are found in rivers as well as in seas, but a poetic convention restricts their habitation to seas only. Pearls are found

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P. 17. A. 1. S. 10.) 16 in many places, but according to the poetic convention they are found only in the river arsquif. This is a faJa ie. restricting a thing to a particular place. All these poetic conventions should first be thoroughly understood by a poet and then observed in his poem. Now it is impossible for a new poet who studies the poems of his predecessors not to borrow, consciously or unconsciously, words, phrases, some lines or sometimes even ideas from them. Such borrowing, when unconscious, is of course not culpable. But even conscious borrowing is, in certain cases, not blameworthy. Says frater:" A1Fait: magat, arcraatat afara77a: 1 978fa faali arazi et gralla ETH " (#10 #fo 99 ). The generality of poets is prone to borrowing. A poet may, with impunity, borrow froin other poets provided the borrowing (or stealing as the says ) is done in such a clever manner as not to incur the censure of the reading public. ___ According to avantisundarI (as quoted by hemacandra in his faa) a poet, who is thoroughly conscious of his own superior genius or is a man of established reputation, may freely borrow even the poem of a poet-aster and sometimes from illustrious poets of the past. To quote the words of A. G. Gardiner:-- "Shakespcare can take his 'borrowed plumes' from whatever humble bird he likes... These Gods are beyond the range of our pettifogging 'meums and tuums.' Their pockets are so rich that a few coins that do not belong to them are no matter either way. But if you are a man of exiguous talents and endeavour

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17 (P. 18. A. 1. S. 10. to eke out your poverty from the property of others, you will discover that plagiarism is a capital offence and that the punishment is for life. In literature -whatever case may be in life-there is one law for the rich and another for the poor and that in the captain is but a choleric word which in the soldier is flat blasphemy." The safe rule for a poet--aspirant is, therefore, to imitate the words or ideas of his predecessors in the manner of (i) pratibimba a reflection or (ii) Alekhyaprakhya a picture, (iii) graafeger a person appearing exactly similar to another person or lastly (iv) a person entering a foreign town (aogramaet:). All these varieties come under the head of 5721 (counter-part ). We shall take each of these varieties one by one: - (1) sfa ferate at: In this the poet-aspirant has an idea of his predecessor faithfully reflected in his own poem. ( For illustration see viveka). rAjazekhara defines pratibimbakalpa as follows: "378f: 9a" etc. (7. st.) which means:-- "The meaning is almost the same. Only the sentences and words differ." In modern parlance this means ' poetic paraphrase.' (2) Alekhyaprakhya is defined by rAjazekhara thus:"kiyatA'pi yatra saMskArakarmaNA vastu bhinnavadbhAti / tat kathitamarthacaturairAlekhyaprakhyamiti kAvyam // " When a certain idea of a poem is borrowed by another poet in his poem with only a slight change, the latter's poem is called 071727IET just like a picture.' (3) The third manner of imitation is grafegetaan which 19eT defines as follows:--

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P. 19. A. 1. S. 10. ] 18 viSayasya yatra bhede'pyabhedabuddhinitAntasAdRzyAt / tattulyadehitulyaM kAvyaM badhnanti sudhiyo'pi // When two poems have their subjects different from each other, but in other respects they are closely similar to each other (in point of phraseology etc.), the latter poem is called tulyadehitulya. (4) parapurapravezapratima kind of imitation is defined by rAjazekhara as "mUlaikyaM yatra bhavetparikarabandhastu dUrato'nekaH " In this kind the idea or the subject-matter of two poems is the same but the manner of putting it is entirely different. In addition to the above mentioned ways of borrowing or imitation, there are other ways such as: (1) Borrowing a word or (2) a line or (3) two lines (4) three lines (5) a fraction of a word etc. Borrowing all the four lines of others' poems is obviously a plagiarism of the first magnitude and should never be resorted to. The word gerface used by 497 is significant. Even while borrowing, there is a sense of propriety which should be always observed by a poet-aspirant. The practice of composing should be extended to samasyApUraNa and such other things. samasyA is completing a verse when only one line is given. Sometimes even two or three lines, apparently without any sense, are given, and the fourth line is to be added to it in a manner in which all the four lines appear as one homogeneous whole giving proper sense. This is the most difficult variety of ARRII. Almost all the varieties of #HEIT are illustrated by hemacandra in his viveka. From "aquatsfa FAFT" up to "TATET EFTAFITI Starle " 247, in the body of the text, gives a fairly

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19 (P. 24. A. 1. S. 10. long list of the poetic conventions that are to be obsei ved by poets. We have already explained the nature and kinds of these conventions. hemacandra, however, goes into details and gives various illustrations. Some of the conventions appear proper and natural but others are really fanciful. For instance: darkness is supposed to be gladia' that can be caught in the palm of one's hand' or it can be perforated through, with a needle. The word fall in the 10th Sutra is interpreted by 49 in two ways:--(1) restriction of a thing to a particular place or time-for instance cuckoos, are supposed to warble only in spring. This sense has been explained and illustrated above. (2) faut is nothing but a peculiar variety of poetic convention in which, some things though different from one another are considered as identical. eg: the colours dark and green, yellow and red are supposed to be identical. The hare and the deer in the moon are identical, crocodiles and fish are one and the same, in their relation with the God of love; the moon born of the ocean is the same as the one born of 3ft. Goddess of wealth and Goddess of beauty are identical. Am and all (cobras and serpents ), all the different seas and oceans, and all the epithets of demons are identical. Eyes are supposed to have various colours. The moon on the crest of the God Shiva is supposed to be ever young! The God of love is both corporeal and incorporeal etc. For almost everyone of these poetic conventions, hemacandra gives some illustration in his viveka.

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P. 33. A. 1. S. 11.) 20 The aim of poetry has been explained above. Now comes the definition of poetry: - Sutra II:-Poetry consists of "words and sense, both combined, which are free from faults, are full of excellences; and have in them figures of speech. The word, 7 in the past signifies that poetry is possible, sometimes, even in the absence of a figure of speech. Thus we see that 7* in his definition of poetry literally follows At. In Sanskrit poetics the definition of poetry forms a veritable battle-ground. With utmost subtlety and hair-splitting distinctions, every rhetorician has come forward to justify his own definition of poetry and to reject the definitions of others. To us, however, three definitions of poetry appear note. worthy. The first is that of AFTE who defines poetry as 'aqatat razret Agaatha gazeifa'. This has been almost literally accepted by our author. Another definition of poetry, as given by fa 14 in his faciet, is equally noteworthy. It is "4171 TAREHE 761&27" A sentence full of sentiment ( 7 ) is poetry. The third definition of poetry as given by Fiata in his time runs thus--." Tauitaristaqiq#:784:8104A ". All these definitions, in reality, do not differ as regards the main features of poetry which are: (1) words and sense constitute poetry. (2) The sense must have a charm about it. That the charm is of the highest kind when it is born of some 7 ( sentiment ) is admitted by #FAZ as well as FIATT, though they have not said so explicity. fagaren has given a supreme place to ta in a pronounced manner. All, however, agree in accepting a poem,

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21 [P. 33. A. 1. S. 12. even without any distinct TM, as coming under the head of poetry; otherwise, a ban shall have to be placed on a bulk of poetical literature-which has distinctly a charm in it but has not necessarily in it any predominant sentiment. This, to us, appears to be a serious objection to the definition of fa ( vAkyaM rasAtmakaM kAvyam ). It is idle to compare all these three definitions and try to accept one of them and reject others, for all agree eventually in suggesting that Poetry (1) as far as possible should be free from faults. (2) must be endowed with excellences (). (3) should have, as a rule, figures of speech. (4) should have, as a rule, some sort of Sentiment. "6 "> Even a poem, with no figure of speech, can be legitimately called poetry. For instance the verse:'zUnyaM vAsagRhaM vilokya etc. This verse is from amaruzataka. Seeing that the bed-chamber had perfect privacy, the new bride slowly rose from her bed, leisurely surveyed the face of her husband who had made a pretext of sleeping, and heartily kissed him; (but) seeing his cheeks thrilling with joy, she hung down her head blushingly. Thereupon her lover kissed her lingeringly. In the 12th Sutra hemacandra defines guNa and doSa (excellences and faults). Excellences and faults are those attributes of which are the direct causes of heightening and marring respectively the effect of a (sentiment). They are, considered as attributes of words and sense only in a secondary sense. ( 39a1 means the secondary sense). The relation of rasa on the one hand and ga on the other, is that of a thing and its attributes. That go are the 66

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P. 34. A. 1. S. 13. ] 22 attributes of ta and not sera can be proved by the method of 884 and cafata thus:- First, it is clear that Ju and ala both dwell in one and the same place. Now faults dwell in a particular sentiment only-and not in word and sense-otherwise that fault would be a fault at all times and never an excellence; but it is not so. Sometimes a fault in one sentiment actually becomes a point of excellence in another . For instance, in ATHETE, the faults such as feca (cumbrousness ) and others are actually considered as excellences. Similarly, obscenity (relata ) and other faults are turned into excellences in itt and other sentiments. Obviously, therefore, these faults are not dependent upon, or attributes of, word and sense. These faults have no permanent character. Where there is a # there are the attendant faults; when that 5 is absent, the faults also go away. Thus there is an invariable concomitance between pe and stor and consequently between rasa and guNa. 37792 and oufata are gura 9gra: Tha Tala: 'A statement of the constant and invariable concomitance between me and an is ( 37727 ) and an assertion of the concomitance of the absence of art and an absence of Ra is lataa In Sutra 13th, figures of speech are defined: Figures of speech are dependent upon word and sense which are the 31 of a Th ( the 317 ). 8181 is the principal thing and us are its subordinate parts. As a rule, figures of speech lend charm to ta; sometimes, however they do not serve the purpose of lending any charm to a th. When the principal thing (ie. ) is absent, these figures merely serve the

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23 [P. 35. A. 1. S. 14. purpose of rendering the words and sense picturesque and beautiful. 249 has drawn a nice distinction between qur and alaMkAra. guNas (excellences) are the attributes of a rasa (the fiz ) and figures are the embellishments of words and sense-( the 1ie. body ). It is habitual with Sanskrit poets to describe poetry by employing a grand metaphor : Poetry is a person ( rather a female person ). is his soul. Word and sense constitute his body. Excellences are the inner qualities of his soul, ( ie. ta) but as these excellences as well as faults are manifested through the body (ie. word and sense ) only, they are, in a secondary sense, said to belong to this body (ie. word and body ). Figures are ornaments of the body of this person. It is quite clear that these ornaments solely rest upon the body and have nothing to do with the soul of the person. Sometimes, however, as the bravery or other such qualities of a person are beautifully indicated by the peculiar warrior-like attire of the person, similarly, figures of speech serve as a happy indication of the inner sentiment. If the figures, however, do not heighten the effect of 77, they should, as a rule, not be employed at all. Even if these figures are taken out from a poem, they do not at all mar the charm of that poem. hemacandra, in his viveka, quotes examples showing that the figures, even if taken out of a verse, do not at all spoil it. Sutra 14:--A figure of speech should always be employed only at the proper time and only at a place where they are agreeable to a sentiment.

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P. 35. A. 1. S. 14.) 24 A figure should neither be detrimental to a Ta nor should it be there in the verse without any obvious purpose. The following verse taken from the first act of pigiaa illustrates as to how a figure of speech serves the purpose of heightening the effect of a Th. The verse is addressed to the bee that molested giaan by hovering round her face. The meaning of the verse is:-." You are touching frequently her eyest hat are tremulous and the corners of which are moving; you are humming softly, while hovering, near her ears-as if to communicate some secret; you are drinking the (nectar of her ) nether lip ( the treasure of love ), though she is warding you off with her hands. Thus you alone are blessed, Oh bee! while I am undone seeking, as I am, the truth of things. Here the figure of speech is Fahraifth, as it faithfully delineates the characteristics of a bee. It heightens the effect of TITTA which is predominant in the verse. The bee is conceived to be, as it were, a lover of FIETST, on account of its various movements strikingly similar to those of a lover. In the following verse 'srastaHsragdAmazobhAm ' etc. the predominant sentiment is it, but its effect is completely marred by the figure Ich with its auxiliary figure thazleSa. " While this girl is sporting, regardless of the twisting of her waste which is bending on account of the weight of her breasts, her beautiful tresses, all dishevelled through sheer pain as it were, throw away the beautifully arranged wreaths of flowers. Intoxicated as she is while sporting, the anklets attached

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25 (P. 37. A. 1. S. 14. to her feet are doubly jingling. The necklace of pearls, tossed in disorder owing to repeated palpitations of her heart, is striking ceaselessly against her breast. Here the word fiera (through sheer pain as it were ) gives rise to gihe. This ch is rendered more beautiful by its auxiliary figure of 8127143 which gives in addition to its first sense a second sense to the words Akula:( bewildered) krandataH( crying) vyastaH( distorted) Ef ( strikes mercilessly ) and HF (breaking of the waste. ) No doubt these two figures are excellently worked out, but they are out of place here. The predominant sentiment here is it as the graceful sporting of Talaat inspires a feeling of love in the mind of the hero. But the 37eft along with the chall through pain, as it were ) creates an atmosphere of pathos ( EOT) and as such is highly detrimental to the present sentiment (761) of love. The following verse means:--- "Who is this (girl) painted in a picture that enters my mind like a female swan entering the lake had? This girl is eclipsing the Goddess of beauty with her grace and is showing a great regard for me. ( The female swan also shakes gracefully the lotuses in the manasa lake and flutters her wings excessively.)" This is said by the king JETTE---( the hero in paraat) who had the feeling of love created in his mind by the sight of the picture of a painted on a picture-board. Evidently the sentiment of love does not seem to be predominantly expressed in this verse. The king seems to be more desirous of describing

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P. 38. A. 1. S. 14.] 26 Arnfier with the help of the figures of speech (here 39A1 and 9 ) than of distinctly expressing his love for Email. The love-sentiment, therefore, in this verse, is absolutely feeble-rather subordinated to the two prominent figures of speech. In this, therefore, the figures do not promote the desired rasa (zRGgAra ) The following verse 'uddAmotkalikA' is from ratnAvalI. the king TeTiS had given a challenge to the queen argacar that the Agait creeper that he had planted, would flower earlier than the creeper Falfer planted by the queen. In this challenge, the king emerged victorious with the help of meal, whom he loved secretly. Here in this verse the king is thinking of the feelings that the news of this discomfiture of the queen as well as his own success is likely to produce in the mind of the queen. He says " This A19 creeper, accompanied by the aca tree appears like a rival lovelorn lady (ACA) in that it has a plenitude of buds on it (the lady also is full of yearning ( 34feat) ]; it has a whitish colour on it (the lady, also, is pale ); it has begun to bloom all at once (the lady yawns at every moment) it is rudely shaken by incessant gusts of wind (the lady also betrays her languor with her perpetual sighs). Thus the garden-creeper appearing like a rival lady in love-when viewed by me (in the presence of queen )--will, undoubtedly, render her face purple with anger. Here the simile of a rival ( love-lorn) lady turns, in course of time, to be an actual fact, for eft, in course of time, becomes a rival of the queen and the queen actually burns with indignation, when the king surveys after lovingly in the presence

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(P. 38. A. 1. S. 14. of the queen. The prominent sentiment in this verse is saffa FHMIT( seperation in love due to jealously ) which though not directly seen in the verse, is clearly brought to the fore-front by the figures 3941 and These figures, therefore, are favourable to this TA. But in the following verse 'alaiertagi' etc. the figure of speech ill agrees with the dominant . The verse means:-" The whole world has been completely brought to ruin by the serpents with their inhalings on account of their subsisting upon wind ( because they have taken the vow of taking nothing but wind as their food ); these serpents, in their turn, are devoured by the peacocks who have taken the austere vow of drinking only the drops of rain. These peacocks, again, are killed by the hunters who clad themselves with the rough skin of 975 deer ( who wear the sacred deer skin). This cunning world desires to see merits ( in men ) although it knows perfectly well the workings of hypocrisy. Here the poet seems to be disgusted with the ways of the world in that it is full of men who outwardly show themselves to be very pious (observing all sorts of religious vows ) but in reality are always bent upon ruining others. The predominant feeling in this verse, therefore, is faare (disgust). And the figure efanyifati is employed as a handmaid to that feeling. But the types of hypocrites-- the serpent, the peacock and the hunter,-ought to have been given in ascending order of the austerity of the vow. That is to say, ararer is the most difficult of all the three vows, that, therefore, ought to have been put last. But instead, it has been put first. Thus in the verse, the atmosphere

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P. 39. A. 1. S. 14.) 28 of ata is neither maintained nor intensified by the types of hypocrites shown by the figure atizayokti. It, therefore, ill agrees with the present te and mars its effect. This sfaretfi is, therefore, said to be 39779 zhar introduced at an inopportune moment. ___ dambhaprakarSaprabhAvatiraskRta etc:-The nirveda here lies in bewailing for the series of merits that are repressed by the power of rank hypocricy. Now comes an illustration of a figure introduced but abruptly withdrawn (or set aside ) in order to make room for another figure that directly heightens the effect of the predominant Th. raktastvam etc.:-rAma, grieved at the seperation of sItA, addresses this to an B4714 tree: You are 1 (red) with new leaves; I am also (i. e. enamoured) of the praiseworthy merits of my beloved; flestya (bees ) shot from the bow of cupid' (i. e. the flowers ) come to you, my friend ! farasiya (arrows ) shot from the bow of cupid, also come to me. A kick of a beautiful woman is a matter of joy to you, as the kick of my beloved is a matter of jcy to me. In every respect Oh 845717! we closely resemble each other. The only of point of difference is that I am full of grief( ATIA ), while you are without grief (375714). Here the figure an introduced in the first line has been withdrawn in the third line to give room to vyatireka which heightens the vipralambhazRGgArarasa the sentiment of love (in seperation ) which is the predominant in this verse. Such an introduction of a figure and its abrupt

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29 (P. 39. A. 1. S. 14. withdrawal is permissible if this renders some service to ( the sentiment ) TH. ___ The following verse is from rAjazekhara's bAlarAmAyaNa in which king 4 at the time of #ar's marriage, condemns rAvaNa who had offered himself as one of the suitors. janaka says:--" His ( i. e. gar's ) command obeyed (liter. is fond of ) by the crest-jewel of Indra; his novel eye in the form of gas ( all the sciences ); his devotion to 312, the Lord of all creatures; his capital-the magnificent city of #1; his birth in the line of the creator( all these points compel us to say that )---indeed, such a bride-grcom cannot be ( easily ) found. Oh! would that he were not aut! (the harasser of the whole world ); but then, to find all merits together in one man-well, that is an impossibility. Here the figure arthAntaranyAsa (general proposition) in the words kva nu puna: pag pa got: 'ought never to have been introduced, but the verse ought to have ended with the words yra at 1190: The point is that 577% regards all the best qualities of traut ( which may perhaps entitle him to be called a rate --a hero in religion--when taken in themselves ) as utterly useless and worthless simply because he is the torturer of this world. These excellences in a person, impious and harasser of mankind, are not worth the name. The quality of being a crau ( harasser of the word ) condemns TI9u once for all. Thus the utter condemnation of traut is the main point. Now the question 'Is it possible that all merits are found in one man ?' is utterly out of place; here the question may be taken in the sense of raising a doubt or objecting to what is said before or laying down a general proposition; in any case the words 47 I gai

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P. 39. A. 1. S. 14. ) 30 etc. go entirely against the spirit of the poem. They, in no way, can prove rau to be a state (a hero in religion. ) Sometimes a figure of speech slightly introduced is at once cut short to maintain the effect of a te in a verse. Thus in the verse" starta" etc. which means: "Blessed is the lover who, while hiding his extraamours and laughing in his sleeves is actually beaten by his beloved who is all in tears; first she indignantly binds him tightly by the noose in the form of her creeper -like arms delicate and trembling; then she takes him to her bed-chamber in the evening and there in the presence of her dear friends refers to his misdemeanour in sweetly indistinct and faltering words thus: " no such rascality again." The metaphor aresta#19737 (the noose of the creeper-like arms) is fortunately cut short. Otherwise (as faap says ) if it would have been developed fully, perhaps the beloved would have been identified with a female hunter, and the bed-chamber with a cage ! Thus the full metaphor would have strangled to death the present ITA in the verse. Bare=not developed, cut short. In the following verse, a figure developed fully has suppressed the Th, present in the verse. The verse (10) is from Hra's Fagaragal. It means: She ( the heroine ), the thief of my heart, has entered the house of my body by breaking open, with the stroke of her beautiful form, the door of my eyes that have the panels of eye-lids. Here it would have been better if the poet would have stopped at the partial metaphor of quagm. But by fully expanding the metaphor, he has spoiled the effect of the present T.

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31 P. 41. A. 1. S. 14. As a rule, even if a figure is fully developed it should be subordinated to the present. Then alone the figure is said to be agreeable to the present sentiment. This is illustrated in the following verse (11th) from kAlidAsa's meghadUta :-- " I fancy your limbs in the creeper ; your glances in the look of the frightened female deer; the beauty of your cheeks in the moon; your tresses of hair in the plumage of peacocks; the graceful movements of your eye-brows in the ripples of rivers. Alas! nowhere, however, is there any likeness of yours in all respects at one place, Oh timid one! In this verse the figure, which consists in fancying the limbs in the creepers and other things on the strength of resemblance, is not only introduced but substained throughout the verse; yet being subordinated to the principle sentiment of fait is permissible. Here the reading is more appropriate than the reading a found elsewhere as shown by in his faa. A timid person is afraid of storing at one place all the precious things in his possession and hence, out of fear, distributes them at different places through fear of their being stolen. Ci But such development is not permissible as for instance in the following verse (12th) which means:One of the twenty eyes of a is bent, another is contracted, a third is eager; a fourth is smiling; the fifth is full of significance; the sixth is half-closed; the seventh is turned back; the eighth is having a longrange; the ninth is full of joy; the tenth is contracted like a bud; the eleventh is trembling; the twelfth is steady; the thirteenth is rolling; the fourteenth is moving

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P. 41. A. 1. S. 14. ]. 32 to its corner; the fifteenth is dilated; the sixteenth is drooping; the seventeenth is full of wave-like movements; the last three are full of tears. Thus, owing to some particular condition every eye is working in a different way. Here the figure anal faithfully describes the different workings of all the eyes, but it, in no way, enhances the effect of the predominant sentiment. From the following Sutras the discussion, of the various sorts of senses attributed to words, is taken up; in the fifteenth Sutra enumerates four types of words as follows:-there are four kinds of words (1) directly expressing; (2) similar; (3) indicative; (4) suggestive; corresponding to four kinds of senses of words viz (i) expressed (ii) similar (iii) indicated (iv) suggested. Here it will be noted that mentions four kinds of words and correspondingly four kinds of senses instead of the usual three-fold division of words and senses as made by almost all the rhetoricians of note, ancient and modern, such as mammaTa vizvanAtha and others. All these mention only three kinds of words and correspondingly three kinds of senses and put oft as a subdivision of lakSyArtha. Why hemacandra should mention (sense based on resemblance) as seperate from lakSyArtha, is not very clear. In the following sutra (16th) defines expressed sense thus: << << Where the convention gives directly a certain sense--that sense is said to be "expressed"; for instance, the word conveys the idea of a face' directly and prior to any other sense such as hands, feet and others, all at once expresses the sense of a face. Such an the

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33 [P. 42. A. 1. S. 16. expressed sense is accepted with reference to Universal (alfa), qualities (g), things (a), and actions (fr); and a word which expresses such a sense is called or vAcaka word. For instance - gau: is (jAti), zukla is a guNa (a quality), calati is an action (kriyA) and devadatta is a proper name or a thing (). Here, hemacandra quotes with approval pataMjali the author "Four-fold is the power of words (signi of fying correspondingly four senses). - is unwilling to pursue any longer the discussion of what if is for the simple reason that it is not directly useful to the present subject. and others have made a hair-splitting discussion about the true nature of fa, about whether a word signifies or for both or any other thing. But merely mentions different opinions on the point thus:--- (1) a word signifies always the Universal (afa). (2) a word signifies both the object and its property or in other words both the particular and the Universal. (3) a word (according to ats) does not directly refer to any object but merely denotes the absence of other objects. In this and the following discussion of and vyaJjanA, hemacandra has literally followed mammaTa and copied, almost verbatum passages after passages from 's kAvyaprakAza. In his viveka, however, hemacandra has supplemented what he has omitted in his text. For instance, he says that every word has an upAdhi; and has classified upAdhi into two kinds thus:-- 5

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P. 44. A. 1. S. 17. ) 34 upAdhi vastudharmaH vaktasaMnivezitaH ( i. e. a thing comes under this) siddha sAdhya (i. e. f ) 91796 vizeSAdhAnahetu (i. e. fifa) (i.e. Jor) In the 17th Sutra 2775 defines the stor ( word and sense ) Where the expressed meaning is set aside entirely (as it does not suit the purpose or does not agree with the context) and another meaning is taken instead on the strength of similarity, for the purpose of conveying the sense of identification of the two senses-the original and the super-imposed--the super-imposed sense is called store and the word conveying the sense is said to be not. For instance in silafet#: or hittargh the direct meaning of the word at: (a bull) when applied to gigit becomes manifestly in-appropriate, and on the evidence of direct perception has to be set aside. Then some other meaning of the word it: has to be conceived on the strength of simirity of qualities such as stupidity and dullness (FET and Area ). Now what is the object of this round-about way of calling a vAhIka (a low-class person) a gauH ? vAhIka means liter. an inhabitant of Punjab; the people of aretto were considered by the ancients as impure aud profane. The object is to show areU i. e. similarity between a bull and the areia, nay more--to show their identification. The identification is of course not real, but super-imposed and is two-fold:-(i) complete identification in which only sit: remains, and (ii) partial

Page #392
35 [P. 45. A. 1. S. 17. and are present, identification in which both but their seperateness is not manifest. As this qualitative indicatory meaning (r) comes from qualities org it is called. The word also is said to be gauNa or upacarita. The first sort of gauNIlakSaNA or gauNArtha gives rise to the figure rUpaka in which viSaya and viSayI ( eg. a and ) are both present. The second sort gives rise to rUpakAtizayokti. In gaurvAhIkaH, vAhIka is viSaya and corresponds to upameya in the figure upamA; and gauH is viSayI or 37. Now both these words are in the same case, stand in apposition to each other and are identified in meaning. In this context, however, the original sense of the word goes away; the is super-imposed on this word. The original sense of this word is called or year. After setting it aside, the indicated meaning is super-imposed on it. Now the question arises: What is the indicated sense here? On this matter, there are three different views: and (1) The qualities stupidity and slowness (residing in :) are indicated; for they are the attributes of this serves as a fafa or the relation between the two things gau: and vAhIka. (2) The qualities of stupidity and slowness (residing in a form the indicated sense here. ( 3 ) vAhIka is the indicated sense of the word gauH . According to the (relation of apposition) and identification, the third view is proper and is, therefore, accepted by p and others. Other instances of relations other than resemblance are given in the paragraph sambandhe kAryakAraNa bhAve etc : These are some of the relations between a primary sense and an indicated sense: 46

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P. 45. A. 1. S. 18. ] 36 (1) The relation of cause and effect:-eg. (here the object is to show that ghee alone and none else is conducive to longevity ); here the identification is partial, but in at the identification is complete and suggests that ghee, invariably, prolongs life. (2) A thing identified with a person for whom it is intended. eg. means a pillar raised in honour of Indra. (3) Relation of a master and a servant. eg. means an officer of a king; similarly, :-the head of a town. (4) The relation of limbs and the body or a limb and its parts. eg. : fore-part of the arm. (5) Thing measured and the measure, eg. : an are of rice. (6) The relation of a thing with the thing applied to it eg. : : a piece of cloth with some red thing applied to it. (7) The relation of a profession eg. a carpenter who is not so by birth but by profession. (8) Ironical sense eg. A handsome looking manwith regard to a man who is ugly. Sutra 18th defines thus: The indicated sense must be connected with the original sense (or in other words the original and the super-imposed senses must have a relation between them); there must be a (supposed) complete identification between the two senses. Now in gauNArtha there is both a partial and a complete identification between the original and the snper-imposed sense, while in only complete identification is intended. This is the only point of difference between gauNArtha and lakSyArtha. The word giving rise to this is called a word.

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t P. 45. A. 1. S. 18. The stock instances given by almost all the rhetoricians of note are given by below:gaGgAyAM ghoSaH (a herd-station on the Ganges) is an instance in point. Fat: afaafa ( spears enter) is another stock instance. Here it is absurd to say that a cow-pen of a village stands on the surface of the Ganges. The original or expressed sense of the word, therefore, must be set aside. Similarly spears, of their own accord, can not enter; the original sense of the word a (spear), therefore, must be set aside. Then on the strength of the relation of nearness and association respectively the senses of the bank of the river Ganges' and 'persons with spears in hand' must be taken as indicated; now what is the object of this round-about process? The object in the case of is to show that the village is sacred, cool and so on, owing to the vicinity of the holy river Ganges; and in the case of gat faaf the object is to show the fierceness of the persons with spears in their hands. If this or indicated sense would have not been resorted to, simple sentences such as gaGgAtaTe ghoSaH and kuntadhAriNaH puruSAH pravizanti would have been used; but then the purpose of suggesting sacredness and fierceness would never been served. FA's classification of is sixfold. He first divides lakSaNA into zuddhA and gauNI and divides zuddhA into upAdAna and lakSaNa. T upAdAna 37 T zuddhA lakSaNa sAropA sAropA sAdhyavasAnA sAropA sAdhyavasAnA T toft ------ T sAdhyavasAnA

Page #395
P. 46. A. 1. S. 18. ) 38 Again both these into sAropA and sAdhyavasAnA each. gauNI is only two-fold-sAropA and sAdhyavasAnA. According to hemacandra, first of all, lakSaNA is two-fold goNI and ordinary. gauNI again is two-fold sAropA and sAdhyavasAnA while weari has got no subdivisions. In all, therefore, there are three kinds of J&J18. This, however, seems to us as not a very happy classification. If wanted to divide gegoti thus for the sake of brevity, it would have been better if he would have divided for into gauNI and zuddhA while gauNI again into sAropA and sAdhya49191. Thus his Sent would have been three-fold. Such a classification would have been more logical and less cumbrous than that of mammaTa. In the passage nilaga: etc. the author proves that gauranubandhyaH and sentences of kindred nature can not be cited as instances of wat for this reason : Here if we take it in the sense of the class of cows (Fifa) the action of 319ane ie. killing will not at all be possible; for Arfa by itself cannot do any action. In order to make the sense congruous, we have to add to the class of cows (the meaning of the word Tit:) the additional meaning 'a particular individual' on this ground that owing to the invariable concomitance between a class and its individuals, the class includes in itself an individual as well. There is no need of using a seperate word for the particular individual. It may be said that even without the process of inclusion one can express even in its primary meaning the senses of both the class and the individual. To this EHTFT on the authority of 7172982 says: "No, primary meaning has no power to express both a thing and its attributes. Here, for instance, the word has its

Page #396
39 (P. 46. A. 1. S. 18. power exhausted ( fortfat ) in expressing the meaning of 'a class of cows' (fastgo), it can not, therefore, extend its sense upto "a particular cow' (fastara thing). Besides, Jamal is not possible in such cases, for there is no 'object or inner purpose of this 5807. Therefore, this is purely a case of an inclusion of additional meaning (371099) as a matter of course. If simply on the ground of invariable concomitance, (faaruia ) you bring in at instead of the simple process of inclusion, all such sentences or words as far fqust etc. will be instances of gl. For unless we add the word me to sfar, the sense will not be complete. Similarly, foost (date-fruits ) by itself would mean nothing, unless we add to it the word TETA. In all these cases, the simple process of 'inclusion' would serve the purpose. There is no necessity of resorting to the ponderous process of 801. Even in the sentence "fait gaga: fear a ijt--fat daca does not eat anything by day--we have to suppose on the strength of implication (84919fer ) that he must be eating by night. Here also there is no need of lakSaNA. This far and closely follows #FAZ; but in one point he radically differs from AFFE. While AFAZ divides lakSaNA into rUDhA and prayojanavatI (rUDhA-sanctioned by usage, eg. fazlas, fatni (a bee), f# (a crow) #1%, and shaadi= having some inner suggestion), 247** does not recognise feel at all, but maintains that all the instances of rUDhilakSaNA are instances of primary meaning ( vAcyArtha). According to hemacandra, gauNArtha occurs there, where one thing is super-imposed on another; the word 3qqia means "concealing the apprehension of difference between two things that are altogether distinct, on the

Page #397
P. 46. A. 1. S. 19.) 40 strength of some relation between them." In other cases it is lakSyArtha. In the 19th Sutra, eafa kind of sense is defined thus:--Eqfh sense is that which is suggested ( 447 ) but which nevertheless is distinctly apprehended (arqara:) and which is other than the primary and the indicated sense. It is so called by the ancient savants because it is sounded or shown from afar, not directly expressed. This dhvani, as viveka explains, is two-fold. laukika (ordinary) and 311fa (extra-ordinary ): atferite that which can be expressed in words ) again is divided into avicitra (not picturesque) and vicitra (picturesque). avicitra is some bare statement which is suggested, and fafaa is one in which generally some figure of speech is suggested. These two varieties faraz and Bfarqa, though as a rule suggested, sometimes are so transparent that they are said to be capable of being expressed in words. But waitfarm is such as can never be expressed in words. This is called (sentiment) Th. All these varieties of safe are compared by the author of ear41726 to the loveliness in the limbs of a beautiful woman, which is such that it cannot be pointed out as something concrete, but is, nevertheless, distinctly felt by the observers, sara is then threefold:argeafa, 360orreala and theala. gegaafa has a semblance of direct or priniary sense but in reality it can be proved to be altogether different from the primary sense, for, some times this suggested sense is diametrically opposed to the primary sense, as for instance in the following verse, JA afin etc. which means:-Oh you religious-minded person I now you can wander here freely; for that (wellknown) dog has been killed by that (much-talked of) wild

Page #398
[P. 47. A. 1. S. 19 41 lion who dwells in a thicket of creepers on the banks of the river Godavari. A wanton woman had her secret amours with her paramour on the banks of Godavari; but a religiousminded person frequently visited the place in order to collect flowers for worshipping God and this was a standing nuisance to that woman. Now the woman knew well that the man was afraid of dogs-he was so timid. So with the real object of stopping his visits to the place but outwardly with a view to encourage his visits, the woman addresses the man in this verse. Though the cause of his fear (i. e. the dog) is removed by the lion, the lion himself is more dreadful than the dog. The woman is, therefore, pretty sure that the man would never return after hearing the news of the wild lion and thus she could indulge in her amours unhampered. 61 Here, in this verse, do wander freely' is the expressed or primary meaning but the suggested sense is: " 'Do not visit this place any more. If you will, you will do so at your peril. The vAcyArtha and vyaGgayArtha, therefore, are here diametrically opposite: The primary sense (a) is fafa (permissive) while the suggested sense is prohibitory. "" A noteworthy point here is this that in agafa sometimes a may be found, but it is never prominent. It is like, to quote fa, a sovereign king who attends the marriage ceremony of his minister in which the latter figures prominently. Though in the body of the text does not discuss at length the significance and the necessity 6

Page #399
P 48. A. 1. S. 19. ) 42 of safa sense, in his faaes, he brings together al} the views for and against dhvani, and closely follows mammaTa. In fact here the whole of faal is a faithful copy of the major portion of kAvyaprakAza-( 5th ullAsa ). The opponents of safa theory, who object to this third kind of sense, all agree in saying that the suggested meaning can be expressed by the primary sense as well. But AFHE, with his followers, maintains that this suggested sense can never be expressed either by the primary sense or by the purport of the whole sentence. As regards the meaning of a sentence, there are two well-known views (1) abhihitAnvayavAda and (2) anvitAbhidhAnavAda. The former view holds that first of all in a sentence various words yield their own sense; then looking to the context of the words and to the propriety, these words join hands with one another and thus the whole sentence yields a coherent sense. The latter view holds that words in their disconnected state do not yield any sense at all. They first of all connect themselves with one another in addition to their individual sense, and thus agree with the purport of the whole sentence. According to the first view, words have no other power than that of expressing their own primary meaning. It is, therefore, quite clear that words can never express even the purport of the sentences, much less the suggested sense. Going one step further, the afaa unafa: give an extra power to words in that they not only express their own sense, but over and above this, express their inter-relation in a sentence. But even here, as HFAZ says, though the words extend their power up to the particular or connected meaning (fazas) in addition

Page #400
43 (P. 48. A. I. S. 19. to their own general sense (harap ), the suggested sense which goes even beyond the particular meaning or even the purport of the sentence can never be expressed by the primary sense; even according to Bfaalfaaaaifa:, suggested sense, therefore, must be regarded as entirely different from the primary sense. There are others who may be regarded as the extremists in the faalfata1a4rei camp: they say that there should not be any limit to primary sense which can be safely extended even to the purport of the whole sentence. But here obviously they are open to the fault of 777124112, for unless they definitely decide the meaning of the words in a sentence first of all, they can not say what is the purport of the sentence and unless they know the purport of the sentence ( arii) they cannot assign any definite sense to the words. There are others, who say that the primary sense is just like an arrow capable of penetrating to any depths. Why then needlessly regard such a thing as suggested meaning ? Let the primary sense stretch itself to that length and serve the purpose of the suggested sense. To this HERE retorts by saying that the dictum "247THEYHYETITU LE Hengfazaa" quoted in support of their own view by these men is entirely mis-interpreted by them. The meaning of this dictum is this:--In a sentence there are some words that do not predicate anything new about the subject, while there are others that definitely predicate something new about the subject. This predication is or must be regarded as the purport of the whole sentence. Now this predication (pou ) is the principle thing in a sentence and

Page #401
P. 49. A. 1. S. 19.] 44 other words (a) are merely subordinate to it; well and good! but the purport of the predication lies in the actual words in the sentence and never beyond it. Our suggested sense, however, goes entirely beyond this purport of the sentence and is, therefore, outside the pale of the primary sense. If you say that the purport of the sentence goes beyond the sense of the words in a sentence then anything would mean anythingwhich is absurd. If it is said that the primary sense extends to the sense even beyond the sense of the actual words in a sentence, then in "Man! a son is born unto you the joy which is felt by the man concerned would have to be included in the primary sense!! Thus even a would be eliminated. In the sentence, the word f is an obscene word, but there is obviously no primary sense here, for the two words are seperate. 17 If only the primary sense is recognised, then the faults in a poem will always be permanent. But we know, for instance, that which is a fault in is an excellence in ft. But the strongest argument in favour of the suggested sense is that is always the same at all places and in all cases, but the suggested sense differs or varies with individuals or with the context. Thus, for instance,in asta: the primary sense is the sun has set', but the suggested sense is different with different men; for instance in the case of lovers it would mean this is the time for secret visits'; with the cowherds it would mean 'let us bring the cows home'; with the merchants and shopkeepers it would mean: let us now close the shops' etc etc. " Thus, there is a wide gulf between the primary

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45 (P. 50. A. 1. S. 19. and the suggested sense as can be shown categorically below:. (1) Sometimes the primary sense shows prohibition (fada ) but the suggested sense is permissive, as in 'a:39+ya247H ' etc. (see 1795art 1st gesta.) (2) Sometimes ajegle shows 'doubt' but ukari is decisive as, in the verse 'ALAIHEART' etc. (see #699417 6th 3619 ). (3) Sometimes the primary sense is 'censure' but the suggested sense is 'praise' as in hafageaf etc. ( see faam on page 50 ). (4) Sometimes in the primary sense there is praise but the suggested sense signifies 'censure' as in the verse de afgaatfera etc. (see faa% page 50.) (5) Sometimes the suggested sense varies with the context or with the particular person who speaks (aqqaletea ) or the person who hears (atge freza ) as in the verse get an a nagla: ' (see #17518157 5th JESIA ) Persons who are not concerned in the matter, (the third-party) are guided by and understand only the primary sense, but the persons directly concerned, alone understand the suggested sense. This clearly shows that the primary and the suggested senses are entirely different from each other. ___Now in the verse vANIrakuDaMga (see kAvyaprakAza vth ullAsa) the primary sense exhausts itself after having suggested the inner meaning. Now this inner meaning can not be said to be directly expressed by words in the verse. It is, therefore, necessary to accept such a thing as the process of suggesting inner sense. lakSaNA can not serve the purpose of vyaJjanA; for in the former the indicated sense has definitely some sort of

Page #403
P. 51. A. 1. S. 19. ] relation with the primary sense; but the suggested sense sometimes has no sort of definite relation with the primary sense and sometimes it has a relation to a sense which has in its turn a relation to the primary sense. Besides, the suggested sense never stultifies the primary sense while always does so. Thus there is a wide gulf of difference between the indicated sense and the suggested sense. 46 It cannot even be said that this suggested sense is always dependent on words; for sometimes it springs from gestures and other things. Thus the suggested sense is a thing altogether different from either the primary sense, or the indicated sense or the purport of the sentence. The monistic school of Vedanta thinks that the whole sentence is a i. e. the meaning of the whole sentence is the primary sense. This school thinks that everything else is illusion. Well, even that school is constrained to admit pada and padArtha for the sake of vyavahAra (daily intercourse); why not then accept ara ( the suggested sense) as well, for the sake of aagr ? Lastly mahimabhaTTa in his famous work vyaktiviveka tries to refute this suggested sense by saying that what others accept as the suggested sense can be as well arrived at by means of anumAnapramANa. Thus in the illustration bhrama arfa fa etc. the sense that the pious man is going to run away or rather should run away from the banks of Godavari is inferred from the wandering of the lion in the same place. Thus here, in fact in all other places of the suggested sense as well, anumAna, the process of inference, would, according to an, very well serve the purpose of (process of suggestion.)

Page #404
47 [P. 53. A. 1. S. 19. This argument is levelled to the ground by RAZ with one stroke of counter-argument: he says that in the above illustration there can never be inference in-as-much-as the inference of the running away of a man by reason (EC) of the existence of a lion is a faulty 8gala, since the reason (EC) is not such as would invariably and inevitably prove Arz (here the running away of the pious man ); for if a person is sent on a certain errand by his master, he will have to stay in or go to a place frequented even by a lion. But the suggested sense occurs in spite of a faulty 378ra or even no 3112 at all. Inference therefore, can never take the place of the process of suggestion. _____Now to return to our text, attA ettha tu majjai etc. the primary sense is prohibitory but the suggested sense is permissive. The verse means:-"My mother in-law will lie down here, while I will be here. Oh traveller ! mark ye well in broad day-light! Otherwise, being night-blind you will perhaps flounder on our beds !! This is addressed to a traveller by a wanton woman whose husband had been away and who had only an old mother-in-law with her. "Do not stumble on our beds "-is the prohibitory primary sense, but "mark our respective beds, so that you can approach my bed, at night straight-way" is the suggested sense. Sometimes the primary sense is permissive and the suggested sense suggests another permissive sense. Thus in the verse "TESTAI etc." meaning "this cursed night is pitchy dark; to-day my husband has gone away; the whole house is lonely, ye neighbour ! kindly do wake up, so that we may not be robbed by thieves !"

Page #405
P. 53. A. 1. S. 19. ] 48 'Wake up' is faf in the primary sense. 'Come here without fear, we shall pass the whole night in unrestrained love-sports' is the suggested sense which is of the nature of fafa. Sometimes one prohibitory direct sense leads to another prohibitory suggested sense as in AsAiyaM etc. Here by the prohibitory sentence meaning that the field of the house-holder should be made free from the molestation of a wild bull, another prohibition of the mischief of the paramour is suggested. Sometimes while in the primary sense there is neither vidhi nor niSedha the suggested sense is vidhi. For instance: "Oh traveller! if you take away my loin-cloth from my hips, whom should I call for help, alone as I am in this forest and remote as the town is from this place?" (verse 17) Here there is neither vidhi nor niSedha but a mere statement of facts. But the suggested sense is permissive in that the woman asks the traveller to take away her loin-cloth by suggesting that the place is perfectly solitary. Sometimes while in the primary sense, there is neither fafa nor f the suggested sense signifies projIvitAzA hibition as in the verse "" etc.. << 'Strong is the hope of life, but feeble is the hope of wealth; thus have I told you about the state of my mind; now dear, you may either go By saying either go or stay' or stay. neither fafu nor fa is shown, but by suggesting with the words "ki g" that it was impossible for her to live without him, she actually prevented his departure. << "

Page #406
49 [P. 55. A. 1. S. 19. Sometimes the primary sense shows both fafe and fata, but the suggested sense shows another fafa. Thus in verse 19 which means: " Ye traveller, boasting of the beauty of your wife, go by another path. In this accursed town the daughter of the headman of the village is caught in a net from which she can never free herself" (i.e. she is under the strict vigilance of her elders ). "Go by another path" shows both fafa and fada, but 'the daughter of the headman is worthy to look at even by you boasting of the beauty of your wife' is another fafa. Sometimes while in the primary sense there are both vidhi and niSedha, in the suggested sense there is only another face, as in the verse 20 which means " Collect only those flowers that have fallen down, but do not, Oh daughter in-law of a farmer ! shake the 1911tree. Look here! the noise of your bangles, jarring to hear, has been already heard by your father-in-law. Here collect flowers' is fafe, do not shake the sal tree is falta, in the primary sense, but when you are indulging in clandestine amours, do not make noise of your bangles' is another face in the suggested sense. Sometimes in the primary sense there is fafe, but there is neither fara nor falta in the suggested sense as in "walk gently, ye slender-waisted woman ! plant your footsteps continuously ( liter. with effort) on the ground; ye woman with buxom breasts! with great effort you are created by the creator, yet you are likely to break down (by hasty walking )-verse 21. Here 'walk slowly' is fafat, but the suggested sense is:

Page #407
P. 56. A. 1. S. 19. ] 50 'you are extremely delicate'- this is neither fafa nor ferita. Sometimes the primary sense shows fea, but the suggested sense shows neither fare nor fate as in verse 22 meaning "ye! who have dissipated the mass of dark ness with the light of your inoon-like face, kindly go back; for you are throwing obstacles in the path of other of Atlas (women going to meet their lovers ) you wretched one! Here 'go back' is face in the primary sense, but the suggested sense, which only deals with the matchless beauty of the woman's face, shows neither fafa nor fade. Sometimes while in the primary sense, there are both fare and fea, the suggested sense shows neither. Thus in "Go away. Let there be sighing and weeping of me alone; gentle-hearted that you are, let there not be sighing and weeping by you seperated from her." (verse 23) ' let there be sighing by me alone 'is fafe. ' let there be no sighing by you' is fame in the primary sense. but in the suggested sense there is neither fafu nor fatta; simply the expostulation of the offending lover by his beloved is suggested. Sometimes there is neither fafa nor party in the primary sense; the suggested sense also has neither fafa nor fara. For instance in the verse 24 meaning "though your body is decorated with the tips of (her) nails, though your eyes are rolling with sleeplessness, still, Oh my lover with sable limbs! you do not torment my heart so much as you do while you are having your nether lip free from the wounds (made by her teeth.) This is said by an indignant lady to her lover suspected to be in love with her co-wife. The primary sense is " I am free from jealousy

Page #408
51 (P. 57. A. 1. S. 19. with regard to my co-wife; the nail-prints and other signs indicating your love-dalliance with my co-wife is, therefore, not painful to me to look at. But I am simply pained with the idea that your nether lip is not graced with the wounds made by her teeth (while kissing you) - that shows that you did not get full leisure to enjoy your amours with her." With these outwardly gentle and loving words the lady conceals her indignation born of her jealousy. But on the strength of the context a clever reader may easily grasp the following suggested sense: "Owing to your excessive love (for my co-wife ) you went on kissing her ceaselessly so that the poor lady (my co-wife ) had no opportunity to hurt your lip with her merciless kissings. But it is a patent fact that you are both extremely fond of each other. I am therefore, keenly pained by your love for her. This suggested sense shows neither vidhi nor niSedha. Sometimes the primary sense is meant for one particular person, while the suggested sense is meant for a different person. The instance is in the verse 25 which means: "My dear friend! who will not be angry to see your nether lip sorely hurt? You, in spite of my warnings, perversely smelt the lotus with bees inside. Now bear the fruit of your perversity." This is said by the female friend of a wanton woman whose lip was rashly hurt by her paramour during her clandestine amours. The friend tries to throw off the scent all the persons who are likely to suspect her amours. The primary sense is plain enough but the suggested sense with reference to

Page #409
P. 57. A. 1. S. 19.) 52 (1) the husband, is: -- "your wife is quite innocent. She can never be charged with mis-demeanour. the neighbours who suspected her of wantonness:"you are all wrong in your suspicion. My friend is really a very chaste woman. the co-wife of the lady: -"you wanted her to be severely repremanded with by her husband, but you are baffled. (4) the lady herself: -- "Look here, I have defended you cleverly; you will now be loved by your husband more fervently than before. the paramour: "I have saved you once by this clever trick; but be cautious, do not again indulge in such open amours with my friend. (6) to the clever by-standers :-- look here, what a nice trick I have played and saved both my friend and her paramour ! In Sutra 20. 2497 names the various processes (6311977) of these various senses. The ( 137 ) process of direct sense depends on convention (#). The process is the power to show primary sense. Both muft and un processes are nothing but the power of indicating a sense and are dependent upon the things gestgara etc. (negativing direct meaning etc.) __vyaJjakatvam is the power of yielding meaning or sense (some suggested inner sense ) with the help of cleverness on the part of a person who is already well-adept in understanding both the direct and the indicated senses. In due course, it would have been proper to treat of the process or power of "purport' which seeks to establish inter-relation among the different words in

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53 [P. 58. A. 1. S. 20. a sentence. Similarly the sense called the purport of the sentence also deserves mention. But hemacandra has omitted their mention and treatment for the simple reason that tAtparyazakti and tAtparyArtha are concerned with only a sentence in its direct sense and as such can be included under abhidhA. Any one or all of these three senses ar and in their turn, suggest some inner sense, when either the speaker is some peculiar person ( vaktRvizeSa ), or the subject in hand has some peculiarity or the toning of the sentence uttered is peculiar ( 15 ), or the sentence itself is peculiar ( vAkyavirodha ), or the vAcya i. e. the primary sense has some peculiarity, or the person associated with the speaker has some peculiarity (sarafa nearness of others), or the context, place, time, movements or gestures all these and others have some peculiarity about them. In all these cases there is definitely a suggested sense. The suggested sense, in its turn, proceeds sometimes from a, sometimes from lakSyArtha and sometimes from vyaGgacArtha. All these peculiarities of the suggested sense have been illustrated by closely following the footsteps of 4 in most cases. (1) A peculiar speaker gives rise to a suggested sense (as in the verse 26.): ---- "Oh my neighbour! will you kindly look after my house for a moment? As a rule, the father of my child (i. e. my husband) in these days does not like to drink water from the well. It is better of course to go alone to fetch water from the stream, which is densely shaded with a trees. Let the old broken pieces of reeds thickly clustered there, scratch my body. Here unless we know that the woman who speaks

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P. 59. A. 1. S. 21.] 54 is a wanton woman, we can never get the suggested sense of "the concealment of her clandestine amours.' (2) peculiar subject under treatment gives rise to the suggested sense as in the verse 27: "" 'Ye messenger! the elevated portion of your breast has the sandal paste entirely rubbed away from it; your nether lip has its paint entirely washed away; the corners of your eyes are void of collyrium; and your slender body is full of horripilation; you liar, you are callous to the mental agony of your friend (i. e. myself); for, to be sure, instead of going to the rascal (my lover) [to deliver my message ] you went hence to the well to take your bath. The female messenger, instead of delivering the message of the lady who speaks here, indulged in love dalliance with the lover of the lady! The manifest signs on the body of the messenger plainly indicated that she had betrayed her friend. But the offended lady instead of directly rebuking her for her betrayal, blames her for not having gone to her lover and charges her of an indifference to her interest in that the messenger had gone to bathe in a well instead of going to her lover. But the word a plainly shows that the lady who speaks has seen through the misdemeanour of the messenger. According to the suggested sense here springs from the word as applied to the lover. According to af, here the vyaJjanA proceeds from viparItalakSaNA indication of an ironical sense or contrary sense. The suggested sense here is that the messenger has indulged in dalliances with the lover of the lady in question. ( 3 ) vyaGgayArtha is suggested by a change in the voice () as illustrated in the verse 28: -

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55 [ P. 59. A. 1. S. 21. "Even after having seen in that woeful condition in the assembly of a king, we dwelt in the forest along with the hunters for a long time, wearing bark-garments even as the hunters do. Moreover we stayed incognito at the residence of the king fauz, in a manner totally unbecoming our position. Still with all this my eldest brother (gfaf) is angry with me and not with the s. Here, while speaking, (in Venisamhara) lays a peculiar emphasis on some words with a change in his tone which suggests the sense that his brother should, in all fairness, be angry not with him but with the s. (iv) Speciality of a sentence as in the verse 29 gives rise to vyaGgayArtha. "This king has already acquired Goddess of wealth, why then should he take the trouble of churning me? I do not think that he wants to sleep on my surface (bosom) as before, for evidently his mind is ever alert; the princes of various countries pay him homage, why then should he erect a dam over me?" Thus on your arrival, ( Oh king) the ocean as it were, indulges in various surmises and appears to tremble consequently. Here the whole trend of the sentence goes to suggest the identity of the king with God Vishnu. (v) Speciality of direct sense also suggests something as in the verse 30:-- This place on the river a excels (all other places) on account of its beautiful array of new plantain trees; it enhances grace in young women on account of its splendid bowers; moreover Oh slender woman! here breezes that are help-mates of dalliances <<

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P. 60. A. 1. S. 21.) 56 are blowing, and in front of these breezes is stalking forth cupid got infuriated all of a sudden. Looking at the peculiar sense, we can easily say that "Do enter this spot for the sake of love dalliances " is the suggested sense. (vi) Speciality of a person connected with the speaker suggests something (as in the verse 31 ). " Being of a reticent nature, my mother-in-law, during my domestic duties for the whole day, does not speak with me, ( I work from morning to evening ) only in the evening perhaps for a short time I may get rest." Said by a wanton woman to a stranger. The suggested sense is "evening is the time for our secret meeting." (vii) Peculiar context as in the verse 32 also gives rise to safa: "I learn that your husband will arrive here within an hour or so to day. Why are you standing here in this manner ? Prepare yourself for his welcome. Here "do not approach your paramour" is the suggested sense. (viii) Peculiar place also gives rise to safe as in the verse 89747 44A ( verse 33 ) etc. "You may collect flowers elsewhere; I will collect here; pray don't press me; I am unable to stir" etc. Here the suggested meaning is: " This place is perfectly secluded, you may safely send my lover here!' The inner sense is with reference to the friend of the wanton lady. (ix) A peculiar time is also suggestive as in 'yaquil etc. (verse 34 ). Said by a lady to her husband who was about

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57 (P. 62. A. 1. S. 21. to start on a journey under the orders of his elders. The lady is afraid of the seperation from him and wants to dissuade him from his journey by saying : "You may go, for you have to go; ( as regards myself ) You will know what to do etc.." "In the days of spring, I will die broken-hearted, if you go. I do not know what will be your condition" is the suggested sense here. (x) Sometimes, the suggested sense starts from some peculiar gestures as in "garafatiraz" etc. (verse 35 ) in which the lady first pressed her thighs together, then she made gestures of veiling her face, of moving her eyes etc. All this suggested that she wanted her paramour at a particular place as well as time for her secret amours. (xi) Sometimes the suggested sense is with regard to both the speaker and the person addressed as in the the verse 14 sat sit' already explained above. Sometimes the suggested sense is with reference to three persons as in ET AL 7' etc. In all these instances, the suggested sense proceeds from 31fer (primary sense ). The following, however, is an example of the suggested sense proceeding from an indicated sense: "arcat fe URT" etc. (verse 36 ). This is said by a lady to her female friend who acted as a love-messenger but instead of delivering her message herself indulged in secret dalliances with the lady's lover. The lady instead of remonstrating with her for her treachery says (ironically): " you have taken much trouble for me and acted just as a friend should act". This really means

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P. 63. A. 1. S. 22. ) 58 that she ( the friend ) was a rank traitress in that she betrayed her friend and indulged in secret amour with the lady's lover. The inner sense is that the lover is the real culprit. Sometimes the suggested sense proceeds from another suggested sense as in 'arforze grgcar etc :-- "Oh you merchant ! How can there be tiger-skin or tusks of elephants in our house (for sale ) when our daughter-in-law with her face covered with dishevelled hair is moving about in the house.. Here the adjective gearsayeit suggests that the son of the speaker is always engaged in love dalliance with his wife and it is further suggested that he (the son) owing to his excess of sexual enjoyment is greatly emaciated and is no longer able to kill tigers and elephants in hunting and collect tusks and hides. Sutra 22 deals with the varieties of the suggested sense as follows: The suggested sense is two-fold:--the one depending on the power of words and the other proceeding from the primary sense (amply illustrated above). There is no third variety--that depending both upon the words and sense simaltaneously, for it can be safely included under hoceft,cuT for in it between a sense and a word, the word is more important than its sense. Sutra 23 defines Tozaltri ascuka as follows:- When in a sentence, a word in its primary sense yields various meanings but on the strength of various tests such as association etc. other senses are rejected and only two senses remain, the first is the primary sense and the other is called the suggested sense. The word that has

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59 (P. 64. A. 1. S. 19. thus two senses and that suggests some figure of speech or some deep sense, gives rise to 27281ff4aFt. (ii) Similarly when a word by its process of indication (i. e. GETT) giving rise to an indicated sense (egipsf) suggests either some figures of speech or some subtle statement after its lakSyArtha, zabdazaktimUlavyaGgaya comes into operation. Thus there are two kinds of zabdazaktimUlavyaGgaya-one based on abhidhA (i. e. abhidhAmUlaka) the other based on lakSaNA, (i. e. 17 ). These two kinds again are two - fold each: One is padadhvani and the other is vAkyadhvani. Heft, the famous grammarian, has given in his #fais (quoted here) a long list of the clues that help in deciding the sense of words; they are : (1) # -a word coming together with another word restricts its own sense; for instance in Hifaa: rAmaH, rAma neither means balarAma nor parazurAma, but means only rAma the son of dazaratha; for the word lakSmaNAnvitaH i.e. his saMyoga (association) with # is a decisive clue. (2) viprayoga-seperation. In vinA sItAM rAmaH the word FIA must mean t1 the son of FrT9; for the seperation of sItA is possible only in the case of rAma the son of dazaratha. (3) sAhacarya. In the sentence budho bhaumazvoccai : etc. budha must mean 'the planet mercury' for me, the planet, alone is always associated with th the planet 'mars'. (4) virodhitA eg. rAmArjunavyatikara. Here rAma must mean PEITIA, for he alone can be mentioned together with arjuna i.e. sahasrArjuna ( the two being rivals of each other ). (5) 273-purpose, eg. in aqh172 araiafeelfa, na must means 'a horse' and not 'salt', for the former alone is useful in amal ( hunting ). (6) prakaraNa context; eg. in devo na jAnAti tam, deva must

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P. 64, A. 1. S. 23. ] 60 mean your honour' and not 'a God', the context being in favour of the former meaning (7) fs Characteristic, a symbol. For instance, in the line teos 3 aposta pe FATAH , ja must mean arjuna the son of kuntI, and not sahasrArjuna, for gANDIva bow is the token of the former and not of the latter. (8) 87777FI TECF4 sfafa: Proximity of a peculiar word. For instance in devasya zaGgAriNaH deva must mean cupid because of its proximity with the word TiffOT: (9) Ataxi-capacity; for instance in Agar Aa: fases: , Ay must mean the spring' and not 'wine' for spring alone has the capacity to intoxicate the cuckoo. - (10) aucitya propriety; for instance in tanvyA vakaM svAM 910 there is no propriety in saying that the face of the lady should protect; therefore, the word are must be interpreted in the sense of "turn favourably towards you in love." (11) . A particular place for instance 'BretPETAFIIT fa:' if the place is the capital of a king, HE must mean a king and not the God Shiva. (12) $13. A particular time is a definite clue; for instance in "fast atgrahref" by the force of the word 397EUR (by day ) Fagot7 has to be interpreted in the sense of the sun' and not the fire'. . (13) A particular person (ezfanfaata ) is a clue, eg. in the sentence "farefaati " etc. from the particular person speaking this, f must mean a friend and not the sun.'. (14) Sometimes the fats Jala and 3197 change the sense of words as has been explained in 818215*17 by the famous illustration of the sentence." F a ta". This word 72 can be interpreted in two ways (according to the way in which we dissolve the compoud).

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61. [P. 65. A. 1. S: -23. .. indraH zatruH yasya saH is a bahuvrIhi compound, but indrasyazatruH is a gestacg59 compound. Now if the fats of the first word in the compound remain unchanged, the compound will be bahuvrIhi, but if the compound has the final svaraan udAtta, it will be a tatpuruSa. In astig compound the meaning is "one whose killer is one." In gestatg54 the meaning is " Killer of Indra." but the his, that are so common in the Vedas, have been now banished from the classical Sanskrit literature. It is, therefore, not very useful to mention the clue of Fats here. (15) #15, a change in the voice ( when a person is swayed by some emotion ), is also a definite clue in deciding the sense of a word or sentence. For instance in the famous verse "feath attaita FAT " etc.. " I shall not kill the hundred stras in the battle" is the apparent sense; but this sense has to be rejected for the speaker is ofta ( full of anger ); with the help of $19, however, the sense is at once changed and then the verse means : "Shall I not kill the hundred miras ? etc." Most positively-I shall. (16) Sometimes 3faa (gesture) decides the meaning of a sentence. The instance is given in the verse 52. "A lady of such (the speaker here shows by his hands the bulk of her breasts ) boxom breasts, possessed of such beautiful or bright eyes (as shown by gesture ) has been reduced to such (again gestures ) a plight in so many days ( again gestures )." (17) gear is also a clue as in the verse 52. I&T says:-" the demon has obtained his glory from here (meaning himself ); it is not, therefore, proper that he

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P. 66. A. 1. S. 23.) 62 should have his destruction from here (meaning hiniself). It is not good to cut even a poisonous tree when once we have nutured it ourselves. The difference between eat and fact is that apadeza is pointing to some person or thing. Here zaMkara points to himself by the word itaH. nirdeza is a veiled reference to a person or thing. For instance in the sentence 53a sfa faltfa faosa" the meaning is: "Somebody of somebody is here", here the girls point their finger towards area without naming him. (18) hat means sign. This also is sometimes a clue. For instance in the verse 55 Parvati at once knew that TFT was bent upon eliciting from her some sort of answer to his random question and as an answer, as it, were shook her head (meaning that she was not willing to speak ). (19) sah is gesture or motion of the various limbs of the body indicating internal feelings. This is also a clue as shown in verse 56. "He wanted to know when they would meet again, but could not openly ask so in the midst of a large company. He, therefore, simply looked at her. She understood the query and as an answer closed the petals of the lotus in her hand meaning thereby: 'we meet at night'. (20) 311917 is the expression of the face as giving clue to one's internal thoughts; as in 57. " Your desire is known by your hot sighs" etc. Thus one or more of these clues (as the case may be ) definitely restrict the direct meaning (arenpoi) of a verse. But even after this direct meaning is grasped by the readers, a deep subtle meaning lurks behind

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63 (P. 66. A. 1. S. 23. this direct meaning. This is called the suggested sense ( 2267 )--the soul of poetry--which is obtained by the function of sugar alone (a function of words and sense - different from abhidhA and lakSaNA.) This gator91T has been a bone of contention for almost all the rhetoricians. Some are against the conception of such a novel process to arrive at the suggested sense and try either to stretch the power of sfar up to this suggested sense (for instance the well-known dictum "HISSAgifta sigaraatian917:") or to include this par under GeoT ( as being a part of it.) Others are the advocotes of 5997731917 and try to prove that the function of Jai cannot possibly be discharged either by slet or I. These are called dhvanivAdins the pioneer of whom is Anandavardhana the famous author of dhvanyAloka. mammaTa the author of kAvyaprakAza is also a powerful champion of vyaJjanA. mahimabhaTTa ( the author of oftras ) is the greatest opponent of this 32391 school. Our author has faithfully followed 311977ata and AFAT and advanced the stock arguments used by these two authors in defence of war. These are already given in detail on page 50, 51, 52. It should be noted here that the contention is not about the inner meaning of a sentence or a poemfor all agree in regarding it as the most important, one, but it is about the gatalart. The whole controversy centres round this point. The main arguments in favour of 54991, as advanced by hala here are as under : (i) fut cannot express the inner meaning, for it has power to express only the direct meaning of words on the strength of convention (ET). But as

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P. 66. A. 1. S. 23. ] 64 to the suggested sense, the words as they stand are utterly unable to convey it. 66 (ii) lakSaNAvyApAra is two-fold : gauNIlakSaNA and lakSaNalakSaNA. In the sentence : the direct meaning a station of cow herds on the waters of the river Ganges must be rejected (garia), for it is an absurd statement. Some sense that is not remote from the direct sense (a) has therefore to be accepted. This sense is obtained by 17 alone. Now why conceive lakSaNAvyApAra at all when abhidhA may serve the purpose equally well? for, can we not as well say at: ? The answer is: by having recourse to we get the additional sense of " I purity and coolness" with regard to the cowherd station. This prayojana of the lakSaNA justifies its conception. But the point is whether this sense of purity and coolness is obtained by lakSaNAvyApAra. The answer to this as given by hemacandra is : lakSaNAvyApAra exhausts its powers after giving the sense gaGgAtaTe ghoSaH, but the additional sense of zaityapAvanatvayukte gaGgAtaTe can not be given by this for the fa i. e. the proper province of a is altogether different from the purpose (prayojana ) of a lakSaNA (just as in pratyakSa pramANa a jar is the subject of pratyakSa and its knowledge is its prayojana. ) Another, therefore, must be conceived and accepted - this then is the vyaJjanAvyApAra. When once vyaJjanA is established in lakSaNalakSaNA, gauNIlakSaNA need not be seperately treated. In the verses below, illustrates all the varieties of vyaGga ( due to the varieties of vyaJjanAvyApAra ). For instance in the verse 58. The ar is "the company of the good is always delightful" but the suggested sense is company of my lover is delightful." Here the f Co the >>

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65 (P. 71. A. 1. S. 23. 379 rests on the word aCITA. Verse 59 is an instance of 175 TfhF254 in a sentence:-- AITEETTAFETT etc.." There is no bed here for you to lie down " etc. Here the direct meaning is "Oh traveller! this village is full of stones and there is no bed for you to lie down. If you want to stay here because of the rainy season, do it." The inner meaning is:-You shall have enjoyment throughout the night for the people here are all dull as stones. If you want to stay here looking to buxom breasts, you may." This inner meaning consists of a bare statement. There is no figure of speech ( such as 3941 ) suggested. In the verse 60 the words that and la yield double meaning. Similarly the words salt and 873&re are also used in two senses; but the suggested sense "Even contraries serve you" is a bare statement. 8937fa: thunderbolt. 3956: agreeing with his wife. Verse 61 is an instance of a suggested figure of speech based on words. # means terrible but suggests the comparison of oth the son of qrus. This year is based on one word ( 98 ) ft. But in 62 the 249 is found in the whole sentence: here stessa IT: has two senses ( 1 ) sleesha TT; and (2) Sitemarent SITT: 'whom do her breasts not make pine for ?' is the direct sense. Whom does not the rainyseason not make uneasy?' is the suggested sense. The suggested figure is 3991 (the resemblance of course, is quite verbal--but the figure has, somehow, to be accepted, otherwise the suggested meaning with be irrelevant.

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P. 68. A. 1. S. 23. ] 66 Similarly in the verse 63, rar, along with its adjectives, is first interpreted in the sense of (1) a beautiful woman and then (2) a moon-lit night. The suggested figure is upamA. Here candrAbharaNA means having ornaments of the shape of the cresent moon.' a means full of joy. Again in the sentence mAtaGgagAminyaH zIlavatyaca etc. $ (( the suggested figure is virodhAbhAsa. In the verse 65, : is to be interpreted in the sense of (1) rays (of the sun) as well as (2) the feet of a king-and consequently the whole verse yields two senses. The figure suggested is afat which shows the superiority of the feet of the king over the rays of the sun. In addition to fat there is throughout the verse. Thus na khoddhAsina: nakha = nail and kha= sky. abja = moon and lotus -chowrie and + Gods. Verse 66 is an instance of a suggested statement ( vastu ) based on gauNIlakSaNA. The moon is as pale as a mirror rendered dim by the breath of a man. ea is a word which has to be taken not in the literal sense of blind' but dim. This is lakSaNA and the prayojana of this gauNIlakSaNA is to suggest extreme pallor, uselessness and other such things. This is based upon the word ; but in verse 67 gauNIlakSaNAmUlavyaJjanA covers the whole sentence: Here the statement "fi. e. a sage wakes throughout the night and sleeps by day" taken literally reduces itself to absurdity. It, therefore, must be interpreted with the help of gauNIlakSaNA as the sages are alive to the eternal principle of the world to which ordinary men are totally blind." << >> In verse 68, again, "sa ae are the words of himself. Now it is absurd on the part of " to say

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[P. 71. A. 1. S. 23. " that he is rAma. Therefore with the help of lakSaNalakSaNA the word must be interpreted in the sense of a hard-hearted man (that I am)' and the suggested is to show the agony of mind, the sense of self-condemnation and other such things on the part of rAma. of this This is called arthAntarasaMkramitavAcyadhvani by mammaTa and others. Here the af is based on a word only. am, therefore, it "" But in the verse 69 covers the whole sentence. Here the statement "suvarNapuSpAM pRthivIM cinvanti " they collect this earth full of flowers in the form of gold " is absurd on the face of it. With the help of has to be interpreted in the sense the earth is full of prosperity" etc. and the suggested sense in that case is "the brave and the learned are men superior to all. In the Sutra 24, the suggested sense based on sense (af) is defined and classified: (i) atga sense consisting of a mere statement suggested by vastu. (ii) vastudhvani suggested by a figure of speech (alaGkAra ) (iii) alaGkAradhvani suggested by vastu. (iv) alaGkAradhvani suggested by alaGkAra. 67 Again these varieties are each of them possible either in a word, or in a sentence or in a composition or throughout a work. mammaTa in his kAvyaprakAza has again divided this arthazakti - into three kinds:-(1) one in which the whole sense is natural (2) one that is conceived by virtue of the poet's words full of grand imagination (fast) and (3) one that is created by the words full of grand imagination of the speaker conceived by the poet ( kavinibaddhadbhavatRprauDhoktimAtra niSpannazarIra: ). Now this division is

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P. 74. A. 1. S. 24.1 68 by discarded by saying that even a natural sense does not appear charming without the magnificient utterances of a poet. aastal thus is essential for the creation of a charming poem. For instance in the verse:zikhiriNi kanu nAma kiyacciram / kimabhidhAnamasAvakarottapaH // etc. (quoted by in his commentary) A lover says:-"Oh young woman! what sort of penance has been practised by this parrot that he gets to eat the fruit of far that is as red as thy nether tip. Here to say that the parrot got the fruit because of his penance on the mountain is nothing but prauDhokti - a piece of the poet's grand imagination. For there is not a single mountain which has got the virtue of giving such fruit and there is no penance that can yield this fruit; being thus a matter entirely conceived by the imagination of the poet it is safe. Again the poet does not directly utter these words but they are uttered by a person conceived by the poet; the whole sense, therefore, is kavinibaddhavakta prauDhoktiniSpannazarIra. thus insists upon every sense being full of prauDhokti and discards the classification of mammaTa. Verse 70 and the following give illustrations of this arthazaktimUlavyaGgaca. zrIsahodararatnAbharaNe i. e. kaustubhAbharaNe in decking their persons with the jewel (the brother of Goddess eft). The demons forgot everything before their charming wives. Here the word a suggests that the God of love has got the skill to attract men with the delicate means. The dhvani is in the word kusumabANa. This dhvani is a mere statement based on a statement (al atgraft: )

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69 [P. 74. A. 1. S. 24. In the verse 71 a statement in the arearsi suggests another statement "A thing loved alone gives charm to the thing; if one does not love a thing, one does not find any charm in it or in other words 'aafa fuffor gott a aega. The idea in the direct sense is: " The same art river is here, the same bank is here even now, I am the saine person as before, but I do not find any charm in anything because of the absence of love in my heart. This is aegar gegaafa: in a sentence. In the following verse___'dhIrANAM ramate ghusaNAruNe na tathApi yA stanotsaGge / dRSTI ripugajakumbhasthale yathA bahalasindUre // ' Brave men do not find so much charm in the breasts of women as they find in the temples of the enemies' elephants. Obviously the suggested sense is a comparision between the breasts of women and the temples of elephants. The gearef--a mere att suggests a figure of speech ( 9a aegar 37agriafe ) The cafe is based on the word offi. Verse 73 contains Bersaga suggested by mere ata in alegia, in a sentence. The idea is--ather tormented by the fire of grief at the death of his sons threw himself in fire but the fire was to him as cool as snow. He, therefore, threw himself into a river. It is suggested that his grief was more terrible than fire hence the figure sfat is suggested here. In the verse 74: . cUtAGkarAvataMsaM kSaNaprasaramahAghamanoharasurAmodam / asamarpitamapi gRhItaM kusumazareNa madhumAsalakSmyA mukham // Cupid kissed the face of qaragart ( vernal beauty ) =

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P. 75. A. 1. S. 24. ] 70 festival Aziat+9+8+TATE (1) the joy felt by Cupid (RRTETET) (2) HTETET 11ate having the perfume of wine. The expressed figure is fasterater. The suggested sense is "I shall also follow the example of Cupid, beware!" or it may be this:- If the spring in its beginning is so intoxicating, how will it be when it is fully advanced ? Thus there is smerter dettata: EUR. The same variety in a sentence is illustrated in the verse: "refakataya aid soj : atrai Alfaantai Ala: 415a tapa tua: 11" The pride of ladies ran away from their hearts as if it (the pride ) was afraid of being crushed by the embrace of the lovers. Here the vAcyArtha contains the figure utprekSA which suggests: "the women freely embraced their lovers in return." In the following verse:-- " tava vallabhasya prAtarAsIdadharo mlAnakamaladalam / iti navavadhUH zrutvA karoti vadanaM mahIsaMmukham // the nether lip of your lover was pale like the petal of a lotus' is a metaphor (in areais). The suggested sense is:--" You have, it seems, repeatedly kissed him." This alaGkAreNa vastudhvani is in pada. The same variety is found in 27187 as illustrated in 77. 'He, who can measure the waters of the ocean, can alone describe the ( countless ) qualities of asta. Here in alzare the figure is a star and it suggests another figure siento ( which means 'why try to describe the qualities of auta ? It is impossible to describe them.) The last variety that of aegeara as found in garten

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71 [ P. 81. A. 1. S. 24. (not a stray verse or a poem but a collection of poems on one subject) is illustrated below in the verses quoted from . In this long passage a vulture and a jackal are trying to outwit each other in order that they may get the dead body of a boy to eat. Both of them are trying to send away the people who have come to burn the dead body. Here then the speeches of both the vulture and the jackal (i. e. the a) suggest their desire to eat the dead body of the boy. This illustration is also given by mammaTa in his kAvyaprakAza. In vanvAloka, again, the author ( Anandavardhana ) gives the whole of Ra as an illustration of a suggested sense in a (i. e. a work). He says: the suggestion in the whole of is that life after all is transitory and alone should be the final goal of life. These, Sutra 25:-All the verses containing s and as; rasAbhAsa and bhAvAbhAsa; bhAvazAnti, bhAvodaya, bhAvasthiti, bhAvasandhi and bhAvazabalatA are very good illustrations of arthazaktimUlavyaGgaya. etc. are seperately mentioned by in order to show that these are always suggested (); they can never come down. to the level of vAcyArtha; while vastu and alaGkAra as a rule come under vAcyArtha but sometimes may come under the suggested sense. Verse 81 gives an instance of a suggested in a word. "The fire blind with smoke did not see you when it burnt you (otherwise he would not have burnt such a lovely figure). The first two lines give a most splendid picture of the frightened heroine () caught in the midst of fire. Here the word a suggests that the familiar eyes of full of charming graces are vividly remembered .

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P. 84. A. 1. S. 25. ] 72 by the king. This word mainly suggests the intense pathos in the poem. Sometimes even a termination or a part of a word suggests some subtle sense; for instance in the verse 82: mA panthAnaM rundhi mama apehi bAlaka ! aho asi ahrINaH / vayaM paratantrAH zUnyagRhaM rakSitavyam naH // "Don't block my way, get away you childish and shameless fellow; we have got to guard this vacant house." Here 310ft suggests you should come to the vacant house, don't betray our secret here.' A part of a word is also suggestive. For instance in the verse 83 the plural termination in the word are suggests that the wife of 27 was adept in a variety of aress (timing beats); this word are:, therefore, intensifies the vipralambhazRMgAra. Similarly in the verse 84 in likhan Aste the present participle termination and the locative case in Hat are highly suggestive the former suggests that the repentant arra is still sitting and is bent upon sitting there till he is pardoned and the suggests that he is totally bewildered. Similarly in "8777 45 am ! etc. Go away. Do not see me when I am bathing. This place is not meant for persons who are afraid of their wives." etat sthAnam is suggestive of the romantic nature of the place. Again the area termination in 571277376% suggests that the woman utterly condemns the man for being afraid of his own wife and thus losing the pleasure of secret love. Similarly in the verse 86 the two as show simultaneous action. 'On the one hand there is this seperation and on the other hand, has set in this rainy. season. Even one of these two events is enough to

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73 [P. 86. A. 1. S. 25. torrent the king, why then talk of the effect of these two at a time. The two #s, therefore, are highly suggestive. Besides the word 724 in facraerre: intensi. fies the setqafquia in the verse. Again in the line 'prasnigdhAH kvacidigudIphalabhidaH etc.' the upasarga pra suggests the freshness of iGgudI fruits and thus shows the superb beauty of the hermitage. Sometimes a number of nipAtas and upasargas comes together and suggests some subtle sense as in Stet batA'si spRhaNIyavIyaH ' aho and bataH show great admiration. Again in the verse 89 in the word agtrax the JAS 39 and 11-all meaning 'playing the part of a man--8-in a wonderful way ( 299 ) and with an all-pervading (811) activity, are highly suggestive. In Seart Breta' Brata (was ) suggests that: 9ITA was so very confident of his strength that he thought ih as already killed! The crude form of a word being highly suggestive is illustrated in the verse 91. Here facit: suggests that it was a miracle that his wretched house was transformed into a palace in a few days. Again the words aa and after suggest the squalid appearance of his ( gfiat's ) former house. Similarly in the verse 92: "ratikelihRtanivasanakarakisalayaruddhanayanayugalasya / rudrasya tRtIyanayanaM pArvatIparicumbitaM jayati // " " when Shanker in his amorous mood took away the garment of granit, she closed his two eyes with her two hands and closed his third eye with her lips !" Here safe suggests that graft's way of closing the third eye of Shankar was simply marvellous. 10

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ADHYAYA II. In this chapter 477 defines and illustrates all the kinds of a together with all the constituents of Ta. The first Sutra defines :___A sthAyIbhAva fully developed by means of vibhAva anubhAva and vyabhicAribhAva assumes the form of a rasa. As has been already said (in the first chapter ) TH, ma and all their varieties are always suggested; they are never directly expressed. A Eyrata, as its name shows, is the inborn permanent emotion in the heart of every man. Such permanent emotions are regarded as being only eight. They are: ratihAsazca zokazca krodhotsAhI bhayaM tathA / jugupsA vismayazceti sthAyibhAvAH prakIrtitAH // This inborn emotion is, at the beginning, only in a dormant state but when it finds some object for its working and gets intensified by favourable circumstances, it gets fully developed and then attaining its zenith is termed a rasa. fahia is an object that helps in developing the sthAyibhAva. It is two-fold:-AlambanavibhAva and uddIpanavibhAva. (1) 8713347 faara, as the word signifies, is the object on which the emotion hangs, that is to say, is the object which serves as a field for the activity of that particular emotion. To take a concrete instance : the emotion of fa (love) is an inborn and a permanent emotion in human heart. But unless it finds any object for its activity it never comes into prominence but lies dormant in the heart. Now suppose a young man

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75 [P. 88. A. 2. S. 26. happens to see a beautiful young woman. At the first sight his emotion is aroused and he begins to think of her. The emotion of love (fa) then is the sthAyI bhAva and the young woman is the Alambana vibhAva. Now suppose that the place where he meets the woman is a secluded garden and the woman seems to be favourably inclined towards him, then his love is sure to get intensified. These things that thus intensify the love of the man are called (2) fa-inflamers of an emotion. Now suppose that his love is fixed and is gradually getting more and more intense; then during the course of the developement of his love sometimes he is afraid of being detected in his lovemaking, at other times he is yearning to see her, sometimes he feels a sense of disappointment; but all the while, these momentary feeling that appear and disappear ultimately help the progress of his love. These short-lived feelings, therefore, are called vyabhicAri bhAvas or sometimes saMcAribhAvas. These bhAvas are generally fixed for a fixed ; sometimes, however they are common to many as. Again these as when fully developed are expressed by some gestures. These are called anubhAvas. For instance the outward signs from which it is inferred that a man is in love, are his languid gait, vacant gaze etc.. They are all as as are mentioned in the verse: gamanamalasaM zUnyA dRSTiH zarIramasauSThavam / zvasitamadhikam // etc. ( mAlatImAdhave ) To conclude a fully developed by means of vibhAva and vyabhicAribhAva and indicated by anubhAva is termed a rasa. rasa as its etymology shows ( rasyate iti rasaH ). is a thing that is tasted and enjoyed.

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R. 90. A. 2. S. 26.-) 76 Now the important question in this connexion is this:--Who tastes or enjoys the ta ? Before answering this question it is desirable to make a clear distinction between the te in ordinary life and the ta in poetry. In ordinary everyday life, the te, for instance the sentiment of love, is produced (or rather developed ) in the heart of a young man who has fallen in love with a young woman. Naturally if his love is reciprocated, it is tasted and enjoyed by him alone. Others can never taste or enjoy his sentiment of love, But in poetry ( both written as well as in dramas. ) the case of this altogether different. Here the ph is described to have developed in the characters in the poem (such as 14 and star ), the farat ta int he heart of rAma is developed fully there by means of vibhAva. anubhAva and safhaft#19. But the strangest thing here is this that the here developed is tasted or enjoyed not by the character in the poem or drama but by the readers or the audience in a theatre ! How is this miracle worked ? The explanation is this:-- There is a hidden power called histoffzut in poetry, by virtue of which the readers (or the audience ) -- think that the vibhAvas, anubhAvas and vyabhicAribhAvas that are really exclusively with reference to the characters in a poem or a drama are their own! Thus while the drama is being staged, every one of the audience thinks or rather fancies that he is a hero in the fairy land of imagination and that the female character in the play is his beloved (he forgets for a while that they

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77 (P. 90. A. 2. S. 26. are tip and war) and that the faula 31741a etc, are with reference to him. ( Ahad q ad...fa... Araroa gaia fazl77:) It is then that his farsit H19 is aroused and ultimately attaining zenith is transformed into Th. This This then tasted and enjoyed by him-yet not by him alone but by thousands of spectators simaltaneously without being jealous of the neighbour that participates in the enjoyment of that ve (fazagarawacaa feratsfa sAdhAraNopAyabalAt sahRdayasaMvAdabhAjA sAdhAraNyena gocarIkriyamANaH) This te is so marvellous that the reader or every one of the audience can enjoy it, without physically passing through all phases of love-making-merely by hearing or seeing ! Being tasted is the very essence of this ta (aarta91: ); it lasts as long as the fata, anubhAva etc. last (vibhAvAdibhAvanAvadhiH ). Being of a unique nature (8457f2 ftaar ), it can be compared to the joy of the realisation of all. Its taste cannot be described, its joy is to be experienced by oneself( Fagagalita:) and that is its greatest proof (fa&:). It is enjoyed both by the poet and the readers. It is said above that it is enjoyed merely by seeing but the fact is that once it permeates the heart it is enjoyed by closing the eyes as it were in a state of trance (farzifisgata: ). What are known in everyday life by the terms kAraNa, kArya and sahacAri are here termed as f 1919, 317819, and cyfiaft 712. The most important qnestion in this connection is about the appearance of . How is it that the TA makes its appearance ?' is the first question; and where does it appear-is another question. The whole controversy among Sanskrit rhetoricians has centred round these two questions. Different views are held on

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P. 90. A. 2. S. 26. ] 78 these two questions by different writers. has enumerated almost all the views on these points and discussed them in his commentary most exhaustively. We are giving below in a nut shell all the main views regarding these questions:-- ( 1 ) bhaTTalollaTa's view :-a sthAyI when produced by fanas, made manifest by gas and developed by vyabhicAribhAvas is called a rasa rasa is mainly produced in the chief characters of a poem or a drama; but because the actors identify themselves with these characters it can be as well said that is produced in these actors also. (2) i's view :- -When love and other such feelings are inferred (to be in an actor) by the audience even though dwelling originally in the characters, they are called etc. To quote again, the acter is identified by the audience with the original character of Rama ( rAmo'yamiti pratipattyA grAhye naTe ) just as a horse painted in a picture is regarded as a horse (ag). This identification is not a true knowledge (aga), for the audience knows perfectly well that the emotions that are manifest in the actor are not real but expressed by means of his skilful gestures ( zikSAbhyAsa nivartitasvakArya a). On the other hand, this identification is not absolutely false for it continues to the last and is not nullified by any contrary experience at a later stage. It is, moreover, not a doubt, for the alternative necessary for a doubt is not present in this identification. It is not a mere similarity, for the knowledge of identification is not of the nature of "this actor is just like Rama " Thus after the identification of the actors with

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79 (P. 90. A. 2. S. 26. the principal characters of a drama or a poem--the audience, on the strength of gata, infers the development of a in the actors. In this 349917 the zifa is this: on a fanaifa: aa 9 Taifa: F 219: ( Thenlaafa ). etc. (3) The third view is that of Heart : according to him, 74 is produced neither in fra original ( for that is not possible on the stage) nor in an actor nor again in the audience but it is only enjoyed by the audience ( it is neither produced nor inferred nor suggested ). How can the audience enjoy the Te apparently shown with reference to others ( the characters of th etc. )? The answer is: by the process of #12977, the Ferrata (along with the fula and others ) is made common to all ( vibhAvAdisAdhAraNIkaraNAtmanA bhAvakatvavyApAraNa) (4) The above view is accepted in a great measure by abhinavaguptapAdAcArya ( whom mammaTa quotes as an authority ), but he says that the apartutapur does not require any special process but this generalization comes as a matter of course and finally the ta is suggested by vibhAvAnubhAvavyabhicAribhAva and is enjoyed by the audience. Has follows this view in its every detail. Thus ATX, faithfully following Art and his master abhivagupta, holds the view that rasa is neither produced nor inferred but suggested. If a is supposed to be produced then it would mean that fora and others would become its cause and te would be its effect. Now the rule is 7-an effect-exists even when its cause perishes; so here te must exist even when fahia and others disappear-but this is never the case; we have already said "that the lasts as long as the vibhAva and others last (vibhAvAdijIvitAvadhi). Similarly te can not be inferred; for in order that a

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P. 103. A. 2. S. 26. ) 80 . thing should be inferred it must be already in existence (fas). But we know that is in the process of being ( jAyamAna ) when the vibhAvas and others are mentioned. rasa is therefore suggested (vyaGgaya) by means of vibhAva anubhAva and vyabhicAribhAva; this is its peculiar nature. These vibhAvas, anubhAvas and vyabhicAribhAvas all combined together suggest a Th. If they come singly they can not suggest a TA; for in that case it is not definitely known to what they belong, they by their very nature being common to more than one TAE; for instance, let us take the vibhAva-vyAghra (a tiger). This vibhAva coming singly may suggest bhayAnaka or vIra or adabhuta or raudra according to the situation conceived and the view taken. Thus viewed from the point of a deer, a tiger would suggest 777777a; from the point of view of a brave man a tiger would suggest atite ( when the brave man kills the tiger ); again if we suppose that the tiger is devouring its prey with a terrible roar, that would suggest raudra. Similarly in the case of 31771as. If they come singly (not in combination with fahra and gafa iftara ) they are not able to suggest any definite 79. For instance, take the 345414' tears ': they may suggest either Four or T or H919according as the situation is conceived. Again the fifcura Fral-anxiety (for instance), coming singly, would suggest either $507 or Tit or at or H2777. But in spite of this general rule that for the suggestion of a rasa, a combination of vibhAva anubhAva and sqf912 is necessary, it sometimes happens that one of these comes in a poem where the situation or the

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81 (P. 104. A. 2. S. 26. context is perfectly clear. In that case even a fanta coming alone may suggest a definite Ta. For instance in the verse 93 which means: "Your body is the seat of all graceful movements; your dancing eye-brows are love-exciting; your face is maddeningly beautiful. You are the orly beautiful figure in the three worlds." The body, the eye-brows and the face are all uddIpanavibhAvas. There is no mention of any anubhAva or afhqif919. In spite of this, the context is so clear that one can easily detect yria in the verse. Similarly, in the verse 94, there are only #las of the young ladies when they happen to see youthful AUT. The eyes of these young ladies are languid ; their limbs are wasting day by day; their cheeks are getting paler and paler. Thus though there are only gulas in this poem the context is clear and hence the vipralambhazRGgAra is easily suggested inerely by the 349717s. Again in the verse 95 there are only zfuqif Has mentioned of an offended women with reference to her guilty lover: her eyes became eager when she saw him coming (siege); when he came near, her eyes became nervous (asi); when he began to speak, her eyes dilated with joy ( o ); when he began to embrace, they became red (679); when he caught her garment, her eyes became full of anger (Bal); but when he fell at her feet her eyes brimmed with tears (9817). The readers can easily detect f92773XIT in the verse though there are only afraifiuras mentioned. But these are exceptions. The general rule is that only the combination of fahra, 31419 and faftara clearly suggests a rasa. 11

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P. 106. A. 2. S. 27. ) 82 In the following sutras haat enumerates, defines and illustrates all the rasas. There are only nine zas. The most familiar and the most delightful of all these #s is fr. arka closely follows in and sometimes serves as its help-mate. SEUT which is exactly opposite of gift, is next mentioned; raudra comes next and is very often the cause of karuNa. Failure in one's endeavour to get something gives rise to ta (8781791:) based on the feeling of tust. Then comes, vIra based on the religious spirit (dharmapradhAnaH); vIra very often removes fear, hence 9184 comes next. bhayAnaka is closely allied to bIbhatsa which comes nexts. vIra finally results in marvellous exploits. 247, therefore, is next mentioned. All these ths, hitherto mentioned, are based on the first three yearis with activity as their characteristic. Exactly opposite to these three gegrus comes finally zAnta characterised by passivity (nivRtti). These nine rasas are perfectly detached from one another in their characteristics. Others can be definitely included under some one of these ths and hence can not be given a seperate place. Thus Fate, according to some, is the tenth rasa with ArdratA ( melting of the heart) as its sthAyI bhAva. But this can easily be included under fa. Thus the affection one feels for his friend is nothing but fa; the affection of th for at may be included under dharmavIra (for rAma loved lakSmaNa almost religiouslysays 47); again the affection which a child feels for its parents can be put under bhayAnakarasa (for, as hemacandra explains curiously, a child inwardly is afraid of his parents ); similarly an old man's love for his grown

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83 (P. 106. A. 2. S. 27. up son springs from fear and thus is a part of bhayAnaka ! (again a funny explaination given by 49 ). According to some, glez (cupidity) is a distinct te with 7 (gluttony) as its fulha. But at rejects this view and says that this so-called state is nothing but Ertata in another disguise (for it excites ridicule) or at best this craving (len) may be put (as says ) under the love of possession )! Ir is defined in the sutra 28 :- The sentiment of love exists between a man and a woman. So either a man or a woman is the Alambana vibhAva of zRGgAra. Then the objects (such as garlands, music, scents etc.) that contribute to stimulate love are the geita fazla. Again some prominent vyabhicAribhAvas, excepting jugupsA (a sense of dislike ) TESET ( lassitude ) and sitsa ( severity ), help the process of this love and hence are its vyabhicAribhAvas. zRGgAra is of two kinds (1) saMyoga and (2) vipralambha or love in seperation. This sentiment is a long-standing one ranging from the process of its inception to its fulfilment. (artraf 950 pogrigali). It is more and more blissful (galeri) as it advances. It is a tie that binds two hearts together (AsthAbandhAtmikA); originally it is the sthAyIbhAva called tra, but when fully developed it is termed IFTTTA and it is then that it is enjoyed by the reader or the audience. It is really strange that afa i. e. love between a young man and a woman should alone be accepted by all the rhetoricians as having the capacity to develop itself into th. According to their view, all other kinds of love are not capable of rising to the high level of a te! For instance, the love of a mother or for a

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P. 107. A. 2. S. 27.] 84 mother, the devotion for God or a sage or the loyalty for a king are all put under the general category of rati and is condemned to the position of a mere bhAva ! As mammaTa says : ratirdevAdiviSayA vyabhicArI tathA'JjitaH bhAvaH proktaH // kAvyaprakAza IV. 35 and remarks :-kAntAviSayA tu ( ratiH ) vyaktA zRGgAraH // Now this strange view does not stand to reason. It is a universal experience that a mother's love for her child attains a zenith not reached by any other kind of love. We fail to understand, therefore, how, under these circumstances, love between a man and a woman alone should be exalted to a supreme place in literature. implicitly follows in this respect the conventional view of and other standard rhetoricians and quotes instances of rati as a bhAva. The devotion of a man to God is illustrated in the verse 96: There seems to be a limited number of atoms (containing the quality of quietude) in this world, for after you were created, not a single person was created who is similar to you. "" The devotion or reverence for a sage is illustrated in the verse 97. Those only can be termed as houses that are purified by the dust of your feet." "" << It is said that there are two kinds of zRGgArarasa : (i) saMbhoga and (ii) vipralambha; but as hemacandra himself says this is not strictly true. Really speaking, these two kinds belong to the rati ( sthAyibhAva ) which is of the nature of a tie of affection; these two kinds, saMbhoga and vipralambha,

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85 (P. 108. A. 2. S. 28. are overlapping terms, for even in seperation the yearning of union is there and again even in 1937 sometimes when there is a sense of security owing to the course of unimpeded love, there is a sort of (mental ) seperation as 3477 has apty said:-- " Aifilata fetah etc." (7127TIE 22/193), which means:--It is because women are perverse in their love repulse the advances of men and are very difficult of attainment that men are mad after them. The combination of these two aspects of love, therefore, is highly delightful; for instance:-- "They (the young man and his beloved ) were on the same bed, but their faces were turned away from each other. Inwardly they were pained at this, but outwardly they were maintaining a cold attitude of pride. At such a critical hour, both began to look at each other from the corners of their eyes-all accidentally their eyes met, the coldness disappeared and with a loud laugh they rushed forward to embrace each other ! " fawra, 37919 and cfaalfahia are found distinctly only in a big poem. In stray verses (9**), we have to imagine (i. e. take for granted ) the presence of all these constituents of a rasa. $3127xR has many varieties; the most prominent of them are mentioned by 49= with only a single illustration ( verse 99 ): "He saw that his two beloveds were sitting together. He cautiously approached them from behind and making a pretext of playing practical joke closed the eyes of one of them. Then turning his neck a little, the shrewd fellow (d: ) with his body bristling

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P. 110. A. 2. S. 29.] 86 with horripilation (:) kissed his other beloved; at this, her heart was overflowed with love and her cheek beamed with inward smiles. Here, obviously, the first woman with closed eyes was not so much loved by the man as the other one whom he kissed. 'vipralambhazRGgAra is of three kinds: --- ( 1 ) abhilASa vipralambha (i. e. one in which the lovers yearn for each other, before their first union. (2) faia (seperation through anger) and (3) alfag (seperation on account of their staying away from each other.) If the seperation ends in grief, it transforms itself into pure pathos ( karuNarasa ). abhilASa vipralambha is due either to the freak of fortune or to the dependence on others; the first kind is illustrated in the verse 101:-- qt who saw that the desire of her father was frustrated and that her lovely person was no longer of any use, returned home overpowered with a sense of shame. The second kind of affa (due to dependence) is illustrated in 102. The idea is:-They were dragged onwards by the flood of love but were prevented from union by the dam in the form of elders. They, therefore simply looked at each other and drank love through their eyes. mAnavipralambha is of two kinds: praNayamAna and ISyAmAna praNayamAna is anger due to the disregarding of one's love. It is possible in the case of both a man and a woman. In verse 103, Parvati is angry with Shiva. The idea is:-In order to pacify Parvati, Shiva bent down with a view to fall at her feet; but in so

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87 (P. 112. A. 2. S. 32. doing she saw in his matted hair lying concealed the Ganges; thereupon, she kicked him. ___ In the following verse, rAma is angry with sItA because the latter was late in coming home, being attracted and delayed by the sports of the swans. In the following verse (104) Both the lovers are angry with each other at one and the same time. praNayakupitayordvayorapyalIkaprasuptayo mAnataH / nizcalaniruddhanizvAsadattakarNayoH ko mallaH // A very fine picture of angry lovers: both feigned sleep ( elatangca), but were intent on hearing each other's sighs restrained with great effort! Soufara ( anger due to jealousy ) is possible only in women. For instance in the verse 105: Indignant Parvati, addresses Shankar:-" You are bowing down before 21-evening ( supposed to be a woman ). You are also carrying shamelessly on your head a river. The Goddess get is already churned out of the ocean--take her; why do you swallow poison ? The instance of gargfagsth is given in the verse 107. After Krishna went to dvArakA, rAdhA embraced the asas creeper bent down owing to the leaps of Krishna from it into the Jamuna, and sang such a pathetic song that even the creatures in the waters began to sob. A=flurry or excitement due to some panic, such as an invasion or whirlwind. Elft is defined in the following Sutra (9). The essence of crta lies in its being produced from something done which is incompatible with a particular place, time, age or rank. Stafecus concealment of internal feelings. The three kinds of city are given by an in the tenth Sutra.

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P. 113. A. 2. S. 34. ] 88 The best kind of hAsa is himata - which according to is one in which the cheeks heave up, which is attended with charming eye-glances, and in which the teeth are not displayed. vihasita is the second kind of hAsa in which the eyes and the cheeks are contracted, which is attended with a sweet sound, which comes at the proper time (a) and in which the face becomes red. apahasita is the worst kind of hAsa in which tears flow from the eyes, the shoulders and the head are violently shaken and which comes at a wrong place. When again a man is set to laughing at the sight of another man laughing, it is called . It has got three varieties as above, with a slight change in the names:-- ( 1 ) hasita is the first kind in which the eyes, the mouth and the cheeks are raised up and beam with pleasure and in which the teeth are slightly seen. In (2) 34faa the nose is elavated; the eyes look side-ways; the shoulders and the head are contracted. Again in (3) fafa there is an agitation, and a copious flow of tears, the sound is shrill and the two sides are pressed with hands. Verse 109 is an instance of . Shankar looks at himself and laughingly says: (( 'A nice dress of a bride-groom is mine to attract Parvati! A bracelet of the serpent (argfa) in one hand; the eye (third) shooting fire; the throat black with swallowed poison; and the hide of an elephant as my dress. " A laughter excited by the laughter of others is illustrated in the verse 110:

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89 [ P. 115. A. 2. S. 11. In the breasts of Radha pure as gold pitchers, the cloud-like dark form of Krishna was reflected; but Krishna mistook it for the blue garment of Radha and began to pull it again and again!! At this Radha heartily laughed and Krishna too began to laugh at his own discomfiture. is defined in the following Sutra (12) and explained by in the paragraph below with the detailed mention of its vibhAvas anubhAvas and vyabhicAribhAvas. fay (agony of heart) is the characteristic of 5. Most of the poems from the fourth canto of kumArasaMbhava may be given as apt illustrations of karuNa. (Sutra 13) is caused by the abduction of one's own wife and such other insulting acts done by others. The wrath of t is illustrated in verse 112 in which he takes a vow before Draupadi thus: "" I shall tie up your hair with my hands red with the fresh, sticky and thick blood of both the thighs of Suyodhan that will be broken to pieces by me with my club whirled with my arms in full motion." the sentiment of bravery) is of three kinds :- (i) dharmavIra ( a hero in duty ) ( 2 ) dAnavIra ( a hero in giving something to others) (3) g (a hero on a battle field). The verse 113 illustrates all the three kinds of heroes: "Unless I conquer the whole earth (g), unless I perform various sacrifices (a) and unless I give wealth to the beggars (a) how can I become a king? + The best instance of dharmavIra is jImUtavAhana in nAgAnanda. parazurAma is a type of dAnavIra and rAma in mahAvIracarita is a type of yuddhavIra. 12

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P. 118. A. 2. S. 15.] 90 The chief difference in the characteristics of and should be noted carefully, as the resemblance between the two is likely to create confusion. In a (1) there is no sense of being hemmed in with calamities. (2) the hero in is never satisfied with the immediate retaliation, but has loftier aims. (3) He has no false or hazy notions about the work he has to do. While in (1) the hero is full of self-egotism and infatuation and dismay ( mohavismayaprAdhAnyam ). (2) He may adopt crooked and horrible means to destroy his enemy. (3) He is full of self-conceit. His natural in women and low characters ( strInIcaprakRtInAM svAbhAvikam ); in high characters the fear produced by some external reason, is not genuine. Verse 114 (from fat) is a model illustration of an excellent picture of the frightened deer when hotly chased by duSyanta. "It is frequently casting glances at my chariot with a graceful bent of his neck. Owing to its fear of the arrows, it is contracting its hinder part and thrusting it into the fore-part. It has strewn the path with the half-chewed grass falling from its gaping mouth; with its high bounds it seems to be more in the air than on the earth. It is said above that in high characters fear is not genuine. An objection is raised to this statement as follows: Why should the kings (for instance) show a mock fear towards their preceptors? Moreover why.

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91 [P. 119. A. 2. S. 15. should they show mild tremblings? Why do you say that the sentiment of fear alone is not genuine? Can it not be equally said of other sentiments that they are sometimes not genuine? For instance a prostitute may show false love. Why then restrict this GAI (artificiality) to fear only? The answer as given by to this objection is as follows:---- Sometimes one has to show mock fear, for instance: in order to create an impression that he is a modest man, a king shows himself frightened before his preceptor. By his mild gestures of fear he shows that he is not a man of a low type; False love (a) may be depicted, but it serves no purpose in bringing about the accomplishment of any goal of life (such as a Ia etc.) Sometimes kings show genuine anger or other sentiments in order to do good to others. In such cases it must be supposed that it is not a permanent sentiment but a temporary feeling. (fazma) (sentiment of loathing) A typical instance of is given in verse 115. A famished corpse is tearing away the skin from another corpse and after eating the flesh from its different parts, with a horrible grinning, is at last trying to take slices of flesh from the uneven cavities of bones. An excellent illustration of verse 116:-" Krishna! is it a eaten earth while playing? << No mother. He is telling a lie; look here into my mouth." Thus saying, Krishna opened his mouth and is given in the fact that you have says that you have."

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P. 120. A. 2. S. 17.] 92 lo! instead of a bit of earth, his mother saw the whole world in his mouth and was struck with wonder. Usually Sanskrit rhetoricians admit only eight resas as common both to dramas and poems. zAntarasa, according to their opinion, can never be acted on the stage, for as they say, it consists of the absence of activity and for gestures activity is necessary. But though not admissible on the stage, it can be depicted in poems and therefore (with a number of other rhetoricians) admits it as the ninth sentiment (s pi navamo rasaH ). Now as regards the sthAyibhAva of zAntarasa, mammaTa and others hold that it is . But strongly objects to nirveda being regarded as the sthAyibhAva of zAntarasa and proposes zama as the proper sthAyibhAva. nirveda ( according to him) is (dislike of mundane things) which proceeds from tatvajJAna as well as ends in tattvajJAna. nirveda then becomes the effect as well as the cause of tattvajJAnawhich is absurd. Therefore (absence of craving) must be regarded as the sthAyibhAva of zAntarasa. Verse 117 illustrates zAntarasa: "Shall I see those days when I would be sitting in Yogic posture on the banks of the Ganges and the deer would be coming to me and freely scratching their horns against my body." Here a doubt is expressed as to whether a can be regarded as an independent. Can it not be, after all, included under f,-for 4 also means a sense of loathing or dislike. faggar is common both to bIbhatsa and zAnta. To this hemacandra answers thus: In bIbhatsarasa, jugupsA ( loathing ) is sthAyibhAva, but in zAntarasa it is only a farka (temporary feeling), for the

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93 (P. 123. A. 2. S. 17. prominent feature of zAntarasa is a quiet mind. In jugupsA there is some sort of excitement of mind due to the sense of repugnance. If this excitement persists it will mar Trata. Again if it is said that TaT might be included under attra, the suggestion is untenable; for there is a marked difference between ett and tima. In gate, with all its lofty character, a sense of just pride is there, while in izata there is a total absence of pride or egotism. If even in spite of this difference the two sentiments are mixed together, at and to also shall have to be regarded as one. Now if the hero in that is depicted as possessing such a lefty character that he is entirely free from every sort of pride or egotism and is full of quietude, we shall say that he no longer remains a hero in (i. e. 807 ), but becomes a type of race. Tate must be regarded, therefore, as an independent rasa. The etymology of 2719 as given by A7, is as follows :-( FARFALO 31144271414a1f212afa 3118ardi gara ) In everyday life these feelings can not be enjoyed with pleasure by others; but here in the domain of poetry these feelings offer themselves as objects of enjoyment, ( fara araafia--811Fala gafa ) or rather they pervade the mind of the audience (vyApnuvanti sAmAjikAnAM manaH) and therefore they are called bhAvAH (both sthAyibhAva and ofarfala have the same etymology ). Felfaras are so called because they are inborn feelings in every human heart. Every human heart has a desire for pleasure. Every man some time or other regards himself superior to others and laughs at them. He has his moments of anger, sorrow, lofty thoughts,

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P. 124. A. 2. S. 18. ] loathing and wonder. The only difference found is a difference of degree or a difference in the extent of the play of these feelings. The standard for regarding these feelings as higher or lower is whether they help the promotion of gas or not. They deserve depiction only if they help one of these gris (aims of life.) vyabhicAribhAvas, on the other hand, are fluctuating feelings. Some hearts, rather some men, are void of somes; for instance: a sound heart and a sound body can never have the feeling of indolence ( Alasya ) or exertion ( zrama ) or glAni ( languor ). Some feelings, again, appear in a man but disappear entirely when their cause is removed. In short safak 94 s are short-lived feelings. They are not inborn and permanent in every human heart as the sthAyibhAvas. Even when they (as) seem to disappear when the cause (not of their birth but of their development) is removed, they do not entirely disappear, but lie dormant in the heart awaiting another favourable opportunity ( pralInakalpA api saMskArazeSatAM nAtivartante ) for their development; their inherent power is never exhausted. On the other hand, a far is said to spring from some outward cause. For instance, if a man feels that he is fatigued (7) we ask: What is the cause of his fatigue? This shows that his feeling of fatigue is not an inborn feeling. But we never question: Why is full of fortitude (3)? For we know that this feeling never arises from external causes. faas merely develop them. It is, therefore, that they are called ars in the human heart. Sometimes some as, if not fully developed, are known as vyabhicAribhAvas; for instance, the rati of rAvaNa

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95 [P. 126. A. 2. S. 19. towards siar, not being reciprocated, never attains the height of sthAyibhAva, but remains a vyabhicAribhAva. Similarly the love we cherish towards our elders or servants is only a hra. Anger in #17 and ate is only a 19. The thirty-three zzfarftulas are enumerated and defined by are in the 19th Sutra and the following paragraph. These has sometimes seem to be steady (not as much as the sthAyibhAvas of course). This is called bhAvasthiti. For instance the feeling of faas (conjecture) in the verse 117 has remained steady to the end of the verse, for the verse contains a series of conjectures. gerai, mad with the grief of seperation says about saft: Can it be that she has concealed herself with anger ? No; it can not be, for she is never angry for a long period. Has she gone to heaven? No, for she loves me sincerely. Has she been abducted by demons ? It can not be in my presence. What can be the reason, then, of her complete disappearance ? Here the main sentiment is farger, but the beauty of the poem lies in a series of conjectures-Hrafezfa. Sometimes a feeling appears very prominently in a poem. This is called Hatch which is illustrated in the verse 118. " When the woman heard the mention of another woman's name from the mouth of her lover (this is called gotraviparyaya or gotraskhalana in Sanskrit-~the mention of another lady is of course a slip of the tongue on the part of the lover ) she, being on the same bed with her husband, made a semblance of amorous gestures, but did not embrace him with her breasts. This is Artice (appearance of anger )." Similarly, 1997A is the

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P. 128. A. 2. S. 19.) 96 disappearance of a feeling (in a prominent way of course ). This is illustrated in 119: "When he ( the lover ) was seen, her anger began to contract like her eyes; when he stood near her, her anger bent down like her face; when he touched her, her anger came out like her horripilation; when he began to talk to her, her anger began to slip off like the knot of her garment; and when he fell at her feet, her anger entirely vanished as if it got ashamed (to stay there any longer )! Two feelings prominently coming in conjuction with each other give rise to bhAvasaMdhi. The instance of Hadife is given in verse 120: Rama felt, on the one hand, a genuine pleasure at the arrival of UTA, and on the other, an intense joy at the embrace of sItA. Two feelings coming side by side give rise to bhAvasaMdhi. But in bhAvazabalatA diverse feelings come and go in quick succession and render the poem very beautiful, as in the verse 121 where a king ( gacar ) happening to see a beautiful lady falls in love with her and is swayed by diverse feelings thus:-- Is it becoming my noble family to do this ? ( fage }; can I see her again ? ( Bulga ); of what avail is my learning if it does not control my feelings ( afa); Oh for the face, beautiful even in anger! ( FATOT); alas ! what would the wise say ? (271); Oh ! she is not easy to obtain (974); compose thyself, my heart! ( ala ) what blessed youth will get her ? (farar), vyabhicAribhAvas are so called because they help the development of Efaias by their presence or rather their movements (fafad Bfacta para shfaqiftot:)

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97 (P. 128. A. 2. S. 20. The number of sufrafcaras is strictly thirty-three. Other feelings can be included under some of themas is shown by hemacandra. According to some, these has alone are capable of developing the file hras. All the above-mentioned zafatfahras are orce again clearly defined; their causes are stated and their indications are given by hemacandra. afa ( Contentment ) is illustrated in the verse 122. Riches consist of a contented mind. fufa is remembrance of a thing at the sight of a similar thing. Verse 123 is an instance of fula. Is it the mountain para lying in my path? No, it can not be; for my path is always unobstructed. Is it the eagle coming in my way ? No, it knows that pract is as powerful as its master. Oh! it is only Fly courting death at my hands. Afa ( decision ) is illustrated in 124: Doubtless this must be a gf, girl, as I am attracted towards her. In matters of doubt, our heart is the highest authority. Verse 125 is an instance of aci. "A woman looking into a mirror saw the reflection of her lover standing behind her-and at once got abashed." HET is powerlessness to understand a thing properly This is due to the sight of a thing either keenly desired or intensely disliked. Parvati, though instructed by her female friends as regards the amorous sports, forgot everything in the presence of Shankar (Verse 126 ) faara, agony of mind or despondency, is illustrated in verse 127: 13

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P. 130. A. 2. S. 24. ] 98 " You have gone to a place where in finding you my friendship with the monkeys, their best intellect and strength are all unavailing. AT is of three kinds according as the person concerned is of a high, middle or low kind. "Their broken utterances, their utter disregard of their garments and their starting to go away without any reason bespoke their getting tipsy." (verse 128) fazi is beautifully illustrated in th verse 130. " While she had closed her eyes in sleep, she slowly muttered some words which were neither full of meaning nor entirely meaningless. Oh ! for those sweet words which are still ringing in my heart !" Verse 131 : cor muttered in sleep: Oh HOT! "these cruel clouds, in my seperation from 1927, are racking my vitals." drar heard these words and at the mention of Fligat got jealous. 96607 remembered in his dream the incidents of his past life (lagerrara:) This an instance of supta. The difference between fagi and ga is this: in the former, there is only a beginning of sleep-it is a state of drowsiness. While ga is the advanced state of sleep. silgan is illustrated in 132: "In her eagerness to see the prince 316, a woman while running to the balcony got her braid of hair loosened; but she caught it in her grip and did not think of tying it. safecan is dissimulation. (era crookedness ); under the pretext of doing something, one tries successfully to conceal one's inner feelings in Balace, as great, in

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99 (P. 133. A. 2. S. 30. the presence of her father, did by counting the petals of her sport-lotus, while 717 was saying something about it. ( verse 133 ) By means of this trick, she successfully concealed her love. 71671 is fear, either in oneself when dreading punishment for one's own crime, or detected in others; thus it is two-fold. An instance of the former kind of fear is given in verse 134. "I am afraid of that prince who from afar tossed in the air, like a blade of grass, the son of 41% huge as a mountain." 9197-rashness is illustrated (in not a very appropriate manner, we think ) in the verse 135. A certain king ( one of the suitors in the svayaMvara of indumatI) whirled his lotus with his hands, closed its stalk and struck the bees with its petals. He did this with a view to suggest to saat that he would fondle and caress her as his lotus. Verse 137. is again a happy instance of a "When the husband returned after his strenous journey through the sands of Marwar, his wife surveyed him with eyes brimming with the tears of joy and then looked at the camel his faithful companion in the journey, gave him morsels of Nimb leaves and removed tenderly the dust from off his mane with the skirt of her garment. Verse 138 in an instance of7a-pride. 973 says :- If you refrain from doing insult to a Brahmin, it is to your advantage-for then we shall be friends; otherwise I shall be highly displeased.

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P. 135. A. 2. S. 36. ) 100 31is wrath as illustrated in the verse 139. I have, in my wrath for the faas, massacred twenty-one times all the families of gas and extracting the foetuses and mangling them to pieces have performed the ceremony of my father (fqazi gela:) with the blood from the hearts of ufas; thus have I cooled down the fire of my wrath. The eyes of art in the state of awakening are described in the verse 140 : The eyes of aft were not yet fully opened; they could not gaze at the jewel lamps; they were lazy in their function and had some particles of water in them. Afterwards he yawned, twisted his body and placing his hand on the pillow made of the hoods of atn, left his bed. ostat (languor) is illustrated in the verse 141:-- "Long standing grief is tormenting her pale and emaciated body which is like a tender leaf cut off from its stem etc." Fel a great depression of mind, is due to a woeful plight. The illustration given in the text does not create an impression of an even by a stretch of imagination, for in that verse a, the father of Tas, sends a dignified message to duSyanta-(on behalf of zakuMtalA ). Says he, " Consider well that we are high-class sages; think well over the fact that has is loving you most sincerely; and then treat Tas (at least) as you treat your other wives. Better treatment than this is a matter of luck-we should not ask for it ( at this stage ). We fail to understand how these proud utterances of oat can be construed as betraying his depressed heart.

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101 [P. 136. A. 2. S. 40. We must seek for some other apt illustration such as, for instance, given in 3769as an illustration of : vRddha'ndhaH patireSa maJcakagataH sthUNAvazeSaM gRham / kAlo'bhyarNajalAgamaH kuzalinI vatsasya vArtA'pi no|| yatnAtsaMcitatailabindughaTikA bhagneti paryAkulA / dRSTavA garbhabharAlasA sutavaNUM zvazrUzciraM roditi // An old woman saw her blind old husband lying on a cot in her dilapidated house, saw that the rainy season had set in, but there was no news of her only son (gone to some distant town to earn money ), saw that the pitcher containing oil had broken, saw that her daughter-in-law was advanced in pregnency and ( unable to stand these depressing circumstances ) burst into tears and wept for a long time ! This is an apt illustration of ara, the old woman's breaking under the woeful plight. In verse 143 illustrative of 7, Sita is cleverly painted as so much overpowered with fatigue owing to her long journey that she threw her drooping limbs on the chest of th and slept there. 35A1T is a fit of madness--as shown in verse 144. King garar, here, is mad with the grief of seperation from urvazI and asks a swan to return his wife (urvazI) who, he thinks, had been soten by the swan! Hla: fainting or swoon. "sfa was stunned by the sudden grief, the functions of her senses were stopped ; and for a time her mind was blank-it was good in a way, for she became unconscious (during her swoon ) of her heavy grief.". (verse 145. ) This swoon of fa is due to an overpowering grief,

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P. 137. A. 2. S. 42. ] << Sometimes, however, fainting is due to an excess of joy- this is illustrated in the verse 146 thus:When my lover approached me in my bed, my lower garment dropped down of its own accord, further than this I do not remember (for I fainted with the excess of joy). fa is constantly thinking of some beloved person (as seen in verse 147 from dia). A says:-- "I see her lovely face everywhere-in all directions, in the heart, outside etc. 102 Constant thinking is not fa (remembering ) for it is a developed state of smRti. It is also not vitarka (imagining something or somebody) for it (fa) is the result of cintA. >> 8 is indignation at one's own insult, as is illustrated in 148. "" Is it possible says bhIma, " that the kauravas will be left to live quietly after all their attempt to kill or insult us?" "" is the most developed form of fear-intense panic. In a man may pause to think over the situation, but in there is utter bewilderment. "Some women who were indulging in water-sports in a river got awfully frightened when their thighs came in contact with the fish; their eyes began to roll with fright, their hands began to tremble ( a lovely picture to behold even for their female friends). (verse 149.) apasmAra = a fit of epilepsy. "The sea appeared as if it was overpowered by an attack of epilepsy! It was tossing its arms (i. e. waves) to and fro and was grovelling in dust (i. e. the waves were dashing against the coast.)

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103 [P. 139. A. 2. S. 47. Faqe: to get utterly disgusted with oneself. This is due either to illness (long standing ) or insult or some such thing. Bao is excitement due to some unexpectedly terrible incident or an unusual portent. The verse 152 is an apt illustration of 'excitement due to some sudden happening.' It is a short dialogue between the demon from fag and his servants concerning the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu that appeared suddenly for the protection of pralhAda. "Is it a lion ? " " yes." "Is it looking like a man ?" No, it is altogether a strange form. Lo! it is approaching swiftly. Oh ! it is has come already." "A weapon ! A weapon!" " The form (sfat) has no weapon in its hand." " quick! quick! Oh! how very sharp are its nails ! " Even while uttering these words, he (hiraNyakazipu) was torn by the sharp nails of nRsiMha. face guessing or inferring : "Is it possible that the cupid conquered the world with his flower-arrows ? Impossible. But no, it may be quite possible, for mysterious are the powers of things. (verse 153 ) waar disain, as a feels towards ta (verse 154). sa sarcastically says : "He (119) is an old person; his conduct, therefore, should not be questioned. His fame is great. Even when he retreated back while fighting with ac and even when he killed arras ( treacherously ) he should not be criticised! (verse 154 ) aefa a dying state, but not actual death (for it can have no 317417s, it being an unchanging state.) He (the hog in fraiskatta) vomitted blood, drenched

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P. 142. A. 2. S. 49. ] the ground with it, broke stones with his hoofs, uttered a ferocious cry, looked at and died. In R, actual death that would remain for ever should not be depicted; either a determination to die or remain after death should be described. 104 In verse 155 resolution to die is described: (6 When the lover did not arrive at the stipulated time, she cast a last lingering look out through the window, made up her mind (to die), entrusted the young bird to the care of her friends and pathetically celebrated the marriage of a creeper with the mango tree. In 156 reunion after death is described-this also is admissible in . King threw himself in the confluence of the waters of the Ganges and the Jamuna, secured thereby a prompt passport for heaven and there reuniting with his beloved (g) sported with her in paradise. fas are indications of internal feelings and thus these are as (outward indications though they are named as as i. e. feelings) but though to all appearances they seem to be nothing but s it is a remarkable fact that they are regarded as s (internal feelings) by . Others (such as mammaTa) do not treat of these fans seperately but regard them as belonging to the class of pure anubhAvas. (indicators of us). The author of af, however, treats of these sAtvikabhAvas seperately and thinks that though they are anubhAvas there is a subtle difference between these sAtvikabhAvas and ordinary anubhAvas. He says: vikArAH sattvasaMbhUtAH sAtvikAH parikIrtitAH / satvamAtrodbhavattvAtte bhinnA apyanubhAvataH // Page #462
105 [P. 144. A. 2. S. 53. and explains the word 9797 as faichfaxA941941 arrast ak:. fat is the internal quality that exhibits to view the tes ( Farafa ya farat Jaz #:= th:); these Fifalas proceed directly from that internal quality; ordinary Bahras are more outward movements that may or may not indicate any sentiment, but these fathias are invariably connected with the ths and appear only to indicate the a$. Thus in a way they are higher than the ordinary anubhAvas. 49 goes a step further and says that these sAtvikabhAvas are in themselves feelings i. e. bhAvas (otherwise the name a given to them by kia would be meaningless ) and stand on a level with the thirty-three faqifthras. They are, however, not included in the list of vyabhicAribhAvas because the vyabhicAribhASas spring from outward causes (for instance forfa, 8175FT, >>, qugf etc.) while these arrasas spring only from the internal quality of the heart. ) Thus in the opinion of 497 they stand superior even to the afhaichlas. They (the Hifq4H198 ) are so closely connected with the TES (especially with TERTA) that their falas are the same as those of the rasas. sAtvikabhAvas themselves are indicated by anubhAvas (here they are totally different from the anubhAvas). The etymology of the word nifas (as given by hemacandra ) is noteworthy and is peculiarly his own; sattvam means prANa. First the inborn feelings, the Fafchas, awake, from their dormant state and try to manifest themselves. On their way when they come to the province of glot, they assume totally a different form. These Fathias, transformed owing to their contact with sma, are known as sAtvikabhAvas (ratyAdayazcittavRttivizeSAHpUrva saMvidrapAHsamullasanti; tata Abhyantarasonra a Faegria Agafa-hat's commentary ). 14

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P. 145. A. 2. S. 53. ] These as though exactly similar to some of the ordinary as must be regarded as different from them. For instance azru a sAtvikabhAva is different from ordinary tears; for the latter may be caused by anything. Thus one set of feelings, coming in contact with prANa with the element of pRthvI in it, is called stambha. Another, coming in touch with 10 of the kind, assumes the form of a. A third, coming in contact with prANa of the tejas kind, gives birth to sveda and vaivarNya. A fourth set of feelings, allied with Ia of the kind, gives rise to and lastly the fifth set of feelings, allied with of the a kind, gives birth to three sAtvikabhAvas viz. romAJca vepathu and svarabhaGga differing in degree from one another. ; 106 Thus there are eight fas. They are internal feelings. Outward (paralysis) is a quality of the body and thus differs from the internal stambha ( a sAtvika bhAva ). In the following sutra, hemacandra defines both rasAbhAsa and bhAvAbhAsa (a semblance of rasa or bhAva ); rasa described as belonging to lower kinds of creatures and insentient things is called rasAbhAsa. For instance in the verse 157: The trees are described as embracing the creepers (their beloved ones); the bunch of flowers on the creepers are their breasts and tender leaves are their red lips etc. A description of the embraces of the trees and creepers (sub-human species) leads to a Ada ), as trees are insentient things. In the verse 158 vipralambhAbhAsa ( semblance of vipralambha R) is illustrated:-- "Oh cloud! that river will look reduced in body

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107 [P. 148. A. 2. S. 54. (with the flow of her waters shrunk) and will look pale (owing to the withered leaves falling in it.) Thus she will, by her love-born state, speak of your good luck (i. e. of being loved by her); do, then, undertake a thing by which you can remove her emaciation (i. e. enjoy her). Love between a river and a cloud is here described, but both these are insentient things and hence the rasAbhAsa. Verse 159:-The mass of thundering clouds (women) slow on account of plenty of water in them (languid with pregnancy) are lying on the plateau of this mountain (are lying on the lap of their lovers). Here the languidity (of the clouds ) is described. Verse 160, which describes the spring, where the male bees are drinking honey with the female bees in the same flower, and the male deer is scratching the body of the female deer, is an instance of as the love of lower kinds of animals (such as the deer and the bees) is depicted therein. Again the same is found in the verse 161 where the elephant is described as offering water to his beloved and the a bird is described as giving a lotus-fibre to his beloved (both lower kinds of animals). In verse 162 a male says to his wife: "I take your leave now; the day is over, come, embrace me for the last time; pass this night, somehow, all alone. It is not that I am faithless to you or that I am angry with you; but I have to leave you because destiny wills it," Here again the love between a male and his beloved is described.

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Th: 149. A. 2. S. 55. ) 108 In the verse 163 the love-lorn state of an elephant is described hence it is an instance of fagdeHIHIA." He is not sending forth a trumpetting sound even at the appearance of clouds, is not eating moss from the lake; the silent bees are sitting on his temples. Surely he is suffering from the pangs of seperation from his beloved. But in the verse 164, atsi (sense of shame ) a gafa iftara is described : "Oh beloved ! the female deer are put to shame by your beautiful eye-glances and have gone away to the forest." Depicting love between the moon and the night also leads to the as in the verse 165: The moon seizing the darkness (hair ) of the night (his beloved ) with his fingers (his rays ) is rising ( kissing her face )-at which the night closes the lotuses ( closes her eyes with a sense of pleasure ). Again an instance of me (ater a sumarfrura ) is given in the verse 166:-- The moon is hiding his face through shame at the sight of a beautiful woman. The figures FAIETEN Bet-at-18 JETI 69and 3941 generally help these TATHIAS and H HIAS (especially samAsokti greatly helps rasAbhAsas as will be seen from the instances quoted above ). If the cas or as are described as appearing at improper places, they lapse into rasAbhAsa and bhAvAbhAsa respectively. For instance Traui's love for ai ( who does not reciprocate his love ) is an instance of TAHTA. This is illustrated in the verse 167:"Mere mention of her name acts as a spell to me;

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109 [ P. 144. A. 2. S. 55. I can't live without her even for an instant. I do not know how she can be obtained. " rAvaNa says this about sItA. The same is illustrated in the verse 168: the poet addressing a wanton woman (having many lovers) says:-Who is that praiseworthy man without whom you can not pass your time? And who is that man (who must have been killed on the battlefield in his former birth) whom you are seeking? Who is, again, born in an happy hour, whom you wish to embrace ? And who is that lucky man (who has practised penance and stored merit thereby) whom you are thinking of? In the verse 169 the eagerness of with regard to sItA is depicted; hence it is bhAvAbhAsa ( eagerness - autsukya being a vyabhicAribhAva.) divides poetry into In the following sutra and three classes:. Of the three classes of poetry, uttama, the best kind of poetry, is vyaGgayakAvya. It is defined in the sutra (56) as follows: The best kind of poetry is that where the suggested sense stands more prominently than the direct of the poem. This is also called a dhvanikAvya. sense The instance is given in the verse 170:addresses thus (on the battlefield ): No one would believe that you lifted up even an anthill (why then talk of a mountain?). You have conquered merely by your penance-why then this pride of your arms? All this, however, I shall grant to be true, if you will resist the arrow of (i. e. myself) enfeebled owing to seperation-my arrow the end of of which is drenched with the blood of the arm-pit of af which is marked by your teeth." 66

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P. 151. A. 2. S. 56.) 110 Here the words are alregal fashion etc. are highly suggestive. They remind yao of his utter mortification at the hands of aifes who pressing 1907 in his arm-pit, wandered over the whole earth. aut bit aifes in his arm-pit, as he was unable to do anything else under the circumstances. Here the 4x4 (the suggested sense) is with reference to ard (i. e. a mere statement devoid of either a sentiment or a figure.) Instances of Tasala and Bagceafa are given by 24977 in his commentary. Where, however, the safa is not unquestionably superior to the direct sense ( la 11912), where the prominence of dhvani is a matter of doubt (saMdigdhe prAdhAnye) or where the direct sense is as prominent as dhvani (tulye prAdhAnye), there is madhyama kind of poetry. The kind of madhyama poetry, commonly called guNIbhUtavyaGgaya8157, is illustrated in the verse 171 which runs thus: vAnIranikuJjoDDInazakunikolAhalaM zrRNvantyAH / gRhakarmavyApRtAyA vadhvAH sIdantyaGgAni // Here the suggested sense is: the lover of the young woman entered a thicket of creepers which was his place of appointment. But the beauty of the expressed sense that the limbs of the woman, engrossed in house-hold duties, began to thrill at the noise of the frightened birds in the thicket is more beautiful than even the suggested sense. Sometimes the cak(suggested sense) is subordinate to another prominently suggested sense and thus from the stand-point of the subordinated JFT this becomes an instance of #JA$14, as in the verse 178. The wife of fixar seeing his hand cut off, is lamenting the death of her husband killed on the battlefield:

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111 [P. 152. A. 2. S. 57. " This is his hand that pulled my girdle, pressed my breast" etc. Here the sentiment 717 is subordinated to pathos (karuNa) and the poem is an instance of guNIbhUtavyaGgaya i.e. 922491931, Another instance of the subordination of the suggested sense to the expressed sense is given in the verse 173 : "I have become a veritable TA, for I have wandered among the rich people with a desire to get money (rAma also wandered in janasthAna-i. e. daNDakA forest-blinded by i.e. tempted by the golden deer ); I have tearfully begged alms everywhere ( 1A also uttered with tears in his eyes the words" Oh Sita ! where are you?") I have looked imploringly at the faces of the arrogant rich i. e. bad masters (while 1A also aimed his arrows at the ten mouths of zraut.) Thus, though I have become TIH in all respects, I have not yet obtained happiness and wealth. (I have not yet obtained dar the mother of Fit and sq as TH had obtained.) Here all the clauses yield double meaning-thereby suggesting a similarity (verbal of course, not real), but in the fourth line, this suggested resemblance ( between the poet and 114 ) is expressed by the poet in so many words. There is, therefore, no prominence given to the suggested sense and hence it is a madhyamakAvya. Similarly in the verse 174 which means: "The poison ( water also ) of the serpents in the form of clouds is causing the death of women seperated from their husbands." The direct meaning of the word fall is water,

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P. 154. A. 2. S. 57. ] 112 and the suggested meaning is poison; but the suggestion is marred by the metaphor and hence it is a madhyamakAvya. Sometimes the suggested sense is not easy to grasp; in that case, the suggested sense has no beauty and does not appear prominently; hence it is an instance of madhyama kAvya (asati prAdhAnye ), as in the verse 155 which runs thus:-. ahaM lajjAlustasya conmatsarANi premANi / sakhIjano'pi nipuNo'pagaccha kiM pAdarAgeNa || A woman whose husband was devoted to her says this to her maid-servant who had come to paint her feet :-- "I am bashfnl; he (my husband) is wild in his love-sports; my friends are clever; what then is the use of painting? Go away. 29 "C Here the suggested sense is : My husband will ask me to play the part of a man (g) in love. sports; in case I consent to it, my painted feet will betray me. But this sense is so obscure that the reader cannot relish its beauty, hence the ais superior to it. "" << Sometimes the suggested sense is so only in name, that is, it is as good as expressed. In that case it is no at all. Thus in the verse 176, the poet says that youth in women iustructs them in all their graces. Now the suggested sense in this verse is: their graces are acquired without any effort-almost but this is as good as expressed in the hence, being laid bare by the poet himself, is not very attractive (like the open breasts of women). naturally "; verse and

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113 [P. 156. A. 2. s! 578 The second kind of 98778784 occurs when there is a doubt as regards the the prominence of the suggested sense (as compared to the direct sense ); as for instance in the verse 177 which rendered into Sanskrit runs thus: mahilAsahasrabharite tava hRdaye subhaga sA amaantii| ___ anudinamananyakarmA aGgaM tanukamapi tanayati // A female friend of the affret says this to the alge on behalf of her friend: " In your heart occupied by a thousand women, my friend is not likely to get room. She is, therefore, reducing the size of her body more though she is already reduced. Here the suggested sense is:--" pacify her betimes, otherwise by the excess of getting reduced her life will be in danger." Here one is not able to decide whether the suggested sense or the expressed sense should be considered prominent, therefore, it is a 787441727 (afeggtepe). The third kind occurs when both the expressed sense and the suggested sense stand on the same footing-i. e. are of equal importance ( greets and ). __As for instance in the verse: " brAmhaNAtikramatyAgobhavatAmeva Haft etc. (quoted above on page 135). Here the suggested sense is: " otherwise TITH will annitilate both the afags as well as the demons." But the expressed sense is equally beautiful. Similarly in the verse 178 which means: "If the prominent rays of the moon are so eclipsed by the rays of the sun that their very existence is doubted, then it is immaterial whether they (the rays of the moon ) enter the sky in multitudes, or first in an 15

Page #471
P. 157. A. 2. S. 58. ] 114 inverse order (i. e. come last) or are totally ashamed to appear." The case of weak persons is suggested by the description of the rays of the moon. If the strong utterly eclipse the weak it is immaterial whether the weak appear in multitudes, etc. Both these senses are of equal importance. Similarly in the verse 179, which means "Shall I not destroy the mizas ? Shall I not drink the blood of tiga ?" the suggested sense is:' undoubtedly I shall destroy the atas' etc. Both the senses are of equal importance. Where there is no 34 at all, but there is merely the charm of the words and the expressed sense, there is avarakAvya the third kind of kAvya (which is regarded as quite inferior. ) For instance the verse 180. The sense is:-- May the loud roar of the remove your sin-the roar as solemn as the rumbling of clouds." Here, there is no beauty of sense. There is merely the alliteration of the word a repeated many times. There is, therefore, only a 7oglar in this verse-there is no 99. . Similarly in the verse 181, the charm lies in the figure of speech 49% with a mixture of a; for the words at: 344STAT: (stuck on the forehead (2) showing false intimacy. ) gafasal and #151 yield double meaning. Here also there is no 757. Though these and other such verses may be said to have some sort of thara in that they can be construed as having faias of some TH, still the so-called T4784 is not at all clear or transparently delightful. Here is, no 269, therefore, in these verses and hence they are 84974109, i. e. an inferior kind of poetry.

Page #472
CHAPTER II In this chapter the author exhaustively discusses various defects in poetry. The definition of a kAvya as adoSau zabdArthoM has already been given. The general definition of ata (faults) as being T819%$* ( marring the effect of 2) is also given. Here, in this chapter, various kinds of poetic faults are enumerated along with their definitions and illustrations. The first sutra gives the first fault: To mention in words the predominant sentiment in a poem is a fault; sometimes, however, the faithias may be mentioned in words. In the verse 182 (Fift fafigaa) all the sentiments are mentioned in words--this mars the effect of the tas. "Shankar manifested all the vas in himself by means of various things." Even the falfenas should not be mentioned in words. For instance in " FRATEFURI ko'pyabhUt " the sthAyibhAva utsAha is directly mentioned. If, however, the sentiment is already developed by means of fauna and 349317, mere mention of the name of a particular th does not offend so much. As far as possible, even the aforas should not be mentioned by words. In the verse 184 by the words anci, FIT etc. the different affaias are directly mentioned; this is bad. But if the mention of these thras is indirect or couched in an indirect language, the fault is not so glaring. For instance, in the verse 185 Bitigat (eagerness ) is the patata. Now if this 12 would have been suggested by its gestures (i. e. 1991 ) such as flurry or quick movement then the futa ought not

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17161. A. 3. S. 2. ) 116 to have been mentioned by words. But here the word Bitegah is necessary, therefore, the mention of ourHTA by word does not offend so much. vibhAva, anubhASa etc. of a rival rasa mar a rasa, if they are mentioned, (1) in a manner in which they are not checked. (2) in one and the same 811944. (3) side by side. (4) without being subordinated to the principal T. In all these four cases the poetic fault is manifest. For instance, in the verse 186 the statement that " the deer in the form of time is fleeting and once gone never returns " is directly prejudicial to the ki sentiment which is predominant in this verse; for the statement creates an atmosphere of nate by its reference to the transitoriness of things in this world. The chief sentiment here is rare, but it is marred by the statement of transitoriness which is the vibhAva of zAntarasa. Here the mi is marred by fasis also the anfaa of a. Thus it is an instance of fair share also. In the verse "farmacaot a qet ofaa Tani sakalaparihArahRdayA vanagamanameva mahati vadhUH / " A young woman saw her lover (paramour ) when she was in the midst of elderly persons. But because she wanted to avoid them all, she was ready to go to the forest. Here (AREN ) abandoning everything and (990 ) going to the forests are the indicators (12417) of math ( sentiment of quietude), and as such are prejudicial to the development of IT. Of course, if ganha i. e. going to the forest is to be interpreted as going for the sake of bringing fuel etc., then there is no fault.

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[P. 162. A. 3. S. 2. (1) i. e. having the power to stand unvanquished, unchecked. If the rival is very powerful, then there is poetic fault. But if the rival sentiment is weak, it adds to the beauty of the sentiment in hand. For instance, in the verse yA kArya zazalakSmaNaH kva ca kulaM bhUyo'pi dRzyeta sA / etc. King gar has diverse feelings in his mind when he sees. But all those feelings, though apparently contradictory to one another, go to heighten the feeling of craving in his heart and thus eventually add to the beauty of the chief sentiment of love. Similarly in the verse 188, the first line contains manifestly, but the predominant sentiment is and is subordinate to it; hence it does not mar the effect of, but on the other hand, enhances its effect. 117 According to dhvanikAra ( the author of dhvanyAloka ) a slight appearance of a rival rasa creates a beautiful atmosphere and attracts the attention of listless readers (2) Another method of avoiding the fault of the mention of a contradictory is this: the two rasas should have different subjects; the description of the hero may contain one and its rival may be shown in connexion with the description of the sfaG (i. e. the rival of the hero). As for instance, in the verse 189: "f Hearing the twanging of the bow of Arjun, there was a great commotion in the city of the demons; and the wives of the demons despaired of their lives. (3) The third method of avoiding this fault is to describe these rival s seperately, by bringing in another friendly .

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P. 163. A. 3. S. 2.] 118 For instante in nAgAnanda Act I, the atmosphere is of. If immediately after this, would have been introduced, there would have been the fault of introducing rival ; therefore, between these two s (sentiment of wonder) is introduced and as it a friendly, the effect of is not marred. Even in one sentence the rival as may be brought together by putting, in the middle, some friendly. For instance in the following verses (191/192/193), the phrase far meaning: "the bodies of the warriors killed on the battle-field were covered with dust", contains (sentiment of loathing) and the phrase mAlArajovAsitabAhumadhyAH (their arms were scented with the pollen of garlands) contains, but because these two rasas are contradictory, the phrase vIrAH svadehAn etc. containing the friendly is introduced between these two rivals and hence there is no fault. Here the words containing are not actually between the two s ( and ); but the context clearly shows that the does intervene between the two rasas and besides the word svadehAn shows that all the phrases, in the verses quoted, go to form one big sentence. (4) The last method of avoiding this fault is to make one predominant and another subordinate. This subordinate position of a contrary may either be natural or deliberate. For instance, in vipralambhazRGgAra (sentiment of love in seperation) f (disease) and others though likely to give rise to fare, by their very nature, parts of the fan and as such can These things ( vyAdhi never mar the effect of that. and others) are, by their very nature, parts of too.

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119 (P. 164. A. 3. S. 2. Sometimes, the indicators of a contrary te are brought near the predominant me, but because these indicators (of the rival 7 ) are not powerful enough to develop the rival 78, they are subordinated to the main rasa. Sometimes, two contrary tus are brought under and subordinated to a third 27 ( which in that verse cccupies a prominent place ). In this case, the two rival as though brought together do not give rise to this poetic fault (of fagfam.) For instance, in the verse 194 the fire of the cities burnt by Shankar is described as clinging to the bodies of the wives of demons (living in those cities ). Now this fire is compared to a repentant lover who is being spurned by his beloved on account of his grave offence in playing false to her. The description of the terrible fire of the three cities gives rise to time. The description of a prostrate lover gives rise to it. These two are rival 185 and as such cannot be brought together. But because both these tas are subordinated to the feeling of wonder and reverence for God Shankar, there is no fault in this verse. Now here a question arises as to how two rival TAS can possibly be brought together without commiting the fault of anfaat. The answer as given by an is as follows:--- The fault lies in introducing a rival TH newly i. e. in a new statement. If the rival te is brought in a sentence merely by way of repeating a statement already made elsewhere then there is no fault. eg.

Page #477
P. 165. A. 3. S. 2. ) 120 In the verse 195 which means: The rich play with the beggars who are possessed of the ghost of hope. Every time the rich order the beggars thus : 'Come along, go, fall down, get up, speak, be silent.' Here in this verse Come and go' are contradictory things but because all these contradictory things are subordinated to the verb iafia, there is no fault in having these contradictory statements in the same verse. Bait would thus almost mean subordination to another thing which is the principal thing. If the statements in sentences can thus be subordinated to a third statement it follows as a matter of course that Tas containing those statements also can be subordinated to a th which is principal. Now in the verse 194 quoted above, we can as well say that the chief sentiment in the poem is fagogarafata (i. e. the great prowess of Shankar and the admiration the poet feels for this ) and EUTTA is subordinated to this. Now the TFIT which also is suggested in the verse is subordinate to this $607, but it ultimately, along with 250t, becomes subordinate to the all-powerful 895ATA ( the admiration of the prowess of Shankar ); or we explain thus: First we find that there is ter in the verse (194) because the words 311fxz etc. and #rotarafqata: clearly suggest TER. But as we read the verse as a whole and come to finala: Tufia:, we find that the bodies of the women demons, being burnt by the fire, vividly suggest SEOTCA which is the predominant to in this verse. The Y a, thus, rears its head in the beginning

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121 (P. 167. A. 3. S. 2. but as soon as the statement of the tragic fate of the demons comes to the forefront, this AITH begins to vanish and ultimately its remembrance only heightens the effect of 60 by sheer contrast. Thus there is no fault of giftefore in the present verse. A parallel verse in this connexion is '84 7 Hatc&of' etc. as quoted already on page 152 in which the 7x- in the words pracaafqada: etc. is entirely subordinated to the predominant $607TH. The same is the case in the following verse (196). On your body full of horripilation the lioness made marks of her teeth and nails, with the desire of drinking your blood-( Har). These marks were seen by other sages almost with a sense of envy. Here, apparently, the whole picture seems to be that of a man being caressed by an amorous woman and looked at with an envious eye by other persons. But on second thought and on the strength of the context the whole atmosphere of 21 vanishes, giving place to hata which is undoubtedly the principal 24 in this verse. Here the ti is not only not contradictory to the path but definitely heightens its effects. If, however, the rival 19 mars the effect of the predominant TET by making an outrageously bold appearance, then there is the fault of Tasiferent, as for instance in the verse 197. Here when we read the verse, we forget that aiset was killed by Rama, but the complete pun raises before us the picture of a woman going to meet her lover with due decorations of her body. Thus the predominant uite in this verse is weakened by the agressive ki, instead of being heightened. 16

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P. 168. A. 3. S. 2. ) 122 In the following sutra (3) Hot gives a list of another set of tastas ( faults with regard to th). These faults are as follows---fhlarga1aprofit etc. The first of these is (1) faraghatcafth. It occurs, as the very name shows, where the fahia and waara ( the producer and the indicator of a Tu) are not clearly shown; where the reader finds these out with great difficulty. This fault is illustrated in the verse 198: "My joy vanishes; my power of reasoning disappears; a strange condition overpowers my body etc.." Here the reader is puzzled to know whether this is a description of FFUTTA Or the strange state of body and mind which a lover experiences (thus suggesting JAITTA.) The following verse illustrates the same fault: " The youth saw the woman beautifully dressed, at a time when the moon whitened the whole world with its bright rays." Here the moon-rise is the uddIpana vibhAva of zRGgAra, and it helps to develop the sentiment of love. The appearance of a beautiful woman is also an Alambana vibhAva. But these two fahias do not end in actually indicating the IT created in the mind of the youth. Thus the Balas of it being absent or rather not clearly discernible here, the fault of qualq Hrastofth occurs in this verse. The second fault is, (2) gaugaaffa: i. e. to try to heighten superfluously a ta which has already attained its perfection and has been tasted by the readers. This attempt is as disgusting as the attempt of smelling a faded flower with a renewed passion.

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123 (P. 170. A. 3. s. 3. Thus in FAITHHT (IVth canto ) in the first few verses, the poet has succeeded in creating and developing EMTA fully. But unfortunately, after a lull, he again tries to inflame it-but the attempt ends in fiasco. (3) The third fault is 34901 JPTAH i. e. introducing a To at an inopportune moment. Thus in veNIsaMhAra ( 2nd act) duryodhana, in spite of his deep grief at the death of th and other eminent warriors, indulges in a love-talk with his wife gaat. (4) The fourth fault is 34810 : i. e. abruptly cutting short a te which is in its full swing. For instance, in maradt (IVth act ) the king hears the account of vijayavarmA evidently forgetting ratnAvalI. Another instance is in Helatana. There in the second act, Rama is ready to fight with qua and thus there is a tense atmosphere of ature, but all of a sudden, Rama says: "Let me go to untie my marriage-thread." Thus the after fails miserably. The 3* i. e. either a subordinate th or description of a thing which is only of a secondary importance, should not be developed or described at full length, otherwise it becomes a fault. For instance, in cautaaa the description of gasita is unnecessarily lengthy. In the same manner when the fag FHIKR is the chief , a poet should not indulge in the description of a sea, a forest and other such things merely to show his mastery over the figures of speech 54, 49% and others. Thus the author of ERata, in course of his description of the seperation of Krishna from FTHAI, unnecessarily introduces the description of the sea and other such things merely to parade his skill in Rhetorics. Similarly, in errat, a grand prose-poem with fagose as the predominant

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P. 171. A. 3. S. 3.] 124 , the author betrays a strange fancy for a description of the utterely useless things such as a forest, a city, kings etc. Even in harSacarita, bANa, the author, introduces the history of his own family without any propriety and thus renders useless the big introductory portion of his book. Even the author of fag, has not escaped from this fault. In his poem, the chief sentiment is. The development of R with all its attendants such as water-sports, forest-sports etc., is therefore, thoroughly out of place in this poem. The poet, however, has devoted cantos aftes cantos to this description. All this militates against the development of the chief rasa and thus results in the fault of rasaprAtikUlya. On the other hand, the chief sentiment must be developed to the fullest extent. If there is a break in its development it leads to a fault. Continuity of the development of a is the essence of poetic beauty. For instance, in a (can this work be the same as svapnavAsadattA of bhAsa ? ) the love for vAsavadattA is the chief sentiment. This has heen, most properly, maintained unbroken by the author throughout the six acts. Sometimes some authors indulge in developing useless things and setting aside the chief thing. Thus in, the king appreciates the description of spring as made by the bards and totally disregards its description made by the heroine as well as himself. Similarly, as regards the characters: if they are human, they ought to be treated as human, if supernatural or divine, as supernatural or divine. If the treatment of these characters is done in a contrary manner, it offends against the development of a . A i c

Page #482
125 [P. 173. A. 3. S. 3. particular character is as a rule fond of a particular 78. This rule must be strictly observed. Thus the sentiments of love, grief, laughter and wonder are common to men as well as divine beings. But even here, in case of divine beings, the FFHOIAK (physical love ) should never be described. If a poet indulges in such a description, it will be as highly improper as to describe the love-amours of one's own parents. Thus ffecia has really offended against this rule, when he described in details the love-amours of Shankar and Parvati in the eighth canto of kumArasaMbhava. Of course, the description, being full of poetic beauty, is not so repugnant as it would have been, if an ordinary poet would have indulged in it. The sentiment of wrath should be described as very effective and quick in its results. For instance, in BARAHa the burning of cupid by the fire of Shankar's eye is described as being quick and effective. This is highly poetical. The sentiment of wonder should be handled very carefully. The wonders shown should be natural to the characters. If for instance supernatural wonders are said to be effected by a human character, it will create a sense of unreality in the minds of the readers who, in that case, will hesitate to imitate the ideal hero. The forms of address as regards different characters in a poem or a play have been fixed by Rhetoricians. For instance, a king must be addressed as HETTE by his servants only, not by noble or highclass characters. Such and other rules must be strictly observed. In short, propriety is the essence of poetic beauty. It contributes to the development of a th. Propriety

Page #483
B. 199. A. 3. S. 4. ) i26 as regards place, time, age, caste, dress and others has been defined and illustrated in minutest details by in his commentary which the readers may read with advantage. Impropriety, as the author of faite rightly says, is the serious cause of the handicap of a Th. In the following sutras, the author mentions the faults of a word. They are two-fold: (1) facciacah uselessness. No unnecessary word should be used in a poem. For instance, the words a a afe should never be used unless they are necessarily required in the context. For instance i,n verse ( 201 ) fa in the last line is absolutely useless. kAMdizIka-frightened. dara dread. Even the fraction of a word should not be useless. For instance, in the following verse ( No. 202 ): The woman is whetting (9174) the arrows of cupid, first by the fire of seperation in her heart, then by her eyes (hot with grief ) then by the hot tears. Here the word Etih in plural serves no purpose. If a means the movement of an eye, as is found in the verse ( 203 ) from 37#, then there is no fault. In * and other figures of words, fazarra is not regarded as a fault by some. For instance, in the verse quoted from f1391572, 7, ag and others, though superfluous, are not to be condemned as faulty. (2) asAdhuttva occurs when the word used is ungrammatical. For instance, in the verse ( 205 ) from faraisena:B , coming out of the river of arrows, as a crocodile comes up from the Ganges, struck with his two hands at the chest of Shankar.

Page #484
127 (P. 201. A. 3. S. 5. Here 8715Et is grammatically wrong. The root a is used in Atmanepada, only when the thing struck is one's own limb. All imitations are innocent. Therefore, if ungrammatical words are used with a view to quote the words of others, there is no fault of Barca. In the following sutra, the author mentions thirteen faults of a sentence, out of which (1) the first is fanfaat. Two vowels combined or a vowel and a consonant joined together or two consonants joined together form a fe. If two vowels are brought together without joining (even when it is so sanctioned by grammarians ) it is a fault. If the Sandhi is deliberately dropped, then there is a still greater fault. For instance, in the verse 206 da, though perfectly grammatical, is bad. In sentences in which fear i. e. joining vowels or consonants is necessary, it is bad not to join them. Even the feet of a verse yield to this rule of Sandhi. There is, however, a choice as to the joining of vowels or consonants at the end of the second foot. 37 ta is the next fault. When the words, even when used in their ordinary senses, suggest some sense which is loathesome or indecent, there is 343 tasca. For instance, in 208 virecakam is an adjective of nRtya and it means one in which the movemens of the neck and other limbs are absent. 37arafate i. e. a bad dancing master. fazan, however, has another sense which means 'one that makes a man purge' and as such is loathe: some. Similarly in 811912fe, the word a means 'a sexual act' and hence the word is indecent.

Page #485
P. 202. A. 3. S. 5.] 128 In the following line (209) the words gf and are indecent, loathesome and inauspicious respectively. is a large tree which is used as gallows for thieves and other criminals. The next fault is, as illustrated in the verse 210. The fus, here, have rendered the sentence full of harsh words. If, however, these harsh words, difficult to pronounce, are used deliberately to imitate the words of a child, a woman or a fool, there is no fault. is a fault which occurs when words that are quite necessary to the context are dropped. For instance, in the verse : 'tathAbhUtAM dRSTvA nRpasadasi pAJcAlatanayAm' / etc. the word : is necessary in the second line. Similarly, the word is necessary in the beginning of the fourth line. But they are not used and hence the fault of nyUnapada Similarly in the verse 211, aparAdhais wrongly used. As it is, it means what little offence "-which is absurd. The word "fq" (even) must be added to suit the context and hence the fault of nyUnapadatva. Similarly, in the verse 212 we see that in a navajaladharaH idaM suradhanuH etc. the arrangement of words is this that the form of is used with the nouns; but in the last line no form of the word accompanies the word vidyut ( such as iyaM vidyut) and hence the fault. In the same manner in the verse 213: << saMhatacakrAvhalA vikasitakamalA mRNAlasaMcchannA / vApI vadhUriva viliptastanakA zobhate // "" the upameyas mukha and bAhu, as against the upamAnas kamala and respectively, are not mentioned actually and hence the fault of nyUnapadatva. "C

Page #486
: 129 (P. 205. A. 3. S. 5. Sometimes, however, dropping of some words renders the verse more charming than when they are used. For instance, in 214, a woman in her sexual act addresses her lover with supreme joy and in her excitement utters broken sentences. But these broken sentences add to the beauty of the verse. Sometimes, the omission of necessary words is neither a fault nor any merit. For instance in the verse, "fac cantaatia statafafear de 7 ar gaefat" etc. from faca... to ghrafafear, there is one sentence. After that, to make the sense clear, "ana za: " or some such words ought to follow. But they are not found, still the sense can easily be inferred; therefore, the omission of necessary words is neither good nor bad. 3429979 is also a fault: no unnecessary words should be used in a verse or a sentence. In the verse 215, for instance, the word surfe is quite unnecessary; Similarly, in " tADIjaGgo" etc. tat is useless. In pAtheyavantaH the termination and is unnecessary, for the agerie compound serves the purpose of aq. Similarly, in epsfifaaith the termination sa is unnecessary; in these two cases a agalle compound would as well serve the purpose. When arca comes as a necessary thing, in spite of the compound already used, there is no fault; for instance, in the compound vArcanazarebhyaH, the word vAghna means the children of q767 i. e. Indra. Now, this sense cannot be conveyed by the compound, hence the necessity of the taddhita form. Similarly in the verse 225, The word 7ATTI: is superfluous; for correspondingly the word fiesta is not used, 17

Page #487
P. 207. A. 3. S. 5.) 130 In the verse 226 again, one of the two words fast or what is necessary. But both used together mar the beauty of the upamA or samAsokti. ___In the rUpaka that follows zoka is identified with anala, but the word om does not give rise to any such metaphor and hence is superfluous. In the following instance ( 228 ), by the words TOTTI it is quite plain that the author intends to use the figure 597. gatherefore, in this sentence, is quite out of place. In the following verse ( 229 ) ferata is quite superfluous, for even without it, we find that the figure samAsokti renders the verse charming. dayitayeva, on the other hand, spoils the charm of Faretth. The same is the fault in the following verse (230). The beauty of the figure BHETARIAT is marred by the words sucha in the verse. The sense of sy ought to have been inferred not expressed. In fact the fourth line of the verse is quite unnecessary. The firstt hree lines containing the illustrations of HRTA ( mosquito ) quafot (amber) and wala (glow-worm) prove the truth: " All common things are senseless" and suggest the senselessness of men of authority or power. In the following verse, exactly the same fault occurs; for the whole trend of the figure BITTNERIAT therein is to show the prastuta 'your honour'. bhavAniva therefore, is redundunt. But where a word is used or repeated to convey emphasis or to exclude other things, ( 397437167228 ) there is no fault. For instance, in the verse 232 "7 facra fagfoca fery" repetition of facraat is quite necessary in order to show:

Page #488
131 (P. 208. A. 3. SS. 5. " they know most positively, know everything; they are not ignorant of the vile tricks of the wicked etc." 369EUR is a fault which occurs when the same word is repeated in one and the same verse. A repetition betrays an author's lack of mastery over a language. For instance, in the verse 209 which means:-" Oh you beautiful woman! who is that fortunate man that has been installed on the throne of love-as is suggested by your pale cheek resting on your palm etc.", the word wat is repeated. The poet ought to have used a synonym of the word wat in the fourth line. In gate ( alliteration), however, the repetition is permissible. For instance, in the verse 234, the word qafar (eastern direction ) is used twice but in different connexion. Sometimes in zabdazaktimUladhvani (specially arthAntara saMkramitaaregeafa ) the repetition of one and the same word is no fault at all, as for instance, in "tadA jAyante guNA yadA te shRdyairguhynte| ravikiraNAnugRhItAni bhavanti kamalAni kamalAni // " ___ the word kamalAni. On the strength of dhvani, the meaning of the second word $75 is totally changed and hence there is no fault. The last word 473 means fully-expanded beautiful lotuses. When the repetition is made with a view to restate a thing already mentioned once, the repetition is not only justified, but is quite necessary. For instance, in the verse 236, faazii ar fetafracat; faagiz yurg : etc. the words vinaya, guNaprakarSa etc. even though repeated are necessary. The next fault is 3RT17E9999. Every word has to be used in its proper place; otherwise it would convey absurd meaning

Page #489
P. 216. A. 3. S. 5.) 132 Iu the verse 237, a face faget would mean "nobody gave up the garland." The words ought to be arranged thus: at faget: a certain woman did not throw away the garland. In the following verse, (238), raja" and you also " is the sense desired. 7, therefore, must be placed after 44. This is said by zist in the disguise of an ascetic to Parvati :-Two things have been rendered pitiable by the contact of Shankar-you and the moon. In the following verse ei saa is the proper arrangement. Similarly in the verse 240 which means: your sword (beloved) has embraced the enemies and is polluted by untouchables (elephants ) etc. the figure is tegle. Apparently the king is censured, but inwardly he is praised. sfat sifaa ' would be the proper construction. In the following verse (241) even without the word yad , the word tad is used. The rule is yattadonityasaMbaMdhaH. In the verse 242 the word aai ought to have come first. The sense is: The ears undergo an amount of trouble in carrying the ear-rings, but the ear-rings decorate the cheeks not the ears...sometimes the deserving do not get the merited prize. According to the dictum: "no sentence should be left unfinished after the half of a verse", 0171 ought to have been placed in the first half of the verse. In the verse 243, "prAptanitambasparzA snAnottIrNAyAH zyAmalAGgayAH / jalabindukaizcikurA rudanti bandhasyeva bhayena // " / the hair of the woman is fancied to be weeping, as it were, by means of the drops of water, as if with the fear of being bound. There are thus two JENAIS here, but the chief

Page #490
133 (P. 212. A. 3. S. 5. and the important car is on the word sepaa. Hence the word iva, indicating utprekSA, must be placed near rudanti and not with bandhasya-hence the fault of asthAnasthapada. The fiftat, quoted below, supports the view of our author:-" When there are many chats the word indicative of 3821 must come with that 3 which is the most important. qacs*8: is a fault which occurs when the style offends against uniformity and propriety. For instance, in the verse 244 in the first line the poet has indulged in the anuprAsa of gha; in the second line the anuprAsa is with the word #; but in the third line the course of BEAT is suddenly cut short-there is a fall (qaa) in the development (prakarSa) of anuprAsa and hence the fault patatprakarSa. In point of using compounds also this verse is faulty; for with the pic the compound ' gitaa etc.' is quite all right, but how is it that there is no compound in the description of mi? Again in the fourth line which deals with fha in love with his mate, there should be no compound. Thus we see that the verse is faulty from another point of view also. Sometimes, saing is a merit as in the following verse (245). Here the first three lines contain a challenge by qyt# and is full of heroic sentiment-and as such the style is full of compounds. But in the fourth line the poet has avoided, quite properly, a compound ( which was due in its proper course ), for the line contains a respectful reference to God Shankar and hence the style ought to be not harsh but soft. AAAgaria is the next fault which, as the very name shows, occurs when after completing any statement, some words are used to qualify the statement-contrary

Page #491
P. 213. A. 3. S. 5.] to the expectation of the readers. For instance, in the verse (226), the poet, in the first three lines, makes the statement that it is impossible to describe the various qualities of the king vIracUDAmaNi ( who is the best of heroes). Thus the sense is quite complete, but in an absurd way the poet again states the same thing in another way and hence the fourth line appears like a superfluous tail attached to the main statement-hence the fault. But where the statement is not supplemented, but quite a new statement is made, there is no fault, as in the verse 245 above. 134 avisargatvam is a fault when the dropping of visarga is carried to excess-as in 247. is another fault: when a verse is composed in a faulty manner and does not strictly observe the rules of metre, when the proper stops in the metre are not observed, when the last word of every line is not, when the metre is not in harmony with the rasa which it contains, the fault of hatavRttatvam occurs. For instance, in the verse 248 the metre is a but the second foot offends against the rules of that metre. The following two lines offend against the rule of afa. The author refers, in this connexion, to his another work asg and turns to other faults. (bad for mere reading) is another thing which leads to the fault of a. For instance, in the verse 251 yadihAmyatsvAdu' is a queer set of words harsh and meaningless when uttered. < "" In the verse 252, in aarfora "" ca ought to be long, according to the rules of prosody and hence the would be the proper correction. fault.

Page #492
135 (P. 214. A. 3. S. 5. In the verse 253, the metre is alwa light jolly dancing metre, always used for describing merry things. But here the verse contains a description of the lamentation of the relatives of a dead prince, hence the fault. The next fault is saMkIrNatvam It occurs when the words of two or more sentences are so mixed up together that nothing but hopeless nonsense is made out of the words as they stand. For instance in the verse 254 __ kAkaM khAdati kSudhitaH kUraM kSipati nirbhara russttH| zunakaM gRhAti kaNThe bhISayati ca naptAraM sthvirH|| Here the proper arrangement is : fafie EE: Ferrar: *1* fefa; at (boiled rice) arafa, yaai affeafa (frightens) Fri 2607 Toeifa 1 (embraces.) fe is different from hof in that in the former, absence of proper sense, owing to the position of words in it, is seen in one sentence. But when sentences come in a string, as in dialogues there is no fault of siznican as in the famous verse bAle nAtha etc. fara is the next fault which occurs when in one sentence, another is inserted paranthetically. This may be a grace of style in English but is regarded as a fault in Sanskrit. For instance in the verse 256, the sentence aciA H20 FA7a' thrusts itself unnecessarily in the main sentence 97197572 etc. But when the speaker is in the flurry of some emotion, such interpolations render a grace to the style. For instance in the verse 257 : which means :-" The whole earth was conquered by TUTTA! (even while we describe his exploits, we are thrilled with wonder ).

Page #493
P. 216. A. 3. S. 5. ) 136 That earth he gave over to the Brahmins. This wonderful story of TTEITIA started with him and died with him!", 'qaga' comes in the main string of sentences, but it shows a great excitement on the part of the speaker and hence it is no fault. HAS 4897 occurs when there is a break in uniformity or harmony. As a rule, we should begin a statement with a particular word and end with the same word or a word in perfect harmony with it; otherwise the introduction of a strange word jars upon the ears of the readers and hence the fault, as illustrated in 258. here in the words Ji and starta there is no harmony. The second word ought to be sataa. Similarly in 259, afgrei: is faulty, for the trend of every sentence is to have te as the subject. in tadvisRSTAH tat is related with 877# and does not refer to a, hence the fault. Similarly in 260 "when 31419 started for his penance, his brothers did not feel the grief (of seperation ) for they were full of fortitude; they relied upon the words of J/A; their hearts were burning with anger for their enemies; and they knew the prowess of arjuna.", dhairyaNa is the first word used in instrumental to show the reason of their not being grieved; naturally we expect all the words showing reasons in instrumental; in Azit: therefore, there is 95AHF: Similarly in 261 262 is the first word used in nominative, 4917#a is, therefore, quite all right. But the Fer in fact breaks the uniformity. It ought to be 95 ata (nominative), to keep the uniformity. Similarly in verse 262, the army used and enjoyed the waters of the mountain-rivers in a variety of ways and thus removed

Page #494
137 [P. 262. A. 3. S. 5. the stigma of the rivers of not being used or enjoyed. The verbs 3: ng: etc. are used with every new sentence. But this trend is broken in gafafafanugar:. We must, therefore, break this compound in a sentence and say: vikacamasya dadhuH prasUnam , otherwise it will be faulty. Again in the verse 263 which means "Success favours those who strive hard in order to achieve fame or to secure happiness, or to surpass all men," the trend is to use infinitives such as stranagh, but in gafascazut the poet breaks this order and hence the fault of 9FAYF. Instead, we should read ganegar. Similarly in the verse 264, the poet begins with the word 39=292, but in the very next sentence he refers to the sea by the word spilarati. This is wrong. Instead, he should say: har: : garai #aqfacti ATCE The same fault of using different words in the same context is seen in 265. "Adversity overpowers a coward. No prospect for those that are overpowered by adversity. No greatness for persons without prospects; and no throne for a person who is not great. Here faz is the first word, but it is changed to 81192 and agar is changed to Brita. Again in the first sentence faqz is the subject and the king is the object; but in the last sentence 370737717 79: (king) is the subject. This is SAK. Similarly in 266 entft is vocative sing., but in yuSmatprasAdena, yuSmad is plural; hence the prakramabhaGga. Again in the verse 267: part 3fe is an active participle, but (mayA na) kRtam is past passive participle, this is prakramabhaGgaH The same is the fault in the verse 268. "Beauty decked their bodies; budding youth decked that beauty; the charm of love decked the youth; passion decked that love; and union decked the passion." Here the 18

Page #495
P. 220. A. 3. S. 5.) 138 trend is this that the subject in one sentence becomes the object in the following sentence, but in the last sentence, dayitasaMgamabhUSaH is used instead of tamapi vallabhasaGgaH and hence the fault. Similarly in 269 fazla FFT: 34f7 is the trend; but in the 4th line (ca a Farfaita) ca has a different order in that the sentence has no object and hence the fault. Again in the verse 270 which means:--"When this sage is advancing angrily towards me-sage with the power of valour and penance, I feel a desire to encounter him as well as to fall at his feet," 91919dETIU must be placed at the beginning of the third line, for that act is prompted by the greatness of the sage's penance which is mentioned first. In the verse 271, the trend is to condemn the 39719S by showing the excellence of upameyas, but in the last sentence bhavatu ca dvicandraM nabhaH, dvicandraM becomes an adjective of nabhaH. In reality it ought to be (791: FearsHal ) a predicate. Similarly in 272 tadvatraM yadi mudritA zazikathA the whole trend is to show the excellence of 3970S. But in the last line meaning that the creater creates superflous things, the general proposition conveys the idea of resemblance not excellence, hence the fault. If however a particular order is not broken, there is no fault of 347. For instance in 273 "When a warrior started for the battlefield, his little boy began asking him where he was going. This question being inauspicious, his mother remonstrated with him for asking it. Enraged at this, the boy stammered forth the word vajasi instead of kva vrajasi. But the the father understood purport of the question and became dis-spirited with the dread of superstition.

Page #496
[P. 223. A. 3. S.,5. Here the proper root to be used is . But a is the root used. But as the speaker here is a child, his a really means braz2a and hence there is no fault of prakramabhaGga The next fault is fa. It is nothing but incompatibility or absence of connexion which ends in absurdity or superfluity. For instance, in 274 the statement is that the difference between a sword and a miser is only in R. Now what is this? If it means a form, the difference in form is patent, it need not be told; if it means the difference between the syllables and , this is only a difference in writing those two words, it has nothing to do with the two actual things a sword and a miser. 66 Similarly, in the verse 275 which means that king killed the lions, for he could not tolerate their title of rAjan ( i. e. mRgarAja ), the use of the word rAjazabda is absurd, for it neither fits in with mRgANAm nor with teSAM nor with vIryodaya; for the word zabda cannot go with things. The best way, therefore, to avoid this fault is to read rAjabhAva: instead of rAjazabdaH or to change into g. Similarly in the verse 276 which means: What have the demons done to gratify you? the demons who, with the intense heat of their valour, have dried up the river of ichor of qua, who drank wine under the shade of trees in ; and who with their threats created panic in Indra," qi: etc. can be used independently, but cannot be used without the qualified word mak; for the rule is that the noun accompanying a cannot be taken along with a, but a word accompanying a can be taken as understood with yad ; therefore, kSapAcAribhiH is the correct reading. yai: may be followed by tai: but yeSAM kSapA 139

Page #497
Pi 224. A. 3. S. 5.) 140 aftoti cannot necessarily be followed by agi nafoa ; the word 89191fia, therefore, must be definitely used with a: Similarly in 277, the word and is feminine, faris olla is neuter and hence the incompatibility between the upamAna and upameya. vimalaM, as it stands, cannot go with art, because the latter is feminine. It is true that we can take the adjective fans with and by the process of liGgavipariNAma, but then in that case there will be the fault of a1978-two independent sentences. This will delay the understanding of the sense. Even supposing that the sense in such cases is clear, such contrivances are good in places other than poetry. In verse 279, however, falfhar and azcaat are both in the instrumental case and hence though the words differ in genders, they agree in case and hence no Biareaaega. When the common adjective is not used but there are only the 39777 and 34, there is no fault. The incompalibility of tenses and numbers also lead to this fault. For instance, in the verse 282 3119 is the verb with the upameya, kumudvatI; but if it is taken with the upamAna (cetanA), the statement becomes absurd as cetanA always has prasAda-not that it had got prasAda.' Similarly in 263, meaning "you appear just like a creeper, now that you have taken your bath just now etc." furgh is wrong, for it is all good with the 3992, (you), but ill-fits in with sal, for gar is in third person and faith is in second person. Again in TT 996 ra:, Saed can not go with 757 as it has been actually flowing since thousands of years, and hence the fault. Now follows a list of eight faults occuring both in words and sentences.

Page #498
141 (P. 226. A. 3. S. 6. Baycan is, (1) to use a word not used by standard authors, (2) to use a word found only in abstruse sciences such as grammar or is found only in dictionary. For instance, "essar" is a slang word and should not be used in poetry. All the age ( non-Sanskrit ) words not yielding to any etymology, should be avoided. ___ aprayuktatvam is not a fault when the speaker is a fool or a jester or intends a joke or humour; for instance, the words cafea ana in 286, are wrong, they ought to be tarta 1914. The speaker here pretends silliness. In 288 the speaker is vidUSaka, and hence the words kalama bhakta etc. though slang are permissible. Even in a sentence 31997 is seen, as in the verse 287 the words a Hs etc. The use of words found in grammar or dictionary also leads to 3199tica. For inst. caa: (m.) is found only in grammar. Similarly in the verse 290 the word 8113791, meaning craving 'is an abstruse word and is found used only in TUTTE. Again in 291, the root at 'to go' is an instance of Baythicah, as it is never used by standard authors, but is only found in grammar or dictionary. In 292, the word uit: used in the sense of an eye' is obscure. But in the verse 293, the speaker is a man well-versed in all sciences, and the hearer is equally well.versed, therefore, scientific terms such as F 92% are used. In puns, abstruse words may be used. For instance in 294, Tha harasser of the moon, and y=house are obscure words, but are permissible in puns. In 295 the words that, 5917, etc. are scientific terms and hence the fault of saying in a sentence.

Page #499
P. 230. A. 3. S. 6. ) 142 But 296 which means:-"Oh king! In this winter, owing to the shortage of clothes, we cannot fully lie down (saMprasAraNa) as the roots yaj and others have no saMprasAraNa when they are not kit", both the speaker and the hearer are, men of science, hence there is no fault in using abstruse words. The fault of statesca is three-fold :-37eztassa: In decency. word. (1) that which causes a sense of shame in the minds of the hearers. (2) that which creates loathing. (3) that which causes a sense of inauspiciousness. For instance, in the verse 297 1997, meaning male or female organ, is a word which is indecent. Similarly in the verse 298, ari sar means passing wind from below, and hence it creates loathing. In the verse 299 farzt (meaning both disappearance and death ) is an inauspicious word. All these are instances found in single words. In the following verses there are many such words. For instance, in the verse 300, JTAGO, neua and R17 are words suggesting the sense of the sexual act. In the following verse 301, ara ( vomitted ) grasi ( purging ) etc. create loathing. In the verse 302 the words fazza (suggesting cemetary) and 9194 (suggesting funeral fire) are inauspicious. When, however, the context requires the use of these words, there is no fault. Thus in the verse 303 the words karihasta, saMbAdha, dhvajaH all indicate a sexual act, but fit in with the context. When the context is of the sentiment of an or utter repugnance to the world, the sense of loathing is agreeable to it, hence in the verse 304 the graphic

Page #500
[P. 232. A. 3. S. 6. description of the female organ, in its loathesome aspect, fits in with the subject. Similarly, in the verse nirvANavairadahanA: " let the kauravas die etc." is a suggestion which is deliberately meant by the dramatist and hence the inauspiciousness of death is not faulty. is another fault. When a word is not able to convey the sense for which it is used or when its sense is dubious i. e. ambiguous, the fault of curs. For instance in the verse 306, in fa, the day though full of light is cursed" the word f is unable to convey the sense, a day full of light', for it means only 'a day '. C 143 Similarly, in the following verse which contains a grand metaphor thus:-The feet of art are the lotuses; her loveliness is the well; her thighs are the stalks; the rays of her nails are the filaments; the red dye is the blossom; the anklets are the bees etc., the word 'holding' is used in the sense of 'creating'-a sense which it can not convey. In the verse 308 meaning "Your precept or is Shankar; you have conquered fa; the ocean is your house; the earth is given over by you as a gift; but as your has killed your mother, my sword candrahAsa is ashamed to fight with it," the word vijeya (=conquerable) is used in the sense of conquered ' and hence the fault. 6 " In 309th verse in which compares the war-cry with the thundering of clouds, the word is used in the sense of a loud roar'; but it usually means the sound of a frog.' 66 Hence it is clear that words having a peculiar or a technical sense, if used elsewhere, lead to this fault.

Page #501
P. 234. A. 3. S. 6.) 144 Of course, when its use is quite appropriate and fits in with the context, there is no fault. For instance: in the verse 310, which usually means 'cackled' or cooed is here used in its peculiar sense of a peculiar sound made at the time of a sexual act'and is quite appropriate. However, in the verse 311 am afisara is a faulty compound, for what is here required is a comparision between the troops of elephants and the mass of darkness. But this compound drowns the upamAna nAgayUtha, and gives predominance to the dark colour of the darkness, and hence it is 31919%. The word Afesa also cannot convey the sense of like or similar to.' Similarly in the verse 312 which describes a blue lotus as being ashamed of itself by the beauty of a woman's eye, the word per cannot convey the sense of as it were' for which it is meant; for it always means 'like' and hence the fault of avAcaka. In the verse 313, meaning " with what object in view does the lion challenge a cloud ? The great never tolerate the rise of others," the figure is af-az-ara. Now for a general statement, the word niza ought to be in plural, otherwise it would mean only one great man,' hence it has the fault of avAcaka. But in the verse 314 hetzia: (plu.) is rightly used. In all such instances if any word conveying the sense of 'all' is used then there is no fault-as for instance, in 315 the word ad means all. The whole of the following verse is full of the fault of 314194; for the word 3119EURfa (=carry) is used in the sense of 'do' and JFATF is used in the sense of 'forget'! If the words are used in a quaint imaginary

Page #502
145 [P. 236. A. 3. S. 6. sense conceived by the author himself and not likely to be understood by any other man, it is faulty. For instance in the verse 317 the word aatajo: means oft:no i. e.=tftafol: (i. e. gods). Now nobody but the author himself can understand the meaning of this word and hence it is . In some compound-words, usage requires that both the members should remain unchanged. In some the first member may be changed. Thus in acalates the word gear should not be changed. If it is changed, it would lead to this fault. 1. The verse 318 is an illustration of all, not in one word but in the whole of the sentence: thus Af= daza (i. e. ten) nAma-vAk and vihaGgamacakra so cakrabhut means ratha; paktivihaMgamanAmabhRt= dazaratha (the king dazaratha) and his son is rAma !! Similarly in ulUkajitA ulUka-kauzika and kauzika means indra, therefore 338fsta means gefera the son of 1907! Every ambiguous word leads to this fault. For instance, in the verse:319 qala may mean'a salute' fram or orient a female bard and hence the ambiguity. Similarly in the verse 320 the word egzt: is ambiguous, for it may either mean a man who was formerly a sage? or a man who serves a sage'. If, however, the ambiguity heightens the charm of the sense, it is no fault, as in the verse 321 the words from a polgut. This would mean 'the formidable time i. e. the Summer' and 'the Cruel Death' as well. The context requires both the senses. In the following verse this fault is illustrated in a sentence (not merely in single words ) thus: gerese means ' a temple ' and a ' liquor-shop arfogao: means in quest of something' and 'discharging arrows' Preapta means 'all glorious' and 'fully besmeared with ashes' 19

Page #503
P. 238. A. 3. S. 6.) 146 The whole verse suggests the sense of a drunkard by its ambiguous words and hence the fault. When the ambiguity is deliberate and suggests some happy sense, it is no fault. Thus in the verse 323 which means: "Oh king! now our houses are exactly similar; for they have gold pots ( Fra Fatra), all the servants in them are decked with ornaments, and they are bristling with female elephants." The apparent sense deals with the praise of the king. But inwardly the poet is censuring the king for keeping him in poverty, for he says: 'My house is full of the crying (SET) of children ( 94 ); all the members of my family ( 4+ siga) have to sleep on the bare ground; my house is full of dust.' As here the ambiguity is deliberate, it leads to no fault. argfaariza is the next fault. It occurs when the words, used, convey a meaning totally against the context. For instance : quard 3917781: means " who have become animals in the sacrifice in the form of a battle. Now qi almost means a timid animal such as goats and others. But the context requires the sense of valour and hence the fault is anucitArthatva. In the following verse the king is compared to a dog, and in 326 the Sun to a spark of fire-both the similes militate against the sense of propriety or proportion and hence the fault. In the verse 327 the creator is made a standard of comparison for a tiny 1913 bird ! And in 328 the navel of a woman is compared to the vast nether worlds and her breasts to mountains --all instances of absurdity as regards proportion (anaucitya as it is technically called).

Page #504
147 (P. 239. A. 3. S. 6. When however the incompalibility of two things compared, leads to a deliberate censure--it is no fault, as in 329 the moon is rightly condemned as a cruel untouchable, for she kills love-lorn ladies. Thus we see that all cases of impropriety fall under this head anucitArtha. Thus in 331 which means:- This mountain (FERLET) protects the darkness concealed like an owl in its caverns. The great regard persons who seek protection as their own. The figure 87971-a71e here is needless, for it is not necessary to support a conceit which is professedly a conceit. In the verse 332 the king is compared to a weaver weaving cloth, but it is said that in spite of this, his fame is without cloth, and hence the fault. mfangra occurs when the words are jarring to the ears. This fault is peculiar to syllables. For instance, in 333 wafezig is a jarring word. Similarly in 334 afore and alare harsh words. But when the words fit in with the speaker, there is no fault; for instance, in the verse 335 the speaker is a grammarian and, therefore may use such jarring words uits, feature etc. The words 871977 3141914 used in the verse 336 are quite all right, for the verse is addressed to a grammarian. Similarly the hard-sounding words in the third line of the verse 337 are all quite right, for the context is the description of a lion. Similarly the harsh and jarring words in the verse 338 are all appropriate, for the verse is an illustration of the sentiment of loathing (HR) which requires a style full of jarring words. In the verse 339 the description of a shaken tree

Page #505
P. 240. A. 3. S. 6. 1 requires that the construction should be full of harshsounding words and hence there is no fault. Sometimes when there is no particular sentiment in a verse, harsh-sounding words may be used as in the verse 340 which means:-May the rays of the sun remove your evils; rays-that restore to health men who are mutilated, maimed, weak etc. f a delay in understanding the sentence owing to its faulty construction. is the next fault which occurs when there is sense of a verse or a syntax or its clumsy For instance, the first line in the verse 341 is very clumsy and it is with great difficulty that we understand what it means.' (i. e. seats of the moonstones. dakSAtmajA = tArA dayita = lover, so the whole compound means the moon. Again - therefore dakSA... vallabha means candrakAnta and hence the whole line means the seats made of moon-stones. 148 The popular instance of f is the verse 342 quoted by and others. The proper prose-order is given by . It is very difficult to make out anything out of the verse at the first reading, hence it is an apt illustration of clumsiness. avimRSTavidheyAMza is one of the most prominent faults. Every sentence has something that is predicated of the subject. This predicate is the most important thing in a sentence and hence it must be given a prominent place in it. But if that predicate (fa) is not given a prominent place which is its due, then there is this fault of ufayefadain. For instance, in the verse 343 which means:"The body of Shankar is ugly, his birth is obscure

Page #506
149 P. 242. A. 3. S. 6.) etc. Here ugly, obscure etc. are predicates (fasta ) but in the compound alakSyajanmatA, janmatA i.e. the subject (anuvAdya) gets prominence and the predicate (vidheya) alakSya gets a secondary place and hence the fault. zaferat fra: is the proper reading. Similarly in 344 which describes Parvati adjusting her girdle that was slipping down, in Fedrentaffha 'as if a second bow string of the bow of cupid )', the predicate is facta' second', but it is given a subordinate place by the compound and hence the fault. In the following verse (345) in which # after defeating in addresses him, Bata is the predicate and as such must be placed independently. BAITAJTE should, therefore, be the emended reading. In 346 in madhyevyoma, vyoma is prominent and hence it must be changed into madhye vyomnaH.. :. Thus we see that the fault afgezfagist occurs when there is no proper prominence given to a predicate in a sentence. For instance, in 347 3196917 really means ' did not speak '; the emphasis is on the idea of'not' speaking, but as it stands the word means 'was mute'. But in 348 there is no fault, for 876a: Baigt: and other adjectives go with the subject #; they are not predicates and hence do not require any prominent place. . In the verse 349 which enumerates all the merits of the forest life, the fault of sfaqesfatait lies in the whole verse, there being quite a series of faults. The whole verse has a faulty construction. The proper order of words should be zAvalaM zayyA; zucizilA Asanam. The inverse order leads to the fault of afgezaaiat. The same fault is seen in the verse 350. Similarly in 351 "That the lions are excited when

Page #507
P. 244. A. 3. $. 6. ) 150 challenging the elephants and clouds (that are utterly insignificant ) is but their nature. But the lion of afat is perfectly unperturbed with regard to the elephants and clouds. He is, therefore, the best lion", atsat appears like a part ot sigara and hence itsat or something like that ought to go with ambikAkesarI. In fact, it can very well be laid down as a rule that must be followed by ac. But even between the two, the word ac is very important and should never be dropped. aq shows (1) a well-known thing e. g. pasta ar Baha: (. . 4) (2) a thing familiar and experieneed e. g. 19 pratidizam (ratnAvalI) (3) a thing already shown by context e. g. in 354 anzi=aftfazilafzzi. * When 72 stands for the whole sentence and as such is placed in the beginning of a sentence, at may not be used, as in the verse 355: "That the lotuses closed at the sight of the lovely moon is but proper on their part; but that the moon rises in spite of the appearance of the lovely face of women is but a rash thing" (ac) puSkaraiH sAdhu kRtam . But in the first sentence, if yad is used then at must be used in the following sentence. Sometimes both these words ( 76 77 ) are inferred from the context as in 356, here" #: * sfa etc. si afa etc." was the expected construction; but even as the verse stands, it is not faulty. at when necessary must be used. At can not represent ac, in such places. For instance, in the verse 357 in which the spring is compared to Hanuman by using adjectives common to both, (aiufa9=(1) the moon. (2) gora; in valgte the words are at and Ta.). Bet

Page #508
151 [P. 247. A. 3. S. 6. is used in the sense of as which is unwarranted. But if is taken in the sense of a then in the verse 358 which means:-"Let the God Shankar protect you; Shankar the fire of whose wrath turned cupid into a burning f tree etc.", in the fourth line. would be redundant. "" Now someone may say here that in the verse (359) which means:-" That man who sees the whole world as your body, is free from sorrow etc., idam is used in the sense of a; but 's reply to this is:If the words and a have some intervening words between them, no representative word for a can be used; that is to say a by itself must be used in such cases as it is done in 360. Now it is true that in the verse 361 is followed directly or immediately by and not by as it ought to be. But defends this case by saying that if the words and a are used in different cases idam or some such word may represent tad. The last instance of fazia is given in the verse 362 in which is wondering as to who is the cause of Rama's banishment. Can it be or kaikeyI ? he asks himself. Here in AryAnujaH the emphasis is on the word and, therefore, that word must be prominently placed as Aryasya. Similarly in tAta kalatram the word aa is important and hence a must be used. The next fault is viruddhabuddhikRt which occurs when a word is so ambiguous that it creates a sense contrary to the one which the author intends to convey. For instance in the verse, 363 is used by the author in the sense of God Shankar-the Lord of Parvati.' But it creates a strange sense the lover of 6

Page #509
P. 259. A. 3. S. 6. ] a mother'!! Hence such dangerously ambiguous words should be avoided. 152 Similarly in the following verse (364) the word mRDAnIpa ravRDhaH is bad; for mRDAnI itself means the wife of (i. e. Shankar) and adding the word af (lord) to it would mean the lover-paramour-of the wife of Shankar! The idea of the above verse is:-Indra with his thousand eyes fell at the feet of Shankar. who was standing near, mistook the eyes Indra for a garland of blue lotuses and tried to snatch them. Shankar, thereupon, began to laugh. Similarly the word (in 365) would mean strangling' while it is really used in the sense of embracing! In the verse 366 a host of such ambiguous words are used: anuttama (bad) apihita ( covered ) akArya ( evil deed) : i. e. infamy) are all strangely -gaf-a: (i. e. ambiguous. When this ambiguity is deliberate and adds as such to the beauty of the verse, it is no fault. For instance, in the verse 367 the words a &fagai: qmag are all deliberately used-one set of words leading to the sense of peace and other set leading to the sense of war. The apparent meaning is:-, after saying those unpalatable words, is now fully repentent, and eagerly wishes to pacify you who are angry with him. The inner meaning is:- is now more indignant than before and wants to kill you. In the following sutra is given a list of faults regarding sense. We had hitherto a list of faults with respect to words.

Page #510
153 [P. 261. A. 3. S. 7. is the first of these faults. When the construction is so very clumsy that no reader is able to understand the sense of the verse without great effort, the verse is said to have the fault of. The instance in point is the verse 368 the full explanation of which has been given by and it is quite right that he should give it, otherwise very few of the readers would have understood the verse. which is the next in the list, is a fault which occurs when a statement which is not at all pertinent to the subject in hand is unnecessarily thrust in a verse. For instance, in the verse 369 the subject is that I crossed the ocean; naturally, therefore, the various adjectives of the ocean (that it was dark as the leaves of a tree etc.) do not in any way add to the beauty of the main statement. In the following verse full of jingling alliteration there is not a single phrase that has any charm of sense. Only there is a series of sweet-sounding words. vyAhatattvam is a fault arising from two naturally contradictory statements; this is illustrated in the verse 372. "" In the first foot is the statement' kill your enemies.' But strange to say, in the third foot occurs the statement there is not a single enemy of yours a statement perfectly contradictory to the one in the first foot. avaidagdhya is stating a thing in a bald almost an indecent manner. The verse 373 is an instance in point. The whole statement is utterly unpoetic and extremly vulgar, for there is no charming suggestion what-so-ever in the 20 66

Page #511
P. 262. A. 3. S. 7.) 154 verse, Everything is stated in a plain or bald manner; but as we know, suggestion is the essence of poetic beauty. In the verse 374 the fault of paitsea is illustrated. The description is applicable to a villain as well as to the male organ. Here the words f7764, faar, ara and grafa yield double meaning. sAkAGkatvam occurs when some words or phrases necessary to complete the sense of a statement are wanting in a verse or a sentence. For instance, in verse 375 1190 begged for the hand of ear, but he was repulsed and TA was given her hand. Trgot, therefore, would not tolerate this (i, e. the prosperity of the enemy, his own insult and the loss of war). Here, after the word all the word saraj has to be necessarily supplied in order to make out a proper sense. Similarly in 376 the statement, "I abandon thee Oh weapon !" requires some reason which is not given in the verse and hence Ech. The idea in the first three lines is that tot had taken to the profession of a gisa though it was not proper for him to do so; he worked wonders with the weapon and finally left it through grief. Where, however, a statement is perfectly well-known or self-evident, no reason is necessary, as in the verse 377. In this verse fera says that the Goddess of beauty dwelt in the face of JAI, for both the moon and the lotus were inferior to her face. The fault of are occurs where in the absence of the context there arises an ambiguity of sense. For instance, in the verse 375 one does not know, merely by reading, whether the author is in favour of renunciation or the dalliances of love. The meaning is:--"Oh Gentlemen! with a calm mind decide whether" etc.

Page #512
155 [P. 264. A. 3. S. 7. akramatvam occurs when instead of stating a thing in due order it is stated in a reverse order. For instance, in 378 mAtaGga ought to precede turagam, but the order is reversed. Even when no order in importance is observed and several things are stated promiscuously, there occurs the fault of ; sometimes there is a breach of order as regards time as in the verse 379. The order of time is here not observed, for the old man ought to have first consulted the astrologer and then got himself shaved. In the figure farf, however, as an inverse order leads to that figure, there is no fault of . For instance, In the verse 380:-" The ocean of love swelled in her heart and then the moon rose." When the words are not in proper order the fault is as regards words and not as regards the sense. When the same sense is repeated in two sentences in the same canto or a poem it leads to the fault of punaruktam. In the third canto of zizupAla verses 12th and 13th have the same sense only expressed in (different words) and hence the fault of punaruktam . In the phrase fa: there is a repetition, for an array of horses' and hence gf is ( azva means redundant. Similarly in janatA: ( zi. va. sa. 5 / 74 ) ( verse 385 ) the plural number is superfluous; for the word itself means a mass of people. itself means 'Shankar'; the In 386a word therefore, is redundant. But in the verse 387 is not redundant; for ff is an adjective and shows only the quality of(Shankar) and hence the word is necessary. In the compound words like dhanurjyA karNAvataMsa the

Page #513
P. 266. A. 3. S. 7. ] 156 words 97: and so are apparently liable to the fault of graf#ca (repetition), but all such words have now been accepted as faultless through usage and some peculiar meaning is made out of them; for instance, in ngeuf the word 9: shows that the string is actually attached to the bow. In acofada the word of suggests that the ornament is actually on the ear. Thus we see that FA 3790EUR etc, by themselves are quite competent to express their meaning but in order to defend the compounds agruf etc. sanctioned by usage, some inner meaning is super-imposed on them according to the dictum "Figari nafara affair." sometimes, however, repetition is necessary and adds grace to a statement as in the verse 400 da: fe repeated four times suggests the keen sense of digust about worldly things in the mind of the speaker. In moments of excitment, repetition is no fault, according to the verse am etc. quoted below. In fhaagath things of incongruous nature are brought together as in the verse 401, good things such as zruta, naya etc. are mentioned along with madena nArI vyasanena mUrkhatA etc.. fabricana (contradictory sense) is a fault; as in 402. fa faca also means:-Stating something which is contrary to the real nature of things or to the established conventions. For instance, in the verse 403, God of love is described as having a disc (77) in his hand; but this statement is against the conventions of the poets who believe that the God of love has five arrows in his hands. In 404 it is stated that the Ashoka tree put forth sprouts on account of its being kicked by women.

Page #514
157 [P. 268. A. 3. S. 7. But this goes against the poetic convention which is that Ashoka, when kicked by women, puts forth flowers. Again in the verse 405, 7*(Lord Vishnu) is said to be extolling the wheels of the God Sun; and God Hari is said to be extolling the horses of the God Sun. But this is not at all supported by Puranas or any other work. In short, then, the rule may be stated thus:nothing should be stated by a poet which may savour of fantanstic or imaginary or something which militates against established conventions of science, art etc. Thus to compare a poem with the moon (see verse 406) or to describe the moon as having caused the day lotus to bloom is liable to the fault of prasiddhiviruddhatva. Again in the verse 408 the 317 "f499c5" is stated to have 957H tune in it-but this is wrong, as 952# tune is totally absent in CEHT. Similarly, to say that a Brahmin performed a 1942 sacrifice (for gras alone can do it), that enemies are conquered by enthusiasm alone, (for they are conquered by diplomacy also), that the marks of teeth in kissing were seen on the upper lip (for they are only seen on the nether lips), absolution is obtained by devotion alone (for knowledge also is the way to #18T) is wrong, as it goes against the convention of science and popular customs etc. 9 gatraca is a fault which occurs when after the completion of a certain statement it is supplemented by something unnecessary. __For instance, in the verse lagnaM rAgAvRtAnyA etc. viditaM te te (be it known to you) completes the statement. But it is again supplemented by the words da etc., this is wrong.

Page #515
P. 271. A. 3. S. 7.) 158 Of course if reviving the statement adds to poetic beauty or heightens a sentiment, it is permissible, as in 414 the figure arte lengthened again heightens the sentiment of fagmxazETT. In the verse the speaker raises a series of doubts: if the rays of the moon are full of nectar why should they burn me ? Again if they are besmeared with poison, why should they not kill me ? etc. As a rule, (1) a word stated once has to be repeated when the sense is alluded again. (2) Again if a statement has to be made vague it is wrong to make it expressly limited. (3) It is wrong to turn a particular statement into a general one or vice versa. (4) It is wrong to turn a subject into a predicate or vice versa. All these rules if not observed lead to the faults stated at the end of the seventh sutra (such as fiyafazaisfera etc). In the verse 415 which means:~" Before a genuine jewel the whole creation appears to be crude, to state that it can be compared to something is an insult of the jewel. Its excellence transcends imagination. Such a jewel, however in the midst of falsely glittering jewels is only a piece of stone and nothing more." The place of 783 here is wrong. It ought to go with maNi which is an anuvAdya. Similarly in the verse 416 in which the words ham (1) a particular river (2) learning ATTO (1) red (2) a particular river (1) ocean (2) having lines Erfgant (1) river (2) army

Page #516
159 P. 272. A. 3. S. 9. ] yield double meaning, in "q9T1FMFAE etc." Tio (red) is a vague statement, but to say that it is no ga (only red) is wrong. In the verse 417 which means:--"Don't despise these jewels-Oh Ocean! for one of them obliged Vishnu to beg you," a general statement is the proper statement, but instead of that, "lega fafea: " is a particular statement made-this is wrong. Exactly opposite is the case in the verse 418 : here II (moon-lit night) is the particular word that is wanted, but instead of this the word 9147 (a night in general) is used. Similarly in 419 fazlagi taha is an adjective of falcao ( blue lotus ) but it ought to have been used predicatively, for the context requires it to be so. Again in 420 in which 31479rat takes a vow of killing all the qreas in one night, 570 is used as a predicate, while in fact it ought to form part of the subject; the word 9779ffetfaa:, again, goes with the subject, but in reality it ought to be the predicatethus there is a double fault. The faults of q, part of a q etc. are not mentioned by A7= obviously because they are easy to detect. When there is anything faulty used in course of imitating a person ( by way of creat. ing humour ) etc., there is no fault. When proper persons speak in a proper manner (even though it may appear unintelligible, absurd, indecent etc. to others ) it is no fault. Sometimes it lends positive charm to the poems. The illustrations are already given by 2495 in this chapter. Here he draws attention of the readers to the exceptional cases where a fault (in ordinary cases ) is no fault at all,

Page #517
ADHYAYA IV kAvya has already been defined by hemacandra as 'saguNau pregryf.' qu again is defined in general as 'excellence in a sentence that contributes to the development of a ta ( sentiment ). Now in the following sutras the number of pots and their definitions have been given. There are only three guNas namely mAdhurya, ojasa and gang. There are neither ten quts as the old rhetoricians such as pa and others think nor five as others think. The reason for regarding the guts as three only is this that other quis can be easily included under these three quts on the strength of their very definitions. This has been ably shown by 497 in his commentary, These quts or poetic excellences in reality belong to the gas and only secondarily to the word and sense in which they are embodied. In the second sutra the excellence Argi is defined: Angel is that quality which causes the heart of a reader melt. This qu is predominantly found in the poems containing HITTE (WHITHI ). Argo is the quality even of as such as 19 347 and others that are helpful to this HHIITKIT. mAdhurya in its intense form is seen in zAnta, karuNa and vipralambhazRGgAra. The following are the characteristic conditions of Arga: (1) In it letters with the nasals belonging to their respective classes should come. (2) No letter of g class should come in. (3) Short forms of ? and of may be used. (4) As far as possible compounds should not come in.

Page #518
161 [P. 290. A. 4. S. 3. (5) On the whole the style should be delicate or soft. Verse 421 is an apt illustration of Aryzys. For the occurence of and I in Arget, verse 422 is a happy illustration: "Heavenly damsels anxiously wait ( 707 Tupat agafa ) for their lovers (from the slain warriors below )." The verse 423 is full of letters from cari and hence it is directly detrimental to mAdhuryaguNa. Verse 424 is full of long compounds and abounds in hard-sounding words and as such militates against the conditions of Arget. "The sky is overcast with clouds, why do you weep unnecessarily ? ( your lover is bound to return home on account of the setting in of rainy-season ). Wild conflagration is darkening all the quarters with the columns of its smoke ( and hence your lover will no longer travel, but snon return home. )". 31799 is a lot that inflames the heart of a reader. It is found in vIra, bIbhatsa and raudra in an ascending order of intensity. The following are the conditions of 377577 (1) The first letter of a class joins with the second letter of a class. (2) The third letter of a class joins with the fourth letter of a class. (3) The same letter is repeated twice in the same word to make a conjunct consonant. (4) The letter joining with any other letter. (5) All the letters of zat except foccuring frequenly. (6) The letters and q coming frequently. (7) Long compc inds. (8) A style full of hard-sounding words. 21

Page #519
P. 291. A. 4. S. 6.) 162 . Verse 425 is an excellent illustration of 3115a: "Of what avail are my arms if they find it difficult to guard my city (5EUR) arms-that are elated with the pride of being able to shake en mountain ? Of what avail, again, are my heads that are needlessly glorified for their securing a favour from God Shiva by pouring a stream of blood flowing ceaselessly from them (i. e. heads ) when cut down etc." In the verse 426 in which 349472Tht compares himself with parazurAma and says that he will imitate parazurAma and kill his enemies, the main this da; but the style is so tame, being void of compounds and hard words, that the sitsia which was needed to develop this 1978 is entirely marred in its effect. ... SAC is the third yur; it is to be found in all the Tas for it consists in the felicity of expression which attracts the hearts of the readers and make them understand the particular verse easily. .. Thus saic is compared to a fire in dry fuel and to transparent water; for like these two things, 1919 occupies the heart of a reader immediately and makes the sense perfectly clear. * In sag the letters, the compounds and the style should be such as would make the sense clear at the very first hearing or reading. ., JAT is best illustrated in the verse 427: " What is the use of the wish-yielding trees when liberal persons are there ? (that is to say liberal persons are just like the piczas). Similarly, the beggars are said to be like the grass. These letters indicative of these three guNas are sometimes termed as vRttis, others name them rItis. Letters, as a rule, indicate Trs, but sometimes they indicate a particular speaker by their presence. For

Page #520
163 (P. 292. A. 4. S. 9. instance in the verse 428 in which will describes in a graphic manner the thundering notes of drum, there is no late and consequently 110 1199; but because the speaker is ofth, the style is full of hard-sounding words. Sometimes the style follows the subject matter without any regard to the particular speaker or composition. For instance the description of the head of FHFOI in the verse 429:-- "Here falls down from the sky with a loud crash the head of 377*; while it is falling the winds in the caverns of mountains with their howling sound are extolling as it were the exploit of Rama. The head is observed by Aruna the charioteer who is wheeling round the chariot of the sun because the horses have got frightened on account of the sudden movement of 77e-which was due to the tremendous force of the head being thrown after its complete chopping by TTA. Here the speaker as well as the composition do not necessitate the forcible style, but the description of the monstrous head of FFH*T has fittingly rendered the style fiery. Sometimes the style is changed according to the nature of the particular composition, without any regard to the speaker or the subject-matter. For instance, in the Bezifier kind of composition cven when iki is to be portrayed, the style is not altogether full of soft words. Again in the wet kind, even in tata the style is not fiery. Similarly in dramas, even in stare, long compounds and harsh-sounding words are not admitted because they are against the very nature of a dramatic composition. Thus the criterion of a style is (to say it in one word) 'propriety'. The style of a composition or a verse must be proper that is fitting to the place or occasion,

Page #521
ADHYAYA V The definition of play has been given already by hemacandra as 'zabdArtho sAlaGkArI kAvyam "-words and sense full of poetic ornaments constitute poetry. If words and sense form the body of poetry, the figures of speech are its ornaments that hang on the body. These ornaments (i. e. figures of speech ) are again twofold : one class belonging to words and the other belonging to sense i. e. Teem and 379fert. In the fifth chapter the author exhaustively deals with the six zabdAlaGkAras. In the first Sutra the figure 879e is defined : Repetition of consonants constitutes the figure oggle. (1) Either one consonant or more than one may be repeated at close intervals. (2) This repetition as a rule should heighten the effect of some Sentiment (Te). (3) One consonant only once repeated does not lend any charm. A single consonat should, therefore, be repeated many times. (4) But two or more consonants may be repeated only once. Thus in the verse 430, a single consonant is repeated many times and hence the charming effect. In the following verse however (431) more than two consonants , # , are repeated only once: 3750TOFTETT-A 41A-2114 703-9105. In the following verse (432) a pair of two conso. nants (or a group of three consonants) is only once repeated.

Page #522
165 [P. 296. A. 5. S. 2.: ... yal-TETT 14-fauna 3917-71T Ghiaat ysta etc. Similarly in afaraka the group of pla is once repeated. . In the verse 434 many consonants are repeated many times. Thus in the first line is repeated four times. In the second line d is repeated thrice. The idea of the verse is : Oh traveller ! how can you remain alive when you are travelling in this summer which is pervading all the quarters (aafetiere) etc. svacchandakundadruhi=that prevents the free blooming of kunda flowers...tatArkatejasifull of the intense heat of the Sun. lATAnuprAsa is a kind of anuprAsa which is defined in the Second Sutra. In erg 18 (1) The words repeated are used in the same sense. (2) But they are not directly connected with one another. (3) The words may be either a noun or some other part of speech (4) The words may be repeated either once or many times. This sort of anuprAsa is a favourite of the people of lATa. (the country between modern Broach and Surat). Arzigag is illustrated in the verse 435. "Luok herel God $157 renowned for his self-control is holding on his person his own wife because he is afraid of seperation from her!" So saying Cupid clapped on the hands of his beloved ta and laughed heartily ! Here the noun kara is repeated and hence the lATAnuprAsa. In the following verse from gast the word in is repeated many times. Every time the word (TT) is connected with some new word.

Page #523
P. 297. A. 5. SS. 2. ] 166 " He ( the king ) was known by the name auru ( who was the father of Rama - the killer of Ravana) and who was as brilliant as the God Sun" etc. In the verse 436 many such words are repeated only once : 679T #rant: Ar: etc. "O King resembling ! the white flowers of er are looking like the garments of the river. The Swans on the river are looking like 73T flowers the moon above is looking like the Swans below." The autumnal season ((TITE: #775: ) has set in. In the verse 439 the word gerst is repeated only once. The same word wala is repeated many times in 440; a group of words repeated once is seen in 441- again an instance of lATAnuprAsa ( tuhinadIdhitiH the moon ). .."To a man whose wife is with him even a conflagration is (as cool) as the moon; but to one seperated from her even the moon is (hot) like the conflagration." In the verse 442, again, many such words (TRA and afa) are repeated many times. The idea is : It is rather difficult to say so, but it must be said:_even without any fault on their part your own men (311442) are actually arrested (FAT:) or captured by their hearts by your (excellent) qualities! The inner meaning is that the king's excellent qualities have atttacted the hearts of the people. 944 is defined in the following Sutra. When a letter or letters (consonants with vowels) having different meaning are repeated in the same order either very closely or at close intervals, the figure of speech is 77*. Note that the word wanna suggests that cven if

Page #524
167 (P. 299. A. 5. S. 2. The words are, grammatically or phonetically, slightly different, they can give rise to 99%. Thus in the verse 445 avalaM is rhymed with abalaM-~~va with a may form yamaka. Similarly in the same verse 27 rhymes 34. In short if people can find a marked similarity between two letters (lokapratItitulyatvaparigrAhArtham ) they may give rise to 94%. The name 991 is given to this figure because two letters that rhyme appear just like twin brothers (cat). The words a means that the letters rhyming must have some sense in their own place. For instance, in the line madhupa-rAji-parAjitamAninI both the groups qtist and quiet are, as they stand, without any meaning; but in their own place they yield a good sense; therefore they may form 3. Again in the line sphuTaparAga-parAgata-paGkajam the second group 97777 is meaningless as it stands, but in its own place it becomes qtisa and yields a sense and as such has a legitimate place in yamaka. But if two words carrying exactly the same sense come together, they do not form 4, as the Sutra explicitly says that the word ought to be wg i. e. the meaning of the words rhymed ought not to be exactly the same. Thus the line udeti savitA tAmrastAmraevAstametica is not an instance of 449. Again in the verse 446, the first word ag is phonetically not similar to the second on, but this minute difference is negligible and the two words do form 48 Similarly, in the same verse a though different from u may rhyme and a with # also is admissibe in a samaka as in the line vegaM-he. turagANAM jayanasAveti etc.

Page #525
P. 300. A. 5. S. 3.) 168 gaM he etc. rhymes with bhaGgaheturagAnAm / Here ar rhymes with otr. In 448 samaraMhasam rhymes with samaraM hasan i. e. -- with m. In 449 ajAyathAH ends with visarga and yUthAdajA yathA has no visarga still they rhyme, for as hemacandra says above " visarjanIyasya pratiqutsia a facta:"-as is illustrated above in 449. The letters in A must come in order-exact order of words, no inverse order would do. The words sarorasaH, therefore, do not make any yamaka... Similarly sau does not rhyme with sora; and #9 with prathama and raNavA with vAraNa do not rhyme for the order of words is inverse. This game is found in one foot rhyming with another and even in one part of a foot rhyming with another part of the same foot. All possible varieties of these #s are given by ATO in the paragraph following the sutra ( 107 ). Almost every variety is illustrated and annotated below by hemacandra. In 25 year afira garch ( 451 ) one part of a foot Thymes with another part. . . AraM cakram i. e. the troops of enemies. hatA means broken-hearted... On account of your sword etc. your enemy's wife wept. Again in 452 the first foot rhymes with the third foot. EUT: sga afaniaa fa 29: fal . In the verse 454 the first two feet rhyme with the last two. Thus from the verse 455 to 462 all the important varieties of 4* have been illustrated. : Some of the varieties not illustrated by A9 in the text have been illustrated by him in the commentary,

Page #526
169 (P. 307. A. 5. S. 4. But all these countless varieties of 76 serve only to exhibit the powers of versification possessed by a poet-( kavizaktikhyApanamAtraphalatvena ) and do not ever instruct the readers in any of the four gegrus i. e. goals of life (W, 244, #TA, ATA ); they are, therefore, regarded as kAvyagaDa-impediments in the enjoyment of a rasa. gaDu is a joint or a piece of sugar-cane having no juice in it. Cf sAhityadarpaNa's remarks on all kinds of citrakAvya (canto 10th-12th $7 ). "A poem is composed ", argues 24*, " to stimulate weak-minded men on to the goal of life. But even understanding yamaka and other varieties of citrakAvya requires a great straining of one's faculty of understanding; Fag 109, therefore, strangles the course of a 7 and as such is never delightful in the end. Even the figures of speech in themselves are not desirable if they mar the development of a , much more so, therefore, these varieties of yamaka and other citrakAvyas. Well might hand remark, therefore, that it is only parading one's power or it is a sort of blind imitation of our predecessors to indulge in the composition of these varieties of citrakAvya (see the kArikAs of lolaTa quoted by hemacandra ). citrakAvya is so called because of its creating a sense of wonder or possibly because it is as attractive to the eyes (merely) as a picture. Some of the varieties of fart are defined and illustrated below : For instance, in the verse 463 all the vowels are short. In the Commentary there is a funny instance of a poem full of long vowels (a g etc.) In the verse 479, only one consonant is employed. Some poems are composed with letters belonging to 22

Page #527
P. 308. A. 5. S. 4. ) 170 USFATTI only ( 3168faefatgjai atos: i. e. 81, $ari, farast and & have the throat as their origin ). / gatapratyAgata is a kind of citra in which the order of the first foot comes inversely in the second foot as is illustrated in the verse 466. Some verses are composed (i. e. arranged ) after the figure of a sword, a drum or other such things. For instance, in the verses 467 and 468 the figure of a sword is seen if the words are arranged in a peculiar order; the verse 469 is an instance of F 4 . yalagou is one in which some #TTI, STATII, face (nasal) or a letter is deliberately dropped (to test the erudition of a reader). For instance, in the verse 470 instead of 891 the word 590 is used. Apparently the poem contains the censure of a king, but if we take the word 5910 the whole meaning is changed and it then be comes a eulogy of the king. fa then means prosperity HELTC then comes to mean 'of an exalted rank' etc., In the verse 471 Baat is dropped and then the verse as it stands means "Oh girl! possessed of bulky breasts, bright as the flash of lightining, you can get with great difficulty your lover. But if half a Alai is added in the middle of the two words vAle and duHkhena it becomes bAlendu khe na labhyate "the new moon cannot be seen in the sky overcast with clouds" etc. Verse 472 is an instance of fargagne dropping of a nasal. The nasal over HEAT is dropped; but a nasal inserted makes the word Feat changed into aEAT and then the meaning is changed. Verse 473 is an instance of qizga one in which

Page #528
171 (P. 322. A. 5. SS. 4. some letters have to be dropped in order to get entirely a new meaning. The verse is composed in fare metre, and it describes the joint form of Shankar and Parvati ( #altazar). On the one hand there is the chaplet of skulls; on the other, there is the wreath of pearls. On the one hand is the eye of fire on the forehead, on the other is a mark etc.. Now if the first two letters of every foot are dropped and the last seven syllables are dropped it becomes a verse in garanti metre in which the form of Shankar is described. If, on the other hand, the first seven syllables of every foot are dropped together with the last two - words it becomes a verse in gafaaffaa metre and then it contains the description of silat. In a kind of fa741621, sometimes the verb is hidden, sometimes the subject, at other times a word in genitive etc. For instance, in the verse 474 the verb is hidden (with great skill by the poet ) in the word stanagurujaghanAbhirAma etc. it has to be split into FT 7 JFF7A1 etc. Oh youths! is it ever possible that you are not bewildered at the sight of the sportive gait of a woman? In the verse 475 the object is concealed and apparently it is difficult to arrive at the proper meaning but if we split the word zarAveNa into zarau and eNa the meaning becomes clear. O deer! what cruel man has planted these two arrows in your breast etc. Similarly verse 476 is apparently meaningless as it stands, but if we split the words far och into me AgorasAbhizam the meaning is clear :

Page #529
P. 323. A. 5. S. 4. 1 172 My heart is not fond of committing any offence; why then are you angry? etc. Again in the verse 477 three feet are given and the fourth foot is concealed. This has to be arranged from the words in the first foot in a way as would fit in with the context. fagarfaa gfa:" is the foot so drawn out. "( But after all, this is only showing acrobatic feats in the domain of poetry and as such can never come up to the level of true poetry. Naturally, therefore, has avoided the mention of all these and similar other varieties. We find some relief when we come to for it has at least some beauty of sense. In (i) two parallel senses are expressed by the same sentence. (2) Almost every word yields different meaning. (3) Either the words have to be split up in order to yield different meaning or they stand as they are and yield different meanings. has many varieties. Sometimes the pun is on a syllable, sometimes on a word, sometimes on the gender. The verse 478 is an illustration of (pun) based on the syllables and in the words fay and fautthe locative singular of both these words is the same, but the two meanings run parallel and the last line yields double meaning. Even when the crooked moon (fay) is on the head of Shankar, he is reduced to the plight (described in the first two lines). This is one meaning. Another is: when a man is subjected to the reverses of fortune (fafa) he is reduced to a doleful plight. J

Page #530
173 [ P. 324. A. 5. S. 5. In the following verse, the words are made to yield two meanings in order to suit the statement et ser: AT TOT Hal geaa razaran' those who are seen by you when you are pleased tega H&1994 etc. and those who are seen by you with anger also feat AEIS 5777 ; the whole verse yields two meanings. In the verse 480 the pun is with regard to genders (neuter and feminine ) the word as is in feminine gender and the word aa is in neuter. Now the statement "may either the eyes or the body of Shiva bring the removal etc. to you" requires that every adjective in the verse be interpreted as qualifying a and ag and for double meaning of the verse especially the words apa fasih have got to be split up into star steamet. This is the w ay (word-splitting pun ) of which this is an instance in point. Verse 481 is an instance of a pun in which the Sanskrit form of the verse yields a meaning different from that which is yielded when the verse is regarded as a sign one. Both the meanings have been clearly explained by the author. In the following verse (482) Afiqa is a word which is interpreted in two ways as 'leading to faine', and 'destroying the fame of' in order to fit in with the words dviSAM ca suhRdAMcate. 29, thus, is taken as the forms of two different verbs I and 7-a pun on roots. In verse 483 which means : When you cut off the diseased part from the body of the moon it left a scar on it; that part appears now like a deer (and dark). The pun is on the word eftoftaral (fea form) and

Page #531
P. 327. A. 5. S. 5. ] 174 hariNI bhUtA (seperate words) where bhUtA is a form of bhUtakRdantaan instance of a pun on terminations. Verse 484: a fad fastnet (1) in his throat (2) was swallowed (perf. of a) farinha facaat; 97 0197: (cupid) dehe (was burnt) and jAyA ca dehe dadhe sa ajaH jayati puns on cases (tas and aa). Similarly in the verse 485: era: feta: fagarzana: gag014'. In this sentence cart is 3rd per. sing (imperative) of 27 (1st conju. Atm.) (may he confer) but in anye'pijinAH dharmasya prabhavaH (prabhu plu). Fagaraiat: agah (imperative 3rd per. plu. 3rd. conju. Atm. of 1). The pun here is on the numbers (1997) singular and plural. The word 917791a: is singular once, but then for the second time it is to be split into SIG SHT: and .. Similarly astarajastamAH is once singular asta+rajasa+ tamas and once plural asta+rajas+tama (superlative termination). All the instances given above are with regard to the pun HF ( in which words have got to be split into two or more parts in order to arrive at the double meaning ), but 3725 , in which no word-splitting is necessary, and in which the words as they stand are interpreted in two ways, is illustrated in the following verse ( 486 ) in which 791 means both a king and the moon at the same time because of the absence of the context. Can this instance of 8445 be regarded as an instance of stefnt (sense figure )? "No,' says #974, 'for if instead of the word 373 we substitute the word 274974 or fife, the disappears at once. Hence the figure is entirely dependent on words and thus it is a word-figure and not a sense-figure. TEGETA 0817: terara 342EUR1:--this is called the method of azoufalta.

Page #532
175 [P. 329. A. 5. S. 5. Now take the verse svayaMca pallavAtAmra etc. (487). This verse describes . The goddess is like the morning twilight which shines with the rays of the sun as red as the new leaves, and which gives the desired fruit of wakefulness to all. is also one that shines with her red and bright hands and is one that confers desired object (which is difficult to obtain ++19 ). What figure is there in the above-mentioned verse? The first answer of to this is it is a mixture of zleSa and upamA. Without zleSa, upamA can not stand in this verse. But on second consideration, says that the figure in this verse is 39 alone. For 3 does not occur only when there is any resemblance as regards common quality or common action. It may arise even when resemblance is merely verbal. If in such instances ( such as svayaM ca palavA. ) only zleSa is admitted, quifq will have no place at all. On the other hand, if resemblance of g and far is taken as the criterion of upamA, then arthazleSa ( with upamA suggested in it as in : etc.) will have no place. When, therefore, in the same verse both 394 and zleSa occur, preference should be given to upamA. We should not have any rigid difference like the following: "When a figure is based on the resemblance of guNa and kriyA it is upamA; and when there is merely a verbal resemblance it is ." In fact even a verbal resemblance may give rise to upamA. But it may be asked "what, then, is the province of "? To this 's answer is as follows:

Page #533
P. 329. A. 5. S. 5. ) 176 A pure unmixed ga is already illustrated in the verse BergfuATET:; in fact instances of pure en can be easily multiplied. But where two figures long and some other) come together and between them is not fully developed, the other figure must be given predomi. nance in the verse. Thus in abindusundarI nityaM galalAvaNyabindukA both zleSa and faturare are possible. But on minute analysis, we find that the *leSa gives rise to virodha and ultimately virodha appears prominently. The figure is this verse, therefore, is virodha and not *leSa. Similarly in the verse anurAgavatIsaMdhyA divasastatpuraHsaraH etc. ( quoted in the commentary ) there is no no doubt, but it does not gather strength and makes room for the development of Anahi. Thus in this verse the only figure is AAA (and not a ). In this verse (anurAgavatI etc.) the word puraHsara (as hemacandra ingeniously remarks ) has to be interpreted as age afa i. e. comes nearer from the opposite direction (as a lover does ) mit does not mean that the day is walking ahead and gear is following; for in that case their union will never take place !! When a verse appears to be written (with the same words ) in two or more languages ( with no difference in meaning ) that is called app. Another kind of 7701479 (already discussed ) has this difference from the present kind of 1972 (stated in sutra 110) that the former yields two different meanings from the same words ( of two different languages) while the latter has only one meaning. An instance of 1973 of the present kind is given

Page #534
177 (332. Ac 5. S.%. in the verse ( 488 ) quoted from his#147 and other verse ( 498 ) from the A funny instance in which the same meaning with the same words is common to six languages is given in the verse 493. The figure afti is defined in the following sutra:When a person interprets (or rather misinterprets) the words of another person-with a desire to nor.plus him, the figure is cafiti. It is, obviously, based on sanon either 9H or HF as the occassion may require ) An instance of sabhaGga zleSa in vakrokti is given in the verse 494: 21967:-Why are you angry with ne, Oh site ? gauri mAM prati rUSA. :-(misinterpreting and misconstruing the words Tilf at into il: sat afa) am I a cow ? With what woman am I angry? *1#T:-I infer that you are angry with me. ilt:-I say you are falling at the feet of a woman other than JAI (32+JAltaa:) etc. An instance of vakrokti with abhaGga leSa is given in 495 in a dialogue between Feat and 71 in which the latter deliberately misinterprets the words of peor. 2791:- Who is there? *CUT:--EF: (Krishna ) var:-- If you are a (i. e. a monkey), go to the forest. BEUT:I am 860 ( Krishna ). TTET:-- If you are rifu [ a black monkey ] I am afraid of you. kRSNaH-I am madhusUdana ( killer of the demon madhu.) rAdhA:-If you are madhusUdana ( the sucker of honey i. e. a bee ), go to a creeper etc. 23

Page #535
P. 339. A. 5. S.3. ] 178 kAkuvakokti is recognised by rhetoricians in general as a variety of the figure qwifth, but it is not admitted by hemacandra for this reason that kAku (a slight change in voice due to some emotion) entirely depends upon the mode of reading a verse and as such cannot be a figure of either word or sense, (as is seen from the opinion of yAyAvarIya i. e. rAjazekhara quoted below). If at all it is to be admitted, it should be included under guttasaax3, for it suggests a sense by a change of voice in reading a word. __ In support of his statement hemacandra aptly quotes dhvanikAra. Ham, however, explains this is and illustrates it in the following paragraphs. kAku is of two kinds: sAkAGkSa and nirAkAGkSa. In 1987 (i. e. depending on others) $1$ is one in which a sentence is first interpreted in its usual sense and then some more sense is added to it on the strength of the context, the person speaking the words etc. When the sentence gives the same meaning even when it is uttered in a different voice, it is facr#1583 kAku. Here of course for vakrokti - sAkAGkSa kind of kAku alone is useful. li (1) either gives entirely different meaning as in the verse dezaH seo'yamarAtizoNitajalaiH etc. Here yadrAmeNa kRtaM tadeva kurute droNAyaniH krodhanaH originally means "I will do exactly what qigara did in former times." But on the strength of 19, the meaning is changed into : " I will do more than what parazurAma did ". This is called arthAntaram by hemacandra. or (2) it gives some special particulars of the original meaning; for instance in the verse 496:

Page #536
179 [P. 338. A. 5. S. 8. "Where is that Ravan who was taken in the arm- -pit by a? I am his son (i. e. a's son) and am sent by etc. tadAtmaja: ie vAli's soni. e. possessing all the peculiar qualities of a) is the additional meaning obtained by means of kAku; or (3) it entirely negatives the first meaning that is yielded by the words as they stand, eg. in fafnar etc. means something exactly opposite of the first meaning. On the strength of the meaning would now mean "Let the as perish etc." This is called by hemacandra. f The last kind of citrakAvya is punarutavadAbhAsa. It occurs when two words, exactly similar in form but only apparently similar in meaning, come together. These two words appearing like synonyms have in reality entirely a different meaning. As for instance in the verse 497: bhAsi and virAjase apparently mean the same thing. Similarly, in the case of the pairs fai and senai and vAhinIM; udakaM and payaH; here in reality the meaning of these apparent synonyms in entirely different as can be seen from the explanation of hemacandra. Some of these pairs arise really from words that are in themselves void of any meaning; for instance udakampayaH In udd akampayaH, patha: by itself means nothing, for payaH is a part of the verb udakampayaH

Page #537
ADHYAYA Vi Thirty-one figures of speech ( based on sense i. e. epefeits) are defined and illustrated in this chapter. The first is upamA which is defined as " hRdyaM sAdharmyamupamA" This definition closely follows the definition of AFAT which is: 'Ang GTA !. The significance of every word in the definition is shown by 4977 below. Frasi is not possible in the relations such as cause and effect, simply because there is no similarity of a quality in these relations, but a complete one-ness of quality. Hence similarity of qualities is possible only in two things that are similar to each other. They ought not to be completely alike. Where, therefore, there is some' resemblance in some points' between two things, there is 3971. But again this resemblance must be re-delightful to the mind of men of refined taste (mega); otherwise, resemblance between two things in point of existence (Aca) or in point of one that can be known (jJeya or prameya) would also give rise to upamAlaMkAra. But there is no charm in saying that things resemble one another because they have the common quality of 'existing'. Similarly there is no beauty in saying that a face resembles a jar. Hence when the context is of the description of love or such other things, the sentence '93 $9 96' can never be an illustration of the figure 39A1. Of course, the simile in this sentence would be quite fiittng, if the context is of GIFTTT (sentiment of laughter) or other such things. The condition of being 'delightful' applies to every figure. Resemblance is possible between two things, and the two things, besides, must be different in point of place etc. Resemblance is not possible in

Page #538
181 (P. 339. A. 6. S. 11. one and the same thing; for instance in 989 969: there is no 3941, for there is complete identity. But if the second 959 in this sentence would be taken in the sense of a man of some manly deed' then there is 3981 even in this sentence. This shade in meaning is often found in 75cufqean. (See chapter Ist. of the present work). In such cases the same word, repeated twice but with different connctations, may give rise to 3941, as in the following verse ( 498 ). In this verse the second word g89 means a man of great courage and bravery. 3991 is also possible when a thing is compared with itself with a view to show that the thing is incomparable or matchless. This kind of gqht is taken by other rhetoricians as a seperate figure called 38=29; but AF has included this variety under the general head of 1991. The following verse 499 illustrates this kind of upamA or ananvaya. yAvadvilAsAyudhalAsavAsAH her graces are the abodes of all kinds of dances (IH) of the God of love. There must be some sort of difference between two things before any resemblance can be said to exist between them. Some such points of difference are mentioned below. Difference in point of 12 i. e. an individual or a person. 94919 is 'a hord'. In faqiforca the terinination sa shows hord, or group i. e. all; the sentence, therefore, means : all horned animals are as ferocious as all fanged ones. 39919 or absence of anything may also be a point of difference and consequently of similarity. For a pUrNA upamA, upamAna (the standard of comparison)

Page #539
P. 341. A. 6. S. 12.] 182 upameya ( the subject of comparison ) dharma ( a common quality) and 39 (a word conveying the idea of likeness) must appear in a sentence or in a compound-word or in a derivative (f). Standard of comparison varies according to the Ivolition of the poet. For instance in the verse tataH kumudanAthena kAminIgaNDapANDunA / netrAnandena candreNa mAhendrI digalaMkRtA // , which is almost always a standard of compa rision, is 3, because it is the subject of comparison and it is compared to the cheeks of a beautiful woman which is usually a subject of comparison. Verse 500 illustrates quifqar in a sentence. The moon-light, in the case of love-lorn persons allayed for a time the fever of love, but again inflamed their torments, just as the sandal-paste does. Here the comparison is between the moon-light and the sandal-paste. quifqa is also possible in some compounds and in some afaa derivatives. For instance, in the verse 501 saraH zriyaH is the subject of the sentence. The beauties of a lake appeared like young women with their lotuses that appeared like eyes etc. a is a compound according to the dictum ivena nityasamAso vibhaktyalopazca. If this compound is not admitted, the sentence would be an instance of vAkyopamA. Verse 502: : difficult to gaze at i. e. intensely dazzling as well as awe-inspiring. nidAghAmbara ratnavat like the jewel of the summer sky i. e. the sun.

Page #540
183 [P. 343. A, 6 S. 3. Verse 503: Nothing is as delightful as f-deep meditation. anAdhivyAdhisaMbAdham = A state which is devoid of mental agony (af) and physical pain (f). (adj.) full of. Here the standard of comparison is not directly mentioned. Verse 505: Sanskrit rendering: dulAyamAno mariSyasi kaNTakalitAni ketakIvanAni ! mAlatIkusumena samaM bhramara ! bhramanna prApsyasi // On the battle field. Verse 509. nidAghadharmAzu = The sun in summer. nidAghaghama zudarza pazyanti = Enemies look at him just as they would at the summer sun. pArtha saMcAraM saMcarati=Walks just as Arjuna does. Both nidAgha dharma zudarzam and pArthasaMcAram are gerundial forms i. e. Namul forms according to Panini.'s term for of Panini is Nam. (6 Here the word is latent in the Nam Verse 510: afia O sweet-tongued one! The word comes from vAgmin ( vAk + min ) - one having a sweet speech. dhvAGkSa crow virAvin crowing. In the words dhvAGkSa birAvI, uSTrakrozI and kharanAdI the termination is Nin i. e. in shows comparison; art, therefore, means crowing like a crow. is not directly mentioned, but form pArthasaMcAram ( pArtha iva saMcarati ). "If you but speak a word, the cackling of the swan would sound like the crowing of a crow etc. In the termination the word showing comparision is not directly mentioned. Verse 511: According to the sutra of Panini 'ISadasamAptau kapabdezya dezIyaraH the terminations kalpa dezya and ""

Page #541
P. 344. A. 6. S. 3. ) 184 Satte are added to nouns in the sense of " almost like that." Here in this verse, therefore, the word $64. agar means 'having a face almost like the moon.' Similarly in the wordsmRNAlIdezya and cakradezIya, the terminations agar and after show comparison. All these are after forms. The sense of comparison is directly shown by these terminations. No complete identity is suggested by these words ( 79 Czy and at ). These words, therefore, do not give rise to the figure metaphor-59%. It must be admitted, however, that in dissolving these afaa words there is an appearance of the figure metaphor, when we say ISadaparisamAptaH pUrNenduH, but this identity between quage and ac7 is merely suggested. The idea of resemblance is here quite direct and prominent. These words, therefore, show comparison. Verse 512: when a man is separated from his beloved, even the moon appears to him as the sun; he feels as one forlorn; he thinks that he is as good as dead; and even after death, heaven to him is just like hell. All the denominative forms here (such as 409 kyaG vip according to Panini or kyan kip and kyaD according to haoz) show comparison. Verse 513: HledkyHacTH is the only variant, otherwise, it is the same as the verse 505 above. paripanthin an enemy. saMparAyaH battle. Verse 515: stufet fald af fratlaaraa:=Whose eyes are glancing ( with admiration ) on seeing the exploits of his enemies. algettata, paiga: the famous mythological figure Heiga having thousand arms. The termination 497 also directly shows resemblance.

Page #542
185 [P. 345. A. 6. S. 3. means Verse 516: vidhavati savitarati and other kindred forms in this verse are all denominatives which show resemblance. For instance afaar faqafa "The sun acts like the moon.' The instance of luptopamA, where, out of the four necessary components of an three are absent, is to be found in the word .. This compound-word is dissolved thus: first we have a tatpuruSa in mRganayane and then a bahuvrIhi in mRganayane ivanayane yasyAH sA. Here, therefore, upamAna is absent, for the upamAna is mRganayane of which only the part mRga is present here. Similarly, the common quality, as well as the (the word indicating ) is absent. Now we may, as well, take the word in the sense of by having recourse to (implication) but in that case the word would be an instance of metaphor, not of simile (1). According to some, Aya: zUlika, dANDAjanika and other such words may be given as instances of trilopA lutopamA. But cleverly shows that these words should more properly be considered as instances of fan (a figure of speech) thus: The word AyaH zUlika is a taddhita form derived from the two words : and which means an iron bar. Aya: zUlika, therefore, means a man who tries to maintain himself by such wicked means as killing people with iron rods etc. Here the word for a i. e. wicked means is absent. a severity (the common quality) is absent and the words at etc. indicating are also absent. But according to hemacandra, ayaH zUla here stands for 'the wicked means', the man in question never really takes an iron rod in his hand but it is supposed that he 24

Page #543
P. 346. A. 6. S. 3. ) 186 does so. This is, therefore, an instance of petangtaking one thing as another and hence the figure here is afgifth not 3981. Similarly posifgaa (9f2) afasala pha trografa: fost ajina; daNDa the staff of a Sanyasi and ajina the holy skin of a deer. The word, therefore, means 'a man who tries to maintain his livelihood by deceiving the people with the disguise of a Sanyasi. This word also is not an instance of upamA but of atizayokti. mammaTa in kAvyaprakAza has not seperately treated of all the varieties of 3941 such as AISITAT, 37919ar etc. ATTA following the footsteps of HFRC has merely illustrated these varieties of STAI, but has not treated of them seperately. Sometimes in AISI AT (a string of similes) the common quality is one in all the similes as illustrated in the verse 517 the Sanskrit rendering of which runs thus: " zobheva lakSmaNamukhaM vanamAleva vikaTaM haripateruraH / kIrtiriva pavanatanayaM AjJeva balAni tasyAvalagati dRSTiH / / Rama's gaze fell upon Lakshmana like Beauty; it fell upon the chest of gata (the Lord of Monkeys) like a garland of wild flowers; it fell upon Hanuman like fame and it fell upon the armies like a command. Sometimes the common quality in every simile in RISITAI is different as in the verse following: Verse 518 faaffafa (a beautifnl woman) is compared to various things with different common qualities in each case. syaa etc. she, like authority, has brought under control ( attracted towards her ) all men. razanopamA is another variety of upamA in which an upameya in one simile becomes upamAna in the simile that

Page #544
187 (P. 347. A. 6. S. SS. follows. Thus there is a string of interwoven similes in 1971. Verse 519 is an instance of retaiqar in which the common quality ofat ( i. e. irrevokability or transitoriness of things ) is the same in every simile. : Verse 520 is another instance of 1579a1 in which the common qualities vimala, AnandakAri etc. are different in all the similes which go to form the razanopamA. ___ samastopamA is one in which there is one central simile with all its minor similes as parts of the central one. This is otherwise called 917791a. A thing with all its parts is the subject-matter of this simile which in its turn appears with other minor similes that form parts of it. Verse 521 is an illustration of AAEDICAT. In the spring, the creepers appear like women; the swarms of bees on them appear like the tresses of hair; the clusters of flowers on them appear like the breasts of women etc. etc. In the following verse ( 522 ) also Anth is illustrated. When only the parts of a thing are compared to the parts of an 3941 then we have our ordinary simile, not this samastopamA. When there is a set of two siiniles the 39#2 in one of which becomes the 39419 in another simile and the 3941 in one of which becomes 3974 in another, the figure is 34#19AT. Verse 523 is an instance of 397479A1. This figure necessarily requires two sentences for its completion. When, however, a thing is compared with itself with a view to show its matchlessness, the figure is sparan as is illustaated in the verse 524.

Page #545
P. 348. A. 6. S. 4.] 188 Where the standard of comparison i. e. 39412 is an imaginary thing, the figure is 3E9ITTTAI, for the poet here conceives a new thing and then uses it as a standard of comparison. Verse 525 is an instance of this. This contains a description of the attire of Lord Krishna when he is starting for hastinApura. * If in the sky there will be two streams of the waters of the celestical river (the milky way ) flowing seperately, then alone the chest of Lord Krishna, dark as the Tainal tree and decked with a long necklace of pearls, can be compared to it ( i. e. the sky ). Verse 526 is another instance of utpAdyopamA or kalpitopamA. Here however the 39412 is not conceived anew by the poet, but the 3172 is arranged in such a way as would suit the upamAna. The verse contains a description of 2.773 the Goddess wlio attended the marriage ceremony of Shiva and Parvati. rast followed other women who were as resplendent as gold. She was decked with the skulls of men. She, therefore, appeared like a row of dark clouds which is accompanied by female cranes and before which is stretched a long band of lightening. Here if it would have been mere Kali she would not have been compared to a row of clouds with cranes and with a band of lightening ahead of it. In order to suit this 39417, therefore, the 392 it is properly arranged or conceived accordingly. These and such other minor varieties of simile, if defined and illustrated exhaustively, would needlessly increase the bulk of this volume, as 955 says; there is therefore, no seperate treatment of these varieties here.

Page #546
189 (P. 348. A. 6. S. 4. The figure Fidai is fancying some unreal or imaginary chacteristics in a thing which is the subjectniatter (prAkaraNike'rthe ). These may pertain to guNa or kriyA. That is to say, some imaginary quatities may be conceived in a thing or some action may be conceived in it. Sometimes in an even the absence of a particular quality or action is conceived. agneau1 conceiving the qualities of another thing to be our own. The figure ghar is usually indicated by such words as iva, manye etc. Verse 527 is an instance of TOTTEETI, some quality conceived in the subject-matter. The verse describes the noble qualities of Lord mahAvIra. " His strength is capable of protecting and destroying the world; and his forgiveness is seen in the case of 14% (the minor god) who had committed the crime of harassing Aglaia (my presence, therfore, is here superflous )." Thus thinking, Oh Lord ! your anger went away quitting your heart, as it were, in anger. Here the quality of anger is conceived of as being possessed by anger. Verse 528: cupid who obtained the authority or power put his own lustre in the eyes of women as if being dissatisfied with himself. Verses 529 a 529 b: The moon light spreads in full length as it were in the sky; it multiplies itself as it were, in the moon-lotuses; it is reflected, as it were, in the broad cheeks of women-cheeks that are as pale-white as the stump of an old < plant. It expands, as it were, on the waters; laughs, as

Page #547
P. 349. A. 6. S. 4. ) 190 it were. on the houses white with lime; and lastly it dances, as it were, on the ends of the banner-cloth fluttering in the wind. Here all the actions in the case of the moonlight are conceived that is to say are purely imaginary. Hence this is an instance of kriyosprekSA. Verse 530 Alas! The two cheeks of this woman, situated as they, at present, are, have been reduced much, because of their not being able, as it were, to see each other. Here the cheeks are conceived of as not being able to see each other. This would be bagat in the opinion of AFAZ, for the reason of the sunkenness of cheeks is fancifully given as' their not being able to see each other.' Here all the varieties of geen in the opinion of 2497 are exhausted. He does not classify get into 991 or car or other kinds of JNT. The following five verses are quoted by 2477 to show that, though in all of them there is an appearance of gehen, in reality they contain the figure 3941. Even though the standard of comparison in all the verses is purely imaginary both as regards its appearance and its qualities, it gives rise to aefeqatqht at the most, but not to cut. Thus, in the verse 531 the poet fe describes fa as being, as it were, the creeper als freely moving and made of gold or as being the lightning that has become steady after slipping down from the sky. Here though there is a semblance of gra271 it is, according to a ratah1. - The verse in which this line 'akAlasaMdhyAmiva dhAtumattAm' occurs is an instance of upamA and not utprekSA.

Page #548
[ P. 349. A. 6 S. 4. In the following verse (533) again though is described as bending slightly as if on account of her (heavy) breasts and though she is said to be, as it were, a moving blossomed creeper, there is no utprekSA but a kalpitopamA again. 191 In the following verse (534) though the woman is said to be, as it were, a lightening without clouds and moon-light without the moon etc, it is an instance of upamA and not utprekSA. Similarly in the opening verse of kumArasaMbhava. << astyuttarasyAM dizi devatAtmA / himAlayo nAma nagAdhirAjaH // pUrvAparau toyanidhI vagAhya | sthitaH pRthivyA iva mAnadaNDaH // >> the statement that The Himalaya mountain is, as it were, a measuring rod of this earth' does not give rise to the figure, but is purely an instance of 39, evidently because the idea of likeness or comparison is prominent in this verse. The figure rUpakaH viSaya here is upameya and viSayan is upamAna. For a rUpaka the idea of similarity is essential; when the 3 and upamAna even though they are two seperate things are identified with each other the figure is rUpaka - atathAbhUte'pi tathAtvenAdhyavasAyaH though the two things are not one, they are considered as being identical. rUpati = ekatAM nayati is the etymological sense of the word 5. Hence it is a figure that identifies two things. But though the identification is mutual, in the assumes oneness with 3, that is to say, it completely merges into 34 and not the other way. The idea of similarity being an essential factor of a the statements such as AyurdhRtam (ghee is life itself ) do not give rise to rUpaka,

Page #549
P. 350. A. 6. S. 5.) 192 for the relation between ghee and life is no relation of likeness but that of cause and effect. . If the identity of the 3984 and Ethra is so complete that the two are not apprehended seperately, then the figure is not 69% but afastantin, as will be mentioned later on. 59% is of two kinds : 5878afaqat and a stafaqah. The first is illustrated in the following verse (536). fafagh gearra: Farafa as she falls asleep even when she is wide awake i. e. as she falls into a profound reverie all along thinking of her lover. The word premalatikA is here an instance of rUpaka. prema eva w creeper in the form of love. __Here as only one upameya is identified with upamAna, the 597 is egeafa aug. Where one ha is identified with a number of upamAnas there also the rUpaka is ekavastuviSayam, for instance the verse 537. ___kAntaHkArmaNakarma the wonder work or magic of splendour. faal aangre she is the lore of crooked speech i e. she is master of suggestive speech.. faizaafar etc. the direct evidence of the creator's boundless skill. qurange the God of Love ( the five-arrowed one ). Where one ITA is identified with an 31419 directly, but the other identification is only implied, there also the 594 is geargfaan. For instance, verse 538. The Sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows:___ yasya raNAntaHpure kare kurvato maNDalAgralatAm / rasasaMmukhyapi sahasA parAGgamukhI bhavati ripusenA // Here a:gf is an expressed metaphor, while the identity of figaar with an angry woman is only implied on the strength of the context.

Page #550
193 (P. 352. A. 6. S. 5. Verse 539 illustrates Batatafaqat 595. This kind is named by mammaTa as sAvayava rUpaka. The idea underlying this rUpaka is the same as is found in samastaviSayA upamA (illustrated in the verse 521 above ). The identity in this sort of 69% is full-fledged with all the attending identities of the parts of the thing which forms the subject-matter (faqa) of the original 59%. __Here tRSNAlatA is the central rUpaka. tRSNA-craving is identified with a creeper. Now there are many sides of this idea of craving; they are, therefore, identified with the corresponding parts of the creeper which is the main faqzit. ahaMkRti egotism is the seed (of the creeper). mametigrahaH the idea of possession. Facztearifat: the notion of the permanency of things. FFE: stem. Verse 540 is another instance of 31779fa975946. jayalakSmI dvAratoraNastambhau (your arms are) the pillars of the portals of the Goddess of Victory. Some of the minor varieties of 54% are mentioned and illustrated in passing by mouse below. But not being very prominent, they are not separately treated of by him. Verse 541 is an instance of argaza 595, but in reality it, in no way, differs from an 342757 tafaq3 579. Perhaps the difference between these two kinds of 59is this that in the former the parts are not as natural as the parts in the latter. AhAryAvayava rUpaka is one in which the parts of the main faqe are artificially brought together, for instance, in the verse 542. An elephant is identified with a mountain, the covering on his back with the clouds. These parts are not naturally suggested but are 25

Page #551
P. 353. A. 6. S. 6. ] deliberately brought together. The verse afgras etc. illustrates an ubhayAvayava rUpaka. The well with all its attending parts is identified with a woman with her limbs and dress etc. 194 These minor varieties, thus, cannot be exhaustively treated, for there can be no end of it. The multiplicity of the varieties of 3 and is simply bewildering as daNDI says in kAvyAdarza. "" 66 f: An illustration given to corroborate the statement made with regard to the subject-matter in hand is nidarzanA. It seems that hemacandra has combined the four figures dRSTAMta, prativastUpamA, nidarzanA and affaz=18 into one figure and named it fail. The definition " iSTArthasiddhaye dRSTAMtaH is applicable to the figures via and afata as well. In his explanation of this definition hemacandra says iSTasya sAmAnyarUpasya vizeSarUpasya vA prAkaraNikasyArthasya siddhaye yo dRSTAMtaH "'--an illustration given (it may contain either a general or a particular statement) to corroborate the statement regarding the subject-matter in hand. This is exactly the case in the two kinds of the figure arthAntaranyAsa. This figure arthAntaranyAsa, therefore, ought to have been included in faar. Strangely enough, however, the figure is separately treated by later on. On the whole his treatment of these four figures does not seem to be thoroughly scientific. The etymology of the word nidarzanA is nirdizyate prAkaraNiko safsafa (where the subject-matter is made clear by means of apt illustrations). Verse 544 The Sanskrit rendering of this verse bhavati na guNAnurAgo jaDAnAM kevala prasiddhizaraNAnAm / kila snauti zazimaNizcandre na priyAmukhe dRSTe // The fools have no love for merits; they are is:

Page #552
195 [P. 354. A. 6. S. SS. simply led away by the celebrity of things. For instance, the moon-stone melts only when it sees the moon and not when it sees the lovely face of a woman. FA2 would take this to be an instance of arthAntaranyAsa. Verse 545: This is said by candanadAsa in mudrArAkSasa 1-21. Overhead is the dense mass of clouds; and my beloved is far away from me; what an unexpected calamity is this! An enraged cobra is on the head, and the herbs that would act as a sure remedy for a snake-bite are far away on the Himalayas. Here if we follow the context strictly, this must be taken as two independent illustrations corroborating the statement which is outside this verse. But if 3 etc. is the statement regarding the subject-matter, then the statement in the second line of this verse will serve as an illustration. In either case this will be an instance of far even according to mammaTa, because his definition of nidarzanA is abhavanvastusaMbaMdha upamA parikalpakaH, here the man has cobra on his head but the statement serves merely as an illustration. Where either a general or a particular statement is substantiated by a particular statement, there is the figure nidarzanA, but where a particular statement is substantiated by a general statement, there is the figure arthAntaranyAsa. Verse 546 etc. daivatarUpAGkitaM ratnam : a jewel on which the figure of some God or Goddess is carved. Verse 547 339 a small boat. This verse is cited as an mammaTa in his kAvyaprakAza. The verse an instance of prativastUpamA by mammaTa. instance of nidarzanA by devIbhAvaM gamitA is given as

Page #553
P. 354. A. 6. S. 6. 196 According to hemacandra, however, prativastUpamA can be included in facrtat. Not even that, but Teziza as mentioned and defined by mammaTa is included under nidarzanA by hemacandra. All the three subdivisions of farasiat as treated seperately by mammaTa are brought under one main nidarzanA by hemacandra. It is difficult to understand then why Atk should treat safapara as a seperate ( 34637117 ) figure of speech. This question must have arisen in the mind of 24974 also, for in the commentary he makes a clear distinction between sufragare and faciar, by first introducing the question thus:nanucArthAntaranyAso'pi nidarzanalakSaNena saMgrahISyate, tarika tasyapRthaglakSaNakaraNenetyA 978911 etc. etc. a faaz 399qa i yatra sAmAnyasya vizeSasya vA vizeSeNa samarthanaM tanidarzanam / yatratu vizeSasya sAmAnyena samarthanaM so'rthAntaranyAsaH // Verse 584 : This would be, according to AFAZ, a variety of facial which he defines as follows:-- " svasvahetvanvayasyoktiH kriyayaiva ca sAparA." Bajatiles: a rich man. Fagret: from its stem. All the verses cited above are illustrations of agreement. But the following two verses contain illustrations of a negative character. It should be noted here that the verse 549 is given by RFAET as an instance of equazzal, while the verse 550 is according to AFHC an illustration of Ezra. Verse 549 : A capable man is appointed ( liter. is yoked ) at the head of affairs, simply because of the bad nature of his merits ( said ironically ). A fat lazy bull sleeps at ease without his neck being scarred (by the rubbing of yoke ). Verse 550 : Even when you merely desire to wield the sword in your hand, the fighters on the side of your enemies no longer show their mischievous propensities

Page #554
197 P. 355. A. 6. S. 7. ) ( TC1881=mischief ). The dust settles down when there is no wind. In both these verses, the illustrations of a lifes: and qiea: are just the opposite of year and : This is called facciai. 49% occurs when there is one subject-matter and one standard of comparison mentioned together by one chiaracteristic (A). This one characteristic, expressed by one word only, serves to qualify both the 397 and 39717. Thus, as a lamp ( 89 ) standing on the threshhold of a door serves to illumine the interior as well as the exterior of a house, so, this figure has in it one word containing a quality common to both the 3977 and the upamAna. Hence the etymology of the word dIpa iva iti dIpakam. Verse 551 the Sanskrit rendering of this verse runs thus:-- candramayUkhairnizA nalinI kamalaiH kusumagucchalatA / haMsaH sarasazobhA kAvyakathA sajjanaH gurukIkriyate // Here 132991 is the subject-matter and all others are 8451197 fota or spea that is mere illustrations and are rendered important' ( Jaafa ) is the quality common to both the 392 and a string of 39A1as. Here an objector says that the word gesifaza is a verb and a verb is necessary for a sentence. So a verb common to some subjects should not give rise to any are for there is no beauty in it. To this #9 replies by saying that the common verb is not the point of beauty in this figure 99, but the fact that so many subjects are brought together by means of one common characteristic renders the figure a charming one. The sentence has in it the

Page #555
P. 357. A. 6. S. 7.] 198 sense of resemblance between the pega and the 39tetet that is between the upameya and upamAna, but the sense of resemblance is not as pronounced as in the figure 3941, and hence the difference between 3941 and this figure of speech. In this figure #94, the subject-matter depends entirely on the volition of the speaker. It is bound to differ in very individual case; for instance in the verse 552 there is a string of things which have one common quality efe but the subject-matter depends on the volition of the speaker. Thus every time in this figure one thing only becomes the subject-matter and the rest of them become statas-merely illustrations. Intoxication creates joy, joy creates love which chases away all pride, love in its turn creates longing for the union of one's darling and longing results in intolerable agony of mind. Here, in this verse, the chain of cause and effect does not militate against the figure 97, for even in the figure gear such chains are permissible. For instance, see the following verse containing upamA. . The words prakRtAprakRtAnAm in the definition of dIpaka can be interpreted in three ways: (1) One is going and the rest are 879Has (2) all are gas. (3) All are stigns. The first gives rise to the kind of 44% which is accepted by all other rhetoricians. But the second and the third kinds of #9%, based on the second and the third interpretations of the words anggarai 08, is not accepted by others. According to #FAC and others, where there is a string of somet things, the figure is grafnar. Similarly where there is a string of 249as only, there also the figure is great fiat. Both these kinds of the figure tulyayogitA are included under dIpaka by hemacandra..

Page #556
Thus the verse 199 [P. 358. A. 6. S. 8. pANDukSAmaM vadanaM sarasaM hRdayaM tavAlasaM ca vapuH / Avedayati nitAntaM kSetriyarogaM sakhi hRdantaH // is an instance of dIpaka according to hemacandra, though all the things having the common quality of are prakRtas. Verse 554 turned into sanskrit runs thus:haMsAnA sarAmiH zrIH sAryate'tha sarasAM haMsaiH / anyonyamevaite AtmAnaM gurukurvanti // Here sAryate is the one quality common to haMsa and saras that are both of them prakRtas, still the figure is dIpaka. According to others this is an instance of the figure anyonya. But this figure also is included by hemacandra under dIpaka. In the verse kaNThasya tasyAH stanabandhurasya ' from kumArasaMbhava quoted in the commentary, the figure is according to others, but according to , even here the figure is dIpaka. Verse 555 is cited as instance of far by z as there are two strings of things them aprakRta. But hemacandra gives it as an There is another variety of dIpaka as illustrated in the verse fauft auf as etc. that is recognised by other rhetoricians. It occurs there where is there is a string of verbs with one subject only, common to all these verbs. According to, however, there is no charm in this figure and hence he does not admit it as a variety of the figure dIpaka .. . The description of anyokti as given by hemacandra here closely follows the description of a given by samma in kAvyaprakAza. that are all of instance of dIpaka: named kArakadIpaka

Page #557
P. 358. A. 6. S. 8. ) 200 According to AFAT there are five varieties of BUSFOTITel which is otherwise called spaanlfi. kArya nimitte sAmAnye vizeSa prastute sati / tadanyasya vacastulye tulyasyeti ca paJcadhA // all these five varieties come under the definition of 49. The notable feature of this figure is that there is a statement of aprastuta (i. e. aprakRta) things which has a bearing on the thing that is the subject-matter. The indirect thing is only a transparent cloak for the direct thing or the subject-matter. In short, in Spritfen the apparent meaning of a sentence is not the important one, but the meaning suggested by the words in the sentence is very important. In fact it is the suggested meaning that gives charm to this figure. Sometimes, however, the apparent meaning also has to be taken into account for it has also its own charm. For instance, in the verse qij a: Art etc. quoted in the commentary, the apparent meaning as applicable to a sugar-cane plant in a barren soil is also charming; similarly in the verse " Shore a g ar: " ( quoted in the commentary ) the apparent meaning that is applicable to gaia is as charming as the inner meaning applicable to an ungrateful man. Sometimes, however, in Sprutfat the apparent meaning has to be discarded altogether : as in the verse "kastvaM bho kathamAmi" etc. In this verse, in the apparent meaning there is a dialogue between a tale tree and the poet, but as it is impossible that a tree can ever speak with a human tongue, the whole apparent meaning must

Page #558
201 (P. 362. A. 6. S. 8. be rejected and only its application to an unfortunate man is to be admittrd. Sometimes the apparent meaning has to be partially accepted and partially rejected as in the two verses "JCEFIET" etc. and "Fiscattual" etc. Here in 3CEFAG' etc. the apparent meaning is with reference to a nf tree and the inner meaning is applicable to a wanton woman. In the verse " Hisqacha" etc. some of the points in the apparent meaning, as applicable to an intoxicated elephant, are admissible, such as posted the constant flapping of ears etc., but 3978:777*t: (with his empty trunk) and other such adjectives do not fit in with the apparent meaning and have, therefore, to be discarded. Here the commentator quotes the verse Bilcgpraf padita cfa: etc. and discusses whether in this verse there is the figure Benifit or not and finally decides that in the verse the figure is not anyokti but either arthAntaranyAsa or nidarzanA. The rule in this respect as laid down by maq is this:-- Where in one sentence both the statements TEDA and aprastuta are seen having relation of either samayasamarthaka or faarfafaa, there the figure is either Afriar or setara, but where in one sentence the sea is suggested by the targa which is directly expressed by words, there the figure is anyokti. Again in the commentary 249 quotes the very famous verse lAvaNyadraviNavyayo na gaNitaH etc. and starts an interesting discussion as to what figure is possible in the verse. According to some, the figure in this verse is 26

Page #559
P. 364. A. 6. S. 8.] 202 89eafa, for it is a veiled praise of the transcendental beauty of the heroine. But 4: objects to this and after an elaborate discussion finally decides that the figure in this verse must be anyokti. The verse 557 is an instance of 377 litt: Oh king ! being afraid of you, even Indra is frantically preparing himself to encounter you on the battle-field. Here in this verse the riga statement is that when the king is ready for fight, nobody can afford to sleep soundly. This is a general statement, but instead of this directly expressed, the particular statement, which describes the perturbed state of Indra and his frantic preparation for war, is made in the verse. There is, therefore, a particular statement made here in order to suggest the stega statement - a kind of general statement-that when the king is ready nobody can sleep soundly. In the verse 558 the poet bemoans the wickedness of this world - a general statement - when in fact he wanted to bemoan the loss of a particular thing which was his stega statement. Verse 559: those alone are real friends and relatives who are delighted with our prosperity. Here the arza statement is that the words of such genuine friends should be relied upon, but instead of this, the poet describes the nature of genuine friends. Here, therefore, the icot statement is given instead of the prastuta statement dealing with kArya. Verse 560: the sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows:-- svargamapArijAtaM kaustubhalakSmIvirahitaM mdhumthnsyorH| smarAmi mathanapurato'mugdhacandraM ca harajaTa prAgbhAram //

Page #560
203 (P. 365. A. 6. S. 8. Here the point which is relevent is filfagia's old age and skill as being the cause of his appointment as a minister; but instead of referring to that, the recollection of old things such as the chest of Vishnu as being void of Egh jewels is mentioned. The suggestion of a similar thing with a similar thing which is 349ega is again done in two ways : (1) by having recourse to adjectives with double meaning and by a similar statement. Verse 561 contains an 34731tfat based on 229. The characteristics of a lotus and a noble-minded man are desribed by the same words conveying different meaning. The stalk of a lotus is always in the water; the association of a good man is, very often, with stupid men. Everybody likes the cup of a lotus; everybody likes the treasures of a good man. There is toughness in the stalk of a lotus; a noble person is stern at the time of punishing the guilty. The opening part of a lotus is very soft; a noble man possesses a sweet tongue. A lotus is always inclined towards the sun; a good man is well-disposed towards his friends. A lotus has fibres from its very stem; a good man has predilection for the merits in others. A lotus has a natural repugnance to the moon, as a good man has for a man full of demerits. It is quite natural, therefore, that a lotus and the Goddess of beauty should dwell together i. e. a lotus should look beautiful; it is natural that a good man should possess wealth. By describing a lotus the poet suggests all the characteristics of a good man. 1. In the verse 562 by means of a similarity the thing which is seega is suggested.

Page #561
P. 366. A. 6. S. 8. ] 204 Verse 562: what is gained by this wicked ocean by hoarding waters from all the rivers ? It has turned these waters into salt; some of the waters he has thrown into the submarine fire; and the rest he has thrown into the recesses of the nether worlds. The nega meaning that is suggested is that of a wicked person that hoards money by wicked and unjust means and eventually wastes it. It is to be noted here that in the above kind of anyokti (i. e. tulyaM tulyena) the adjectives alone should have double meaning but the noun should not be one of double - meaning. If the noun is also to the figure in that case will not be rent fifth but something else. For instance in the verse 563 the word g5 # with all its qualifying adjectives, conveys a double meaning that of Vishnu and the best of men. Therefore in this verse, according to 497, there is no 8-21 but zabdazakti mUla dhvani. For after the apparent meaning that of the ideal man (who gives up his manhood, accepts low position etc.) has been understood, another meaning that of the God Vishnu ( who became the woman Afgant; who went beneath the earth in the incarnations matsya, kaccha and varAha; who while begging as vAmana assumed a huge form etc. ) strikes the mind of the reader. But as this meaning is not sega and is not dependent upon the adjectives merely, the figure 3473f can not be admitted here. Sometimes in 87=41ff there is a veiled applause. Sometimes there is a veiled censure, while sometimes there is applause as well as censure. In the verse FTSF Sat: etc. there is a veiled praise of a good man, in the verse 811912 anh etc. the ocean is censured.

Page #562
205 [P. 367. A. 6. S. 9. Sometimes, however, in one and the same shif there is both praise and censure as in the verse following (564). The poet first condemns ordinary hogs by saying that they are given birth to by their unfortunate mothers only to uproot the lotus plants, to make the earth uneven and to make the waters of a pond turbid with mud; but he praises the blessed mother of that Hog (the third incarnation of Vishnu ) on whose tusk rested the earth in calamity, the tusk which was drenched by four oceans. Here we find both fala and Paral. Sometimes in 3777if we find neither, as in the verse 565. "Oh! how vast, glorious and all enduring is the form of the ocean! In one of its corners lies down God Vishnu, in another, is the city of his enemies (that is the demons ); at another place the bird-like mountains (the winged mountains ) are hiding themselves; still in another of its corners, is the submarine fire along with the fires that work destruction of the world." Here the dominant feeling is one of wonder and the minor notes of praise and censure are merged in it. The figure rafaieti Where the suggested sense (299) is expressed not in a straight way but in a picturesque way, there the figure is paryAyokta. In anyokti the suggested sense is not expressed, but it is simply implied through the apparent meaning, hence the difference between these two figures. Verse 566 is an instance of fit. bhISma showed the path of righteousness to parazurAma the sage who was going astray and who was swayed

Page #563
P. 368. A. 6. S. 10.] 206 by the desire of destroying his enemies. Now' showed the path of righteousness' is a funny way of saying that defeated . At any rate the suggested sense is mentioned here. In the suggested sense has got to be inferred from the apparent meanning. The figure atizayokti: When with a view to describe the matter in hand in a picturesque way the poets takes recourse to some exaggeration, the figure is aff. The following are the kinds of atizayokti. (1) When the real difference between two things is deliberately concealed by identifying completely the two things. For instance in verse 567: "Who is this moon, on earth, moon with no deer on it? Friend! cast your glance at the terrace above and just think for a while. This (strange) moon is followed by the birds in the garden with a desire to drink the nectar-moon that sheds a pure light as white as the ripe fruits of cast. Here the king (in viddhazAlabhaJjikA ) has completely identified the face of a with the moon, though in reality there was a difference between them two. The verse 561 is an instance of the same kind of atizayokti. The sanskrit rendering of the verse is as follows: ayi devara kiM na prekSase, AkAzaM kiM sudhA pralokayasi / jAyAyA bAhumUle ardhacandrANAM paripATI // 'Why do you look at the sky for the moon unnecessarily? There is a line of cresent-shaped moons in the armpit of your wife. Here the prints of nails are identified with the crescent-shaped moons. "C

Page #564
207 [P. 369. A. 6. S. 10. (2) In the second kind of sfaztaifai, difference is shown where there is really identification. The verse 569 is an instance of this kind. The sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows: anyallaTabhatvamidaM anyaiva kApi vrtncchaayaa| zyAmA sAmAnya prajApate rekheva na bhvti|| 2141 a beautiful woman. Though the woman was the creation of the ordinary creator, she is said to be a creation of some new creator. (3) The third kind of suferailti occurs where the connection of a thing with something else, though real, is denied. Verse 570 is an instance of this kind: Verse 570" Women, going to meet their lovers, had worn garlands of Afgar flowers, were clad in white silken garments, and had applied paste of white sandal to their bodies; they, were, therefore, not at all distinguished in the moon-light. Here the connection of women with the act of distinguishing is denied. In reality they could be distinguished. It is to be noted that this variety of fagulffh is separately treated by other rhetoricians in the two figures Alatz and Fissa. Verse 571 is another instance of this kind of atizayokti. All the natural graces of the woman were exactly like the signs of intoxication. The fact, therefore, that she was intoxicated with wine was totally concealed. Here the connection between high and aga is denied even though it is there in realily. Verse 572 is also an instance of the third kind

Page #565
P. 375. A. 6. S. 10. ] 208 of fagatifi. The sanskrit rendering of the verses is as follows: etadapi na satyApito yasyA prasaraspallavAruNarAgaH / majjanatAmrayormadastathA madatAmrayorlocanayoramarSaH // Here the red colour of the eyes after a bath and the red colour of the eyes on account of intoxication are said to be undistinguishable from each other. In reality they could be distinguished. (4) The fourih variety of sifarrafati is just the opposite of the third one. Here two things are connected, though in reality there is no connection between them. Verse 573 is an instance of this kind of sfarsitiin. The moon rose scattering her rays, but even before that, the ocean of love (in the hearts ) of women began to heave. Here the heaving of the ocean before the moonrise is not a matter of fact, still the two statements *the ocean began to heave' and 'before the moonrise' are brought together and connected. Verse 574 is another instance of the fourth variety. The cities ( in the kingdom of the king ) were replete with beautiful women; these women again, were lovely in all their limbs. Here, in reality, the cities were not full of beautiful women, but the poet connects the two things: cities and beautiful women. Similarly in the following verse ( 575) the poet says "There was not a single watery place that was not full of charming lotuses etc." Here the statement that every watery place was full of lotuses is not true. But the poet has merely brought together the two things, watery places and lotuses.

Page #566
209 P. 370. A. 6. S. 10. It should be noted that HR in his #189786797 has given these two verses as instances of the figure gesrares which he treats as a seperate figure and defines as follows: sthApyate'pohyate vApi yathApUrva paraMparam / vizeSaNatayA yatra vastu saikAvalI dvidhA // The beautiful manner of putting together several statements in the form of a chain is the remarkable feature of the figure pesta, and it is this that distin. guishes this figure from others. It is difficult to understand, therefore, why that should include this figure under atizayokti. ayoge'pi yogaH, that is to say, bringing together two unconnected ideas is so common that it can be found in many other figures of speech. As HAR has rightly remarked: saiSA sarvatra vakroktiranayAthoM vibhAvyate / / yatno'syAM kavinA kAryoM ko'laMkAro'nayA vinA // Basrafah is almost indispensable to every figure of speech. But merely on that account the inclusion of these figures under a fasteife would be utterly ridiculous. Special features, therefore, that are really charming must give rise to different figures of speech. ___ The same objection can be raised against hemacandra's inclusion of the figures facriar and fasta under the figure sfatifit. Especially the subvariety of farcaiar, as illustrated in the verse "grafa faqataafsa etc. " quoted below, deserves seperate treatment, for it is based on the idea of resemblance and cannot, therefore, be included under atizayokti. Verse 576, contains a description of the mountain raivataka ( modern giranAra in Kathiawar.) / The mountain is so high that the rising sun and 27

Page #567
P. 371. A. 6. S. 11. } 210 the setting moon hang to its two sides. It, therefore, looks like a huge elephant with two silver bells hanging from his two sides. Here a mountain is said to possess the beauty of an elephant which is not a fact. Again in the verse 577 which says that even when the great poets have gone to heaven, their merits remain behind for a long time, the idea of the merits of poets remaining behind them in different places is not true. Similarly verse 578 is also an instance of the fourth variety of sfaataifen. In this verse the same woman is said to dwell in the heart, eyes, and speech of her lover which is impossible. The last two verses have been given by FIAT as instances of the figure faste which he defines as: " vinA prasiddhamAdhAramAdheyasya vyavasthitiH / ekAtmA yugapadavRttirekasyAnekagocarA // " The figure AkSepa : AkSepa is of two kinds:-- (1) When a statement is abruptly left unfinished even when the speaker desires to make it in full, it is the first kind of 371279. The abrupt ending of the statement is deliberate, for the speaker, thereby, wants to convey the idea that the statement is either too well-known or is impossible to utter. In this idea lies the charm of the figure. Verse 579 is an instance of this variety of 3114. "If even for a single moment you are away from me, but no, it is no use saying anything further on this unwelcome subject." The speaker, here, means to say that she would surely die, but deliberately leaves her

Page #568
211 ( P. 372. A. 6. S. 11. statement unsaid to show that her condition during her lover's absence will be indescribably serious. Sometimes the statement in question is fully said and then the words "What is the use of saying all this " are added at the end. This is also the first kind of spea. The verse 580 is an instance of this kind of 371919. All the cool things such as the moonlight, a necklace of pearls etc. burn her as if they were a huge fire, on account of your swaying her heart. But what is the use of saying all this? When the standard of comparison is rejected or when its excellence is questioned that is also the figure 87799. Verse 581 is an instance of this 31199 which is specially named upamAnAkSepa. When her face is there what is the use of a full moon? Oh! strange is the obstinacy on the part of the creator in creating things that are not wanted (that are superfluous ). This is considered as an instance of sata by other rhetoricians. The following verse is also an instance of 877279 according to $4757, but it is given as an instance of gata by the another of gras. In this verse ( 582 ) the standard of comparison is given the secondary place of an 3977 and hence it is upamAnAkSepa. The same is the case in the following verse (583) Oh gig! ( the virulent poison !) do not think that you are the foremost of all deadly things, for in this world there are the words of villains as fatal as you are. Here the position of 3419 is questioned and hence

Page #569
P. 373. A. 6. S. 12. ] 212 the figure is AkSepa according to hemacandra and pratIpa according to others. fasta: It is to be noted here that in this figure the contradiction, of things, qualities, actions and proper nouns to one another must be only apparent; if the contradiction is real, then the statement would be absurd. The contradiction, again, may be either between two things or with itself. The figure which is based on the idea of self-contradiction by others need not, therefore, be treated as a seperate figure. The contradiction of (a thing) with fa (another thing) is illustrated in the verse 584. Victory to the Lord who in one body assumes, at one and the same time, the form of a man, a lion, a human being and a hog. Here the contradiction is between the different forms; but this contradiction can be explained away by saying that the one body is the eternal form of the Almighty. In verse 585 the contradiction is between the quality of a Brahmin and the quality of valour; but it can be removed by saying that it was indeed a fact that all these persons were Brahmins as well as brave. Verse 586 is an example of a contradiction between a thing and a proper noun. Even the Lord of this Universe became a fish! The word avasaravazataH removes the contradiction. The Lord became a fish for the times demanded that it should be so. Verse 587: Oh Lord! You are straight or erect even though you are bent with age. You are pure (clean) though you are soiled with sacrificial smokes.

Page #570
zi3 P. 374. A. 6. S. 12. fires of a candid heart (2) erect. fans of a pure heart (2) clean. Contradiction between a quality and an action:-- Verse 588: The soft words of villain burn; but the harsh words of a pious man gladden the heart. Contradiction between a quality and a proper noun (i. e. the name of some person) is illustrated in the verse 589: pria (TUTA) was indeed an extra-ordinary person, for by the sharp and unimpeded descent of his arrow even the ata mountain, strong with its huge boulders became as soft as a fresh lotus. Contradiction between one action and another is illustrated in the verse 590: Strange, really, is the course of life of this lady. She benumbs as well as torments me; she is away from me but at the same time lives in my heart. Ege (1) cools (2) benumbs with joy. hartaf (1) burns (2) torments. Contradiction between an action and a name is shown in verse 521: effia: proper noun of a god get& burns (an action). Fire did not burn' is a contradiction. Contradiction between two proper nouns is illustrated in the verse 592:--- Even the Ganges ( 772-731971) becomes ( is turned into ) the river Jamuna ( Firseat ) when the former is mixed with the river of ichor flowing from the temples of your elephants. " The Ganges is turned into the river Jamuna" is a contradiction.

Page #571
P. 33s. A. 6. S. 12.) 214 . Thus there are ten varities of arzte whenever there is a mutual contradiction. The instances of self-contradiction are given below: Verse 593: "The hearts of good men are pure without being washed". This statement is selfcontradictory. This is treated seperately as the figure famigal (waar daarsforlieto NSA aaaisia by other rhetoricians. Verse 594: In spite of the fact that he was born in a high family and was endowed with a handsome form, he was not happy. This is treated seperately as the figure vizeSokti. (fara fitaolig Frug forag: - 9321 ) Verse 595: Even when the God Shambhu burnt the body of cupid, he was as potent as ever. This, as well as the following verse, is given as an instance of faziantep by HFHZ and others. Vesre 596: 'Even when burnt, cupid is puissant as ever.' When the cause residing at one place gives rise to the effect at altogether a different place, it is also the figure data. This is treated seperately as the figure asaMgati by mammaTa and others. Verse 597 is given as an instance of that in erfectagot: She is a young girl, but we are acting in a childish manner etc. The cause is youth that resides in the lady, but the effect - childishness - is seen elsewhere ( in us). This is contradictory. Verse 598: The black smoke in his scarifices gave birth to extremely white fame and hence the contradiction. This is regarded as faqt by HRS and others.

Page #572
[R. 376. A. 6. S. 12. Verse 599: You are gladdening me, but your seperation torments me this is a contradictory statement. This verse is given as an instance of viSama by mammaTa, Verse 600 shows contrast between the tenderness of the body of a woman and the fierceness of the fire of love. 215 This is given as an instance of viSamAlaMkAra ( first variety) by E and others. fia: a fire made of chaff. = In the verse 601 the incompalibility is shown between the two ideas that of the vastness of the form of Krishna and that of its being completely surveyed by the eye of a woman is Hastinapur. This verse has been given as an instance of viSama by mammaTa. Verse 602: Even when the three worlds are obtained, a large-hearted man, being engrossed with the care of maintaining his dependents, is at a loss to understand as to how much he should give to others and how much he should keep for himself. Here the contradiction lies between the vastness of the three worlds and their being inadequate for a charitable man. Verse 603: Oh king! vast indeed must be the interior of the three worlds, for even your immeasurable fame is contained in it. Here the contradiction is shown in the limitless fame being limited by the three worlds. This and the above verse would be instances of adhikAlaMkAra according to mammaTa and his followers. The definition of af as given by FZ is as follows: mahato mahIyAMsAvAzritAzrayayoH kramAt / AzrayAzrayiNau syAtAM tanutve'pyadhikaM tu tat // -

Page #573
P. 377. A. 6. S. 12.] Verse 604 The great joy that I feel at being honoured by you is not contained by my limbs spreading over all the quarters-said by Himalaya to the sages. Here the idea that even the vast limbs of Himalaya could not contain the great joy gives rise to a contra. diction. This verse, again, would be an instance of f according to mammaTa. Verse 605 is the verse (first benedictory verse ) from rAjazekhara's drama ( viddhazAlabhaJjikA ) :I extol the beautiful women, the conquerors of Shankar, who by their eyes revived cupid who was burnt by Shankar with his (third) eye. In one case the eye was the cause of the burning of cupid, but in another case it was the cause of reviving him and hence the contradiction. This is admitted as an instance of vyAghAtAlakAra by mammaTa and several other rhetoricians. 216 -- vyAghAta is defined by mammaTa as follows:yathA sAdhitaM kenApyapareNa tadanyathA / tathaiva yadvidhIyeta sa vyAghAta iti smRtaH // The following verse (606) when rendered into sanskrit would read as follows: dhavalossi yadyapi sundara ! tathApi svayA mama raJjitaM hRdayam / rAgabharite'pi hRdaye subhaga nihito'pi na raktosi // Here there is a pun on the words raJjita, rAga and rakta. (2) rendered red. fa (1) made full of love (1) red colour (2) love. (1) full of love (2) red. Even when you are white (in complexion) you have rendered my heart red (full of love). That a white thing should make another thing red is a contradiction; and that a thing placed in a

Page #574
217 (P. 377. A. 6. S. 13. red thing should not become red is also a contradication. These contradictions based on colours are treated seperately by HFAZ and others under the figure Bag which is defined by AFHC as: - "a91HEITETERI JETCAST: " Thus we see that seven figures treated independently by other rhetoricians have been included under the figure virodha by hemacandra, on the plea that such minor varieties, if treated seperately, would land us into a bewildering infinity of figures of speech. sahoktiH This figure is based on the idea of stating two things with a common characteristic in one sentence with the help of the word he (or its synonyms ). The figure requires that the idea of two ( or more ) things being thus brought together in one sentence must have some striking feature, and this striking feature is usually found in bringing together one abstract and one concrete thing. For instance, in the illustration of Agife given below ( verse 607 ) the idea that a fell down along with tears of his soldiers is really pictutesque, and is based on the idea of bringing together the actual falling of u and the consequent grief of the soldiers, which latter is an abstract idea. In the verse 608, another instance of atte, we find the same thing. The nights have become long along with my breathing.' The length of night is as regards time and the length of breathing is connected with space. Similarly, full-moon nights have become pale along with my limbs. i. e. I have become pale ( and emaciated) as I have to pass the full-moon nights in sleeplessness. 28

Page #575
P. 378. A. 6. S. 14. ) 218 In the following sutra, the figure galati has been defined. When the standard of comparison is suggested by means of the adjectives qualifying the subjectmatter in hand ( 59221 )-these adjectives conveying double meaning-there is the figure called Fare . samAsena saMkSepeNArthadvayakathanAt because this figure suggests two meanings by means of one word only it is called mai ( saying in brief ). Verse 609 is an instance in point: The red moon so clung to the beginning of night (in which the stars were twinkling ) that it (night) did not notice the whole mass of darkness (like a piece of cloth ) slipping from it owing to redness. This is only the apparent meaning. The inward meaning suggested by means of words conveying double sense is this:--- The loving moon so passionately kissed the mouth of night (with the moving pupils of her eye) that she (the night ) did not notice ( being overcome with the passion of love ) her black garment slipping from her body. By this description of moon-rise the love-amours of the moon and the night are suggested. A question arises here as to whether in the above verse there is a mixture of harath and the figure 79, for words with double meaning are freely used in this verse. The answer given by a to the above question is this:-- If niet would have been found, somewhere at least, totally detached from 19, then in this verse there would have been a mixture of haft and it. But

Page #576
219 [ P. 380. A. 6. S. 13. as a matter of fact af does never exist detached from ; therefore, here in this verse, there is no mixture of zleSa and samAsokti but only samAsokti based on leSa. The figure that follows occurs where there is a description of the characteristics of a thing, a person or some being. It may also contain a description of the particular pose of some person at a particular time. Verse 610 is an illustration of if which is named as af by other rhetoricians. "The princes whose thighs were slipping from the saddles, who were adjusting the skirts of their upper garments with their hands, who were frightened by the prancing steeds, who could not control the reins of horses, who were looking about with vacant gaze, and who appeared just like Brahmins, declared as it were that their wealth was hereditary (i. e. they were not real Kshatriya warriors). Another picture of a pose is given in verse 611:He (God Shiva ) saw cupid ready to aim at him; he (cupid) had strung the bow-string with his fist right up to his right eye; his shoulders were bent; his right knee was contracted; his bow had become almost circular. Particular action is described in verse 612: I remember (says Rati to cupid) your pose when you, taking your bow on your lap, stretched your arrow; and while doing so, you were smiling and conversing with the spring and looking about with a slanting gaze. fa, a figure that follows, occurs when an apparently eulogistic remark is meant to be really a censure, and when apparent censure is made with the inward desire of praising a person. -

Page #577
B. 382. A. 6. S. 18. 220 Verse 613 is an instance in point: The day is over, we have taken rest, Oh well in Marwad! You have laid us under great obligations; we are unable to speak further. May you be full of water by the merit of travellers and let the 7 tree standing in your vicinity be full of deep shade. The inner meaning of the verse is exactly opposite to the apparent meaning. The speaker could not get even a drop of water from the well and was cursing it inwardly. .::Apparent censure conveying the sense of praise also gives rise to this figure ( 59151fafa ). This is illustrated in verse 614: It is not fair to talk of the private things of others, but the fact is that your beloved fame is roaming about everywhere like an intoxicated woman etc. The poet means that the fame of the king has spread far and wide-an instance of apparent censure but inward praise. When a sentence yields more than one sense, even when the words therein are having one sense only, then the figure is . The verse 615 is an instance. This king fa7197 illumines all the quarters with his lusture spreading everywhere; whom does he not, therefore, gladden ? This is one meaning of the sentence, but the power of direct meaning of words being unrestricted, another sense that with regard to the sun is yielded by the sentence. fa&=The sun. vyatireka occurs when: (1) The 392 is shown to have something more than the Jqara.

Page #578
221 (P. 381. A. 6. s. 18. (2) This additional quality of the 3912 may show either its superiority or inferiority over the upamAna, (3) This superiority or inferiority may either be directly said or suggested. (4) The words showing resemblance may be used or may not be used. Thus in all safata is of eight kinds. Verse 616 nasta: surpassing. Here m alad: shows ( directly ) the superiority of the king over all other persons. ___If in this verse tucchasyAnyajanasyeva is taken to be the reading, then 'gas' directly shows the inferiority of the 59417 (8777477). ___ In verse 617 asimAtrasahAyaH and dhRtenidhiH show directly the superiority of the king over other persons. 29727gegaad shows the inferiority of other persons. Both the superiority of the king and the inferiority of other persons are directly, and simultaneously shown here. In verse 618 both the superiority of the woman practising austere penance and the inferiority of other ascetics are not directly expressed. In all the four instances mentioned above, the word expressing resemblance is used. But in the following four instances this word ( 591198 ) is not used. Takha ataen etc. has no 39719177. In 621 there is neither any mention of the superiority of the upameya nor of the inferiority of the upamAna. Sometimes sinton comes with the figure aziatas, but it, then, becomes a case of the figure 4 and will be " treated under saGkara. Hafaat-31 is the next figure of speech. It occurs

Page #579
Th. 385. A. 6. S. 20. 1 222 when a particular statement is corroborated by a general statement. Thus the case of a general statement being corroborated by a particular statement does not come under this figure, as has been clearly discussed before. Verse 622 is an instance in point. Even though he was hostile to Krishna, he admired him (Krishna), naturally because great men are admirers of merits, even when they happen to be hostile by some reason or other. Verse 623 is an instance of 379fagfe in which the particular statement is supported by the general one in an indirect manner. "A woman, though drinking wine, did not get tipsy, for she was afraid lest her husband would in that case transfer his love to another woman" is a particular statement; now the direct general statement following would be: Disturbed mind is not susceptible to inebriation', but, instead of this, we find the indirect statement: it is in a happy condition of mind alone that a man gets tipsy. Here is a figure where some doubt is expressed about a thing in hand. It must, of course, be based on resemblance. Very often the figure stands on the basis of another figure (Beitratiaffertor). It is of two kinds: (1) When the doubt is dispelled in the end. (2) When the doubt persists even to the last. When one doubt is removed, the poet gives reason of his being free from doubt. But sometimes he gives no reason of his freedom from doubt.

Page #580
223 [P. 386. A. 6. S. 20. In the verses 624-625 a woman is bending over a host of lotuses and her friends are not able to distinguish her from the lotuses. Hence the series of doubts: Are these her eyes or petals of lotuses with bees perched on them? etc. Here, obviously, metaphor is the figure on which this is based. In this case a decision is arrived at in the end. But in 626 the doubt remains as it is; the basic figure is atizayokti. In 627 a doubt is raised: Is this king the sun? and then the decision is also stated: no, he can not be the Sun. Then the reason is given: he can not be be the Sun, for the sun travels with seven horses, while this king has only four horses for his chariot etc. Here the basic figure is metaphor. a is a figure when the subject in hand is concealed either by another subject in hand or by another thing (a). In the verse 628 the tremor of the hand of Shiva is concealed by the cold felt by the touch of the Himalaya. In the following verse the humming of the bees is denied by saying that it is the twanging of the cupid's bow (a subject not in hand i. e. gga). a is based on resemblance and is expressed in a variety of ways. Verse 630 is an instance of this: af does not sit on the peacock but on the lotuselike eyes of the goddesses. The picturesque feathers of the peacock off are concealed by saying that they are (like) the beautiful eyes of the goddesses.

Page #581
P. 389. A. 6. S. 22.] 224 qfare: is two-fold:-- (1) One thing occupying different places. (2) Many things occupying the same place by turns. These two come under paryAya a subdivision of parivRtti. And (1) exchange of like things. (2) exchange of a superior thing with an inferior thing. (3) exchange of an interior thing with a superior thing. These three are the varieties of the second subdivision of aftaler Thus, we see that two distinct figures of speech paryAya and parivRtti are combined by hemacandra into one figure, contrary to the usual practice of all other rhetoricians. We don't see any justification for his combination. Verse 631 is an instance of qufa: the m ( colour, love ) that was seen on the nether-lip of one woman now occupied the eyes of her co-wife. The verse 632 is an instance of the exchange of like things : she gives her foot (i. e. kicks the Ashoka tree ) and takes in exchange its tender leaves for her ear-ornament. In the verses 633 and 634 the exchange is unequal. He gave protection to heaven and took low rank for himself (633 ). FZIY gave his tottering old body and took, in exchange, eternal fame. The next figure 34991a includes in it 379f9fgart also. This 31941, of course, must not be a bald inference void of beauty. In the verse 635 there is a beautiful inference:

Page #582
225 (P. 391. A 6. S. 26. " You must have fallen at her feet, for there appear marks of red lac on your forehead." Again in verse 636 : 'She must have got the waist, otherwise what can support her bulky breasts?' In 637 from the closing of the lotus, night is inferred and hence the figure is anumAna. It should be noted that this verse is given by many rhetoricians as an instance of-SATSEK a figure which occurs when something subtle is suggested by some subtle action (here the closing of lotus petals). The figure fara is necessarily based on resemblance: 'He saw a flock of hopping esa birds and was reminded of the eye-glances of his beloved' (638). If after seeing a similar thing a man actually identifies it with the thing that is uppermost in his mind and acts in a strange manner under the illusion, then the figure is bhrAntimAn. The bees thought or rather mistook the eyes of the woman for lotuses and began to hover round them. (639). When no desired fruit is gained by a person, but, on the other hand, he meets with a disaster, the figure is fq. "I surveyed her for pleasure but got, instead, longing, agony etc." ( 640 ) When two mutually fitting things are united the figure is AA. Both things are either good or bad. In the verse 641, a handsome person is described to have been united with a beautiful damsel - both of them being excellent. But in 642 the crows and the bitter fruits of fara tree come together - a fitting union again! 29

Page #583
P. 392. A. 6. S. 28.) 226 In the following 7 (28) the author again combines the two figures are and anau into one, and names it as . Even when one thing alone is competent enough to bring about a certain result, other things flock ( unnecessarily ) there and accentuate the result, the figure is feat. Even only one cause (the shafts of love) is enough to kill the poor love-lorn lady, why talk then of all the causes combined ? (643) When one cause is on the point of bringing about the desired result and another cause comes in to facilitate the result, the figure is gaat. He fell at her feet to remove her anger, and lo! all of a sudden, there was a thundering of clouds' (she at once forgot her anger and nestled in his arms !)(644) When one is bent upon doing one thing but unexpectedly another result is produced, the figure is agaan. The creator intended to create you but ( unexpectedly ) created the cupid, the sun etc. (645). It means : 'you are like the cupid, the sun etc.' When two qualities appear or two actions happen simaltaneously, the figure is year. For instance, the forces of the king appeared glorious and the forces of the enemy appeared dark with defeat, simultaneously. ( Verse 646) God Shiva began to look at Parvati and at the very moment cupid aimed the arrow at him (Shiva ) (verse 647 ). Qualities and actions, when described as happening simultaneously, also give rise to this figure; for instance verse 648, says:--The eye of the King became dark (full of anger-a quality.) and calamity fell on the head of the enemies (fell-an action) siinultaneously.

Page #584
227 (P. 395. A. 6. S. 29. ghtaeat is limiting a thing to one particular place and denying its existence in other places. The figure may either start with a question or independently, With questions:-what is the ornament of the great ? Answer:-- character'. Anything made of gold can not be said to be the ornament of the great ( 649 ) Similarly the verse 650 starts with a question and the answer is simply gana:, the statement and not etc.' is not added here. afheal without a question preceeding, is illustrated in the verse 65: Regard religion, and not wealth, as your real wealth etc.' Similarly, 'crookedness was to be seen only in her hair' etc. (652 ). The figure it is also included by her under ORHEI ( see the verse 553 ). One ought to make use of one's money in giving etc.' is also an instance of yfhE. Similarly in prauDhamahilAnAM yat suSTu zikSitam etc,, the figure is TheEZI, for it says that nothing but that alone is charming. When from a question an answer is inferred and vice versa, the figure is 35A17, as in the verse griott Efficar: etc. (656). Or in the verse 657, 'I shall do everything as you ask me to do, provided I am master of myself when he stands before me' seems to be an answer of the preceeding question made by the friends of the heroine. From the answer given, the question is inferred here and hence the figure is anumAna. In FTTHIS (the next figure ) the first thing

Page #585
P. 397. A. 6. S. 30.] 228 stated is the cause of the second; the second, of the third and so on. For instance," A poor man feels ashamed; when he thus feels ashamed, he loses his spirit; when he loses his spirit, he is insulted - and so on" (658). If a certain thing is said to be the cause of another, it gives rise to the figure da from the stand - point of other rhetoricians; but objects to this and says that the figure should not be admitted at all because there is no beauty in merely mentioning a pair of cause and effect. Here the list of the figures of speech (both regarding words and sense ) comes to an end. Now in the following Sutra the peculiar figure het is defined. Et occurs, where in the same verse two or more figures of speech come together. They may either be figures of words or figures of sense. This coming together of two or more figures in the same verse is of four kinds: (1) Sometimes two such figures are found together in a verse, but without having any relation to each other, that is to say, they are found in one verse, but are independent of each other. For instance, in hacH etc. (verse 659.) the two figures of words 77% and 1914 are found together, but are independent of each other. Similarly in the verse 660, the first line contains gia all:-the darkness is as it were clinging to the body etc., and in the second line the figure is 39A. In the verse 661, again, anuprAsa ( in mahamahantalAyaNNam etc.) and rUpaka ( in taruNANa hiayalUDiM, the thief of the hearts of youths ) stand together independently,

Page #586
229 [ P. 399. A. 6. $. 31. (2) Sometimes one figure gives rise to another figure and thus becomes a means ( 376 ) of another figure (BFT). For instance in 662 the poet says: "Oh King! when the whole world is whitened with your fame, a taat picks up the fruits of jujube; a crow standing before the owls appears to be a swan; and Laxmi feels nervous before but who now looks like a ti ( white - complexioned brother of Krishna ). Here the figure Bifamatfeti (in the statement 'the world is whitened with your fame') gives rise to the figure THT (in the statements of the fait, crow etc.). Similarly, in the verse 663 the chief figure is zate ( the king being shown superior to the ocean ), but this vyatireka is helped by *leSa in sa jaDAtmA meaning a fool and a watery thing ). Again in 664, the chief figure is aita (in curlstainuraktA api karNAvalambinI) but it is supported by the figure ( in 607, B45a, 40 etc. ). Similarly, in f ata sifa etc. ( verse 665 ) the main figure is 8791aTre ( what is impossible for a person equipped with $131 and ?), but it does not stand unless we take a (in the words ou and yos). (3) Sometimes it is difficult to decide what particular figure is in a verse, for the words as they stand are capable of being interpreted in favour of two or more figures. This is the third variety of 1561. usually, however, in such cases one particular figure cannot be fixed up, because of the absence of context for the verse. The illustration of this sort of g is given in 666. nirgaNDadurArohAM mA putraka pATalAM samAruhasva / bhArUDhanipatitA ke'nayA na kRtA iha prAme //

Page #587
P.400. A. 6. S. 31.) 230 Here the context is not given; naturally, therefore, one feels a doubt as to whether pATala tree is aprastuta and qizi (a virago ) is the subject in hand - and thus the figure is aprastutaprazaMsA or the pATala tree is prastuta and thus the figure is paratif (suggesting the episode of a bad woman ). The figure is finally left undecided giving place to both and hence the r. Similarly in the verse pararearet etc. (667 ). If (1) idaM indobimbam stands for mukha, the figure is 971faritieto or sifarreiffti. If (2) 444 stands for yeh, then the figure is 696 gan = sifat If (3) the context is that of describing the brightness of the face and the moon is 1960, the figure will be segager. If (4) the word 54 stands for go and the verb prasIdati is common to mukha and bimba, then the figure is dIpaka ( one verb for prastuta and aprastuta). If again (5) the verse describes an evening, then the words 79919-cgift and others suggest the beautiful face of a woman and the figure would then be samAsokti. And lastly if (6) the verse means to say: This is the time, when the feeling of love is stimulated, then the figure is cuften. Thus, six different figures are possible in this verse and the figure is saMzayasaGkara. Similarly in thiagar' etc. ( verse 668 ). All the epithets ( tagal etc. ) are such as can be regarded as favourable both to 3941 and to 59% and hence the figure is saGkara. But when there is, at least, one word that is definitely more in favour of a particular figure, than

Page #588
231 (P. 401. A. 6. S. 31. it is of others, then, there being no doubt, the figure is not saGkara. For instance in the line : ATEHEITIES rafafetamfetarsfa (al means devotion ). If instead of completely identifying bhakti with azanikoTi, we merely compare devotion to the sharp end of a thunderbolt, then the breaking ( of the mountain of temptation ) is not possible. Hence the word gma goes in favour of the figure rUpaka and thus there is no saMzaya in this line. Similarly in the line patiria girayla aratati, if praatag is taken as a 54%#418, that is to say, if 373 (the moon) is given prominence, the light of laughter will not be possible. The compound 3117ang must be dissolved, therefore, as eran era. Thus the word ger is in favour of the figure upamA. ___Again in the line smaranti jyotsnAyAH zazimukhi cakorAH etc., the words Fatfat : require that the moon (and not the face ) should be given prominence; that is to say, the figure must be 59%, otherwise the statement that the ato birds are reminded of the moon-light will not be justified. Similarly, in the line 1 hari zitezaihifafa etc., TITATIZO must be taken as a 69EUR compound giving prominence to the word ar77707, otherwise the embracing of Laxmi will not be possible. Thus the statement Laxmi embraces you 'goes definitely against the figure 39A1 and hence the only figure here is rUpaka. (1y) the fourth kind of is 49998. This occurs when in one word (or a compound ) two figures stand together. Thus in 673 there are two figures in the compound Afar etc., one is 89914 and the other,

Page #589
P. 401. A. 6. S. 31. ) 232 694. Of course ETF pervades throughout the verse, but a part of it is also found in the compound and the Er is 1997. A question here arises as to what criterion is there to decide that a particular figure is TOETSEIT and another figure is perfaser, for in every figure, be it arthAlaGkAra or zabdAlaGkAra, both the sense and the word are present invariably. Both these (sense and word ) are indispensable to a sentence. Thus, at the most, we can say that every figure is ubhayAlaGkAra. To this hemacandra's answer is as follows: Not only in the case of figures but even in the case of sta (faults in poetry ) go ( excellences in poetry ) there is a definite classification of (i) those pertaining to words and (ii) those pertaining to sense; and in all those classifications the only criterion is this:---(i) If by omitting a particular word or words the figure disappears, then that figure is a 3521381. On the other hand (ii) if by altering the sense of a word the figure disappears, then that figure is a figure of sense, that is 37919ert. And (iii) if for a particular figure a particular word and a particular sense are both indispensable the figure is 32lmak. But even in 34917IT, we can observe as to whether, in that particular instance, the word is important or the sense and decide accordingly. ...Thus the criterion to decide whether a particular figure pertains to word or sense is the method of of anvayavyatireka i. e. anvaya ( positive concomittance) and alate ( negative concomittance ). yatra yatra amukaH zabda tatra tatra alaGkAraH yatra yatra na amukaH zabdaH tatra tatra nAlaGkAraH ..

Page #590
233 Therefore, it is a zabdAlaGkAra. Similarly in arthAlaGkAra, we can decide by anvayavyatireka. (P. 402. A. 6. S. :31. In the following paragraph gives the reason as to why he summarily dismissed some figures that are admitted and given a place to by other rhetoricians: Thus (i) the figure (based on significant adjectives) cannot be admitted as a seperate figure; for it is no merit to use significant adjectives; on the other hand, if one does not use them, his poem will be open to the fault of apuSTArthatva. (2) aur is not really a figure of speech; for a sentence is expected to observe the rule of respectivity (a) or proper order. On the other hand if it does not observe this rule, it will be open to the fault of bhamaprakrama. ( 3 ) vinokti has no particular charm of expression and hence should not be admitted as a figure of speech. ( 4 ) bhAvika which consists of visualising in present a thing that is past and is expected to happen in future has got a beauty of its own. Yet its charm is felt and enjoyed more in dramatic compositions that can be acted on the stage. In stray verses this figure does not appear to so much advantage as in dramas. Hence it has no place in figures of speech. (5) The figure describing the glorious magnificience of men and things is only a part of the figure of atizayokti. Or it can be included under the figure jAti. If however (in its second variety) deals with the wonderful exploits or great deeds of great men, it elevates itself to the level of a (sentiment) a subject of af and as such cannot be admitted in the figures of speech. If it is said that even then the description of great men is subordinate to the statement 30

Page #591
P. 404. A. 6. S. 31.) 234 directly expressed in a sentence (area ), the reply (of hemacandra ) is that in that case the dhvani will not be a rasadhvani, the highest kind of dhvani. and will climb down to the level of Tuftugue, but it can never degenerate to the level of a figure of speech which is mere 9124. ... (6) With the same line of argument it can be decided that a sentiment or feeling even though snbordinated to another sentiment or feeling can never come down to the level of area (that is, it can not be a figure of speech ). Hence the figures tha, Jag fina, A1an and the like have to be summarily rejected. (7) aurait: is no figure of speech really, for it is nothing but saying something that is pleasing. But if this figure suggests some feeling or emotion, it will be elevated to the rank of a guNIbhUtavyaGgaya. (8) Lastly, the figure seraita. ( which occurs when a person, unable to retaliate his enemy, tries to wreak vengence on him by molesting a person belonging to the enemy's party ) is no seperate figure of speech. But it may be included under the head of Ezich8T or gatzareta (Indirect conceit ). For instance, in the famous illustration of settes, 'tvaM vinirjitamanobhavarUpaH sA ca sundara bhavatyanurakA / paJcabhiyugapadeva zaraistAM tApayatyanuzayAdiva kAmaH // ' " The cupid, not tolerating that she is devoted to you who have conquered him with your handsome form, is tormenting her in wrath by means of his sharp arrows etc." Here add the words 'as it were' after not tolerating', and the whole verse would appear to be an instance of local. (indirect cat, because there is no such word as iva.) 1 saata has, therefore, no seperate place in the figures of speech enumerated: here.

Page #592
ADHYAYA Vit The characteristics of a hero and a heroine in a poem are enumerated and defined in the following Sutras. The whole chapter, as the readers would easily see, is based on the second chapter of *759. In fact 2497 has freely quoted 72759in this chapter. The etymology of the word 414% is worth-noting nayati vyApnoti itivRttaM phalaM ca iti-the hero is the chief person towards whom all the events in a poem converge and he is the chief person who enjoys the fruit, the consummation of the poem. The following is a list of alfax i. e. physical qualities in a hero. Fall is a change of some sort in a body. These qualities, therefore, are born of the change in body. But as in most cases, physical change is due to a mental change, these qualities are both mental and physical. But as the change is seen in the body they are said to be predominantly physical. THT is defined as a change in body from which 219 promptitude is easily inferred. For instance in the illustration that follows, the swift stretching and the breaking of Shiva's bow by Rama shows his promptitude. Verse 674 fsgerasa goes with up: the bow with which Shiva destroyed the three cities of the demons. diviSadAM tejobhiriddham adj. of dhanuH-the bow which was resplendent with the lustre of Gods (@ga). dordaNDakastasminnAhitaH etc. The moment Rama placed his muscular hand on the bow and stretched it with a twang, it snapped.

Page #593
The 407. A. 7. S. 3.) 236 Verse 675 razepist. 19etc. under the disguise of Rama at spread i. e. distributed as it were his valour among men. Verse 676 igeait possessing swift motion. BITEET having taken leave of. 5162 a servant. Verse 677 TUE disgust. EUTH. Nurina: Womanhood. Rama who stood undaunted by the huge form of 91661 that appeared like an evil omen hesitated in killing her, simply because she was a woman. He hesitated not because he was afraid of her, but because he felt a sort of disgust for her. Verse 671 pielfegia: FT: Shiva who in a sportive mood, disguised himself as a mountaineer. framfaa Arjuna, the son of Pandu. The incident referred to, is the fight between Shiva and Arjuna in which the former desired to test the prowess of the latter. Hearing the story of Shiva and Arjuna (gharela) the hero referred to in this verse began to form a graceful pose of his stalwart arms as if he wanted to challenge Arjuna for a fight. ___Verse 679 tRNIkRtajagakrayasatvasAra as if treating with supreme scorn (tRNIkRta ). Verse 680 T : faqafia the sport-lotus inside which there was a circular layer of pollen. Bagrament easy and graceful movements. Verse 681 gaNDoDamarapulakaM vakrakamalam his handsome face the cheeks ( 706 ) in which were bristling with horripi. tation. While the roar of the army of the demons was being heard, Rama with a perfectly unruffled mind was seeing the reflection of his own face in the cheeks of Frant and binding tightly the mass of his matted hair. erui afeca: Lord of the Raghus.

Page #594
237 P. 409. A. 7. S. 9. Sutra 8th. aga not betraying (any feeling). serenity; quality of remaining unperturbed. Sutra 9 : compliance; acceptance. etc. extending protection to our own men has no significance here. The word is used here simply to show that the hero is ever ready to protect others as he always protects his own men. Verse 684 Eagle. Verse 685 aaaa etc. my own person, my wife and my daughter-even these are at your disposal. Ask for the service of any of us. As to my external belongings (such as the house etc.) it matters very little. I do not regard them as valuble (ar etc.) Verse 686: : 8 etc. As to your liberality, it has reached the farthest limit of sincerity (fafa) in giving over the whole earth girt with the seven oceans. Verse 687 brUta nUtanakUSmAMDaphalAnAm etc. who are these persons who resemble the new fruits of i inasmuch as they consider the pointing with fingers as death itself. It is a superstitious belief in India that the pies do not thrive when they are pointed with fingers and counted. dhIrodAtta, dhIralalita, dhIrazAnta and dhIroddhata are four kinds of a hero in general. But when the poem treats of love then the hero is either for or or 3, in every type of a hero. Each kind of a hero in daa, rafa etc. therefore, becomes fourfold and the number of the kinds of a hero, in matters of love, is sixteen. Each of these kinds is defined below. dhIrodAta is gUDhagarva for he conceals his pride by an outwardly modest demeanour. The type of a dhIrodAta hero is rAma. "

Page #595
P. 410. A. 7. S. 11.) 238 frafaa hero has no worry or anxiety in his life; for he entrusts the administration of his kingdom or other responsibilities to his ministers. THIS is an instance in point. As a rule the gods, as heroes, are of stried type; kings are of the type of pressa; commanders and ministers are oftea type. The Brahmins and merchants are of a type. This rule, is of coure, not rigid. For we see that tra, though a king, is of a dhIrodAtta type. On the other hand mAdhava in mAlatI-mAdhava though the son of a minister, is of strafsa type. Similarly jImUtavAhana though a prince, is of the dhIrazAnta type. Ha in these karikas lays down only a general rule, there may be a overlapping of types. Here the commentary has raised an interesting question : can a hero, say of a fiiga type, become a hero of another type, or is it that these types are unchangeable? The answer is : when a person is not the hero of a poem or a drama his type can be changed. For instance, in mahAvIracarita of bhavabhUti, parazurAma, a minor character, is first shown as belonging to atten type in his dealings with ta, the hero of the drama. Further on, while he challenges caur he is of a stara type and finally he is shown also as a franca person. So it can be laid down as a rule that in the case of characters other than that of a hero in a poem or a drama these types are changeable. But the type of a hero, in one and the same poem, can never be changed. For instance, in 3FATRA Rama, the hero, is of a dhIrodAtta type and he remains dhIrodAtta throughout the drama. In gamitin and other dramas, Rama the late type of hero is shown as killing af by a trick,

Page #596
239 [P. 412. A. 7. S. 18. consequently he is changed into a sfit a type of a hero. This is not desirable and should be avoided. But in the case of the four types of heroes as lovers (afer, 42, 3175, RTE ) the types may change. For instance, gear, the hero in fatata atte, was an anukUla nAyaka before he fell in love with urvazI, After that he becomes dakSiNa, in his attitude towards kAzIrAjaputrI. As his love-affair develops, he becomes a yg and finally when he is detected in his amours with urvazI, he becomes ye. Even the main character of a hero, therefore, may pass from one type of a lover to another. : Verse 688 quoted from 491459EUR gives an illustration of a fer type of a lover. The former lady-love of a certain lover refuses to believe that he has fallen in love with another lady, for, as she says, he is quite ardent in his love for her (the former lady-love ) and there is no change in his attitude towards her. When the lover is caught while flirting with another lady, he is the ce type of a lover. * Verse 689 : Here the lover has on his forehead marks of red lac, impressions of bracelets on his neck ( which show that he was embraced by another lady) has black collyrium on his lips ( which shows that he had kissed the eyes of some lady ) has the red colour of a chewed betel leaf (which shows that he was kissed on his eye by his secret lady-love ). All these signs betraying his clandestine amours with another lady were sufficient to stun her with the grief of a broken love. Verse 690 f ata ut etc. what thing of her ( says Rama with reference to Sita ) is not lovable, if only seperation from her would have been bearable ?

Page #597
F. 413. A. 7. S. 19.) 240 Everything except her seperation is delightful. Seperation alone is unbearable. RTS is a kind of lover who secretly loves another lady. Verse 691 is : ekatrAsanasaMsthite priyatame pazcAdupetyAdarAt / ekasyA nayane nimIlya vihitakrIDAnubandhacchalaH // ISadavakritakaMdharaH sapulakaH premAlasanmAnasAm / antarhAsalasatkapolaphalakA dhUrto'parI cumbati // fafganist etc. who made a pretext that he was in a merry mood. aparata etc. turning his face a little he shut the eyes of his former lady-love and kissed his new-lady love whom he loved more. Thus, by indulging as it were, in a love sport he satisfied them both. Verse 692 The Sanskrit rendering of the verse is:-- kulabAlikAyAH prekSadhvaM yauvanalAvaNyavibhramavilAsAH / . pravasantIva pravasite AyAntIva priye gRhamAgate / svA nAyikA is a married lady. svayamUDhA who has married the area of her own accord. She is so loving and so faithful that all the natural graces of her loveliness and youth is seen at its best when her husband is at home, not otherwise. grar is tender in age and inexperienced in love sports. at air she is generally averse to love sports. Verse 693 : The breasts of the lady were extended up to her arm-pit. arcanfosa skilled in gracefully dancing. fragranting while she spoke, her words were, as it were, sprinkled with the nectar of her smile. : a:fed etc. her heart began to respond to the throbs of love. Verse 694 : The body of that woman did not

Page #598
241 [Pi 413. A. 7. S. 24 know what to do, when her lover came to her: for her thighs stood motionless ( owing to the excitement of love), tremor overpowered her body, she could not speak anything, for she was embarassed with bashfulness. In spite of all this, however, her body (though inactive) did declare her love towards her lover (by means of her face beaming with joy ). Sincere love does not demand outward formalities. Verse 695. Third line:-- The graceful movements of her eyes belies her child - like simplicity, that is to say, she was no longer a mere girl as was plainly seen from the newly seen graceful movements of her eyes. Verse 996: though she was eager for an embrace and for the pulling of her hair by her lover, though her heart was palpitating through the emotion of love, she did not approach her lover of her own accord. Verse 697: the lady in a full flush of her youth says, while starting to meet her lover: These limbs of mine are serious impediments in my way, while I start to meet my lover; the buttocks being heavy do not allow me to walk fast. (3 that is excessively large). My face is beaming like the moon and bringing to light my secret visit etc.. Verse 698: the peculiar sound of the lady at the time of love - sport was heard distinctly and was not drowned even in the continuous tinkling of her girdle and the jingling of her anklets, for the former sound though less powerful was of a different nature and hence could be easily distinguished from the latter. ... soprAsa-vakroktyA etc. In the case of madhyA nAyikA the anger towards her lover is expressed by (sotprAsavakroktyA ) 31

Page #599
P. 416. A. 7. S. 28. ] 242 by means of her ironical and equivocal speech, if she is ster; by tears and ironical speech, if she is starta; by harsh words if she is adhIrA madhyA nAyikA.. Verse 699 illustrates the ironical and equivocal speech of the dhorA madhyA nAyikA: A branch of a flowery tree was being offered by a lover to his lady-love who on her part was very angry with him, as she thought he was in secret love with another lady: "I am not fit to receive this present from you. Give it to her who kisses you in secret (foafat a aifa a) (offer this branch to her; offer this face to her.") There is a pun on the word faza: it means a branch as well as a paramour. Verse 700 runs thus:bAle nAtha vimuJca mAnini ruSaM roSAnmayA kiM kRtam / khedo'smAsu na me'parAdhyati bhavAnsarve'parAdhA mayi // tatki rodiSi gadgadena vacasA kasyAgrato rudyate / nanvatanmama kA tavA'smi dayitA nAsmItyato rudyate // This is a dialogue between a lover and his offended beloved. : arritzat Feja I am not your beloved as a matter of fact; and hence it is that I weep.. : Three kinds of star wife are (as in the case of madhyA) dhIrA, dhIrA'dhIrA and adhIrA. - The dhIrA prauDhA nAyikA expresses her anger by her outwardly calm demeanour. Hafect outward formalities ( 399 ). Verse 735: she avoided sitting together with the pretext of offering him a welcome; she avoided his embrace by a show of hastening to offer him betel leaf; she did not converse with him by showing that she was engaged in giving instructions to her servants. loved.

Page #600
243 P. 413. A. 7. S.. 28 Thus the clever woman gratified her own anger towards her lover, all the time observing all the formalities. . Verse 703: the lover says " Better to be openly repremanded with than to be tortured by this concealed anger of yours etc. Verse 704: aggrega loosening. . bhrUbhedo na kRtaH no sign of disapproval was shown by frowning. Her prompt yielding to the advances of lover betrayed her anger. Verse 705: 9141 gafas obstinately refusing etc. It was really a novel way of showing anger! The anti - climax of love between the lovers is beautifully shown in the following verse. The woman says: " first of all, we were one, as it were, in body and soul; then we were darlings of each other; now we are only husband and wife. I am suffering the penalty of long life; it would have been better, if I would have died earlier." sfaserafoa hard as adamant. Sometimes the stai stat actually beats her offending lover, as is illustrated in the verse 707. See 29739 II for this and the following verse. efargistu gait: even a ' keep' is called araft. Verse 708: A. wanton woman says this to her neighbour. She is going to meet her lover secretly, but makes a pretext of going to fetch water from a stream outside the village. Thorny shrubs covering the stream will scratch her body, as she says, but this is merely her pretext to deceive people in case her paramour in his love - sports would handle her roughly.

Page #601
P. 418. Ad 7. S. 20. 244 Verse 709 39ferante liter. of increased dimensions, hence expanded. ... Totalt a harlot or a courtezan. The fanciful derivation of the word given here is: a woman who attracts (gaNayati-kalayati) men by her proficiency in fine arts (78791797) and by her cunning. The natural and proper etymology is for at a woman common to a lot or a congregation or a mass of people. Anybody can approach her and buy her love. 914129 who can be approached by all (by a refined man as well as a fool). Verse 710: the sexual act described in the verse is technically called genera - one in which the woman takes the initiative or an active part. In the 30th Sutra, the author gives a list of eight states of love in the case of a woman (towards her husband ). All these eight states are possible only in the case of a wife; when a woman is not a wife, but other's woman or merely an unmarried girl, all these states are not possible. Only the last three are possible. The following is the Sanskrit rendering of the verse 711: sAloka evaM sUrya gRhiNI gRhasvAmino gRhItvA / anicchatazca caraNo dhuvati hasantI hasataH // Even when it was the evening, the woman, who was confident of the love of her husband, and who, therefore, was perfectly free with him, wanted to indulge in love-sports with him. .. afgan#1. strana: gone to some place away from his dwelling place. Dear friend I he ( my husband ) must have thought

Page #602
245 P. 419.- A7 S: 30. (while starting on a journey) that the grief of seperation felt by a wife was quite a common thing; and that it was certain that she would not die. If it were not so, he would not have gone away at all. Let my life now remain or leave me. The infamy ( of being a faithless wife ) will stand for ever. Verse 713 sak attachment. Says an indignant lady to her husband who had passed the night in the company of another woman: "You can hide from me the impressions of nails on your body, you can hide the nether lip bitten by another lady; but you can not hide the prodigious smell of scents betraying your amours with another lady,' Set aflat gets repentant after spurning the advances of her husband. "I am reduced to such a miserable plight; friends! Why did you prompt me at all to treat him with disdain ? Was there any advantage in doing so ?." 2196755, at #f51. 1188: a day of appointment when the husband comes to see his beloved (vAsayanti yatrasthAne trafa ar**:) and passes the particular night with her. These days have been enumerated and the particular occassion of seeing the day have been mentioned by 4 who quotes two Karikas in this reference. 9f79120if the day on which comes the turn of that particular lady. asje on the sixth day after the menses when. with a view to get a child, an intercourse with a woman is sanctioned by the Shastras. 'nave prasave A few days after the delivery. gie If the woman is in mourning owing to the death of her relatives.

Page #603
Bo 410. A. 7. $. 30. 1 246 sme If she is in an extra jubilant mood. i graaanato on all days on which intercourse is allowed. On all these days the woman with a view to welcome her lover adorns herself in the best possible manner and hence the word vAsakasajjA. ... Verse 715: 77843e9afaa: etc.. After arranging for her bed, she stood waiting for her husband. First looking in a mirror to assure herself that her toilette is perfectly faultless (anindyabhUSaNA) ... final one who regards herself as a favourite of her husband, porta when he is late. Verse 716 araki aT4 GET Ai asgfa there is no friend of his who is not well-disposed towards me. faalfaarat. fagral bed-room vRttavivartanavyatikarA tossing herself now on one side now. on another. ga: an appointment of a lover as regards the time and place to meet his lady-love. Verse 717: After waiting, in vain, at the appointed place, the woman started to go away with tears streaming down her eyes and dropping in a line on the ground. With these tears she, as it were, wrote a series of words to let her arrival known to her lover. * Opfrika is of two kinds: The one who, swayed with love, starts to meet her lover and the other who asks her lover to see her. Verse 718: A big bright necklace of pearls on her breast, a tinkling girdle on her waist, jingling anklets on her feet-in such a fashion, a woman was going to meet her lover when some gallant addresses her thus:

Page #604
247 (P. 421 A. 7. Si 310 You silly woman! if you are going to meet your lover thus proclaiming, as it were, publicly your march, why do you frequently cast frightened looks in all directions ? If you wanted to conceal your identity, you ought not to have dressed yourself in such a gorgeous manner. Verse 719: A woman while sending her messenger to her lover says : "You should talk to him on my behalf in such a clever manner that he would not deem me to be a low - minded woman and would show compassion towards me." . All the terms used for all these eight kinds mentioned above are significant and hence to define every kind is superfluous-as says 4974: -SIER GETT 17 5TH. . In the 31st sutra it is said that agent kind of a heroine can have only three of these eight states mentioned above. These states are virahotkaNThitA, abhisArikA and egzout. We see no reason why parastrI or a kanyA nAyikA should not have the state of ar $781. If she can, according to 40, invite her lover to her house by previous appointment, why should she not deck her person in a charming manner and thus be a 1941. To take the word q1A$1 in the sense of a woman who, decks herself properly and waits for her husband' is to interprete the word in a needlessly limited sense. The graces of women are next defined. These graces spring from the peculiarly happy movements (del) of the body (of women). They do not belong to the mind; at any rate, here the physical graces (of movements) are meant.

Page #605
P. 422. A. 7. S. 33. ] 248 rAjasatAmasazarIreSvasaMbhavAt here the author seems to have made a confusion of meaning as regards the word a. He himself interprets the word as "belonging to the body" and not in its usual sense of the quality of. The remark !!!!!!a etc. is, therefore, out of place. He almost means to say that these graces of the movements of the body are found only in superior kinds of women and, therefore, queerly remarks that these graces are not found in the persons of Chandal women! But he does not seem to be satisfied with his own explaination, for he further remarks that if these graces are at all found in Chandal women, they speak of their belonging to a superior type! These graces are found in men also; why then restrict these graces to women alone? The answer of the author is that these, and no other, are such as heighten the charms of women, while in the case of men, not the grace of movement but a face beaming with enthusiasm is his best ornament. It is because of this that the word is applied commonly to all kinds of heroes. These alaMkAras or graces are of two kind: alaMkAras of the first kind are called s, that is to say, they are found in the body almost as a matter of instinct formed, in its turn, by the feeling of love familiar in the previous life of a woman. alaMkAras of the second kind come into existence in this life of a woman, when the latent feeling of love in her heart is clearly manifested in this life on account of stimulations received. These latter kinds of Rs, therefore, vary in number with every individual woman. But the first kind of graces are found uniformly in all women with only a difference of degree in quality.

Page #606
249 (P: 422. A.) S. 35 :: Both these kinds of graces 37,5t and mataifa are again subdivided into kriyAtmAna:: and guNAtmAna:. F A7a: are the graces which spring from the deliberate movements of the body, while Joiara: are the graces (such as 2771 and others that do not depend on the deliberate movements of the body, but are spontaneous. .. welfaa: psychologists.. bhAva, hAya and helA come under the category of aGgaja graces, though, as is explained by a in his fats, most springs from em and cra, in its turn, proceeds from #*, pa springs directly from # (body) and hence all these are said to be born of satva i. e. azaja. It is to be noted here that the relation of cause and effect as regards these three graces #1a, era and ther, as is given by a in his Karika, is not always true, for sometimes it so happens that sia is produced in some young girl, not from her own a but by se seen by that girl in another full-grown girl. Sometimes bhAva seen in others produces hAva or helA. ' Again, sometimes, best is produced by seeing at in others. Sometimes, la is born of 10 seen in others, Sometimes, merely by hearing the ara in others, test and others are produced. Thus there is a mutual relation of cause and fect among these bhaja graces : bhAva, hAva and helA. H19 is defined as that graceful and subtle change in the body which betrays the inward instinct of love. Verse 720: a girl just on the threshold of her youth is described in this verse. 2nd line: she directs her ears to the talk of her friends when they discuss love - matters among them. She does not now freely sit on the lap of men as she did before. 32

Page #607
A 413. A.7.-S. 19.) 250; saalan etc. : she is coming under the sway of the prime of youth.. When there is greater change in the body. than that found in Ha, it is called gla. The derivation of the word being from the root (aqua gia:). When the girl is on the point of offering her heart in love to somebody, there is a clear change in her body especially in places such as the eye-brows, eyes, chin, neck and others. Thus, 1a prompts her to offer herself: (5 to offer in sacrifice ) to her future lover, but she is blissfully ignorant of these unconsious. but sure workings of love in her. The manifest change in her is wrought by the instinct of love in her. Verse 721 qfFq-e) are etc. her words have become charming on account of a new grace in them aai etc. her gait has in it a peculiar grace budding forth afresh (fres para ) When; however, the change in her is great and absolutely clear and when she is perfectly conscious of the awakening of the feeling of love in her, it is the state of me, of course, she has not yet found any youth who can be the object of her love. The word helA is derived from the root hel (hela to go speedily; to flow continuously ). er, therefore, is a change that is not intermittent like 11a, but is, continuous and permanent. Verse. 722. The verse runs thus : kuraGgIvAGgAni smimitayati gItadhvaniSu yat / sakhIM kAntodantaM zrutamapi punaH praznayati yat // . anidraM yaccAntaH svapiti ladaho vedayabhinavAm / pravRtto'syA: sektuM hRdi manasijaH premalatikAm // As.ithis young girl sits motionless as a female deer, when she hears notes of music; as she repeatedly

Page #608
- 251 [P. 424. A. %. S. 34. asks questions regarding the news of her husband (or lover ), as she seems to fall in a reverie (San AT: Efa), it seems that the god of love. has begun to sprinkle the tender creeper of love newly, sprouting in her heart." The verse presents a difficulty as regards the second line: it is stated there that the young girl is repeatedly asking questions about her lover. This shows that she has found the object of her love. But this statement goes against the characteristics of helA, for even in the heroine is said to have found no lover. In fact 99in the following lines emphatically says. "29 daratanata1797H." In cast mere awakening of the inherent feeling of love is meant, not the actual falling in love on the part of the heroine. This state of best serves as a foundation (fa) on which her affairs of love in future are to stand. In the words AIFEOFIT9a997 the ceremony of wearing the sacred thread is to be performed for a Brahmin. But the fact is that unless a boy undergoes this religious rite, he can not be called a. Brahmin at all. But it is with a view to his becoming a Brahmin in future that the words. FIFETFLICATH are used. Similarly, here in the case of the heroine, est is a state of love in which she is swayed by the feelings of love no doubt, but that love of her has no object for it yet. Really speaking, therefore, the word love has no much significance here, unless it has in view the love that the girl would cherish in future for her actual lover. From the sutra 35, the ten natural graces, and others, of women are described.

Page #609
T8-425. A. 7. S 371 252 When the love of a woman has found its object at last, these changes in body appear as a result of 'the developed state of that love. These graceful changes take place, generally when the woman has already experienced the pleasures of physical love, but sometimes they appear even before that. 747 and others, on the other hand, appear only after the woman has tasted the pleasures of physical love. tel, the imitation of the speech, dress and movements of the lover by his beloved, is the result of her great love and admiration for her lover; it never means mimicing with a view to ridicule him. The Sanskrit rendering of the verse 723 is as follows: yadyattvaM karoSi yadyaccajalpasi yathA tve niyamasi / tattadanuzikSasthA divaso divaso na saMpatati / / In imitating your speech and movements the days are too short for her. sthAnAdInAM vaiziSTayaM vilAsaH The peculiarly charming pose of the limbs is called famig. The word af in kinat includes the happy pose in walking and sitting as also of the hands and eyes, Verse 724: Ana describes the graceful movements of the young women whom he saw in the temple of the god of love. There were manifested to my sight the victorious workings of love ( in that fair-eyed one ) that were extremely charming owing to the great changes in the body, the variety in which transcended the power of description in words, and that were replete with various graces.

Page #610
253 (P. 425. A. 7. S. 39. Portegle lends a charm to the body even when a woman, proud of her beauty, puts on only a fey ornaments and has a simple toilet. . : The Sanskrit rendering of the verse is as follows: ... Fanfaronesas Iqut FIAT STEFT far nafar. muktAphalaracitaprasAdhanAnAM madhye sapatnInAm // . . Even when other wives of the hunter had decked their persons with big pearls, this particular wife (whom the hunter loved most) strutted about with pride with only a peacock's feather for her ear-ring. The feather was given to her with great love by her husband, the hunter; naturally, therefore, she was proud of her enviable lot. fasetta is a sort of indifference even towards things that are dear to a woman. This indifference is the result of her pride as regards her beauty and other things. Verse 726: Parvati, without any apparent reason, began to converse with her friend standing near and thus she showed her indifference to the words of Shankar.. Araupes pouting (her lips). * faya is putting ornaments at wrong places; it occurs even when the woman does not use the right word at the right place or does not use the right limb for the right purpose. Verse 727 A woman wore her girdle on her breasts and wore necklace on her hips ! Payta is usually the result of the excitement of Aurry due to the woman's excessive love for her lover. According to $497, however, it is due to the pride of beauty. But 7759$ and Fire cout explicitly say that fart is the result of the woman's furry on account

Page #611
426. 4. 9. S. 42] 254 of the unexpected arrival of her lover or on account of the transports of joy and love. f@safara is the sweet combination of different feelings such as joy, fear, sorrow, anger. This, according to 54977, is the result of the woman's pride of her beauty. But sAhityadarpaNa attributes kilakiJcita to the sudden joy that a woman feels at the unexpected arrival of her lover. ... Verse 728: During the love-sports when the lover tried successfully to kiss a woman, she presented a charming harmony of embarassment, smile and suppressed cry of anger. The word Aleifera is explained by thus: - * madanAGgaparyantAGgamohanAt (from the root moTa to break or to, stretch ).. The word ATPK is an obvious misprint. It ought to be agai#; the words are may be dropped; and the words should be 4A1 HEAIEL. The word Aerfera comes from the root ge which means breaking or cracking of the joints of fingers or yawning of the mouth. When a woman is completely engrossed in gazing at her lover or in hearing his story, these movements-yawning and cracking of joints-follow naturally. Verse. 729 cay cay. torments. Her female friends wanted to find out as to who was the object of her love. So they began to talk about you. At once she became engrossed in the talk and crossing her arms began to-yawn and stretch her back and others limbs. Hafaa is showing a sensation of pain even when the woman feels joy inwardly by the rough handling by her lover..

Page #612
255 [P. 427. A. 7. S. 44 Verse 730 describes the outward pain but the inward joy which the woman feels during love-sports. however, defines as the showing of outward joy when inwardly there is pain. a is the graceful and delicate movements of the limbs. Verse 731, 4th line:-She was, as it were, made to dance (without the accompaniment of music) by her budding youth. Every movement of her limbs appeared as if it were a particular pose in dancing-it was so lovely. lalita, as hemacandra explains, is the aimless or unconsciously beautiful movements of the limbs. When, however, there is a purposeful movement of the limbs and it appears graceful, then it is fare. This, according to is the difference between lalita and vilAsa. Others, however, think that are gathering strength culminates in a. g, to have grace, is the root common both to and fare and hence the explain ation seems to be the right one. fa is assuming silence even when there is an occasion of speaking. is pretext. When the woman keeps silent owing to her bashfulness or simple-mindedness or even sometimes owing to her dissimulation, there is faga. , deliberate pretext, is not admitted as the cause of faga by any author except. All the instances of fa cited by the rhetoricians militate against the word vyAja of hemacandra. * Verse 732: Even this verse attributes faga to the bashfulnesss of Parvati.

Page #613
P. 428. A. 7. S. 47.] 256 The friend of Parvati while dyeing or painting her foot asks her in jest to touch with it the crescent moon on the head of Shiva. Parvati, thereupon, silently struck her friend with a garland as the penalty for her mischievous joke. Others interpret faga as the sportive movements of a woinan both in her maidenhood and in her youth, when she is in love with somebody. Thus the verse mandAkinIsakata etc.. from kumArasaMbhava describing the sports of raat in her childhood, as well as the verse saatfag etc. from fore describing the clever movements of a fullgrown woman, is an instance of faan. Verse 733 fangat: dolls. analerat: by making heaps or mounds of "sand. fargerit enjoying. Verse 734 fetes shows pretext. The lover was trying to take out the pollen from the eye of his beloved biy blowing the wind from his mouth. The lover showed his inability to take out the pollen, but it was a mere pretext and the woman struck her lover with her breasts apparently pushing them with pain, but, as a matter of fact quite deliberately. ganigaiga enhanced on account of their being enjoyed by men. Birtear the beauty of limbs. . Verse 735 faarifa searches. #RIFor embarassed. Funafa shuts, closes. ... zobhA kAnti and dIpti are three aspects of beauty in. an ascending order.. Verse 736 describes the lovely languidity of the limbs of the Goddess mot during her love--sports with Vishnu on the bed of the Lord of Serpents.

Page #614
257 (P. 430. A. 7. S. 51. Verse 737 gives a very faithful description of the face of a woman who had taken the initiative and an active part in her love - sports. Argon is the delicacy of the movements of women which is visible not only in their bashfulness but also in their anger and other harsh feelings. Verse 738 describes the delicacy of the movements of a woman even when inwardly she was full of anger towards her lover. : 8pcalara: offering greetings..... Portrait etc. obeyed every order. na dRSTeH zaithilyam etc. but there is no loving softness in the gaze. uza: dissimulation, pretext. Verse 739 describes the dignified resignation of Arect to the acute pangs of unfulfilled love. She says: "Let the moon blaze forth in the sky every night with all her digits. Let the cupid burn. I shall never do anything that will bring stigma on the fair name of my parents. My life or my lover is not as dear to me as the fair name of my family. sitarsi is a sweet humility even in anger and such other harsh feelings. Verse 740 : Though there was frown on her face she hung it. She laughed significantly at me, but did not utter a single harsh word. She stared at me with her eyes brimming with tears. She did not gaze at me with a look of command. Thus she showed her anger towards me but did not give up humility. Boldness in love-sports and other things is grotexu. Verse 741 : Peaceful nature is an ornament of man, no doubt, but on other occassions, as bashfulness 33

Page #615
A 431. A. 7. S. 52.) 258 is a grace of women but on other occassions; but when insulted a man must show his spirit and a woman at the time of love-sports must show boldness. Drooping of limbs (315418) owing to the excitement of mind is sAdhvasa; and prAgalbhya is opposite of this as is illustrated in the verse 742. The whole verse runs thus: Azu laGighatavatISTakarAgre / nIvimardhamukulIkRtadRSTayA // rktvainnikhtaadhrtntrii| maNDalakvaNitacAru cukUje // When the hand of her lover reached as far as the knot of her lower garment, a woman with her half-closed eyes ( through intense joy ) made a sound as sweet as the sound of the lower strings of a lute. These graces belong to the body not to the mind. They are found only when there is an absence of rashness, anger and other kindred feelings. Even high and others are not mental qualities. They, therefore, can not be included under Hias. zAkyAcArya rAhula and others add to the list of these graces some other graces such as Alisa simplicity, madabhAvikatva intoxication, paritapana fretting and snch other things. But he who calls himself a follower of a does not admit these graces as they smack of mental qualities.

Page #616
ADHYAYA VIII The eighth chapter is devoted to the description of the various kinds of poetry in which drama occupies a very important place. The division of poems is based on the poems being either sett i. e. that which can be witnessed and you that which can be heard while read by oneself. Under come all the varieties of a drama while 1827 poems include every variety of a poem that can only be read but not staged. In the following quotation from hala the etymology of the word afa is given. Fra is both a seer and a narrator. A historian is a seer no doubt, but he is not a narrator or a story-teller; he is simply a chronicler; he, therefore, is not a pla. Similarly, a work on history is not a poem. va is first regarded as a synonym of Er which means a seer; ma is a seer, inasmuchas he, with his divine vision, fathoms the very secrets and the peculiar characteristics of all kinds of things (19). Because he sees the essence of things, he is called a poet. But that is not all. The poet is also a master of narration. He describes things with supreme skill and absorbing interest. These two qualities, therefore, constitute the characteristics of a poet, aretta, the first poet, was both an acute observer and a master-hand in description. He, therefore, deserved the title of a poet. The division of & is further sub-divided into 960 and 21. In the third sutra, aga enmerates almost all the well-known varieties of the 9184 kind of poems such as atzo, gacor and others. Even is kind of a drama such askarpUramajarI of rAjazekhara is included in the list obviously

Page #617
P. 432. A. 8. S. 3. ) 260 because all the tests of the roy kind of a poem are applicable to it as well. In the following fear, all the varieties of a 9169 poem are defined. In #12% the plot must be well-known. The hero must be a celebrated person of a noble character. Sage-like kings may figure as heroes in the art. Association with heavenly beings is permissible in #124. Acts and scenes ( starte) are an indispensable feature of a nATaka. A cut differs from a 71% in that in the former the plot is not adopted from any celebrated historical event, but is purely imaginary or conceived by the poet ( Bataaf ). It is not a rigid rule, however, that in 9cut the plot must be throughly an independent and a new one. The only thing that is most essential is that the plot must not be wholly historical; at least the main plot must be either purely imaginary or taken from works of pure fiction such as referre and others. Sometimes, however in a stop the plot is taken and enlarged or developed from the works of ancient poets. At any rate the plot in a prakaraNa must not be taken from any purANa, In almost all other respects a prakaraNa resembles a nATaka. As a rule, the lives of Brahmins, merchants, ministers, and priests are painted in a prakaraNa. nodAttanAyakakRtam etc. in a to the hero, of course, must be not a king of a heavenly being. The paraphernalia of a king or his luxurious life must not be delineated in a 4 TOT (T HA: ) DIETFENYT: a 9 TOT should have characters of low persons or servants other than the servants in a royal harem.

Page #618
261 (P.436. A. 8. $. 3. Career of the love of a courtezan is also a feature of a 997. In fact, the career of a lady of a respectable family is not given prominence to in a FPTU. For instance, in mRcchakaTika, the chief female character is vasantasenA, a courtezan; in this drama, moreover, the character of dhUtA, the wife of cArudatta, plays only a minor part.. The verse STATUTAIZ # ta etc. and the two subsequent verses, as quoted from a alcaTIE, mention the main characteristics of a alf#: nATikA is a subdivision either of a prakaraNa or of a a12. In fact in respect of plot, it resembles either a 314670 or a a1z4. The heroine usually should be one of the young women in the harem of a king. It should have greater number of female characters than that of male characters. Usually it has four acts. Dancing and delicate acting should be the main feature of a *2#1. It should also be furnished with plenty of music The theme should be of love-union. Court intrigues as regards secret love-making is a prominent peculiarity of a aral. In the following verses 949#13 is defined. devAsurabIjakRta: etc. samavakAra is characterized by the efforts of gods and demons to achieve a certain end. prakhyAtodAtta0:--The hero in samavakAra must be a person with a noble character and one who is a renowed personality. It has a peculiarity of having only three acts. The intrigues as shown in #4701 are also of three kinds: the first is one in which a person who is absolutely innocent is deceived; in the second, both the deceiver and the deceived are offenders. In the third case, both the deceiver and the deceived are the victims of mysterious chance.

Page #619
P. 438. A: 8. S. 3. ) 262 aga: The calamitous occurences shown are also of three kinds: in the first case, the calamity is brought on by some human agency; in the second, it is the work of some non-sentient thing; and in the third, it is brought on partly by human agency and partly by a non-sentient thing. trizRGgAraH the kind of love as depicted in samavakAra is also threefold. In the first case it has for its object a spiritual welfare, in the second sta temporal prosperity and in the third, a pleasures of life. aSTAdazanAlikapramANaH The duration of a samavakAra should be eighteen fats approximately. The following verses ( 124, 125, 126) define BEIFA, another variety of a drama. The name ai is significant. It is a kind of a drama in which effort is shown ( saet). as being made like the deer (9) for the possession of a woman. In #4781 there is marked looseness of plot, but in IhAmRga the plot is skilfully arranged (suvihitavastunibaddhaH ). The male characters therein are divine beings; and they all fight for the possession of a celestial damsel. vipratyayakAraNa: There is a good deal of intigue in SEIET ( just as in ###). 17 is full of ferocious persons; it depicts fight for women ( aita), it is full of commotion and sudden calamities; it also shows keen rivalry ( ciqaz) among brave and learned men. Seduction and abduction of women (HCITITETIT ) and consequent revenge are the peculiar seatures of the love depicted in Selan. Almost all the technical points in a ang such an and others are also present in IhAmRga. _In pyAyoga there is only one act (kAryam ).

Page #620
263 (P. 439. A. 8. S. 3. In almost all other respects such as the hero, sentiment, the style etc. pp117 resembles fern. Scramble for women is, however, a peculiar feature of saran which distinguishes it from 37277. In RH the plot is well-known. The hero also is a celebrated person. Out of the eight Tas FIT and Erre (sentiment of love and laughter) are absent in SA. It has, therefore, only six Ths. The poetry in RSA is full of afte, and other fiery sentiments. Sudden collision (nirghAta) falling of meteors ( ulkApAta) eclipses ( uparAga) duels ( niyuddha) defeat (AdharSaNa) competition ( saMpheTa) are commonly shown in Dima. Rea is also full of witch-craft, illusions and strange forms of leather, wood and cloth (gea ). RSH bristles with gods, demons and other demi-gods (such as 787 and fra ) RA has nearly sixteen chief male characters. The styles used there are sAtvatI and ArabhaTI. The word Dima is akin to the word fra which means a "panic". The word is, therefore, significant and shows the nature of plot. 21310 has already been referred to above, but only incidentally. In the following three verses it is clearly defined. The hero in aritu is a well. known person as in fe but he is neither a divine being nor a 3919 kind of hero. A minister, a commander of an army may, therefore, figure as heroes in a 81477. There are very few female characters in glutn. The duration of the plot in ozraitu is only one day. As in 1994 there are several male characters engaged in fight, attacks and rivalry, but not on the same scale as in 1917, The following verses define utsRSTikAi,

Page #621
P. 441. A. 8. S. 3. ] In this the plot is generally well-known, but sometimes it is also imaginary. No divine beings figure in this kind of drama. Pathos () is the chief sentiment here. Fighting and striking are conspicuously absent from fag. It is full of lamentations of women (fag:) and the speeches, therein, are full of despair. The characters therein often roll on the ground and cry. The modes sAtvatI, ArabhaTI and far are not found in this kind. 264 prahasana is of two kinds, zuddha ( pure ) and saMkIrNa ( of a mixed character). In the first kind, ascetics, house - holders and brahmins indulge in speech exciting laughter. Even low characters are found in this kind of a. There is an atmosphere of merriment and joking in, but all the same the language is never foul or indecent in this kind of . The plot is consistent and continuous with a mixture of incidents full of various feelings ( vizeSabhAnopapannacaritam ). The second kind of is full of the characters of prostitutes, menials, eunuchs, dissolute persons wanton women (a) and rogues. They act in an openly (a) indecent way, talk and dress in a quaint manner and thus create grotesque humour. In there is only one character (and that too generally a male character) which narrates the incidents of its own life as well as the lives of others. ekahArya : bhANaH it is staged ( hArya : ) only by one person. The narration of the incidents of the lives of others is attended with the imitation of the speech and action of those persons (aaa). The device of AkAzabhASita is resorted to in order to give the bhANa an

Page #622
265 (P. 443. A. 8. S. 3. appearance of a drama of conversations or dialogues. The characters in HT are generally those of rogues and profigate persons. Quite a rich variety of incidents is shown in t ( anglataRATKAo: ). eftet is a device used either as an introductory part of a drama or as a supplement to it. It has thirteen sub-divisions. It is full of all the sentiments. It extends over one act. It has one or two characters. HEX is the last variety of a drama and is defined in the verse viSkambhaka etc. In sahaka there is neither viSkambhaka nor pravezaka. The language of the whole drama is one throughtout. It is written either in Sanskrit or in a (generally in una ). Other varieties of a drama, such as atze and others, are mentioned by migas and other writers on dramaturgy, but 477 merely alludes to them in the next Sutra to enumerate the subdivisions of a no kind of composition and briefly defines them. The notable difference between a 914mou and the 6975 defined above is that the former has no consistent plot in it, but deals with fragmentary sentences that are to be sung with the accompaniment of gestures, while all the varieties of a drama have a consistent plot which has to be enacted on the stage. Prominence of music is also another feature of a compositions. Movement of all the limbs is also a prominent characteristic of a 99 composition. no compositions are three-fold (1) Soft (ATT) (2) terrific or wild (367) and (3) of a mixed character. The first kind of geyakAvya is DombikA. It contains songs which describe secret love-affairs, 34

Page #623
P. 446. A. 8. S. 4.] 266 . In #rot, the second kind of 42146182, the dancing girl or the musician describes the terrific incidents in the lives of varAha, nRsiMha and such other incarnations of God. The following kind is seala. In it the singer or the dancing girl disguises herself as one of the animals such as an elephant, a lion etc. and imitates their mode of walking. In fiks the actor or actress plays the part of a heroine who, in the presence ot her female friends, imitates the wild career of her lover. . The career of a szat (a rogue in love-matters. ) may also be described in zikSaka. In foraet we find the frolics of a child and the imitation of the fights of hogs, lions and others. 441sai gambols of cows and other animals. preraNa is accompanied by prahelikA (dialogues solving riddles) and is full of humour. (TA116 describes the seasons. Cat contains circular dances. The dances are led by one man who stands in the midst of ladies just as Lord Krishna led the dances of cowherd women. The dances are conducted by a host of ladies and are performed with the accompaniment of music and timing. A man and a woman form one pair in it. At a time, sixty four pairs can take part in na In to the incidents of Lord Krishna in his childhood ( such as the killing of the demons fe and and others ) are shown. In infaa, high-class ladies sing and praise the merits of their husbands, or sometimes they remonstrate with their husbands

Page #624
267 (P. 449. A. di S. 5. In short, these kinds of its composition are always full of music and dancing and deal with all the chief sentiments. Other varieties of a geyakAvya are zampA, chalita, dvipadA and others, but they are neither enumerated nor defined here by our author. For a detailed study, he only refers his readers to the works of bramha, bharata, kohala and other famous authors on rhetorics. Under 1624174 come all the varieties of poetic compositions as distinguished from the dramatic compositions. 4678164, the most important of all the 789 compositions, is next defined. It is noteworthy that he does not limit the HE17109 to Sanskrit language only, but extends their domain not only to the Prakrit language with all its dialects, but also to the DFGHIAT folk-languages or dialects. Another notable feature of his definition of of a relaerzy is his mention of the five sandhis as an indispensable factor of a RET 179. Generally, the five Sandhis (mentioned and described below) are considered by all other authors as necessary only for a drama. In all other respects (such as the division of a poem into aris; the last verse of every yi to be written in a metre different from the rest of the verses in the gi) this definition of a H219187 perfectly agrees with all other definitions of a 461967. The synonyms of a nii are 811arer, sifa, 349692, 4977. The five ufats are mentioned and defined below: In gazte the poet begins the story in a broad but definite manner. For instance, in the verse facairatzea: of veNIsaMhAra (a drama by bhaTTanArAyaNa) the poet broadly

Page #625
P. 451. A. 8. S. 6. ] 268 but definitely suggests that his story deals with the prosperity of the s as well as the destruction of thes. This starting point of a story is technically called and it is consistently developed throughout the drama and ultimately it is transformed into a fruit (that is, its consummation) at the end of a drama. fis, therefore, only a nascent state of the fruit itself. pratimukha, the second saMdhi, helps to develop the bIja, but in a manner which appears as if it is a state of development at one time and disappearance at another, but really all along its devolopment is going on. and the For instance, in ratnAvalI in the verse dvIpAdabhyasmAdapi "fate brings about the union of two things" is a for it suggests that in that drama, king will be united. This becomes finally the consummation of the drama, (i. e. it is the of the drama ). Now in that drama when af is shown engaged in the worship of the god of love, the mentioned above seems to disappear, but really it is furthered or developed in that the movements of ama do facilitate her union with the king. In the third sandhi garbhasaMdhi, the play of prApti and afa (i. e. the securing of and the failing of the fruit) continues, but the possibility of obtaining the fruit is more than that of its failure. In this respect, therefore, it differs from the avamarza or vimarzasaMdhi the fourth saMdhi. In fanif the possibillty of the failure of the fruit seems to be more than that of its securing. To all appearances, in fan all hope of the fruit is lost either on account of the wrath of the opponent (for instance, in ar on account of the anger or on account of selfishness of the rival).

Page #626
269 (P. 454. A. 8. S. os garbhanibhinnabIjArthaH garbhAnnibhinnam iti garbhanibhinnam (bIjam ) bIja coming out of all i. e. the seed when likely to fructify. 878: its return to the former place. mjafiratet 878: Jff#: where the seed loses its progress and seems to return to its original state. In tho last nirvahaNa saMdhi, all the different currents of the story converge into one main current which ends in the final consummation. Thus in every HE14127 there must be these five sifats in order to show the systematic beginning, development and the end of the story. In a hit the poet must present quite a wealth of variety as regards the manner of composition. For instance: (1) The poem should not be too ( sterreg careen) short. (2) Its style should not be uneven; it should present a harmony among all its parts. (3) It should not be tediously lengthy. The arts should never be unconnected or loose. The logical chain of the story should not be lost. (4) The beginning of the story should be made either with a blessing given to the readers ( as in the first verse of gafasie quoted in the commentary) or with the direct mention of the story itself (as in the first verse 'AsIityo hayagrIvaH' of the poem hayagrIvavadha ) or with a salutation to one's favourite God (as in artefachgit, the first verse of raghuvaMza). Besides this, in the introductory part of the poem, mention should be made of the aim of the story or the object of the poet in writing the poem. (See the introductory verses from setubandhamahAkAvya as quoted in the commentary ).

Page #627
P. 457, A. 8. $ 6.] 270 Sometimes, in the introductory portion of the poem we find the eulogy of the poet himself, as for instance, in the verse " sayalaM ceva nibandhaM" of rAvaNavijaya the poet bestows compliment upon himself. Sometimes, we find remarks passed on the characteristics of the good and the wicked men as in the verse "itastato bhaSanbhUri" of haravilAsa, the good are compared to swans and the wicked are compared to dogs. In a poem, sometimes, we find faqara-picturesque composition such as rhymed verses, verses full of puns, verses composed with only one consonant ( for instance, the verses in fut1579 ) verses which assume the form of different figures such as drums, swords, etc. (for instance the verses in Petrarcaz). Sometimes, the poet seems to favour some particular quality in preference to others, as for instance, anurAga is the predominant quality that the poet pravarasena desires to describe in his poem. Sometimes, the poets mention their own names in their poems; for instance, the poet rasta makes a mention of his own name in his poem in. Some favourite word of the poet seems often introduced in the poem ( usually in the last verse of every chapter ). In fetraigate the word wat is found in the last verse of every chapter, as also the word 17 in the poem of HIE. : Auspicious words such as Bryce, 317974 and others are also found in the introductory verses of a poem. For instance in, JAIETU the word 377774 is found in the introductory verse. In the poem the poet should keep one of the four goals dharma, artha, kAma and mokSa as the goal to which he aspires. He regards his poem as a means to secure that goal.

Page #628
271 (P. 457. A. 8. S. 6. The hero in the poem should be a man of lofty character. vidhiniSedhavyutpAdakatvam The poem should indirectly suggest as to what is worth practising and what ought to be avoided (ata); the story should be consistent and homogeneous. A list of the things which should be described in the poem is given below. This list mostly agrees with all such lists given in other books on Rhetorics, for instance, in the first chapter of #13rezi, qust gives a similar list. Below we find some useful hints given by the as regards the composition of a poem. For instance, in a poem, the style must agree with the subjectmatter of the poem ( TAITETTHC97), If the poet, for instance, describes love, the style must be pas, full of soft words. If otra is to be delineated, then the style must be fit, full of harsh words. HESI 75094 is a very clever hint. The poem should be composed in such a manner that it would win the hearts of very sort of readers. Desire of fame is one of the legitimate aspirations of a poet. pAtraceSTAkathAntarAnuSaJjanam the sense of propriety as regards the place, the time, the movements, the characters in the story must be observed. Sometimes, incidentally (kathAntarAnuSajanam ) the poet should introduce minor stories as in kumArasaMbhava the story of Cupid's curse. mArgadvayAnuvartanam , following the two paths. The two paths obviously are those referred to by Dandin in his rargat quoted by the commentary. In a poem the best way is to describe the hero as possessing excellent qualities and as utterly defeat. ing his enemies.

Page #629
P. 459. A. 8. S. 6.] 272 (2) Another way is to describe the noble descent, valour, learning and other excellent merits of the enemy and then to describe the hero as conquering his formidable enemy-thus establishing the undisputed superiority of the hero. The first method is followed in the poems such as tude and others. The second method is adopted by the authors of facialister and forin1394. Here an interesting point has been discussed by the commentary: in the definition of a A816162 it is said that in a 196707 there should be a description of a city, ocean, seasons, sunrise etc. Now the question arises as to whether the description of all the things enumerated in the definition is obligatory or is perfectly optional i. e. depending on the volition of the poet. If it is obligatory, then in ferra, fry91594 and other poenis the description is not exhaustive. For instance, in faciaisia there is no description of a city. On the other hand, if it is optional, then any poem that does not contain any description of the things mentioned here, will have also to be included in the list of AET610315. Is then the description of these things, the criterion of a Hela ? The answer to this is very clearly given in the commentary : 'Yes,' says the commentator, 'the description of all these things is an essential feature of a #191021; but the number of things to be described depends upon the nature of the plot of the poem. If the story of the poem is a very comprehensive one, then it admits within its pale the description of all the things enumerated in the definition, but if it is a short story, then some things only should be described.

Page #630
273 (P. 461. A. 8. S. 6. But even here, those things that play an important part in the development of the story must be described. For instance, if the story has some political event as its subject-matter, then againfartoyphic: ( Foglasi qf. 9/90) secret plans, the sending of envoys and other essential things must be described. If, on the other hand, the story contains a love-affair, then the description of seasons, sun-rise, moon-rise, water sports and others is quite necessary. Even supposing that the love-story is a short one, the poet should make it a point to bring in the description of seasons moon-rise and other pertinent things even by making a digression.' Generally the Sanskrit word used for the chapters of a fel?139 composed in Sanskrit is pt, for those of a mahAkAvya composed in prAkRta it is either AzvAsa, or sandhi, or 8477ha. But there is no hard and fast rule as regards the word for a chapter; for even in Sanskrit poems we find the word efire used for a chapter as for instance in aftgate. There is a rule that the metre for every chapter should be different; but the rule is not so rigid as we find in setubandha and other mahAkAvyas one and the same metre used throughout the poem. After the definition of a Her#182 the author defines an afar. Its important features are: (1) It is an autobiography of some towering personality who is, of course, the hero of the TezTf141. In an autobiography, however, the narration of one's own exploits and virtues, as made to the readers in general would be rather out of etiquette; to obviate 35

Page #631
P. 462. A. 8. S. 7. ] 274 this difficulty, therefore, it is supposed in an that the hero relates his story to his bosom friends in private. (2) In an area verses in aaa or (3) The word for every chapter of an ucchrAsa. there is a sprinkling of some metre, suggesting coming events. ... is (4) It is composed in Sanskrit. (5) It is written in prose. A few verses, occasionally inserted, do not militate against the nature of an errearfare. The notable instance of an AkhyAyikA is harSacarita of bANabhaTTa. is written either in prose or verse and may be composed in Sanskrit or Prakrit, or any language. The hero in is of the type, noble-hearted and easy-going. The instance of a prose is the famous kAdambarI of bANabhaTTa. lIlAvatI kathA is written in verse. When a short story is introduced in course of a big story, with the object of giving some moral to the readers, it is called an upAkhyAna. The same upAkhyAna when narrated by one person with an accompaniment of music and gestures is called an AkhyAna. govindAkhyAna is an instance of an AkhyAna. When with the object of drawing some moral a story dealing with the lives of animals, birds or low persons is narrated, it is called a fa The famous book, paJcatantra of viSNuzarmA, dAmodaragupta are instances of a nidarzana. In a kind of a story there is a conversation between two persons who narrate the story through this conversation. pretabhASA is paizAcikI a Prakrit dialect. kind of story. and kuTTinImata of

Page #632
275 [P. 465. A. 8. S. 9. 477891 is a peculiar kind of story, in which various incidents are narrated in a variety of ways. When only a part of a well-known story is narrated, either from the middle or from the portion at the end, it is called a 154. A coinplete story with all its various incidents is narrated in saphalakathA. . When out of a well-known story the life of only one person is related it is called upakathA. DETI deals with the lives of many persons, contains marvellous incidents and has chapters which are named FFHS. 961 is a well-known type of a story written partly in prose and partly in verse. It is, as a rule, written in Sanskrit. The author, sometimes, introduces his own name or the names of other persons in a 277. Its chapters are called ucchAsas. *s are stray unconnected verses. Almost every verse in ## is complete in itself and is independent. Sometimes three, four, five or more verses form a group by themselves. A verse independent and complete by itself is called a muktaka. Almost all the verses in amarUkazataka are muktakas. Two verses forming one group are called saMdAnitaka. Three verses grouped form vizeSaka. A group of four verses forms kalApaka. A group of five or more verses upto fourteen forms garsFr. These stray or floating verses may be composed in any language. When a number of such stray verses is introduced in a big poem it is called quf. Generally in every A817177

Page #633
P. 466. A. 8. S. 12.) 276 such cats are found copiously in the description of seasons, sun-rise, night and others. When there is a collection of one's stray verses it is called #137. Even the collection of the stray verses of other poets is called koza, for instance, the gAthAsaptazatI of hAla. Other varieties of stray verses are saMghAta and saMhitA. The five tifhs, the beauty of style and matter, as mentioned in the definition of a ACT*171, are equally necessary in the case of AkhyAyikA, campU and other varieties of a composition. ihAnvayamukhenaiva vyAkhyAtamakhilaM myaa| nAmUlaM likhitaM kiJcaduktaM vA nAnapekSitam //

Page #634