Kavyanushasana Part 2

Author(s): Hemchandracharya, Rasiklal C Parikh, Ramchandra B Athvale
Publisher: Mahavir Jain Vidyalay
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001067/1

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KAVYANUSĀSANA
ACHARYA HEMACHANDRA
SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA VIDYALAYA
BOMBAY

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काव्यानुशासनम् आचार्यश्री हेमचन्द्रविरचितं
तच्च
द्वितीये पुस्तके
॥ प्रथमे विभागे ||
गुजरातविद्यापीठे भूतपूर्वेण संस्कृतसाहित्य - भारतीयप्राच्येतिहासाध्यापकेन पुरातत्त्वमन्दिर भूतपूर्वमन्त्रिणा
परीक्षकोपाभिधेन छोटालालसूनुना रसिकलालेन आङ्ग्लभाषायां निबद्धेन गूर्जरत्रेतिहासपूर्वकेण आचार्यश्री हेमचन्द्रचरितेन तद्विरचित - ग्रन्थसमालोचनसहितेन सनाथीकृतम्
॥ द्वितीये विभागे ॥
एम. ए. - इत्युपाधिधारिणा प्राप्तभाउदाजी - पारितोषिकेण वेदान्तविषये प्राप्तभाण्डारकर - पारितोषिकेण गुजरातविद्यापीठे भूतपूर्व - संस्कृताध्यापकेन एस्. एल. डी. आर्टस्कोलेज संस्कृताध्यापकेन आठवले इत्युपाभिधेन बलवन्तसूनुना रामचन्द्रेण आङ्ग्लभाषायां रचितया काव्यानुशासनटिप्पण्या व्याकृतम्
श्रीकाशीविश्वविद्यालय उपकुलपतिपदारोपितआचार्यमवर - आनन्दशङ्कर ध्रुवमहोदयैः पूर्ववचनिकया मण्डितम्

मुम्बईस्थ - श्री महावीरजैनविद्यालयेन प्रकाशितम्

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Published by Messrs Motichand G. Kapadia & Chandulal S, Modi,
Hon. Secretaries, Shri Mahavir Jaiya Vidyalaya, Vidyalaya Buildings, Gowalia Tank Road,
Bombay 7.
First Edition )
[ 1938
VOLUMES I-II-PRICE RUPEES SIX
Printed by Manilal Purushottam Mistry, B. A. Aditya Mudranalaya, Raikhad, Ahmedabad.

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KAVYANUSASANA
By ĀCHARYA HEMACHANDRA . Volume II
[ Part 1 ] INTRODUCTION Containing a critical account of Mss. and A History of Gujarat as a Back-ground to the Life & Times of Acharya Hemachandra and A Review of His Works
by RASIKLAL C. PARIKH Late Professor of Sanskfta & Ancient Indian History,
Gujarat Vidyapitha, Late Secretary, Gujarat Puratattva Mandira, Ahmedabad.
.
[ Part II ] NOTES
by - RAMCHANDRA B. ATHAYALE M. A.
Professor of SanskȚta, S. L. D. Arts College, Late Professor of Sansksta, Gujarat Vidyapitha, Bhau-Daji Prize-man, Bhandarkar Prize-man.
Ahmedabad. With a FOREWORD
by Dr. ANANDSANKAR B. DHRUVA
Pro-Vice-Chancellor & Principal
Benares Hindu University.
SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA VIDYALAYA
BOMBAY

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CONTENTS
Vol. II
[ Part 1 ] Introduction
I: Critical Account of the Mss. etc.
I-X
II Introduction to the History of
Gujarat as a Background to the Life & Times of Hemachandra
XI-CCLXII
III The Life & the Works :: of Hemachandra CCLXIII-CCCXXX
Corrections & Additions CCCXXXI
[ Part II ] Notes
Preface . ... ... Notes on Adhyāyas I-VIII
... ...
iii 1—276

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Publishers' Preface
We have great pleasure in placing before the
public this complete edition of Kâvyânuṣâsana, as a masterly work of Sri Hemachandrâchârya the Great Jain Scholar with Alamkârachuḍāmaṇi and Viveka commentaries by the same author. This scholarly work of Sahitya is almost the last word on the Science of Poetics dealing with all the branches of the interesting subject of Rasas, Alamkâras etc. The treatment of the subject is most scientific and elucidation of its various branches is clear and attractive and in fact leaves nothing to be desired.
With a view to prepare important Jain Works in the interests of the general public keeping in 'view its admission for the University curriculum, a resolution was passed by the Managing Committee of Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya in the year 1928 to undertake publication of useful works for University purposes after getting prepared texts with notes thereon on modern lines; and in the first place they selected this great work of Hemachandrâchârya and entrusted the execution of the work to Mr. Rasiklal C. Parikh a scholar of great learning? IN VARIS
It is true that a considerable period has elapsed in carrying out the job, but the delay has been sufficiently compensated by the great care taken in preparing the correct copy of the text and supplementing the same by various important indexes which have literally enhanced the usefulness of the book. The same is calculated to facilitate Sahitya Students and research scholars in the matter of references,
OF
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But the more important part of the work is the history of Gujarat culminating with Hemchandracharya at the hands of Mr. Parikh. He has spared no pains to maake the history very useful and informative. The value of the treatment is enhanced by the writer's supporting almost every statement thereof by quoting relevant authorities. In our view this part of the work will bę.. landmark in the history of Gujarati literature, and being useful bath from historical as well 20 literary points of view, is sure to find its permanent plase in the literary world. .
. 0 Professor Athavale has prepared notes on the cniginal text and commentary. He being a specialist on the science of Poetics has spared no .pains to make the notes useful to the students of Sāhitya and has added to its usefulness by quoting and comparing the subjects under discussion with views of other scholars dealing with the subject of Sāhitya. The foreword at the hands of Acharya Dr. Anandshankar B. Dhruva has added to the intrinsic value of the publication.
If this publication meets with a proper response Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya is very likely to think of undertaking publication of Jain works of general utility with critical notes. For sometime past critical publication 'of Jain works has been considered a great necessítýarid we hope this publication will be considered 2 step towards removal of that long felt want. It is now For the public to judge about the utility of the book. Vidyalaya Buildings
Motichand G. Kapadia GoHatia Tanis Road,
Chandulal S. Modi 1st February 1998,
Hon Socr. i Shri Mahavira Jhina Vidyalaya.

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FOREWORD
It is with much pleasure that I contribute a brief
Foreword to this excellent edition of Hemacharidus "Kãvyānuśāsana" which has been prepared by two young scholars--Adhyāpaka Rasiklal C. Parikli, of Gujarāt Vidyāpītha and Professor R. Bi Abhavale, formerly of the same Vidyāpītha and now Professor of Sanskrit at the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Arts College, Ahmedabad.
My "Foreword" has necessarily to be brief in view of the elaborate Introduction, carefully edited Text: of the Sūtrās and the two commentaries, the numerous Appendices and the explanatory Notes already make a volume of more than a thousand pages.
The Introduction is more than an ordinary prefate giving the life of the author, enumerating his works and assesing their values. It sets forth the history of the Province to which the author belonge, from the - earliest times recorded in the Purāņas upto those, of Siddharāja and Kumarapala--the two celebrated kings of Gujarāt, who were great patrons of learning and were closely associated with Hemacandracārya in Hils literary and religious activities. The purpose, which the editors have in view relating this, long story is to provide a background to the life and times of

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Hemacandra', who is not only 'a conspicuous personality in the social and political history of Gujarat and one of the greatest apostles of the Jaina Church,' but is, at the same time, an important figure in the history of the Language and Literature of the whole of India. The chapter on Apabhramsa in his "Sabdanusāsana” remains to this day the standard work on the language which is the immediate forerunner of more than one modern language of India. Similarly, his Chandonu sāsana" supplies information regarding the Prosody of Prakṛta and Apabhramsa which is found nowhere else. His "Desinamamala" is a unique work which contains a rich treasure of Desya words which formed part of the vocabulary of ancient and medieval Indian Languages.
In writing "Sabdanusāsana", "Chandonusāsana" and "Kāvyānusāsana", Hemacandra had for his object the preparation of works on three main branches of learning-Grammar, Prosody and Poetics-works which the Jainas could call their own. Although these works were also given other proper names*, namely, "Siddha
C
Here are two intriguing questions: What is the name of this book? Does the name काव्यानुशासन' stand for the sūtras only or does it cover the commentary ('अलङ्कारचूडामणि ') also ?
As regards the latter, the editors say: The Sutras and the Alamkaracudamaṇi form one work and are to-gether referred to as “Kāvyānušāsana,' though, strictly speaking, according to the colophons at the end of the manuscripts of the work, the Alamkaracuḍāmaņi is a commentary on the Kavyanusăsana and therefore the title Kävyänusāsana should be taken to denote the Sutras only." To the evidence of the colophong, I would add the more decisive evidence of the mangala verse of
AR
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66

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Hemacandra","Chandovičiti” and “Alamkáracídamaņi", they were for the Jainas '-782',-'ara'- and 12-8997197's or the Sciences of Grammar, Prosody and Poetics respectively..
the Alamkāracudamani ("प्रणम्य परमात्मानं निजं काव्यानुशासनम् etc" which I am inclined to regard as the mangalācaraña of Baserचूडामणि and not of काव्यानुशासन which has its own mangala
Benfsa etc.') which speaks of '#162113=TIAT'as the name of the work of which 873EREAfo is the commentary. Against this, however, is to be set the statement at the commencement of faa "67&TISTIHEITI faan: sfarza" that faas is a commentary on काव्यानुशासन where by 'काव्यानुशासन ' we have to understand the सूत्र or कारिका-cum-अलङ्कारचूडामणि since विवेक is actually a commentary not on one but on both. This apparent inconsistency is to be explained as arising from the fact that Hemacandra first composed the Sūtras and gave them the title '615219aaa and to them he added an explanatory fat which he called 874381 TETAP, and the two together were intended to be the Šāstra of f1z7 ($TOPISTAR ').
A still more difficult question is -Is' (521ETAR' the name of the book or its description ? Possibly, it is the latter, meaping merely ' a work of Poetics' like to igraa' which means a work of Grammar' the proper name of the work being facet or fama(Cf 'FAAT AFATTENTICITA ' in the colophon of Hemacandra's Grammar. Cfalso what Hemacandra himself says under verse 2 of Fragana viz. ETETIQTIR femeazafia.) On the same lines, "grafaffet" and not 'BETERTIAR' would seem to be the name of the book, the latter being only a description meaning 'a work on prosody. And yet these books are known more by their descriptive Dames namely, BRERIAAs of different subjects, rather than by the proper Dames such as 'PAGEA ' etc.

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In the preparation of these special works Hemachandra has been sometimes charged with 'plagiarism'. For example, in his work on Poetics with which we are here concerned, Hemacandra is accused of 'borrowing wholesale' from “Kávyamîmāmsā", "Kavyaprakasa ", "Dhvanyaloka ” and “Locana”. But an impartial study of his work would show that Hemacandra wants the Jainas to know all that the Brahmaņas knew, and consequently he does not hesitate to reproduce the wisdom of his Brāhmaṇa predecessors, while making substantial addition to the stores he has inherited. Now, to compare the works from which he is said to have" borrowed wholesale ”with his "Kávyånušāsana": "Kávyamīmāmsā is a brilliant miscellany on
topics relating to Poetry, which, although it can claim ..originality in the matter of ideas and the mode of : presenting them, does not pretend to be a systematic
treatise like the "Kāvyaprakāśa" or the "Kāvyānusāsana". The author of the "Kāvyaprakāśa" tries to work out a synthesis-it is at least a syncretism-of all the theories of Poetry from Bhâmaha downwards, and produces a comprehensive work on Poetics. Yet in so doing he
leaves Dramaturgy out in the cold, except in so far : as it is connected with Rasa. This omission Hema
candra duly supplies, and does what Visvanátha does in the "Sahityadarpaņa" in a later age. The “Dhvanyā. loka" and the. "Locana” deal with only a certain aspect or type of Poetry and their scope is more limited than that of the Kávyaprakāśa and à fortiori than that of the "Kāvyānušāsana". • In justification of the wide range of their Introduction the editors remark that "the cultural life of

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the city of Anahilavāda Pattaña"-with which Hema. candra was connected—was in the high tradition of Pāšaliputra, Ujjayinī, Kānyakubja, Valabhi and Bhinnamāla", and thus the history of the kingdoms and empires of which these cities were capitals becomes distinctly relevant. The editors have accordingly collected information from all possible sources-such as, accounts of travellers, descriptions in literary works, architectural remains, and inscriptions on stones and copper-plates together with such legends in the Purāņas and the Prabandhas as are not inconsistent with proved historical facts. This makes the Introduction well worth study in order to realise the place of Gujarat and its greatest savant in the history of India.
Bombay August 22, '37
A. B. Dhruva

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नमोऽस्तु हेमचन्द्राय विशदा यस्य धीप्रभा । विकासयति सर्वाणि शास्त्राणि कुमुदानीव ॥
--संपादकस्य.

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X
INTRODUCTION SYNOPSIS
Pages
1-X Critical Account of Manuscripts
IVI Text
VI-X Indexes II INTRODUCTION to the History of Gujarat
as a Back-ground to The Life & Times of Hemachandra
XI_CCLXII 1. Preliminary remarks on Hemachandra xi-xii. 2 Geographical definition of Gujarat and its
ancient divisions xiii.-XV. The bearing of the Puráņas on the early history of Gujarat xvi--xxii, Anartta & Anarttapura xvi, Revata & Dvárakı xvii, Raivatas & Yādavas; Haihayas and Bhrgu
kachcha xviii-xix. Kęshna and Nemi xix-xxii. 4 Maritime activity and colonization xxii-xxy. 5 Gujarat in Maurya times xx-xxxii. The
famous rock of Girnar bearing the inscriptions of Asoka, Rudradāman and Skandagupta XXV-xxvi. Chandragupta, The Arthaşastra, Asoka, The Thirteen Dhammalipis, Samprati
xxvi-xxxii. 6 Bactrian-Greek rule xxxii-xxxiii. 7 The Kshatrapa period xxxiii-xliii. Two
dynasties xxxiii. Nahapāna xxxiv—xxxvi. Chashtana xxxvi-xxxvii. Jayadaman xxxvii. Rudradāman xxxvii-xli; The Girnar rock inscription; Repairs done to the Lake

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8 9
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Sudarsana xxxvii--xl. Suvişākha the Pahlava Officer xl. Other Kshatrapa rulers xli- xliii. Sanghadaman and the maritime power of Gujarat xlii-xliii. An early Jain inscription xliii. The Traikūţaka Power xliii-xlv. The Gupta Rule xlv-xlviii. Chandragupta II & Kumāragupta xlv. (a) Skandagupta xlvi-xlviii (b) Girinagara Capital of Gujarat xlviii. The Kingdom of Valabhi xlviii-- xxxiii. Şri Bhattārka, Who were the Maitrakas ? xlviii-lii. Records for two hundred & sixtyfive years li. Dharasena I and Droņasimha-liii; Dharuvasena I. & Guhasena; Dharasena II liii-lviii; Sri Şilāditya Dharmāditya & Kharagraha lviii-lxii. Description of Gujarat given by Yuan Chang; Silāditya lix-lxi. Dhruvasena II Son-in-law of the Emperor Harsha lxiii-xiv. Dharasena IV Chakravartin; Bhatti & the author of the Bhatti Kāvya or Rāvanavadha lxiv—Ixvii. Derabhatta, Dhruvasena III Ixvii-lxviii. Kharagraha II ixviii. Şilādityas II to VII Ixviii---- xix. Which Silāditya is referred to by Soddhala in his Udayasundarī Katha? \xix-lxxi. Importance of Valabhi and its early history: References in the Dasakumāracharita and the Kathāsaritsagara Ixxi---xxii. Devarddhigani Kshamásramaņa and the redaction of the Jain canon lxxii. Description of Valabhi from Yuan Chang's Travels lxxii-lxxiii. The Great Sanghārā ma of Arhat Achara and the caves in the Talājā hill; Researches of Mr. Hiralal A. Shah;Valabhi as a centre of learning lxxv-lxxvii.

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Bhatti and his Bhattikavya; Mallavadin-the author of the Nayachakra lxxvi-lxxvii. Valabhi as a centre of trade and commerce lxxviilxxviii. Review of the state of different religions lxxviii-lxxix. Administration in Valabhi lxxix-lxxxii. Fall of Valabhi lxxxii-lxxxiii. 11 The Kingdom of Bhinnamala or Ṣrīmāla lxxxiii-cii. Importance of Bhinnamala lxxxiii; Description from Yuan Chang's Travels lxxxiii— lxxxiv. The Javanese Tradition Ixxxiv. Gurjaras Ixxxiv-lxxxviii. Description of the ruins of Bhinnamala given by Mr. Jackson lxxxviii-ixc. The Account of the Srimala Purana ixc-xciii. Descriptions of the city from Yuan Chang's Travels and the Prabhavakacharita xciii-xciv. Description of the broken statue xciv-xcv. Dates preserved by the local tradition xcv. Varmalata, Magha, Vidyaṣālā, Brahmagupta, Siddharshi, Haribhadrasūri, Uddyotanasuri, The Kuvalayamālākatha xcv-xcix. A Short Account of the Political History of Bhinnamala xcix-cii. The Kingdom of Anahillapura CIII-CCLXII. 12 Chavada Rulers. Sources: History of the Chavaḍa clan. Discussion on the connection of Chavaḍas with the Chapas of Bhinnamalā ciii-cx. Vanarāja cx-cxiv. Ninnaya and Lahara of the Pragvaṭa family cxiii. Monuments built by Vanaraja cxiii-cxiv, Yogaraja and other rulers cxiv-cxvi. Monuments built. by them cxv. Cultural point of view cxvi. Discussion on a verse quoted in the Praban dhachintamani referring to Jaina-mantra cxvi.

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Chalukya Rulers-Mūlarāja to'Karņa cxvi-clxii. Sources : cxvi-cxvii; How Mūlarāja got the throne ? cxviii-cxix; Mūlarāja exix--cxxx; Copper-plate-grants cxix--cxxiii; Geneology of Mūlarāja. His connection with Sri Vyālakānchi. Chālukyas of Gujarat from the North or the South ? cxxcxxii. Accounts from the Dvyäşraya, the Suk’tasamkīrtana and the Prabandhachintāmani. Wars with Grāharipu and Dvārapa cxxiii-cxxvii. Mūlarāja's Dominion cxxviii. Monuments such as Rudramahālaya and Important personages cxxviiicxxx. Chāmuṇda & Durlabha cxxx--cxxxiv. Vīra and Virācharya, Lalla-Sarmā, Munja etc. Monuments. Bhima I cxxxiv—cl. Sources : Copper-plate grants cxxxiv-cxxxv. Account from the D. K. A discussion on the expedition of Mohmud Gazani cxxxvi-cxxxviii. Political and cultural rivalry between Gujarat & Mālava cxxxviii-cixl. Aşahillapara as a centre of intellectual activity: Govindáchārya, Surācharya, Jnānadeva, Someşvara. The Suvihita monks and the Chaityavāsi monks. Sridhara and Srīpati alias Jineşvara and Buddhiságara. The Kaula poet Dharma. Santi sūri and Muni Chandra cixl-cxlviii. Political personages, Bala Malarāja. Monuments etc. cxlviii-cl. Karna ciclxii. Copper-plates. His victories, etc. c.-clii. The Karņasundarīnāļitka clii. cliv. Karna's romantic marriage with Mayaşalla, their ideal love, the birth of Jayasimha etc. as described by the D. K. cliv-clvi; Karpa

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à devotee of Hari clviii. Monunients clviii. Bilhaņa & Abhayadevasūri clix--clxij. Jayasimha Siddharāja clxii-cxcvii. Preliminary remarks. Sources : Inscriptions, Colophors etc. The D. K. etc. clxii-clxiv. At what age J. was crowned clxiv ? Main events of J. Siddharāja's reign clxv-clxxxiii. Empire of Jayasimha : J's policy of appointing his own governors clxxxiiiclxxxiv. Monuments : Rudramahalaya; A temple of Mahāvīra, Pilgrimage to Somanātha, The Sahasralinga Lake clxxxiv-cxc. Principal Personages: Mayaņallă, Sampatkara, Munjāla, Mahādeva, Asvāka, Dādāka, Kesava, etc. cxc-cxciv. The account of Al-Idris cxciv-cxcv. His pouplarity etc.. cxcv-cxcvi. His last days
cxcviCxcvij. 15. Kumārapāla cxcvii-ccxxxi. Sources : Inscri
ptions etc. The D. K., Ku. Prai etc. Early wanderings, and succession to the throne cxcvii-cci. Main events cci-ecx. Promulgation of Amāri etc. ccx-ccxii; Repairing the temples of Kedaresvara and Somanātha. The building of Kumāravihāra and Kumārapālesvara in Aşahilla pura ccxiii-ccxv. The conquest of Konkaņa ccxv-ccxviii. The Empire of Kumāra pāla ccxviii-ccxx. Principal Political Personages: Mahādeva, Kakka, Yaşodhavala, Udayana, Vāgbhata, Amrabhata, Sajjana, Vaijjaladeva, etc. Vasāha Abhada, the Treasurer Kapardin, Amiga etc..ccxx--ccxxix. The question of succession and the death of Kumārapāla ccxxixCCXXX. A few remarks

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18 : on the decline of the Gujarat Empire
ccxxx--ccxxxi. 16 The City of Aşahillapura ccxxxi--ccxlii: 17. Learned men contemporary to Hemachandra.
ccxlii--cclxii. General remarks ccxliii-ccxlv. Vīrcāharya, Vādi Simha-the Sămkhya dialectician ccxlvi-ccxlvii. Vädi Devasūri, The Kumudachandra--debate & the Learned Assembly of Jayasimha Siddharaja ccxlviicclv. The Poet Laureate Srīpala, Devabodha of the Bhāgavata school cclv-cclxi. Bhāva Brhaspati-the Ganda of Somanātha cclxi. Vägbhata, Vardhamānasūri, Māņikyachandra
etc. cclxi-cclxii. HI The LIFE and the WORKS of Hemachandra
CCLXIII-CCCXXX 18 : An account of the life of Hemachandra ..cclxiii--ccxic. Sources cclxiii-cclxiv. Account
from the Kumārapāla pratibodha cclxiv-cclxvii. Dates from the Prabhavākacharita cclxvii. When Hemachandra was initiated ? cclxviiicclxix. What was the religion of Hemachandra's father ? Other events cclxix--cclxx. A discussion on Hemachandra's education cclxxicclxxiii. When and How did Hemachandra and Siddharāja meet? cclxxiii-cclxxv. When and How the Siddha- Hema was written? cclxxv-cclxxix. Religious advice of Hema. chandra to Jayasimha and Hemachandra's -liberal and truly philosophic: outlook on religious matters cclxxix-cclxxxiii. Hemachan. dra's contact with Kumarapala, When did it

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begin ? Dr. Bühler's view discussed cclxxxiiicclxxxvi. Hemachandra's influence on Kumarapala. A discussion on Kumārapāla's conversion. cclxxxvi-ccxic. Effect of Kumārapāla's efforts to reform the ethical life of the people. Hemachandra's relationship with other influential persons ccxic. The death of Hemachandra. Pupils of Hemachandra
f. n. ccxic. 19 Literary work of Hemachandra ccxc-cccxii :: Preliminary remarks ccxc-ccxci. The
Siddha-Hema ccxciccxciii. The Abhidbā. nachintāmaņi and other Kosas ccxciii-ccxcvi. The Rayaņāvali or the Deşināmamālā; Prof. Pischel's criticism, Prof. Banerjee's answer. The Nighantusesha etc. ccxcvi-ccxcviii. Fulfiilment of Siddharaja's wish ccic. A description of Hemachandra's Academy ccc. The Samskrta Dvyāsrayakāvya & the P. D. K. CCC-ccci. The Kāvyānusāsana, The Chhandonuşāsana ccci-ccciii. The Pramāņamīmāmsā ccciii-cccy. The Public that Hemachandra had in view cccv. The Yogaşā. Stra cccv-cccvii. The Trishashţişalākā-purusha charita cccvii. The Vitaragastotra including the two Dvātrimşikas cccvii--cccix. General Remarks on Hemachandra's Literary works; Hemachandra as a writer of Sastras cccix-cccx. Hemachandra as a poet cccx-cccxii. Personality of Hemachandra
cccxii The Kāvyanusāsana
cccxii-cccxxvii 21 Chronology of
Hemachandra's works cccxxvii-cccxxx
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ऐतिहाति प्रमाणानि संशोध्य संगृहीतवान् । संभवासंभवौ तेषां परीक्ष्य. च यथामति ॥ प्रासकानस्मि . तात्पर्थमैतिहासिकवृत्तकं । कल्पितवानहं तस्माद् गूर्जरभूमिचित्रकम् ॥ गौरवं गूर्जरे देशे विवेकेऽसौ. बृहस्पतिः । इति यस्याभवत् ख्यातिः स कथं चिश्यते मया ॥ ख्यात्या तथैव किन्त्वस्मिञ्चापले प्रेरितोऽस्म्यहं । रेखास्खलनमन स्याद् वर्णिका शिथिला भवेत् ॥ प्रीयन्तां मयि विद्वांसः परीक्षणविचक्षणाः । यद्यत्र रुचिरं किंचिदापतेद् दृष्टिगोचरम् ॥

Page #22

Critical Account of Manuscripts
The present edition of the Kāvyānusāsana comprises the Sūtras numbering 208, the Alamkārachūņā maņi and the Viveka. It also includes a Saņskyta Tippaņa gathered from the margins of the palm-leaf manuscript printed in the form of an appendix to the main text. The Sūtras and the Alamkārachūdāmaņi form one work and are together referred to as Kāvyānuşāsana, though strictly speaking, according to the colophons at the end of the manuscripts of the work, the Alamkārachūņāmaņi is a commentary on the Kāvyānusāsana and therefore the title Kāvyānusāsana should be taken to denote the Sūtras only. Viveka is a seperate work, though the name Kāvyānuşāsana is sometimes loosely applied to it also. Hemachandra is the author of the Sūtras, the Alamkārachūdamaņi--the explanatory commentary on them, and the Viveka-the exhaustive commentary on the Alamkārachūdamaņi. The authorship of the Tippaña is unknown. Its contents are, probably, the notes of a student who took them down while studying the Kāvyānusāsana from some teacher of Poetics.
The text of the Kāvyānusāsana, that is, the Sūtras and the Alamkārachūdāmaņi is based upon three manu. scripts-one on palm-leaf and the other two on paper. They are described below.
1. P. The palm-leaf manuscript which is referred to in the text by the letter P is a manuscript from a Jaina manuscript library of Patan known as Tapāgaccha Bhandāra. It is six hundred years old, having

Page #23

Kavyanusasana
been written at Cambay in V. S. 1390 i. e. 1334 A. D. This P manuscript contains two works. Its first hundred and twenty-three leaves contain the Chhandonuṣāsanaa work of Hemachandra on metrics. The Kavyanusasana begins on the leaf No. 124B and ends on the leaf 252B. There is an additional leaf attached to this manuscript which gives some Prākṛata verses which are numbered from twenty-three to twenty-seven. It is probably a loose leaf of some Prākṛta work.
il
Leaves: 127;-one leaf being given there numbers 232, 233, 234.
Lines divided into two lengths of about 4" and 7". Length: about 14". Width: about 2".
Lines per page about 5 to 6, rarely 4.
Letters per line: about 60 or 65. Writing-measure: about 11" x 1" to 12".
There are three margins-two on sides and one in the middle having a hole in it for a string to tie the manuscript with. On the a-page of a leaf there is a red thumb-mark on the middle margin and on the b-page there are three such marks on the three margins. The leaves are numbered on the b side, the left-hand margin giving the conventional letters to indicate the number and the right-hand margin giving the figures.1 The Tippana is written on these margins as well as on the upper and lower spaces of leaves, as also, sometimes, in between the lines.
1 For this and other interesting matter pertaining to old manuscripts see the Introduction to Sammatitarka Vol. V. edited by Pandita Sukhalal and Pandita Bechardas. See also Muni Punyavijayaji's article in the Jaina Chitra Kalpadruma edited and published by Mr. Sarabhai M. Navab, Ahmedabad.
1.

Page #24

Critical Account of Manuscripts
Leaf 124A : Some letters are rubbed out.
Leaves 134B and 135A : ink has faded, consequently, many letters cannot be deciphered.
Leaf 172 : An oblong hole on the right-hand end of about 2" length, not interferring with the writing; it must have been there before the leaf was written upon.
The leaves of the manuscript are on the whole in a good condition, though their right and left sides are slowly breaking; consequently, the Tippaña on those sides has suffered.
The manuscript begins : 11.çol Bag Tote 77AKHIR ete., and ends : 11 entrare sitaniafatiaagihiT87. AfTHNETT 984179 Geiga E. (252b) pitetezatsegin: LA: ll all ब॥ श्लोकसंख्याग्रंथ २८०० ॥ छ ॥ सं. १३९० वर्षे चैत्र सुदि २ भौमे ॥ siteriaatio fosfænafea il coll Jänat ug 03 11
2. I. This is a paper manuscript from the Bhandarkara Oriental Research Institute, Poona; it is therfore named I. It is more than five hundred years old being written in V. S. 1476 i. e. 1420 A. D.
Leaves : 117 Length about 11"; Width : about 41". Lines per page : about 11. Letters per line : about 36.
Writing bold and clear. The margins of the last twenty leaves are soiled; consequently, the numbering of the leaves cannot be read distinctly. I begins ॥ अहं ॥ प्रणम्य परमात्मानं etc. Ends : B7Chèseqra: a:
H ill Maican #TTETमणिवृत्तिः कृतिरियं महाकविश्रीहेमचन्द्रसूरीणां || (S॥ ग्रंथाग्रं श्लोक संख्या

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Kavyanusasana २७३३ ॥ भग्नपृष्टिकटिग्रीवाबद्धमुष्टिरधोमुखं । कष्टेन लिखितं शास्त्रम् यत्नेन प्रतिgrosha li saa 980€ að från en af acanti In red ink : साहाश्रीवछाभार्या बाइ गुरुदे सुत साह सहिस्रकिरणेन भंडारे गृहीत्वा सुतशांतिदास affaigara u a: I
3. L. A paper manuscript from the Jaina Bhandāra of Limbdi in Kathiawad referred to in the text by the letter L.
Leaves : 68. Length : 98"; Width : 44. Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line : about 45. Begins as usual and ends BTEATSE9712: FAIA:
The Viveka is based upon three paper manuscripts. All the three are from a Jaina manuscript Library at Patan known as Sanghano Bhandāra. They are referred to in the text by the letters A, B, and C. A and B are written in clear and beautiful handwriting and they generally agree in their readings. C is not written so well and often differs in its readings from A and B. The three manuscripts are described below.
4. A. This manuscript is more than three hundred years old-having been written in V. S. 1668 i. e. 1612 A. D.
Leaves : 85. Length : 10"; Width : 4.4". Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line : about 55.
On the margin of the leaf 56B a figure is drawn to illustrate the verse.
A begins on 1B with an auspicious mark, then comes 11 e il faig qaracecaj etc.
Ends staranie Tharafat [fa] à faali sehsza: 11 11

Page #26

Critical Account of Manuscripts
ग्रंथास ४००० संवत् १६६८ वर्षे आषाढ वद ४ []दने वारसोमे लक्षतं सुभं भवतु ॥ श्री कल्याणमस्तु ॥ छ ॥
5. B. This manuscript is also more than three hundred years old having been written in V. S. 1668 i. e. A. D. 1612 - a month before the last one.
Leaves : 84.
Length 10-4"; Width : 4•2". Lines per page : about 15. Letters per line about 51.
Some leaves in this manuscript seem to be substitutes for the older ones which were, probably soiled. B. begins like A.
Ends इत्याचार्य श्री हेमचन्द्र विरचितेविवेकेऽष्टमोध्यायः समाप्तः ॥ छ ॥ प्रन्थानं ४००० संवत् १६६८ वर्षे ज [जे] ठसूद २ शुक्ले ॥
On the margin of the leaf 84B, in a different handwriting, is written the word काव्यानुशासनकथा ॥. Some scribe, not knowing what the Kavyānuṣāsana was, thought it to be a katha or a story.
6. C. This manuscript is not its calligraphy seems to be older Where A and B failed to give correct readings this manuscript proved very helpful.
Leaves : 79.
Length : 10; Width : 4•4” Lines per page : about 15.
Letters per line : about 56.
C. begins on the leaf 1B with auspicious marks. Then comes श्री गणेशाय नमः । श्री सारदायै नमः | श्री गुरुभ्यो नमः । ॥ अहं ॥ विवरीतुं क्वचिद्दब्धं etc.
Ends इत्याचार्य श्री हेमचन्द्रविरचिते विवेकेऽष्टमोध्यायः समाप्तः ॥ व ॥ प्रथमं श्लोकसहस्रचत्वारि ॥ अके ४००० ॥ ब ॥ श्री ॥ छ ॥ श्री ॥ श्री ॥ ब ॥ श्री ॥ शुभं भवतुः ! कल्याणं ॥
॥

dated, but from than A and B.

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Kavyanusasana
On the margin of 79B in the same handwriting अलंकारचूडामणि विवेको पत्र ७९.
7. N. This is the printed edition of the Kāvyānu sāsana with the Viveka, published by the Nirnaya Sāgara Press, Bombay, and referred to in the present text by the letter N. The readings of its Kāvyänusāsana portion mostly agree with I. Viveka in the N edition is so hopelessly incorrectly printed that at several places one can make nothing of the text.?
The Text
In preparing the text of the Sūtras and the Alamkā. rachūdāmani P has been adopted as the basis and its defects and mistakes have been corrected with help of the I, the L, and at a few places with the help of N.
The text of the Viveka is not based upon any one manuscript, because none of the three is sufficiently correct in its readings to be adopted as the basis of the text. However, providentially enough, the three together have corrected one another and provided a tolerably good text. A comparison of the Viveka of the present edition with that of the Nirnaya Sāgara will bear out this remark.
Readings other than those adopted in the present text are noted in the foot-notes. The variants of the Kāvyānusāsana and the Viveka are numbered together consecutively. A careful persual of these
1 For other details about the manuscripts such as dropping of passages, change in the order of words, lacunae etc. see pp. 31, 34, 40, 50, 53, 54, 59, 60, 81, 96, 99, 129, 142, 156, 188, 202, 205, 260, 262, 265, 296, 302, 311, 313, 318, 321, 327, 356, 386, 404, 419, 431, 437, 466 etc. of the text.

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The Text
vit variants will show that I have erred on the side of giving too many rather than too few. The reason is obvious: a scholar should be given as much material as possible in judging the correctness of the text and as much scope as possible in selecting his own readings. But such errors in readings as appeared unmistakably due to scribes' ignorance, or carelessness are not noted; for example, the dropping of anusvāra mark which is so usual, or the forgetting to put the top curve on long (see p. 4, f. n. 2), or the misplacing of refa (see p. 37. f. n. 3), or the misplacing of letters, or the changnig of order of words (p. 377) etc.?
In the selection of readings, as indicated above, those of P are generally given preference, though sometimes those of I which are noted in the footnotes seemed more correct (see p. 45 F. N. I for 9779 and ugiat ), because it is the oldest available manuscript of the Kāvyānuşāsana. In the case of the Viveka when none of the three manuscripts gave a correct reading sometimes it had to be framed by putting the readings of A and B, and C together (see pp. 93 F. N. 3. 471a7ra:tet), or sometimes by changing the order of the letters; see for example, p. 154 where C giving मनसि, and A and B both giving मतसि, the reading adopted in the text is qafe which was what the context required.
In addition to these six manuscripts and the Nirnaya Sāgar edition, printed editions of works which have been utilized or referred to in the Kāvyānusāsana and the Viveka have been consulted for the comparison of readings. The various readings of these have
i See also pp. 56, 90, 269, 371, 426 etc.

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VIII
Kavyanusasana
been noted in the footnotes and some of them have, even, been adopted in the text. The Nātyaşāstra of Bharata with the published portions of Abhinavagupta's commentary, the Kāvyādarsa of Dandin, the KāvyaSutrālamkāra of Vāmana, the Kāvyamīmāņsā of Rājaşekhara, the Dasarūpaka with the Avaloka of Dhanika and other works have proved very useful in the task of guessing correct readings.
As will be apparent on a persual of the pages of the Samskrta text, the Kāvyānusāsana and the Viveka are printed in different types, and the Viveka is printed below the Kāvyānūsāsana. In the Kāvyānūšāsana, the Sūtras are printed in black types. All of them are numbered. After the end of the first adhyāya the Sūtras have two numbers, the left-hand one indicating the continuous number while the right-hand one the number in the adhyāya. These have been noted at the head of every page; e. g. p. 128: (84) 24. 25. 98. Here y's is the continuous number while 99 is the number of the Sūtra in the second adhyāya.
All the quotations are also numbered continuously. Those that come in as illustrations are numbered in Devanāgarī figures, while those that come in as authorities are numbered in Arabic ones. Quotations in the Viveka are also numbered in the same way though separately.
I have made an attempt to trace the quotations
1 See the footnotes on pp. 17, 27; 64 for the Vakyapadiya and its commentary; 81, 100, 108, 141, 169, 182, 184, 197, 275, 286; for the Manusmrti 317; 335, for a Prakrta verse of the Mudrarakshasa quoted in SamskȚta chhāyā in the text 354; 368, 411 etc,

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The Text
to their original sources. In many cases, in this trying task, such works as the Subhāshitāvali (B. S. S.), Kavindravachanasamuchchaya, Saduktikarņāmrta and others have proved very helpful. Heart-felt thanks are due to their editors. At the end of every quotation a rectangular bracket is placed and the names of the works are entered therein. Empty brackets indicate that I did not succeed in tracing the original work up to the time of printing it. Some references were found later on and are given in the addenda. I hope that the empty brackets will be handy to scholars in entering the references whenever they are traced. In the first few forms I put the names of authors as given in the Subhāshitāvalī and other works, but later on gave up the practice as misleading and only mentioned the name Su. etc,
I have, wherever possible, looked into the original works and compared the quotations with the respective passages. This has, sometimes, shown discrepancies which may drive one to interesting conclusions. For example, refer to pp. 63-64. There Bhartrhari is referred to by name, and the verses Hauffà azia etc. are given. Of these the first verse is found in the Benaras S. S. edition of the Vākyapadīya but not the second algeziniraat etc. A careful study of the commentary of Puạyarāja on this verse, and that of the verse No. 316 itself which contains the words औचित्य, देश etc. in the light of the quotation of the Kāvyānusāsana will give some interesting points for the text of the Vākyapadīya. Or refer to the page 89 where Daņdin is mentioned by name and a verse of his quoted; and study the footnote thereon. The verse as quoted in

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Kavyanusasana
the Kāvyānusāsana is not found in the Kāvyādarsa but it can be gathered from two verses 281 - 282 of the second parichchheda of the K. D. Or study the footnotes on pp. 275 - 286 where Dandin and Vāmana are often mentioned by name and compare the quotations with the original. In the case of Daņdin one is almost tempted to assume a Sūtra-work on Poetics different from the Kāvyādarma
Indexes I have given seven indexes which are printed after the Kāvyānusāsana and the Viveka. The first one gives the alphabetical index of all the Samskrta and Prākrta illustrations - in verse and in prose - with the names of the works wherever found in rectangular brackets; the second one similarly gives all the authorities quoted; the third one Prakrta verses separately with their Samskýta translations; the fourth one gives all the Sūtras in the alphabetical order; the fifth one gives the names of works and authors mentioned by Hemachandra; while the sixth one gives those put in by the editor; the seventh one gives technical words, place - names and other important words, indicating only important references. In view of the fact that the Kāvyānusāsana - especially the Viveka - is a mine of information regarding Samskặta Poetics, these indexes, particularly the last one, I hope, will be of some service to the students of Samskrta Poetics and Poetry.
After these indexes is printed the appendix giving the Tippaña. In editing the Țippaņa I have taken the liberty of emending the text at a few places.

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II
Introduction to the History of Gujarat - as a Back-ground to
The Life & Times of Hemachandra
1
Hemachandra the author of the Kävyänuṣāsana - is a remarkable figure in the history of Samskṛta Literature and Learning, a conspicuous personality in the social and political history of Gujarat and one of the greatest apostles of the Jaina Church. Like every other great man he was moulded by, as well as a moulder of, his times. He lived in an age when Gujarāt was reaching its zenith in all activities of life, in fact, in the glorious age of the history of Gujarat. Politically, economically, and culturally Gujarāta was reaching its high watermark in the reigns of Siddharaja Jayasimha (V. S. 1150 V. S. 1199), and Kumārpāla (V. S. 1199-V. S. 1230) with both of whom he was in intimate contact. The intellectual and cultural life of the city of Aṇahilavaḍa Pattana was in the high tradition of Pataliputra, Ujjayinī, Kanyakubja, Valabhi and Bhinnamala. The fondness of its rulers and merchant princes for raising architectural monuments had resulted in some of the finest temples at Aṇahilavāḍa Pattana, Moḍhera, Siddhapura, Somanatha, Arbudachala (Mt. Abu) and many other places, and had created a whole class of master - builders who were in demand even in the South.* And these temples were not only
-
-
* See Burgess The Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat pp. 21-22. See also, references from Manimek halai: There in The Beginning of South Indian History: p. 137. " is mention of a temple of the most beautiful workmanship in the same city (Puhar) built by the Gurjjars.'

19

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Kavyanusasana sanctuaries of religion; they were sanctuaries of arts also. Through a contemporary description of the temple Kumāravihāra by Rāmachandra – a worthy pupil of Hemachandra, we get a glimpse of the arts of sculpture, painting, music, dancing and play - acting as they were being fostered in these temples. All this culture had behind it the munificence of its merchant - princes whose fabulous wealth was the fruit of their sea - faring adventures. The religious outlook of the age was one of admirable toleration though now and then enlivened by the priestly rivalries of different sects.
Such a development of the life of the people had behind it its peculiar cultural history of centuries. The culture of the city of Aņāhilavāda and Gurjaradesa in the time of Hemachandra was not the result only of its own history of centuries. As the city and the kingdom governed from it developed, it directly inherited the accumulated cultural traditions of Bhinnamāla, Valabhi, and Girinagara and indirectly those of Kanyakubja, Ujjayinī and even of Pāšaliputra. One may say, without any fear of serious contradiction, that though the rulers were changing and causing some political disturbances, the general cultural life of Gujarăta and Málavā together was a matter of continuous growth. It may be noted that when, in history, Gujarāta and Malavā did not form one political unit, they often waged bitter wars against each other, and as a result, were joined together.
. So, to get a clear perspective of the age in which Hemachandra lived and of his relation to it, it will not be regarded as altogether out of place if I make an attempt to present a short survey of the history of Gujarat, keeping in view cultural points and links wherever possible.

Page #34

Introduction
xiit
2 . The philological derivation of the word Gujarāt is still a matter of controversy.* It may, however, geographically be said to occupy the north-east corner of the Western India. 'But for historical purposes it is necessary to define it in greater detail. Following the two great authorities on the history of Gujarāt The Bombay Gazeteer Vol. 1 (hereafter referred to as the B G.) and the Rásamālā we may define its boundaries more exactly as follows : To the North of Gujarat is Mārwād; to the north - east Ābu and other outliers of Aravali range. The east is guarded and limited by rough forest land rugged in the north with wide spurs of the Vindhyas, more open towards the central natural highway from Baroda to Kutlam, and southwards again rising and roughening into the northern off – shoots from the main range of the Sātpuļās. The southern limit is uncertain. History somewhat doubtfully places it at the Tāpti. Language carries Gujarata about a hundred miles further to Balsār and Pārời where forest - covered hills from the north end of the Sahyadri range stretch west almost to the sea. The Gulf of Cambay and the Arabian Sea wash its southern and south-western shores. The Gulf of Cutch and a salt and sometimes innundated desert called the Raņa are the boundaries to the west and north - west.'
"The least protected part of this frontier line, and that by which Gujarăta has usually been invaded," says the author of the Rásamālā, " is on the north - west,
* See the section on the Gurjaras. See also Divetia's The Gujarati Language and Literature. pp. 34 35.

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Xtv
Kavyanusasand
where a sandy plain intervenes between the desert and the foot of Mount Abu. "
The province includes two parts, Mainland Gujarata or Gurjjararashtra and Peninsular Gujarāta the Saurashtra of ancient, the Kathiawar of modern history. To a total area of about 72,000 square miles Mainland Gujarata with a length from north to south of about 280 miles and a breadth from east to west varying from 50 to 150 miles contributes 45,000 square miles; and Peninsular Gujarāta with a greatest length from north to south of 155 miles and from east to west of 200 miles contributes about 27,000 miles. " (Bombay Gazetter Vol. 1; p. 1).
(6
The use of the name of Gurjaratra, Gujarata or Gurjaradeṣa for this whole geographical portion is, comparatively, modern. As we shall see further on the word Gurjjara itself is found first in the Harshacharita of Bana (seventh century A. D.). I shall discuss this point when we come to describe Bhinnamala. I may be excused for the anachronism of using the name Gujarata before it actually came into use. It must not, however, be supposed that this province had no important history before it was known as Gujarāta.
In ancient times, different parts of Gujarata had their own names. The northern part the Mainland Gujarata was known as Anartta; the southern part as Lata which is referred to in older Samskṛt literature as Aparanta; and the Peninsular Gujarāta was known as Saurashtra or Surashtra or Surashtra. The boundaries of these districts were often changing, so it is not possible to delimit them exactly. In between Anartta

Page #36

Introduction
XV
and Lāta there was Svabhra - the region round about the river Svabhramats or Sā barmatī. Kachchha (or Cutch) was known by this very name from ancient times. The region round about Ābu was known as Maru. So that'... ...... Ānartta - Surāshtra - Svabhra - Maru - Kachchha......... Aparānta ........,' of the Girnar Rock Inscription of Rūdradāman of 150 A. D. practically gives us the whole of the present-day Gujarāta. Of these, references to Saurāshtra and Aparānta in older Samskýta literature are plenty.
References to the word Lăța in earlier literature are few. Lāțas are mentioned, in the Anuşāsanaparva of the Mahābhārata, among Kshatriya tribes. Lātas are also mentioned in Vātsyāyana's Kämasútra. Ptolemy (150 A. D. ) refers to the province of Lāta by the form Larike, while the Gulf of Cambay was known as the sea of Lar, and Al Masudi ( 944 A. D. ) calls it the Larwi sea (p. 510 the B. G.). Lāta is frequently mentioned in the incriptions and literature from the beginning of the fifth century* onward.
Mr. Altekar quotes a verse from the Mahābhārata which mentions Aparānta, the Paschima Samudra or the Western Sea and Prabhāsa where Arjuna made his pilgrimage. For Saurashtra or Surāshtra, the B. G. Vol. I. p. 1 refers to the Mahābhārata and Pāṇini's Gaņapātha. Mr. Altekar gives quotations from the Mahābhārata, the Rāmāyana, the Märkandeya, the Kürma and the Vishņu Purāņas, as well as from the Baudhāyana Sūtras, the grammer of Pāṇini and the Arthasāstra of Chāņakyax
* See for an interesting discussion of the origin of the word Lāča Mr. Ratnamaộirao Jhote's History of Cambay.
X Mr. S N. Majmudar - Sastri in his notes to the Ancient

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XY
Kavyanusasana
For the earliest history of India we have to rely upon the traditions preserved in the Puriņas. These sacred books, after the critical sifting done by scholars like Pargiter, are now being properly regarded as mines of historical material. As Mr. Rapson says "The Purānas are confessedly partly legendary and partly historical...... ... The descriptions of ancient monarchs and their realms are essentially historical " (Cambridge History of India Vol. 1 page 299.).
Principal Anandsamkara Dhruva, in a learned and critical lecture which he delivered under the auspices of the Gujarāta Vernacular Society in the year 1924, shows the bearing of the Purānas on the early history of Gujarāta. Anartta is the first province that comes to our view in the Purānic traditions. As noted by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji the Vishnupurāņa gives the longest account; the one given in the Bhăgavatapurāņa agrees with it and the Matsyapurāņa and the Harivamsa also refer to it. Saryāti a son of Manu Vaivasvata was given the south - west portion of India. Anartta a son of Saryāti established a kingdom which according to the Purāņas was known after him as Ānarttadesa. Principal Dhruva, however, suggests another derivation which accords with the history of the province. It is that this province was called Ānartta because it was inhabited by Dasyus who did not follow the Rta
Geography of India by Cunningham refers Valabhi to Pāņini's Garaçãţha, while Mr. C. V. Vaidya refers Mahīnagara a city on the banks of the river Mahī also to the same source. It is, however, a question whether the references are by Pāņini himself or are later additions.

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introduction
xvii - that is the cult of sacrifice - yajñadharma - of the Brāhmaṇas, and therefore would be called Anịtas - or Ānarttas by the northern Aryans. Ānarttapura which is an older name of Anandapura (that is modern Vadnagara ) might have been founded in these early times and become the first centre of Aryan religion and culture in this part of the country. I'robably it was this city which kept the light of Vedic learning and culture burning throughout the later history of this province as is attested by the grants of the Valabhi kings aud other successive rulers of Gujarāta. Even to-day the Vadanagarā Nāgara Brāhmaṇas or Nāgaras, as the aristocrats among them would call themselves, are known to maintain a certain standard of traditional Brahmanic culture.
Revata the successor of Anartta made Kuşasthali or Dwārakā in Saurāshtra his capital and from there governed the country called Anartta. We thus find Anartta and Surāshtra joined together from very early times. As we shall see later on in the inscription of Rudradāman in the phrase 'Anartta - Surāshtrāņām' the provinces were looked upon as connected with each other.
This Revata had a son who was called Raivata. He or more probably one of his descendants who was called Raivata Kakudmi was attacked by the Yadavas from the sea who ultimately became the rulers of Saurashtra.
The descendants of Revata would be known accor ding to an usage of the Samskyta language as Raivatas *
* One of the older names of the mount Girnára is Raivataka which is described under that namne by the great poet MĀzba of Bhinpamāla in his Sisuçālavadha canto IV.
JainEducation International

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xvilt
Kavyanusasana One of these who was known as Raivata Kakudmi had a daughter named Revatī who was married to Baladeva-the elder brother of Sri Krshņa. The love of Revatī and Baladeva is immortalised by Kalidasa in the beautiful phrase-Revatí-lochanánkám' of the Meghadūta. This Raivata, according to the Purāṇas, had lost his kingdom before he married his daughter to Baladeva. This may mean that one of the Raivatas was attacked by the Yádavas, probably from the sea, who ultimately usurped the kingdom of the Raivatas but legalised their position by marrying one of them to a princess of the royal family that preceded them.
The Raivatas being descended from Manu Vaivasvata or Manu-the son of the Sun-would naturally be regarded as of the Solar race. Pargiter regards the Solar race as originally non-Aryan, while the Lunar race as Aryan. Principal Dhruva, rightly, points out that this view is altogether imaginary and has no basis in tradition and is contradicted by the oneness of the culture of the Solar and the Lunar races.
The Yadavas were the descendants of Yadu, and essentially Aryan in their blood. Aila Purūravas, who was supposed to be descended from the Moon (and who is the hero of the famous play of KalidasaVikramorvasīya ), had a son named Āyu who married a daughter of the Dänava Svarbhānu-a non-Aryan. Thus the Yadavas had an admixture of Dravidian blood in them.
One branch of the Yadu-family, separate from the main Yâdavas, was known as Haihaya. The famous hero Sahasrarjuna Kārtavīrya belonged to this race. He conquered the city of Mahishmati on the banks of the

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Introduction
xix
Narmadá from Karkotaka Naga. He was a powerful king who defeated even Rāvaņa of Lankā. He was a disciple of the famous sage Dattātreya, and is reported to have performed ten thousand sacrifices. According to the Puranic tradition Kārtavīrya and the whole clan of Haibayas * were killed by Paraşurāma the son of Bhrgu.
: The modern city of Broach whose Samskrta equivalent is Bhrgu-kachchha which literally means the coast of Bhrgus, bears the imprint of Bhrgus at least in its name.* The suciety formed for research into the Narmadā valley will, let us hope, throw more light on the early history of this part of Gujarát.
Purăņas give a detailed account of the different Yadava families which are also constantly mentioned in Jaina literature. The principal families were those of Vțshại, Kukkura, Bhoja, Satvata, Andhaka, Madhu, Surasena, and Daşārha. In the family of Sătvata who was thirty-seventh from Yadu, Srī Kệshṇa was born. It was in his time that Yadavas had to leave Mathura on the Yamuna. They subsequently settled in Saurashtra and established themselves as its rulers, probably supplanting the Raivatas.
Ugrasena was a leading Yadava chief who had the co-operation of the families of Yadu, Bhoja, and Andhaka. His principal seat was either at Dwaraka or at Raivatanagara or Ugrasenapura, that is, modern Junāgadh. Sri Krshṇa and Baladeva were very influential
* According to a verse in the Prabandhachintamani Chāvaļas belonged to the Haihaya dynasty. See the section op Chavadas.
* Buddhists give a different explanation. See S. N. Majumdar's edition of Cunningham's Ancient Geography.

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Kavyanusasana
persons. They were related to the Pandavas through
their paternal aunt. Arjuna looked upon ri Kșshnı as · his guide, friend and philosopher. The coming of
Arjuna to Aparanta, and the right royal reception that Kțshna and other Yadavas gave him is described in the Mahabharata Adiparvan-chapters 218-221. The romance of Subhadra and Arjuna--their faliing in love at a festival and their subsequent marriage in Girnar is beautifully described in the same work. According to the author of the B. G. “The large fair still held in the west Girnār valley near the modern temple of Bhavanātha is perhaps a relic of this great Yadava fair.” (p. 10).
When Şri Kļshṇa had gone to Indraprastha to attend the Rajasūya sacrifice of Yudhisthira, where he subsequently killed Şişupala – the king of Chedis, Duārakā was attacked by Sālva-the king of Myttikávati in the country of Svabhra, that is, the region about the river Sābaramati-the present-day Sabarakāntha. When Şrī Kệshņa returned, he met Sálva in battle near the seashore and defeated him and killed him.
The going of Sri Kịhņa to Indraprastha and the killing of Sisufala forms the subject-matter of the Sisu pālavadha, the Mahākávya of Māgha-a poet of Srīmāla or Bhinnamála one of the ancient capitals of Gujarat. The romance of Subhadrã and Arjuna is the subject-matter of the Naranárāyaṇānanda the Mahā. kávya of the minister Vastupāla.
Thirty-six years after the war of Kurukshetra the glory of the Yādavas was extinguished. The principal cause was the family feud, the excessive addiction to

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Introduction
xxi
drinking unbalancing the clan-mind already excited by other causes.
Here I may mention the Jaina tradition about Arish anemi who became the twenty-second Tīrthamkara, as preserved in the twenty-second adhyayana of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra-a canonical work of the Svetambara Jainas. It mentions two Yadava kings Vasudeva and Samudravijaya who are evidently brothers, in the city of Soriyapura (a place near Mathura). Vasudeva had two queens Rohiņi and Devaki whose sons were Rāma and Keṣava respectively. Samudravijaya had a queen named Siva whose son was Arishtanemi. Samudravijaya had another son Rathanemi or Rathanemi after whom this adhyayana or chapter is named. (The commentators refer to the intervening events, -the fleeing away from Soriyapura and the coming to Dwaraka of these Yadavas who are mentioned as belonging to the Andhakavṛshni family.) When Arishtanemi becomes of age Kesava asks for Aristanemi the hand of the beautiful damsel Raymati-or Rājamatī who calls herself the daughter of Bhojarāja (according to the commentators Ugrasena a Yadava prince who was ruling in Junagaḍha). The match is settled, and as the marriage procession, with Arishtanemi on the best elephant-gandhahastin-of Vasudeva (evidently of Sri Krshna) is proceeding to the house of the bride's father, Arishtanemi discovers the pitiable conditions of the animals which are penned in pounds and cages and which are to be slaughtered far his marriage-feast. His heart is filled with emotion and he thinks of renouncing the world which he does ultimately without marrying Rājamatī. Rājamati, on

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Kayyanusasara hearing this, being filled with grief, renounces the world also and becomes a nun. As she is proceeding to Raivataka mountain for practicing penance she has to stop on the way on account of heavy rains. As she is drying her nun's garments she is caught sight of by Rathanemi the brother of Arishtanemi who was also practising penance in the jungle. He is enamoured of her beauty and requests her to be his wife. Rājamati peremptorily refuses his demand and reminds him of his high and noble traditions, of their respective families and advises him to be of a steady mind and not to go after every woman that he meets and consequently lose the merits of his penance. Rathanemi is cured of his infatuation. (To describe this purification is the purpose of narrating this episode in the 22nd chapter of the Uttarādhyayana )
Leaving the Purāņic traditions, we come to the more authentic period of inscriptions, coins, references of foreigners, and semi-historical literary accounts of the Jainas and others. Before we discuss this, a few words may be said about the maritime activity of Gujarat. As a glance at the map of India will show Gujarat has a goodly part of sea-coast to its credit. In fact the main part of Gujarat is scarcely a hundred miles away from the sea-coast. Naturally, the people living in Anartta, Saurashtra, and Láta were more sea-aring than the people living in the interior of India. We find history corroborating this. Mr. Hewitt would carry the history of the sea-borne commerce of Gujarat to 3000-6000 B. C. Mr. Jackson in the B. G. Appendix IV in a footnote (p. 492) summarises

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Introduction
xx111
'the available evidence of Gujarat Hindu enterprise by sea', which gives a good idea of the maritime activity of Gujarat in the last two thousand years.
In fact the main cause of the fabulous wealth of Gujarat was not so much the fertility of its land, as the commercial enterprise of her people. Yuan Chang has noted this in case of Bharucha and Valabhi and we find the author of Nabhinandanoddhāraprabandha saying in so many words that all people risiding in Gujarat make lot of money with little effort on its many sea-coasts,
afetar a: gaf aangeg hai. Jahit pa asfa fa:Aftaga il Fl. 81. SEATA , ..
In this connection, mention may be made of the colonising activity of Gujarat.
It appears, from the traditions preserved in the Mahavamsa and the Dīpavamsa, that Ceylon owes its name Simhaladvīpa, its language Simhalese and its aryanisation to a prince named Vijaya the son of the king Simhabahu who reigned at Simhapura in Lala or Lata-a name by which Gujarat was often referred to by forcigners. According to Dr. L. D. Barnett, the Aryan immigration started from Sihapura in Lata ( possibly the modern Sihor, in Kathiawar ) and Soparā, The latter band belonged to the Simhalas (Sībalas) or ‘Lion-tribe' and it was probably they who imposed their Aryan tongue on Ceylon. "The landing of Vijaya is made to coincide with the decease of Gāutama Buddha in 483 B. C.' (Cambridge History of India Vo. I pp. 605-607 ]. *
# Mr. Ratnamanirao Jhote in an illuminating article on the Shipping of Gujarat' has very ably controverted the view of Prof. Radhakumud that Prince aya started from

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XXIV
Kavyanusasana
Colonisation of Java, by a prince of Gujarat, which took place, according to the Javanese tradition in the beginning of the seventh century A. D. may, also, be mentioned here. According to Mr. Jackson this is an incident which “redeems the early history of Gujarat from provincial narrowness and raises its ruling tribes to a place among the greater conquerors and colonisers. This incident is the tradition that during the sixth and seventh centuries fleets from the coasts of Sindh and Gujarāta formed settlements in Jāva and in Cambodia. The Jāvā legend is that about 603 A. D. Hindus led by Bhrūvijaya Saveláchala the son of Kasamachitra or Balya Acha king of Kujrat or Gujarāta settled on the west coast of the island" (p. 489 ). Discussing the probability of this incident Mr. Jackson says " During the last two thousand years the record of the Gujarāta coast shows a genius for seafaring fit to ensure the successful planting of northwest India in the Malay Archipelago." (p. 492).
the coast of Bengal. One convincing argument against Prof. Radbakumud's viewis provided by the account of the voyage which makes Vijaya stop at the port of Sopara near Bombay. This would be quite natural if he started from some port on the Gulf of Cambay but very absurd if he sailed from some port on the Bay of Bengal. The connection of Gujarat and Ceylon is suggested in many folk-stories and sayings in Gujarati and also in a Jaida work called Vividba- Īrtha-Kalpa, in which a templo at Bharucha known as Sakunikā vihāra is said to be built by a Simhali princess. For a different view see Mr. Sengar's article in the Indian Historical Quarterly Vol. III, pp. 403-8, 1927. Mr. Sepgar's theory is that Prince Vijaya belonged to the Sengar clan of Rajputs and that his original home was Rādba North East India.

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latroduction
From the end of the Yadava supremacy in Saurashtra to the rise of the Mauryan empire, there is a blank in our knowledge of the history of Gujarát. Possibly Yaudheyas * Abhiras, and such ather tribes were contending for supremacy. Yādavas were also there. But we do not know of any definite event unless we accept the historicity of Prince Vijaya embarking from the coast of Lāta and conquering the island afterwards known as Simhaladvspa and establishing an Aryan kingdom there. This, as we have seen before, coincides with the death of Gautama Buddha. This takes us to the 5th century B. C..
: 5. . The earliest monuments of history that we have as yet discovered in Gujarāt are those on a rock in the mountains of Girināra. This conic granite about twelve feet high from the ground and having a circumference of about 75 feet in its lower part is situated on a narrow path leading to a valley, a mile to the east of the city of Junāgadha in Kathiawar. It has three documents of the first class historical importance inscribed on it. As a monument of history its importance can scarcely be exaggerated. In fact it is unique for the history of India. It bears side by side inscriptions of the three kings - greatest in the history of India: Asoka, Rudradāman and Skandagupta. This is the only monument which in the inscription of Rudradāman contains, according to Vincent Smith,
the only known epigraphic record containing the names of Chandragupta and Asoka Maurya' (E. H. I. p. 133 ).
* For information regarding the coins of Yaudheyas, their democratic constitution, etc. see the B. G. pp, 19 and 36, 37.

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Kavyanusasana The oldest record on this rock is the 'Dhammalipi' of Asoka giving his code of fourteen regulations in the Prākṣta language. The second commemorates the repairs done by Mahākshatrapa Rudradāman to the lake Sudarsana ( meaning' good to look at '), constructed by Pushyagupta – the governor of Gujarāt appointed by Chandragupta Maurya, which had become' durdarsana' ('not good to look at'), the dam having crashed on account of the huge floods of Girnar rivers. The third commemorates a similar event three centuries later,- the floods having again damaged the lake, the repairs this time being done by Skandagupta of the Gupta dynasty,
These three inscriptions - of Asoka, Rudradāman and Skandagupta-carry us respectively to the periods 274 - 237 B. C. (C. H. I Vol. I p. 698 ), 150 A. D. and 456 A. D. (E. H. 1. 3rd. edition ). Thus we find that we are given a glimpse in the past history by the inscription of Rudradāman, which discovers Gujarāt to be a province of Chandragupta Maurya (274-237 B. C.). Girinagara was then probably the provincial capital; while the southern capital of the Mauryas seems to have been Sopārā' (the B. G. p. 14). The governor of the province was one Pushyagupta. He belonged to the Vaişya caste and probably was a brother of one Chandragupta's queens. He, it was, who first built the Lake Sudarsana or the Lake Beautiful, near the city of Girinagara, probably at the foot of the mountain Urjayat -as Girnar was then known. It was primarily meant for irrigation purposes. Being a 'Jalāşaya' or an 'abode of waters' it must have become a sacred place; as all such places generally become in India. This Lake Beautiful must also have been a place of

Page #48

Introduction
recreation and diversion to the citizens of Girinagara, and the pilgrims from the rest of India. It is worthwhile emphasizing this point; for it was a regular feature of the ancient civic life of this land. The tradition of having a large and beautiful lake near a city for irrigational, religious and recreative purposes was maintained in Gujarat through the munificence of its kings and merchant - princes who thought it an act of religious merit to construct such 'abodes of waters'; and one may say, in the Lake Siddhasaras or Sahasralinga of Siddharaja Jayasimha, near Apahilavaḍa Pataṇa, the tradition was revealed in its most magnificent and beautiful form.
xxvfl
The following remarks of Vincent Smith gives a good idea of the irrigation works in the time of Chandragupta Maurya:--
"The proper regulation of irrigation is a matter of prime importance in India; and it is much to the credit of Chandragupta that he maintained a special Irrigation Department charged with the duty of measuring the lands and so regulating the sluices that every one should receive his fair share of the life-giving water. The allusion to the measurement of lands as part of the duty of the Irrigation Department indicates that a water-rate must have been levied, and the reference to sluices implies a regular system of canals.
The inscription of Satrap Rudradaman,............ bears direct testimony to the care bestowed by the central government upon the question of irrigation, even in the most remote provinces. Although Girnar is situated close to the Arabian Sea, at a distance of at least 1,000 miles from the Maurya capital, the needs of the local farmers did not escape the imperial notice." (E. H. I. p. 132)

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**vill
Kavyanusasana
The Arthaṣastra, whose authorship is attributed to Vishnugupta Chanakya - the prime minister of Chandragupta Maurya, throws some side - light on Surashtra and Aparanta in the time of Mauryas. In those days, we learn from it, there were Sreņisguilds of Kshatriyas and others in Surashtra and Kambhoja who followed the profession of ' Vārtta' that is agriculture, breeding of cattle, and commerce, and 'Sastra' that is arms. This description of the war - like tribes of Kathiawar agrees well with their historical profession almost to the end of the 19th century. This may also very well refer to the Yadavas, Yaudheyas, Abhiras etc. who must have been then in possession of Surashtra.
Elephants were a very important part of the army in Ancient India. In fact, according to the Arthaṣastra the successes of the kings principally depended upon the elephants.' In this context we find that elephants from Aparanta or west coast were of middle size, while the Saurashtra elephants were of smaller size.
When discussing the question of the amount of rain necessary for good crops in different parts of India the Arthasastra says 23 droņas-(rain was measured by a drona) are necessary for Avanti, but for Aparanta the amount is 'amita', that is, unmeasured or unknown.
When giving information on the best variety of cotton, the Arthaṣāstra mentions Aparanta cotton next to Madhura cotton, that is, Madura cotton. Broach cotton is still famous and rates of cotton in Indian markets are quoted even to-day in terms of Broach.

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introduction"
XXIX: After Chandragupta Maurya" comes the Great Aşoka. In his time also Gujarat was a province of the Maurya empire, and Girinagara continued to be the capital. On behalf of Asoka, the inscription of Rudradāman tells us, his governor Yavanarāja Tushasfa, who in spite of the title Yavanarāja is regarded as a Persian by scholars on account of his name, 'adorned the lake with the supplementary channels in a right royal style.'
The most important event of Gujarāt history of this period, however, is the inscribing of the 'Dhammalipi of Asoka, on the rock of the mountain Urjayat or Girnāra referred to in the beginning of this section. The civilizing influence of this royal edict cannot be exaggerated. It inculcated the very essence of Aryadharma - of Aryan civilization as it developed in India - a fusion, no doubt, of many influences.
The first edict gives the injunction to abstain from taking life either for sacrificial offerings or for sport. And the emperor himself sets an example by cutting down the slaughter of thousands of animals for the royal kitchen to three animals, and in future even stopping this.
The second edict describes the provision for medical treatment of human beings and animals, planting of medicinal plants, and the building of wells and planting of trees on roads for the benefit of human beings and animals. The third refers to the appointment of officers who will travel in the different parts of the empire to see that the people practice the 'dharma', and that the people regard it as good to attend to their parents properly, to treat hospitably

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XXX
friends, acquaintances, relatives, Brāhmaṇas and Ṣramanas, to abstain from taking life and not to be extravagant and not to be hoarding. The fourth describes what was the state of affairs in these matters formerly, what this Beloved of gods has done and what his successor will abide by. The fifth edict has also similar import. The sixth one proclaims his ever - readiness for doing good to the people and his easy approachability to his subjects. The seventh shows that mere giving of money in charity is nothing without self-restraint, purity of heart, feeling of gratitude and firm devotion. The eigth edict tells that formerly kings used to go out for hunting but that now the Beloved of gods travels for dharma,' to pay his respects and give gifts to Brāhmaṇas, Sramaņas and the elders, to see people in villages and discuss matters of 'dharma' with them.
<
Kavyanusasana
The ninth edict asks women to abstain from frivolous and meaningless ceremonies, to treat properly their servants, to honour the elders, to behave with restraint towards animals and to give gifts to Brāhmaṇas and Ṣramaņas. Fathers, brothers, and husbands are asked to instruct their women - folk accordingly. The tenth and the eleventh edicts insist upon dharma.

The twelfth edict advises toleration of all sects and respect for all religions. People are asked to practise restraint of speech in praising their sects and finding fault with those of others. This particular edict is the most noteworthy and gives us an idea of the liberal culture of the emperor.
The thirteenth edict which on the Girnar rock is

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Introduction
XXXI
much mutilated insists upon the practice of essentials of all religions. The fourteenth refers to the form of dhammalipis.
This brief summary would help our imagination to rcalise how it must have affected the very depths of the springs of human action. There can be no record of the results of such mental processes - either in individuals or groups. But that its effect must have been immense admits of no doubt. Two tendencies to be observed in the mass of Gujarāt people through their history - one feeling a sort of repulsion to killing animals, and the other feeling no particular antipathy towards people of different religious persuasions - owe their development not a little to this influence. The sentiment of Ahimsā - non-violence - towards animals was no doubt fostered by the Jaina influence, and the attitude of toleration must have proved a very useful equipment of mind to a commercial people.
Gujarat had another emperor of Asoka's type in Kūmāra pāla ( 12 cen. A. D.) who used his royal influence to spread dharma.
Immediate succession after Asoka is not definitely known. The inscriptions of the cave at the Bara'ber hill near Gaya and at the Nāgārjuna hill bear testimony to the succession of Dasaratha - probably a grandson, The caves are dedicated to the Ajīvaka sect. Another successor of Asoka was Samprati. Though there is no epigraphic evidence of his existence * he is mentioned in the Brāhmaṇic, Buddhist and Jaina traditions. According to the Jaina tradition he was converted to Jainism by the Sthavira Suhastin, and was a builder of
* Mr. Jayswal identifies some coins as those of Samprati.

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Kavyanusasana
innumerable temples - so much so that a newly discovered Jaina idol or an old Jaina temple whose builder is unknown is attributed to him. He is specially mentioned as a king of Ujjayinī ruling Western India, and one who had propagated Jaina faith even in Anārya countries. Considering the fact that Jainism found a strong foot - hold in Western India and Gujarāt the tradition should be regarded as embodying historical reality. Samprati's reign probably ended by about 197 B. C. - if we accept 237 – 36 B. C. as the year of Asoka's death and accept 40 years' interval as given by the Purānas.
: From about 180 B. C. to 100 B. C. we find traces of Bactrian - Greek sway in Saurashtra and Kachchha. Our main sources of information are the Bactrian - Greek coins found in Kathiawar and some references in Greek and Roman writers. Of these Bactrian - Greek rulers the most noteworthy is Menander. We find a helmated bust of this king with a Greek legend round it on the obverse of his coins, while on the reverse we find a figure of Athene Promachos with the Bactro-Pali legend' Mahārājaså Tradatasa Menandrasa.' The reference to camps, temples and wells by the author of the Periplus as those of Alexander is incorrect. The camps, temples and wells must have been those of Menander. He is the Milinda of the Milindapanhá - a Pali treatise in the form of a dialogue on the Buddhist philosophy. The dialogue is between Milinda and Nāgasena who solves his questions and converts his royal antagonist to Buddhism.

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Introduction
Xxxili The last Bactrian - Greek ruler that we know of was Apolodotus whose coins have the legend in BactroPali characters : ' Mahārājasa Tradatasa Apaladatasa.' After Apollodotus, to the end of the first century A. D.. there is a blank in our knowledge of the history of Gujarāt.
On the strength of the information derived from a great number of coins mainly discovered and interpreted by Dr. Bhagawanlal Indraji, a few inscriptions, and references from foreign writers, we are again able to construct the history of Gujarāta for three centuries and more. This is the period known as the Kshatrapa period. The coins and inscriptions are now proved to have been dated in the era which starts from the beginning of Kanishka's reign in 78 A. D. As Prof. Rapson says these coins and inscriptions "range from the year 41 to the year 310 (119-388 A. D.) and form the most continuous and complete chronological series found on the monuments of ancient India. It was in consequence of its long use by the Saka princes of Western India that the era became generally known in India as the Şaka era..." (C. H. I. Vol. I p. 585.).
Amongst the Kshatrapas, we have to distinguish between two dynasties – the Kshaharātas and the line of Chashtana. The word Kshatrapa appears under three forms Chhatrapa, * Chhatrava and Khatapa, while Kshaharāta appears under the form Chhaharata in Prākṣta legends on the coins. Acording to Mr. Jackson
May not the title Chhatrapati be a sanskritization of this word ?

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Xxxlv
Kavyanusasana " Kshatrapa was originally a Persian title adopted by the Greeks and continued in use among their successors; it originally denoted a provincial governor; but when the Greek kingdom broke up and their provincial chiefs became independent, it continued in use as a royal title.” (B. G. p. 22.)
Nahapāna was the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarāt and Saurāshtra. He belonged to Kharosthi family. It is not certain whether he made his conquests as a general of Kanishka or independently on his own account. His advance is traced as lying through East Rajputānā by Mandasor in West Mālwā along the easy route to Dohad as far as South Gujarāt. From South Gujarāt his power spread in two directions by sea to Kathiawad and from near Balsar by the Dang passes to Nasik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord the great Āndhra kings of the Deccan" (B. G. p. 24 ). It is not known whether Nahapāna was also ruling over Ujjain and East Malwa and north Gujarāt also. According to Vincent Smith his capital might have been at Nasik, though there is no definite information on the point.
The Bactro - Greek legend on the three of the four coins found by Dr. Bhagawanalal Indraji is Rano Chhaharātas Nahapānasa, on the fourth is simply 'Rano Chhaharātas. The Nāgari legend on all the four is Rano Kshaharātas Nahapānasa!. On the obverse of the coins there is a bust, presumably, of Nahapāna. Of the four coins one gives the youthful image, one old, and the remaining two represent intervening stages of life." The dress of the bust is in the style of the

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Introductiori
xxx overdress of Nahapāna's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half - down the ear. The neck shows the collar of the coat.” (B. G. p. 24).
In addition to Nahapāna's coins there are, at Nasik and Karla, the inscriptions of Usāvadāta - his son-in-law and at Junnar, of Ayama - his minister which give us valuable information about him. His title of Kshatrapa which is not found in his coins is mentioned in Usāvadāta's inscriptions in which he is called Ksharāta Kshatrapa Nahapāna. We find the charitable acts of Usāvadāta described in some of these inscriptions. Those that pertain to Gujarāt are - the building of riverside steps at the Barṇāsa or Banās river near Mount Abu '; the giving away in marriage, which included the expenses of the ceremony, of eight Brāhmaṇa brides, at Prabhāsa in Saurāshtra; the building of rest - houses and alms - houses at Broach; of waiting-places and steps on both the banks of the Tāpti and other rivers and also the providing of free ferries to cross them, etc.
According to the B. G., Nahapāna on his conquest of Gujarāt and West Deccan founded the era which is known as the Saka era and which corresponds to 78 A. D.. On the subsequent coins and inscriptions of Kshatrapas, it is according to this era, that the years are given.
Nahapāna had no son. He was succeeded, probably, by his son-in-law Uşāvadāta. Soon after, however, the Kshaharāta satraps were destroyed by Gautamīputra Sātakarni - an Andhra king. His inscription at Nasik mentions Surāshtra and Aparānta as parts of his

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Kavyanusasana dominion. This event is dated by the B. G. in 138 A. D. but in or about 126 A. D. by Vincent Smith.
In the meanwhile another Kshatrapa comes on the stage. His name was Chashtana. He soon wins back the portions of Gujarāt taken by Gautamīputra.
The family of this Kshatrapa is not connected in any way with Kshaharāta Nahapāna. Some of Chashtana's coins bear the legend Rajpo Kshatrapasa Ysmotikaputrasa Chashtanasa, while others bear 'Rajpo Mahākshatrapasa Ysmotikaputrasa Chashtanas. We gather from this that his father's name was Ysmotika or Zamotika which appears to be a foreign word. His father must have been an ordinary man as no title is prefixed to his name. Another thing that we understand from the legends is that in the beginning Chashtana was only a Kshatrapa and later on became a Mahākshatrapa. When he was a simple Kshatrapa his dominion must have extended only to Malwa and North Gujarāt. He is identified with Tiastanes of Ptolemy who gives Ozene or Ujjayinī as his capital. He must have called himself Mahākshatrapa after winning back Saurashtra and Aparānta from the Andhra kings.
Chashtana became the founder of a great dynasty and had at least twentyfive or twentysix successors. His name is mentioned in the inscriptions of some of his successors.
We may imagine his appearance from the busts on his coins. “He wears a moustache, the cap is not grooved but plain, and the hair which reaches the neck is longer than Nahapāna's hair. " In one of his coins the hair seems dressed in ringlets.

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His coins have the symbol of the sun and the crescent moon.
Chashtana was succeeded by Jayadā man who calls himself only a Kshatrapa in his coins which are very rare. Barring the names of Chashtana and Ysamotika which sound foreign, the names of the rest of the Kshtrapas are purely Indian. *
Jayadāman was succeded by Rudradáman. He was, to judge from what we know, the greatest of the Kshatrapas and one of the greatest kings that ruled over Gujarāt." His beautiful silver ccins, in style much like those of Chastana, are frequently found in Kathiawada. On the obverse is his bust in the same style of dress as Chastana's” (B. G. p. 34). The coins bear the following legend in Nāgarī characters : 'Rajpo Kshtrapasa Jayadāmaputrasa Rajpo Mahakshatrapasa Rudradāmasa.'
We had occasion to refer to his famous inscription on the Girnār rock. It gives us details which testify to his greatness as a powerful, cultured and benevolent ruler. His reign, in all likelihood, seems to have lasted for more then forty years. * He himself earned the
* Dāmājadaşri also appears foreign.
the Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji supposed the beginning of the reign of Rudradāman to be in the year 65 and the end of his reign in the year 80. Mr. Jackson carries his reign upto 95 in order to give bim atleast 30 years' reign Only one date — that of the year 72 of the rock inscription was known to them. But four other inscriptions of Rudradāman's reign found later, mention the year 52. This in itself gives 20 years' reign to Rudradāmad. The abundance of his coins and the scarcity of the coins of his on and grand-son make Mr. Jackson give

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Kavyanusasana
title of Mahakshatrapa, which was enjoyed by his grandfather but not by his father who was only a Kshatrapa. Through his own prowess he had become the lord of Akara – Avanti, Anupa, Ānartta, Surāshṭra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindh - Sauvīra, Kakura, Aparanta, Niṣāda etc. with all their former cities, business towns, and villages; that is, roughly, of the country from Bhilsă in the east to Sindh in the west, and from Mount Abu in the north to the North Konkan in the south including the peninsulas of Kathiawad and Cutch'- in short of Western India. He had humbled the pride of Yaudheyas who had become puffed because they were called Vīra - Valorous - by all Kshatriyas. He had twice defeated Satakarni the lord of Dakshinapatha, but, because he was a near relative (a son-in-law), he was not uprooted. This consideration earned for him public appreciation. He was famed for his mastery in the science and art of SabdaLanguage, Artha-Politics, Gandharava-Music and Dancing, and Nyaya-Logic. So also was he proficient in the manly and military arts of riding and managing horses elephants and chariots, of duelling, of fencing with the sword and the like. He was a master of
(
Rudradaman a reign of 30 years. According to our new calculation it would take Rudradaman's reign upto the year 82, that is, 160 A. D. One coin of his grand-son bears the year 100-the earliest date found on Kshatrapa coins - that is, the year 178 A. D. How many years should be allowed to his son Dāmājaḍaṣri is a question; but 28 years' reign appears to be too long for him. If we allow him only five years, as Mr. Jackson does, his reign will extend to the year 95, that is, 173 A. D. This would give in all 43 years' reign to Rudradaman. There is nothing improbable in such a supposition.

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xxҳіх
fine speech in prose as in verse. His body was strong and proportionate; he had a fine figure. He was chosen in marriage by many princesses.
All the Varnas-castes or communities-approached him and elected him as their king for his merits. He made cities, business-places and villages safe from robbers, beasts of prey, wild animals and disease. He had vowed not to kill men except equal foes met in battle.
The inscription gives a graphic picture of the rain-storm and the floods in the Suvarna-sikatā, the Palasini and other rivers of the mountain Urjayat and the havoc they had worked with the lake. The rains had made the whole earth one sea of waters. The dam was broken by the velocity of the floods. The wind had toppled down the peaks of the mountain, uprooted the trees, and destroyed the banks, attalaka ( top-rooms on fortifications ), upatalpa ( upper-story ), dvāra( entrances'), and saraṇa ( chambers ). It was, as if, the wind of the day of destruction. The flowing away of all the water made the Lake Sudarşana appear as if it were a sandy desert-painful to look at. There was left a gaping chasm 420 Hastas in length and 420 in breadth and 75 Hastas deep.
'The task of re-building a lake with such a huge chasm was staggering. His ministers and officers had not the energy to face it. So they advised the Mahākshtrapa to leave it alone. When the people saw that the dam was not to be re-built they raised a hue and a cry. One minister-Suvişākha the Pahlava - son of Kulaipa who was appointed at that place the governor of Anartta-Saurashtra by the king undertook to execute the task for the benefit of the city and

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the village. The new dam was thrice as strong and thrice as long and wide as the old one. Huge amounts of money were spent after the work. But the people were not harassed with new taxes or forced labour. The whole work was finished promptly and the lake Sudarsana - that is, beautiful-was made Sudarsanatara more beautiful.' x
Suvisakha - the Pahlava deserves notice. He is described as an ideal officer in the inscription. He must be a Persian settled in Gujarat. According to the B. G. “This trade connection between the Persian Gulf and the Western Sea-board must have led to the settlement from very early times of the Pahlavas who gradually became converted to Buddhism, and like the Pārasis their modern enterprising representatives, seem to have advanced in trade and practical influence" (P. 35).
The incriptions from Cutch of the year 52, that is, 130 A. D. enable us to infer the spread of Buddhism in these parts *
* This inscription of 150 A. D. mentions the original builders of the lake Chandragupta and Asoka of the 4th century B. C. It seems there were other inscriptions nearby upon which the author of this inscription might have relied.
* The four other inscriptions of the year 52 in the reign of Rudradāman are in connection with the memorials raised in memory of dead relatives. Three of them are raised by Madana son of Sīhila, one, in memory of his sister Jeshtavīrā; another, in memory of his brother Kshabhadeva; and the third, in memory of his wife Yaşadatá-daughter of Sīhamita. Yaşadatá is called Şāmaņeri - that is, a woman Buddhist disciple. The fourth is raised by Treshtadata - a Srāmanera in memory of his son Rshabhadeva.

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After Rudradaman there were about twenty-two kings some of whom were Mahākshatrapas while the rest were Kshatrapas. Rudradā man was succeeded by his son Dámājadasri who was succeeded by his son Jīvadāman. But Jīvadā man appears to have been deposed soon after he came to the throne by his uncle Rudrasimha I. Of the time of Rudrasimha we have one inscription from the village of Gunda in Halar district (Kathiawad) which is dated in the year 103, that is, 181 A. D. It commemorates the event of building a well for public use in the village of Rasopadra by the general Rudrabhūti the son of the general Bápaka Ābhira. After his death his nephew Jīvadāman again seems to have come to the throne. We have one of his coins bearing the year 118, that is, 196 A. D.
Then comes Rudrasena - a son of Rudrasimha to the throne. Of his time we have two incriptions - one found at Muliyasar and the other at Jasdan. The inscription from Muliyāsar commemorates a heroic deed of Vanijaka who saved a friend's life at the cost of his own. The Jasdan inscription refers to a 'satra', which may mean a house for charitable feeding, built
It may be poted that the gotras of Rshabhadeva of the second and the fourth inscriptions are the same viz. Opasati - which is also the gotra of Jeshtavīrā of the first. The father's name in the second is Sihila, while in the fourth is Treshtadata. Ya adatá-wife of Madana-and Treshtadata were Buddhists. The stones on which these four inscriptions are engraved are called Lashti' in all the four.
These inscriptions were deciphered by Prof. Devadatta Bhandarkara. They were originally at Andhau in Cutch. ( Historical inscriptions of Gujarat. Part I. pp. 17-20).

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by several brothers whose names cannot be made out. In the geneology the kings are called 'Swami' and 'Bhadramukha '.
I mention only those Kshatrapa kings about whom we know something more than mere names which are given by the coins. In the case of Sanghadaman the interesting question arises whether or not he is to be identified with the 'Sandanes whom the Periplus describes as taking the regular mart Kalyāṇ, near Bombay from Saraganes that is the Dakhan Ṣātakarṇis, and, to prevent it again, becoming a place of trade, forbidding all Greek ships to visit Kalyan, and sending under a guard to Broach any Greek ships that even by accident entered its port' (B. G. footnote p. 44.). There are, however, reasons against identifying Sandanes with Sanghadaman.
After examining the available evidence the author of the footnote of the B. G. concludes "The only possible lord of Gujarat either in the second or third century who can have adopted such a policy was the Kshatrapa of Ujjain in Malwa and Minnagara or Junagadh in Kathiawada, the same ruler, who to encourage foreign vessels to visit Broach had stationed native fishermen with well-manned long boats off the south Kathiawada coast to meet ships and pilot them through the tidal and other dangers up the Narbada to Broach. It follows that the Sandanes of the Periplus and Ptolemy's North Konkan Sadans are the Gujarat Mahakshatrapas" (p. 45).
From the hoard of Kshatrapa coins found in 1861 near Karad on the river Krishna, thirty-one miles south of Satara, it is inferred that from Vijayasena

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XLIII
(A. D. 238-249) to Visvasena (A. D. 296 - 300) at least, the Gujarat power had spread in the Deccan. (B. G. pp. 48 - 49 ).
There is a mutilated Kshatrapa inscription - No. 9 of the Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat - which gives no date but mentions the names of Chashṭana and Jayadaman. The Kshatrapa that may have been intended is probably the great-grandson of Chashṭana and grandson of Jayadaman. In that case he would be Dāmājaḍasri son of Rudradāman. This inscription mentions Girinagara as the place where something is done. It mentions Kevali (Jpā )na sam (?...prāpta) nam...jarāmarana'. From the occurence of the word Kevali, it appears to be a Jaina inscription, because, this word is generally used by Jainas in the sense of one who has attained to omniscience.
So this inscription may be taken to imply the existence of the followers of Jainism in Saurashtra in the second century A. D.
The power of the Kshatrapas was destroyed by Chandragupta II of the Gupta dynasty, and Western India including Gujarat and Surashtra was annexed to the Gupta Empire. Rudrasimha son of Satyasimba was attacked, dethroned and killed. Vincent Smith puts this event in the year 395 A. D.
8
Before we come to the Gupta rule over Gujarat we may take notice of the Traikuṭakas. We have three copper plate grants of the Traikurakas. One from Pardi of the king Dahrasena dated Sam. 207; another from Surat of the king Vyaghrasena dated

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Kavya nusasana
Sam. 1; and the third from Kanheri dated Sam. 245 not giving the king's name but only mentioning in the year two hundred and forty five of the increasing rule of the Traikuṭakas.'
We have also coins of Dahrasena and his son Vyaghrasena. In Dahrasena's coin on one side is a bust and on the other a Chaitya and stars and the Brahmi legend "Mahārājendradattaputra - Parama - Vaishnava - Sri Mahārāja Dahrasena. " On the silver coin of Vyaghrasena we have the Brahmi legend 'Mahārāja Dahrasenaputra - Parama - Vaishṇava - Srī Mahārāja Vyaghrasena.
The Samvat is identified with Chedi or Kalachuri era. The initial date is 248-49 A. D. So the three inscriptions will have the corresponding dates, 45556 A. D.; 489-90 A. D.; 493-94 A. D. respectively.
Even though the materials regarding the Traikutakas are meagre, it is possible to infer from them that they were powerful kings who ruled southern Gujarat and North Konkana and for sometime Saurashtra also, (Puratattva Vol. II p. 58) in the later half of the 5th century A. D. According to the B. G. this dynasty rose to consequence about the time of the middle Kshatrapas (250 A. D.).
"
Dahrasena was the performer of an Asvamedha sacrifice. We know from his coin that his father's name was Indradatta. He issued his grant from his military camp at Amraka to a Brahmaṇa named Nanna inhabitant of Kapura giving him the village Taḍāka sarika the smaller in the Vishaya - district - of Antara mandali.. The name of the Dutaka was Buddhagupta.

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XLV His son Vyāghrasera who calls himself the lord of wide Aparanta and other country ( Atidesa ) issued his grant from Aniruddhapura to a Brāhmaṇa named Nāgasarman a 'Purohita - pallikā' in the Āhāra of Iksharaki. The grant was written by the Mahāsāndhivigrahika - the great minister for peace and war - Karkka. The name of the Dūtaka is Halāhala.
We learn from the coins and these grants that Dahrasena and his son Vyāghrasena were devout Vaishṇavas. In the grants they call themselves Bhagwatpāda - Karma - kara - the servants of God, and in the coins Parama - Vaishnava the devout Vaishnava.
We may note that these Traikuțakas were connected with Haihayas.
9
Chandragupta II came to the throne about the year 375 A. D. The conquest of Mālawa and Gujarāt including Saurāshțra must have been a matter of long war." The expedition which conquered Mālawă seems to have passed from Allahabad by Bundelkhand to Bhilsa and thence to Mālawā.” The way by which the second Chandragupta's army must have marched is inferred as follows : “From Ujjain by way of Bagh and Tanda in the province of Ratt he seeins to have entered South Gujarāt and to have passed from the Broach coast to Kathjāwada." Chandragupta II struck silver coins in the Kshatrapa style. His coins in Gujarāt are rare while those of his son Kumāragupta are common. On many gold coins of Chandragupta II a young man is standing behind the main figure with his right hand on the shoulder of the main figure. These figures are supposed to refer to Kumāragupta

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and Chandragupta II. From these facts it is inferred that on conquering Gujarāt and Saurashtra, Kumāragupta was appointed the viceroy over these provinces. Kumāragupta ascended the throne after his father in the year 413 A. D. He was succeded by Skandagupta in 455 A. D. The first year of his reign was full of trouble for the new emperor. He had to fight the Huns. But within a year or so he seems to have subdued his enemies. He probably added Cutch to his dominions as his coins are common there.
Again we find the lake Sudarsana providing history, if not making it. The third inscription that the Girnar rock, already referred to, bears is that of Skandagupta of the Gupta Samvat 135, that is, 457 - 58 A. D. It commemorates, in 39 beautiful stanzas, the event of re - building the dam which was again broken by the stormy floods,
In the first stanza, the glory of Vishņu is sung. Then the Rājarājādhirāja's glory is sung. That is either Skandagupta himself or one of his predecessors. In the third, Skandagupta is mentioned by name and is described as having made the earth 'repose on him' through his own power. In the fourth, mention is made of his having humbled his enemies in Mleccha countries. Upto the tenth verse his kingly qualities are described. In the eleventh verse, the king is described as anxiously thinking as to who amongst his officers is cumpetent enough to bear the burden of governing the Surāshțras. He finds that Parnadatta is the man for the job, and appoints him to the post. The king felt at ease after putting Parṇadatta in the West as gods feel at ease by appointing Varuņa in

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XLVII
the West. (13). Then in six verses, Chakrapalita the son of Parṇadatta is described. The twenty-sixth tells us that his father seeing his qualities gave him the task of protecting the city. Five more verses describe his work as an efficient officer.
Verses 26 and 27 describe the rains pouring down day and night on the sixth of the month Jyeshtha in the Gupta year 136, that is, 456 A. D. In verses 28 and 29 the rivers Palaṣani and others having their source in the mountain Raivataka (Girnar) are described as going to their lord the sea. The movement of the waters from the mountain to the sea is described as the riverine hand (nadīmayo hastah) of the friendly mountain Urjayat beautified by the flowers growing on its banks, extended towards the ocean which was in great turmoil on account of the monsoon.* Verse 30, describes the terror of the people not knowing what to do and their day and night counsels.
Then comes the description of the rebuilding of the lake. The whole work was finished in the year 137 of the Gupta Samvat in two months' time. The length of the new dam was one hundred hands, the breadth sixty eight, and the height seven purushas. The last verse expresses the hope that the city enjoyed by its citizens may prosper, and that its sins be destroyed by Brahma sung by hundreds of Brahmanas and be free from famine and other troubles for a hundred years.
This part of the inscription is called Sudai sana
*This might also mean that like Varuna Parṇadatta was a maritime lord.
* A slightly different interpretation is put upon this verse by others.

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tațāka - samskāra - grantha - rachanā - composition on the repairing of the lake Sudarsana.'
The second part of the inscription mentions the building of a temple of Vishņu near the lake by Chakrapālita in the Gupta samvat 138." The temple as if rising from the mountain Urjayat appears as if lording over the head of the city." * The temple is so high that it seems “to obstruct the passage of birds in the sky." *
Skandagupta died about the year 430 A. D. After him the Gupta power appears to have declined from Western India. In Ujjayini Toramāņa rules, while Gujarāt becomes independent under the rulers of Valabhi.
Under the Mauryas and the Guptas the imperial city was Pātaliputra, and under the Kshatrapas it was Ujjayinī. Leaving out of consideration Anandapura and Dwārakā – capitals of Gujarāt in Puranic times, we may say that historically, the first capital of Gujarāt was Girinagara and it remained so far more than seven centuries from the time of Chandragupta Maurya (-321 - 297 B. C.) to the time of Skandagupta ( 480 A. D.).
10 For the history of Valabhi and its rulers our main sources of information are the copper - plate grants issued by the rulers of Valabhi, a few coins, the contemporary accounts of the city and the province given by Yuavan Chang, and references in literary
* ..... ...figafatstaatsart I
कुवेत् प्रभुत्वमिव भाति पुरस्य मूनि ॥ * See note 1 on the remains of the dam in the B. G. p. 70. # Puratattava Vol. II p. 58.

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works such as the famous Bhattikāvya, Dasakumāracharita, the Kathāsaritsāgara, and the Udayasundari. kathā of Sodahala, and the traditions of tards.
The traditional accounts of the bards given by Major Watson in the Indian Antiquary Vol. III narrate incidents which are not contradicted by other things known from more reliable sources. In fact they seem to fit in well with them. Relying upon them we can gather the following facts. Bhațārka's + forefathers were rulers of Ayodhyā who were subsequently conquered by the Guptas. Bhațārka was a general of Skandagupta. Now we know from the Girnar rock inscription that Parņadatta was the governor of Aparānta and his son Chakrapālita was the executive head of Girinagara. According to the bardic accounts Kumārapálagupta - a prince - was sent by his father to conquer Gujarāt, who after fulfilling his mission appointed Chakrapāņi son of Prandat as the governor of the province. Now this Chakrapāņi and Prandata may be identified with Chakra pālita and Parņadatta respectively of the Girnar inscription; though this will create a little discrepancy. According to the inscription Parņadatta was appointed by Skandagupta and Chakrapālita by his father. This, however, may easily be explained away by supposing that Skandagupta may have confirmed Parṇadatta and his son - appointed by his father Kumāragupta. * In any case Bhațārka seems to have displaced Chakra pālita or Chakrapāni accord
+ It is also spelt as Bhatakka and Bhattārkka in the copper-plate grants.
* It appears that the bards have confused Skandagupta and Kumāragupta I and II.

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ing to the bards, and become an independent ruler at Valabhi after Skandagupta.
To what race did Bhațārka belong? According to the B. G. “Bhatarka belonged to some low or stranger tribe. Though the evidence falls short of proof the probability seems strong that Bhațārka belonged to the Gurjara tribe, and that it was the supremacy of him and his descendants which gave rise to the name Gurjjara -- rätra - the country of the Gurjjars, a name first used by outsiders and afterwards adopted by the people of Gujarat” (p. 85). Inferring from the copper - plates known to them, the authors of the B. G. had come to the conclusion that Bhațārka had crushed the power of the Maitrakas and had become consequently a sovereign ruler. But Fleet did not accept this view. The wording of the copper - plates is such as to give rise to a different interpretation. According to Fleet “Maitrakāņām” means that Bhațārka belonged to the Maitrakas. But Kielhorn did not accept this interpretation as there is no such word as Vamse or Kule. The later discovery of other copper – plates at Ganesgada, however, supported the view of Fleet. Hultzsch who discussed the whole question again in the Epigraphica Indica Vol. III says on the strength of the new discovery. “Whether we paraphrase the passage by 'Maitrakāņām Bhațārko’bhavat' or supply the word ' Vamse 'after' Maitrakāņām', it is now evident that Bhatárka, the ancestor of Valabhi kings, himself belonged to the family or tribe of the Maitrakas.”
These Maitrakas are identified with the Medhas or Mehrs of Kathiawad in the B. G. Mr. Jayaswal,

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however, on the strength of certain references in the Arya Manjuṣrī Kalpa and the Paikuli Sassanian inscription in Asuristan regards the Maitrakas as a branch of Yadavas (pp. 25-26) *
The Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat Part I edited by Mr. Acharya, publishes one hundred and one copper plates of which five are undated and do not contain the names of the donors. The first plate is that of Dronasimha and is dated Valabhi samvat 183 Sravana 15th of the bright half which agrees with 502 A. D. Saturday 6th of July. The last plate that we have is that of Siladitya the Seventh and is V. S. 447 Jyeshtha 5th of the bright half which will correspond with 766-67 A. D. May or June. Thus we have records for two hundred and sixty five years. The plate issued by Droṇasimha does not mention the names of his elder brother Dharasena or his father Sri Bhatarka, unless we understand Paramabhaṭṭāraka - pādānudhyāto in Droṇasimha's plate as referring to Bhaṭakka or Bhaṭārka. The first mention of the names of the founder and his eldest son is in the plate of Dhruvasena I dated Valabhi samvat 206 Bhadrapada that is, 525-26 A. D. If we suppose that Bhaṭārka became independent after the death of Skandagupta whose general, presumably, he was,‡ we may say that
Mr. C. V. Vaidya, however. is of the opinion that Maitraka was the name of the family like Maukhari, Chalukya etc., and that it must be left untranslated, and no conjectures should be hazarded about its meaning. But if any are to be made, why not say that Maitraka means Maitra - born of the sun. p. 243 History of Medieval Hindu India Vol. I.
*
It is not certain whether Toramana's sway extended over Gujarat or not. If it did, we will have to come down to 490 A. D. for Bhatarka's independence.

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Kavyanus asana
he and his son Senāpati Dharasena I ruled over Gujarāt for about twenty to twenty - two years, that is, 480 - 500 - 502 A. D. Thus we have in all twentyone rulers reigning in the city of Valabhi over a period of about two hundred and eighty seven years. Of these twentyone, the copper - plates issued by fifteen kings have been discovered up till now.
From the titles prefixed to the names of kings, as also from the mention of places and districts we are able to form some idea about the political position of different kings with reference to other rulers, imperial or otherwise of India, as also of their dominions. The titles, however, should not be taken too literally. Senāpati, Mahāsāmanta, or Mahāpratihāra do not necessarily suggest dependence as some of these were repeated as a matter of routine. So also the title of Chakravartin when it occurs for the first time may be taken to indicate All - India power but not a thorough - going subjugation of the whole country. Bearing these considerations in mind let us try to form some idea of the political power of Valabhi kings.
The founder Sri Bhațārka who must have been an able man and whose great valour is described in the plates is only called a Senāpati - probably because he did not assume other titles. So also his eldest son Dharasena. But his second son Dronasimha calls himself ' Parama – Bhatýāraka - pādānudhyāto' as also *Mahārāja'. This means that though he was a great king' he was looked after by the great Bhattāraka, that is, lord. It is not certain who this great lord' was; whether he was an emperor or some great head of a religious sect; for the word Bhattāraka conveys

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LIII
"
46
both the meanings. In the plates of his younger brother Dhruvasena I the third son of Sri Bhaṭārka we find it mentioned that he was crowned king personally by Paramaswāmī'. -'over - lord' the king of the whole world. This probably means that his sovereignty was recognised by the then occupant of the imperial throne, who may have personally come to grace the occasion. According to Cunningham It was the last act of supreme sovereignty performed by Buddhagupta." It may be that the general Bhaṭarka and his son the general Dharasena were military rulers who were more or less occupied with fighting; for it is only about Mahārāja Dronasimha that the plates of Dhruvasena say that he acted according to the duties prescribed for kings by Manu and other law-givers and was consequently a' Dharmaraja' who had made provision for education (Vinaya) and systematic government (Vyavasthapaddhati) of his people. This description reminds us of Kalidasa who, if he lived in the Gupta period, must have been fresh to the memory of the literary men of Drenasimha. The poet in his Raghuvamsa describes Dilipa as the real father of his subjects because he educated, protected, and supported his people who were said to swerve not an inch from the path laid down by Manu.
Maharaja Droṇasimha seems to have set the fashion for his successors of giving great donations though only one copper plate of his is as yet discovered. He made his donation for the benefit of a temple of the goddess Pāṇdurājā.
Of Dhruvasena I we have in all about sixteen plates. In some he calls himself' Parama - bhaṭṭāraka

-

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LIV
Kavyanusasana pādānudhyāta' that is, 'one looked after by the great over – lord', Mahāsāmanta - 'the great chief' and Mahārāja ' the great king. In addition to these titles, in the plate dated 216 ( = 535 A. D.) found at Vală - the modern namesake of Valabhi, he gives himself the titles
Mahāpratihāra ''the great door – keeper,' Mahādandanāyaka, 'the great general or governor,' Mahākārtakstika which may be literally translated as the great follower of Kārtikeya - the general of gods,' and Mahārāja ' the great king.' In some later plates he gives himself merely the first and the last titles.
In common with his predecessors his military exploits are referred to in his plates. His two special qualifications may be noted. One is, Avaboddhā Sāstrartha - tattvānām - knower of the essence of the Sāstras, that is, authoritative works on the different branches of learning. Another, refers to his great liberality to friends and learned men, and religious institutions.
We find from his plates that his father Bhatarka and his elder brothers Dharasena and Droņasimha were Parama - Mābesvara - that is, great devotees of Siva and that he himself was Parama - Bhagavata, that is, a great devotee of Vishnu. His grants, however, show him to be a man of liberal religious outlook. His copper - plate dated V. 216 (that is, 535 A. D.) is given for the benefit of a Buddhist Vihāra built by his niece ( sister's daughter ) Duddā who is called Paramopāsikā and that of V. 217 ( that is, 536 A. D.) for this as well as another Vihāra built by Buddhadāsa. The expenses of providing Buddhist monks with the necessaries of life, of treating Buddhist pilgrims from all

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Introduction
LV
directions as guests, of worshipping Buddhist idols, and of repairing Vitāras, were met from the income of these grants. The other grants are to Brāhmaṇas learned in different Vedas. It may be noted that three grants one of 210 (=529 A. D.), the other of 221 (=540 A. D.), and the third of 226 (=545 A. D.) - are given to the Brāhmaṇas of Vadanagara the famous seat of Brahmanical learning. In the first it is simply called Nagara; in the second Anandapura; and in the third Anarttapura. In the third the names of the donees cannot be made out; in the first, the donees are two brothers: Santīşarmā and Devaşarmā of Ātreyagotra, students of the Vājasaneyi version of Yajurveda. In the second the names of the donees are Skanda-trāta and Guhatrāta of Bhāradwāja gotra, students of Sāmaveda ( Chhandogasabrhmachāri ). This shows that the limits of his kingdom in the north must have included Vadanagara also.
Dhruvasena I must have reigned, at the least, for more than twenty years; probably for thirty years, from 519 to 549 A. D. After him his brother Dharapatta seems to have occupied the throne. His records, if any, are not yet discovered. It is rather strange that he is not mentioned in the grants of his son, though he is mentioned in those of his grand son. From them we learn that he was Paramāditya bhakta - the great devotee of the Sun.
The first plate of Guhasena the son of Dharapatta is dated V. 240 (=559 A. D.). In all we have five records of his reign, three of which are copper - plates. The second one is dated 246 (= 565 A. D.) and the third one

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Lvi
Kavyanusasana
is dated V. 248 (=567 A. D.). Upon a broken clay - pot we have a very small inscription giving the date 247 (566 A. D.) and the name Sri Guhasena and the word 'ghața.' It means that here is something referring to the pot. The fifth record is a stone inscription from which we can make out only the name of Guhasena and nothing more.
Guhasena is simply called Mahārāja in his plates but his other special qualifications mentioned in this as well as in his successors' plates may be noted. It seems the the Royal Treasury had been replenished in his times for he is compared to an ocean for possessing wealth. Another description of his which says that from the time of childhood his second was his sword is rather significant. Like Dronāsimha he seems to have paid much attention to the regulation of Smộtis in the act of governing his people. In his case it is mentioned that the word ' Rājan' was literally true for he pleased the heart of his people. * This again reminds us of the Raghuvamșa of Kalidasa where the poet says the same thing about Raghu.
All the three plates describe grants given to the Buddhist monasteries. The first is given to the Vihāra in the city of Valabhi built by Dudda who is called Pujyā – that is respected. This is natural for she was an aunt- that is, father's sister - of Guhasena. In addition to the usual purposes of providing for the monks and pilgrims, repairing the monasteries etc. one more purpose is mentioned - viz. buying of books of good religion' that is, Budhism for the Vihāra.
* His handsomeness, form, steadiness of mind, depth of intelligence, and wealth are referred to.

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LVII
This proves the existence of a library at least of Buddhist books. The eighteen Nikayas are also mentioned. The second plate describes the grant given for the same purpose. Dudda is referred to more respectfully as Duddāpāda and the Vihara is called after her Dudda - vihāra. At the end we find
Introduction
Svamukhajna- that is, 'oral order. This probably implies that no Dutaka was necessary. It was written by Skandagupta - appointed to the post of the minister for war and peace. The third is given. to the Abhyantarikavihara-built by Mimma who is respectfully referred to as Mimmapada, near the Bhaṭṭārkāvihāra which was given to Rajasthānīya (- that is the official guardian -) Sūra. Here also the oral order is mentioned, the grant being written by the same Skandabhatta. In the first two grants Guhasena is a Paramamāhesvara, that is, a great devotee of Siva; in this, however, he is a Paramopāsaka, that is, a great devotee of Buddha. This means that he became a Buddhist between the years 565 to 567 A. D. This may have been due to the influence of the aunt Dudda. Guhasena ruled probably from 554 A. D. to 569 A. D.
He was succeded by his son Dharasena II. We have some ten or eleven plates bearing his name, the earliest being V. 252 (571 A. D.) and the latest being V. 270 (589 A. D.). As mentioned before, his plates give the name of his grandfather Dharapatta left out by his father's plates. Most of these grants are given to Brāhmaṇas of various families learned in the Vedas. One plate of the year 252 (571 A. D.) is given to one Rudragopa - a son of Rudraghosha of Kauṣravas gotra and a student of Atharvaveda. He lived in Anarttapura that is, modern Vadanagara.
8
-

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LVIII
Kavyanusasana
The grant of the year 259 (578 A. D.) was given to a vihára named Bappapādiya built at the suggestion of Āchārya Bhadanta Sthiramati. One grant of the year 270 (589 A. D.) was given to the already famous Duddīvihāra. A third grant, whose date cannot be made out, is also given to a vihāra in Valabhi. Another of the same year was given to one Vishņumitra who originally belonged to Ānarttapura and was then living in Khetaka, that is modern Khedā. The village Asilāpallikā in the Bandarijidri tālukā may probably be Aşāpalli – the older site of Karnāvati and modern Ahmedabad which is so near to Bārejaời.
Of his special attributes we may note the following: He had astonished all the archers by his natural strength as well as his training in archery. He maintained all the gifts of the previous kings. He showed in himself that Sri (= Wealth) and Sarasvati (- Learning) could live together which again reminds us of Kālidāsa's Bharatavākya in the Vikramorvasiya.
He ruled for more than 18 years.
He was succeeded by his son Sri Silāditya who was known by the title Dharmāditya because he took particular care in following the model of the ideal kings of old. Even though he was immensely learned he could find pleasure even in a little good - saying wherever he found.
Ten of his plates have been discovered-the earliest dated in the year 286 (605 A. D.); the latest in the year 290 (609 A. D.). One grant of the year 286, and another whose date cannot be made out are given to a Vihāra in Vamşakața which was built by the king himself. The grant of the year 287 and one grant of the year 290

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In troduction
LIX
are given to the Bhikkhuņīs of Yakshasura. Another grant of the year 290, it may be noted, was given to a temple of Mahādeva - a rare instance, looking to the fact that almost all the kings of Valabhi were Paramamāhesvaras. This one may indicate that there might have been many more such grants which are either lost or are not yet discovered. If we do not have some such supposition it would be very difficult to explain this paucity of grants from these great devotees of Siva. A third grant of the year 290 gives to the Brāhmaṇas Mitraşarman and Gamesvara sons of Rudraşarman the village of Daşapura to which place they originally belonged ( Mandosara in Mālwa ), but were then living in Valabhi. This shows that his kingdom included part of Mālwa at least.
As Molap'o of Yuan Chang comprises main land Gujarat we may quote from his travels, as it gives
I “Although it is impossible to reconcile all the data given in the pilgrim's text, and several details are open to controversy, it is clear that the kingdom or country of Mola - Po essentially comprised the basin of the Mabī river, with the region to the east of Sābaramati and a portion of the hilly tract of Southern Rajputără perhaps extended as far east as Rutlam. Mo-la-P'o was bounded on the North by the Gurjar kingdom of Bhilmal, on the north - west by the subordinate principality or province of Anandapura (Varnagar), lying to the west of Sabarmati, and on the east by the kingdom (Avanti) or eastern Malwa of which Ujjain was capital. Besides Anandapura two other countries, Ki – t'A or Ki - ch'A and Su-la-ch'A or Sulatha were dependencies of Mo -la - Po. The latter dependency certainly is to be identified with Soratha (Surastra), or Southern Kathiawar. The identity of the former is disputed some good authorities holding the Chinese name to mean the Kaira (Kheda, Khetak) District, while others believe it to mean Kuchchh" (Cutch)." (E. H. I. pp. 323-324.)

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avyanusasana
some idea of the civilization of the people at the time and summarizes the records of the country about Silāditya.
“This country Mo - la – Po is about 6000 li in circuit. The capital * is some 30 li round. It is defended (or supported ) by Mahĩ river of the south and east. The soil is rich and fertile and produces abundant harvests. Shrubs and trees are numerous and flourishing. Flowers and fruits are met with in great quantities. The soil is suitable in an especial manner for winter wheat. They mostly eat biscuits and (or, made of ) parched corn flower. The disposition of the men is virtuous and docile, and they are in general of remarkable intelligence. The language is elegant and clear, and their learning is wide and profound.
“Two countries in India on the borders, are remarkable for the great learning of the people viz., Mo-la - Po on the South-west and Magadha on the North-east. In this they esteem virtue and respect politeness (humanity ). They are of an intelligent mind and exceedingly studious; nevertheless the men of this country are given to heretical beliefs as well as the true faiths and so live together. There are about one hundred Sanghārāmas in which some 2000 priests dwell. They study the Little Vehicle, and belong to the Sammatiya school. There are une hundred Deva
" The unnamed capital, which was situated to the southeast of a great river, or according to another reading, of the Mahs has not been identified. If the great river means the Sabarmati, the capital may have stood at or near the site of Ahmedabad" (E. H. I. p. 323 ). It might, as well, have been Mahīnagara or Skambhatīrtba or Cambay.

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Introduction
Temples of different kinds. The heretics are very numerous but principally the Pasupatas (the cindercovering heretics).
""
LXI
The records of the country state: Sixty years before this flourished Siladitya a man of eminent wisdom and great learning; his skill in literature was profound. He cherished and protected the four kinds of creatures, and deeply respected the three pleasures. From the time of his birth to his last hour, his face never crimsoned with anger, nor did his hands ever injured a living thing. His elephants and horses drank water that has been strained, after which he gave it them, lest any creature living in the water should be injured. Such were his love and humanity. During the fifty years and more of his reign, the wild beasts became familiar with men, and the people did not injure or slay them. By the side of his palaces he built a Vihara. He exhausted the skill of the artist, and used every kind of ornaments in decorating it. In it he put images of several Buddhas, Lords of the World. Every year he convoked an assembly called Moksha Maha Parishad, and summoned the priests of the four quarters. He offered them the four things in religious charities; he also gave them sets of three garments used in the religious services and also bestowed on them the seven precious jewels in wonderful varieties. This meritorious custom has continued in practice without interruption till now." (pp. 260-62. Book II. Buddhist Records of the Western World--Beal.) It is this Siladitya, who according to Dr. Jayaswal, is referred to in the Aryamanjuṣrī Kalpa. *
66
""

G
66
* This Sila the Dharmraja, of the family of Dhara is Siladitya Dharmaditya I, the seventh in succession from

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LXII
Kavyanusasana
His grants and those of his successor mention Guhasena after Bhațārka omitting the intervening kings.
Şilāditya was succeeded by his younger brother Kharagraha none of whose grants, if any, are as yet discovered. We, however, learn from his son's copperplates that he was a learned man as also a patron of learning. From the same source we come to know that he worked in the capacity of Yuvarāja to his elder brother, a fact which is corroborated by the mention of Kharagraha - as a Dūtaka in some grants of Şiladitya.
Dharasena I founder of the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhi. His inscriptions which date equivalent to 605 A. D. to 609 A. D. have been found. His successor Chapala will correspond with Kharagrha (his nephew) of the inscriptions. His nephew Dhruva. seda II was the next king. Records of his, dated 629-639 A. D. have been found. Dhruva is described in the AMMK as anuja of Chapala, which is to be taken in its original sense born after,' 'a younger cadet' and not "younger brother.' Yuan - Chang saw the artistic Buddhist temple built by Sılāditya when he visited Valabhi in the reign of Dhruva, who was a vassal and son-in-law to Harsha.
The dynastic description and the extent of the territories of Silāditya given bere settled the controversy started by Hoernle. (J. R.A.S., 1909, 122.) He was the king of the territory from Ujjain in Eastern Malwa upto the west country of the sea, that is, Kachchha, which was the limit of the west country according to the Puranic Geography (1. A. 1933, 126); and he was king of the Lādas, that is, what we call Gujarat, and of Valabhi that is, southern Kathiawar.
Dhruva, according to our text, becomes subordinate, which was a fact in Harshavardhan's time." (Imperial Hist. of India pp. 24-25)

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Introduction
LXIII
He was succeeded by his younger brother Dhruvasena II. We have about seven grants of this king. The earliest is dated 310 (= 629 A. D.), the latest 321 (=640 A. D. ). We learn from these grants that his other name was Baladitya. They also attribute to him proficiency in arts generally and mastery in the Graminer of Panini, who is mentioned by the name of Salāturīya, and in the science of Polity. He is compared to Manu the first king, because like him he was elected king by his subjects for his merits. His steadfast friendship did not deter him from giving up those friends who were found to have faults of character.
This reminds us of Raghuvamṣa canto I verse 28, where Kālidāsa says of Dilīpa that he cut off connection with even a dear person if he were wicked, like a snake-bitten finger.
The grant of the year 310 (= 629 A. D.) is given to the vihara which was built by Guhaka and was a part of the great vīhāra built by the princess Dudda in Valabhi. So also the grant of the year 319 (=638 A. D.) was given for providing for the Bhikkhuṇīs residing in the vihara built by one Punnabhața near the Yakshasura vihara. In the year 320 (= 639 A. D.) he renewed the grant given to the temple of Koṭṭammahikadevi by Mahārāja Droṇasimha which appears to have become null interim. This might either refer to the grant of Droṇasimha given in the year 183 (= 302 A. D.) where, however, the name of the goddess is Pānḍurājā or it might refer to some other gift
unknown to us.
The grants of the years 320 and 321 (= 639-40

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LXIV
Kavyanusasana
A. D.) give villages in Malwa to certain Brāhmaṇas. This shows the extent of his territory.
From a copper plate grant of Dadda II, who was a contemporary, we learn that Dhruvasena II who was defeated by the great Harsha of Kanouj, was helped by him. Later on, however, Sri Harsha gave Dhruvasena II his daughter in marriage and made peace with him, probably because he was a blue-blooded Kshatariya. This is an instance similar to that of Pradyota - king of Ujjayinī giving his daughter Vasvadattā to Udayana Vatsarāja. This event is also referred to by Yuan - Chang who refers to Dhruvasena as Tu - lu P'o - Po-ta, that is, Dhruva Bhaṭṭa.
He was succeeded by his son Dharasena IV. We have about four grants of his discovered up, till now. The earliest being dated 326 (=645 A. D.) the latest 330 (=649 A. D.). He was the most powerful of the monarchs of Valabhi. He is called Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājadhiraja Parameṣvara Chakravarti Sri Ajjakapādānudhyāta Sri Dharasena.
The mention of the title Chakravartin in the case of Dharasena IV requires some explanation and confirmation. It is rather difficult to imagine that this is merely an ornamental applelation. It must have some basis in fact. Now we know that he was the son of the daughter of Harshavardhana who was then the emperor of India. As Harshavardhana died without a direct male heir, his throne might have been occupied by his daughter's son Dharasena IV. This would entitle Dharasena to call himself a Chakravartin. This supposition receives confirmation from Ṣrī Ārya Manjuṣrīkalpa.

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Introduction
This book was written about the year 770 or roughly 800 A. D. *
Now we know from Yuan - Chang that he referred to the then king of Valabhi as a kshatriya and we also know that his name was Dhruvapaṭṭa or Dhruvabhaṭṭa. As Harshavardhana was a vaishya there is some point in calling his successor a kshatriya. Again we find from the copper - plates of Dharasena IV that he had given many donations in support of Buddhist vihāras for the maintenance of the monks and for the worship of Buddhist idols. All this evidence supports the identification of the king whose name began with Dha' with Dharasena IV - made out by Dr. Jayswal.
LXV
"Rājyavardhana had his successor in Harsha; and Dh., that is, Dharasena IV his grandson was really Harsha's anuja or descendant in which sense the MMK always uses the term. According to the Mitaksharā idea of Hindu Law, Dharasena IV would be considered a successor and descendant of Rajyavardhana. It is difficult to give value to the initial V. or J, (Tibetian version) of the successor of Dh. but the description
* Jayaswal's Imperial History of India. Introductory p. 3. According to the MMK Rajyavardhana was succeeded by a Kshatriya, the first letter of whose name began with 'Dha'. He ruled for three years. He was succeeded by a king the first letter of whose name began with a letter 'Dha'. He is called Sarvabhumika Bhupati which technically means an emperor. He had an army consisting of elephants, horses and chariots, as well as a navy. He conquered all the enemies that faced him in battle. He decorated the earth by building many viharas and idols of Buddha,
9

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LXVI
Kavyanusasana
leaves little doubt that it was Dhruvasena III, 'the youngest' of his grand - uncles, all elder to Dharasena's grandfather. The long age ( 100 years ) confirms the identification.
" It is noteworthy that the Valabhi kings maintained a navy.
“Dharasena IV in the year 546 A. D. issued two copper - plates; in the earlier of the two in the same Kartikadi year ( 326 GE) he is not Chakravartin (Emperor ), while a few months after he assumed that title ( Bhandarkar's List, No. 1348, No. 1349). We should therefore conclude that his grandfather Harshavardhana died between the month of Māgha ( 5th Dark Fortnight) and Asadha (S., 10). By that title he claimed to be the heir to the Empire of Harshavardhana and something more, that is, as the Emperor of South.” (Imp. Hist. of India. p. 67)
This sudden development of the kingdom of Valabhi into an empire through inheritance explains the geographical description of the territories as well as the big titles of the successors of Dharasena IV; though we may note that the title of Chakravartin is dropped by his successors some of whom still call themselves Paramesvarat.
† We cannot say with certainty who was the king whose name began with Va or Ja, who succeeded the king the initial letter of whose name was Dha. He may be Derabhatta or bis son Dhruvasena III or Şilāditya II; or it is just possible that Dharasena might have had a son whose name began with Va or Ja and the kingdom of Valabhi might have passed to Derabhatta the son of his grandfather's brother. This is merely a surmise.

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Introduction
LXVII His grant of the year 326 (= 645 A. D.) is donated to meet the expenses of the upkeep of a vihāra as also of repairing a reservoir in the vicinity to provide facility of water, both of them, originally, gifts of the minister Skandabhata. It may be noted that the Bhikkhus who resided in this vihāra were of the Mahāyāna sect of Buddhism.
The three other grants are given to various Brāhmaṇas learned in Vedas. The first grant of the year 330 (= 649 A. D. ) is given to a Brāhmaṇa hailing from Anarttapura. This one and the other of the year 330 (=649 A. D.) are issued, it may be noted, from the royal military camp at Bharukachchha, that is, the modern Broach. The Dūtaka in the two grants of 326 is Kumāra Dhruvasena, while in those of 330 is Rājaduhitā (that is Princess ) Bhupā or Bhuvā.
Two attributes of the emperor may be noted: his pearl ear – ring is said to indicate the pure learning that he had received through his ear; the other, he is called a Dhanurveda in Kārmuka, that is the very embodiment of the science of archery.
It was in the reign of this emperor that Bhatti the author of the Rāvaṇavadha more usually known as Bhattikāvya, lived.
After Dharasena IV the line of succession turned back to the son of Şilāditya II, whose name was Derabhatta. No records of his reign are found. From references about him in his son's copper – plates we gather that he was the lord of the earth whose two breasts were the mountains Sahya and Vindhya. He was succeeded by his son Dhruvasena III. Two of his grants are found. One of them is dated in the year 334 ( =653 A. D.). The other plate being broken itę

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LXVIII
Kavyanusásana
date cannot be made out. The first one is given to Bhattibhata who was a son of Bappa and a resident of Mahichchhaka. One is tempted to guess that this Bhatti might be the same as the author of Bhattikāvya. The other grant is donated to the Duddāvihāra.
The learning of Dhruvasena III is described figuratively by saying that as his ear is already ornamented with learning the jewelled ear - ring was a sort of repetition of ornament. He was succeeded by Kharagraha II who is called Dharmāditya. * One grant of his dated 337 (=656 A. D.) is found. Strangely enough we do not find his other name Dharmāditya in this grant of his. The donee is one Nārāyaṇa hailing from Anandapura and residing in Khețaka.
After Kharagraha II we have six kings all of whom bear the name of Silāditya. No grant of Şilāditya II is discovered, but in those of Şilāditya III he is called the lord of the earth whose breast is the mountain Vindhya.
Silāditya III is called Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara Şrī Bāvapādārudhyāta Paramabhattārka Mahārājādhirāja Parameşvara Şrī Șilāditya in his copper - plates. About eleven of his
* It is rather strange that he is referred to as 'agraja' which usually means an elder brother. Dilāditya II who succeeded Kharagraha II is also very strangely called Silāditya's 'agrajanma'. I think there is some clerical error in 'Agraja' which should be 'Angaja' and 'Agrajanmā' which should be * Angajanmā'. We may not that just before this, in the plates, Sri Dhruvasena is called 'angaja'-son-of Derabhatta. If this explanation of the discrepancy is accepted, Kharagraha II would be the son of Dbruvasena III and Silāditya Il would become Mae son of Kharagrabe II.

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Introduction
LXIX copper – plates have been found, the earliest being dated in the year 342 ( =661 A. D.) and the latest in the year 365 = 684 A. D.). The plates dated 343, 356 give grants to viháras built by Vimalagupta and Sthiramati situated within the precincts of Duddá vihāra, and the one, having no date, gives a grant to Duddā. vihāra. The donee of the plate of the year 352 (=671 A. D.) is a Brāhmaṇa named Gopadatta a son of adhvaryu Kikkaka hailing from Anandapura and residing at the time in Valabhi.
Of Silāditya IV there are about five copper - plates; the earliest being dated 375 (= 694 A. D.) the latest 387 (= 706 A. D.); of Şilāditya V two, both dated in the year 403 (= 722 A. D.); of Şilāditya VI one, dated 441 (= 760 A. D.); and of Şilāditya VII one, dated 447 (= 766 A. D.). All the Silādityas from II to VII bear almost the same titles. If these titles are to be regarded as indicative of some real state of affairs, we can say that after the emperor. Dharasena IV the dominions of the monarchs of Valabhi must have been very extensive including the whole of modern Gujrat plus at least western Mālva.
So many as six kings coming in succession bearing one name of Șilāditya explains why in later tradition Valabhi was associated with the name of Şiladitya. This, however, is a stumbling block to the student of history; for very often when this name occurs in literature, it is not possible to understand which of the seven Silādityas is intended. Thus we find in the Satrunjayamahātmya that one Şilāditya was a Jain whose teacher was Dhanesvara. We cannot say which of the seven is intended.

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Kavyanusasana We also find a Silāditya mentioned by Sođờhala the author of the Udayasundarikathā (composed between 1026 - 1050 A. D.). While describing the genesis of his caste of the Vālabha Kāyastha (that is Kāyasthas of Valabhi ) he refers to one Kaláditya as the founder of his caste. This Kalāditya is mentioned as a brother of Silāditya and as his principal minister. Here again the question arises which of the seven Șilādityas is meant. Soddhala himself, in a way, answers the question. When describing the victorious march of Şilāditya he mentions one Dharmapāla - the ruler of Uttarāpatha whom S. finds difficult to subdue. The only powerful king of Uttarāpatha of the name of Dharmapāla that we know of is the second king of the Pāla dynasty. According to the Tibetian historian Tărānātha, as quoted by Smith, "his rule extended from the Bay of Bengal to Delhi and Jalandhara in the North and to the valleys of the Vindhyan range in the south' (E. H. I. p. 398 ). A ruler of such a dominion would, of course, be called an 'Uttarāpatha - svāmin !. He is said to belong to the dynasty of Māndhātp. Smith puts Dharmapāla who is credited with a reign of sixty - four years about 800 A. D. (E. H. I. p. 398). Prior to the thirty-second year of his reign, as recorded in two of his grants, he had defeated Indrapāla or Indrāyudha and installed in his place Chakrāyudha. This event took place soon after 800 A. D. So we can see that Dharmapāla must be ruling prior to 800 A. D. say about 790 A. D. Relying on the evidence of the MMK Dr. Jayaswal places his predecessor Gopala's reign in the year C. 730 A. D. to 757. Now we saw that the latest Valabhi copper - plate that we

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LXX1
know of is that of Şilāditya VII of the year 766 A. D. That makes him a contemporary of Dharmapāla, with whom, according to Soddhala he waged a successful war. This early reverse in arms that Dharmapala must have suffered at the hands of Silāditya VII might explain why there is no king soon after Gopālaka. However this may be, we can say almost with certainty that Şilāditya VII and Dharmapāla were contemporaries and that it is Şilăditya VII that is referred to by Soddhala.
From this survey of the kings of Maitraka dynasty from Sri Bhațārka to Siladitya VII we find Valabhi assuming prominence in the history of India. It must not, however, be supposed that the city of Valabhi was found by the Maitrakas or that it had no prominence before that. We have evidence to infer the existence of Valabhi in the second century A. D. In the collection of articles found near Valabhi made by Mr. Vajeshankar Gaurishankar there are clay seals of the second and the fifth century A. D. which prove the existence of the place at that time. Ptolemy of the second century A. D. seems to refer to Valabhi under the name of Balai. Valabhi was not so much inland in ancient times as it is now. According to the author of the B. G. "its choice as capital was probably due to its being a harbour on the Bhavanagara creek. Since the days of Valabhi's prime the silt which thickly covers the ruins had also filled and choked the channel which once united it with the Bhavnagara creek when Ghelā was probably a fair - sized river ” (p. 79.).
We find reference to Valabhi in the story literature which generally give imaginary place-names but make

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an exception in case of great capitals like Pățaliputra, Ujjayini or Valabhi. The Daṣakumāracharita (before 700 A. D.) and the Kathasaritsagara which though comparatively a modern work utilizes very old materials, mention Valabhi as an important place.
According to the Jaina tradition Devarḍhigani Kshama Sramaņa redacted the Jaina canon to its present form in the year 980 or 993 after Mahāvīra that is, in the year 453 A. D. or in the year 466 A. D., in the city of Valabhi. An assembly of all the learned Jaina monks was called and an authoritative form was finally given to the Jaina canon. This proves the prominence of the city of Valabhi at the very beginning of the Maitraka rule.
Yuan Chang who came to Valabhi about the year 641 A. D. gives a description of the city which enables us to form some idea of its splendour. The Buddhist pilgrim says as follows:
"This country (Fa-la-pi) is 6000 li or so in circuit, the capital about 30. The character of the soil, the climate and the manners of the people are like those of the kingdom of Malava. The population is very dense; the establishments rich. There are some hundred houses (families) or so, who possess a hundred lakhs. The rare and valuable products of distant regions are here stored in great quantities. There are some hundred sanghāramas with about 6000 priests. Most of them study the Little Vehicle, according to the Sammatiya school. There are several hundred Deva temples with very many sectaries of different sorts.
When Tathagata lived in the world, he often

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LXXIII
travelled through this country. Hence Asoka - rāja raised monuments or built stūpas in all those places where Buddha rested. Scattered among these are spots where the three past Buddhas sat down, or walked, or preached the law. The present king is of the Kshattriya caste, as they all are. He is the nephew of Silāditya - rājā of Mālvā, and son-in-law of the son of Şilāditya the present king of Kūnyakubja. His name is Dhruvapata (T’u-lu-h'o-po-tu). He is of a lively and hasty disposition, his wisdom and statecraft are shallow. Quite recently he has attached himself sincerely to the faith in the three "precious ones." Yearly he summons a great assembly, and for seven days gives away most valuable gems, exquisite meats, and on the priests he bestows in charity the three garments and medicaments, or their equivalent in value, and precious articles made of rare and costly gems of the seven sorts. Having given this in charity he redeems them at twice their price. He esteems virtue (or the virtuous ) and honours the good; he reverences those who are noted for their wisdom. The great priests who come from distant regions he particularly honours and respects.
Not far from the city is a great sanghārama which was built by the Arhat ( 'O-che-lo ); here the Bodhisattvas Guñamati and Sthiramati (Kien - hwui) fixed their residences during their travels and composed treatises which have gained a high renown.” (Bud. Records of the Western World - Beal Bk. XI pp. 266267 - 268.)
The existence of many vihāras is, as we have, seen, attested by the several copper - plates of Valabhi.
10

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Kavyanusasana
Dudda -- vihāra which seems to have developed into a vihāra – mandala - a group of Vihāras containing within its precincts the viháras built by Buddhadāsa (V.217536 A.D.), Gohaka (V. 310=629 A. D.), Sthiramati and Vimalagupta (V. 343=662 A. D.). The other vihāras in the city itself and near Valabhi were:--the Bhattārkavihāra and a vihāra built by Her Worship Mimmā-near the Bhattärka - vihāra (V. 248=567 A. D.), Srī Bappa - pādiya vihāra built by Sthiramati ( V. 259=578 A. D.), - one built in Vamsakata by Silāditya I, - one built by Punnabhața in the vicinity of Yakshasūra – vihāra near Valabhi (V. 319=638 A. D.), and one built by the minister Skandagupta with a water – reservoir to supply water to the vihāra (V. 326-645 A. D.) and others.
The great sanghārama built by Arhat or Achara referred to by Yuan Chang has been identified with the caves in the Talaja hill (Bhavnagar State Kathiawad) by Mr. Hiralalal A. Shah. * This vihāra is the same as is mentioned in the copper - plate grant of Dharasena II of the year 259 ( = 578 A. D.). It is described therein as “Șrī Bappapādiya vihāra caused by Āchārya Bhadanta Sthiramati in Valabhi.” We are to understand that it was situated not actually in the city itself, but nearby; because to indicate in the city itself the words “Valabhi Svatalanivishta ” are, generally, used. This agrees well with the description given by Yuan - Chang who says 'not far from the city.' Mr. Hiralal after comparing the other vihāras built by Achara which are identified with those of Ajanta and Nasik, comes to the conclusion that this vihāra of Achara also must be in a hill. This agrees very well with
. * Purātattva Vol. 1, pp. 103-112.

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LXXV
the caves in the Talaja hill near Bhavnagar, which is not very far from Valabhi and the main door of whose principal assembly-hall looks over the old site of Valabhi. That Valabhi was a great seat of learning is again proved by 'I-tsing a junior contemporary' of Yuan Chang. According to him "Nalanda in South Behar and Valabhi were two places in India which deserved comparision with the most famous centres of learning in China and were frequented by crowds of eager students who commonly devoted or 3 years on attendance at lectures on Buddhist philosophy. This statement explains the assertion of Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chang) that Mo-la P'o or Western Mälawa, and Magadha were the two countries of India in which learning was prized, because Valabhi and Mo-la p'o were then politically one, both territories apparently being under the government of Dhruvabhata, the son-in-law of King Harsha, paramount sovereign of Northern India. (Early His. of India Smith p. 314.)
""
-
-
Valabhi appears to have been a great centre of learning not only Buddhistic but Vedic and Jain also. We find in the 32nd taranga of the Kathasaritsagara (composed between 1063 - 1081 A. D.) that one Vishnudatta native of Antarvedi goes to Valabhi for learning. Again if there is anything which the grants attest quite definitely it is the royal patronage of Vedic learning throughout the whole kingdom. We saw that the learned Brahmanas of Anandapura
+
+ K. S. S. p. 141. (N. S. E.)

स विष्णुदत्तो वयसा पूर्णषोडशवत्सरः । गन्तुं प्रववृते विद्याप्राप्तये वलभी पुरीम् ॥

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Kavyanusasana
(= modern Vadanagara ) are conspicuous in the grants. The great Bhattikāvya - a veritable literary feat - which appears to have been the model of Hemachandra's Dvyāşraya kāvya - was composed at Valabhi. This is merely a single literary remain which is, however, suggestive of a vast literary activity. This inference would appear right if we remember that the kings of Valabhi themselves are described as very learned. One of them Dhruvasena II is specially described as proficient in the science of Sālāturiya - that is -the Grammer of Pāṇini, and the Science of Polity.
Of the existence of Jaina learning, evidences are not wanting. We saw that in the beginning of the Maitraka rule Valabhi was the scene of a great Jaina scriptural activity. Under the supervision of Devardhigaņi the whole Jaina canon was redacted to its present form. In fact this is one of the greatest events in Jaina history. We may also here refer to Mallavādin one of the greatest of Jaina dialecticians and the author of Nayachakra. According to the Prabhāvaka. charita Malla was the youngest of the three brothers - the name of the other two being Jitayaşas or Jinayasas and Yaksha who lived in Valabhi with their mother whose name was Durlabhadevī. They had a maternal uncle who was a Şvetāmbara Jaina monk and was known as Jinananda Sūrī. He was defeated by a Buddhist monk named Nanda or Buddhānanda in a public controversy at Bhrgukachchha (Broach). He left that city and came to Valabhi where he made his nephew his disciples. All the three received high learning at Valabhi and became great masters of Sāstras. Jitayaşas wrote a Nyasa - a sort of commentary - on a work of

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grammar known as Viṣrantavidyadharavara (probably only Viṣranta Vidyadhara); Yaksha composed a Samhita known as Nimittashṭāngabodhini while Malla wrote his famous treatise on Jaina philosophy known as Nayachakra. Malla went to Broach and defeated his uncle's opponent Buddhananda in a public controversy in the royal assembly. He was given the title of Vădin as a token of victory. There seems to be some truth in this episode. For we find that soon after the fall of Valabhi-power Buddhism gradually disappears from Gujarat and Jainism taking its place. This may be due not a little to the controversies carried on by Mallavadin. *
As to the importance of Valabhi as a centre of trade and commerce we have sufficient evidence. We saw what Yuan - Chang says on this matter in his travels. The story - literature also bears testimony to this. For example, in the Dasakumaracharita of Dandin (before 700 A. D. - almost a contemporary) we find There is a city named Valabhi in Saurashtra. In it there is an owner of ships named Gṛhagupta who can vie with Kubera in riches. He had a daughter named Ratnamati. A merchant - prince named Balabhadra from Madhumati (present day Mahuva) comes to Valabhi and marries her" etc. (p. 225). We find in this story Kheṭaka + associated with Valabhi. So also
<<
LXXVII
This work V. V. is referred to by Hemachandra in his grammar Siddha-Hema. Vamana is said to be the author of the Viṣranta-Vidyadhara. See the Puratattva, Vol. IV. p. 91. The story is somewhat differently told in the Prabandha. chintamani and the Prabandhakosa. There Malla is associated with Siladitya.
The grants also associate Valabhi and Khetaka.

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Kavyanusasana in the Kathāsaritsāgara we find a Vidyādhara, who had to take birth in the family of a merchant, being born in the city of Valabhi as a son to a very rich merchant and bearing the name of Vasudatta.- He is ordered by his father to go to other parts for business etc. (T. 22; p. 85). In the same work, again, we find Devasena of Pāțaliputra going to Valabhi for trade - business * leaving his wife Kīrtisenā to the tender mercies of his mother. (Taranga 29 p. 130 K. S.).
We pause here for a while to review the state of different religions in Gujarāt from the Kshatrapa rule to the Maitraka rule. Judging from the coins of Kshatrapas and the copper - plates of Maitrakas, we find that the state religion, or to be more precise, the royal religion was Şaivism. “This Saivism seems to have been of the old Pasupata school of Nakulisa or Lakulisa as the chief shrine of Lakulisa was at Karavana” (p. 83 B. G.). * As a result of the missionary activities of Asoka Buddhism seems to have made good head - way amongst the people as well as in the
: अचिरेणैव जातोऽ हं भूतले वणिजां कुले ।
नगया वलभीनाम्न्यां महाधनाणिकसुतः । वसुदत्ताभिधानः सन् वृद्धिं च गतवानहम् । (श्लो. ५९-६०) x एकदा स पतिस्तस्या देवसेनो वणिज्यया ।
गन्तुं प्रववृते बन्धुप्रेरितो वलभी पुरीम् ॥
* According to the latest researches of Mr. Ratnamanirao Skambha or Skambhatīrtha -- the old Sansk!ta name for Khambhàta - was the original home of Lipga - worship and that Gujarat was known as Lāta to foreigners because it worshipped Lata - or the stone - phallus. See for this interesting theory 'History of Khambháta: by Mr. Ratnamaņirao. Principal Anandsbanker Dhruva, however, and some other scholars also, do not agree with this view.

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LXXIX
nobility and also in royal families. Inscriptions of the followers of Buddhism of the time of Rudradáman and the copper - plates of Valabhi are evidences of this state of things. Guhasena in one of his plates is called Paramopāsaka-a great follower of Buddhism for which Duddā his paternal aunt seems to be responsible.
The spread of Jainism, though not so marked, is made evident by a Jaina inscription of the Kshatrapa period to which we have previously referred. According to Mr. Jayaswal Nahapāna was a Jaina. Be that as it may, at the time of Valabhi – supremacy Jainism seems to have made considerable progress; otherwise Devardąhigaại would have found it impossible to hold his council of Jaina monks in Valabhi. As a result of the activities of Mallavādin Jainism seems to have received fresh impetus.
Vaishṇavism seems to have received much support in the time of the Guptas. The Traikūtaka kings were Parama-Bhāgavatas, so also Dharasena II. Dharapatta was a Paramāditya-bhakta or a great devotee of the Sun. . One fact, however, seems to come out clearly from the copper - plate grants of Maitraka kings, and that is, that the spirit of toleration and reverence for good things of all religions - taught by Asoka was not forgotten by subsequent rulers. Even though, almost all the kings of the Kshatrapa and the Maitraka periods were great devotees of Şiva, their gifts extended to all creeds and sects, especially, to Buddhism.
The copper - plates supply us with many details which enable us to visualize the administration of the kingdom of Valabhi. The B. G. gives a good summary which I quote in the footnote below.+
+ “ The Valabhi grants supply information regarding the

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Kavyanusasana As to the fall of Valabhi, Bühler, in 1872, confessed that it was a question most difficult to decide. Mr. Niharranjan Ray in his articles on the Maitrakas of Valabhi (Ind. Hist. Quarterly. September 1928) says that after so many years of research it is still one of the most difficult question to decide. The B. G. mainly relying upon the tradition mentioned by Alberuni places the sack of Valabhi about the year 770 A. D. (pp. 94-96).
As to the man who was mainly instrumental in bringing the foreigners to overthrow the king Siladitya leading office-bearers and the revenue police and village administrators whose names generally occur in the following order:
(1) Ayuktaka
meaning appointed, apparently any (2) Viniyuktaka) superior officer.
LXXX
(3) Drängika, apparently an officer in charge of a town, as dranga means a town.
(4) Mahattara or Senior has the derivative meaning of high in rank. Mhatára the Marathi for an old man is the same word. In the Valabhi plates mahattara seems to be generally used to mean the accredited headman of a village, recognised as a headman both by the people of the village and by the Government.
(5) Chaṭabhata that is bhatas or sepoys for chatas or rogues, police mounted and on foot, represent the modern police Jamadars, havaladars and constables. The KumarapalaCharita mentions that Chatabhatas were sent by Siddharaja to apprehend the fugitive Kumarapala. One plate records the grants of a village unenterable by Chaṭabhatas.'
(6) Dhruva fixed or permanant is the hereditary officer in charge of the records and accounts of a village, the Talati and Kulkarni of modern times. One of the chief duties of the Dhruva was to see that the revenue farmers did not take more than the royal share. The name is still in use in Cutch where village accountants are called Dhru and Dhruva. Dhru is also a common surname among Nagar Brahamans and Modh and other Vanias in Cutch Gujarat and Kathiawada.

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there is a general agreement in the traditions. It was Ranka a Marwadi merchant - prince, originally a very poor man coming from Pali, and getting his fabulous wealth in Valabhi, who, as the author of the Prabandhachintamani says, "brought mud to his
Introduction
(7) Adhikaraņika means the chief judicial magistrate or judge of a place.
(8) Danḍapāṣika literally holding of the fetters or noose of punishment,' is used both of the head police officer and of the hangman or executioner.
(9) Chauroddharanika the thief catcher. Of the two Indian ways of catching thieves, one of setting a thief to catch a thief, the other the Pagi or tracking system, the second answers well in sandy Gujarat and Kathiawada where the Tracker or the Pagi is one of the Barabalute or regular village servants. (10) Rajasthaniya, the foreign secretary, the officer who had to do with other states and kingdoms rajasthānas. Some authorities take rājasthāniya to mean viceroy.
(11) Amatya minister and sometimes councillor is generally coupled with Kumara or Prince.
(12) Anutpannadanasamudrahaka the arrear-gatherer. (13) Saulkika the superintendent of tolls or customs.
(14) Bhogika or Bhogoddharanika the collector of the Bhoga that is the state share of the land-produce taken in kind as a rule one-sixth. The term bhoga is still in use in Kathiawada for the share, usually one-sixth, which landholders receive from the cultivating tenants.
(15) Vartmapala the roadwatch were often mounted and stationed in thanas or small roadside sheds.
(16) Pratisaraka patrols night-guards or watchmen of fields and villages.
(17) Vishayapati division lord probably corresponded to the present subah.
(18) Rashtrapati the head of a district.
(19) Grāmakūta the village head men." B. G. Vol. I pp.
11

--
Zp

81-82.

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LXXXII
Kavyanusasada name by destroying his country" ( desabhangasamāsā. ditapanken Rankena.).
As to the time when this event took place there are three dates given by Jaina writers. A gāthā quoted by Merutunga-the author of the Prabandhachintamani gives 475 V. S. (or as given by a different reading 375) (=419 (319) A. D.); Rājasekharasūri – the author of the Prabandhakoşa gives, 573 V. S. (=517 A. D.); while, Jinaprabhasūri – the author of the Vividhatīrthakalpa gives the year 845 V. S. (=789 A. D.). The first two dates are clearly unacceptable because, as we saw, the latest Valabhi grant discovered is that of the year 447 ( =766 A. D.), unless we take them to refer to earlier sacks of Valabhi, which is not altogether improbable. The year given by Jinaprabhasūri - 845 V. S. (-789 A. D.) - seems to be correct. In the Arab references given in the B. G. (pp. 524-25 ), we find that the expedition of 776 A. D. though partially successful ended in disaster. This “dettered Al Mahdi ( A. D. 775 - 785 ) the succeeding Khalifah from extending the eastern limits of his empire.” From this we may conclude that the final Arab attack which with the help of the treacherous Ranka gave almost a death-blow to the city of Valabhi must have taken place after 785 A. D. This conclusion fits in very well with the date of Jinaprabhasūri; so we may further conclude that the glory of Valabhi was extinguished in the year 789 A. D.
“ After the overthrow of Valabhi ” says Vincent Smith. “its place as the chief city of Western India was taken by AŅhilwada, which retained that honour until the fifteenth century, when it was superseded by Ahmedabad.” (E. H. I. pp. 314 - 315 ). Before we

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come to Aộahilavāda, let us pause for a while to have a look at Bhinnamāla – which was, according to the Srimāla purana (Adhyāyas 72,75 ) the immediate source of men, money and culture of Aşahilavāda.
11 The importance of Bhinnamála or Srimāla in the history of Gujarat cannot be exaggerated. It was the first capital of Gurjaratrā-which means literally '(the land ) protected by the Gurjaras' and which is the sanskritised form of the Prākṣta word Gujjarattā from which the modern word Gujarāta is derived. In other words, it was the first capital city of the Gurjaras who gave this province its present name. And, even after it ceased to be the capital, it was the people who hailed from Srīmāla that mostly made the history of Gujarāta. To the present day most of the Hindu population (in which term I include the Jainas also ) of Gujarāt trace their origin to their connection with Şrīmāla and its suburbs.
The first authentic source of information that we have about the Gurjara kingdom and its capital Bhinnamāla is, again, from the travels of Yuan - Chang who seems to have come to this part about 641 A. D. He says as follows:
"Going north from the country of Valabhi 1800 li or so, we come to the kingdom of Kiu - che lo (Gujjara )x.
X Julien restored the Sanskļia dame of the country Kirche-lo as Gurjjara. Mr. Watters thought that the pilgrim probably transcribed a name like Guchala or Guchara' (p. 250). Col. J. W. Watson identified Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bhinnamála. Cunningham tells us that this city is exactly 300 miles to the north of the ruins of Valabhi' (p. ).

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Kavyanusasana This country is 5000 li or so in circuit. The capital which is called Pi-lo-mo-lo is thirty li or so round.
The produce of the soil and the manners of the people resemble those of Surāshtra. The population is dense; the establishments are rich and well supplied with materials ( wealth ). They mostly are unbelievers; a few are attached to the law of Buddha. There is one Sanghårāma with about a hundred priests; they are attached to the teaching of the Little Vehicle and the school of the Sarvāstivādas. There are several tens of Deva temples, in which sectaries of various denominations dwell. The king is of the Kshatriya caste. He is just twenty years old; he is distinguished for wisdom, and he is courageous. He is a deep believer in the law of Buddha; and highly honours men of distinguished ability.”'
We may infer from this that in the first half of the seventh century A. D. Bhinnamála which lies about fifty miles west of Mount Abu was known as the capital of a Gurjara kingdom whose circuit was more than 830 miles. In this connection, the Javanese tradition, which has already been discussed previously, may be referred to. According to it the prince Bhruvijaya Savelachala who came to Java about 603 A. D. was the son of Kasamachitra or Balya Acha who was king of Kujarāt. This word Kujarāt is restored to Gujarāta. Now if this tradition had a contemporary origin we may say that in the beginning of the seventh century a Gurjara kingdom existed in this part. From the copperplates discovered in south Gujarät the existence of ' a small Gurjara kingdom in and about Bharucha about A. D. 580 to 808 is inferred' (B. G. p. 113). From a copper-plate of the year V. S. 900 (=844 A. D.) of the Pratihāra king Bhoja I discovered from a temple

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LXXXV
in ruins in the village Siva in Jodhpura state we learn that the village Siva which was in the Dendvāņaka district of Gurjaratrābhūmi (Gurjarat land or Gurjaraland) was given in gift. A stone - inscription of the ninth century A. D. discovered at Kalinjare mentions a village named Mangalānaka which is also a village in the Jodhpura state as situated in Gurjaratră-mandala. Two inscriptions of V. S. 918 ( =862 A. D.) discovered from the village of Ghatiale in the Jodhpura state - one in Sanskrta and the other in Prakrta - mention Gurjaratrā and Gujjarattā respectively.
All these pieces of evidence, though fragmentary, make it probable that the dominion of the Gurjaras was extensive. If the Gurjara kingdom of Bharucha may be regarded as the remnant of a Gurjara empire one may say that the Gurjaras might have spread upto Narmadā in the south. The northern limit would be the eastern part of Jodhpura state.*
Now we have to face the questions who were the Gurjaras, when did they occupy Bhinnamāla, and when did they spread over the whole province which was named after them.
The earliest reference to the Gurjaras as yet discovered in Samskệta literature is to be found in the Harshacharita of Bāņa a protège of Sri Harsha. There we find that Prabhākaravardhana the father of Sri Harsha is called Gurjara - prajāgara, that is, according to the commentary Samketa 'one who deprived the Gurjaras of their sleep,' or it may mean, 'une who was wakeful,
* See Pandit Gaurishankar Oza's Rajputānekā Itihäsa part I. pp. 130-133 and also his articles in the Nagarī Prachá. ripī Patrikā New series Vol. III pp. 341-46.

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Kavyanusasana that is, on his guard against Gurjars. This will carry us to the latter half of the sixth century A. D. - the period of Harsha being 606 A. D. to 647 A. D. According to Smith the Gurjaras whom Prabhākaravardhana defeated were " probably those of Rajputānā, but possibly those of the Gurjara kingdom in the Punjab, now represented by Gujarāt and Gujaranwala Districts.” (p. 336 E. H. I.). If the Gurjaras were those of Bhinnamāla we can say that they were ruling there in the sixth century, and if they were those of the Punjab we may guess that some of them might have been compelled to leave the Punjab and come to Bhinnamāla in the latter half of the sixth century.
The generally accepted view about the origin of Gurjaras is that 'they were foreign immigrants and were closely associated with, and possibly allied in blood to the white Huns' (p. 321, E. H. I. ).* Pandit Gaurishankara Oza - the great historian of Rajputānā, has very ably controverted the prevalent view about the foreign origin of the mediaeval royal dynasties of India, including that of Gurjara dynasty in his ‘History of Rajputana Part 1 (pp. 36 - 67 and 133 - 134 ). We cannot enter into the merits of his arguments here, but this much may be said that from a strictly logical point of view, the question is still unanswered and some of the arguments of the learned Pandita are unanswerable. One strong argument, however, in favour of the foreign origin and late advent of Gurjaras into India is that they are
* Cunningham connects Huns with Yuechi that is Kuşadas while Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar following Sir James Campbell connects them with the Khajara tribe.)

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not mentioned in the tribal lists of the Mahābhārata or any other Samskrta work earlier than the Harshacharita.
Another important question is whether Chāpas, Chāvotakas or Chāvadas, Pratihāras of Bhinnamāla and later on of Kanauja, the Solankis and other ruling tribes of Gujarāta were of the Gurjara origin or that they were simply called Gurjaras because they ruled or belonged to the province which was already known as Gurjaradesa or Gurjaratrā-bhūmi. Pandita Oza holds the latter view. According to him the Gurjara rule had ended in Bhinnamāla before the coming of Yuan - Chang or before the completion of Brahmasphutasiddhānta of the astronomer Brahmagupta who is called Bhillamălikáchārya in the Saka Samvat 550 that is, 628 A. D.; because, the king who was ruling then in Bhinnamāla was one Vyāghramukha belonging to the Chāpa dynasty (Rājputānekā Itībūra part I pp. 132–133). If we accept this view we will have to assume that the Gurjara power spread over the whole of Gujarāta and part of Rajputānā before or by the beginning of the sixth century A. D.. For this, however, we have no corroborating evidence. Pandita Oza himself confesses that it is not certain when the rule of Gurjaras began and how long it lasted.' There is nothing improbable, however, in the Chápas, Pratihāras, etc. originally belonging to the wider Gurjara clan; and I think the simultaneous mention of Chāvođakas, Gurjaras etc. in inscriptions should not be made much of. It is not difficult to find wider clans and castes mentioned. with their sub-clans or sub-castes. For example, we know that the Vāghelas were a branch of the Solankis; yet we find Vāghelas and Solankis mentioned together.

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Kavyanusasana
Similarly, though the Prāgvātas are also Srīmālis they are often mentioned with them. The same is true about other castes. For example, some of the Vadanagar Brāhmaṇas call themselves Nāgars, and call the others Brāhmaṇas. That does not mean that Nágaras will cease to be Brāhmaṇas if they may be simultaneously mentioned with Brāhmaṇas. If we accept the suggestion that the Chāpas, Pratihāras etc. were Gurjaras we can explain with greater probability and plausibility the spread of Gurjara power as well as the name Gurjaratrā over the whole of the province.*
Mr. Jackson in his excellent monograph on Bhinnamála published as an appendix to the B. G. Vol. I gives a detailed account of the ruins of the city, of the objects of interest in it, of its surroundings, of its history, and inscriptions discovered there.
From this we gether that Bhinnamāla must have been a magnificent city. “The site of the city is in a wide plain about fifteen miles west of the last outlier of the Ābu range. To the east, between the hills and Bhinnamála, except a few widely - seperated village sites, the plain is chiefly a grazing ground with brakes of thorn and cassia bushes overtopped by standards of the camel - loved pilu Salvadora persica. To the south, the west, and the north the plain is smooth and bare passing westwards into sand. From the level of the plain
* According to Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar Gurjaratrā was originally only a province in Rajputana. The presen:-Jay province got its name after the Solankis became its rulers when the Gurjars first entered it and gave it the name Gurjaratrā or Gujaráta. Mr. N. B. Divetia seems to agree with this view. (Gujarati Language & Literature. p. 38. ).

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stand out a few isolated blocks of hill, 500 to 800 feet high, of which one peak, about a mile west of the city, is crowned by the shrine of Chāmundā the Srī or Luck of Bhinnamāla. From a distance the present Bhinnamāla shows few traces of being the site of an ancient capital. Its 1500 houses cover the gentle slope of an artificial mound the level of their roofs broken by the spires of four Jain temples and by the ruined state office at the south end of the mound. Closer at hand the number and the size of old stone - stripped tank and fortification-mounts and the large areas honeycombed by the diggers for bricks show that the site of the present Bhinmal was once the centre of a great and widespread city.” (B, G, Vol. I, p. 449.)
For Şrīmāla we are fortunate in possessing another important source of information viz. Srīmālamāhātmya or S. Purāņa.+ This Purāņa, in a legendary form, gives much interesting information about the city of Srīmāla. A brief summary of this account will give some idea of its historical importance.
The site which ultimately became known as Şrimála was in the beginning known as Gautamāşramathe hermitage of the sage Gautama. Gautama was asked
+ According to some these two are different works. Mr. Jackson takes this Purāņa to be four hundred years old. We gather from the S. Purana that Gautama created 84 Jaina gachchhas out of which Tapa-gachchha was the principal (A. 74 v. 54.). Tapa-gachchha was started in the year V. S. 1285-1229 A. D. The mention of eighty four gachchhas indicates a still later date. See the Jaina S. S. Vol I No. 3 p. 39. As in the case of other Purāļas, however, information contained in this also may be much older than the final redaction of the Parāņa.

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Kavyanusasana
by Siva himself to go to that place where there was a lake known as Traiyambaka lake. This lake is described as being situated to the north of the mountain Saugandhika (that is the mountain near Sugandhā that is modern Nasik) and to the north-west of the mountain Ābu. * Near this lake was a forest sacred to Varuna and known as Varuna-kānaua because Varuņa got his overlordship of the West by practising penance there. Gautama founded his hermitage there occupying an area of five gavyūtis – that is about ten miles, and resided there with his wife Ahilya and disciples. * This place later on became Srīmāla.
The mythical explanation of the name Srīmāla is interesting. Șrī or Lakshmi was born as a daughter to the sage Bhrgu and was married to Vishņu. As she was flying over the place with her Lord and other gods they stopped at the place. It was after bathing in the lake Traiyambaka that Srī remembered her true self. On the occasion of Srī's self – realization gods covered the whole place with mālās-that is garlandsof divine flowers. Consequently the whole site of five krosas which was occupied by the vimānas of the gods was named at the request of Srī as Srīmāla. She gave the whole place as a gift to Brāhmaṇas, and
* अस्ति सौगन्धिकादगुरुत्तरस्यां दिशि द्विज। वायव्यामधंदारण्यात् सिद्धगान्धर्वसेवितम् ।
सरस्टेयम्बकं नाम सर्वपापप्रणाशनम् || अ. २ श्लो. २२-२३.
X Brahmā, Vishņu and Mahesa - the Divine Trinity and other gods and goddesses were requested to reside there. The sage Devala who went on a pilgrimage to that place uttered the following verse being impressed with its holiness:
एकतस्त्यम्बकं सरश्चैकतो गौतमाश्रमः ।। 3771777 Gama et fria 77: 11 A. 4. V. 51.

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expressed her intention to keep a part of herself there. Vishnu asked the Ganas to bring holy Brāhmaṇas from different parts of the country and asked Viṣvakarmā to build in the meanwhile a city on the site. The divine architect built a magnificent city which is beautifully described in the Srīmāla Purāṇa.* The city was inspected by Sri, Vishnu, and other gods from air and they expressed their satisfaction with the words 'Oh lovely! lovely! What beauty! What magnificence !'+
<<
Sri, being completely satisfied, gave Viṣvakarmācelestical hasta-sutras-armlets (literally threads for arms) and golden lotus garlands; while Vishnu gave him a boon which is historically significant. The best of Brāhmaṇas will study the science of architecture that you have created as if it were a dharmaṣāstra (religious work). Without doubt you will be the first of architects who will honour you when they build palaces and houses." When we remember the architectural heritage of Gujarat and the class of master - builders who created it, this promise seems to have been properly fulfilled.x
* See. Adhayas 9 (verses 1-22), 10 (vs. 2-24), and 72 (verse 1-15).
+ अहोरम्यमहो रूपमहो महः ।
x परितुष्टा ततो देवी प्रददौ विश्वकर्मणे । हस्तसूत्राणि द्विव्यानि खजं च कनकाम्बुजां ॥ प्रददौ देवदेवोऽपि वरं तस्मै गदाधरः । ३० त्रिषु लोकेषु शालानां यत्कृतं शास्त्रमुत्तमम् । धर्मशास्त्रमिव प्रीत्या पठिष्यन्ति द्विजोत्तमा ।। ३१ त्वदायाः शिल्पिनः सर्वे भवितारो न संशयः । लोके निष्पद्यमानेषु प्रासादेषु गृहेषु च । अर्चयिष्यन्ति मर्त्यास्त्वां सर्वे कामार्थसिद्धये ॥ ३३
XCI

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The holy Brāhmanas came and received the free gift of the city from Srī, giving Gautama the place of honour. The Brāhmaṇas from the Sindha - forest, however, did not accept the leadership of Gautama and were, therefore, expelled.
The city then, after the site on which it was built, became known as Srīmālanagara. This, according to the Purāņa, was the name of the city in the Satya Yuga. Its name in the Tretā Yuga was Pushpamāla, while in the Kalī Yuga is Bhinnamāla or Bhillamāla. * Its fourth name is indicated in the Purāņa+ and mentioned in the Prabandhachintāmaņi viz. Ratnamāla in connection with the story of the king Srī Punja and his daughter Srīmātā.
It is possible to form some idea of the extent of the city. According to the Şrīmāla Purāņa, as we saw, the extent of the Gautamāsrama was five gavyutis, that is roughly about fifteen miles. The area of the city occupied by big mansions was equal to the area occupied by the vimūnas of the gods that is five kroșas roughly ten miles.x The whole vistāra - or extent of the city is described as five yojanas that is roughly fifteen to twenty miles.
The form of the city was square. I
The Purūņa gives certain figures about Srīmāla, calling it Srīmālikī sarvasamkhya - that is all figures
* पुष्पमाला मया कण्ठे कश्यपस्य निवेशिता ।
garat gechiafa afat taraffaat ll A. 45. V. 56. + See Adhyāya 66. X See Adhyāya 3 ( V. 124-25 ), and 8( Vs. 14, and 37, 38. I A. 10. V. 58. aytgaffari GTE AAaa: 1

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xciit of Srīmāla.' According to this there were 1000 Gaņāpatis, 4000 Kshetrapālas, 84 Chandikā Devis, 1000 lakes, 11000 Sivalingas, 999 principal temples and 18000 Durgā – temples.
There were 4000 Brahmaşālas and 8000 shops, and 1000 assemblies.
The city had 84 gatest in the wall fortifying it.*
Those vaishyas who stayed in the eastern part of the city were known as Prāgvātas, in the southern as Dhanotkatas and in the western and northern as Srimālins.
We find corroboration for this account from the description given by Yuan - Chang. According to him “Pi - 1o - mo-lo is 30 li or so round” that is, about six miles; "the population is dense, the establishments are rich ( well ) supplied with materials.” Prabhāchandrasurī the author of the Prabhāvakacharita (V. S. 1334 A. D. 1278) describes this magnificent city as follows:
"In Gurjaradesa or Gurjaraland which is the abode of perennial wealth there is a city called Şrīmāla which is like the face of the earth damsel. The rows of the kumbhas on its temples appear like jewels on the city's crest. It is adorned with magnificent palaces
+ Adhyāya 71. The Purāna gives the figures about the population of the city also.
*"Of its fortifications, which, as late as A. D. 1611, the Engligh merchant Nicholas Ufflet, in a journey from Jbalor to Ahmedabad, describes as enclosing circuit of thirty-six miles ( 24 kosa) containing many fine tanks going to the ruins, almost no trace remains." (P. G. p. 449.) X A. 13. V. 25.
प्राग्वाटा दिशि पूर्वस्यां दक्षिणस्यां धनोत्कटा । श्रीमालिनः प्रतीच्यां वै उरस्यां तथाऽविशन् ।।

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Kavyanusasana beautified by Mattavāraṇam and its main roads are decorated by the presence of mighty elephants. There are also beautiful Jaina temples and great sages in the city.” i Mr. Jackson describes in detail the Jaikopa (Yakshakūpa) or Yaksha Well and the temple of Jagatsvāmi-the Sun.* The most interesting thing near the lake is a massive broken statue. Mr. Jackson after describing the statue in detail says “In spite of its featureless face and its broken hands and feet the figure has considerable dignity. The head is well set and the curls and diadem are an effective ornament. The chest and the full rounded belly are carved with skill. The main fault in proporation, the over-shortened lower arm and leg and the narrowness of the throne, are due to the want of depth in the stone. The chief details of interest are the figure's head-dress and the ball of stone in its right hand. The head-dress seems to be a wig with a row of crisp round curls across the brow and four lines of long curls hanging down to the shoulders and the crisp curls on the top of the head. The mukuta or diadem has three upright faces, a front face over the nose and side faces over the ears joined together by two rounded bands. At first sight the stone - ball in the right hand seems a cocoanut which the king might hold in dedicating the lake." Examination shows it to be a human head. (B. G. P. 457.)
“The appearance of the figure, its massive well
* An architectural term meaning a projecting part of a house looking like a protruded neck. getal HAITOT 37. F. 8-66.
X For Yaksha-kūpa-māhātmya see Adhyāya 22 and for Jagatsvāmin see A. 43 of Srimāla Pura'a.

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proportioned and dignified pose, and the long wig-like curls, like the bag wig on the figure of Chand on the south-west or marriage compartment of the great Elephanta Cave, make it probable that this statue is the oldest relic of Shrimal, belonging like the Elephanta wigged figures to the sixth or early seventh century the probable date of the founding or refounding of the city by the Gurjjaras." (B. G. P. 458).
'According to the dates preserved by the local tradition, the first temple of Jagat Svami, or the Sun was built in in 222 S. V. (=166 A. D.?) The city was destroyed in S. V. 265 (=209 A. D.). In S. V. 494 (=438 A.D.) the city was sacked second time by a Rakshasa. In S. V. 700 (=643 A. D.) the city was re-built. In S.V. 900 (=844 A. D.) it was destroyed for the third time. In S. V. 955 (-896 A. D.) the city was again restored and it was followed by a period of prosperity till the beginning of the 14th century.' (B. G. P. 463.)
XCV
The first authentic source of information about Bhinnamala is an inscription of Varmalāta who according to the Prabhavakacharita was a king of Bhinnamāla. This inscription is dated V. S. 682 (=626 A. D.). This is probably the same Varmalata who is referred to by Magha in the Prasasti of his Mahākāvya Siṣupālavadha. If the identity is accepted we can place Magha who according to the tradition was a poet of Srīmāla 50 years after this or considering the reference to Nyasa about 700 A.D. (See Keith Samskṛta Literature); for Suprabhadeva, the grand-father of Mägha was the prime minister of Varmalata; the name of the poet's father being Dattaka who was addressed as Sarvasraya by the people for his friendliness towards all. It may be that Magha

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Kavyanusasan
ended every canto of his poem with the word 'Srí' for which he is called 'Srayanka' with a view to commemorate his city Srimāla in his epic.
While describing the surroundings of Bhinnamāla Mr. Jackson refers to a large area rough with heaps of bricks which is said to be the site of an old Vidyāsālā or Samskrta College.
According to S. Purāņa there were one thousand Brahmasālās and four thousand mathas where the different branches of learning were taught.+ It says :
प्रत्यूषे ब्रह्मघोषेण देवशङ्खस्वनेन च । गवां हुंकारशब्देन वत्सानां वासितेन च ॥ श्रीमालमभवद् भूप बाह्याभ्यन्तरं शुचि ॥ ४ धर्मशास्त्राण्यनूच्यन्ते सरहस्यानि सर्वतः ।
pelo faqet aaret 21%.Tota alt 21. Y?. And in A. 71 v. 9:
चतुर्वेदाः साङ्गाश्च त्वुपनिषत्सहितास्तथा । सर्वशास्त्राणि वर्तन्ते श्रीमाले श्रीनिकेतने ॥
This tradition of Srimāla being a great centre of learning is corroborated from other sources also. We saw that the great poet Māgha flourished in this city. We also know that the great astronomer Bhillamallakāchārya Brahmagupta completed his treatise on artronomy known as Brahmasphutasiddhānta in Saka 550 (=628 A. D.). Albureni (A. D. 1020) says that 'the Brahmasphutatasiddhanta was composed by Brhamagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhinnamāla between Multan and Anhilwada.'
Srīmāla was also a great place of Jaina learning. The famous Upamitibhavaprapanchākathā of Siddharshi was finished in V. S. 962 (906 A. D.) at Bhinnamāla.
+ See S. Māhātmya A. 12. v. 22; and also A. 71.

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XCVII
It was also one of the centres of literary activity of Haribhadrasūri the author of many important works on Jaina philosophy and also of a general work on the Schools of Indian Philosophy known as Shad-Darşanasamuchchaya. He also composed the SamarādityaKathā a novel whose hero is Samarāditya. This work is mentioned as a sakalakathă in the K. S. It is this Haribhadrasūri who is credited with proselytizing a number of Prāgvātas who, later on, played a very important part in the history of Anahilavāda Patan. Siddharshī who according to the Prabhávakacharita was a citizen of Srīmäla was also a disciple of Haribhadrasūri. It was for his sake that the commentary Lalitavistarā was composed by Haribhadrasūri.
The Präkịta novel 'Kuvalayamalā - Kathă' of Uddyotanasūri, which was so effectively utilized in settling the date of Haribhadrasūri by that great scholar Muni Srī Jinavijayaji, * was completed at 'Sri Bhinnamāla Nagara' in the afternoon of the last but one day of the year 700 of the Saka Kāla.' The author ends his work with the words :" This has not been composed with the pride of being a poet or with the intention of writing poetry. It has been composed because it is a Dharma - kathā. Therefore, do not look to its demerits." These few instances will suffice to give an idea of the active literary life of Srīmāla, which was the immediate inspiring model of Anahilvāda - Pātana. The part that Haribhadrasuri played at Srīmāla must have inspired not a little the ambition of Hemachandra.
Having noted the Purāṇic explanation of the name * See the Vasanta Rajata Mahotsava Smārakagrantha. 13

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Kavyanusasana
+
Ṣrīmāla, let us, before we come to the religious and political history, see if it is possible to have an historical and more rational account of this place-name. In all the four names viz. Bhinna or Bhillamāla, Srīmāla, Pushpamāla and Ratnamala-the word mala is common. Now the word māla has three meanings - a forest between two villages, a hilly piece of land and a mlechchha jāti - a non- aryan foreign or aboriginal tribe. All the three meanings will suit the context, but the name of Kaliyuga viz. Bhillamala seems to be the first historical name while the others are laudatory names. It is a known fact that many tracts become known by the name of the tribes who reside there. This particular tract in the beginning must have been occupied by the aborigines known as Bhillas and Malas and must have therefore been known as Bhillamala. As the city prospered, its proud dwellers must have tried to change the name to Srimala, though, as we have seen before, Brahmagupta the famous astronomer of the early part of the seventh century A. D. calls himself a Bhillamalakacharya. The frequent troubles, according to the Purāņa and local tradition, caused by the Rakshasas to the city might have been nothing else than the rebellions of these Bhillas and Mālas who were deprived of their possessions. One of the holy places described by the S. Purana bears the name of Kairata Lake, that is a lake sacred to a Kirata or Bhilla. X
+See Abhidhana-Chintamani.
माला भिल्लाः किराताश्च सर्वेऽपि म्लेच्छजातयः ॥ का. ४, श्लो. ५९८. and मालं ग्रामान्तराटवी । का. ४. लो. २९॥ According to Mallinâtha (M. D. V. 16 ) मालं शैलप्रायमुन्नतस्थलम् ।
× See A. 19. The name of the Kirata was Jhinjhira.

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XCIX We may here briefly refer to the religious history of Srīmāla. From the S. Purana we gather that it was a place of Saiva and Vaishnava worship. But from the same source we learn that Jaina religion became predominant in the Kali Yuga.* From Yuan-Chang we learn that Buddhism also prevailed there in his time.
Now we come to a short account of the political history of Bhinnamāla. After Varmalāta (A. D. 626), Vyāghramukha the king of the Chäpa dynasty was reigning in the year 628 A. D. When Yuan - Chang came about 641 A. D. there was a Kshatriya king who was 20 years of age. He might have been a son of Vyāghramukha. In the copper - plate grant of the Chälukya Samanta Pulakesin of the Kalachuri Samvat 490 ( 740 A. D.) there is a reference to Chāotakas being attacked by the Mussalmans. If they were the chápas of Bhinnamāla, we can say that Bhinnamāla must have been attacked between the years 732 and 740 A. D. +
After the Chāotakas we find Pratihäras reigning in Bhinnamála. It is not known when the Chāpas were displaced by the Pratihāras. Pandit Gaurisankar Oza puts this event between 740 and 809 A. D.
The first Pratilāra king that we know of is Nagabhatta or Nāgūvaloka. If he is the same Nāgabhatta wlio is mentioned in the copper - plate grant of the Chauhan king Bhartrvrddha II of the V. S. 813 ( =757 A. D.) discovered in the village of Hansot in the Broach District, in which Bhartsvěddha is called
* See A. 73. Stari a races afroafer fast got llen
+ For an alternative view see the next section on Chavadas,

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a sámanta of Nāgāvaloka, we can say that his dominion extended from Mārwād in the north to Broach in the south.' In his time the Baluchis made an expedition against his kingdom but were defeated.
Then, we pass over to two other kings-Kakutstha and Devarāja-and come to Vatsarāja. He conquered the Gauda kings of Bengal. When he was engaged in fighting with a king of Mālavā, he was attacked by the Rashtrakūta king Dhruvarāja who ultimately defeated him. Vatsaraja had to flee back to his country Māravāda and hand over the two white umbrellas which he had taken from the Gauda king to the Rashtrakūta king. He is referred to in the Jaina Harivamşapurāna composed by the Jaina Digambara Achārya Jinasena in Saka Samvat 705 (= 783 A. D.). He is also referred to by Uddyotanasūri in bis Kuvalayamāļā-kathā (p. 271).
He was succeeded by his son Nagabhatta II. He was also called Nāgāvaloka. He defeated Chakrāyudha the king of Kanouj and thus became the lord of an empire. We know from the Gwalior inscription that he conquered the kings of Andhra, Saindhava, Vidarbha, Kalinga and Vanga and took the mountain-castles of Ānartta, Mälavā, Kirāta, Turushka, Vatsa, and Matsya. We have an inscription of hin V.S. 772 ( =716 A. D.) found from Buchakala a village in the Jodhapura state. He was a great devotee of Bhagavatī. This Nāgabhatta is also called Ama by the Jaina writers. According to the Prabhavakacharita he died in V. S. 890 (=834 A. D.). Probably it was in his time that Bhinnamāla ceased to be the capital of Gurjara empire and only remained a provincial capital. The seat of the Gurjara empire then became Kānyakubja.

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ci
We pass over his son Ramachandra and come to Bhoja Deva who was the most powerful king of the Pratihāra dynasty. We have about five inscriptions of his time ranging from V. S. 900 to 939 (=844-883 A. D.). His silver and copper coins bearing on one side the legend Sri Mahädivarāha' and on the other an image of Bow have also been discovered. He was also a devotee of Bhagavatī. His queen's name was Chandrabhattārikā Devī. A sixth inscription of his has been discovered in Kathiawad which shows that his sway extended to that province also.
“Bhoja" to quote Smith "enjoyed a long reign of about half a century ( C. 840-90 A. D.) and beyond question was a very powerful monarch whose dominions may be called an empire without an exaggeration." (E. H. I. p. 397.) "Unfortunately, no Magesthenese or Bāņa has left a record of the nature of his internal government” ( Ibid p. 380 ).
He was succeeded by his son Mahendra pāla. He is also called Nirbhayarāja or Nirbhaya-narendra. Two of his inscriptions and three of his copper-plates have been found dating from V. S. 950 to V. S. 967 (=894-911 A. D.) Two of the copper-plates were found in the village of Una in the Junagadha state. That proves his suzerainty over that part. He had appointed a governor whose name was Dhiyaka and who was administrating the province on his behalf.
His teacher was the famous poet and critic Rājasekhara who is the author of a work on Poetics called the Kávyamīmāısā, and of the plays, Karpūramanjarī Viddhaşālabhanjikā, Bālarāmāyaṇa and Balabhārata. We find that Hemachandra has

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Kavyanusasana borrowed many passages from the Kāvyamīmāmsä in his Kāvynuşāsana. Mahendrapāla was also a devotee of Bhagavatī.
He was succeeded by Mahīpăla. He is known also by the name of Kshitipāla Rājasekhara was living in his time also. He refers to him in the prologue of his play Balabhārata, as the Mahārājádhirāja of Aryāvarta and the conqueror of Murala Mekala, Kalinga etc. He fought with Rashtrakūta king Indrarāja III and was defeated according to the account of the Rashtrakūtas. A copper-plate of his has been found in the village of Hadala in Kathiawad of Saka samvat 836 ( =914 A. D.), from which we learn that a feudatory of his named Dharaṇīvarāha of the Chāpa dynasty, was reigning there. Another inscription of his dated V. S. 974 (=918 A. D.) has also been found.
He was succeeded by three kings: Bhoja II, Vinayapāla, the younger brother of Bhoja and Mahendrapāla II, the son of Vinayapāla. In his time Gujarat seems to have become independent under Mularāja Solanki of Anahilavāda Pātaña. (See Nägari Prachāriņi Patrika — New series Vol. IX; pp. 320-27).
In this period upto 953 A. D. Bhinnamäla seems to have continued as the most important city in Gujarāta. Immediately after that during the reign of one Bhimasena a migration of 18,000 Gurjaras from Bhinnamala is recorded. *" An important result of this abandoment of Bhinnamäla was the transfer of overlordship from Bhinnamāla to Anahilavāda ". (B. G. p. 469 ).
* According to the Srīmāla Purā!a Srī left that city in the V. S. 1203=1147 A, D,

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12
Now we come to the history of the Anahilavada kingdom.
For the early history of Anahilavāda - Pattana and its Chūvadā rulers, we have no contemporary records, either inscriptional or literary. The earliest reference to the Chāvadās of Aņahilavāda is in the Vadnagara inscription dated V. S. 1208 - A. D. 1152 in the reign of Kumārapāla. The earliest reference to the name of Vanarāja, the first Chāvadā king of Anahilavāda is of the year V. S. 1216 (= A. D. 1160 ) in the colophon of an Apabhramsa work called Neminātha. chariu of one Haribhadra Sūri who completed the work in that year in the residence provided by the minister Prthvīpāla in the reign of Kumārapāla. This prasasti or colophon which is published by Prof. Jacobi at the end of his edition of Sanatkumāracharitam (p. 152 ) is a very important historical document as it narrates the history of an influential family in which was born the famous general Vimala who built on Mount Abu that great work of art-the temple known as Vimalavasahi. It also gives some interesting information about the reign of Vanarāja to which we shall refer at the proper place. The Moharājaparājaya of Yaşahpāla which was acted in the reign of Ajayapāla (V. S. 1229 - 1232 = A. D. 1173 - 1176) also makes mention of Vanarāja and the excessive addiction of Chāvadās to drinking liquors.
The Prabhāvakacharita of Prabhāchandra Sūri (circa V. S. 1334 = A. D. 1278 ) throws light on the rights given by Vanarāja to Chaityavasi monks as

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Kavyanusasan against the Suvihita monks. The Sukrtasamkīrtana of Arisimha (about V. S. 1278–1287=A. D. 1222-1231 ) is the first work which describes all the kings of Chāvadā dynasty in regular succession. The commentary of Abhayatilakagaại on the Dvyāşraya of Hemachandra which was completed in the year V. S. 1312=A. D. 1256 mentions the story of the shepherd Anabilla who showed Vanarāja the site for founding the city named after him. The most important work, however, which provides ample material for the whole history of Anahilavāda kingdom is the Prabandhachintamani of Merutunga (about V. S. 1361 = A. D. 1305 ). It is the first work which gives a regular chronology for the history of Gujarat from the founding of Anahilaváda Pattana in the year V.S. 802 (= A. D. 746) to the year V. S. 1277 -( A. D. 1221 ), when Vastupāla went to pilgrimage. Another work which gives the chronology for this period differing in some points from that of the Prabandhachintamani is the Sthavirāvalī or Vichárașreņī of Merutunga ( about V. S. 1400 = A. D. 1344 ) who has been mistakenly identified with the author of the P. C. though really a different person.
A collection of old prabandhas edited and published by Muni Jinavijaya under the title of Puratanaprabandha Samgraha supplies many dates and details for the history of Anahilavāda. It appears that many of these prabandhas were the original source of the P. C. and later works.
The Vividhatīrthakalpa of Jinaprabhasūri (about V. S. 1364=A. D. 1308 ) whice is a sort of guidebook of Jaina Tīrthas of the fourteenth century is a veritable mine of materials for the history of Gujarat.

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latroduction
CV The Ratnamālā of Krshna Kavi, a work in Hindi language of the seventeenth or the eighteenth century is ‘a poetic history with good descriptions and many fables taken from the Prabandhachintāmaņi' (B. G. p. 149 f. n. 2). The Purana of the Modhera Brāhmaṇas also supplies some interesting material.
A careful study of these works makes evident the earlier existence of traditional chronicles oral as well as written.
Coming to the history of Chavadā-clan which is also referred to under the Sanskritized forms Chāpotkata or Chāvotaka or simply Chāpa-we find that there is evidence to prove the existence of two kingdoms different from one established at Anahilavāda. The first is that of the Chāpa king Vyāghramukha of Bhinnamāla to which we have already referred. The second is that of Dharaṇīvarāha of Wadhavān in Kathiawad who was subordinate to the Pratihāra emperor of Kanauj about the year 914 A. D. (R. I. pp. 144-149 ).
We have no definite information as to the connection of the Ehinnamāla Chāpas or earlier Chápotkatas of Wadhavan, if any, with the Chāvadas of Anahilavāda. We may here note that according to a verse in the B. P. ms of the P. C. the lord of the Chāpotkatas is said to be in the family ( vamse ) of King Haihaya. We, however, require more evidence to make the significance of this relation more definite.
The Ratnamāla of Krshộa Kavi narrates the story of Jayasekhara-the Chavadā king of Panchasara. According to this account, Jayasekhara was attacked by Bhuvada of Kalyāņakataka in V. S. 752, i, e. A. D.
14

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Kavyanusasana 696: The city of Panchāsara was beseiged by the attacking army. The siege continued for fifty-two days. When Jayasekhara saw that he could no longer hold against the enemy, he sent away his queen Rūpasundari who was pregnant, to a forest near by with her brother Surapala who was his general. Jayasekhara met with a heroic death in Open battle. In the forest Rūpasundari gave birth to a son who was later on known as Vanarāja.
This account of Jayaşekhara is not given by any other work. The Purātanaprabandhasamgraha tells a different tale about the parentage of Vanarāja. It says “In the village of Ambāsara, there lived two brothers named Chanda and Chămunda of the Chapotkata clan. An astrologer informed them that the child which the wife of Chămunda was carrying when born would kill Chanda. So she was abandoned. She went to Panchāsara where she made her living by gathering fuel and other things. Sri Şilaguņasīri who had gone out, saw the shade of Vaņa tree bending over the boy who revealed auspicious marks. The mother was given shelter in a Chaitya or temple where he resided” (p. 12 Vanarājavșttam). The name of the mother is not mentioned by the P. P. S. The P. C. makes no mention about the parentage of Vanarāja. Its account begins thus : “ Gurjaradharitrī, i. e. Gurjarland was a part of Kānyakubja. In the village of Panchāsara in the district of Vadhra in that Gurjarland, a mother placing her boy in a cloth-swing under Vanatree was gathering fuel. Silaguņasūri observed that the shade of the tree even though it was afternoon was bending over the child. Thinking that this was due

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to the mysterious prowess of the boy who would become a Jainaşāsanaprabhāvka i. e. a propagator of Jain faith, he took him from his mother who was provided with a living. He was entrusted to the care of Ganini (i. e. the head-nun ) Vīramatī. He was given the name of Vanarāja. When he was eight years old he was asked to look after the holy things so that they might not be damaged by rats. He did this by killing them with arrows. Silaguņasūri foresaw from his horoscope that he was to become a great king and so he was returned to his mother. Vanarāja lived with his maternal uncle who was leading the life of an outlaw against the ruling power.
The account of the Modhera Brāhmaṇas who claim to have given shelter to the queen and brought up her boy, gives her name as Chhattā or Akshatā.*
From all these accounts we find that Vanarāja was connected with Panchāsara in the earlier part of his life. Now let us see if we can discover some relation between the Chavadas of Anahillapura and those of Bhinnamāla through Panchăsara. According to the P. C. a king named Bhūyarāja was reigning in Kalyāṇakataka which was the capital of Kānyakubja country, which contained thirty-six lacs of villages (p. 11). According to the same authority Gujrat was a territory of Kānyakubja country at the time of Vanaraja's birth. This is, however, an anachronism. For, we know that the
* The Prabhāvaka-charita gives the name of the monk as Devachandra. This is possible, for, Devachandra was a disciple of Silaguņasūri. See Pr. Ch.p. 265, and the introduction of Muni Kalyanvijayaji to the Gujarati translation of the same, p. 87.

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Kavyanusasana
Pratihāras who were reigning at Bhinnamala in the middle of the eighth century A. D. became masters of Kányakubja in the beginning of the ninth century A. D. when Nāgāvaloka II ( see page C) defeated Chakrāyudha and became the ruler of Kānyakubja. According to the chronology of the P. C., however, Vanarāja died in the year V. S. 862 = A. D. 806 at the age of 110. This would mean that he was born in V. S. 752 = A. D. 696. Thus, at that time, Gujarat could not be a territory of Kānyakubja.
This anachronism may be explained by assuming that northern Gujarat was subject to the Pratiháras of Bhinnamāla who, later on, became emperors at Kanyakubja and so in later tradition Gujarat was regarded as a part of Kānyakubja.
Now, we saw that the Chāpas were displaced from Bhinnamäla by the Pratihāras. It is not certain, however, when this event took place. We saw that Vyāghramukha of Chāpa dynasty was reigning at Bhinnamāla in the Şaka year 550 = A. D. 628. When Yuan - Chang visited Bhinnamāla about the year 642 A. D. a young Kshatriya was reigning there. From the copper-plate of Pulakeși Avanijanāşraya dated in the Kalachuri year 490= A. D. 739, we find that the Chāvođakas were afflicted by the Arabs, about that time. In the opinion of Pandita Gaurisamkara Oza, the Chāvotakas were attacked at Bhinnamāla (p. 146 Rajputaneka Itihasa). The B. G. regards them as the Chāvadās of Panchāsara (p. 149 - 50 ). The mention of Chāvođakas, in the grant, after Saindhavas Kachhhelas and Saurāshtras

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Cix would support the opinion of the B. G.; for Panchāsara is on the border of Kachchha, Kāthiawad, and Gujarāta. This would mean that the Chāvadās were rulers in northern Gujarat up to the year 739 A. D. and that for some reason, not known to us, they had changed their capital from Bhinnamāla to Panchāsara. After that time, they might have been deprived of their power by Pratihāras who must have given them a severe defeat at Panchāsara slaying their king in battle. This event must have driven the Chavadas to become outlaws against the Pratihāras who though, at that time were rulers at Bhinnamāla, became soon after emperors at Kányakubja, and were, therefore, taken in later tradition, as the kings of Kanyakubja. The Chāvadas avenged themselves by robbing and killing the officers of the reigning king and when they had sufficient means founded a kingdom with Anahilavāda as its capital. If we accept the traditional date of V. S. 752=A. D. 696 for the birth of Vanarāja, his age would be about 43 years when this event might have taken place. According to the chronology of the P. C. he founded Anahilavāda in the V. S. year 802=A. D. 746. But if we do not accept the rather unusually long age of 109 years given to him by the P. C. and suppose him to be born in the year V. S. 796 = 740 A. D. in a forest, he would be about 66 years old at the time of his death in the year V. S. 862 = A. D. 806. But even if we accept the traditional chronology, there is nothing unusual in supposing that after his father was slain in battle, say in the year 740. A. D. he might have lived as an outlaw against the new power for

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about six years, and after avenging himself by robbing and killing the officers of the new power, he might have established an independent kingdom at Anahilavāda.
I must, however, confess that this supposition about the connection of Vanarāja Chăvada with the Chāpas of Bhinnamála and of their defeat at Panchăsara at the hands of Pratihāras, though not improbable, is one, which requires more evidence to be accepted as an historical fact. . Whatever may be the antecedents of Vanaraja, all authorities agree on the point that he established the kingdom of Anahilavāda by founding a city on a site shown to him by one Anahilla - the son of Bhāruyada Sākhada - that is Sākhada the shepherd (P. C. p. 13).* From the play Moharājāparājaya of Yasahpala, we learn, “ Formerly the king Sri Vanarāja observing the good features of the land founded a city on it" ( Act III p. 67). In the same play Kumārapala is addressed as one enjoying the kingship earned by Sri Vanarāja (Act IV, p. 108). The story, (or as Abhayatilakagani in his commentary on the Dvyāşraya puts it 'loka-sruti', that is, the hearsay of the people) goes that as Vanarāja was looking for a place fit for the brave, he, on promising that the city would be named after the shepherd, was shown a piece of land where a powerful hound was being harassed by a fox
* According to the Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa of Jipaprabha there was formerly a town named Lakkhārāma (=Sk. Laksbárāma) on the bank of the river Sarasvatī. This town was the site on which Anahilaváda Pattana was founded. (... ...SPEITIA सरस्सई नईतडे । पुव्विं अणहिल्लवाडयपट्टणनिवेसहाणं किर तं आसि । (Do 51. V. T. K.).

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(The D. K. canto 1, V. 4). The same story is repeated by the the P. C. and other works substituting a hare for the fox. *
The resources for establishing a kingdom Vanaraja obtained according to the P. C., by becoming nominally a spear-man of the Kānyakubja-power (according to our supposition of the Pratihāras of Bhinnamāla ), and then waylaying and killing in a mountain - pass called Surashtra the tax-collector as he was returning to the capital with six months' revenue from Gujarāta which amounted to twentyfour lacs of Paruthakadrammas (probably Parthian gold coins ) and four thousand horses of the Tejas breed.
The city was founded by building a dhavalagịha (literally White house, i.e. a Royal Court or palace ) under a Jāli tree. He was crowned king on Monday the second of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha in the year 802 after Şrī Vikramārka. The Tilaka ceremony ( making an auspicious red - mark on the fore - head) was performed by his adopted sister Sridevī, the sister of a merchant of Kākara village. When Vanarâja was an outlaw, he went to the house of this merchant on a thieving expedition, but turned back from the place as his hand accidentally got wet in a pot of curds. This was equal to dining at the place and according to the ethics of the outlaws, he could not rob a house where he had dined. On the next day, he was called secretly at night by Sridevi who treated him with sisterly affection. He was treated to a dinner and given a dress. Vanaraja promised ... * Similar stories are told about the founding of Ahmedabad and other cities.

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her that she will perform the Tilaka ceremony which is a sister's privilege at the time of his coronation. He kept the promise.
He made one Jamba, a merchant, his Mahāmātya, i. e. the principal minister. As the story goes, Vanarāja with his companions met him in a jungle when he was an outlaw. Jamba had five arrows with him, but broke the two of them in their presence. When asked the reason, he said that three arrows were sufficient for the three of them. Vanarāja was naturally impressed with the man and tested his skill by asking him to shoot at a flying object which he did to his satisfaction. How much historical reality there is in these stories, we cannot definitely say. Looking to the times and surroundings, they are not at all improbable.
The colophon at the end of the Neminathachariu supplies us with more reliable information which is important as indicating the way in which Vanarāja tried to make his city prosperous and strengthen his kingdom.
It says There is a family called Poruyaḍa (S. Prägvāṭa) originally of the city of Sirimāla (S. Srimala ). The family is a treasure of excellent men (lit. Manikya - rubies - amongst men) of innumberable virtues." This family which owned elephants, horses, and a rich store of merchandise came to the town of Gambhuya ( a place near Aṇahilapura Patana ). In that family, there was a famous rich merchant-prince named Thakkura Ninnaya. On one occasion, the king, (i. e. Vanaraja ) who looked upon him as a father (janayabuddhie ) took him to his own Anahillapāḍa (that is Ninnaya was requested to reside in his own

Kavyanusasana
66

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capital of Aşahilla pataka). There, Ninnaya built a temple of Rşhabha - the first Tīrthamkara of the Jainas.
This Ninnaya had a son named Lahara who was a general of the armies of Vanarāja. This Lahara went to the Vindhya Mountains and caught many elephants; he also defeated many kings with the intention of taking away their elephants.' He was a devotee of the goddess Vindhyavāsinī in whose honour he built a temple in a village called Sandathala. Lahara believed that it was the favour of this goddess who entered his bow (dhanush ) which enabled him to conquer his enemies easily. The author of the Praşasti tells us that the goddess is known there after the name of Lahara - Dhanuhāvī (because she was the presiding deity of his dhanush (i. e. bow ). Lahara presented his elephants to Vanarāja who 'being satisfied with his work' rewarded him with the grant of the village Sandathala.
This geneologist of the Prāgvāta family tells us that Lahara was favoured both by the goddess LacchiLakshmi and the goddess Sarasai - Sarasvati - that is – he was favoured both by Fortune and Learning.
This account enables us to imagine as to how Vanarāja got the help of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury.
We learn from the Prabandhachintāmaņi that Vanarāja invited Silaguņasūri from Panchasara and showed his gratitude by requesting him to occupy his throne and accept his whole kingdom which naturally the sage refused. At his suggestion, however, he built a chaitya - a temple - which was known as the Panchāsara chaitya in which the idol of Párşvanātha
15

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Kavyanusasan
- the twenty -- third Tīrthamkara - brought from Panchasara was consecreted. According to the Prabandhachintāmaņi, the king placed his own statue in the pose of worship in this temple. The statue printed in the Rasmala is supposed to be this statue. Its authenticity, however, is doubtful. Arisimha also refers to this temple as if it were a mountain. Vanarāja built also another temple in honour of the goddess Kanteşvarī or Kanthesvarī known as Kantesvarī-prāsāda.
The Prabandhachintāmaņi says that Vanarāja reigned for more than 59 years and lived for 109 years.
We have no information as to the extent of his dominions.
According to our three authorities on the Chāpotkata dynasty, the Sukstasamkīrtana, the P. C. and the Vichārașrepī, Vanarāja was succeeded by his son Yogarāja. In his reign, ships of a foreign king laden with rich cargo were driven by storm to Somanātha Pattana in Saurāshțra. His son Kshemarāja requested the king to permit him to take possession of these foreign ships. There were ten thousand horses of the Tejas breed, eighteen elephants and crores of other things in the ships. "They will carry all these things to their country through our country. If your Majesty orders, the whole of it will be brought here.” (P.C.p.14)
Yogarāja, however, forbade it. But Kshemarāja and his younger brother, thinking that the king had grown senile took passession of this foreign property as it was being carried through the boundary of their kingdom. This may be the boundary between Kathiawad and main – land Gujarata. When Yogarāja heard this news, he was deeply affected by this misdeed

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of his sons; for he was trying to wipe off the bad name that attached to his dynasty as that of the Charatas or robbers. He fasted unto death for the sins of his sons. According to A and D miss of the P. C. Yogaraja ruled for more than ten years, while according to V. Sreņi 9 years. In the other mss of the P. C. he is credited with a reign of 35 years and a life of 120 years. If we accept, however, the version of A. D. mss which agrees approximately with that of V. S. in different regnal years and in order of succession those of the S. S. and the V. S. we can deduct twenty-five years from 120 years of his life. That will give him a life of about 95 years.
He built a temple in honour of the goddess Bhattarika Sri Yogeṣvarī known as B. S. Y.-Prāsāda.
Following our three authorities which agree in the order of succession we find that there were in all eight kings of the Chapotkața dynasty and that their rule lasted for 190 years according to the P. C. and 196 years according to the V. S. Of these, the seventh king Agaḍa who is called Ahada by the S. S., built two temples, one known as Agadeṣvara-prāsāda probably dedicated to Siva and the other known as Kanțeṣvariprasada dedicated to the goddess Kanțeșvari in whose honour, as we saw, Vanaraja had also built a temple.
The eighth king Bhūyagada who is called Sri Bhubhata by the S. S. built a temple known as Bhuyagadesvara-prāsāda He, to protect the city, built also, a wall round the city of Anahilavaḍa Pattana which is called here only Sri Pattana.
According to the S. S. he was succeeded by his sister's son who belonged to the Chaulukya family.

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Kavyanusasana : . From the cultural point of view, two things may be noted. One of them is Yogarāja's refusal to take possession of the foreign property and fasting unto death for the sins of his sons though he could kill them as none of them could bend the bow which he did easily. The other is the building of Devaprāsādas or palaces dedicated to gods. The wall round the city of Anahilavāda must have been a magnifiscent thing, because as we shall see later on, it had specially attracted the attention of the poets.
According to a verse quoted in the P. C. the kingdom of the Gurajars from the time of Vanarāja onward was made firm by Jain counsels. It is a question how much of this claim is historically valid. The official religion of the kings was, no doubt, Şaiva and Sākta. But the influential persons in the state, the rich Mahajanas, for example-men like Thakkura Ninnaya of the Prāgvāta family whom Vanaraja invited to live in Anahilavāda, were, probably, most of them Jainas. They occupied high posts in the state, - many of them were Mantris or Councillors and some of them like Vimalasāha were Dandanāyakas - commanders of army and then governors of districts. So from this point of view, the claim may be regarded as valid - at least partially. As, however, we shall see later on there was nothing characteristically Jaina as far as their political life was concerned. The rivalries of the priests of different sects, it appears, was always kept in check by the rulers of the state.
13 The total absence of contemporary inscriptional evidence of the Chāvadā period is somewhat relieved

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in the Solanki period. Luckily a number of copperplate-grants and some stone-inscriptions have been discovered which help us in piecing together the history of the period.
The literary material of the period is in greater abundance. In addition to the books mentioned for the Chāvada period which also supply us with material for the Solanki period, we have the Samsksta and the Prākļta Dvyāşrayas of Hemachandra himself. The other name of the S. D. is Chaulukyavamsotikīrtana that is An Account of Chaulukya family and that of the P. D. is Kumāra pāla charitam, that is the Life of Kumārpāla. Next to the contemporary inscriptions, these two epics of twenty cantos and eight cantos each respectively are our most reliable sources for the history of the period not only political but social also. The two commentaries on the two works, one that of Abhayatilakagani and the other that of Pūrņakalasagani elucidate many historical points. The Kārtikaumudī of SomeŞvara Bhatta, the friend of the minister Vastupāla gives in the first two cantos, descriptions of AộahilavādaPattana and of the lake Sahasralinga and a short account of the Solankis or Chaulukyas. The Prabhyākacharita (V. S. 1334 = A. D. 1278 ) of Prabhāchandra in addition to the life of Hemachandra refers to some events of the Solanki period when narrating the lives of contemporary great men of the Jain sect. The other contemporary works will be noted at their proper places. For the chronology of the period our main sources are the P. C. and the V. S. The dates of the inscriptions and those of colophons supplement this chronology.

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ČXVIII
Kavyanusasana How the kingdom of Anahillavāda passed from the hands of Chāvadas to those of Solankis, remains, as yet, an obscure question. The Vadnagara inscription of Kumarapāla simply says that the Rajyakamalā (Royal power) of Chāpotkata kings became of her own accord his slave.' The Moharājaparājaya tells us that the family of Yādavas and the family of Vanarāja were destroyed through drinking (p. 109). Madyasekhara the personification of intoxicating drinks in the same play says “ He was fondled for a long time in the royal palaces of Chávukkada (or Chāvaņā ) kings (p. 108). The Sukặtasamkīrtana of Arisimha simply tells us that after Bhūbhata, his sister's son Mūlarāja came to the throne. The D. K. is altogether silent on the point. The P. C. supplies the deficiency by giving the following account.
Three brothers named Rāja, Bīja and Dandaka, sons of Munjāla of the family of Sri Bhūyarāja of Kánykubja, while returning from their pilgrimage to Somanātha came to Anahillapura. Rāja managed to marry the sister of Sāmantasimha named Līlādevī. She died when she was in a state of pregnancy. An operation was performed upon her and the child brought out of the womb. As he was born under the influence of Müla constellation, he was called Mūlarāja. When the boy grew up his maternal uncle Sämantasimha under the influence of drink used to play with him by temporarily making a king of him. On one occasion, seeing his opportunity, Mūlarāja killed his maternal uncle and usurped the throne with the help of his party (P. C. p. 16). The bards also relate a similar story with a few variations.

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From all these accounts, we can infer that Mülarāja Solanki must have forcibly taken the kingdom of the Chavaḍas. It is highly probable that he might have been the sister's son of the last king as Arisimha relates. That drunkenness had something to do with it - was the belief of the people in the time of Kumārapāla.
In his copper-plate-grant dated V. S. 1043-A. D. 987 discovered from Kaḍi, Mūlaraja is called Chaulkikanvayo Mahārajādhiraja Sri Mularajah Mahārājā. dhiraja. Srī Rājisutah. This means that he belonged to the Chaulkika dynasty and his father was Maharājādhirāja Srī Rāji. If this title of the father is not given to him on account of the greatness of the son we must conclude that Raji was also a king. He is called Rajibhu - that is son of Raji in the D. K. (V. 92,30). In canto III v. 99 Hemachandra calls him. the son of the brother of Dadhakka! This means that one of the brothers of Raji was called Dadhakka. Abhayatilakagani in the commentary gives the names of the three brothers as Rāji, Bīja and Daḍhakka. In the D. K. itself I have not found the name of Bīja. In Canto I v. 188 of the D. K. Mülaraja is called Chandikāmata. The commentator explains it as one whose mother was queen Chandaladevi. * Līlādevī of the P. C. may be another name or a mistaken Samskritized rendering of the Prakṛta of Chandaladevi.
According to the chronology of the P. C., Mülarāja regined from V. S. 998 to V. S. 1053 (A. D. 942-997). We have three copper-plate grants of Mularāja According to the alternative explanation Chandika would refer to the goddess Gauri.

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and one that of Chămundarāja issued by him as heirapparent in the reign of Mūlarāja. The first is dated in V. S. 1030 - Bhādrapada sud 5. This grant is not yet published. The late Dr. H. H. Dhruva, in his article, in the Vienna Oriental Journal (Vol. V, p. 300 – 1) gave information about this copper - plate. The grant refers to a piece of land of Paladiyagrāma in the Gambhūta visaya (district). The grantee is one Vacchakachārya. The occasion is the bathing-ceremony after solar eclipse. The lekhaka or writer of this grant is one Kela and the Dūtaka is Mahāsāndhivigrahika Sri Jaya.
After this comes the copper - plate - grant of Chāmundarāja. This was recently discovered. A photograph of the copper-plate was sent by Diwan Bahadur K. H. Dhruva to Muni Jinavijayaji who has very kindly supplied me with its transcription in modern Devanāgari script. This copper-plate grant is important from many points of view. The first is its Samvat which is Guptasamivat 1033. Now this is not the real Gupta Samvat, but it shows that in later times, these Samvat names were used indifferently. Sometimes Vikrama samvat was called Gupta samvat as in this particular case. *
Another point of importance is that Mülarāja married Șrī Mādhavī, the daughter of Chāhamāna king Bhoja and that Chāmunda Raja was born of her.
The most important point in the information that this copper - plate supplies, is, however, about the geneology of Mūlarāja. The P. C., as we saw, gives
* It may be noted that in the opinion of some scholars Vikrama samvat and Gupta samvat are identical.

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-
Munjala as the name of Mülaraja's father. The Kumarapala - prabandha and the Ratnamālā name some of his ancestors as:--Bhūyaḍa - Karṇāditya - Chandraditya - Somaditya - Bhuvanaditya and Raja. The Kumarapalacharita of Jayasimhasūri, however, gives a different account. In the city of Madhupaghna, there was formerly a king named Chulukya. The descendants of this king were known as Chalukyas. Among his descendants there was one Sahajarāma who had a cavalry-force of three lacs of horses, and who defeated the lord of Sakas on the battle - field. This Sahajarāma had a son named Daḍakka or Danḍakka who got a victory over the king of Pipāsā. This Daḍakka had a son named Kanchivуala who had a son named Rāji who was the father of Mūlarāja. Thus Kanchivyala was the name of the grand - father of Mularāja. Whether this Kanchivyāla was the same person as Munjala or a different person we do not know. It is possible to interpret the term Kanchivyāla as meaning the Vyala of Kanchi that is the mad elephant, tiger or king of Kanchi. It is therefore likely that Kanchivyāla might have been an honorofic title of Munjala extolling some of his exploits. However that may be, the name of Kanchivyāla receives corroboration from the copper plate under discussion. It says that Mularāja was in the line of Sri Vyāla-Kanchi. " लाघ्यः चौस्किकराजवंशतिलक श्रीव्यालकाञ्चिप्रभोः ।
सन्ताने त्रिदशेन्द्र तुल्य महिमा श्रीमूलराजो नृपः ॥
It need not be said that Srī Vyāla - Kanchi is the same as Srī Kanchi - Vyāla.
Thus we come to know definitely that Sri VyālaKanchi was an ancestor of Mūlarāja.
16

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Kavyanusasana The question whether the Chālukyas of Gujerat came from the north or the south still remains unsettled. Madhūpaghna of the king Chulukya can be identified with Mathura, but it might as well indicate Madura in the south. Pipásā may be identified with Biasā. But Kānchi, however, tempts one to guess that the Chālukyas or Solankis of Gujarāta came from the south. *
The grant authorizes a field near the village Varuņādişarmmakapura (modern Vadasania ) to be given to a Jaina temple for incense, lights, and flowers. This is also significant as we shall see later on. The grant contains the signatures of five srāvakas. It ends Şrī Chāmundarājasya mama matam. This style of signing is still prevalent in Gujarāta.
The third grant is dated V. S. 1043 Māgha Vadi 5 Sunday (A. D. 987). It begins, Rājāvali – pūrvam. This would mean that the previous royal line should be taken as understood. It may, however, indicate that Mūlarāja might not have liked any reference to the previous Chāvada kings. It compares the king to Rājahamsa, Brahmā, Vishnu, Şiva, Indra Kalpavīksha, Meru, Ocean, Cloud and the Elephant of Indra. In the comparision of Rājahamsa by a pun upon the word Paksha which means a wing and a side we are made to understand that both the sides - paternal and maternal of the king were pure.
We have already referred to this copper - plate as giving the name of his father Mahārājādhirāja Rājī. The grant is issued from Srimad Anahilapātaka. It was given at the time of the bath in the waters of Prachi
* See Jipavijyaji's learned presidential address to the historical section of the twelfth Gujarati Sāhitya - parishad. pp. 9-11.

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CXXIII Sarasvatī at Srīsthala after the solar eclipse and the worship of the god of Rudramahālaya the lord of the gods. A village named Kamboika in the Modhera Ardhāshtama in the Sārasvata Mandala is given to the temple of Sri Mulanāthadeva in Mandali in the district of Vardhi (or Vadh ).
The writer of the grant is one Kanchana - a son of Kāyastha Jejja. It ends Srī Mūlarājasya. The grant was personally given by the king. The third copperplate ( which was published in the E. I. Vol. X) is dated V. S. 1051 Mágha sudi 15. Mūlarāja is called Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Srī Mūlarāja Deva. The occasion is Lunar eclipse. A village named Varņaka in the district of Satyapura is given to Sri Dirghchărya son of Durlabhācharya, a learned Brahmana of Kanyakubja. The grant is written by Kāyastha Kanchana probably the same as the writer of the previous one. The Dūtaka is Mahattama Sri Sivarāja. The grant ends as usual with the signature of the king.
Hemachandra has described at length two main events of the life of king Mūlarāja: one – his fight with Grāharipu of Vāmanasthali and his powerful ally Laksha of Kachchha; the other-his fight against Dvarapa lord of Lāta. In the second fight, it was his son Chămunda who led the army against Laţa.
The name of Sri Mülaraja is mentioned in the verse 135 of the first canto of the Dvyāsraya, the preceding 131 verses being devoted to the description of Anahillapura - which is given in graphic detail - not all conventional. He is called Chālukyakulachandramā - the moon of the family of Chālukyas.

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It appears from verse 144 that Mūlarāja was of ṣyama, i. e. dark complexion as also was his grand-son Durlabha (v. 60 Canto VII). The family deity of the Chalukyas was Sri Somanatha - that is god Şiva whose image was consecrated in a temple at Somanatha Pattana or Prabhasa Pattana in Kathiawad one of the most ancient holy places of pilgrimage of India known even to the Mahabharata-as we have seen before. Any thing of importance that Mularāja did was supposed to be at the suggestion of the god Somanatha. So we find Hemachandra saying that it was at the suggestion of the god Sambhu who appeared to him in a dream that he undertook the expedition against Graharipu. He consults Jambaka and Jehula, two of his main counsellors. According to Abhayatilakāgaṇi, Jambaka was his Mahamantrin while Jehula - the Rapaka of Khairalu was his Mahapradhana. Jehula recounts the misdeeds of Graharipu in detail - the main being his harassment of the pilgrims and the sacrilege of the holy places by killing and eating the sacred animals. His treatment of the defeated enemies is referred to as not worthy of a Kshatriya. In short he is described as an incarnation of the devil. So Jehula advises the king immediately to send a general without even sending an envoy for the formal declaration of hostilities.
Jambaka agrees with Jehula so far as subjugating Graharipu is concerned. He describes the strongly fortified position of the enemy, as the mountain is only at a distance of Krosa while the sea is at a distance of Yojana from his capital. He also refers to his constant watchfulness and his
powerful ally

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CXXV Laksha of Kachha, the son of Phulla and requests the king to proceed personally against these Ābhiras if he wants victory (verse 103 - 108 - 09). In an open meeting, the decision is taken to proceed against Grāharipu of Vāmanasthalī. Mūlarája is glad that he has an occasion to fight.
The fight takes place on the river Jambu - māli which can be identified with the river Bhogāvo in Kāthiawada, on whose bank there is a place called Jambu near Limbdi. Some of the allies of Mūlarāja are the kings of Meru, Kāsi, Arbuda and many Bhilla tribes referred to as eighteen Bhūta jūtis (C. IV 79).* For two days the battle continued indecisively. On
+ Abhayatilakaga?i says that here "krosa and yojana' are not to be taken literally but as merely suggesting very small distances, because 'the mountain is at a distance of seven Krosasas while the sea is at a distance of five yojans from Vámanasthali. If there was any other capital of Grābaripu at a distance of a Krosa from the mountain and a yojana from the sea, I do not know." A very frank confession worthy of a historian !
* It appears that the author of the B. G. has not correctly understood some verses of the D. K. bearing on this context. It says' Mūlarája had also his owo younger brother Gangamaha etc. (p. 160 ). Now Mülarāja had no brother of that name. The verse which appears to be the basis of this information is the second verse of Canto II of the D. K. It simply means Gangārnaha and his youger brother who, as the commentary says, were Mularājaprpau - that is two kings on the side of Mūlarăja - rose to fight. These two brothers were reigning in Gangäpura probably a place in Rajaputādā. Then again the B. G. says "It is specially mentioned that in this expedition Mūlarāja received no help from the sons of his paternal uncle Bīja and Dandaka" (p. 160 ). I have found no

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Kavyanusasana the third day Mülarāja personally went into the thick of the battle on his elephant with two quivers filled with missiles. Grāharipu in a frenzy of rage mounted the elephant of Mūlarāja. In the combat Mülarāja succeeded in throwing Grāharipu down from his elephant. Mūlarāja then jumped from the elephant and tied Gräharipu with ropes and thus made a prisoner of him. (IV 100 - 103 ).
Then Laksha of Kachchha dressed in white rushed towards Mülarāja and insulted him by abusing and calling him Müla. In a deadly combat Mülarāja pierced Laksha with his spear and killed him there and then.x
Queens of Grāharipu with their children come to Mülarāja and request him to release their husband which Mūlaraja does. From there, Mūlarāja goes to Somanātha and worships the god Somanātha. According to the commentator, it was Şivaratri (V. 139) when he recited his prayers.
Mūlarāja returned to his capital with one hundred and eight elephants within five or six days.
The cause of war with Dvárapa of Lata is given as the insult Dvärapa offered to Mūlarāja by sending reference to the sons of Bīja and Dandaka in the Dvyasraya. Bīja is not even mentioned. The verse in which the name of Dadhakka occurs is 99 Canto Ill. It rather means 'who did not serve Da hakka's brother's son by following him?' The ineaning is - everybody followed Mülarāja who was the son of Raji brother of Dadhakka.
X In spile of its uncouth grammatical language, it must be confessed, Hemachandra has described thc fight with great vigour. In fact, we may remark in passing, that the Duyaşraya has considerable poetic inerit of vigour and graphic description which is however hidden under its forbidding grammatical garb.

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CXXVII
him as a present an ominous elephant. The matter was discussed and an expedition against Lāta was decided upon. Prince Chāmunda who had listened in the temple of Şiva to the heroic deeds of Arjuna described by Vyāsa (VI 6 ) was spoiling for a fight. So he was made the General of his army though Mūlaraja accompanied him ( 44). Svabhravatī or the river Sābaramati was the northern boundry of Lāta. As the army encamped on the river, people began to flock to Bharucha, the capital of Lāta. Prince Chāmuṇda defeated Lāta. The event is described by calling Châmunda 'the hurricane which uprooted the tree in the form of the king of the southern bank'( VI 99 ).
The Sukstasamkīrtanana first describes the defeat of Bārapa whom he calls the Dandanatha general or governor of the king of Kānyakubja (II - 5) and then refers to the defeat of the army of Laksha Kacchapa -- that is Lord of Kachchha. The war with Grāharipu is referred to as a war with Laksha by all subsequent writers probably because he was killed in battle. The K. K. refers also to these two wars with Bārapa and the ambitious Kachchha king Laksha. It, however, calls Barapa the general of the king of Lāța. The P. C. describes these events a bit differently. According to it Mūlarăja was simultaneously attacked on one side by the king of Sapādalaksha and on the other by Barapa who is called the general of the king of Telangadeşa. This fight with the king of Sapādalaksha is not referred to by Hemachandra, but we find the king of Maru as Mūlarāja's ally in his fight against Grāharipu.
The P. C. also without referring to Grāharipu

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refers to Lākha or Laksha whose mother cursed Mūlarāja with a skin - disease called luti, because he touched the moustache of the dead hero lying on the battlefield with his foot.
From his copper-plate of V. S. 1051, and the information from literary sources discussed just now, we can form the following idea of Mūlarāja's dominions at the end of his reign. In the north, his sway extended as far as Satyapura or Sáchora in the Jodhapura state; in the west, it extended to Saurāshtra and Kachcha and in the south up to the river Narmada, and in the east probably as far as Godhard.
From his copper-plate of this V. S. 1043, we learn that Rūdramahālaya was already built at Srīsthala on the river Sarasvatī, so also a temple of Şiva known as Şrī Mūlanāthadeva was built in Mandali (Mándala) for whose benefit the grant is given. The P. C. informs us that Mūlarāja first built two temples of Siva in Srīpattana, that is Anahilla pura - one known as Sri Mularājavasahikā and the other in honour of Sri Munjaladeva - on the authority of the P. C.- his grand father - known as Srī Munjaladeva prāsāda. Mūlarāja, being a great devotee of Somanātha, the P. C. tells us, used to go every Monday to Someşvara - pattana. The god being greatly pleased with his devotion came to Mandalī, so Mularāja built there a temple known as Muleşvara - prasāda to which, as we saw, the grant of V. S. 1043 (987 A. D.) is given. Being further pleased with his devotion, the god came to Aṇahillapura; and so Mūlarāja built another temple known as Tripurushaprāsāda – probably to commemorate the three brothers Rāji, Dağhakka and Bīja who are known to the

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tradition as the three ādi-purushas i. e. original persons of the dynasty; or it might simply mean that it was a temple of the trinity of Siva, Vishnu and Brahmā.
The S. S. K. also refers to Mūlarāja's visiting Sonianātha every Monday and to his building three Sambhu temples (II – 3, 4).
According to the D. K. Mūlarāja after consulting his ministers, Purohitas, and astrologers gave the throne to his son Chāmunda and himself retired to Srīsthala that is Siddhapura on the Sarasvati and ended his life by sacrificing his body in fire. The S. S. K. and the P. C. refer to similar incidents.
Here we may refer to the important persons of Mūlarāja's reign. Hemachandra mentions Jambaka, and Jehula the chief of Kheralu, as his principal ministers. The grant of V. S. 1051 (995 A. D.) describes the grantee Srī Dīrghāchārya-son of Sri Durlabhāchārya originally of Kānyakubja as' aşeshavidyāpāraga 'that is 'master of all departments of learning' and 'taponidhi' (lit. ocean of austerities ) that is a great ascetic.' The name of Mūlarāja's Mahāsāndhivigrahaka-great minister of peace and war-was Şrī Jaya who was the gift - causer of the grant of V. S. 1030 (974 A. D.).
From the colophon of the Nemināthachariu, we learn that in the Prāgvāta family of Ninnaya and Lahara was born one Vīra who was a minister in the reigns of Mūlarāja, Chámunda, Vallabha and Durlabha. He was in charge of the Tankaşāla that is the mint where he made coins in the image of Lakshmī.
From the Surathotsava of Someşvara, we learn that Şrī Sola - Sarman was the Purohita of Mūlaraja. He performed the great sacrifice known as Vājapeya.
17

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Kavyanusasana The great ascetic Kanthadi and his disciple Vayajalladeva, whose account is narrated by the P. C., may also be mentioned as two opposite types of Yogis who represent peculiar religious attitudes which have affected the religiousconsciousness of Gujarāta. Kanthadi, when requested by Mūlarāja, refused to become the head of the Royal Temple of the Tripurusha - prāsāda and preferred to remain a recluse; while his disciple Vayajalladeva consented to take charge of the temple if he would be provided with means to enjoy life in a royal style which included thirty-two beautiful women to sing and dance before him. The queen of Mūlarāja thought that a man living such a life could not be chaste and so tested his character by trying to ensnare him with her feminine charms. But Vayajalladeva proved superior to these attractions and punished the queen for her frivolity.
This story may be real or may be purely a myth but it does represent a peculiar type of men which existed in those days and which in its weaker instances has proved to be the bane of religious institutions of India. *
According to the chronology of the P. C., Srī Chamundarāja reigned for thirteen years from V. S. 1053 – to 1066 = A. D. 997 to 1010. We have already referred to his copper - plate - grant of the pseudo - Gupta Samvat 1033 ( = A. D. 977) which sanctioned a field to be given to a Jaina temple. His conquest of Lāta we have also mentioned.
1
X Compare the story of Nannasūri teaching the KāmaSastra of Vātsyāyana in his Chaitya in the Prabhāvakacharita (pp. 161 - 163 ).

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CXXXI
No important event of his reign is described by the Dvyāṣraya. The Vadanagara - prasasti of Kumārapāla informs us that he defeated Sindhuraja whom we cannot exactly identify. He may probably be Varapa of Laṭadeṣa the word Värapa literally meaning 'lord of waters. According to the D. K. he had three sons: Vallabharāja, Durlabharaja and Nāgarāja. When referring to their education, Hemachandra mentions their training and proficiency in managing horses and elephants.
About the birth of these princes the Prabhavakacharita gives some significant information. Chamuṇḍarāja was very much troubled by the fact that his queens always suffered from mis-carriage. He once mentioned this anxiety of his mind to his minister Vīra. (This Vīra was the same as mentioned by the N. C. Colophon ). Vīra consulted his religious preceptor Sri Vīrasūri. He gave him some charmed fragrant powder and directed that the queens should sprinkle themselves with it. After this treatment Srimad Vallabharaja and other sons were born' (The Pr. C. verses 136-148 pp. 213-14). According to the same book, Chamuṇḍaraja had met previously Ṣrī Vīrasūri whose sermons he had heard and of whose miraculous power he was aware. This incident together with his grant to a Jaina temple may be taken as signifying some Jaina influence on the king. The Dvyaṣraya tells us that the prince Vallabharāja with the permission of the king Chamuṇḍarāja led an expedition against Mälava, but on the way he was attacked with an incurable disease (which according to the commentatory was small-pox) and died of it. The generals very tactfully retreated the army

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and came back to Anahillapura. The king was deeply touched with this sad incident and retired to the holy place of Suklatīrtha on the bank of the Narmada, after giving the crown to his second son Durlabharāja. (C. VII verses 1-58.
The commentator Abhayatilakagani while commenting on the verse 31 of the C. VII narrates a different tale. Chamuṇḍarāja became sexually very loose, so his sister Vāchiṇīdevī managed to remove him from the throne and give it to Vallabharāja. Chamuṇḍarāja, smarting under this disgrace, proceeded to Benares, but was attacked in Malava and robbed of his umbrella and other royal insignia. He returned to Aṇahillapura and asked his son Vallabha to march against Mālava. The commentator says As such an incident would not be worthy of the person described, the incident is merely suggested by saying that he took the permission of his father' (p. 531). There may be some grain of reality in this story and if we read it in connection with the fact that his queens always mis-carried we are tempted to guess that Chamunda may have suffered from some foul sexual disease.
(6
<<
The P. C., however, refers this incident of being robbed of royal insignia to Durlabharaja. It was Munja of Malava who perpetrated this insult. Merutunga says From that time onward hereditary enmity was formed between kings of Mālava and Gujarata. According to the A.ms of the P. C. Sri Chamunḍa-raja built two temples presumably of Siva., one known as Chandanathadevaprasada and the other Chachipeṣvara-devaprāsāda (p. 20). The second may very well be Vachinesvara, (Va and Cha being written similarly in Devanāgarī).

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In that case that temple would be in commemoration of his sister. Chanda also may be some relative.
Vallabharaja is mentioned after Chamunda in the dynastic list, and is given a reign of six months. He earned two titles Rājamadanaṣamkara and Jagajjhampana or kampana-meaning 'world-shaker.'
CXXXIII
According to the D. K., however, Chamunda was succeeded by his second son Durlabha, who according to the P. C. ruled for eleven years-from V. S. 1066 to 1077=A. D. 10101021. He was invited, narrates the D. K., to the Svayamvara of his sister Durlabhadevi by Mahendra - king of Maru. He went there with his younger brother Nagaraja. He was chosen by the princess whom he married. Nagaraja was married to the younger sister of Durlabhadevi named Lakshmi. A battle with the disappointed kings is also narrated (C. VII verses 66 - 142).
Durlabha is suggested to be of dark complexion in v. 60 of the same canto. In verse 64, there is a faint suggestion of Jaina influence-when Hemachandra says that Durlabha gave up Ekanta i. e. one-sidedness of out-look. According to the commentary of Abhaya. tiilakagani, Durlabha built Jain temples (v. 63) and came under the influence of one Jineṣvarasūri (v.-64).
*
According to the P. C. he built a lake, named after him, Durlabhasara., and according to the A.ms of the P. C. he built, in addition, in Srīpattana a royal palace of seven floors with a building for treasury and for Ghaṭikā to keep time, and a stable for elephants. He also built a temple known as Sri Madana-şamkara
* See also the Prabhavakacharita p. 264.

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Kavyanusasan prāsāda for the spiritual benefit of his brother Vallabharāja.
From the Surathotsava of Someşvara, we learn that Lallaşarman son of Solaşarman was the Purohita of Chāmunda and his son Sri Munja-the Purohita of Durlabharāja.
The Dvyāsraya says 'Nägarāja the younger brother had a son named Bhīma, and both Nāgarāja and Durlabha thought that they were discharged from 'parental debt' of producing a son ( Pitruņa ).' This means that Durlabha had no issue and adopted Bhīma as his heir. Bhīma was brought up in the laps of Durlabha. The education of Bhīma is also described. He became a master of gymnastics..
Durlabha asked Bhīma to accept the throne which, however, he first refused. He requested that his father Nāgarāja should be made king. On both of them, however, pressing him, he mounted the throne. Both Durlabha and Nāga dedicated themselves to religious life and died soon after.
The P. C. gives Bhīma 42 or 43 years' reign from V. S. 1077 - 78 to V. S. 1120 = A. D. 1021 - 1064. Three copper-plate-grants of his reign have been discovered - dated V. S. 1086 Kártikka sudi 15 (A. D. 1029 - 30), Vaişākha sudi 15 of the same year (A. D. 1030), and Samvat 93 Chaitra Sudi 11, that is V.S. 1093=A, D. 1037. The first which is issued from Anahillapāțaka gives a village called Masuragrāma in Ghadahaạikādvādaşa in the province of Kachchha. The grantee is one Bhattārka Ajāpāla - son of Āchárya Mangalaşiva - originally of Navanikaka in the province of Kachchha.

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The writer of the grant is Vateşvara – son of Kāyachcha ( ostha ). The Dūtaka is Şrī Chandaşarmmå the great minister of peace and war.
The second is also issued from the capital, the writer and the Dūtaka being the same as the last one. The grant gives a field near Mundakagrāma in Vardhivishaya ( in the Vadhiar district ) to one Vāsudeva son:of Balabhadra - Udicha Brahamaņa - a Brahamaņa froin the north.
The third is dated Samvat 93. It may be that the figures to indicate thousand may have been left out or intentionally kept understood. The year intended is V. S. 1093. The writer and the Dūtaka of this grant are the same as those of the previous two. It is issued from Anahilapātaka and grants a field in the limits of a village called Sahasachānāgrāma in Kachchha. The grantee is one Govinda - son of Damodara of Vatsa-gotra originally of Prasannapura-sthāna. *
These grants indicate that Vadhiara and Cutch continued to remain within the jurisdiction of Aşahilapātaka in the reign of Bhīma. I.
The Dvyāşraya mentions the two main political events of his reign as the defeat and imprisonment of Hammuka - the ruler of Sindha and the acceptance of a freindly alliance by Karņa – the king of Chedi whose other name is given as Kalachuri (v. 28, C. IX).
Two of his secret emmissaries, after their tour, come to Bhima and inform him that the king of
* It is likely that the Brāhmaṇas reffered to in this grant are Praspora Dāgars of Gujarata amongst whom Vatsagotra is common. Probably the word Praạnorā has something to do with Prasannapara.

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Sindha is planning to murder him; and that the ruler of Chedi is also becoming unfriendly. Bhīma after consulting his ministers first marches against Sindha. In verses 74-84 C. VIII. Hemachandra gives a graphic and vigorous description of the Sindhuvaha or 'flow of the Indus', and tells that the king of Sindha ‘enjoys a quiet sleep', being protected by this watery barrier. Then the heroic effort of building a bandha, (a sort of a bund) is described poetically in verses 90 - 106 of the same canto. The army of Bhima crosses the Indus and a royal battle ensues. Hammuka is defeated and imprisoned (124), and the horses of Bhīma graze on the grounds of Hammuka and his sugar-canes become the fodder of his elephants ( 125 ).
From Sindha, the conquering army marches towards Chedi. An envoy of Bhīma, whose name is given as Damodara by Hemachandra and who appears to be the same as the Mahasandhivigrahika Dámara vipra of the P. C., approaches Karna-the king of Chedi, chewing beetle-leaf wifh camphor etc. in a lordly style and asks him on behalf of Bhīma whether he is a friend or a foe. Karna of Chedi chooses to be a friend and sends many presents to Bhīma including a suvarna-maņdapikā of Bhoja the famous king of Mālavā, which according to the commentary, Karna had won from Bhoja.
Bhima returns to the capital welcomed by the ladies of the city. A son is born to him who was named Kshemarāja and was known as 'dhármika ' or religious amongst the people. He got another son named Karņa.
Another important event of Bhīma's reign which

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is not mentioned in the Dvyāṣraya or the P. C. may be narrated here. It is the sack of Somanatha which has been described at length by modern historians (see C. H. I. Vol. III pp. 23-26). It was believed that this event is nowhere mentioned or even suggested in Hindu accounts. This is, however, not correct. The event is referred to in an Apabhramsa poem of Dhanapala and the V. T. K. of Jinaprabha. Muni Ṣrī Jinvijayaji-that great savant and researcher of the history of Gujarat-edited and published for the first time in his J. S. S. (Vol. III pp. 241-43) that poem in the Apabhramṣa language and in the Utsaha metre of the poet Dhanapala-the author of the Tilakamanjarī. Dhanapala was a court - poet of the famous king Bhoja of Dhara a contemporary of Bhima I. In this poem reference is made to the looting by the Turks, of Srimala country, Aṇahilavada, Chandravati, Soratha, Devalavaḍa and 'Someșvara pleasing to the mind of the people'. Thus this is an almost contemporaneous account. The V. T. K. refers in the Satyapūrakalpa to the looting of Gurjara country by Gajjanavi, that is the lord of Gajani in the V. S. 1081 = A. D. 1025 (p. 29). Both these references apply to the expedition of Mahamud Gajani.
It is, however, strange to find that no mention of the sacking of Somanatha is found in the Ta'rikh - i- Lamini of Al-'Utbi who was a sort of Private Secretary to Mohmud. He wrote a good account of Mohumd's biography, and is definitely known to have lived four years after this event. Rasinuddin and Hamidulla who came after more than two hundred years and have written accounts of Mohmud also make no 18

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mention of this account. The first Muslim historian to mention this event is Ibu Asir (about 1230 A. D.). From this absence of reference amongst early Muslim historians, we are driven to the conclusion that this expedition against Somanatha must not have been an event of that importance which it is reported to be by the later Muslim chroniclers upon whom the modern historians have almost uncritically relied. It might have been just the ordinary looting of a marauding army as the places came on its way.
*
The K. K. and the S. S. K. mention the defeat of Bhoja at the hands of Bhima which the D. K. does not directly mention. The Puratanaprabandhasamgraha and the P. C. describe incidents which refer to constant warfare between Malava and Gujarāta - relieved by a few intervals of peace. An effort made by Bhoja to break the peace-treaty (Sandhidūshaṇa ) is mentioned in the P. P. S. and the P. C. They also refer to an attack on Aṇahillapura by a general of Bhoja named Kulachandra or Phula who was a Digambara Jaina. This event happened, according to the P. C., when Bhima was engaged in his expedition against Sindha. This has made the stealing by Kulachandra' proverbial (p. 32. The P. C.). On another occasion Bhima had to send his Minister of War and Peace Damara to avert a proposed expedition against Gujarata by Bhoja as there was famine. Dāmara managed this business very cleverly by instigating Bhoja to march against the southern king Tailapa who had beheaded his uncle Munja, and by spreading a rumour, as he was
(
*For a further discussion of this topic, see Jinavijaya's article Mahmud Gaznavi and Somanatha in the J. S. S. Vol. III Pp. 252-257.

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about to march that Bhima was attacking Mälava and thus compelling Bhoja to sue for peace with a present to Bhima of an elephant and his female. The P. C., lastly, mentions an attack by Karna of Chedi on Malava when Bhima assisted Karna as an ally. After Karna won in the battle, he refused to share the gains with Bhima, so the latter sent Damara against Chedi who managed to get a share in the spoils from Karna. This is the same incident which Hemachandra describes in the D. K. and which enables us to identify Damara of the Prabandhas with Damodara of the D. K.
The P. P. S. and the P. C. relate many incidents which reveal a state of political and cultural rivalry between Gujarat and Mālava. Many of the stories in the P. C. turn round the uncommon wit and intelligence of the Brahmana Minister for War and Peace-Damara or Damodara. He seems to be the Birbala of the P. C. x We are able to gather from the Prabhavakacharita that already in the time of Bhimal Anahillapura has developped into a great centre of intellectual activity. The Prabhavakacharita being devoted to the great men of Jaina religion naturally gives prominence to the learned men of that religion. But from the background it provides, we gather that poets and dialecticians of different sects from different parts of India visit the capital of Gurajaradeșa. And even in the case of the learned men of the Jaina sect, their
X The uncommon wit and wisdom of Damara seems to have become almost proverbial in Gujarat; for we have still the habit of saying in the Gujarati language : डाह्यो डमरो थजे
$
Be a wise Damaro!' For the famous well of Damodara see further on.

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Kavyanusasana greatness is shown more by their proficiency in logic and the art of dialectics (Pramāņaşāstra), mastery of all the schools of philosophy (darşanas), their thorough grounding in grammar and the science of language (sabdaşāstra), and their cleverness in poetic compositions. Anybody familiar with Samskrta Learning knows that these-Logic and Grammar, Philosophy and Literature are some of the main subjects that formed the common field of intellectual activity in India. And again as in the case of Sāntyācharya and Surāchārya they often went to other kingdoms to fight the intellectual battle on behalf of their country.
The intellectual rivarly between Dhārā and Anahillapura was keen, and Bhoja and Bhima I always were jealous of the intellectual status of their courts. Bhoja in order to test the intelligence of Gurjaradesa (Gurjardesavijnatā) so that he might see his opportunity for breaking the peace - treaty (sandhidūshanotpattaye) sends a gūthū - a stanza in Prākṣta with his sandhivigrahika to Bhīma. The gāthā means that 'a lion whose prowess is seen in the ease with which he kills a powerful elephant does not care to make war or keep peace with a deer.' * The suggestion is clear. The several answers proposed by his court-poets do not satisfy Bhima who is ill at ease to find a thrashing rejoinder. His courtiers go out and find one Govindāchārya who was attending a dance-performance in a Jaina temple with his pupil Sūrāchārya. The Prabhāvakacharita gives a graphic description of the dance and tells us that when the
* हेलानिलियगइन्दकुम्भपयडियपयावपसरस्स ।
TEET agus ia farietta gero Il The P. C. p. 28.

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damsel perspiring reposed on a stone-pillar Govindacharya was requested to describe that graceful pose. He looks at Suracharya who composes a beautiful verse on the reposing damsel. + The courtiers, being impressed, request Govindacharya to attend the court which he does with his pupil Surachārya. He is requested to prepare a befitting reply and again he looks at his pupil. Suracharya prepares the answer in a Prakṛta gatha. It means: The creator in Bhima, created the destroyer of the sons of the blind one; what does one matter to him to whom a hundred did not matter? Here there is a pun upon the word Bhima and Andhakasuta. Bhima the Pandava killed the hundred sons of the blind Dhṛtarashtra; so this Bhima will easily kill one son of the blind. This gatha confirms the tradition that Sindhula the father of Bhoja was deprived of his eye-sight by his brother Munja.
This Suracharya was a cousin of the king Bhinia, being the son of his maternal uncle Sangrāmasimha. If the mother of Bhima was Lakshmi, younger sister of Mahendra who was the king of Marudesa, we may infer that Sangrāmasimha was a prince of Marudesa. Sangramsaimha died when his son was very young. His name, before he became a Jaina monk was Mahipala. His mother handed him ever for education to a brother of her husband who had become a Jaina monk known as Dronacharya. This Dronacharya was + See the Pra. Ch. p. 246. vs. 20-25. यत्कङ्कणाभरणकोमलबाहुवल्लिसङ्गात् कुरङ्गकदृशो नवयौवनायाः ।
न स्विद्यसि प्रचलसि प्रविकम्पसे त्वं तत्सत्यमेव दृषदा ननु निर्मितोऽसि ॥२६॥ X अन्धयसुयाण कालो भीमो पुहवीइ निम्मिओ विहिणा ।
जेण सयपि म गणिअं का गणणा तुज्झ इक्कस्स || The P C. p. 280

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probably a disciple of Govindāchārya who is referred to as a man of versatile learning. Mahīpāla became a master of Vyakaraṇa, Nyāya, and Dharmaşāstra. After finishing his education, he became a Jaina monk and and became famous as Sūrāchārya.
As a young man this Sūrācharya was a terrific task - master of his pupils who once complained about his harshness to the elder Guru. The elder Guru rebuked him for his impetuous nature and asked him to show the power of his intellect by conquering the learned assembly of Bhoja. The young dialectician understood the taunt and expressed his determination to proceed to Dhārā which he afterwards did with the permission of his Guru, and his maternal cousin king Bhīma, who sent him there as his representative. His intellectual feats are decribed at length in the Prābhävakacharita. +
A royal Purohita in ancient India was a persona grata. In the reign of Bhīma I this position was occupied by one Someşvara. This gentleman appears to be a man of very liberal outlook. It was through his intercession that Jaina monks known as Suvihita or Vasativadins got a footing in Anahilla pura, which was a stronghold of the Chaitya-vasin Jaina monks from the time of Vanarāja who was brought up, as we saw, by the Chaityavāsin monk Silagunasūri. The Suvihitas or the Vasativādins practised more rigorously the discipline of Mahāvīra while the Chaityavasins were like the abbots or the heads of Mathas of other Hindu sects who led a life of ease and luxury. Artistic culture as well as harsher intellectual disciplines were fostered
+ See pp. 245-261.

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by them. But they were not remarkable for their ascetic life, while the Suvihitas were. But the convention was that Suvihitas could not live in Aşahillapura.
Jinesvara and Buddhisāgara two munis or monks of Suvihita type come to Anahillapura. They were Brāhmaṇas of Madhyadesa learned in the fourteen Vidyās as well as Smộtis and Itihāsa and bore the names Srīdhara and Srīpati before they were converted. When they found no place in the capital, they went to the Purohita and recited the Vedas and showed their mastery of Brahamaņical learning. They were welcomed by Someşvara to whom they showed the similarity of Veda-Upanishad - philosophy with Jaina philosophy. It was the emphasis on dayā or non-violence towards animals in Jaina religion which made them accept that faith. Someşvara provided them with lodging and boarding and when the men of Chaityavāsis asked these monks to leave Anahillapura the matter was brought before the king whose name the Prabhāvakacharita gives as Durlabha.* The Chaityavāsis argued their monopoly of residence on historical grounds. The king accepted their plea but requested them to allow these people to live in the capital as he could not refuse residence to respectable people.
Someşvara then requested the king to provide for them a place of residence.
Jņānadeva the pontiff of the Saiva church came at that time to visit the king. He was informed of the incident. He was very much pleased to see that his
* See the Pra. Ch. pp. 264-267. This incident may have taken place at the end of Durlabha's reign or more probably in the beginning of Bhīma's reign.

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preachings had the desired effect on the king in as much as he honoured 'all holy men.' " Șiva is Jina" says Jņānadeva “Let the Purohita give them land belonging to the Tripurusha (the Saiva temple built by Mūlarāja ) in the Rice-market. I will see to it that no trouble arises either from our side or the other side (p. 266 ). ” Someșvara followed his instructions and got a residence for the Jaina ascetics. “After that' says the Pr. Ch. “ a series of residences sprung up; for that which is founded by great men prospers; there is no doubt in that” (p. 266.).
This incident explains the mental attitude of the religious leaders of the higher type as also how vested interests were responsible for quarrels within the sect itself.
Buddhisā gara composed a Samskặta grammar which is named after him and consists of eight thousand slokas - ( that is units of eight syllables ) according to the Pr. Ch.. According to the pra Şasti of the ms of this work, which is not yet published, the volume of the grammar was 7000 slokas. It was composed at Jābālipura ( Jalor ) in the year V. S. 1180=A. D. 1124. Jinesvara wrote a work on Logic. +
Another important figure of the times is the learned poet Dharma of Sri Bhrgukachchha ( Broach) on the banks of the river Mekala-Kanya ( Narmadā ) in Lāta. His account is given at some length in the Prabhāvakacharita in connection with the poet Dhanapāla of Dhāra and the great logician of Aṇahillapura - Santyāchārya.* His father Sūradeva was a very learned
+ See Purătattva Vol. II pp. 83–84. * See the Pra. Cha. pp. 238-242.

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man- Brahman incarnate'. His mother Sávitrī was the crest - jewel of the Satīs, and was famous for her charities. The family belonged to the Kaula sect of Şaivism and so Dharma is often referred to as the Kaula Kavi Dharma. Dharma had an elder brother named Sarma and a sister named Gomatī. As a child he was a great dunce; so his father had asked him to find out some employment for himself. He became. a guardsman in some sugar-cane field on the other side of the Narmadā, and while serving there, through the favour of some Yoginī, his intellectual powers suddenly developed. As he approached the bank of the river to cross it, he burst into a poem describing its powerful flow.* He crossed the river in a boat and went home. But he was not welcomed by his father and so left his home in disgust abusing his Kaula sect in choicest terms. He toured all the provinces holding debates with the learned men and defeating them. He came to Dhārā and sent his challenge to the king Bhoja. There he describes himself as having defeated Sambhu of Gauda ( Bengal ), Dvija in Dhārā, Vishņu in Bhattia - Mandala and Pasupati in Srī Kānyakubja. His challenge is that let any body face him in the sciences of Tarka, Lakshana and Sāhitya. He easily defeats all the learned men of Bhoja's assembly. Bhoja sends for his friend the poet Dhanapāla who had left him as he was insulted in connection with
* एते मेकलकन्यकाप्रणयिनः पातालमूलस्पृशः संत्रासं जनयन्ति विन्ध्यभिदुरा वारी प्रवाहाः पुरः ।
हेलोद्वर्तितनर्तितप्रतिहतव्यावर्तितप्रेरित· 1974alparacaipirasigaatit: Il 783 H
Pra. Ch. p. 239. 19

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Kavyanusasaan his novel Tilakamanjarī, and appeals to his patriotism by saying "Shall a foreigner-a Kaula-defeat Dhārā ?" Dhanapāla returns from Satyapura (Sachor in Rajputana) and defeats Dharma who accepts his superiority by saying that there is no body who is Dhanapāla's equal. Dhanapāla asks him to visit Säntisūri of Anahillapura. Dharma at his sugggestion starts for Gurjaradesa ( Pr. Ch. pp. 238-244). He comes to Anahillapura and meets the great logician Șāntisūri in an open debate. The arguments that Dharma puts forth were taken from the Tattvopaplava * a dialectical work showing that nothing is provable and nothing is knowable. ( The author of this work is one Jayarāshibhatta.) Srī Sāntyāchārya answers all his arguments and Dharma accepts him as his superior, and as a wonderful logician. He says "A man like Dhanapāla would not tell a lie. You are really a learned man” (Ibid. pp. 221-222).
This Sāntisūri appears to be a great figure in the intellectual and literary world of Gurjaradeşa and Mālava. The Prabhāvakacharita devotes a whole chapter to this dialectician and poet (It may be remarked here, in passing, that in the culture of ancient India, Logic and Poetry were not divorced from each other). According to it he was born in a village known as 'Unattayu' to the west of Sri Pattana, the present day Una near Radhanpura. His father was a rich man of the Srimāla family and bore the name of Dhanadeva. His mother's name was Dhanaşrī. He was known as Bhīma. Vijayasimha, seeing his
* A Palm-leaf ms of this work was first discovered by Pandita Sukhalalji and Pandita Bechardas from a Bhandar at Patana. An edition of this work by Pt. Sukhlalji and tbe present writer is under preparation.

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uncommon intelligence begged him of his father. He was taught all the Kalās (arts) and Vidyās (sciences). From the learned assembly of Bhīma, he got the titles “Kavīndra” (A king of poets) and Vādichakrin (A king of dialecticians). Dhanapāla-the famous man of letters of Dhārā-got his Tilakamanjarī critically examined by Sāntyāchārya at the suggestion of his Guru Mahendraşūri. Dhanapāla personally went to Anahillapura to make the request. He was astonished to see the high level of intelligence of a pupil of Santisūri whom he wanted to take to Dhārā. Santisūri replied : “ He has yet to study the difficult Pramāņaşāstras. He should not be taken away from his studies". At the request of Dhanapāla and with the permission of Bhīma, Santisūri went to Dhārā as a representative of Gurjaradesa. He was very well received by Bhoja. There he critically went through the Tilakamanjarī – kathā and wrote a Tippaņa on the work which exists in a manuscript form.
Bhoja in order to see the intellectual powers of this Svetabhikshu of Gurjaradesa offered him a lac of rupees for every Vādin (dialectician ) that he defeated. Sāntisūri defeated eighty-four of them and got the title Vādivetāla from Bhoja in addition to the promised sum of money which he spent in building temples. Säntisūri was a Chaityavāsin.
Abhayadevasūri-the author of that big commentary · on the Sanmatitarka of Siddhasena Divākara known as Vadamahārņava was Sāntisūri's teacher. *
This Sāntisūri had thirty-two students studying pramāṇaşāstra under him. It appears that Buddhist logic was also taught there and regarded as very difficult
* See further on.

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Kavyanusasana to grasp. + A young Jaina monk of the ascetic type named Muni Chandra attended his lectures standing unknown for a fortnight. When Säntisūri put certain questions to his students, nobody could answer them. Chandrasūri with his permission answered them to his satisfaction, and then narrated his state of affairs. Sāntisūri was very much impressed with him and offered to teach him, at the same time providing him with a residence behind the Mint (Tankasalā), as he being a Suvihita monk had great difficulty to find one. So it appears it took some time, even after the royal permit, before these monks could find an easy footing in Aşahillapura.
Şantisūri, after his debate with Dharma, met a dialectician-come to Anahillapura from Drāvida country, whose name is not given but who is represented as talking in a strange language. He was also worsted.
Şantisūri composed a commentary on the Uttarādhyayanasūtra with whose help Vādi Devasūri a disciple of Mūni Chandra defeated the Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra in the time of Jayasimha. It appears Sāntisūri was responsible for starting a school of logic amongst the Jainas; for we find this Vādi Devasūri composing a big work on the subject known as Pramāṇanayatattvāloka and its commentary Syādvāda - Ratnākara.
Sāntisūri died in the year V. S. 1096 = A. D. 1040.
We find from the copper-plates of Bhīma that his Mahā Sāndhivigrahika (Great Minister of War and Peace ) was Sri Chandaşarman. To his minister Dāmodara orDamara we have already alluded. From
+ gaat geplazar slaggaT: I uş Pr. Ch. p. 220.

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the Surathotsava, we learn that Bhima's Purohita was Soma ( vs. 15 - 16 ) who seems to be identical with the Someşvara mentioned by the Prabhāvakacharita and to whom we have already referred.
From the N. N. C. Prasasti we learn that Vīra-the Minister of Durlabharāja, who is also mentioned as we saw by the Pr. Ch., had two sons named Neờhu and Vimala. Nedhu was a minister of Bhīma while Vimala was a general of Bhīma. Vimala was sent to bring the ruler of Ābu under subjection which he did. He was, then, made the governor of the place. This Vimala, like his fore-fathers, was a worshipper of Sakti under the name of Ambā. After having made friends with the former ruler of Abu, he built there the famous marble temple-a wonder of the world in sculpture and carving. The temple is known after him as Vimalavasahi. We learn from the Purātanaprabandhasamgraha that Neqha became a monk and Vimala was made a king by Sri Bhīma who, as insignia of honour, gave him an elephant and an umbrella (p. 52). It appears that the construction of the whole temple was not finished in Vimala's life-time; for the ranga - mandapa, according to the P. P. S. was made by his son Chāhila (p. 152). According to the N. N. C. P., however, it was constructed by his grandson Pệthvīpāla in the reign of Kumārapāla.
From the P. C. we learn that Bhīna had a son named Mūlarāja who died young. This Mīlarāja, in a year of famine, got the farmers freed from the payment of revenue. He died soon after. Next year, when the crops were good, the farmers brought the revenues of the last year with the present year. But the king refused to take what he had already let go. The

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revenues were ultimately spent in building a Saiva temple in honour of Bāla - Mūlarāja known also as Tripurusha - prāsāda. Bhīma built another temple in honour of Şiva, known as Șrī Bhīmeşvaraprāsāda; another of his temple is known as Bhattārikā Bhiruaņī – prāsāda. His queen Udayamatī, who was a daughter of Naravāhana Khangara ( of Soratha ), built a step - well which had beautiful carving. The remains of this step - well are near Patan,
His minister Dāmodara seems to have built a well which must have been a great work of art as we gather from a Gujarati couplet. *
Bhīma, according to the D. K., first offered his throne to Kshemarāja, who, however, refused to accept it, as he wanted to devote his life to religious pursuits. Then Bhīma and Kshemarāja together asked Karna to become the king (C. IX v. 73 - 75). Bhīma died soon after. Kshemarāja retired to Mandukeşvara near Dadhisthalī, on the banks of the Sarasvatī. Dadhisthalī was given to Devaprasada son of Kshemarāja, so that he might attend upon his father (vs. 76 - 77 ).
Acccrding to the P. C., Karna reigned from V. S. 1120 to V. S. 1150 = A. D. 1064 to A. D. 1094 for about thirty years. Two copper - plate grants of his dated V. S. 1131 = A. D. 1075 and V. S. 1148 = A. D. 1092 have been discovered. The first grant contains the geneology from Mūlarāja to Karna. It refers to the grant of a village called Dhāmaņachhā (the modern Dhāmņā) in Nāgasărikā district (Navasarī).
* राणीकी वाव ने दामोदर कुवो
जेणे न जोयो ते जीवतां मुवो.

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The grantee is one Panạita Mahīdhara learned in all Sāstras, son of Rudrāditya, grandson of the Brāhmaṇa Madhusūdana of Māndavya gotra hailing from Madhyadesa. It is written by Kekā (Kekaka ) son of Kāyastha Vateşvara. The Dūtaka is Mahāsāndhivigrahika Srī Gāditya. This same grant is to be found in another copy. It is dated Şaka Samvat 996 ( 1074 A. D.) a month later than the first one. In the geneology of Karņa, it omits the name of Chāmunda. It contains the family history of Srī Durlabhesa the Mahāmandale. şvara of Karna for Lāta, who seems to have confirmed the original grant.
The second grant of V. S. 1148=A. D. 1092 is issued from Aşahila pătaka. It does not give the geneology. In it Karna is called Trailokyamalla. It gives a field in the village called Sunāka in the district of Anandapura (Vadanagara ) containing 126 villages. The field is given for the benefit of a step - well made by Rasovika Thakkura Mahadeva. The grant is written by Akshapātalika Kekkaka son of Kāyastha Vateşvara. The Dūtaka is Mahāsāndhivigrahak Srī Cháhilla. In it the signature is Şrī Karṇadevasya.
From the first grant, we learn that before 1075 A. D. the dominion of Karna in the south extended beyond Tapi and Navasārī. This is the usual southern limit of Gujarāta. From the second grant in which Karņa assumes the title of Trailok yamalla, we may infer that before 1092 A. D. Karna had won his main victories.
The D. K. and the P. C., however, do not refer to Karņa's expeditions or fights against other kings. But from the Sukstasamkīrtana and the Surathotsava,

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Kavyanusasana
we learn that Karna led an expedition against Mālava and inflicted a defeat on the king, bringing with him from Dhārā an image or linga of Nīlakantha Mahadeva. It appears from other sources that Jayasimha son of Bhoja with the help of the Chalukya king Someşvara of the south had regained his power after inflicting a defeat on Karna - the king of Chedi - an ally of Bhīma I. Karna Solanki of Anahillapura must have defeated this Jayasimha. But Udayāditya, who came on the throne of Mālava after his nephew Jayasimha, regained the lost power.
We learn from an inscription of Sundha Pahādi that Karna had to fight with the Chauhānas of Náddula. A severe defeat was inflicted on Karna's army. This quarrel with the Chauhāns began in the reign of Bhima I.
From the Karnasundarī Nātikā of the Kashmiri poet Bilhaņa - a contemporary work, we learn that Karņa had sent an expedition to conquer Gajjana-naara (Gajjananagara) under Rucchika, if the name in the play is not imaginary (p. 53). A messenger named Virasimha, sent by the successful general, describes, before the king, the battle which took place on the banks of the Sindhu (p. 54). · The S. S. also refers to Karşa's victory in Sindha.
Most of the accounts about Karņa, however, occupy themselves with describing his uncommon beauty of person - charming to women (K. K. C. II vs. 20-21), and his love-romances. The Karnasundarī Nātikā of the Kāshmiri poet Bilhana takes for its plot a love - episode of Karņa. The heroine is a celestial damsel - a Vidyadharī. The drama follows closely the models of Mālavikāgnimitra - a historical

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play of Kālidása and the Ratnávali of Sri Harsha, in its plot, as also in other details. We are not able to identify exactly the heroine of the play with any historical personage. This has led to a fanciful explanation of Karnasundarī* - as the city of Karnāyatī supposed to be founded by Karņa as a rival of Anahillapura. On the face of it the explnation is absurd and shows a complete misunderstanding of the Samskřta play and its technique. If any historical person is intended in the character of the Vidyadhari Karşasundarī, it could be no one else but Mayağallā, the beloved queen of Karṇa whose romantic love forms the subject - matter of the ninth canto of the Dvyāşraya Kāvya where the romantic meeting of Mayanallā and Karņa resembles somewhat a similar account in the play. Even though there is no definite evidence to enable us to identify the Vidyadharī with Mayaņallā, whatever indications we can gather from the play point in that direction. Samskrta dramatists very often give clues to their characters in the prologues of their plays. The Sūtradhāra, in this play, is at a loss to understand why his wife is not quite sweet with him. He guesses that he might have said something in his dream, referring to the beautiful damsel from the south, whose art and youth he had closely observed as she was dancing before the king. This Dăkshiņātyā Natī probably is meant to suggest the heroine Vidyadharī who became Karnasundarī. This reference to the south, if it suggests
* Karna Solanki by Mr. Ramlal C. Modi in the Bhartiya Apușilanagrantha presented to Pt. Gaurishankara Oza, Part III, pp. 14 - 25.
20

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Kavyanusasana anything, must refer to Mayapallā, who was a princess from Karnataka.
We learn from the play that the name of the Devī - the principal queen - of Karņa at the time of the play was Sītā. The minister, who is compared to Yaugandharāyaṇa and whose scheming activities are responsible for the whole episode, is Sampatkara popularly known as Sántu. It was through this relationship that Sampatkara wanted to achieve the Chakravartitva-emperorship-of the king. This probably refers to the fact of an alliance between the king of Karņātaka Vikramăditya VI who was married to a sister of Mayaṇallā, and Karņa; - an alliance brought about through a common father-in-law. The association of the king of Karņāțaka and Karņa is mentioned on an inscription of Udayāditya of Mālava. It is likely that the minister Sampatkara may have been in some way responsible in arranging this match for a political purpose. The play might have been performed after the Gujarat victories in Mālava and Sindha. The marriage of Karna with Mayaņalla must have taken place before these victories.
The account of Karņa in the Dvyāşraya mainly concerns itself with describing the romance of Karņa and Mayaņallā, their marriage, and the birth of Jayasīmha. Hemachandra devotes about ten verses ( 178-88 ) in describing the valour etc. of Karna. Then the account of the romance begins. The door-keeper ushers in a painter who has been touring through different parts of India and has drawn wonderful pictures. The artist lays bare before the king, a painting on cloth (ālekhyapata ). The king is charmed with a princess

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(6
drawn on it, and inquires about her from the painter. The artist answers : There is a city named Chandrapura in the south. A king named Jayakeşin reigns there. This princess named Mayaṇalla is the daughter of that king. Glory to her. Then the artist narrates how this princess even though in full youth refused to marry, and how she ultimately succumbed to the charms of a painting of Karna shown to her by a travelling artist. Then the artist describes her love-lorn condition. " I, feeling like weeping, painted her in this picture and brought her to you. My work is done!" (vs. 117-18).
The match is arranged and Mayaṇalla comes to marry Karna with a big dowry of elephants etc. given by her father. The whole party encamps outside the city. Karna goes to see the elephants incognito with an attendant. There he sees the princess in a latagṛha - a bower of creepers. From her Cholaka - a sort of boddice - he infers that she is a virgin and makes inquiries of her name etc. Her attendants inform the king that she has graced the Kadamba family. "
Hemachandra informs us that Mayanallā was made Mahishi, i. e. the principal queen.
We know from the history of the Kadamba family that Jayakeṣin's forefathers ruled in Chandrapura ( Chandor in Salestta Taluka near Goa) and that Jayakeşin, himself having conquered Goa, transferred his capital there. Jayakeşin died in the year V. S. 1136 A. D. 1080. The marriage took place when he was alive. From the D. K. we learn that Karna married Mayaṇalla after he came to the throne. The event might have happened in the early part of his

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civi
Kavyanusasana reign. In that case, the marriage must have taken place between A. D. 1064 and A. D. 1080.
We gather from the D. K. (X v. - 2) that for a long time after their marriage they had no issue. Karņa goes to the temple of the goddess Șrī ( Srīveşma ) or Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, and propitiates her by praying and by practising austerities. Karşa's devotion is tested in various ways. First the heavenly damsels try to tempt him, but they fail; then a terrible male-form tries to frighten him, but it also fails. The goddess is pleased and grants him his desire.
The canto XI begins with the description of the ideal love of the king and the queen. Mayaņallā bears a child. A son is born. Astrologers, riding on horses, come to the palace. His glorious future is fore - cast. He is revealed to be an incarnation of Ramachandra (v. 20). The elderly ladies of the family gave him the name of Jayasimha (v. 39 )- a different type of name - reminiscient of his maternal grand-father's name - Jayakeşin. + According to the P. P. S. Jayasimha was eight years old when Karņa died. If this date is correct, Jayasimha's birth must have taken place in V. S. 1142 - A. D. 1086.
The account of the P. C. — that Mayanallä was very ugly and that Karņa, who first refused but later on consented to marry her under a threat of suicide from his mother Queen Udayamatī, had great dislike for Mayanallá, - should be discredited as utterly going against the much earlier testimony of Hemachandra,
+ The word of a means face that is lion. So the names are identical in meaning.

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who would not not have described their passionate love in such glowing terms if the things were as described in the P. C.. If the facts were as the P. C. relates Hemachandra would rather have remained. silent on the point. The other part of the scandalous story that the minister Munjala secretly substituted Mayaṇalla for a low-born woman to whom Karṇa was attached and that consequently she bore a child may equally be discredited.
The P. C. tells us that when Jayasimha was three years old, he mounted the throne in play. This being rather ominous the king, acting on the advice of his astrologers, crowned the boy king. He then went to suppress the turbulent Bhilla chief Aṣa of Aṣāpalli and founded a city, or more probably renamed Aṣapalli which became known after him as Karṇāvatī, and ruled there as king. The suppression of Așa and the founding of the city or renaming Aṣāpalli are historical facts. But the crowning of Jayasimha at the age of three does not seem probable.
The Dvyasraya tells us that when Jayasimha had finished his studies and was coming of age, Karna after consulting his ministers asked him to accept the throne so that he might lead a retired life, devoted to Hari (God). Jayasimha first refused but on his father pressing him, he consented, and so was crowned king. Karna asked Jayasimha to look after his brother's son Devaprasada and his descendants.
The P. P. S. tells us that when Jayasimha was eight years old, Ṣrī Karṇa died. He was trained for rulership (Gunaṣreņi) by the minister Santu even when he was eight years old (p. 35).

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Kavýanusasana It appears from the D. K. that Karna became a devotee of Hari or Vishņu. When he is persuading Jayasimna to accept the throne, he says “ Before the female - serpent old age bites this bird of my soul, it is time for me to meditate on that God whose hands are as long as the king of serpents (Sesharāja ) who lies on his serpent-couch, whose insignia is the bird that kills the serpents (Garuļa ), who wears a garment of the colour (yellow) of the king of birds (Garuda ), and who has made the difficult path to heaven easily accessible (v. 95 - 96). Again when referring to his death, Hemachandra calls him “ Brahamavādī and Harismārī.” We saw that Karna propitiated Lakshmi for a son. We may, however, note that in his copper-plates, he is referred to as worshipping Siva. So also in the Karnasundarī. This means that he might have become a Vaishṇava in the latter part of his reign after the birth of Jayasimha.
From the P, C., we learn that while proceeding to fight Asā, he received signs of good luck from the goddess Bhairavadevī and so Karņa built a temple in honour of that goddess Kochharaba (probably connected with Kocharab-a suburb of Ahmedabad) - and another in honour of the goddess Jayantidevi at the place where he defeated the Bhilla chieftain. He also built in Karṇāvati a temple known as Karneşvaradevatāyatana and also a lake called Karnasågara which may be the original of the present-day Kānkaria Talao which was also known as Hor-ekutub. In Şrī Pattana he built a temple known as Şri Karņa - Meru Prāsāda (p. 55). Near Modherá also, he built a lake and a temple known after him.

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From his copper - plates we learn that two of his Mahāsandhivigrahikas were Şri Gaditya and Srī Chāhila. From the Karnasundarī, we learn that his principal minister whose intelligence and loyalty, the poet describes at some length, was Sampatkara. Sampatkara or Santu continued to mind the affairs of the state even in the time of Jayasimha.
I have referred to the Karņasundari Nātikā of Bilhaņa. This Bilhana was a sojourner in Anahillapura. He was a poet from Kāşmira who stayed for a while in the capital of Gurjardesa when he was out, travelling in India, seeking fortune. He gives a sort of his autobiography in the XVIII canto of his poem Vikaramāņkadevacharita. According to it he was a native of Khoặamukha, a village near Pravarapura (v.71) (according to Dr. Bühler, at a distance of three miles from Pravarapura in Kāşmira. His father's name was Jyeshthakalaşa whom he describes as very learned (Sarasvata-rasa-nidhāna and Sruti-nidhi) and his having composed a commentary on the Mahābhāshya (79). His mother's name was Nāgadevi whom he describes as an in house - management ( 80 ). The poet then describes adept himself as one in whose mouth the goddess of Speech resided from the time he became a student (81). He was a master of the Vedas with their Angas, of the Mahābhāshya of Patanjali, and the beautiful art of Poetry and Poetics was his very life - breath (82).
Before he came to AŅhillapura, he had visited Mathurā, Kanyakubja, etc. He stayed for some time in the court of Karņa of Chedi ( vs. 93) who, as we saw, was a contemporary of Bhīma I. Bilhaņa avoided. Dhārā, probably because there was enmity between

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Kavyanusasana Chedi and Mālava, though he writes in his boasting style that Dhārā was sorry that he did not go there. From Chedi, he came to Aņahillapura. He must have come there in the early part of Karna's reign, probably soon after Karna's marriage with Mayaņallā. It may be that he might have written the play to commemorate the event. *
It appears his stay in Aşahillapura was not of such consequence as to deserve mention in his selfeulogistic account. He merely refers to it'as contact with Gurjars on the way. He was disgusted with their speech and with their way of wearing dhoti. His references to Añahillapattana, and to Karna, and his eulogy of the Mahamatya Sampatrkara in the Karnasundari, however, tell a different tale. It might be that because he wrote his Vikra mánkadevacharita in the court of Ahavamalla a rival Chalukya king, he had to make slighting references to the Gurjaras, or it might be that his unchecked arrogance which he reveals in his auto-biographic account met with a check in the court of Anahillapura and that his vanity was wounded. However that may be, the blemishes of speech and dress which Bilhaņa refers to must not be regarded as unreal.
* Mr. Ramlal Modi thinks that the play must have been written not in the time of Karna, but in the early part of Jayasimba's reign, because the plav is not acted in one of Kaina's Daiva temples, but in the Jaipa temple of Sampatakara. This argument, I think, is flimsy, and is based upon an ignorance of the customs of the times. It was an usual thing in those days, for such plays to be acted in Jaina temples on festive occasions; and a foreign poet might very well write a play for the festival in the temple of the prime - minister.

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Bilhana went to Somanatha and from there took boat, in the opinion of Dr. Bühler, from the neighbouring port of Veravala and voyaged to the south. He settled in the court of Āhavamalla-the Chalukya king of Kalyāṇa, as the Vidyapati, or Master of Learning.
Another great figure whose activities extended up to the middle of Karna's reign was Abhayadevasūri. He is known as the Navāngī tīkā-kāra that is a commentator on the nine Angas of the Jainas. He is different from the Abhayadevasūri who was a teacher of Şantisüri and the author of that great commentary on the Sanmati - tarka of Siddhasena Divakara. He was a son of Mahidhara, a rich man of Dhara. His mother's name was Dhanadevī. It was through the influence of Abhayadeva that a big temple in honour of Parsvanatha was built on the banks of the river Sedhi or Seti in Gujarat. The rich men of Dholka who had accompanied Abhayadevasuri collected a fund of a lac of rupees to build the temple. The land was given by the villagers. Amreṣvara, a pupil of Srī Mallavadin who was an expert in architecture was made the headman. In addition to his food etc., he got one dramma daily as his wages. From this payment, he saved some money and built a small temple himself which existed in the time of the author of the Pr. Ch. (pp. 267-272).
"
Abhayadevasuri died in the reign of Karna somewhere between V. S. 1135-39 A. D. 1079-1083. According to the D. K., Karna died peacefully as a Brahmavādī and a Harismārī'. But the Hammiramadamardana suggests that Karna was killed by Duhṣāla in battle. For many reasons which Mr. Ramlal 21

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Kavyanusasana Modi has ably given in his article on Karna (pp. 20-21), it appears that this incident referred to in a poem written three-hundred years later cannot be believed as against the almost contemporary account of Hemachandra.
14 Siddharāja Jayasimha is the most remembered of the kings of Gujarata. He still lives in folk – literature and folk-drama. + Like Vikrama and Bhoja he has become almost a legendary figure. In fact, it appears to be the ambition of Jayasimha to become like Vikramāditya of Ujjayini in all aspects of life. Jayasimha's behaviour with such a conscious aim in view explains the lasting impression that he made on the imagination of the people of his own as well as of later generations. Otherwise it would be inexplicable to understand why the Dvyásraya Kāvya which gives a normal historical account of the preceding kings of Anahillapura from Mūlarāja to Karņa, as also of the succeeding king Kumārapāla, gives a super-normal account of the contemporary king Jayasimha. This can be explained on the assumption that the uncommon personality of Jayasimha was assuming a legendary character in his own times. In fact, Jayasimha is better known as Siddharāja * or Siddhīraja (as he is called in the
+ The Veşa of Sadharo Jesang.--that is, how Siddharāja Tayasinha is known to folk-literatnre - still forms an important item in the traditional stock of folk-playlets performed by Bhavaiyas - a caste of hereditary actors.
* Siddharăja may be understood either as the king of Siddhas or as the king who is a Siddha - a master of Siddhis. For another and historically more probable implication of the word see furthe on.

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D. K.) which means a lord of Siddhis-super- natural powers. We shall have occasion to refer to this aspect when we came to the account of the D. K.
In addition to the inscriptions, and literary accounts, we have been utilizing up till now, we are fortunate in possessing, for this period, other sources of information which help us in arranging some of the events of his reign chronologically. These are the colophons of some of the contemporary manuscripts. This important material was first made known by Muni Sri Jinavijayaji in his address which he delivered as an Honorary Member of the Gujarat Sahitya Sabha.
As to the additional literary sources, we may note the Siddha - Hema grammar, the Deṣināmamála, the Chhandonuşăsana, and other works of Hemachandra; the Vagbhaṭālamkara of Vägbhața in which Jayasimha is referred to in about ten verses, the Ganaratna mahodadhi (completed in V. S. 1197-A. D. 1141) of Vardhamana sūri, some verses of another contemporary writer Sagarachandra quoted in the G. R. M., and the drama called Mudritakumudachandra of Yasaschandra which gives an account of the controversy held between Kumudachandra, a Diagambara Acharya and Devasuri, a Svetambara Acharya, and incidentally describes the learned assembly of Jayasimha and refers to some of its literary figures.
The Satärthakāvya of Somaprabhasūri – a contemporary of Kumarapala-has for one of its hundred interpretations Jayasimha as the subject.
Two Islamic writers also supply us with some useful material. One is the geographer Al-Idrisi,

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Kavyanusasana author of the Nuzhat - ui - Mushtak who visited the court of Jayasimha (C. H. I, Vol. III, p. 517 and the B. G. Vol. I p. 508 ). The other is Muhammad Ufi the author of Jame - ul – Hikayata (N. P. P. Vol. II, pp. 163 - 64).
The Prabandhachintāmaņi gives forty-nine years' reign to Jayasimha, from V. S. 1150 to V. S. 1199 A. D. 1094 - 1143. In the unpublished collection of Gujarata Inscriptions of Muni Șri Jinavijayaji, nine inscriptions of Jayasimha's reign are noted; so also, in his address referred to, he has noted nine dated references to Jayasimha in the colophons of various manuscripts. A fragment of the praşasti of the Lake Sahasralinga was deciphered by Jinavijaya on a slab of stone set in the wall of a small Saiva temple in Vijaliamoholla (Patana), which was first noticed by Mr. Ramlal Modi (see Prasthāna, Vol. 12, pp. 213-298).
Now the first question that faces us is the age at which Jayasimha was consecrated king. From the D. K. as we have already noted, we gather that he was just reaching youth when he was asked by his father to assume kingly position. He is compared to a plant of Vrīhi corn which is forming sheaves or clusters in Sarad - months of September - October. ( Yatha stambakarer Vrīhih sa tadāsīt tathodayi ( v. 57). ) The verses that follow show him to be a brave and obedient lad.
From the P. P. S., we learn that he was eight years old whe Karna died and from the P. C., we learn that he was formally crowned king when three years of age. The P. P. S. tells us that he was being trained for kingly duties by his minister Sampatkara.

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From this evidence, we may infer that Jayasimha was not of age when he came to the throne.
The main event in the time of Jayasimha's minority or the early part of his reign was an attack on Anahillapura by Naravarman * the king of Mālava when Jayasimha was absent on a pilgrimage to Somanātha with his mother Mayaņallă or Minaladevī, as she is called in the Gujarati. Probably the best part of the army was with the young King and Queen-Mother. So Sampatakara or Sāntu who was in charge of the capital had to make peace with the invader by giving, as the P. C. says, Jayasimha's merit of pilgrimage to Somanátha. It is a question whether the invader was satisfied with merely religious merit. Anyhow when Jayasimha returned, he resolved upon to retrieve his honour by waging a war against Mālava.
When on pilgrimage to Somanātha, the Queenmother used to encamp a few miles ahead of the king. As she approached Bāhuloda * a place where the pilgrimtax was levied, she found some poor pilgrims, who could not pay the tax, returning in great sorrow. Mayaṇallā’s religious sensibility was greatly affected and she, out of sympathy, returned with them. When Jayasimha
The P.C. gives the name of the invader as Ya ovarman, but at the time Naravarman was on the throne of Mālava. See Pandita Oza's article on Jayasimba in the N. P. P. Vol. IX, p. 268. Mr. Ramalal thinks that this attack was made by the Chauban king Yojaka Nadula on the strength of a general reference in an inscription two hundred years later than this event. There is no confirmatory evidence for this opinion.
* The identity of the place Bāhulola has caused some discussion amongst scholars. Two places-one on the boundary of Gujarata and Kathiawada known as Bholáda and the other

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Kavyanusasana was informed of the incident he let go the whole tax to satisfy his mother, which according to the P. C., amounted to seventytwo lacs of the current coin. *
The first contemporary record of Jayasimha's reign that has been discovered up till now is a colophon dated V. S. 1157-A. D. 1101, that is seven years after his accession to the throne. In this, the reference is simply - Sri Jayasiinhadeva rājye - i. e. 'in the reign of Sri Jayasimha.' This simple mention of his name without any titles is indicative of his minority; and its sole purpose is just to record the name of the occupant of the throne. near Suklatīrtha on the river Narmadā known as Bbáloda - are put forward as representing Bāhuloda, where the pilgrimtax was levied. Mr. Ramlal Modi holds the latter view. He says that the tax was levied from the pilgrims of the soutb; so the place must be on the southern boundary. On what evidence he says that the tax was levied only from the southern pilgrims, he does not indicate (p. 17 Article on Karna. ). As far as I know, there is no mention of such a distinction. It is absurd to assume a place, hundreds of miles away from Somapátha, as the place where the pilgrim-tax was levied. Bholāda on the boundary of Kathiawada and Gujarata would have a better claim if no nearer place of the same name could be discovered. As it is, Muoi Jipavijayaji has drawn my attention to one Bāhuloda near the foot of the Girnara mountain. It is mentioned in the Prächin Gurjara Kavya Sangraha. P. 73 .. एउ वाउहलोडउं कोटउं तलि नियसइ गिरिनारु ।
ओ दीसइ ववणथली धवलियतुंग पयार [२] || २४
(The reading f at is not found in the printed text of the G. O S. but J. V. has found it in a manuscript from a Pātan Bhandar ). This Vāuhaloda or Bāhuloda would be the most appropriate place to levy tax on the pilgrims for Somanātha.
X These events-attack of Naravarman and the remission of the pilgrim tax-are not mentioned in the D. K.

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The colophon of V. S. 1164 = A. D. 1108 is our second contemporary reference. In it we find Jayasimha described thus : Samasta - Rājāvalī-Virājita-Mahārāja. dhirāja - Parameşvara Sri Jayasimhadeva rājye. This indicates that by V. S. 1164, when Jayasimha might be twenty - two years of age, he had assumed full powers. Two years later in the colophon of V. S. 1166 = A. D. 1110 we find the significant title. Tribhuvanaganda'* which means the guardian of the three worlds.' We may infer from this that Jayasimha's military adventures might have begun by this time and that he was exercising full sovereign-powers.
In the colophon of the month Fālguņa of the V. S. 1179, the same titles continue with an additional "Şrīmat.' From the same colophon, we learn that Santu was then the Mahāmātya or Chief Minister. In the colophon of the month of Bhādrapada of the same year, we find that the chief minister is Āşuka. This means that Santu had retired. The king has the additional title of Siddhachakravartin.
After this, in my opinion, should be placed that inscription of Jayasimha, in which the digit for the decimal place cannot be made out. * The king is
* The word 'ganda' is deşya meaning “a chief of police! groggi . See the Deşināmamāla p. 106 B. S. S.
* Dr. Devadatta Bhandarkar read the year as 1200. But, from all accounts, Kumārapāla was reigning in that year. Jipavijayaji reads it as 11? 0. If we put the figure 'g'it will suit the context well.
I This inscription records the grant of some money to to (probably 155 ) for performing plays in the temple of the goddess Sri Bahughīņā probably Babucharā.

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described in it as Samasta - Rājāvali-Virājita-Mahārajadhiraja Sri Jayasimhadeva. ‡
This inscription gives the name of the Chief Minister as Āṣvāka. This Aṣvaka is the same as the Asuka of the colophon of Bhadrapada V. S. 1179. We also learn from the PrabhavakaCh. that when Devasūri after defeating Kumudachandra in a public debate refused to accept money offered to him by king Jayasimha, his minister Asuka advised the king to build a Jaina Temple with it as Devasuri was indifferent to wealth (p. 295 vs. 270-271). Now we know that this debate took place in V. S. 1181. This corroborates the evidence of the colophon as well as the inscription. The title Siddha chakravarti in the colophon indicates that between the mcnths of Falguna and Bhadrapada of V. S. 1179 Barbarka must have been defeated and made a slave. This title is not given in the inscription probably because it had not yet become current outside the capital where, however, the colophon of V. S. 1179 was written.
Thus we find that by the end of the year V. S. 1179 the first great deed of Jayasimha's life was achieved. Now the first deed of Jayasimha that the D. K. describes is his fight with Barbaraka who was troubling the sages of the time who approach Jayasimha to request him to kill the Rakshasa. (This is reminiscent of Rama and Visvamitra, and the killing of demons who were troubling Visvamitra. ). The whole of the twelfth canto of the D. K. is devoted to this episode. We learn from it that Barbaraka had come with his men as far as Srīsthalapura (Siddhapura) on the Sarasvati and devasted the holy place and the temple

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CLXIX of Svayambhū - Rudra - Mahākāla - Deva (5, 6, 13). The sages say that even a Chālukya child could protect them (14). This may have reference to the young age of the king. Jayasimha encamps on the river Sarasvatī. Barbaraka, who comes to know of it, sends his men to fight Jayasimha's army. A terrible fight ensues, and Jayasimha's army begins to fly away from the battlefield. Jayasimha himself goes to fight and his vetrin or door-keeper by his heroic speech brings back the soldiers to fight again. Barbaraka also comes to the battle-field and a mortal combat ensues between him and Jayasimha. Jayasimha strikes a blow on the head of Barbaraka with his sword which breaks into two. They wrestle with each other and the king so compresses the gaint in his arms that he vomits blood and swoons. Barbaraka is tied and made a prisoner. Then the wife of Barbaraka named Pingalikā (76) requests the king to release her husband, and undertakes to keep him in order. Thenceforth Barbaraka becomes a very faithful follower of the king, * We learn from the first verse of the thirteenth canto that Barbaraka presented the king with heaps of gold coins and rubies. He also showed Jayasimha how he could remain under sea by Vişna method (4).
Who this Barbaraka was-we are not able to say definitely. The D. K. refers to him as the leader of Rākshasas. Other synonyms of the word Rākshasa are also used for him and his tribe. Another contemporary
* According to many authorities, he was a powerful ally of Jayasimha in his war with Khengāra of Saurashtra and Yaľovarman of Mālava.
22

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work - the Vāgbhatālamkāra - calls Barbaraka a
naktanchara' meaning a'rākshasa'. + From this we may infer that in the view of Hemachandra, these people, whose leader Barbaraka was, were of some nonAryan tribes who did not care for the gods of the Aryans. Otherwise they would not desecrate the temple of Rudra on the Sarasvati.
Whoever may have been this Barbaraka, his subjugation and enslavement at the hands of Jayasimha gave the conqueror a mythical character in the eyes of his people. This Barbaraka was regarded by later generations as a Bhūta or an evil spirit and according to the Kumārapālaprabandha of Jinamandana * Jayasimha was called Siddha, because he subjugated this Babarā Bhūta as he is called in the Gujarati. * The protection that was ensured to his people by the defeat of this + Sloka 125. 9a tat: aisia yg asrat fara: 1
[ATTAZITEIT. gft. x; 974. ] The commentary of Simhadevagani on the V. L. quotes another verse which also seems to be contemporary.
579 FTT qaqafeTT fasigaar 789 FFÉE II ( Ibid p. 17). * सिद्धो बर्बरकश्चास्य सिद्भराजस्ततोऽभवत् ।
X Regarding Barbaraka, see B. G. Vol. I, foot-note p. 174. In the Mahābhārata, in one list of Anaryan tribes, Barbaras are mentioned between Kisātas and Siddhas. May it not be that Jayasimha was called Siddharāja because he subjugated these Anaryans who were also called Siddhas ? In south Kathiawad, there is a province called Babariāwāda. Probably they were pirates and were very wealthy. See also The History of Saurashtra by Bhagvanlal Sampatram pp. 63 - 65. The identification of Barbaras with Rabāris is an interesting hypothesis.

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Barbaraka entitled him to assume the title of Siddhachakravartin - the Siddha Emperor.
The same titles continue in the colophon of the year V. S. 1179 (A. D. 1123), and in the two colophons of the year V. S. 1191 (A. D. 1135). This may indicate that his main victories were yet to come.
Hemachandra devotes the thirteenth canto of the D. K. to the description of Jayasimha's nocturnal rounds in the city and outside to hear what people say and to remove their grievances. When once on such a round, he came to the river Sarasvati and crossed it. He heard from the Daşāvatāri Aráma near the river, (that is a park where there was a Dasavatarī temple,) a moaning sound. There he finds the king of Nāgas - Ratnachūda and his wife. This Ratnachūda was of Bhogavatī in Pātāla. He helps this Ratnachūda by taking out salt-water from a well infested with wasps ahd saves him from suicide. How this incident mentioned in a contemporary work can be interpreted, I do not know. +
We learn from the Prabhāvakacharita that in V. S. 1181-A.D. 1125 the famous controversy between Kumudachandra - the Digambara and Devasūri – the Svetāmbara was held in the court of Jayasimha. We shall have occassion to refer to this event later on. *
+ Bhogavati in Pâtāla has recently been identified with Khambhata (Cambay) by Mr. Ratnamanirao Zote. Has this episode anything to do with the incident mentioned by Muhumad Ufi in the Jame-ul-Hikayata? See N. P. P. Vol. IX, p. 291, Pt. Oza's article.
* The Mudrita - kumudachandra which has for its plot the

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The second colophon of the V. S. 1191-A. D. 1135 is of the month Fälguna - the year beginning with the month of Chaitra. In the colophon of the month of Jyeşhtha in the year V. S. 1192 A. D. 1136, that is about three months later we find the additional title of Avantīnātha - Lord of Avanti. This shows that Jayasimha got his final decisive victory over Mālava within these three months.
The P. P. S., the P. C. and other works give many details about this war with Mālava. One is that this war lasted for twelve years. If this tradition is correct we can say that the war in the reign of Jayasimha must have begun in the year V. S. 1180. This does not mean that Jayasimha was out of Anahilla pura fighting for these twelve years. For, as we saw, in the year V. S. 1181, Kumudachandra and Devasūri held their dialectical duel in his presence at Anahillapura. It was only the last attack that Jayasimha led personally. This is the impression that we derive from the D. K. also.
The fourteenth canto of the poem is devoted to this episode. We are told that as Jayasimha used to go out for his usual morning-ride on a male or female elephant or on a horse, no body could suspect debate of Devasūri and Kumudachandra has two verses describing Jayasimha. In this play, he is generally referred to as Siddharāja. From these verses we learn that Jayasimha had brought Barbaraka under his subjection, that he could frighten Sakinīs (evil spirits embodied in female forms) and assemble Yoginīs and that the 'Vīra' that he was - he was wandering freely in the cemetery at night with his sword in his hand. (P. 21 Act II, v. 21, p. 50 Act V v. 14). As the conquest of Mālava is not referred to, the play was probably written before V. S. 1192.

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introduction
CLXXIII anything about his nightly vigilence, and that people were consequently surprised to find that Jayasimha knew everything about them. So they thought that he was a superhuman being - a Vidyadhara (v. 3). This was probably the popular belief about Jayasimha even in his own times. In those days such beliefs were common and easily formed. Hemachandra tells us that Jayasimha would even accost the Sakinis and Yoginīs – super-natural female embodiments of spirits and take them to task if they troubled his people. Once when on such a nocturnal round, he met the Yoginī Kāli of Avanti who threatened Jayasimha with her displeasure if he did not offer worship to her and make friends with Yaşovarman - king of Avanti, that is, Mālava. The king asked her to do her worst and protect her devotee Yaşovarman whom he was going to catch alive in battle. He told her if he did not succeed in that he would then offer her worship.
The king seizing his sword gathered his army and started immediately (v. 20). With lightning speed he appeared on the shores of the Siprā. A seige was laid round Ujjayinī and instructions were given by Jayasimha to raze the ramparts to the ground.
In the evening, the operations were suspended and Jayasimha went out to see the beauty of the surroundings of Ujjayinī. There he finds the Yoginīs Kāli and others—the guardian-spirits of Ujjayini - talking and conspiring to kill him. In the fight that follows he spares Kāli and her friends because they were women. 'Being the son of a good mother, + he
+ Sammätsatvena. The commentator explains as : 'because

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was naturally compassionate'(v. 64). Kāli the guardian spirit of Ujjayinī was pleased with his generosity and promises that Jayasimha would conquer Yaşovarman and other kings. (66 - 68 ).
Yaşovarman comes to know of this incident and flies away that very night to Dhārā which was a 'Sudurga' - a better fort - (v. 70). In the morning Jayasimha led his soldiers and Ujjayinī was 'broken'. He himself proceeded to Dhārā and “This great hero of the Chālukyas, like a dancer dancing his sword on the battle-field, seized the lord of Mālavas who had entered Dhárā' (v. 72 ). The king Yaşovarman was then made a prisoner. (v. 73 ).
This is a how Hemachandra describes the greatest event of Jayasimha's reign. Presumably it only touches the last expedition of the great war of twelve years. The super-natural element of Yoginīs is difficult to explain, though it does not come in the way of understanding the event. Jayasimha's meeting of Ujjayinī's Yogini Kāli in Aşahilla pura might signify that Jayasimha was not successful in the early stages of the war, that overtures for making a friendly alliance with Yaşovarman were made to Jayasimha, and that he rejected them.
Tradition has preserved many details of this war with Mālava. Some of them may be noted here. We learn from the Vāgbhatālamkāra that it was Barbaraka who built a sort of bridge on the river Siprā ( Pari IV v. 152), presumably to enable the army to cross it.
According to the G.manuscript of the P. P. S. 'when deliberation on the conduct of war was being he was the son of Mayaħallā who was a sammātā because she possessed all the qualities like compassion etc.'

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CLXXV held with the minister Aliga, a Cháraņa that is a minstrel said 'Dhārá cannot be taken by people having religious marks * on their fore-heads ! Jesal who can beat even Yama - Lord of Death should come.' A letter was sent to Jesala who was then a prisoner. After consulting his father, Jesala led the attack on Dhārā riding a powerful elephant named Yaşahpațaha or Jasa padaha. The elephant rushed at the gate and smashed it, but at the cost of his own and Jesala's life (p. 35).
According to the P. C., when Jayasimha could not take the fort of Dhārā, he consulted Munjāla-a minister from his father's time-who informed the king that he had learnt from his emissaries in Dhārā that they had overheard an inhabitant of the place saying “ If the army of the enemy attacks the south gate, Dhārā could be stormed otherwise not.” Jayasimha personally led the attack riding his powerful elephant Yasahpațaha with Şamala as the driver. “The elephant charged the big iron bar fastening the gates and broke it, but he was 'broken within,' and as the driver after making the son of Karna (Jayamsimha ) descend, was himself getting down, the elephant fell on the ground. As the elephant died like a warrior, he took the form of Vinayaka under the name of Yaşodhavala (the god Ganapati ) in the village of Vadasara.' This means
* एहे टीलालेहिं धार न लीजई करणउत्र । जम जेहे प्रउंचेहि जोइइ जेसलु आवतउ ॥
(p. 35 ) ( See also f. 23.) This is a fling at the religious people in the army. It is known that Bāwas formed a considerable part of the king's army in those days. See the B. G. Vol. I. p. 14. Or it may be a fing at the Jaina ministers and generals of the army,

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that a memorial was raised in his honour in the form of a white Ganapati - image in that village. The P. C. quotes a verse in praise of this Vinayaka suggesting this incident (p. 59).
The triumphal march of the conquering hero riding on a majestic elephant with the royal prisoner Yaşovarman of Malava bearing in his hand a wooden sword through Anahillapura must have been an occasion of the greatest jubilation in the history of that city. Contemporary inscriptions in verse and prose mention the defeat and imprisonment of Yasovarman in so many words as if it had become a part of the royal writ. The Prabandhas dilate upon the occasion. Many must have been the panegyrics sung by bards and poets. A few of these, in the Samskṛta, the Prakṛta and the Apabhramsa, have been preserved in the Prabandhas and other works. ×
We saw from the colophons that the conquest of Malava took place between V. S. 1191 month of Falguna and V. S. 1192, month of Jyeshtha the year being
According to the P. C. the wooden sword was substituted for the real sword at the suggestion of the minister Munjāla who threatened to resign if Jayasimha refused to act according to his advice. If these incidents mentioned by the P. C. are historical, Munjala must have been very old at the time of Malava victory; because he was a Mahamatya of Karna in the year V. S. 1146 A. D. 1090.
× Hemachandra himself composed about sixteen stanzas placed at the end of his grammar Siddha - Hema. Some more are given in the ChhandonuSasana and other works. Vagbhata in his Alamkara and Vardhamanasūri in his Gaṇaratnamahodadhi give verses referring to this event.

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CLXXVII a Chaitrādi that is one beginning with the month of Chaitra (A. D. 1136). The final battle must have taken place within these three months. We find in a mutilated inscription of V. S. 1193 - A. D. 1137 discovered at Gala (in Dhrangadhara State, Kathiawada, ) among Jayasimha's titles, the title of Avantīnātha, that is Lord of Avantī, also. This is a further corroborative evidence of his victory over Mālava.
This inscription refers to some temple of the Goddess Şrī Bhattarikā Şri Devatā and a small temple of Gaņapati in Drumatīrtha Khāņi. Something is done by five people - panchakula - * one of whose names can be red as Pári, Sri Kumara, another as Pāri Kera ...... The Mahāmātya or the Chief minister was Ambāprasāda in charge of the treasury - Vyayakaraṇa. The engraver was Maho......K.
A later inscription of V. S. 1195 = A. D. 1139 found at Ujjain (Ujjayini) in Mālava mentions the defeat of Yaşovarman in so many words. We find all the titles of Jayasimha in this inscription - Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara, Tribhuvanaganda, Siddha Chakravarti, Avantinātha, Barbarakajishņu, Srī Jayasimhadeva - vijaya-rājye.
This inscription, though incomplete, gives us other important information also. We learn that Mahattama + Sri Dādāka was minding the
Srikaranádi' affairs, i. e. chief ministerial functions. He was a Nāgara. His son Mahādeva who was the principal military officer in Mālava was also the
* This word generally means a tax - collector.
+ Mahattama appears to be the Samskrta original of the Gujarati surname Mehta.
23

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Governor of the place. It appears that he or his father was one of the principal generals of Jayasimha in his war with Mālava.
Another inscription of the same year but found at Bhadreşvara in Cutch gives us similar information. The two additional titles are-Dhārāvidambaka, (molester of Dhārā ) and Trailokyamalla - ( champion of the three worlds ). The prime minister at Anahillapātaka was Şrī Dādáka. Something is given for the worship of Sri Udalesvara and Sri Kurapālesvara in a new temple built by Sri Kurapāla - son of Sri Āsapāla, son of Todi, son of Mahārāja. The inscription is incomplete.
The inscription of V. S. 1196 = A. D. 1140 found at Dohad gives us some more historical information. Excepting the last line, the whole of it is in verse. It begins with a Namaskāra to Vasudeva. We learn from it that Jayasimha had thrown into prison the kings of Surāshtra and Mālava ( v. I); he, also, had uprooted other kings, and made the kings of the north carry his orders (v. 2). In the third verse, his capital Anahillapātakanagara whose temples obstruct the path of the sun is compared to Ayodhyā of Rāma. The fourth verse tells us that the Vahinīpati (probably meaning captain of a battalion ) Keşava was made the general of the army in the Dadhipadra District (Dohad District) by the king residing in the capital. The fifth verse informs us that this general Keşava built a temple in honour of Goganārāyaṇa in memory of his mother in Dadhipadra. *
* An inscription of V. S. 1198 - A. D. 1142 of the subordinate king Someşvara has been found at Kiradu in the Jodhapur-state.
An inscription discovered at Sambhara consisting of twenty

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CLXXIX
The defeat and imprisonment of the ruler of Surāshțra and the uprooting of Sindhurāja and other kings and the submission of northern kings are the new historical facts gathered from this inscription.
The D. K. does not mention any one of these events excepting that Jayasimha ' after putting under check the roguish kings made the way to Kedāradeva safe (XV 14). This may refer to northern kings.
The defeat of Sindhurāja, however, is referred to by Hemachandra in his Chhandonuşāsana (p, 12) and by Vägbhața in his Alamkāra (p. 57).
Who this Sindhurāja was is not yet settled. According to Simhadevagani, a commentator of the Vágbhatālamkāra, he was Sindhudesādhipa, i. e. the lord of Sindh. But, as the B. G. says “ Nothing is known regarding the Sindh war."
In the K. K., and in the Vasanta-vilása mahākāvya, however, we find that Sankha whose other name was Sangrāmasimha is called the son of Sindhurāja. * Again in the K. K. we find that Sankha asks Vastupāla to hand over Cambay* to him, because as you know, this city was subject to my father (- pit;bhukti, )' while Vastupāla answers him that it was taken by Nịpasimha - eight verses but unfortunately very much mutilated gives the whole geneology of the Chālukya family. After the eleventh verse, however, the inscription is so broken that we are not able to make much sense of what remains. We learn from it that in V. S. 998, Mūlarāja was reigning. But, the date of the inscription itself is destroyed.
Another small and broken inscription without date found at Girināra refers to the Jaina Tirthankara Nemingtha. It mentions the ruling king as Siddha Chakrapati Srī Jayasinghadeva.

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after fighting with Simha who was assisted by 'cavalrymen.' The reference is undoubtedly to Jayasimha and Sindhurāja because we find that the K. K. when referring to Jayasimha's fight with Sindhurāja mentions the attribute of having a strong cavalry with reference to Sindhuraja. On the strength of these references, Muni Jinavijayaji, I think, rightly identifies Sindhuraja whom Jayasimha uprooted as the father of Sankha who wanted to take back Cambay which was a part of Lata from Vastupāla.
X
We cannot, however, say in which year this defeat of Sindhuraja took place. It, however, did take place before V. S. 1196-A. D. 1140.
As to the other event mentioned by the inscription, viz; the defeat and imprisonment of the ruler of Surashtra, we find corroboration for it in the SiddhHema grammar of Hemachandra. In the two examples अरुणत् सिद्धराजोऽवन्तीन् ' and ' अजयत् सिद्धः सौराष्ट्रान्' we find references to these two important events of J's reign. We can also infer from the uses of tenses that the conquest of Saurashtras must have taken place earlier than the siege of Avantis. Again in a verse attributed to Ramachandra - a pupil of Hemachandra - by the P. C., Jayasimha is called Giridurgamalla ' i. e. Champion of Giridurga or Junagadha (p. 63).
<<
""
The K. K., the P. P. S., and the P. C. – all mention this event in some detail. The bardic accounts of Soratha are full of it and have represented the whole episode as a tragic romance Woven round the beautiful Rāṇakadevī whom Jayasimha loved, but whom Khengara of Jungadha managed to marry and who thus gave cause for a war which ended in Khengara's
C

C

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introduction
CLXXX
destruction. The Sorathas (couplets) put into the mouth of Rāṇakadevi are full of poignant pathos, but it is a question whether they are useful as historical material. The existence of Raṇakadevīĩ herself is even doubtful.
From the K. K., we only learn that Jayasimha crushed the very powerful Khengāra of Surāshṭra in the battle as a lion kills an elephant ( C. II. v. 25). The V. T. K. (p. 9) also gives the name as Khengāraraya; so does the P. P. S. (pp. 32, 54). But the P. C. gives the name as Navaghana. Now from the accounts of the bards, it appears that when Jayasimha came to the throne Navaghana who was a very powerful man was the ruler of Junagadha. Jayasimha had once defeated this Navaghaṇa on the border of Gujarata and Kathiawada and humiliated him. Khengara his successor was made to vow by his dying father that he would break the gates of Anahillapura, which he did when Jayasimha was engaged in Malava. The immediate cause of war with Khengara, according to the bards, was Raṇakadevī. *
According to the P. P. S., it was Udayana of Cambay who killed Khengara (pp. 32, 34). According to the same authority Udayana was killed in battle while fighting with Sangan Dodiaka. According to the Kathiawar Gazeteer, the Thanadar of Jayasimha was expelled and Noghana III seated on the throne (p. 444). According to the Pr. Cha. Udayana was mortally wounded while fighting under Kirtipala brother of Kumarapala, who was sent to fight Navaghana of Surashtra. mandala. This Navaghana must be Noghana the third (Pr. Cha. p. 332.) See Saurashtra desano Itihasa Part I by Bhagvanlal Sampatram, pp. 104 111, and the Gazeteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. VIII, Kathiawar, pp. 493-494.

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Kavyanusasana According to the bardic accounts, Khengāra was killed in battle; but according to our inscription he was only imprisoned.
The name of Rāņakadevī is given neither by the P. P. S. nor by the P. C. The P. P. S. gives the name as Sonaladevī, while the P. C. as Sunaladevī. The P. P. S. quotes eleven while the P. C. eight Apabhramsa verses, supposed to be uttered by Sonaladevī, after Khengāra met a hero's death in battle.
It is not known in which year this event took place. The B. G., on the basis of an inscription on Girinar of V. S. 1176 - A. D. 1120, thinks that Sajjana was a Governor of Surashtra by that time. There is, however, only one inscription of Jayasimha's time on Girināra that I am able to trace and that one gives no date and does not mention Sajjana. But from the V. T. K., we learn that, in V. S. 1185, Sajjana, as the Governor of the place, built a temple of Neminātha; while the P. C. tells us that Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building the temple. If the account of the P. C. is to be relied upon, we can say, that Sajjana was the Governor of Surāshtra in V. S. 1181 - 82 A. D. 1125 - 26. * Surāshtra might have been conquered before A. D. 1125 -- 26.
Thus there is no direct evidence from which we can know the year in which RaʼKhangara was defeated and taken prisoner. The inscription in the Sodhalivāva of Mangarol in Kathiawar, however, gives some clue. İt gives its date in two eras V. S. 1202 and Sri
* Noghana III died in 1140 A. D. (K. G. p. 494 ) 1f Kuniārapāla's brother Kīrtipāla fought with this Naughana it must have been after V. S, 1199 = 1143 A. D.

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CLXXXIII
Simha Samvat 32. No doubt, this Şri Simha Samvat prevalent in Saurāshtra refers to the era inaugerated by Jayasimha to commemcrate some important event. We know of no other important event other than defeating the powerful king of Junagadha. If Simha era was intended to commemorate this event we can say that Khengara must have been defeated in the year V. S. 1170 = A. D. 1114.
Two other political events of Jayasimha's reign may be mentioned here : one of them is his march against Madanavarman of Mahobaka (in Bundelkhand ). According to the K. K. the lord of Mahobaka under the pretext of hospitality gave him fine ( 11.3). The P. P.S. and the Prabandharatnakosa also narrate this episode. But from an inscription found at Kalinjara we learn that Madanavarman defeated the king of Gujarata. It appears that the whole episode ended in a friendly alliance. *
From an inscription found at Talavada, we learn that Jayasimha defeated one Paramardi.
Pt. Oza identifies him with Paramardi of Kalyāna in the south who was known as Vikramāditya VI. +
Thus we find that by the year V. S. 1196 = A. D. 1140 Jayasimha's conquests were almost complete. Not only did Jayasimha consolidate the dominion which he inherited from his father, but he added Mālava which at that time included Mevāda as a part of its dominion. His was truly an empire in the proper sense of the word. For, in addition to Gujarata and
* N. P. P. Vol. IV p. 286 Pt. Oza's article on Jayasimha. + Ibid p. 286.

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Kavyanusasana
Surāshtra proper, his sway extended beyond Ajmer in the north, to Cutch and Sindha in the N. W., Mevāda in the N. E. and Mālava in the east. In the south, Karņa's authority extended beyond Navasari; while Jayasimha's authority extended as far as Kalyāna (in the Nizām's dominion ). As we shall see this empire was further strengthened and extended by Jayasimha's successor Kumārapăla.
We saw that after conquering Mālava, he put Mahādeva as his Governor in Ujjayini and Kesava în Dadhipadra or Dohada. After defeating Sindhuraja of Lāta, Udayana seems to have been made a governor at Cambay (the P. P. S. p. 32). So also after imprisoning Khengāra, Jayasimha appointed Sajjana as the Governor of Surashtra. It appears to be a feature of Jayasimha's policy that he generally annexed the country he coquered to his own dominion and that he appointed his own officers to govern them on his behalf. He was, one may say, a believer in the policy of 'thorough'. This is probably the meaning of a Prākṣta verse * quoted in the P. C. where Jayasimha is compared to a maker of wicker – work who after breaking all the royal bamboos ( families ) made one umbrella for the whole world (p. 75).
Jayasimha, however, did not impress his own generation merely as a conqueror. No doubt, the very first attribute with which the K. K. characterizes him is that of Jagajjayin - conqueror of the world; but other sources and especially the tradition show
xस जयउ कूडबरडो तिहूयणमज्झम्मि जेसलनरिन्दो ।
छित्तूण रायवंसे इक छत्तं कयं जेण ॥

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Introduction
CLXXXV him to be a great builder of architectural works so much so that even to-day to the popular mind, Jayasimha is the builder of almost every Hindu architectural remain of some antiquity. As in his war, so in his building - ventures, tradition associates Barbaraka with him as his chief assistant.
There is a verse + quoted in the P. C., which tells us that Jayasimha did FOUR great things which no body could do. These four things are:-A Mahālaya (great temple referring to Rudra Mahālaya) a Mahayatrā – (great pilgrimage to Someșvara on foot) a Mahāsaras ( - great lake referring to the Sahasralinga lake) and a Mahāsthāna ( a great place ). We cannot definitely say what is referred to by Mahāsthāna; probably it referes to the great Dānaşālā built near the lake Sahasralinga - a sort of free boarding and lodging place for students.
The fifteenth canto of the D. K. is devoted to the description of these things.
Hemachandra tells us that in Siddhapura on the bank of the river Sarasvatī, which turns there to the east, Jayasimha built Rudra - Mahālaya ( v. 15). Now we know that Rudra - Mahālaya was first built by Mūlarāja, and that much damage was done to it by Barbaraka. So Jayasimha must have repaired or rebuilt the whole temple in a style befitting the conqueror of Ujjayinī where was the famous temple of Mahākāla. It is possible to imagine the magnificence of the great Rudra - Mahālaya even from its ruins.
“The gigantic fragments” says Dr. Burgess, + महालयो महायात्रा महास्थानं महासरः ।
यत्कृतं सिद्धराजेन क्रियते तन्न केनचित् ॥ 24

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" That still reinain, impress the beholder with admiration at the scale and grandeur of the conception.... So far as can now be made out, it covered an oblong of about 230 feet by 300 feet, in the centre of which stood the temple - two or three storeys in height, with a Maņdapa 50 feet square inside having porches on the east, north and south sides and the shrine on the west. In or round the court, were eleven other shrines to the Rudras. The court was perhaps surrounded by small cells after the manner of some of the Jaina temples, with the principal entrance on the east and a ghāt or flight of steps down to the Sarasvatī river on that side. Of this splendid temple only a few magnificent fragments remain, the four pillars of the north porch, and five of the east porch to the Maņdapaone being an engaged pillar inside the door, four pillars in the back of the Maņdapa, a beautiful torana or Kīrtistanbha - and one cell at the back of the court; also a number of pillars and doors of three other cells, possibly all in situation which have been turned into a mosque about 57 feet in length." *
We learn from the Upadesatarangiņi of Ratnamandira (cir. 15th cen. A. D.) that Sāliga of Deşalahara family repaired the temple-of Rudra Mahālaya and' again gave youth to the fame of Sri Jayasimhadeva.'
The P. C. tells us that this Rudramahākālaprāsāda was twenty – three hands in measurement. This means that the garbhagrba - or the inner hall in which the principal image was seated – was twentythree hands in height. The other parts of the temple must have
Burgess and Cousens Archeological Survey : Northern Gujarat. pp. 59-60. See also the plate facing p. 64.

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Introduction
CLXXXvit been in proportion to this central building. We learn from it also that there were statues of Aşvapatis (- Masters of Horses - ), Gajapatis (Masters of Elephants, ) Narapatis - ( Masters of Men, ) and that in front of these statues was the statue of Jayasimha himself with his hands folded in the pose of a devotee before Şiva praying that the temple may never suffer destruction.' When the flag was hoisted on the Rudramahākālaprāsāda, the flags from the Jaina temples were lowered (p. 61 ).
A composition in the Apabhramşa of the poet Gadda describing the Rudra-Mahālaya is quoted in the Upadeşatarangiņī of Ratnamandira mentioned above. The text of the poem is not correctly printed but from the last line it appears that the poem was addressed to Jayasimha Chakravarti personally; so presumably it must be a contemporary record. From it, we learn, 'there were 1444 ‘varas' (?) + 1700 pillars, 1800 pūttalis set with jewels and rubies and garments of silver, thirty thousand flag - staffs, and 10,000 golden kalaşas and fifty - six kodi ( which may mean either 56 crores or 56 twenties ) images of horses and elephants. 'Says the poet Gadda, the temple delights gods and men. Oh Chakravartin Jayasimha! your fame shines in this famous place !' (pp. 64 - 65). There are other ballads in old Gujarati giving different figures for pillars etc.
We learn from an old unpublished prabandha that the minister Aliga was appointed to look after the
+The meaning of this word is not clear. It might refer to vārängadás-dancing damsels. Or there might be some mistake in the reading,

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CLXXXVIII
Kavyanusasara building of the temple, that Aliga himself built a Chaturmukha-temple known as Rājavihāra at his own expense in Siddhapura, and that the king being pleased with him granted him several villages in V. S. 1198 = A. D. 1142. If Jayasimha commenced the rebuilding of Rudra - Mahālaya after his conquest of Mālava in 1192-A. D. 1136, we can say, it took him six years to complete the work-not too long a time, looking to the gigantic work.+
The D. K. tells us in the next verse ( 16 ) that Jayasimha built at the same place a temple of the last Arhat, and put certain Brāhmaṇas to look after it. This means that Jayasimha built a temple of Mahāvīra in Siddhapura. This is the first reference in the D. K. - to something specifically Jaina. In the next verse ( 17 ) we are told that the king properly honoured the Arhata Samgha. It is difficult to reconcile this contemporary reference with the P. C.'s account that flags were removed from the Jaina temples.
After this Hemachandra describes the second great thing that Jayasimha did - his pilgrimage to Somanātha on foot ( v. 18-36). The description of the pilgrimage is interesting from many points of view, but we cannot go into its details here. * In Deva pattana Jayasimha was received by Ganda who was in charge
+ Sáliga who repaired the temple was a brother to the famous Samarāsā. They were contemporaries of Allauddin Khilaji; both the brothers were important and influential personages in the time of Islamic rule in Aşahillapura.
+ We learn from verse 26 that the names of the three of Jayasimha's queens were Kuntī, Avantī and Kurū. Probably these are not their proper names, but their names after the provinces of their birth.

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CLXXXIX
of the city. The king worships Siva who appears to him in person and blesses him Be thou now Siddhirät by Suvarna-siddhi through which you have removed the indebtedness of the earth "-v. 50. This is the explanation of the word Siddhiraja given by Hemachandra.
<<
The king requests the god to grant him a son, but Sambhu touching his hairy head tells him your brother Tribhuvanapala's son Kumārapāla will be king after you and disappears (v. 54-56).
From Somanatha, Jayasimha goes to Raivataka or Girinar mountain and there pays his respects to Nemi the twenty-second Jaina Tīrthankara (vs. 6388). Then he granted Simhapura and other villages to Brahmaņas (v. 97-98) and returned to his capital (v. 100). Then comes the description of the sacrifices he performed and we are told that whenever doubts arose as to certain rituals, Jayasimha himself removed them (108). That showed how learned he was (vs. 104-113)! After these Ishta - Karmans comes the great Purta - the construction of the Great Lake ( 114 ). This was the third great thing that he did which others can never do.
93
(6
Near the banks of the lake, he built Satraṣālas for Brāhmaṇas (115). These Satraṣālas were congested with students coming there for food (116). On the bank of the lake he built 1008 temples of Sambhu (117) and 108 temples of goddesses. Near the same lake, he built a temple of Daṣāvatāra (that is a temple containing images of the ten incarnations of Vishnu, v. 119). There also he built mathas (according to the commentator, residencies for students and others) to please professors of different departments of learning. (11),
Jain Education.International

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CLXC
Kavyanusasana He built these temples to gods as if he was raising big monuments to his fame ( 123 ).
This great lake of Jayasimha Siddharăja known as Siddhasara or Siddhasāgara or more popularly as Sahasralinga-talāva, with its 1008 Şiva temples and 108 Devī temples and numerous other fanes and with its Kīrtistambha shining like a silvery column, must have made the surroundings of Aşahillapura-pattana magnificent. Satraşālās and Mathas providing for various departments of learning must have made the area something like a University-suburb. The surrounding wood - land beauty, with its touch of nature, must have made it a thing to tickle the imagination. From the few descriptions that have survived, we can say that many contemporary and later poets must have sung the sacred majesty of the beautiful lake. A prasasti, by Şrīpāla, the poet-laureate of Jayasimha's court, was inscribed on the Kīrtistambha -a slab of which has been discovered.
The description in the K. K. gives a graphic picture of the city and the lakes as they appeared after one or two generations. *
Coming to the great personages of the times, it is the Queen - Mother Mayaņalla or Minaldevi as she is known to Gujarat, who first commands our attention, This princess of Karņāțaka who for sheer love went all the way to Gujarata to marry its king Karna has been well described by Hemachandra. The life-long intense attachment of this royal couple which was not
* For a detailed accout see Saraswati Purāņa and the excellent monograph on Siddhasara by Mr. Kanaiyalal B. Dave.

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CXCI
blessed with an offspring for a long time appears to have touched the imagination of Hemachandra.
Mayaṇalla after the death of her husband spent her life in a religious manner - going to pilgrimages and building works of public utility. Whether she took any part in the affairs of the state-we have no evidence to judge. According to the P. C., as we saw, she got the pilgrim-tax of Somanatha removed through her son. But this was a religious act, surely not a service to the state. Her holiness is particularly emphasised by the story of the Jar of Sin' in the P. C.
6
It appears Jayasimha was greately attached to his mother. When, after conquering Malava, on his return to Aṇahillapura, he was being congratulated with Mangala verses, he seems to have been poignantly reminded of his mother who was then dead. The sentiment that Jayasimha must have given vent to is expressed in a verse quoted by the Prabandhkoṣa, as being uttered by the king. 'Let no woman give birth to a son like this (referring to himself) whose luck bore its greatest fruit after the death of his mother! "+ Two lakes one at Viramgama and the other at Dholka-named after her have survived.
""
-
Of the other great political figures of Jayasimha's reign, we may mention Sampatkara or Santu, Munjāla, Āṣvāka, Dādāka, Mahadeva, Kesava, and Udayana. We have already referred to Sampatkara as the chief minister in the time of Karna. He was probably a native of Baroda. His father's name was Varṇag मा स्म सिमन्तिनी कापि जनयेत् सुतमीदृशम् ।
बृहद भाग्यफलं यस्य भृतमातुरनन्तरम् ॥
P. K. p. 115.

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Kavyanusasana
and mother's name was Sampūrī. In the begining, he was a governor of Lāta in Bhrgukachha. Being a great statesman, he was made the chief minister by Karņa. The Karnasundarī of Bilhana was acted in his temple. His engrossment in state affairs, - so much so that he has no time to talk to his children or his newly married wives - his proficiency in state - craft, and his success in political affairs are specially mentioned by Bilhaņa. He is described as surpassing even famous ministers like Yauganadharāyaṇa of the past. Gujarat's alliance with the southern Kadamba family of Karnatak through marriage was probably the result of his policy. He had sent an army under the General Sāchchika to fight the Sultan of Gajni whom it defeated on the banks of the Sindhu.
When Madanavarman, the maternal uncle of Karņa, grew turbulent in Anahillapura, Sampatakara managed to get him killed in a fracas of soldiers.
We have seen how Sampatakara managed to send away Naravarman of Mālava who attacked Anahillapura in the absence of Jayasimha. The P. C. tells us that when Jayasimha was returning from one of his early expeditions against Mālava Samtu cleared the way for the king by suppressing the turbulent Bhillas (p. 75).
It appears, however, the old minister who had trained young Jayasimha for kingship was growing distasteful to the young ambititious monarch who once insulted him. Sampatakara resigned his post and left Gujarata for Mālava. We know from the colophon of V. S. 1179-A. D. 1123 that he was minister till then, but in V.S. 1180-A.D. 1124 Aşuka was minister. So he must have resigned about that time. He, however, remained

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Introduction
CXCII steadfast in loyalty to his king. Jayasimha came to know of this and repented of his conduct with the old minister and called him back. When Sampatakara was returning to Gujarata, he died on the way at a place called Āhada on the border line of Mevāda and Mālava, the original site of Udaipur.
Mūnjāla, we learn from a colophon of a ms., was a mahāmātya great minister of Karņa in V. S. 1146A. D. 1090. The P. C. tells us that Mūnjāla managed to substitute Mayaņalla in place of a low-born woman whom Karņa loved. But this whole episode is, as we saw, without any historical foundation. The second reference to Mūnjāla in the P. C. informs us that when Jayasimha could not take Dhārā, Mūnjála, on the strength of his secret information, asked Jayasimha to attack by the southern gate. Again it was at the suggestion of Mūnjāla that a wooden sword was given instead of a real sword to Yasovarman in the triumphal march when he was seated behind Jayasimha. If Munjāla lived so long as to do all these things, he must have been very old indeed!
From V. S. 1179-80-A. D. 1123–24, Āsvāka or Āşuka seems to have occupied the position of one of the chief ministers. From the M.K.C., we learn that Mahattara Gangila was the prime minister in V. S. 1181-A.D. 1125.
We know from the two inscriptions of V. S. 1192A. D. 1136 that Dādāka was the prime minister at Anahillapura. But nothing more is known about this Nāgara prime minister at the time of the great Mālava victory. His son Mahādeva was the Governor of Mālava.
In the inscription of V. S. 1193 Ambāprasāda is referred to as the Mahāmātya and in charge ofVyayakaraṇa - treasury.
25

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CXCIV
Kavyanusasana From the inscription of V. S. 1196-A. D. 1140, we learn that Keşava was a general of the army and the Governor of the Dohada district. He was a Vaishpava and built the temple of Goga Nārāyaṇa at Dadhipadra or Dohada in memory of his mother.
Udayana was a Governor of Stambhatirtha. We shall speak of him later on.
What impression Jayasimha and his capital Aşahilla pura created upon a foreigner, we gather from the following account of the geographer Al - Idrisi who visited his court (C. H. I. Vol. III 517).
“The city of Nahrvala is governed by a great prince called the Balhara. He has troops of elephants, worships Buddha, wears a gold crown and dresses in rich robes. He generally rides a horse, especially once a week, when, with a hundred women richly clothed with gold and silver rings on their hands and feet, their hair in braids, he gives himself up to games and show-fights. The ministers and commanders only go with the king on occasion of battle. The chief strength of the king lies in the elephants. His title Balhara means the king of kings. The city is frequented by a great number of Musalman merchants who resort to it in business. They are well received by the king and his officers and find protection and security. The Indians by nature are inclined to justice. Their good faith, loyalty and faithfulness are so well known that every one hears that their country is prosperous. As a proof of their love of honesty, if a creditor is anxious to receive a debt, he has only to draw a line round his debtor who will not move till he has satisfied his creditor or the debt is paid. The people eat grain

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Introduction
схсу and vegetables and animals that die a natural death. They never take away animal life. They have a great respect for cattle and bury them when they die; when they get past work, they feed them.”
How equitably Jayasimha behaved with Mussalmans is seen from the report of an incident in Khambhat by Muhammed Ufi in his Jame-ul-Hikayata +
The following story of the gram-seller from the P. C. shows what tales - real or unreal – had formed round the popular king. “Once the king was witnessing a play at night in a temple known as Karņameruprāsāda. At the time a gram-seller - just a bania – put his hand on the king's shoulder. The king got interested in the bania's jolly manner. ( Presumably this has reference to the bania's jolly and friendly remarks as the play was proceeding). The king offered him a beetle-leaf with camphor which the latter took with great delight. After the play was over, the king, through his men, inquired of his whereabouts and sent for him in the morning to go to his court. The king complained that, his neck was aching on account of the weight of the bania's hand. The bania realized the whole thing, but answered with his ready-wit: "Your Majesty ! you carry the burden of the whole earth on your shoulder, and even then it does not feel it; how can it feel the pain of the burden of a bania's hand - just like the blade of a grass ?” The king was pleased with the man's sense of propriety and gave him handsome reward” (pp. 70-71).
From the Vāgbhatalamkāra and a verse of Sripāla quoted under the name of Kaviraja by Somaprabha.
+ N. P. P. Vol. IX p. 291.

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Kavyanusasaria chāraya in his commentary on his Satāratha Kávya, we learn that Jayasimha's banner bore the sign of a red-crested cock on it (V. L. Pari. 4. v. 81 and Introduction to the K. Pra. p. 11.) *
Yaşahpataha was his favourite elephant who was killed while breaking open the gates of Dhārā. From the Vāgbhatālamkāra, we learn that Jayasimha had also another elephant named Sri Kalaşa whom the author mentions as one of the three jewels of the world - the other two being the city of Anahillapātaka and the son of the king Karna, i. e. Jayasimha (C. IV. v. 132).x
Of the literary figures and the learned assembly of Jayasimha, I shall speak when we come to describe Hemachandra's life.
The last days of Jayasimha are described in the * इन्द्रः स एष यदि किं न सहस्रमणां लक्ष्मीपतिर्यदि कथं न चतुर्भुजोऽसौ । आः स्यन्दनध्वजधृतोद्धरताम्रचूडः
श्रीकर्णदेवनृपसूनुरय रणाग्रे ॥ रे भूपाः कविराज एष भवतो जल्पत्युदञ्चभुजः पूज्या वश्चरणायुधा परममी युष्मत्कुले देवताः । यद् युद्धोत्सवदर्शनैकरसिकः श्रीताम्रचूडध्वजो देवः पश्यत नाधुना परि...यत्येकातपत्रां महीम् ॥
एकाङ्गवीरतिलको भुवनैकमल्लः
सिद्धाधिपः परमसाहसिकप्रकाण्ड: । दन्धिबर्बरकजिष्णुरवन्तिनाथ
इत्यूजितैर्जयति नामभिरेव देवः॥ Both these verses are attributed to Kavirāja that is Şrīpāla by Somaprabha. (See Introduction Ku. Pra. p. 11).
x अणहिलपाटकं पुरमवनिपतिः कर्णदेवनृपसूनुः ।
श्रीकलशनामधेयः करी च रत्नानि जगतीह ॥

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Introduction
CXCVII
last two verses of the 15th canto of the D. K.. Jayasimha remembering the words of the god Somanatha that Kumārapāla was to succeed him after his death, tried for self realisation. Thinking of Paramesthins, he went to the city of Indra + (vs. 123-24.)
According to the P. C., Jayasimha's reign lasted up to the beginning of the year V. S. 1199-A. D. 1143. In a colophon of Margaṣirsha of 1199, we find Kumarapala regining in Anahillapura. So Jayasimha must have died in the beginning of Kartika of V. S. 1199. According to the P. P. S. after the death of Jayasimha, his sandals reigned for eighteen days (p. 45). This shows that it took some time before the new king was elected.
15
Of the reign of Kumarapala, we have more than twenty three inscriptions, two of them on copperplates and the remaining on stone. Of these, two stone-inscriptions one of V. S. 1207 - A. D. 1151 and the other of V. S. 1208-A. D. 1152 and one copper-plate grant, of V. S. 1212-A. D. 1156, are directly connected with Kumarapala, while the others refer to him as the reigning sovereign.
As to the literary material, there are many Jaina works dealing with Kumarapala. We shall mention
—
+ We see that there is a significant difference here in describing the succession. The usual procedure of the reigning king calling his successor to accpt the throne, and the successor first refusing and then accepting it is omitted here. The ugly facts of Kumarapala's succession Hemachandra intentionally omits. This trait of Hemachandra is worth keeping in mind when utilizing the D. K. for historical purposes it is that rather than narrate false accounts better omit the incidents altogether.

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Kavyanusasana
only three contemporary works. These are, in addition to the remaining part of the S. D. K., the Prākặta Dvyāşraya or the Kumārapālacharita of Hemachandra, the play called Moharājaparājaya and the Kumārapālapratibodha of Somaprabhāchārya. Some twenty verses in the Chhandonuşāsana, about 105 verses in the Desīnāmamālā and a few verses in the Trişashtişalākāpurushacharita and Parişishţaparva, have Kumārapāla for their subject. Hemachandra is the author of these works.
The Kumărapălaprabandha of Jinamandana has been, up till now, largely drawn upon by scholars.
As we inferred from the D. K. the succession of Kumārapāla to Jayasimha's throne was not in the usual manner. We have no direct contemporary evidence explaining why Jayasimha was averse to the succession of Kumārapāla. According to the D. K. (C. IX v. 70-77) Bhīma I had a son named Kshemarāja who was older than Karņa. He was asked to accept the crown which he being of a religious temper refused. Karņa, therefore, mounted the throne and Kshemaraja led a religious life in Dadhisthalī on the Sarasvati. Kshemarāja had a son named Devaprasāda.
When Karņa gave his throne to Jayasimha, he asked him to be kind to his brother's son Devaprasāda. Devaprasāda put his son Tribhuvana pāla under the care of Jayasimha and died with Karna on the Sarasvati ( D. K. C. X. v. 110 - 115 ). Jayasimha looked upon Tribhuvanapāla as his own son (X. v. 116). Kumārapāla was a son of this Tribhuvanapāla. The same geneology is given in an unpublished inscription of Chitodagadha quoted by Pt. Oza in his Rajputane -

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Introduction
CIC ka - Itihása ( Vol. I, pp. 218 - 19 ). The geneology of Kumārapala given by the K. Pratibodha also agrees with this.
Thus Kumārapāla belonged to the senior line of the family and was fully entitled to the throne. We find that the D. K. generally refers to K. as Bhaimi - (that is - a descendent of Bhīma - ) as if, thereby, emphasing his rightful claim to the throne. *
* The P. C. however, tells a different tale. According to it Bhīma married a hetaera named Bakulddevī or Chaulādevī who was very faithful to him, and had a son by her named Haripala. This Haripala had a son named Tribhuvanapala whose son was Kumārapāla. Jayasimha could not bear that a kiasman who, on mother's side, was low-born should succeed him. So he was always seeking for an opportunity to kill Kumārapāla (p. 77).
This account of the P. C. gives a credible explanation of Jayasimha's hostile attitude to Kumāras &la, but differs in its geneology from contemporary accounts and flatly contradicts the D. K. according to which, Kshemarāja was fully legible for the throne. We do not know what was the authority of the P. C. for giving such a humiliating origin to a king, who according to the Jaina sources, was a Parame-Arhata - a great Jaina king. As it is, we cannot accept it in face of contemporary authorities. For another and a more probable explanation see p. CCI.
The Kumārapala-prabandha of Jinamaņdana gives the same geneology. It gives also additional information about the other relatives of Kum&rapāla. The name of the mother of Kum&rāpla was Kasmirádevī. She had three sons Kumārapāla, Mabīpala and Kīrtipāla. She had two daughters named Premaladevī and Devaladevī. The first was married to Krshnadeva, the master of Sri Jayasimhadeva's Horse and the second to Arporāja, ruler of Sakambhari. Kumarapāla was married by his parents to one Bhopaloa or Bhūpaladevi (p. 18). We learn from the Pra, Cha. (p. 319. v. 392 ) that this Bhüpāladevī accompanied her husband in his wandering.

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The account of the early part of Kumārapāla's life is to be gathered from the Prabandhas. His early travels are, however, referred to by Yaşahpāla – a contemporary of Kumārapāla-in his play the Moharājaparājaya ( Act I, 28 ).
According to the P. P. S. when Kumārapāla left Anahillapura, through fear of murder, he was about twenty years old. He travelled in various parts of India and made pilgrimage to Kedáranātha seven times. He had to travel incognito for thirty years. He proceeded to Anahillapura when he heard of Jayasimha's death in the shop of a shoemaker in Ujjayiņī (P. P. S. p. 38 ).
While thus running about to save his life, he was helped by many people. Once when Kumārapāla happened to be in Stambhatīrtha (Cambay), his future kingship was forecast by Hemachandra in presence of Udayana who was then the Governor at Stambhatīrtha. When Kumārapāla could not believe in such an impossible future Hemachandra wrote down the exact date of his coronation as Sam. 1199 Kārtika Vadi 2 Sunday, and gave one copy to Kumārapāla, and another to Udayaņa for verification. When Kumārapāla was pursued by the soldiers of Jayasimha, he was helped in various ways by Hemachandra; though according to the account of the Pr. Cha. Udayana out of his loyalty to Jayasimha or more probably fear, refused to give quarter to Kumārapāla (Pr. cha. 322 vs. 443 - 444 ).
Kumārapāla got the throne through the help of his sister's husband. His name is given as Kānhadadeva in the P. C. (p. 78).
Somaprrbhasūrī - a contemporary of Kumārapāla,

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Introduction
cc1 gives the following account of his accession to the throne. "When Jayasimha went to heaven to make friends with the king of gods this earth became sad as lotuses do when the sun sets. Then the ministers, who surpassed the Guru of gods - Bphaspati - in intelligence, seeing the kingdom without a protector began to converse like this.' (Then follows the geneology of Kumāra pāla from Blīma I to which we have referred ). ‘His (Tribhuvanapala's ) son named Kumāra pāla is bright, of a pleasant face and like Indra in splendour. He is liberal, brave, and a protector of the helpless. He is endowed with all royal qualities, therefore let us make a king of him; away with others possessing no merits. Thus consulting with one another, and seeking unanimity with palmists, astrologers etc., Kumārapāla was established on the throne by the ministers. Then the whole world became satisfied.' (P. 5 Ku. Prati. G. O. S.)
According to the P. C., Kumārapāla was about fifty years old when he mounted the throne. This he did in V. S. 1199 which is corroborated, as we saw, by a colophon also. We can put Kumārapala's birth in the year V. S. 1149, one year before Jayasimha came to the throne. Perhaps there was not much difference of age between the uncle and the nephew and as Kumārapāla was a legitimate rival to the throne Jayasimha might have become jealous of him.
According to the P. C., Kumārapāla reigned from V. S. 1199 to V. S. 1230-A. D. 1143–1174 (pp. 95-96).
The first few years of Kumārapāla's reign were very troublesome. But he, being a man of mature age and much experience, gathered from a wandering
26

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life full of hardships, soon restored order within his kingdom, consolidated his power and extended his empire. It was in his reign that Gurjaradeṣa reached its zenith. Immediately after him its decline began. The first man to trouble him was his brother in-law, who was instrumental in getting him the throne. He, however, did not like that Kumārapāla should not only reign but rule and so tried to belittle him publicly. Kumarapala gave him warning which he did not heed; so he got him severely beaten by his athlets. Thus, according to the P. C., he set a lesson for other Samantas who understood that the king was not to be taken lightly (p. 71).
The earliest inscription of his reign, as yet, discovered is of the year V. S. 1202-A. D. 1146 in the step-well of Sodhalivava of Mangrol of the king Muluka of Gohila dynasty a chief subordinate to Kumārapāla. From this we learn that when Sri Siddharaja died, Kumarapala 'suddenly occupied the throne of Jayasimha.' This phrase is no doubt significant.
The inscription begins with a beautiful prayer to Siva and after referring to Kumarapala's accession to the throne goes on to inform us that one Somaraja of Guhila dynasty built a small temple in the name of his father Sahāra in the jagati or compound of Somanatha. This inscription provides for the expenses of the worship of Sri Sahareṣvara. The grantor is Srī Mūluka. This prasasti is composed by Parama Pāṣupatacharya, - Mahapandita Sri Pra - Sarvvajņa. In addition to the V. S. 1202, it gives Srī Simha Samvat 32. This Samvat, no doubt, refers to the era started by Jayasimha probably to commemorate the victory over Ra'Khengāra.

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CCHI
An inscription dated V. S. 1205-A. D. 1149 of Paramāra Someşvara a subordinate chief of Kumārapāla has been discovered in a temple of Şiva in Kirādu in Jodhpur State.
The Chitodagadha inscription of Kumāra pāla is dated V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151. This inscription is a long prasasti of 28 verses. It commemorates the granting of a village for the worship of Hara to the temple known as Samiddhesvara. It also mentions the granting of an oil mill for the purpose of lighting the temple by the Dandanayaka - the General-Sajjana. The temple was in charge of the Saiva nun Gaurīdevī a disciple of Bhattārikā Uttamādevī. The prasasti is composed by the poet Şrī Rāmakīrtti a disciple of Sri Jayakīrtti and the head of the Digambara sect. The prasasti is written in excellent poetic style.
This inscription mentions the Chālukya dynasty in general terms, refers to Mülarăja and Siddharāja and then describes Kumārapāla. We learn from it that after defeating the lord of Sākambhari and leaving his big army encamped in a village named Şālipura Kumārapāla went to Chitrakūta, i. e. Chitoda to see its beauty. The poet then describes Chitrakūta and the temple of Samiddhesvara.
We learn from this inscription that before the year V. S. 1207 i. e. before the eighth year of his reign Kumārapāla defeated Arnorāja the king of Sapādalaksha.
This is the first event of Kumārapala's reign that the D. K. narrates at great length in three cantos XVI, XVII and XVIII.
We are told in the sixteenth Canto that

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CCIV
'Kumārapāla having come adorned the throne of his forefathers' (v.1). Seeing the energy and vigilance of their sovereign neighbouring chieftains like those of Maheyas (according to the commentary ruler of Godraha or Godhra) and Rashtriyas (?) waited upon him (v. 6). Then we are informed that suddenly Anna ( Ānāka= Arņorāja) rose against Kumarapala. (The commentary explains by saying that after the death of Jayasimha seeing that Kumarapala being a new king would be weak, Anna opposed him unexpectedly, unexpectedly because there was no cause.) Not only Anna rose against him, but 'this king of the north (sapädalaksha and other countries) instigated Ballala the king of the east (i. e. Malava) to attack the rear of the king of the west (i. e. Kumārapāla.) when he would be engaged in fighting Anna' (v. 8). Not only that, Anna got other kings also to help him (9). A secret emissary of Kumarapala comes and informs him that within a day Anna would be attacking the boundary of his kingdom' (v. 13). Some of Kumārpāla's former allies, including Chahaḍa x the head of the elephant section of his army, had joined the enemy (14-16). The king of Gonarda that is Ballala who was Kumarapala's vassal (Rājakīya) had also joined the enemy (17). The king curbing his anger considered the whole situation calmly and resolved upon his strategy. He sent his general, according to the commentary, a Brahamaṇa named Kakka against Ballala and himself marched against Anna' (22-23).
·
X This Chahada is different from a son of Udayana of that name. This treacherous Chahada is referred to as Tyagabhata by YaSahpala in his Mobarajaparajaya.

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CCV Kumārapāla, however, proceeded in such a way as to give no clue to his purpose. (v. 26). He came to Abu whose king Vikramasimha was his vassal. Vikramsimha welcomes Kumārapāla and describes Mount Abu and his territory (vs. 35-70).
In this excellent description we find mention made of Achalesvara temple, Adinātha temple - presumably the one built by Vimala-and the fair held in honour of Srī Mātā. The river Banas is also referred to. The seventeenth canto is devoted to the descriptions of flower-gathering, bathing, music, dancing, play-acting, putting on clothes of Kusumbha colour, drinking, etc. (XVII-35, 35-75, 76-138 ).
The eighteenth canto is devoted to the description of the battle between the armies, and the personal combat between Anna and Kumārapala (Bhaimi) ( v. 101-102 ). The valour of both of them is admired and their combat is compared to that of Arjuna and Karņa (101-102). When, however, Anna fell down being wounded by Kumārapāla's iron arrow ( 103 ), Kumārapāla did not take the advantage and kill him (104). The army of the enemy was routed ( 105 ).
The nineteenth canto opens with Kumārapala searching for the dead heroes lying on the battlefield (1). A peace-messenger from Anna comes and praises Kumārapala's Kshātra Dharma in not taking an undue advantage when Anna was wounded (4). An offer to continue the same relations as were with Jayasimha is made and accepted. As a token of alliance, Anna's daughter named Jahlaņā is offered in marriage; Kumarapala accepts the offer but requests

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that the marriage should take place in Aşahillapura - (his capital 34.).
It must have been after his victory over Anna or Arņorāja that Kumárapāla went to Chitodagadha and made the grant that is referred to in the inscription of V. S. 1207 already discussed. Kumārapāla must have returned to his capital after this semimilitary and semi-religious tour to Chitradurga, to which place he is mentioned as going to see its natural beauty.
Verses 40-90 of the nineteenth canto are devoted to the description of the marriage-festival which is very interesting as throwing good light on social customs and manners of the times which in many respects are similar to those of the modern times in Gujarāta.
As the marriage-ceremony was reaching completion a messenger from the General appointed in Malava (v. 95 ) comes and informs Kumārapāla of the victory of his "Gurjara-Brahma-Senanī(that is the Brāhmaṇa General of Gujarata ) over Mālava. The different stages of the fight are described by the messenger. In the first stage two of Kumārapāla's vassals Vijaya ane Krshộaka * prove treacherous and join the enemy (v. 98 ). The morale of the army is spoiled and the army of Kumārapāla recedes in the first stages. His General exhorts his soldiers : "Fie upon your Hastivarchas that was so much praised by my king!” (v. 106). The last stage of the fight is also described. Ballāla approaches the General 'breaking through
* We do not know who this Vijaya and Kệshaņaka were. Was this Krshaņaka the same as Kumārapāla's brother-inlaw of that name?

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CCVII
hundred rows of soldiers which were impregnable like ramparts of wood and stone and which could not be pierced through even by two days' efforts (v. 120 )'. The General again exhorts his soldiers to fight for their life (v. 121-122). The soldiers, arranging them. selves in the shape of 'two - boat,' attacked the enemy whose army was in the shape of a half - boat the other half being destroyed ( v. 124). That hero of Avanti whose driver of elephant was killed, was thrown down from his elephant by a group of five kings in the presence of the Gurjara-Brahma General': (v. 126 ). Ballāla was, however, 'killed by some wicked Brāhmaṇas before the General could stop it through some great Brāhmaṇas' (v. 126 ).
The messenger was properly rewarded for the welcome news of victory.
Then the king went to his palace with his bride 'people looking at him from the shops of eatables.' Then the mother-in-law and the Purohita who had accompanied the bride returned to their place ( 133 ). Kumārapāla ruled well. (135 - 137 ).
In this description of the D. K., we get an account of two wars fought by Kumārapāla in the early part of his reign, that is before V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151. We learn that Vikramasimha was a vassal of Kumārapāla whom he invited to be his guest for some time at Ābu. Now, from an inscription of V.S. 1202 * = A. D. 1146 of Ajārigama, we learn that in that year Yaşodhavala was reigning in Abu; so Vikramsimha must have died by that time. From this we can infer that Kumārapála must have been compelled to march against Anna in
* See Pt. Oza's Raj. Itihasa pp. 175 - 76.

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V. S. 1201 in the third year of his reign. We cannot say exactly when the final battle was fought. It is likely that this war must have lasted for a number of years, and Kumārapāla must have got his decisive victory somewhere about V. S. 1207, or a little earlier; for we learn from this inscription of V. S. 1207 that he encamped his army in the village of Salipura and went personally to Chitrakuta. We also learn from it that his General Sajjana accompanied him to Chitrakūṭa.
The other war that with Mālava - also must have been finally won by this time - that is V. S. 1207. In the Vadanagara prasasti of V. S. 1208, the king of Malava is represented as killed.
-
We learn from the praṣasti of V. S. 1287-A. D. 1231, in the temple of Tejahapala that Yasodhavala seeing that Ballala, ruler of Malava was opposing Kumārapāla, immediately killed him (Prcahina Jaina Lekhasangraha by Muni Jinavijayaji p. 79). This shows that in the fight with Ballala, Yasodhavala was Kumarapala's ally and must have actually gone to fight with him. He might have been one of those five kings who threw Ballala down from his elephant. The name of this Ballala, however, is not mentioned in any of the inscriptions of Mālava *. This means that he was some subordinate chieftain, and this rising against Kumarapala was possibly the act of some of these chieftains of Malava. This inference is corroborated by the D. K. where Ballala is called Gonardiya (XVI v. 17) which according to the commentator means that Ballala was a native of Gonarda, a town
"
*Pt. Oza's Raj. Itihasa p. 176.

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ссіх in Avanti (that is Málava ). His co-conspirators are mentioned in the twentysecond verse.
We have an inscription of this Mahāmandalesvara Yaşodhavala dated 1207 at Abu.
Of the year V. S. 1208-A. D. 1152 we have the famous prasasti - inscription of Vadanagara which we have been utilizing as an important source of Gujarata history. This prasasti consists of thirty verses and a line in prose giving the date and the name of the engraver. The prașasti begins with Om Namah Şivāya. The first verse praises the 'Ichchhāşakti' or 'Will of God'. Verses 2–3 describe the mythical origin of Chālukya dynasty. From 4 to 14, the kings of this dynasty from Mülarāja to Jayasimha are described. Verses 15 to 19 are devoted to Kumārapāla. The wounding of Arnorāja is described in terms similar to those of the D. K.
In verse 15, Kumārapāla is described as making the goddess Chandi intoxicated with the blood of the king Arņorāja who was wounded in chest by his arrows, reside in his arm, and, as satisfying the greed of the goddess for lotuses by hanging a lotus in the form of the head of the lord of Mālava. The same thing is repeated in verse 17.
Verses 20 – 24 describe the Nagara or Vadanagara and verses 25 - 30 describe the building of a fortifying wall round the city. The building-operations of the wall must have begun earlier as it was complete in V. S. 1208.
In verse 30, we learn that the author of this prasasti was the king of poets-Srīpāla who could compose a great work in a day and who was accepted as a brother by Şrī Siddharāja.' This is the same
27

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Kavyanusagana Şrīpāla as wrote the prasasti of the Sahasralinga Lake of Jayasimha. The inscription was engraved by Nāgara Brāhmaṇa Pandita Vālaņa on Thursday the second of the bright half of the month of Asyina of the year V. S. 1208.
This inscription indicates that by V. S. 1208 -A. D. 1152 Kumārapāla was firmly established. In it he is represented as one who got his kingdom through the favour of Someşvara, one whose work of killing the enemies was accomplished by goddesses, and so one whose army was just a thing of play ( v. 18).
Like Așoka, Kumārapūla, after the bloody wars of the early part of his reign, appears to have turned his mind to non-violence towards animals. For, we find, in the D. K. that Hemachandra, after narrating his wars with Anna and Ballala, his marriage with Jalhanā and the safety and security in his kingdom (XX v. 1-2), describes Kumārapāla's efforts in spreading the doctrine of non-violence towards animals. A poor villager on an auspicious day was driving some goats to a slaughter house. Kumāra pāla accosted him and was very inuch affected by what he heard from him (v. 10 - 20). He proclaimed “Amári " or non - killing of animals ( v. 22 - 23). Thenceforth sacrifice of animals for religious purposes was stopped (v. 20). “Out of consideration for Kumārapāla's words sages like Dakshiņa Bhārgava sacrificed barley in their dārgha – satras (or great sacrifices )" (v. 30 ). Hunting was also stopped (31 - 34 ). +
+That this was the result of Hemachandra's teachings, we learn from H's own words in the prașasti of the Tripurusha-- Salākāpurushacharita.

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Introduction
The influence of this promulgation of Amāri was felt even in states subordinate to Kumārapāla. We have an inscription of Mahārāja Alhaņadeva of Kirata or Kiradu in Māravāda dated 1209-A. D. 1153 - Māgha vadi 14 Saturday, granting · Abhaya' that is safety to animals on the $īvarātri and on the eigth, eleventh and the fourteenth days of every half of the month in three cities. Anybody breaking the order of Amāri - or nonkilling - was liable to a fine of five drammas. This proclamation is countersigned by Srī Kalhaņa son of Alhaņa. It was written by the Mahārājaputra Sāndhivigrahika Thakkura Khelāditya. This 'grant of safety' was caused by Pūtiga and Sāliga son of Subhamkara living in Șrī Nadralapura, and of Prāgvāta family. The inscription was inscribed by one Gajaila..
A similar inscription of Şrī Pūnapāksha bearing no date but of the time of Kumārapāla has also been found at Ratanpura in the Jodhapur State, giving the grant of Abhaya and promulgating Amārī at the instance of the same two gentlemen Pūtiga and Sāliga. (Prachina Jaina Lekha Samgrapha pp. 201 - 203 ).
Thus we find that these two inscriptions corroborate the account of the D. K. We learn from the inscription of Ahalaņadeva that Şrī Mahādeva was the prime minister in V. S. 1209-A, D. 1153. +
* Another inscription of V. S. 1209 but of the month of the second Jyeshtha has als been found. An inscription of v. S. 1210-A. D. 1154 has been discovered at Bhātunda in Jodhapur state of the Mahā-prachaņda-danda-Dáyaka Șrī Vaijāka of Nadūla who is mentioned as a vassal of Kumārapāla.
A copper plate-grant of V. S. 1212-A. D. 1156 of Kumārapāla has been recently discovered. It contains the whole geneology

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Kavyanusasana
The D. K. devotes fifty-two verses to describing another great boon that Kumarapala granted to his subjects. It was a recognised custom. The property of a child-less man passed on to the state after his death. We find mention made of the custom in the Sakuntala of Kalidasa in which Dushyanta, himself being child-less, out of sympathy, asks his ministers to make proper inquiry and find out if any one of the wives of the rich man who died child-less, was carrying (Act. VI). The D. K. narrates at great length a pathetic episode of a widow of a rich man whose only son died and who
herself was on the point of committing suicide. Kumarapala who, of a mid-night, heard her wailing, went to her and consoled her and promised her to stop the cruel custom: The Moharāja-parājaya gives a different story referring to the annuling of this custom of appropriating the property of a man who died child-less. It appears that both the stories are probably imaginary, meant to give a poetic effect to this great deed of liberality which was in itself a historical fact. In fact Kumarapala was said to have done that which no other king had done. The story of the D. K. which is interesting from many other points of view, however, is more credible than that of the Moharaja-parājaya. Kumarapala orders his ministers not to take 'mṛta-vitta' that is the property of a dead man
from Mularāja to Kumarapala. It grants one dramma daily for the worship of Sri Lakhanesvaradeva in the Jagati (compound) of Sri Tripurushadeva in Nadula. It has been written by Sri Mahadeva son of Mahakshapaṭalika Sri Lakshmana of Gauḍa Kayastha family. The Dutaka is Mahāsāndhivigrahika Thakkura Sri Delapa. It is signed as 'Sri Kumārapāla devasya.'

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introduction
CCXIII ( 84-2-6) and for this he receives the praises of his grateful people ( 89 ).
The last 12 verses of the twentieth canto of the Samskrta D. K. describe the raising of temples by Kumārapāla. 'When the king was informed by his emissaries that the mansion (temple) of Kedāra was in a delapidated condition he called Khasa a robber etc.' (90). We saw previously that Jayasimha by punishing the roguish kings had made the way to Kedara safe (XV 14 ). It appears that the same trouble again rose in the time of Kumārapăla. *
After abusing Khasa, Kumārpāla blames himself 'for living in a good house and letting the god to live in a broken place.' He calls' his minister Vägbhața and orders him to send artisans, money, labourers and supervisors so that the whole temple may immediately shine like moon and become fragrant.' “For as you are devoted to me, I am devoted to Lord Sambhu" (v. 91–92). Kumārapāla even blames his
* It is not clear which Kedāra is intended in this context. Is it the famous Kedāre vara in the Himalayas or a place of similar name somewhere near Somabātha ? According to the B. G. it was the temple of Kedáre vara in Kumaon' (p. 190 ). But the Khasia Kolis are to be found in Saurashtra also, and it is rather too far for the king of Gujarat to control the Khasas of Kumaon in the Himalayas and repair the temple of Kedára there. Kumārapala asks his minister Vāghbhat to repair the temples cf Somanatha and Kedaresvara simultaneously. This would be possible if both the temples were near each other. I must confess however, that there is nothing impossible in Kumārapāla, repairing the temple of Kedäreşvara ip Himalayas for after he had defeated Anna of Sapädalakshay as we shall see further his power extended as far as the Kumaon mountains.

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Kavyanusasana minister for his negligence in allowing the temple to delapidate ( 63 ).
The minister Vägbhța then reminds the king of Someşvara, and Kumārapāla orders that, that temple be also rebuilt. ( 94 ) The minister, under orders from the king, calls his men and instructs them to build the temples of Kedāra and Someşvara (65). The artisans go there (96) and we are informed that the 'artists built that pair of temples' ( 97 ).
Then we are told that Kumārapāla receiving blessings from Arhatas built a temple with gold and jewels containing an image of Pārsvanátha made of sphatika stone. This temple, according to the commentary, was built in Aṇahillapura (98). Another temple of Pārsvanātha was built in Șrī Devapattana (99).
When these temples were built travellers everywhere were talking like this: Have you, my good friend! heard of the city of Someșvara ? Have you been there? Have you gone, good man! to the wide city of Gurjaras? Have you seen the beautiful temple known as Kumāra-Vihāra ? ( 100 ). +
At the desire of Sambhu to stay in Aşahillapura expressed in a dream, Kumārapāla built a temple to that god known as Kumārapāleşvara (101). The sages bless and praise Kumārapāla and ask him to inaugurate an era after his name as he had freed the earth from debts ( 102 ).
+ सोमेट्पुरी३मकलय३: सुमता३इ आप ३:
साधा३उ गूजेरपुरे अगम: पृथा३उ। तत्र३ अभू३वरकुमारविहारचैत्यदृष्टया३इ दिदिवति तवाजनि पान्थवार्ता ॥ स. २०, श्लो. १००.

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CCXV From an inscription-discovered in the temple of Bhadra Kali at Prabhas Pattana dated Valabhi Samvat 850, month of Ashādha (V. S. 1225 = A. D. 1169 ) which is an eulogy of Bhāva Bịhaspati who was made a ganda or officer - in - charge of Somanātha, we get some useful information about the rebuilding of the temple of Somanātha. The first thing that we are able to infer is that the whole work was over before V. S. 1225-A. D. 1169, five years prior to Kumārapāla's death. Another thing that we learn is that it was at the suggestion of Bhāva Bịhaspati that Kumārapala. ordered the re-building of the temple. It may be that Bháva might have approached the king through Vāgbhata who might have drawn the attention of Kumārapāla upon the necessity of re-building the temple simultaneously with the rebuilding of Kedāreşvara. We may put this event between V. S. 1220-1225A. D. 1164-1169.
The last great political event of Kumārapāla's reign was his war with Mallikārjuna of Konkaņa of Silāhāra dynasty. This event is not narrated in the Samskặta Dvyásraya but it forms the subject-matter of the sixth canto of the Prākrta Dvyāsraya.
The whole of the P. D. K. is devoted to the life of Kumārapāla and is entitled Kumārapālacharita. The preceding five cantos describe the city of Aşahillapura and the daily life of Kumārapāla and also the seasons.
* See the B. G. Vol. I p. 185-186.“Of this Mallikārjuna two stone-inscriptions have been found ope at Chiplun dated A. D. 1156 (Saka 1078) the other at Bassein dated A. D. 1160 (Saka 1082 ). p. 86.

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In the sixth canto, after the description of the moonrise (vs. 1-21) comes the description of the holding of the Royal assembly with Kumārapāla seated on a golden throne (22-39). Sandhivigrahika or the Minister for peace and war reports to the king his success in war with Mallikarjuna of Konkana. The choice army of the lord of Konkana is referred to. His valour, which would make one forget the valour of the famous fiftytwo heroes, is mentioned. The march of Kumarapala's soldiers to Konkana is described. The enemy riding his elephant comes out of his city whose name is given as Thāņa (v. 49) which must be the modern Thana near Bombay. He made his way into the Gurjara army and a terrific fight followed. The enemy's elephant was pierced by the arrows of Gurjaras. So also the rider - the lord of Konkana. "His lotus-like head was cut off by your soldiers" (vs. 41-70).
The Minister of War and Peace continues his narrative thus: "You have earned the royal power of Kunkana consisting of seven departments. Thus enjoying the south, you are joined to the Sri of Srinagara, Tilanga and Kanchi (vs. 71-72 ). *
Then the reports of the exploits of Kumarapala's army in other parts of the country are given (vs. 73-95). Last comes the vijnapti or request of the lord of Jangala. (vs, 96-101) From this we learn that Kumarapala had crushed Turuka, the lord of Dhilli (Delhi) and the king of Kasi (v. 96). The
* पहु, सिरि-नयर - सिरीए जुज्जसि, जुप्पसि तिलङ्गलच्छीए । जुञ्जसि कञ्चि - सिरीए, भुञ्जन्तो दाहिणिं इहि ॥ ( ७२. स. ६.)

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CCXVII
reporting goes on till mid-night when the assembly disperses ( v. 107 ).
The P. C. throws more light on this episode. We learn from it that it was Āmbada (a son of Udayana) who first offered himself to fight Mallikārjuna of Konkaņa. He was made the General of the army and despatched with other Sāmantas or chiefs. Somaprabhasūri, a contemporary, corroborates this information of the P. C. He says Kumāra pala used to win victories even with Vaạija generals of the army like Ambada. *
Āmbada or Āmrabhata marched to Konkaņa whithout any break and came to the banks of the river Kalaviņī which was in high floods. As he was crossing the river and a part of the army was encamping on the other bank, Mallikārjuna attacked the invading army and put it to flight. Ambada returned feeling disgraced; but he was again encourged to fight Mallikārjuna with a new army and other Sāmantas. The same river was crossed by the ford made in the first expedition and when the “unequal” fight began Ambala 'carefully made Mallikărjuna his aim' and approached him. He mounted Mallikārjuna's elephant and threw him down, and when other Sämantas or chiefs were engaged in looting the city he cut off the head of Mallikārjuna and wrapped it in gold and worshipped the ‘feet of the king Kumārapāla with this lotus in the form of the head of the enemy'.
x Byar JhAFFTR Farat An 799:
aforizo stara poèticiaEIGHT: II (p. 471. K. Pra.) 28

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Kavyanusasana The booty that Ambada had won is also described by the P. C. (pp. 80 - 81 ).
We find in the inscription of Tejahpāla dated V. S. 1287-A. D. 1231 previously referred to that when the Paramára king Dhārāvarsha of Abu (V. S. 1220-76) 'marched to the battle-field, the queens of the lord of Konkaņa began to weep' (J. P. J. S. II Part II, p. 79). This means that he must have been one of the chiefs who went to fight as an ally of Kumārapāla against Mallikarjuna of Şilhāra dynasty. From another source, we learn that the Chauhana king Someșvara was also with Kumārapāla's army fighting in Konkana+
The final battle must have been fought before A. D. 1162 which is the earliest known date of Mallikārjuna's successor Aparāditya. *
This success extended the Gurjara empire as far as Kānchi in the south - the original home of Anahillapura Chālukya's, if the copper - plate of Chāmundarāja recently discovered may be interpreted to suggest such a connection. In the north, the king of Delhi - Vişaldeva Vigraharāja Chauhāna - was his vassal. This, we learn from an inscription of this king dated V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164. In the east Mālava and Mevāda were in his possession; and if the Prākrta Dvyāş raya of Hemachandra is to be believed, the sway of Kumārapāla extended as far as Gauda. In the west, his power extended as far as Sindh. If this inference is correct, Kumārapāla in the last years of his reign, at least, must have been almost an AllIndia - Emperor. However that might be, the Gurjara
+ Pt. Oza's Rajputaneka Itihasa. * See B. G. Vol I, pp. 185-186.

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CCXIX Empire was of considerable extent in all directions and it reached its widest extent in Kumārapāla's time. *
According to the Șrīmālapurāņa a Vaişya named Sunanda who was native of Pattanāpura i. e. Anahilvāờapattana requested the Sri to reside in Aşahillapura and so the goddess took leave of Bhīnnamāla and proceeded to Pāțan in V. S. 1203, Vaisakha suda 3-A. D. 1147,
* There is a minor inscription of V. S. 1228-A. D. 1172 discovered at Bhadalai in Mārawada which simply refers to the regining king as “ Srī Kumārapāladeva" without any title whatsoever.
The majority of the inscriptions pertaining to Kumára. pāla's reign discovered up till now are those of his Samantas or vassals. They give us an idea of the extent of his way. Thus we gather from the inscription of V. S. 1202-A. D. 1196 discovered at Mangarol that the king Mūluka of Gohila family ( capable of governing Saurashtra ) was Kumārapāla's vassal; so also from that of V. S. 1205-A. D. 1149 and that of V. S. 1218-A. D. 1162 discovered at Kiradu in the Jodhapur state that some vara of Paramāra family was his vassal, from that of V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151 discovered at Abu that Ya odbavala of Paramara family was his vassal; from a copperplate of V. S. 1218-A. D. 1162 that Kīrtipāla of Chauhana family was also his Sämanta; from the Sivälika inscription of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 that ViSaldeva Vigraharāja of Delhi was bis Sāmanta; from that of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 of Udayapura in Mevāda that Vasantapála of Stharovaka(?) family was his vassal; from that of V. S. 1223-A. D. 1164 discovered at Abu and from that of V. S. 1223-A. D. 1167, we learn that Dhārāvarsha of Parmara family and Kelhandeva of Chauhana family were also his vassals. Some of these vassal-chiefs were related to Kumārapāla through marriage, as for example, Anda of Sapadālaksha or Someşvara the father of the famous Prthviraja Chauhana.

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This might be interpreted to mean that the glory of the Gurjaras reached its Zenith in Aşahillapura in the : reign of Kumārapāla and that many influencial and rich families must have finally left Bhinnamāla for Patan. (Adhyaya 75.)
We have some reliable information about the principal political personages of Kumāra pala's reign. The P.C. tells us that after Kumārapala occupied the throne, he made Aliga and Udayana, the elder statesmen of Jayasimha's reign - who must have become very old by this time, his principal advisors (Jyāyān Pradhana ), and that Șrī Vágbhața popularly known as Bāhada, a son of Udayana, his great minister ( Mahāmātya ). The D. K. also, as we saw, mentions Vägbhata as Kumārapāla's minister who was entrusted with the work of building temples of Kedāresvara and Someșvara. From the accounts of the Prabandhas also, it appears that this Vāgbhata was a person of great influence and power in the reign of Kumărapăla.
Udayaņā who was popularly known as Minister Udā was one of the remarkable men of the age. He was intimately connected with the life of Hemachandra. Short accounts of his life are given in the P. P. S. and the P. C. He is also mentioned in the Pra. Cha. as well as in the Prabandhakosa and the V. T. K. The account in the P-ms of the P. P.S. is more complete than those of others.
According to it Udayaņa belonged to the Srīmāla community and was originally an inhabitant of a village named Vāghara near Jāvālipura (or Jalore) in Māravada. His geneology is as follows : Sreshthi Bohittha - Aşve$vara - Yakshanāga - Viradeva - Udayana. His wife's

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name was Suhādevi who was a daughter of Thakkura Sāmba of Dhavalakakka (modern Dholka). He was doing business in ghee. He appears to have been an intrepid fellow from the early part of his life as he used to go out for his business even at mid-night with his bow and quiver of arrows. Once while going about like this he got a good omen and went with his wife and two sons Bāhada and Chāhada to Aşāpalli which was then recently renamed Karņavati.
Arriving there Udayaņa first went to worship in a Jaina temple, which according to the P. C. was known as Vāyațiya - jinäyatana ( Jaina temple of Vāyatas or Vāyaṇās ). As he was coming out of the temple, he met the wife of Sālāpati Tihuņasīha (that is Sālavi or Master-weaver Tribhuvanasimha ) who with her servants was going into the temple. The P. C. gives her name as Lachhī (Lakshmi) a Srāvikā of the Chhimpikā community.
Udayana was taken by her to her house where he was treated as a guest by her husband. Tihuņasīha asked him whether he would stay in his house or independently. Udā resquested that he would like to live independently and was given a small piece of land by Tihuņasīha near his house.
As he was erecting the door, he discovered a hidden treasure. King Karņa, who was at that time in his new city, called Tihuņasīha and asked him to hand over the newly discovered wealth. Tihuņasīha answered:
Your Majesty! a certain Māruka ( Māravādi ) has come to me. In his house something is discovered. I
That is Chhipā community-the same as Salavi communitywhose hereditary profession was weaving, colouring and printing of cloth. The P. C. 56.

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Kavyañusasan' do not know what it is.” Udā was sent for; but when Karna saw that Udā was a lucky man he was given the seal of ministership and the title of Rānimā.
This is how the early rise of Udayana is described by the P.P. S. and also by the P. C. with a few variations ( The P. P. S. p. 32., The P. C. p. 56).
The P. P. S. in the beginning of its account tells us that Udayana was made the Governor of Lāta and given ministerial seals by the king. The name of the king is not mentioned. He must have been given that post by either Karņa or more probably by Siddharāja Jayasimha.
When Udayana was staying at Khambhāta (Cambay) probably as a governor of Lata - Province he performed the Diksha - festival of Hemachandra. We have referred to the incident of his meeting Kumārapāla at Cambay when the latter was running about for his life. We have also mentioned, on the authority of the Pra. Cha, his fight against Khengāra of Junagadha. According to the P. P. S. it was Udayana who slayed Khengāra (p. 34).
We saw that Udayana was appointed as an elderly counsellor with Aliga, while his son Vāgbhata was made the Prime Minister ( The P. C. p. 79).
His wife Suhadevi died when Udayana was considerably old. A typical incident is narrated by the P. P. S. with reference to Udayana's re-marriage at the age of seventy. Vāgbhata saw that his father was feeling unhappy. So he thought of remarrying him. He found out a grown up girl ( lit. an old daughter
gar) who was a daughter of a merchant in Vāyadapura. Under the pretext of a pilgrimage Udayana

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was taken there. A dinner party was arranged, but the Sangha (community) refused to sit to dinner as it was pre-arranged by Vāgbhata. Udayana asked the reason thereof and he was told unless he obeyed the word of the community which was that he should remarry - they would not sit to dinc.
Udayana said "I am seventy years old. This is not the time to marry. Untimely doings do not look well." Vāgabhata interposed “The authority of the community is very powerful. ” Udayana said “Who will give his daughter ?” – meaning of course to an old man like himself. The whole thing, was, however pre-arranged and Udayana was married to the daughter of a merchant of Váyadāpura. She was the mother of Rāyaviddara Ambada or Amrabhata the killer of kings. This Amrabhata is the same as is referred to by Somaprabhasūri-a contemporary of Kumārapāla - as the Vanija General of Kumārapāla's army and who, according to the P. C., slayed Mallikārjuna of Konkana.
According to the P. P. S. Udayana was mortally wounded in his fight against Sāngana Dodiāka at Melagapura after Udayana had defeated and killed Khengāra (p. 32 & p. 34 * ). The last two desires of this dying general were to rebuild two temples - one on the Satrunjaya Hill and the other at Broach known as Şakunikāvihāra. The first desire was fulfilled by Āmbada or Amrabhata. The final ceremony of flaghoisting on the temple at Satrunjaya took place,
This account supplements the account of the Pra. cha. p. 322. The P. C. gives the name as Saynsara of Suráshtra p. 86.

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according to the P. C. in V, S. 1211-A. D. 1155, at the hands of Vāgbhata (p. 87).
From the Kiradu inscription of V. S. 1209-A. D. 1153, we learn that Sri Mahādeva was the prime minister at Anahillapura at that time. This Mahādeva must be the same as was appointed the Governor of Mālava by Jayasimha. It is likely that Ujjayini and Dhárā must have been in his charge when Ballála of Gonarda rose in rebellion, and that after Ballāla was slain in battle, General Kakka might have been appointed the Governor of Mālava. Mahadeva, on retiring from Mālava, must have been given the position of prime minister which was occupied by his father Dădāka. We do not know how Kakka and Mahādeva were related. We know from Hemachandra that Kakka was a Brāhmaṇa. Probably he was a Nāgara of Vadanagara. Mahādeva, we know, definitely, was a Nāgara of Vadanagara. It was customary to give the position of a father to his son in those days. In all likelihood, Kakka was a son of Mahādeva. But this is only a guess.
From the inscription of V. S. 1220-A. D. 1164 we learn that at that time Jaşodhavala or Yaşodhavala was the prime-minister at Anahillapura. From the inscription of V. S.-1225 A. D. 1169, it appears that Yaşodhavala or Dhavala was probably a Brāhmana of Anandapura, that is a Nāgara of Vadanagara. There he is referred to. in the past tense, so it appears either he had ceased to occupy that position or that he was not alive at the time. The wife of this minister built two temples, probably near Junāgadha.
- We may; here; mention Kapardin the treasurer of Kumārapāla. According to the P. C., it was at his

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CCXXV suggestion that Kumārapāla, even at the age of fifty learnt Samskrta grammar and three poems and thus earned the title of Vichāra-Chaturmukha (p. 89). Kapardin himself, it appears, was a learned man and a friend of Hemachandra (p. 90). When Vāgbhata was attending to the building of the temple at Satrunjaya near which he founded a town named after him Bāhadapura, he gave the charge of his post to this Kapardin. (p. 87). Kapardin was one of those persons who accompanied Kumārapāla in his pilgrimage to Şatrunjaya. He is called Bhāņdāgārika Kapardin by the P. P. S. (p. 43).
In the Prabandhakosa of Rājasekhara this Bhāndāgārika Kapardin is also called a leader amongst poets and donors (atai arani agzif 7517f: 994 Il p. 48).
Kapardin was given the post of prime-ministership by Ajayapāla-the successor of Kumārapāla. Even though warned by a Māruka who knew the significance of omens, he accepted the post. He was later on arrested and killed by Ajayapāla in his palace. (The P. C. p. 96).
About Kumārapāla's generals of the army, we have also some information. The D. K., as we have seen, mentions the Gurjara - Brahma - Senānī - whom the commentator Abhayatilakagni identifies with Kakka. He crushed the rebellion of Ballála.
From the Chitodagadha inscription of V. S. 1207– A. D. 1151, we infer that the “Dandanāyaka Sajjana" was with Kumarapāla in his expedition against Anāka, and we learn that he was one of those few people who accompanied the king to Chitodagadha leaving the rest of the army in the village of Şālipura. This Sajjana is probably the same as was appointed the governor
29

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of Saurashtra by Jayasimha and as built the temple on Girnara. If he is the same person he must have been very old at the time of Kumārapāla's expedition; because, as we saw on the authority of the V. T. K., he completed the temple on the Girnar mountain in V. S. 1185-A. D. 1129 (p. 9). This Sajjana of the Srīmála community belonged to the family of Jāmba who was a Mahāmātya of Vanarāja. According to the P. P. S. he had two niore brothers named Āmba and Dhavala. +
From the inscriptions of V.S. 1210-A.D. 1154, and V. S. 1213-A. D. 1157 we learn that Şrī Vaijāka or Vaijalladeva was the Mahāprachanda Dandanāyaka (that is the great terrible general) of Kumārapāla. In the reign of Ajayapāla, we learn from a copper-plate of V. S. 1231-A. D. 1175 that he was a governor of Narmada-Tata that is of Lāța Deşa.
From the P. C., we learn that Ambada – son of Udayana and according to the P. P. S. a step - brother of Vāgbhata (p. 32 ) was also one of the generals of Kumārapāla. He was, as we saw, responsible for the conquest of Konkaņa and slaying of Mallikarjuna.
+In addition to this Sajjana the General of Jayasimha and Kumārapāla, prabandhas mention three more Sajjanas. One is Sajjada Sākariyāka of Jayasimha's time. (P. P. S. p. 36). Another is Sajjana the potter who saved the life of Kumārapála by hiding him in a kothi. He was rewarded with Chitrākūta when Kumarapāla became king. The Dandanayaka Sajjana of Kumārapāla who accompanied him to Chītod is identified by some with this potter Sajjana (P. P. S. p. 38) There is another Sajjana of the time of Bhima II who was also a general and an orthodox Jaina of the Srimála community (P. P. S. p. 49 ).

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CCXXVII The P. P. S. quotes an apabhramşa dohá composed and recited on the occasion by a Chāraṇa * which definitely makes Ambada responsible for killing Mallikārjuna. According to the Pịthvirājavijaya of Jayānaka, however, it was Someşvara, the father of Pșthvirāja Chauhāna who killed Mallikārjuna.
We may here mention the names of his ministers who belonged to the family of Vimala.
The apabhramsa prasasti of the Nemināthachariu continues its narrative up to the reign of Kumārapāla. We learnt from it that Dhavala – the son of Neaha was a minister of Karņa; he continued to occupy that position in the reign of Jayasimha also. Through the boon of the goddess Dhanuhāvi, ( that is - his family deity - Vindhyavāsinī who, as we saw, was given that narne because she resided in the bow of his ancestor Lahara- ) he built a temple known as Revantaprāsāda.
This Dhavala had a son named Ananda. Ananda's wife Paumāvai or Padmăvatī by name was very religious. He also occupied the position of his father in the reigns of Siddharāja and Kumārapāla. He had a son named Puhaipāla or Pythvipāla who also occupied ministerial posts. Pţthvipāla built the beautiful mandapa in the temple at Abu built by his ancestor Vimala. He built several other temples. It was in his temple at Anahillapura that Haribhadrasūri completed his Nemināthachariu.
Thus this prasasti gives us the history of an illustrious family of the Prāgvātas who played such
* zja [] afts Afesta ga 131
पाडी माथउं वाढिउं उअडिहिं देविणु पाउ ॥ .

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Kavyanusasana an important part in the history of Gujarat, from the time of Vanarāja to Kumāra pāla.
In this connection, the name of Vasāha Abhada may be mentioned. He was not directly connected with the state in any way. He must have, however, been a very influential person of the times, as we shall see anon he was one of those who was consulted by Kumārapāla about the succession to the throne after him. From a very poor condition he rose to be one of the richest men of Anahillapura. He maintained his high position throughout the reigns of Kumāra pāla, Ajayapāla and Bhima II.
We learn from the P. P. S. that of the sons of Ābhada two were Māheśvarins, that is, worshippers of Mahesvara or Şiva and three were Srāvakas, that is Jainas. (p. 33).
According to the Prabandharatnakosa of Rajasekharasūri he had a daughter named Champalade , who had become a widow early in life, and who used to manage his household affairs being very learned and tactful (p. 100). It was this Abhada who saved the temple of Tārangā from being destroyed by the orders of Ajayapāla.
Now we come to the Purohitas of Siddharāja and Kumārapāla. We saw that Amaşarman was the Purohita of Karna. It was through his miraculous powers that the evil effect of the magic of the Purohita of the king of Mālava was warded off. The Surathotsava informs us that it was through his blessings that Siddharāja could conquer the king of Sindhu, the king of Málava and the king of Sapādalaksha. Kumāra performed many sacrifices and built many lakes.

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CCXXIX This Kumāra had a son named Sarvadeva. He was proficient in the Smộti of Manu. He was a devotee of Vishņu. We are not informed whether he was Jayasimha's Purohita after the death of Sarvadeva. Probably he was.
Sarvadeva had a son named Amiga. He was the Purohita of Kumārapāla. Whether he was the same as is described to be an opponent of Hemachandra by the P. C., we do not know. It was he who carried the ashes of the body of the king Kumāra pāla to Prayāga,
Kumārapāla had no direct male heir to succeed him. As usual, the rival claimants to the throne must have made the crowned head very uneasy. We learn from the Prabandhakosa just referred to, that once when Kumāra pāla and Hemachandra had grown old, a consultation was held at night between Kumārapāla, Hemachandra and Abhada-probably in the residence of Hemachandra-as to who should succeed the king. “The king asks, 'Your worship! I have no son, whom should I put on the throne ?' His Holiness answered 'Make Pratāpamalla-son of your daughterking. He will maintain Dharma. Ajayapāla will undo the Dharma you have established.' Here Abhada intervenes 'Your worship! Whatever sort,-one of the family only proves useful!' Again Sri Hema said 'Under no circumstances make Ajayapāla king.' After this consultation the three rose to go." (P. K. p. 98).
We learn from the same authority that there was a feud in the group of disciple-monks of Hemachandra. On one side were Ramachandra, Guņachandra and others; on the other side was Bālachandra. This Balachandra was a friend of Ajaypāla - the nephew of the king. He

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Kayyanusasana overheard the consultation about the succession to the throne and informed Ajayapāla of it. This made Ajayapāla a sworn enemy of Ramachandra and his party, but a friend of Abhada, who, as we saw, later on used his influence in saving the Jaina shrine at Tarangā. - According to the same authority, Kumārapāla died of poison administered by Ajayapāla thirty-two days after the death of Hemachandra. This event must have taken place in V. S. 1230. according to the year beginning with Kārtika or Chaitra but V. S. 1229 according to the one beginning with Ashādha. In the Udayapura inscription dated V. S. 1229, Vaiskakha Sudi 3 Monday, we find Ajayapāla mentioned as the reigning sovereign. This means that Kumārapāla must have died, according to the Kārtikādi year, in the early part of the year V. S. 1230-A. D. 1174. This correctly removes the discrepancy between the P. C. and the Udayapura inscription.
Thus we see that the seeds of the disruption of Gujarat power were already sown in the last days of Kumārapāla's life. The disintegration of the Gujarat empire soon followed. For a time like the dying flicker of a lamp, the glory of Gujarat shone bright again in the time of Vīradhavala Vaghelā and his great ministers Vastupāla and Tejapāla, to be extinguished for ever in the reign of Karna II. Gujarat continued to flourish and grow rich and build temples even after this, but its political self-respect was gone! The causes of this disintegration and downfall must have been many and various, but they must not be sought in the differences of the religious creeds of the people.

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ссxxxt
In fact, the harmony, no doubt with human lapses here and there, between different creeds was phenomenal, so much so as to appear incredible to one who is only familiar with the history of Christianity and Islam ! The main cause of the disruption seems to be that the kings believed and their ministers and religious priests encouraged them to believe that the state was the personal property of the king and that it was treated as such. Add to this a certain lack of political selfrespect which allowed the people to live and multiply and prosper rather than die and become annihilated if not allowed to live as free men. This, howerver, was only one, though in my opinion, the primary cause; there being many other contributary causes.
16 What was the city of Anahillapurapātaka like, this Gurjaradeşarājadhāni-capital of Gurjaradeşa-of which its people – poets, kings and even retired monks-were so proud ? Vāgbhața-poet and critic and a contemporary of Jayasimha - called it one of the three jewels of the world-the other two being the king Jayasimha Siddharāja himself and his elephant Srī Kalaşa. (See f.n. p. CXCVI). In the time of J. it had become a point of honour-to be settled either by martial or literary passage of arms-to maintain three kings : that Gujarat was like Bșhaspati - the teacher of gods - in the matter of discrimination, that Pattana - (literally city) that is Aşahillapura was a veritable ocean of men and that the king was the emperor of Siddhas. *.
* गूर्जरत्राया विवेकबृहस्पतित्वं नृपस्य सिद्धचक्रित्वं पत्तनस्य य नरसमुद्रत्वARET ( 8H17:) faqca pp. 28-29 P. P. S.

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So here I may pause for a while to put before the student some of the material which will help his historical imagination draw, at least in outline, the picture of this city from which, so to say, radiated the glory of the Gurjara Empire.
We are fortunate in possessing some very good contemporary descriptions of the city. The student will find that the two descriptions of Aşahillapura from the pen of Hemachandra himself in his two Dvyásrayas -Samskīta and Prākşta-are, in spite of poetic egaggerations and embellishments, sufficiently realistic to guide his historical imagination. The Prākrta description in the Ku. Pra. of Somaprabha - a junior contemporary of Kumāra pāla is also interesting. The inscription of the General Kesava of Dadhipadra District gives in one verse a characteristic description of Aşahillapura. Of later descriptions the one in the Kīrttikaumudi of Someşvara - the friend of Vastupāla-is very fine and gives us an idea of the city as it must have impressed the poet in the last days of its glory.
As to the history of the place, up till now it was held by scholars that it began with the founding of Aşahillapura by Vanarāja in V. S. 802 - A. D. 746. But the V. T. K. of Jinaprabha edited and published by Muni Jinavijaya gives a tradition which enables us to trace its history three - hundred years prior to Vanarāja. From it, + it becomes clear that
+ Jipaprabhasūri in the twenty-sixth Kalpa of his V.T.K. while narrating an early tradition about the building of the temple of Arishtanemi in Anahillapura incidentally gives some interesting details about the earlier history of the place before the time of Vanarāja. He also enumerates the names of the kings who ruled in the city from Vaparāja to Allauadīna

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CCXXXIII the temple of Arishtanemi, the history of which he is narrating, existed in the time of Jinaprabhaşūri and that a festival in memory of the flag-hoisting day was held on the fullmoon day of every Mārgasīrsha. According to the tradition learnt by Jinaprabhasūri the fag-hoisting ceremony first took place in the year Khilji. The tradition, that he narrates, he learnt, as he himself says, from the mouth of antiquarians' (hea
garagi ai ). I translate it below as it appears to contain some historical facts.
“Formerly there was a very rich merchant named Jakkha in the city of Siri Kaņņa-ujja (Kanouj). He, once upon a time, with a caravan of bullocks, taking merchandize with him, in order to trade, started for Gujjaradesa which was a part of Kannaujja* and given as dowry to Mahanigă-the daughter of the lord of Kannauajja. In due course he encamped in Lakkhåráma on the bank of the river Sarassaī ( Sarasvatī). Indeed it was formerly the place where Anahillavādaya was founded. Encamping his caravan, as the merchant was residing (lit sitting ) there, monsoon approached. The clouds began to pour down. Once upon a time in the month of Bhaddvāya (Bbădra pada ) that caravan of bullocks suddenly disappeared. Nobody knew where it had gone; a search was made but in vain. Then in a dream came Bhagavai Ambādevī to him whose heart was aching with anxiety on account of this almost total loss of property. She spoke "Dear boy! are you asleep or awake?” Jakkha said "Oh Mother ! how is sleep possible to me whose caravan of bullocks-whole property-is lost?” The goddess spoke" Good man ! In this Lakkhārama there is a triad of idols uuder a tree of Ambiliyā. Get three men to excavate it. One idol is that of Siri Aritthaņemi, another that of Siri Pāsanāha and the third that of Ambiyādevī." Jakkha asked “ Bhagavai ! There are many Ambiliya trees; how am I to recognise that particular region ?” The goddess answered
For the explanation of this apachronism of the tradition see p. CVIII.
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Kavganusasana V. S. 502 = A. D. 446. At that time the place was known as Lakkhārāına. Jinaprabha is not clear on the point whether this ceremony took place in the lifetime of Jakkha the original builder of the temple. From the fact that it is the people who request Jaşobhadda “ Where you see a circle of red metallic ochre (1343) and a collection of flowers, know that as the place of the triad of idols. When that triad of idols will be discovered and worshipped, your bullocks will return of their own accord.
"In the morning after getting up and first performing (his usual) worship, he did according (to the behests of the goddess) and the three idols were discovered. They were worshipped with proper ceremony. Within a moment the bullocks returned in an unimaginable way. The merchant was pleased. In due course he raised a temple, (lit a palace) and the idols were installed.
"Once upon a time when the monsoon was over Siri Jasobhadda Sūri-the ornament of Bambhāņa gaccha wbile going to the city of Khambhāitta (Cambay) from Aggahāragama which was adorned with 1800 pattasaliyagharas (residences for Jaina monks) happened to pass by that place. The people requested "Your holiness ! you cannot go further transgressing this holy place.” Then the Sūri bowed to the idols, and performed the flag-hoisting ceremony with festivities on the fullmoon day of Maggasira (S. Margaşīrsha). Even today every year the flag-hoisting ceremony is performed on the same day. That flag-hoisting festival took place when fivehundred and two years (502) had elapsed after Vikkamăiccha (S. Vikramăditya).
“Then in the Vikrama year eight-hundred and two (802) the king Vaņarāya the pearl of Cháukkada family (a ) founded Pattana on the site of Lakkharama in the region approved by Aņahilla Govāla. (uratarsakelaag aga)." V. T. K. p. 51.
After this the author gives the geneologies of the king who ruled over Pâtaņa up to Allaudīn. "There were there seven kings. of Cháukkada dynasty viz. Vaņarāya, Jogarāya, Khemarāya, Bhuada, Vayarasīha, Rayanāiccha, and Sāmantasīha.

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CCXXXV and not Jakkha we might infer that at the time Jakkha was not living. But it can be argued against this view that usually it is thc samgha that invites the Achāryas. Any how if the ceremony took place after the life-time of Jakkha we will have to put the building of the temple earlier, how much earlier we have no means to guess.
However that might be, we have here a tradition informing us of the existence of a human habitation known as Lakkhārāma-probably a town of mercantile importance, full threehundred years before the founding of the city which took place, according to this account as also that of the P. C., in the year V. S. 802-A. D. 746.
Whether the story of Jakkha the merchant of Kānyakubja is historical or not, the existence of Lakkhārāma prior to the founding of Aşahillapāțaka along its site as also the existence of the temple of Arishțanemi in Lakkhārāma seem to be historical. If we study the history of the capital cities of India, we will discover, in many cases, that they are not founded in altogether wild places. The places where the capital cities were founded, had, generally speaking prior to Then in the very same city there were eleven kings of Chālukka dynasty viz. Mülarāya, Chāmundarāya, Vallabharāya, Dullaharāya, Bhītnadeva, Kanna, Jayasīmhadeva, Kumārapāladeva, Ajayadeva, Bala-Mülaráya and Bhīmadeva. Then in the family of Väghelās were born the kings Lūņappasáya, Vīradhavala, Vīsaladeva, Ajjupadeva, Sárangadeva, and Kannadeva. After that the rule of Surattāras Allāvadiņa etc. prevailed in Gujjaradbaritti. That lord Aritthaņems whose door-keeper is the goddess Kohandī is even to day worshipped in the same way." p. 51.

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their being capitals, some importance-either mercantile or military. We may quote the instance of Ahmedabad or we may refer to the earlier history of Pātaliputra. So in the case of Aşahillapura, this tradition about the existence of Lakkhārāma points to the same thing. +
The inscription of the Vāhinīpati Keşava who was made a Danda - nāyaka at Dadhipadra or Dohada of V. S. 1196 - A. D. 1140 contains the earliest dated description of Aşahillapāțaka as far as I have been able to discover. It is as follows:
'अणहिल्लपाटकनगरं सुरमन्दिररुद्धतरणिहयमार्गम् ।
यस्यास्ति राजधानी राज्ञोऽयोध्येव रामस्य ॥ ३ ॥ The city of Anahillapātaka in which the path-way of the horses of the sun is obstructed by the temples of gods is the capital of the king just as Ayodhya was the capital of Rāma.' This description of the city, though short, is, quite characteristic of the place. In the V. S. 1196 - A. D. 1140 in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharāja Anahilla pāțaka must have been veritably a city of temples. We have referred, on the authority of the P. C. at their proper places, to the monuments built here by several kings. These temples of gods, as we can gather from the Kumāravihāraşataka of Rămachandra a pupil of Heniachandra were not only places of devotion, but of artistic culture also.
The lay-out of this city of temples, was, probably, in the shape of a Swastika - as it appears from
+This pame Lakkhārāma whose Samskļta form would be Lakshårāma has a Buddbist ring about it. Buddhism must have been flourishing in the early part of the fifth century A. D. or even earlier in Gujarat. The description of Yuang Chang indicates that Buddhism in Molapo or Gujarat was not a new thing in his time, but something that was coming down from ages.

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the very first verse + of its description by Hemachandra. It was sui rounded by a fortifying wall which, as we learnt from the P. C., was first built by Bhūyada: This sala, vapra or kotta (all synonyms for city-wall) seems to have impressed the imagination of the poets very much; for as one approached the city the innumerable sikharas or domes of the temples and this wall with its turrets and gopuras must have caught the eye first and tickled the imagination. Hemachandra, in his Prákrta Dvyāşraya, while describing the city, describes first the prākāra ( the city - wall ) as the looking-glass of the heavenly damsels referring to its high towers of sphatika - stone. *
In the Samskrta Dvyásraya he describes the citywall thus : 'Here everywhere shines the Şāla (citywall ), like the Lord of serpents (Seshanāga - the cosmic serpant white in colour), in height like the Lord of mountains ( Meru ), looking down upon the enemies, with its white heads bearing banners that lick the heavens' ( C. I. V. 127 ). Somaprabha, in the Ku. Pra., also, first describes the city-wall and compares it to a pearl-necklace. (p. 3).
Someşvara, in his K. K., also gives a similar simile and imagines it to be a hedge of good deeds to guard the city against Kali (C. I. v. 49 ). *
+ अस्ति स्वस्तिकवद् भूमेर्धर्मागारं नयास्पदम् ।। ____पुरं श्रिया सदाश्लिष्टं नाम्नाणहिलपाटकम् ॥ स. १. 'लो. ४. * तिअसवईहरवहुमुहआदरिसीहूयफलिहसिलसिहरो।
जस्सिं पुहइवहुमुहअवयंसो सहइ पायारो ॥ स. १. लो. ३. * See also Hemachandra's T.S. P. C. Parvan 10, canto XII, vv. 39 etc., the Vasantavilāsa of Balachandra (p. 9 v. 40-44 ) and Hamira-mada-mardana of Jayasimhasūri p. 47 v, 23.

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As we saw while referring to the Sahasralinga Lake, surrounding Aşahillapura were great forests which lent a sylvan magnificence to the approaches of the city. Someșvara describes the surrounding thus "Where near by is a circle of forests full of innumerable trees which looks like the shadow of the high city-wall.”+
There was also a moat round the city-wall which is compared to Sea protecting his daughter Lakshmi in the city.
Aonther attractive feature of the city must have been the holy river Sarasvatī. It appears that the river Sarasvatī must not have been so dry then as it is now near Aşahillapura. * This virgin river lent a sacred charm to the surroundings of the city. There is a whole Purāņa called Sarasvati Purāņa dedicated to this river which is very useful for the history of Anahillapura. * The Sahasralinga Lake had its watersupply from this river whose waters, through channels, were first gathered and controlled in a well known as Rudra – kūpa (S. P. C. 16. vs 1 - 2.). Hemachandra describes it thus:
+ अनेकानाकहच्छन्ना प्रत्यासन्ना वनावलिः ।
यत्रोन्नतस्य वप्रस्यऽछायेव प्रतिभासते ॥ स. १. ळो. ५०.
* Hemachandra, no doubt, exaggerates when he says that the waters of the river were fordable by boats (F1ZFSI), but it appears that the description might hold good for monsoon and even winter. A study of the physical features of rivers of Gujarata indicates that there has been a progressive scarcity of water in them. Descriptions of Sābaramati, given by foreign travellers, also, suggest such an increasing scarcity of water in that river also.
* In the opinion of Mr. Kanaiyalal B. Dave who has carefully studied this Purāņa it was written in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharāja.

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"Here is the Brahmī river purifying Heaven and Earth, cutting off all sins and bearing the marine fire; the story of whose account is worth listening to, and whose waters are sweet to cattle and fordable by boats." People going by bullocks and people going by boats do not care for their bullocks and boats being engrossed in the sweet songs of women guarding the rice fields (in the river) songs worth hearing! "In the fortnight sacred to the manes (in the Şarad-Autmn ) the ladies standing, look, from the gavaksha, (the windows, naturally, of the mansions on the bank of the river) at the land covered with grass pleasing to cattle and at the river (Sarasvati) pleasing to the gavāksha" (C. I. vs. 23-25).
66
Hemachandra gives the following picture of the out-skirts of the city. Its out-skirts (afja:) are resorted to by coy-boys and camel- boys, having shoulders as muscular as those of bulls, standing on the backs of the animals - outskirts covered with vegetation palatable to cows and camels." (v. 26).
But the glory of Aṇahillapura was its Royal Lake. We have already referred to it (p. p. CLXXXIXCLPC) and we cannot go into its detailed description here. Poets of successive generations have sung of its beauty and magnificence. Suffice it to say that it was a monument which brought forth and revealed the best that was in the princes and the people of Gurjaradeṣa; that it was a place of worship, learning, and out-door recreation for the rich as well as the poor; that it afforded an opportunity to the best engineering skill in the construction of the lake, the Rudra - kūpa, and the feeding channels and to the best artistic talents of the
J
46

ار

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architects and the sculptors; that, in short, it was a proper symbol of the munificence and the love of magnificence of Gurjaratrā !
To the temples as a characteristic feature of the city, we have already referred. The mansions of the city are also described by Hemachandra and a typical residence of a rich man is described by Yasahpāla in his Moharājaparājaya (Act III pp. 53-58). In the S: D. K. Hemachandra describes the gardens and the beauties who visited them thus: “Here in gardens lovely with all seasonal flowers shine damsels whose eyebrows are curved like the letter ", etc. (v. 11 ). The third canto of the P. D. K. is devoted to the description of Kumārapāla's garden.
The great extent of the city, H. describes figuratively thus : “Oh people! the knee of Mārutī (Hanuman ) which did not ache while wandering in Lankā would ache if he desired to go from end to end here! (v. 32). +
About the learned men of the city we shall speak in the next section. Here we may refer to the general literary culture of its men and women. We have already referred to the colleges built around Sahasra. linga. Hemachandra tells us 'A tongue – tied student
+In the Moharājaparājaya, Kubera describes Anahillapura from his aerial car to his wife Pätálachandrika. The first thing that attracts his attention is the row of flags on the temple known as Kumāravibára. Next he points to the river Sarasvatī and then to the Lake of Sri Siddharāja. Bakasthala and the pillar of victory are mentioned; the matchless palace of the king and the row of mansions in the market.place are admired. He concludes by saying 'In this glorious city what is not worth seeing ?” p. 67. See also the Vasantavilăsa canto II.

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CCXLI studying in the Vidyāmatha of this city would become a fine orator!'* 'A man who does not know how to utter a syllable would, here, in a moment, become learned in the six schools of philosophy' (v. 39). Speaking about the Brahmins of the city, H. says 'They used to perform their six karmans, were of pure speech, and famous in all directions for their mastery of various departments of learning' (v. 108 ). In verse 122 he describes how teaching was done. Hemachandra does not forget to mention the sweet speech, the beautiful voice, and the proficiency in fine arts of the women of Anahillapura (v.v. 35, 106, 111, etc.).
The happy family life of the citizens ( v.v. 104, 132 etc.), their liberality in giving gifts (114 etc.), their hospitality (v. 63 etc.), their bravery and adventurous spirit (v.v. 17, 54, 113 etc.) and the beauty of their women are also described by Hemachandra.
Coming to the religious life of the people, we find that all sects found place in Aşahillapura and all the schools of philosophy were studied in the city. H. says it was a city which 'gave place to ninetysix sects and in it all the așramas lived joyfully; (that is people in Brahmacharyasrama, Grhasthao, Vánprasthao and Samnyásao lived happily in the city )'.+ The city
* The commentator explains the word Vidyāmatha thus: 'A type of residence, equipped with materials of feeding, clothing etc. for teachers and students made by kings.' This shows that the State not only supplied schools but boarding houses for students and teachers. That again indicates how education was endowed by the State in Gujarat. C. I v. 7.
+ Somaprabha says there was no envy between the different Dharmikas-sectarians जस्सि समच्छरमणा जलासया न उण UFFHARPET p. 4.
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had representatives of Karmakanda as well as Brahmavadins (v. 82 etc.). The six gods - Brahmă, Vishņu, Şiva, Sūrya, Soma and Kārtikeya were established in the city by its kings (v. 46), that is there were royal temples dedicated to these gods in Anahillapura. The sound of conches in the city's temples is said to over-power Kali ( 88 ). We are also told how a Jaina sees in Ārhaţa, Şiva, Vishnu and Brahmă (v. 79 ); and how the sixteenth Tīrthankara Sánti is remembered by his devotees (v. 129 ).
Though, thus, almost all the religious sects were represented in Aşahillapura, Şaivism, Jainism, and to à certain extent Vaishnavism seem to have occupied the place of honour.
The morality of the people as revealed by the synthesis of different Purushārthas-Human Purposes-is described in several verses (8, 20, 21, 45, 92, 130, 133 etc). In fact, H. in the very first verse of the description of the city calls Aşahillapāțaka-' An Abode of Dharma' (FATIT ).
To Hemachandra, people of Aṇahillapura appeared "First in bravery, first in şāstra ( science, learning), first in self - control, first in meditation, first in truth, first in six schools of philosophy, and first in six angas of Vedas'. *
17
When describing the reign of the Bhima I, we had occasion to refer to the intellectual life of Anahillapura
X SIE staigalt i ste si F SAIK haragi
प्राङ्ग सत्ये प्राण षड्दर्शन्यां प्राङ्ग षडङ्गथामितो जनः ॥ सः ९६५ ॥

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pattana. We saw how the keen rivalry between Gujarat and Mālava, and their rulers Bhīma and the famous literary king Bhoja was not only political but keenly intellectual also. We also saw how the poets and dialecticians from different parts of India used to visit this capital of Gurajara-desa where their literary and dialectical talents were put to test.
Tarka, Sāhitya and Lakshaņa - Logic and the Art of Dialectics, Literature and Poetics, Grammar and the Philosophy of Language-were the subjects affected by the cultured citizens of Anahillapura and proficiency in these subjects was a pass-port to the royal courts and the assemblies of the learned. The chaityas and the · Mathas of different sects, in fact, were the academies and the colleges where these subjects were discussed and taught. We referred to the great dialectician Şantisūri who had thirtytwo students studying under him Pramanaşāstra which included the Buddhist logic whose categories were difficult to grasp. ' * This atmosphere of learning, of public debates, and of literary criticism as also of literary compositions was a significant feature of the times which became more and more marked with the spread of political power of Aşahilla pura. We saw that when Jayasimha built his famous lake, he also built Mathas - something like residential colleges -
* From the following passage of the M. K. C. we learn that the works of Kaņāda, Akshapāda, Uddyotakara, Váchaspati and Udayana were being studied in Gujerat. Incidentally It also shows Vādī Devasūri's mastery of the works of these authors.
महर्षिः-देव ! अद्य श्री देवसूरेः प्रामाणिकमनोहारिणीं वाणीमाकर्ण्य विशीर्णः कणादाक्षपादभणितो पक्षपातः, उद्विग्नमुद्योतकरोक्तावन्तःकरण, भरुचिगोचरता#972 qrafyfdaft:, prafuarahryggnafrani ( p. 49).

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provided with almost all the then known branches of learning, round about the precincts. As we saw, the descriptions of the city by the D. K. and other contemporary and later works point to a high state of literary development. It was in this intellectual milieu that Hemachandra, the greatest intellectual of the age lived and did his work. He must have received immense benefit and impetus from such an environment, but he must have also found it very difficult to shine out amongst such a galaxy of learned men. This, probably, explains his tremendous literary outputencyclopaedic in its scope and accurate in detail.
When Hemachandra came on the scene many learned men of different religious persuasions had played or were playing their parts. We shall note some of these - as it will help us in forming an idea of the intellectual company which Hemachandra joined.
Some of the learned men of the times of Karņa and even Bhima I, it appears, were living in the early part of Jayasimha's reign, though for want of chronological information, we cannot exactly name them.
: We mentioned the two learned Brāhmaṇas of Madhya - deșa, Srīdhara and Srīpati known after their conversion to Jaina faith, as Jinesvara and Buddhisāgara who were responsible, through the good offices of Someșvara the Purohita and Jnānadeva the great Saiva Pontiff, in getting a footing in Anahillapura for the Suvihita monks of the Svetāmbara Jaina sect in teeth of opposition from the powerful and influential Chaityavāsins. We referred to the Samskệta grammar composed by Buddhisāgara and known after him. Jinesvara wrote

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a work on Pramāṇaṣastra. + We also referred to the dialectical powers of Santisuri, bearing the titles of Kavindra and Vadichakravartin received from Bhima, and that of Vadivetala from Bhoja. He held controversies with the Kaula poet and dialectician Dharma of Bhṛgukachha who in his turn showed his mastery of that dialectical work the Tattvopaplava, and also with a Dravidian logician. We also saw that Santisuri had in addition to his thirtytwo students, one more student more brilliant than his thirtytwo named Muni Chandra of the Suvihita type. This Muni Chandra became a master - logician who trained the famous Vadi Devasuri-the author of the Pramāṇanayatattvālokālaņkāra and its commentary the Syādvādaratnākara-, and who defeated the famous Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra in an open debate held under the chairmanship of Jayasimha himself in his court. We shall refer to this incident later on.
We also referred to Abhayadeva known as Navāngī - ṭīkākāra. The visit of the Kashmiri poet Bilhana to Anahillapura, though of a short duration, is very significant. It is suggestive of the literary contact between Gujarat and Kashmira, and must have something to do with the ambition of Hemachandra to propitiate the Goddess of Learning who resided in Kashmira ( काश्मीरवासिनीं देवीम् ).
The following interesting information is given by JineSvara at the end of his Pramāṇalakshņa (Puratattva Vol. IV, pp. 83-84):
शब्दलक्ष्म प्रमालक्ष्म यदेतेषां न विद्यते । नादिमन्तस्ततो ह्येते परलक्ष्मोपजीविनः ॥ श्रीबुद्धिसागराचार्यैवृत्तैर्व्याकरणं कृतं । अस्माभिस्तु प्रमालक्ष्म वृद्धिमायातु साम्प्रतम् ॥

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According to the Pr. Ch., Govinda süri who was the teacher of Sūrăcharya was living in the reign of Jayasimha also. If it were so, it must be in the early part of Jayasimha's reign and even then he must have been very old indeed. This Govindasűri is referred to as the teacher of Vīrācharya who was a friend of Jayasimha. It is more likely, however, that some other teacher, who must have been a student of Govindachārya and therefore in the line known after the famous teacher, is referred to.
In the course of a friendly conversation, narrates the Pr. Ch., Jayasimha told Vīrācharya that the greatness of the learned men depended upon the royal recognition. Vīrāchārya's self-respect was wounded and so he wanted to leave the city of Anahillapura. Jayasimha tried to stop him from going, but according to the Pra. Ch., he flew away to Pāli in Marwad using his Yogic powers. Jayasimha repented and requested him to return which he did after an extensive tour in different parts of India, in course of which he defeated several dialecticians - especially Buddhists in Mahabodhapura. He was highly honoured by the king of Gwalior also.
A dialectician of the Sámkhya school named Vādi Simha - this looks more like a title than a proper name - visited Anahillapura and challenged the learned men of the city to meet him in public debate. Jayasimha, who was very jealous of the honour of his kingdom in matters of learning approached Govindāchārya who sent his pupil Vīrácharya to fight him. We do not know whether this debate took place before Vīrācharya 'left Aşahillapura or after he

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returned; because the order in narrating events adopted by the Pr. Cha. is not always chronological.
It is more likely that Vīrācharya might have met the Sāmkhya dialectician before he left Anahilla pura; in fact the power of debate that Vīrāchārya showed, might have been the cause of his intimacy with Jayasimha.
Vīrāchārya also defeated in debate one Kamalakīrti a Digambara dialectician. The Pr. Cha. gives no dates about him (pp. 272 - 277).
Deva Sūrior Vādi Deva Sūri – Devasuri the Dialectician as he became known - was one of the great masters of Logic and Dialectics whose activities were spread in the reigns of Siddharaja Jayasimha and Kumārapāla. He belonged, as we saw, to that school of great logicians of Muni Chadra sūri and his teacher Säntīsūri, who himself, as we saw, was a student of Abhayadevasūri – the author of that great philosophical work known as Tattavabodhavidhāyiņā or more significantly Vāda Mahārņava - the Ocean of Dialectics - in the form of a commentary on the Sanmatitarka of Siddhasena Divākara. * The praises bestowed on Devasūri by contemporary learned men like Devabodha of the Bhāgavata sect and Hemachandra himself and the dramatist Yaşaschandra as well as later logicians like Yaşovijaya, are, we find, not unfounded when we study Devasuri's Pramāna - naya - tattvāloka and his Syādvādaratnākara. In his own days, especially, in the early part of his career,
* This work has been edited by Pandit Sukhlal and Pandit Bechardas and published in Alve volumes by the Gujarat Puratattva Mandir, Ahmedabad.

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Kavyanusasana
he became famous as a great debater who silenced several dialecticians especially the great Digambara dialectician Kumudachandra. This defeat of Kumudachandra was a sort of land - mark in the history of Svetāmbara Jainas. As a verse attributed to Hemachandra says there would have been no Svetāmbaras in Gujarat if Devasūri had not defeated Kumudachandra who had, according to the conditions of the debate, to leave this province. This incident, as we saw, forms the subjectmatter of the play of Yasaschandra known as the " Mudritakumudachandra or Kumudachandra Silenced”.
This play is a sort of contemporary account which gives many interesting details about the intellectual life in the reign of Siddharāja Jayasimha. The Pra. Cha. in its chapter on Vádi Devasūri mainly draws upon this work and supplements its information from other sources. From these two works, we get accurate infcrmation about the main events of Devasūri's life. : From the Pra. Cha. we learn that Devasūri was born in the year V. S. 1143 A. D. 1087 (p. 295. v. 286), that his father's name was Vīranāga who belonged to the Prāgvāta family, that his mother's name was Jinadevī, that originally they were of Maddāhịta in the district of Ashtādasasati (modern Madhar in Palanpur State) and that the wordly name of Devasūri was Pūrņachandra. The family preceptor was the famous Muni Chandrasūri. On account of an epidemic, Vīrangāga had to leave his native place and migrate to Bhrgukachha in Lăța, where it appears he had to live in poor circumstances. In his ninth year (V. S. 1152-A. D. 1096) Purņachandra was ordained monk by Muni Chandra

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Introduction
CCIL sūri (pp. 279 and 295 ) and was first given the name of Ramachandra. Rāmachandra soon mastered 'Tarka, Lakshaņa and Sāhitya, became a touch-stone in the current schools of philosophy - his own and those of others :
तर्कलक्षणसाहित्यविद्यापारगतः स च ।
Bpara FAQTFAK adina *1935: II c ll' (p. 280). : Then Rāmachandra began his career as a dialectician. In Dholaka he defeated a dialectician named Bandha of the Sivādvaita school (v. 39 p. 280 Pr. ch. ). According to the M. K. C., however, it was Munichandrasūri - Devasūri's guru – who defeated the Saiva dialectician who is described there as surpassing both Brhaspati and Şukráchārya (p. 17 v. 10). It may be that Devasūri might have taken prominent part in helping his guru in the debate with this powerful Saivādvaita dialectician.
The Pra. Cha., then, refers to Devasūri's meeting Kasmirasăgara in Satyapura ( or Sachor in Marwada), Guņachandra the Digambara in Nāgapura (or Nagor in Marawada), Sivabhūta [ °ti ) of the Bhāgavata school in Chitrakūta (or Chitod), Gangādhara in Gopagiri (or Gwalior ), Dharanidhara in Dhārā, Padmākara in Pushakariņī and Kệshņa - the leader of Brāhmaṇasin Bhrgukshetra (p. 210 vs. 39 - 41 ). How much of this statement is historical – we cannot say, as we have no other corroborative evidence. But the defeat of Guņachandra the Digambara is corroborated by the M. K. C. (pp. 16 & 25 ). According to the play, this debate was held in the court of Arņorāja of Sapādalaksha whose protégé the play-wright Yaşaschandra was. This event took place before his famous debate
32
iolentician

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CCL
Kavyanusasana
with Kumudachandra and probably was responsible for Kumudachandra's challenge to Devasūri for a dialectical duel, though we have no definite information on the point.
The Pra. Cha. mentions six learned friends of Devasūri viz:- Vimalachandra, Harichandra, Somachandra, Pārṣvachandra, Şanti and Aṣokachandra (p. 280). There is corrobarative evidence to prove the historicity of these persons in several Jain works of Gujarat. The M. K. C. mentions one Aşoka as a follower of Devasuri (p. 13). May not Somachandra be our Hemachandra who bore that name before he became an Āchārya ?
After Ramachandra was thus qualified, he was made a Sūri or Acharya.* This ceremony took place in the year V. S. 1174-A. D. 1118 that is when he was in his thirtyfirst year (p. 295). He was thenceforth called Devasūri.
Devasuri was first introduced to Jayasimha through the minister Ambāprasāda who appears to be himself a philosopher as he is referred to by Devasūri in his logical treatise. The occasion was, as usual, dialectical. One Devabodha of Srī Bhāgavatadarṣana' visited Srimat Pattana' and challenged the learned men of the city to explain a verse which he wrote down on a leaf and hung it at the royal gate. For six months it remained unexplained; then Ambāprasāda introduced Devasuri to the king. Devasuri explained the verse in the presence of the king, who, from that day, became his friend (p. 281 P. C. ). Devabodha
"
6
We cannot definitely say whether all these dialectical conquests of Devasūri were acheived before he became Acharya.

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Introduction
CCL1
also became a great admirer and friend of Devasūri. Acting on Devasūri's advice, a rich man named Băhadax built a temple in honour of the last Tirthankara - Mahāvīra Vardhamāna.
In the year V. S. 1171-A. D. 1115 Devasūri's guru Munichandrasūri died, most prabably in Anabillapura. Devasūri became the head of his group and school.
When Devasūri went to Nāgapura - Nagor - Devabodha happened to be there. Devabodha greatly praised Devasūri * before the king Ahládana who consequently received him with great honour.
In the year V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125, the Kumudachandra debate took place. This formidable Digambara dialectician was, according to the Pra. Cha, a southerner and the guru of Jayakeşin - king of Karṇātaka and the maternal grand father of Jayasimha Siddharāja. He had defeated several dialecticians whose marionettes he used to tie to his left foot as so many tokens of dialectical conquests. He is represented to be the very incarnation of pride (p. 283. P. C.). In the M. K. C., Kumudachandra himself narrates his own exploits. His opponents included Buddhists, Bhātta Mīmāmsakas, followers of Sankara, and Kāpilas that is Sāmkhyas. How much historical truth there is in this narration we cannot say. We know, however, that these schools of philosophy flourished in the south and that Digambara
* This Bāhala was not the son of Udayana, nor the author of vägbhatälamkāra. This is some other person. Many Bābadas are known. * The praise of Devabodha is as follows:
यो वादिनो द्विजिह्वान् साटोप विषममानमुद्रितः। शमयति सदैवसूरिनरेन्द्रवन्धः कथं न स्यात् ॥
Pra. Cha. V. 76 p. 283 ).

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CCLII
Kavyanu sasana
Jainism was then rich in philosophers and dialectcians of a very high order, some of whose works have survived to this day.
It was in Āsāpalli (- the older name of Karnăvati, and the modern Ahmedabad - ) that the seeds of discord between Kumudachandra and Devasūri were sown. Both of them were staying for the monsoon in that city, This must be the monsoon of the year V. S. 1180-A. D. 1124. According to the M. K. C., Devasūri, at first, did not mind the vauntings of Kumudachandra and rather tried to practice the 'Şama' or 'control of anger' which was his religious duty to do. But his correligionists and disciples would not put up with the boastings of this naked dialectician when they had a man like Devasūri with them. So when an old nun was harrassed by Kumudachandra, Devasūri was roused to fight and so he sent word to the Jaina sangha of Anahillapura. Aşahillapura welcomed his suggestion, and Devasūri sent an invitation to Kumudachandra to meet him in the court of Siddharāja Jayasimha which the latter readily accepted. It appears there were many machinations from both the sides to prejudice the issue. Devasūri, however, strictly forbade his party to try underhand means and even though, at first, he had some difficulty with the minister Gāngila, he got a fair hearing in the court of Jayasimha.
“Both the protagonist and antagonist were called to the debating hall ” says the Pra. Cha., "on the fullmoon-day of Vaisakha. V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125 ( v. 193, p. 290 ). We are not told whether this was the first or the last day of the debate. The questions at issue were whether souls in feminine incarnation could

Page #274

Introduction
CCLÍN liberate themselves and so also whether monks who put on clothes. The Svetāmbara dialectician maintained that women could liberate themselves, as liberation depended upon a person possessing 'sattva' and women were known to possess 'great sattva.' Instances were quoted from the $āstras, of Sīta and others, and as contemporary evidence the name of the queen mother Mayaņalla was mentioned, who, from the way in which she is referred, appears to be living at the time. This debate is merely referred to by the M. K. C. but described in detail by the Pra. Cha.. The debate lasted for sixteen days and at last Kumudachadra was silenced, who as a last resource tried to find a grammatical fault in the word Koțākotī that Devasūri had used. The judges, however, held that the usage was quite according to Pāṇini. We are told that Devasūri used his knowledge of the commentary of Sāntisūri on the Uttarādhyayanasūtra bearing on this topic and defeated Kumudachandra who could not answer his arguments. ( P. C. pp. 283-293 M. K. C. pp. 44 – 51 ).
In this connection the M. K. C. supplies us with very good information about the learned assembly of Jayasimha.+ The king himself was the chairman whose decision was final. He was assited by four sabhyas ( members of assembly ) - in the words of Pratihāra
Maharshi who was learned in Tarka, Bhārata and Parāsara (Logic, Mahābhārata and the Smrti of Pārāsara.), Utsāha whose learning had become famous
+ This informarion is further supplemented by the eighth and the last chapter of the P. N. T. L. of Devasūri which discusses the nature of Vāda, Vadin, Sabhya and Sabhāpati.

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Kavyanusasana
in Saradadesa (i. e. Kasmir ), Sagara - the ocean of wonderful intelligence and Rāma learned in Logic and Dialectics. On the side of Devasūri were the 'poet laureate Sripāla and Bhābhū-a man of wonderful genius '. On the side of Kumudachandra were the three Keşavas'. The general Şilānka and at first the minister Gāngila were, somehow, against, Devasūri.
Unfortunately we have no other information about these learned people. Utsāha, we know from the part he plays in the drama, was a grammarian. He must be the same man as was sent from Kashmir with the eight grammars for Hemachandra.
The learned assembly of Siddharāja is compared by Devasűri to the divine assembly of Indra known as Sudharmā Sabhā. The poet Srīpāla says 'one can remain proud of his proficiency in Grammar, Poetry and Poetics, and Logic and Dialectics as long as one has not visited the Assembly of Jayasimha.'+
The Pra. Cha. quotes a verse attributed to Hemachandra which we have already referred to. It is, however, not explicit on the point whether Hemachandra was actually present in the assembly. __+" देवसूरिः---कश्चायं स्वसभया पराजितायां सुधर्मायां सुधास्पर्धानुबन्धो धराधीश्वरस्य । किं नालोक्यन्तेऽनेकचतुराननाः । किं न परिस्फुरन्ति गणनाति. कान्ता गिरीशाः । किं न लक्षीक्रियन्ते पुण्डरीकाक्षाः। किं न जम्भन्ते भूरिशो जिष्णवः । किं नोल्लसन्ति बहवो राजहंसाः। किं न विलसन्ति सहस्रशो भूतनयबुधाः । किं न प्रगल्भायन्ते मध्येसुधर्माधिकृतो मन्त्रिणः ।
कविः [ श्रीपाल:]-भगवन् ईदृगेव गुर्जरेश्वरस्य सभा । तथा हि ताव व्याकरणप्रवीणभणितिः [तेः] प्रागल्भ्यमुज्जम्भते तावत् काव्यविचारभारधरणे धीरायते धुर्यता । सावत् तर्ककथानुबन्धविषमे बद्धाभिलाषं मनो यावन्नो जयसिंहदेवसदसि प्रेक्षावतामागमः ॥

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CCLV
According to the P. C., however, Hemachandra accompained Devasūri to the debate. Probably he was there either in the capacity of a junior counsel on the side of Devasūri or merely as a curious spectator of the show.
Jayasimha being greatly pleased with the success of Devasūri presented him with a big sum of money which, however, the latter being a Suvihita, did not accept. The money was spent in building a temple at the suggestion of the minister Aşuka, in which the idol of the first Tirthamkara was istalled by four Sūris - Devasuri being presumably one of them - in the year V. S. 1183-A. D. 1127.
Devasūri's magnum opus was a treatise on logic known as Pramānanaya - tattvālokālamkāra and the commentary on it known as Syādvāda-ratnākara. He was helped in this work by two of his students Bhadreşvara and Ratnaprabha. He wrote several other works and left a number of learned pupils - of which Māņikya, Asoka, and Vijayasena are mentioned in the M. K. C. +
Vādi Devasūri died at the ripe old age of 83 years in the year V.S. 1226-A. D. 1170 in the reign of Kumārapāla.
We may, here, say something, about Devabodha and Srīpāla, both of whom were great favourites of Siddharāja though their mutual relationship was anything but friendly. Probably they were jealous of each other for the royal favour.
+ See the Samskļta introduction of Mupi Himanşuvijaya to P. N. T. L.

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CCLVI
Kavanusaayssa We learn from the autobiographic verse + of Srīpāla in the Vadanagara prasasti of Kumārapāla that he was famed for composing a great prabandha (literary composition ) in a day, that he was accepted as a brother by Şri Siddharāja and that he was called Kavichakravartin - king of poets. * This verse is quoted in the P. C. and other works whenever Srīpāla is referred to. From the diction of this prasasti whose author he was, we can say, that he must have been a poet of no inconsiderable merit. We have seen that he is one of the characters of the contemporary play M. K. C.. From that play, we also gather that he was a friend of Siddharāja from childhood, the very essence of good poetry and bearing the title of Kavirāja. We also learn from it that he was blind. * He is called Thakkura Srīpāla by the Pratihara in the play. The verses put in his mouth in the play are really fine - and it may be that some of these may really be Srīpāla's.
From an inscription on an image in the temple of Vimala on Mount Abu, we learn that the poet Șrīpāla belonged to the Prāgvāta family and that his
i galefacq=haEI9a-41: nifheilsafazaaay: 1
श्रीपालनामा कविचकवर्ती प्रशस्तिमेतामकरोत् प्रशस्ताम् ।
* अये कथं सिद्धभूपालबालमित्रं सूत्रं सुकवितायाः, कविराजविरुदकमलनालं श्रीपालमालोकयामः । ४ कविः-पातुं नेत्राञ्जलिभिस्त्वद्रूपरसायनं विधिहतस्य ।
श्रीदेवसूरिसुगुरो भरमस्ति मे भाग्यम् ॥ दे.-कवीश्वर ! अप्रतिकार्याऽयं पुराकृतासकृतपरिपाकः, परं कृतैव भगवत्या भारत्या त्वयि त्रिलोकाकलनकौशलजुषः सारस्वतचक्षुषो वितरणेन करुणा ।। (p. 39 the M. K. P.).

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Introduction
...cky.IT father's name was Șrī Lakshmapa. + In all likelihood the image represents the poet.
We find confirmation of these facts from the Kumārpāla-pratibodha of Somaprabhaşūri which was finished in the year V.S. 1241-A. D. 1185 about 11 years after the death of Kumārapāla. It also tells us that Srīpāla belonged to the Prāgvāta family and he was addressed as 'Kavīndra' and 'Brother' by Șrī Siddhapati. *
The Pra. Cha. tells us that when Devabodha contemptuously asked as to who that blind fellow was, Jayasimha himself introduced the poet. From this work we learn also that Srīpāla had written prasastis for RudraMahālaya and Durlabha Sarovara the same as Sahasralinga and a great Prabandha-composition-known as Vairochanaparājaya probably a play. The prasastis must have been similar to the Vadanagar-prasasti. Some verses of the lake prasasti are quoted in the P. C. and, as we noted, a slab forming the part of the Kārtīstambha of the lake bearing on it a fragment of the prasasti has been discovered. Stray verses of Srīpāla also have been found. * From such fragmentary poems, we cannot
+ See Muni Jinvijaya's Introduction to the play Draupadi Svayamvara of Vijayapāla grand son of Srīpāla pp. 7–22.
x प्राग्वाटान्वयसागरेन्दुरसमप्रज्ञः कृतज्ञः क्षमी वाग्मी सूक्तिसुधानिधानमजनि श्रीपालनामा पुमान् । यं लोकोत्तरकाव्यरञ्जितमतिः साहित्यविद्यारतिः श्रीसिद्धाधिपतिः ‘कवोन्द्र' इति च भ्रातेति च व्याहरत् ॥
[. sfâ ate ( garfen) g. Yuv.] * See Jinavijaya's Introduction to Draupadī Swayamvara. A hymn called Srī Chaturvinșatijinastavanam attributed to Srīpālz is published in the Jaina-stotra-samdoha. p. 121.
33

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CCLVIII
Kavyanusasana
form any correct estimate of Şrīpāl's poetic abilities; we can, however, say from them that all his verses are marked by chaste and forceful diction.
For Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect, our main source of information is again the Pra. Cha. The references to Devabodha in later prabandhas are more or less confused. The Pra. Cha. generally refers to him with great respect.
Devabodha who is called a “Mahāvidvăn,' 'a great savant' when he came to Anahillapura, in the begining, showed great indifference towards the king. He had, however, placed at the royal gate his enigmatic verse for the learned men of Anahillapura to explain. We saw that after six months, Devasūri solved the ENIGMA. This made Devabodha an admirer of Devasūri. But probably before the riddle was, solved Devabodha did not care to go to the court of Jayasimha. After consulting Şrīpāla his poet laureate Jayasimha sent a messenger to request Devabodha to come to his court, which, however, the latter refused to do and asked the king to go to him if he wanted to see him. “I have seen rulers of Kānykubja and Kāşi. What do I care for the ruler of Gurjars whose dominion is so small ? If your ruler, however, wants to see me, let him come here, and sit on the ground while I shall be sitting on a lion-seat" (v. 191-193, p. 305-8). This was the reply of Devabodha. Jayasimha was impressed with the man's attitude and so went to see him with Srīpāla. In this visit Devabodha referred to Srīpāla in very contemptuous terms and even when Jayasimha personally informed him of his poet laureate's achievements Devabodha showed scant respect for the blind poet

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Introduction
CCLIX
with a verse of biting sarcasm. * This must have been the origin of antagonismi between these two literators. Then followed what may be described as a poetic passage of arms between Devabodha and Srīpāla.
Devabodha must have come to Anahillapura about V. S. 1178-A. D. 1122 when Devasuri returned from Arbuda mountain, knowing that his Guru Munichandrasūri would die within six months. He solved the riddle of Devabodha after his return from Abu.
Soon after in V, S. 1178, Munichandrsuri died. Before V. S. 1181, Devabodha and Devasűri again met at Nāgāpura or (Nagora) where before the king Ahládana Devabodha praised Devasuri with a verse of āryā metre. It may be that Devabodha might have immediately returned to Anahillapura or more probably he might have visited Káși and Kānya-Kubja before he again came to Gujarata. In that case the incident with Sripāla must refer to the second visit. We saw that after the defeat of Kumudachandra, a temple was built with the money which was to be presented to Devasūri. This temple was finished in V. S. 1183-A. D. 1127. On that occasion, the Pra. Cha. tells us, Devabodha was invited to take part in the festival by Devasūri with great joy because he was a worthy person * (pp. 309-310 vs. 222-224). Devabodha came and showed his great poetic gift by reciting a fine verse as Jayasimha came to the Jaina temple from the Saiva
* J*: TTA1977: Jahifafa sft a l agreataetaea gal à afausar il p. 308, v. 208. देवबोधोऽपि सत्पात्रं तत्राहूयतः हर्षतः ॥

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CCLX
Kavyanusasana temple. * He also showed his miraculous power by making a buffalo-driver who was fetching water from a lake and whose education consisted of two syllables 'Tha - ja,' compose and recite a poem as if he were a learned man, by simply putting his hand on the man's head.
Şrīpāla put a watch on Devabodha's activities and found out that he was not quite the ascetic he pretended to be. But he did not succeed in discrediting Devabodha in Jayasimha's eyes, and when Devabodha wanted to leave Jayasimha to his 'vulgar assembly,' ( ईदृग्ग्राम्यनटग्रामे संयोगः सदृशोऽस्तु वः। २६८) it was with great difficulty that he was persuaded to stay. Within three years, however, Devabodha became vey poor.
Hemachandra had come to know of this quarrel. He, however, fully knew the worth of Devabodha. In Hemachandra's opinion, in these days, there is no learning except in this man'* Devabodha also fully knew the worth of Hemachandra and when he came for a visit, he paid to Hemachandra the compliment which he alone knew how to pay. + Hemachandra succeeded in making Srīpāla and Deva bodha friends; for as the Pra. Cha. says, it is the first duty of the ascetics to pacify quarrels.'•. At the suggestion of the poet-laureate
* एको रागिषु राजते प्रियतमादेहार्धहारी हरो
नीरागेषु जिनो विमुक्तललनासंगो न यस्मात्परः । दुर्वारस्मरघस्मरोरगविषव्यासंगमूढो जनः ।
शेषः कामविडम्बितो न विषयान् भोक्तं न मोक्तं क्षमः ॥ x दृश्यते नान्यसामान्य संक्रामितगुणोत्तरम् ।
सारस्वतं न कुत्रापि समयेऽस्मिन्न, विना ॥ २८८ ॥ + पातु वो हेमगोपालः कम्बलं दण्डमुद्वहन् ।
षड्दर्शनपशुग्रामं चारय जैनगोचरे ॥ आद्यो धर्मो व्रतस्थानां विरोधोपशमः खल ॥

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Introduction
CCLXI
Jayasimha gave a lac to Devabodha who settled his debts with the money. Then that Mahāmati, as the Pra. Cha. calls him, retired to the banks of the Ganges and passed his life in meditation.
In this context, we inay also mention Bhāva Brhaspati whose life is described in the inscription in the Bhadrakāli temple at Prabhāsa Pattana dated Valabhi samvat 850 = V. S. 1230-A. D. 1174.
Bhāva Brhaspati was born in Vārāṇasi in Kānya: kubja district in a great Brāhmaṇa family. He made it the mission of his life to revive Saivism of the Pasupata school. For this purpose he left his native place and took to travelling. As the inscription says “For the purposes of pilgrimage, making kings devout, and protect religious places, this ocean of austerities went out” (v. 6). First he went to Dhārā where he made the Pramāra kings his disciples. Then he came to Jayasimha who looked upon him as his brother. Bhāva Brhaspati reminded Jayasimha of his (Jayasimha's) mission of life viz. to revive old places of Siva worship. The king on the very day made him a Mahattara and an Achārya. After Jayasimha's death, Kumārapāla made him a 'ganda' that is the officer in charge of Somanātha Pattana and rebuilt the whole temple under BỊhaspati's supervision. The rest of the inscription describes how Ganda Bhāva Bịhaspati revived the glory of Somanātha by building temples, wells, etc..
Two other literary men of Jayasimha's time should also be mentioned. One is Pandita Vardhamānasūri-the author of the Gaṇaratnamahodadhi which was finished in the year V. S. 1197-A. D. 1141. He calls himself a pupil of Sri Govindasūri who probably is the same

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CCLXII
Kavyanusasana as we have referred to; -- the teacher of many worthy pupils. This Ganaratnamahodadhi is a work on grammar unique in its subject matter.
The other is the author of Vāgbhatālamkāra a work on poetics. This Vāgbhata is often confused with the minister Vágbhata. But the two are different. The minister Vägbhata was a son of Udayana while our author is a son of Soma as he himself says in a verse in this work. He was also a Jaina.
This work seems to have been finished between the conquest of Mālava and Jayasimha's death, for, it refers to the conquest of Mālava and has no verse in praise of Kumārapāla. It must have, therefore, been composed between V. S. 1192 and V.S. 1199-A. D. 1136–1143. Thus it was composed at the time when Hemachandra might have been composing his Anuşāsanas. The Kávyānuşāsana refers to Vāgbhața.
Another contemporary who also wrote upon Poetics may be mentioned. His name is Manikyachandra Āchārya, the second commentator on the Kāvyaprakāsa of Mammaţa and the first coinmentator outside Kāşmira. His commentary is known by the name of Samketa. It is one of the best commentaries, written in excellent style, on the K. P. * The commentary was finished in the year V. S. 1216-A.D. 1160 month Mādhava (Chaitra), according to the colophon at the end of the commentary.
This Māņikyachandra belonged to the line of Silabhadrasūri; the name of his direct preceptor was Sri Sāgareudu alias Sāgrāchandra. This Māņikyachandra is not to be confused with a pupil of Vādi Devasūri of that name.
* See Prof. R. B. Athavale's article on Mápikyachandra' in Puratattya Vol. I, pp. 181-187.

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III The Life and the Works of Hemachandra
18
The main problems in connection with the life of Hemachandra have been critically considered by the late Dr. Bühler in his learned monograph on the subject published in 1889 at Vienna.
No student of Hemchandra's life can afford to neglect the study of this fine piece of research. In fact this monograph has been largely drawn upon by scholars for information regarding the life of Hemachandra.
The publication of some new material and a re-examination of the sources used by that learned scholar, however, make it necessary to reconsider the whole question and revise some of his opinions. It will not be possible, however, in this introduction, to discuss all the questions in detail. *
Dr. Bühler used the following four works:
(1) The Prabhāvakacharita of Prabhāchandrasūri completed in the year V. S. 1334-A. D. 1278.
(2) The Prabandhachintīmaņi of Merutunga. (3) The Prabandhakoşa of Rājasekhara.
(4) The Kumārapāla Prabandha of Jinamaņdana Upadhyaya.
The two Dvyásrayas, the Prasasti to the Siddha Hema, and the Mahaviracharita from the Trisashtişalākāpurushacharita - Hemchandra's own works - were also used by him.
* See the Preface pp. IX-XI to the English translation of Dr. Bühler's Life of Hemachandra published in the Sioghi Jaioa Series.

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CCLXIV
Kavyanusasana To these sources we are able to add three more works: (1) the Kumārapālapratibodha of Somaprabha. sūri and his Satāratha Kāvya; (2) the Moharājaparājaya of Yaşahpāla and (3) the Parātana-prabandha Samgrah. Of these three - the first two are works of authors contemporary to Hemachandra; while the last as we have seen, is a compilation supplying many details.
The Kumāra pāla pratibodha is, then, our main contemporary authority for information regarding Hemachandra. But the author, frankly, confesses that though there is much else that is interesting in the lives of these two great men (viz: Hemachandra and Kumārapala ), he has only touched that part which pertains to the inculcation of Jainadharma. 'For this,' he says, 'he should not be blamed, for a man may choose from a kitchen full of many eatables, only that which he likes' (p. 3, K. Pra. G. O. S.). This means that though we shall have to examine the later sources in the light of information derived from this work, there will remain many gaps in the life-story of Hemachandra to fill which we will have to rely solely upon the later sources. Of these, as we shall find, the Pra. Cha. is comparatively more useful.
The Kumāra pāla-pratibcdha does not directly narrate the life-story of Hemachandra. The author provides a dramatic occasion for it. Kumārapāla is very anxious to know what true religion is and is not satisfied with what his Brahmaņical preceptors tell him; for it involved killing of animals in sacrifices. The king is not able to sleep being much troubled in mind over the question. Then his minister Bahadadeva (S't Vágbhatadeva ) bows to the king and makes his submission thus “ Oh King ! if you want to know the nature of dharma anda dharma

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Introduction
CCLXV
listen attentively, for a moment, to what I say." Then Băhada narrates the life-story of Hemachandra up to the time he is introduced to the king, beginning with the history of the Pūrņatallagachchha to which Hemachandra belonged. This dramatic occasion has been regarded by the later prabandha-writers and even modern scholars, drawing upon them, as historical. An inference is made from this that this was the first occasion when Hemachandra was introduced to Kumărapāla. However it appears to me, that this prologue is purely imaginary created by the author to give a poetic touch to his narration.
The minister Bāhada, after narrating the history of Purņatalla gachchha, informs us that Devachandra sūri – the author of the Thana-vịtti and the Saņtijiņakathā comes to Dhandhuka in course of his usual itinerary. After Devachandra had finished his sermon a handsome looking boy who was hearing the sermon approaches him and requests him to help him cross this ocean of the world by giving him a boat in the form of Suchāritra (that is by making him a monk).' The guru asks the boy his and his father's names. Nemi-the maternal uncle of the boy-who was present there, gives the guru some information about the boy and his parents.
He says: “Here, (i. e. in Dhandhukka ) lives a prominent merchant of the name of Chachcha who worships (his ) god and preceptors. He has a wife named Chāhiņī wbo is my sister. This boy is their son. His name is Changadeva. * In these days, the
* After this, the dream that Chāhinī dreamt when this boy was conceived is narrated. This shows that Hemachandra was becoming a legendary figure in a work completed 12 years after his death, Chachcha belonged to the Modha community,
34

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Kavyanusa sana
OCLXM boy's mind does not delight in anything except dharma' (p. 21).
The guru - Devachandra - said " If the boy is initiated in the order, it would be nice. We shall take him and teach him the truth of all the Sāstras. He will do good to the people like a Tīrthamkara. So you ask his father Chachcha to permit him to enter the religious order.' (p. 21 ).
The father, out of affection for his son, does not give the necessary permission. But the boy was determined to become a monk, so he left his home, being encouraged by his maternal uncle. With his guru he came to Khambhatittha that is modern Cambay, and was ordained a monk there after satisfying the Sangha (or Congregation of laymen and monks ). He was given the name of Somachanda (or Somachandra). After practising the Tapa (austerities) taught by the Jaina Āgamas "he crossed, within a short time, the whole ocean of learning." His guru Şrī Devachandra seeing that he possessed a number of qualities impossible to acquire in this iron age, established him in the position of a Gañadhara; that is he was made an Achārya and a leader of other monks. Because his body had the colour of gold, he was called Hemachandra (p. 22).
Hemachandra was moving about various provinces. But he was asked by a goddess not to go to other countries leaving Gurjara Vishaya (that is Gurjara country ). “You will do great benefit by staying here.” Obeying this divine order Hemachandra gave up going out to other countries, and lived in Gujarat preaching to (literally awakening ) many people.”

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Introduction
CELXVI The minister continues the narrative: “ It was to him (Hemachandra ) that the world-famed Siddharāja the - crest jewel of the learned - used to ask alt his doubts. It was the hearing of his sermons that made the mind of King Jayasimha like the dharma of Jinendra. Then Jayasimha made here (i. e. in Anahillapura ) the beautiful temple known as Rājavihāra and the temple containing the idols of four Jinas known as Siddhavihāra in Siddhapura. At the suggestion of Jayasimhadeva, this lord of Munis composed the grammar known as Siddha-Hema, a work which is the treasure-house of the science of all languages (lit, words). Jayasimha was. never satiated of hearing his nectar-like speech.
"So if you want to know the nature of dharma as it is, consult with devotion this best of the munis (p. 22).
Thus he was advised by his minister Bāhada."
This brief account, in fact, gives the main events of Hemachandra's life and is, on the whole, reliable. The later accounts fill in the details. We shall, here, however, consider only those which are consistent with this account without entering into a detailed criticism of the rest.
The dates for the main events of Hemachandra's life are supplied by the Pra. Cha.. According to it, Hemachandra was born in the year V. S. 1145-A. D. 1089, full-moon night of Kārtika; he was initiated into the holy order in V. S. 1150-A. D. 1094, and was made a sūri or Achārya in V. S. 1166-A. D. 1110 (p. 347 vs. 848–49 ).
On the date of Hemachandra's birth, there is unanimity in all the works. As to the date of his

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CCLXVIII
Kavyanusasana
initiation, however, there is some discrepancy. According to the injunction of the Jaina Şāstras, no person who has not completed his eighth year is legible for initiation into the Jaina holy order. We find that the P. C., the P. P. S., the Pra. Kosa and the K-Prabandha * say that when Hemachandra was initiated, he was about eight years old. The K-Prabandha gives the date of initiation as V. S. 1154-A. D. 1098 (p. 12). This seems to be correct. The discrepancy between the Pra. Cha. and the later accounts is easily explicable; and the K-Prabandha in a sense has done this. Devachandrasūri must have come to Dhandhukā in V. S. 1150, when his eyes were, first, cast on the boy Changadeva and his own formal consent also must have been taken at that time. Considerable time, however, must have elapsed before the necessary permission was obtained from his father Chachcha. We learn from the P. C. that Changadeva came with Devachandra to Karṇāvati and was brought up with the sons of the minister Udayana-one of whom must be Bāhada or Vāgbhata. After the father was appeased and satisfied, he gave his consent. According to the P. C., it was Chachha or Chāchiga, as it calls him, who performed the festival of initiation. This should be taken to mean that he was satisfied and must have been present on the occasion. It is likely that the invitations were also issued in his name. Somaprabha does not give the name of Udayana as the person who was responsible for the festive occasion; but later works give his name. This probably means that Udayana, who in V.S. 1154-A. D. 1098 must have been the officer in charge of Cambay must have paid all the expenses. According to the P. C.

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Introduction
CCLXIX
Udayana had offered three lacs to Chachha, which, however, the latter had contemptuously refused to accept. So Udayana must have spent on the festive occasion a part of the money he was ready to offer to Chachha.
All these arrangements must have taken about three or four years to be completed. However that may be, it is certain that Hemachandra could not have been ordained before he was eight years old. So we may say that in V. S. 1150-A. D. 1094, Changadeva first came under the influence of Devachandra and his virgin mind untouched by wordly considerations was easily influenced; and in V. S. 1154-A. D. 1098, he gladly joined the holy order. One who is familiar with such happenings, even now, finds that these things do not happen soon and take considerable time. *
"
Another point which is not mentioned by Somaprabha may also be referred to here; and it is the religion of the parents of Changadeva. His mother Pahini and her brother Nemi were Jainas. But the father is called a 'Mithyātvin' - Jaina word for a nonJaina by the P. C. and other works. He appears to be a Mäheṣvarin from his use of the word Siva nirmalya" when he was offered money (The P. C. p. 83). There is nothing strange in this as we find that persons in those days of the same family followed different faiths. We saw that of the five sons of Abhaḍa, two were Maheṣvarins (P. P. S. p. 33). This latitude in matters of faith should be borne in mind if we want to find
Dr. Bühler's explanation of this matter is not acceptable to me as it is not based upon a proper understanding of the material and the custom in these matters. See pp. 6-8 & Notes p. 67, n. 17. S. J. S.

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CCLXX
Kavyanusasana a proper explanation of the fact of persons of one faith praising the deities of other faiths.
As to the date of Hemachandra’s ‘Sūri-ship’there is no difference of opinion. The Pra. Cha., as we saw, gives the year V. S. 1166-A. D. 1110. So does the later K - prabandha (p. 13). Thus we find that Hemachandra became a member of the Jaina holy order at the age of eight and became a Sūri - a leader – at the age of twenty one. *
According to the K-prabandha the ceremony of ‘Sūriship’ took place in Nāgapura (Nagor) and the man who
* It may be interesting to compare these dates with those of some of Hemachandra's great contemporaries. The dialectician Devasūri was Hemachandra's senior by two years being born in V. S. 1143-A. D. 1087; so also as a monk, Devasūri being initiated in V. S. 1152--A. D. 1096. Hemachandra, however, became Acharya eight years before Devasūri, who was raised to that position, in the year V. S. 1174-A. D. 1118, when he was 31 years of age. At the time of the debate with Kumudachandra, on the authority of the P. C. and the Pra. Cha., Hemachandra was in Apahillapura and present in the court. Hemachandra ( aged 36 ), a junior in age, but senior as an Acharya must have been of some help to Devasūri (aged 38). At the time Hemachandra was not so famous as Devasūri.
If Jayasimha was eight years old when he came to the throne in V.S. 1150-A.D. 1094, he would be older than Hemachandra by three years. Jayasimha became a king and Hemachandra became monk at the saine age, both of them too young for the positions that they occupied. Both, however, discharged the duties of their respective stations in a manner few have dore.
Hemachandra was older than Kumārapāla by four years, if we are right in putting the birth of Kumārapāla in V. S. 1149A. D. 1093. The difference in age between the two, we may pote, was not much.

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Introduction
CCLXXI paid the expenses was one Dhanada, a merchant of the place. (p. 13).
In the life - story of a man of such extensive and extra - ordinary learning as Hemachandra, one would desire to know how he was educated, where he was educated and who were his teachers. Unfortunately, however, we have very little information on the point. In the K-pratibodha, we find Devachandrasūri saying to the maternal uncle of Changadeva that Changadeva after taking the vow, 'will go deep into the truth of all Sāstras.' After he took the vow, we are told, within a short time, he crossed the ocean of learning. After he became an Acharya, he used to go out to other countries but he was asked to stay in Gujarat. This is all the information that the Ku - pratibodha gives.
Hemachandra himself says in the prasasti of the Trishashțişalākāpurushacharita, that he got all his learning through the favour of his Guru Devachandra (v. 15 afnergieferatlaiqaHEIGA: 1) But this does not carry us far in answering our questions.
The Pra. Cha. tells us that “Somachandra quickly became master of Tarka, Lakshana and Sahitya. But he was not satisfied with his capacity of retaining a hundred thousand padas in mind; so he took permission of his Guru to propitiate the goddess living in KāsmīraKäsmīradesavāsinī. From Tamralipti-that is Cambay -- he started and put up for the night in a Jaina temple near by known as Sri Raivatāvatāra. At midnight
as he was sitting in meditation, the goddess Brāhmī * appeared to him and asked him not to take the trouble
of going all the way to Kāşmīra, as she being satisfied with his devotion, would grant him what he desired.

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CCLXXII
Kavyanusasana
After spending the night in her praises, in the morning Somachandra returned to his upāsaya - place of residence. Thus Soma became a Siddha - Sārasvata without any trouble" (Vs. 37-46). Then Soma was made a Sūri ( 48 - 59 ).
Jina mandana in his Ku-prabandha describes a similar event with more mystifying details.
Devachandra - the guru of Hemachandra-was no doubt a learned man. But the question is whether he alone could have taught the various branches of learning whose mastery Hemachandra reveals in his works. Stambhatīrtha or Cambay, where Hemachandra appears to have passed his early years, was, no doubt, then an important port of India, and must have ample facilities for acquiring learning. But it is nowhere referred to as a centre of learning in the way Anahillapura is. It is likely that Somachandra might have studied for some time in Anahillapura, but we have no information to that effect.
The reference to Kāsmīravāsinī goddess, seems to me, to be of some significance. Somachandra, no doubt, wanted to go to Kasmīra for further study. We know from Bilhana what a great centre of learning Kasmira was in those days. But as the journey to Kāsmira was, in those days, full of danger, the young scholar was advised not to go there. The appearance of the Kasmira - väsinī goddess may be interpreted as suggesting that Hemachandra had something to do with Kasmira in matters of study.
We know from Bilhana's sojourn in Aşahillapura that Pandįtas from that land of Sāradā - as Kāsmira was called - used to come to Gujarāta. In the Assembly

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Introduction
CCLXXIII
of Jayasimha was a Pandita named Utsäha who was a great grammarian and whose learning was even famous in Kāsmīra (See p. CCLIII ). * It was this Utsaha who was sent again by the Kaşmira panditas with the eight grammars from Kāṣmīra, from which Hemachandra compiled his work. It will not be an altogether wild guess if I suggest that some of Hemachandra's teachers might have been Kasmirian Panditas and even Utsäha may be one of them. The same suggestion is supported by the fact that the sutras of the Kāvyānuṣāsna are based upon the Kavyaprakaṣa of Mammata, and that, after discussing the theory of Rasa by quoting verbatim passages from the Natyavedavivṛti, Hemachandra says in the Viveka in so many words "We follow Abhinavaguptapāda "; Abhinavagupta and Mammața both of them were the luminaries of Kāṣmīra in learning.
After Somachandra became Hemachandrasūri, his mother Pāhiṇī, we are told by the Pra. Cha., entered the holy order. At the request of Hemachandra she was seated on a simhasana (seat of honour) - a rare honour to a nun due to her son's greatness (vs. 61-63).
Now we come to the question as to when and how Hemachandra was first introduced to Jayasimha.
If we accept, on the authority of the P. C. (p. 67) and that of the Pra. Cha., that Hemachandra was present at the time of the Kumudachandra debate, we can say
*The fact that one of the earliest commentaries of Mammaṭa's Kavyaprakasa, viz:-the Samketa of Manikyachandra was composed in Gujarat confirms the fact that there was intimate contact between Gujarat and Kasmira in matters of learning.
35

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CCLXXIV
Kavyanusasana
that he was introduced to the court of Jayasimha by the year V.S. 1181-A.D.1125 *. At that time Hemachandra would be 31 years of age. The Pra. Cha., however, tells us that after Hemachandra was ordained a Sūri, he went to Anahillapura ( v. 64). Two questions arise in connection with the statement: Whether this was Hemachandra's first visit to the capital ? and, how much time must have elapsed after his Sūri-ceremony before he reached the capital ? We have no means to answer these questions definitely.
The first meeting of Hemachandra and Jayasimha is described thus : When Siddharāja seated on his elephant was going out for his usual outing (known as Rājapātī ) through the city he saw Hemachandra standing aside near a shop. He stopped the elephant near a mound and asked the sūri to say something. Hemachandra uttered a verse : Oh Siddha ! let your majestic elephant move fearlessly. The Diggajas (Elephants of Directions) niight tremble. Don't mind them, for, you bear (the burden) of the earth.'+ The king, who was intelligent enough, understood the meaning and was pleased with the compliment. He asked Hemachandra to see him in the afternoon for diversion (vs. 65-69).
Thus on the authority of the Pra. Cha., which there is no sufficient reason to doubt, these two remarkable men of the age-one a king and the other a monk-got into touch with each other. The contact
* If the account of the K-prabandha of the first meeting of Kumārapāla and Hemachandra when the former waited upon Jayasimha, is true, we must imagine Hemachandra to be in Anabillapura even earlier than V. S. 1181.
+कारय प्रसरं सिद्ध हस्तिराजमशङ्कितम् ।
aflara fangT: fa da Fazalgar aa: 11

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Introduction
CCLXXV must have soon developed into intimacy and mutual admiration. The meeting of two such men could not but be of great consequence. The next occasion of their meeting that is referred to in the Pr. Cha. is the return of the conquering hero after subjugating Mālava, when representatives of different sects gathered to congratulate the king. Hemachandra, who was also there representing the Jaina sect, recited a verse full of resonant grandeur welcoming the king. When the verse * was explained - ' as if the exploit of the king was being explained' - the king became mightily pleased and invited the sūri again to his place (vs. 70-73 Pra. Cha.).
This meeting must have taken place between the last months of V. S. 1191 and the beginning of V. S. 1192-A. D. 1136.
The first literary fruit of the royal friendship was the great grammar of the Samskrta language and the Prākṣta dialects known as Siddha - HemachandraSabdānusāsana. In the last verse of the praşasti at the end of this grammar, Hemachandra himself tells us how he came to write it: "Muni Hemachandra composed this grammar-faultless and complete-being repeatedly requested by him ( Şrī Siddharāja ) who was tormented by grammars very lengthy, difficult to grasp, and incomplete" (v. 35). From the verses devoted to Siddharāja in the pr.sasti, it becomes quite clear that the grammar was completed after the Mālava victory. It is highly probable that Jayasimha requested Hema
* भूमि कामगवि ! स्वगोमयरसैरासिञ्च रत्नाकरा ! मुक्तास्वस्तिकमातनुध्वमुडुप ! त्वं पूर्णकुम्भी भव । धृत्वा कल्पतरोदलानि सरलैदिग्वारणास्तोरणान्याधत्त स्वकरैर्विजित्य जगतीं नन्वेति सिद्धाधिपः ॥

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CCLXXVI
Kavyanusasana
chandra to compose a good grammar after his return from Mälava. The Pra. Cha. gives a long account describing the occasion which was responsible for the writing of this grammar which is not only not contradictory to what Hemachandra himself says, but which supplements it, and which appears to be highly probable.
66
'Once when the officers were showing the king books from the Library of Avanti, his (Jayasimha's) eyes fell upon a 'lakshana pustaka'-a book on grammar. The king, asked What is this?" Swami that is Hemachandra answered "This is the Bhoja - Vyakarana. It is the prevelant grammar of the language. The lord of Malava was the crest-jewel of the learned. He composed works on Sabdaṣastra, Alamkāraṣastra, Daivnjaṣastra and Tarkaṣastra." Thus Hemachandra goes on mentioning the various works by Bhoja (vs. 74-78).' The patriotic jealousy of the king was probably roused.' He asked: 46 Have we no such series of scientific books in our library? Have we no learned man Vidvān) in all Gurjara deșa?" The learned men (in the assembly) looked at Hemachandra, all simultaneously. The king very respectfully appealed to Hemachandra and requested him : Fulfil my desire, Oh Maharshi ! Compose the science which will give proficiency in Language. Who, other than you, is the master? At the present time, the short Kalapaka grammar is in use; but it does not give sufficient knowledge of the language. There is the Grammar of Panini. But the Brāhmaṇas say it is a part of the Veda (Vedasya angam); and through arrogance they are fault-finding. What is to be done when they are averse? Oh leader of the Munis!
66

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CCLXXVII
compose a new grammar for the benefit of all people. I will have celebrity and you will have celebrity and merit.
39 3
Thus, the abhyarthana' or the repeated request of the king, referred to by Hemachandra himself is described by the Pra. Cha. There are, of course, poetic flourishes in the description, but there is no reason to doubt the historicity of the occasion. We have seen, before, that the rivalry between Mälava and Gujarat was not only political but literary and cultural also. The kings of Gujarat were as jealous of the paramountcy of their learned assembly as the paramountcy of their power. Jayasimha, in fact, wanted to emulate the famous Vikrama of Ujjayinī, and after he had become Avantinatha, it was but natural for Jayasimha to make his Gujarat superior in literary culture also.
'Hemachandra replied: "Your word is only a reminder of what it is our duty to do. But there are eight grammars, and these works are, no doubt, in the library of Ṣrī Bhāratīdevi. Get them through your men from Kāṣmīradeṣa; so that, Oh Great King! the science of language be composed well" ' (vs. 85-6-7). This speech, if it embodies the substance of what Hemachandra might have said, indicates, why Hemachandra wanted to go to Kāṣmīra. It was probably to be a great Vaiyākaraṇa; and to be a great Vaiyākaraṇa was the hall-mark of rare learning then, even as it is now, among the panditas of India. It secondly indicates that Hemachandra was thinking of writing a grammar even before the king requested him to do so. The grammar with its commentary and other appendices was quickly completed after the request

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CCLXXVII
Kavyanusasana of the king. Looking to the great bulk of the matter and the time and the energy that would be required to prepare it, it would have been physically impossible if the work was not begun much earlier.
'Jayasimha immediately sent his officers to the Land of Vāgdevī-Learning. They went to Pravarapura - the same place from where Bilhana had come, - and propitiated the goddess who ordered her officers to send men with the collection of books, as “Hemachandra was her own incarnation." The ministers of Bhāratī gave the books and sent a Pandita named Utsaha' (v. 88 - 92). *
* Hemachandra went through the collection of grammars and prepared a new and wonderful grammar which was named Siddha-Hemachandra Sabdānuşāsana (v. 96). “The grammar was acclaimed as the best among grammars by all learned men and was accepted
• This Utsāha Pandita must have been the same as is referred to in the Mudrita K. C. as one whose wonderful and great energy of learning was known in Dāradădea (p. 45)+ Thus there is no doubt about the historicity of this person. But it creates a chronological difficulty. If Utsāha pandita was present in V. S. 1181-A. D. 1125 in the court of Jayasimha, how could he be sent with the officers of Jayasimha in V. S. 1192-A. D. 1136 or after. We can explain the difficulty by supposing that Utsába might have returned to Kā mira after V. S. 1181 and that he must have been sent with the officers of Jayasimha to Gujarat, probobly because he was a familiar figure there Or we may have to assume that this grammar-writing incident might have happened much earlier, say, in V. S. 1180 and that it might have been finished only after Mālava victory in V. S. 1192 A. D. 1136. It may have something to do with Hemachandra's expedition of learning to KA mira.

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Intoduction
CCLXXIX
as an authority by all the modern Panditas” (98-100). At the end of each páda was attached a verse praising the kings of Chalukya dynasty from Mūlarāja Onwards. The whole work was copied and sent to different parts of India. Twenty copies were sent to Kāşmīra which were respectfully kept in her library by the Goddess of Learning' (v. 101-111 ).
Kūkala-a Kāyastha learned in eight grammarswas appointed the teacher of this grammar. * On the fifth of the bright half of every month known as Jnāna-panchamī, examinations were held and the successful candidates rewarded with armlets by the king (v. 112-115).
The enthusiasm of the reception that was accorded to his grammar must have inspired Hemachandra to write other works on allied subjects such as – lexicons, poetics, metrics, etc. We shall refer to these when we come to discuss Hemachandra's works.
Many are the incidents reported by the Pra. Cha., the P. C., and the K. Prabandh of Jinamaņdana and other prabandhas about Hemachandra and Jayasimha. We cannot go into all these, but refer to one which throws light on the religious and ethical influence that Hemachandra exercised on Jayasimha.
· Jayasimha, desirous of liberation, once, asked the leaders of various religious sects as to what was the truth in the matters of God, Religion and the Pătra (a proper perron) ? Every sectarian praised his own creed and
* This Kākala is mentioned by Hemachandra himself, in his grammar as Kakkala. sa EFT TEN I B1. 7. . 30. See the Purátattva Vol. IV. p. 69.

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Kavanusaaysna slighted others. The king felt perplexed at this and consulted Hemachandra. He gave his answer in the form of a parable from the Purāņas. The substance of it is as follows. 'A wife in her effort to win over her husband from another woman got him transformed into a bull unwittingly. She repented, and once, standing under a tree and grazing her bull-husband began to bewail her lot. The God Siva was passing through the heavens with his consort who heard the wailing of this unhappy woman and who asked her husband the cause and the remedy of it. Şiva said that in the shadow of the tree was growing a herb which could restore the human form. The woman heard this but did not know which was that particular herb; she drew a circle on the ground on which there was shadow and began to cut the grass and put it into the bull's mouth. When that particular herb, without her knowing it, was placed in the mouth of the bull he was restored to human shape. Hemachandra said, “ Just as that particular herb, even though it was unidentified, did its work, similarly in this iron age even though the truth is hidden, one may get its benefit by respecting all darşanas with proper devotion. That is a fact." ; (P. C. p. 70).
On other occasions Hemachandra is reported to have preached that ethical code which forms the common substance of all religions. *
Whether these stories are historical or not, they do indicate the spirit of Hemachandra's preachings to his royal friend. From the Anekānta point of view of Jainism, Hemachandra was doing just the thing that
* See the K. Prabandha of Jinamandana pp. 14 - 15.

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was expected of him; for, Anekanta is claimed to be
Sarvadarşana - samgraha' by Hemachandra and other Jaina logicians. *
Various motives explaining Hemachandra's attitude have been imagined by Dr. Bühler and other scholars which may or may not be real. Subjective element greatly affects such interpretations. Historically we can say this much-that even in those days in every sect, there were persons of higher type who took a broad and truly spiritual view of religious matters and who could understand the essential identity pervading through the warring creeds. We may quote as an instance the name of Jnānadeva,-the Saiva pontiff of the time of Bhima Iwho is reported to have said “Siva is Jina. The emphasis on difference is the sign of a mithyāmati-a pseudo-philosopher.” We may also remind the reader of the liberal minded Purohita Someşvara who was instrumental in getting a footing for the suvihita monks * . So there is nothing improbable in imagining that Hemachandra really took a liberal view of things. His prayer to Siva in Somnanātha-pattana might also be regarded in this light as inspired by such a wider vision. He has also told us, in his Dvyaşraya, how a Jaina sees in Arhata, Siva, Vishņu and Brahmā ( C. I. v. 79). This, however, did not make Hemachandra an inch less Jaina.
The practical effect of such a moral guidance must have been what it is reported to be by the contemporary
* We may mention another Someşvara a great-grand son of this Someşvara as a later example of this catholic type. He was a friend of the minister Vastupala, and the author of the K. K. and the Surathotsava.
36

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Kavyanusasana writer - Somaprabhāsūri, viz. 'in all doubtful questions he became worthy of consultation'*. We saw from the S. D. K. - which strictly maintains a Brahmanical and Saivite atmosphere throughout the poem in contrast to the Jaina atmosphere of the P. D. K.- that Jayasimha built a Jaina temple of the last Tirthamkara in Siddhapura after he had rebuilt Rudra Mahālaya, and that he put certain Brāhmaṇas to look after ita fact confirmed by Somaprabha's K-Pratibodha also. In the last years of his life, Jayasimha must have felt some inclination towards Jainism as is evidenced by the Arab Geographer Al Idrasi who says that the king used to worship the Buddha image. This, however, does not mean that he wavered in his devotion to Şiva. In ancient India, kings were, by policy, tolerant of the different creeds of their subjects. In the case of Jayasimha, however, in his last years at least, we may imagine, it was not merely a matter of policy.
This inclination towards Jainism must have been largely the result of Jayasimha's contact with Hemachandra whose extraordinary learning and intelligence as well as strictly ascetic life of the Suvihita type as distinguished from the easygoing and luxurious life of the Chaityavāsi abbots, must have greatly impressed the mind of the king. There were, also, other Jaina monks in whose contact Jayasimha had been. We saw that Vīrāchārya was Jayasimha's friend from childhood. So also another Hemachandra - known as Maladhāri Hemacliandra - had some influence with Jayasimha. This Hemachandra got the permission of Siddharāja to fly flags and put golden eggs on the Sikharas of
* See p. CCLXVII.

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CCLXXXIII Jaina temples. He also got a copper-plate order from him prohibiting the killing of all animals for eighty days in a year. +
Now let us consider the relationship of Hemachandra with Kumārapāla. The first question that faces us is as to when did Kumārapāla and Hemachandra first meet. Dr. Bühler, on the strength of some verses in the Mahāvīracharita of Hemachandra, comes to the conclusion that ‘Kumārapāla's acquaintence with Hemachandra began, according to the verse 53, in the time when the empire had achieved its greatest expansion and when the war-expeditions and conquests were over" (p. 34). The learned Doctor rejects the accounts of the Prabandhas on this topic as got up later on with a view to motivating the later relationship’ (p. 34).
It appears to me, however, that the learned Doctor draws a conclusion from the verses based upon an implication which the verses do not carry. For the order of narration of events does not necessarily imply their chronological order, and when we study the verses carefully we find that no such sequence is intended. The first seven verses ( 45 - 51 ) describe Kumārapāla and his beneficent rule, the next verse ( 52 ) describes the extent of his empire and the last six verses (53-58) describe the daily contact with Hemachandra. This is merely a way of narrating and does not imply, as Dr. Bühler believes, that Kumārapāla got acquainted with Hemachandra after the 'greatest' expansion of his empire. If it implies any such thing, it would be
+ See Note 53 in Dr. Bübler's Life of Hemachandra pp. 83-84 S. J. S.

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only that their intimate contact 'doing honour daily to that monk' began after that 'greatest expansion' of his empire. It does not mean that their first acquaintence began at that time.
Another argument of Dr. Bühler that the prabandhas though mention early acquaintence do not describe the relationship of Hemachandra and Kumārapāla immediately after the latter became king. First, we cannot infer anything from the absence of mention, and secondly Kumārapāla in the beginning of his reign was too busy subduing his internal and external enemies and consolidating and extending his empire to think of religiously meeting Hemachandra. This, however, does not preclude the possibility of his early acquaintance and even occasional meeting after he got the throne. On the contrary, it appears to me that one of the causes of Kumārapāla's attachment to Hemachandra must have been the support he got, no doubt indirectly, from the monk through his rich and influential followers like Udayana and his son Vägbhata.
We have already referred to the meeting of Kumārapāla and Hemachandra when the former in his wanderings was looking for a shelter. We have also referred to the Horoscope of Kumārapāla which Hemachandra had cast. It is not necessary to assume the scientific validity of astrology in order to believe in the reality of this incident. For such things were quite common in those days as they are even now; and astrology with medicine was practised by Jaina monks in those days and was a means of getting influence over the people. So we may very well believe that the fulfilment of Hemachandra's forecast was one of the

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events which made Kumārapāla believe in the infallibility of Hemachandra.
The Kumārapālaprabandha of Jinamandana mentions an earlier meeting of Kumārapāla and Hemachandra.' Once Srī Kumārapāla went to Pattana to wait upon Srī Jayasimhadeva. There he saw Hemācharya seated on a lion-seat before the king. He felt that this learned Jaina muni is being respected by the king. It would be a meritorious thing to meet him' So Kumāra pāla went to the lecture-hall of Hemāchārya and asked him which was the best virtue. Hemachandra answered: "To look upon the wives of other people as one's own sisters is the king of virtues"; and gave a sermon on chastity (pp. 18 - 22 ).
If this meeting was at all historical, it must have been before Kumārapāla was compelled to wander about for fear of his life, that is about V. S. 1169- . A. D. 1113. (See p. CCI).
According to the Pra. Cha. when Kumārapāla could not succeed in subduing Arņorāja, he offered worship at the suggestion of his minister Bāhada to the image of Ajitanātha which was installed by the hands of Hemachandra ( vs. 451 - 452).
+ From the P. D. K., the Ku. Pratibodha and the Moharāja - parājaya - all contemporary works - we gather an impression that in the latter part of his reign, Kumārapāla's manner of life was like that of a good rāvaka following the twelve vows. Through his royal authority he had promulgated Amári or non-killing of animals (D. K.). From the Moharaja-. parajaya we learn that he tried to check drinking, gambling etc. He also built several Jaina temples.
According to Jipamaņdana's K-Prabandha it was in V. S. 1216-A. D. 1160 that Kumārapāla publicly took the Jaina vows. This dato is not improbable.

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Kumārapāla, however, as we saw, had no leisure up to V. S. 1207-A. D. 1151 to think about religious or ethical things. It was after his empire was consolidated that Kumārapāla came in real spiritual touch of Hemachandra. His minister Bāhada must have been instrumental in fostering the relationship between Kumārapāla and Hemachandra. This is how we may interpret the passage from the Mahāviracharita about Kumārapāla.
Kumārapāla must have had great faith in Hemachandra. His forecast about his future kingship given at a time when he had not enough to eat, had come true. Hemachandra was then famous as a learned man and much respected by his predecessor Jayasimha. His great ministers like Bāhada and others were Hemachandra's followers. Thus Kumārapāla was prepossessed in favour of Hemachandra. As the contact continued from day to day, Kumārapāla must have come more and more under the spiritual influence of Hemachandra. After some time Kumārapāla must have looked upon him as his guru.
Just as Hemachandra composed the Siddha-Hema grammar at the request of Jayasimha, so according to his own testimony, he composed the Yogasāstra, the Vītarāga-stutis and the Trishashţişalākā-purushacharita at the request of Kumārapāla.
From the fact that Hemachandra calls Kumāra påla a Paramarhata in the prasasti of the Trishashtisalakāpurusha-charita as also in the Abhidhānachintamani, we can infer that in Hemachandra's eyes Kumārapăla by that time must be following the ethical code of Jainism to such an extent as to deserve that title.

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Here we might consider the question of Kumāra. · pāla's conversion to Jainism. In what sense, we may ask, Kumārapāla was converted to Jainism ? There is sufficient proof for one answer, viz: -he was trying to follow the Jaina ethical mode of life. That he regarded Hemachandra as his spiritual guru and offered worship at the Jaina temples might also be taken as real. But if by conversion is meant that Kuinārapāla abjured the faith of his fore-fathers and gave up the worship of Şiva and other Puranic deities, it is contradicted by other historical facts. First of all, we find, in the last canto of the S. D.K., Kumārapāla distinctly mentioning his devotion to Siva; and secondly in the inscription of Bhāva-Bșhaspati of the year V. S. 1229-A. D. 1173, the last year of Kumārapāla's reign, he is called ' Māheşvaranạpāgraṇī, the foremost of Māheşvara kings' (v. 47). From these facts, it becomes clear that though Kumārapāla's mode of life was changed, that though the old way of worshipping with animal-sacrifice was also completely given up, he did not cease to be a worshipper of Şiva - the god of his fore-fathers.
This might appear anomalous to people accustomed to strict sectarianism; but in those days of religious elasticity it was not uncommon.
We saw what advice Hemachandra gave to Siddharāja-Jayasimha. When Hemachandra, according to the P. C., went to Somanātha-Pattana with Kumārapāla, he was asked by the king to utter prayers to Siva; and Hemachandra did it in verses which are preserved. So also in a more authentic form, we find prayers to Siva in the S. D. K.. As Buddhisāgara pointed out to Someşvara, it was only the emphasis

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on dayà - compassion especially towards animals, that mainly mattered; and we find Kumārapāla promulgating Amári and annuling the law of confiscating the mặtavitta (- the wealth of a man who died without heir ).
The effect of Kumāra pāla's efforts to reform ethically the life of the people did not become permanent; but in some respects they must have deeply affected the consciousness of the people in Gujarat. This can be inferred from the fact that even to this day in Gujarat there is a natural aversion to killing animals, eating flesh and drinking liquors at least in higher society and that in all grades of Hindus it is regarded as a religious and meritorious act to give up these things.
We saw, while discussing Kumārapāla's reign that if the account of the Prabandhakosa was to be believed, Hemachandra was consulted by Kumārapāla even in important political matters such as succession to the throne. In other matters, especially those pertaining to public reforms according to his preachings, his advice also must have been sought. In the colophon of the Ț. $. Salakā-purusha-charita which was one of his later works, Hemachandra informs his readers as follows on this point:
“The Chālukya King Kumārapăla-the conqueror of Chedi, Daşārņa, Mālava, Kuru, Sindhu and other inaccessible countries through the power of his own arms,-a veritable lion,-a descendent of Şrī Mūlarāja, -properly disciplined, and a great Ārhata ( devotee of Arhat ), once bowed to him ( Achārya Hemachandra ) and spoke “Oh Lord ! receiving orders from you who render service without any expectation, I stopped throughout the earth all things that lead to hell-such

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CCXIC
sinful things as gambling and drinking liquors, gave up taking the wealth of a person who died without a son and decorated the earth with the temples of Arhat and thus became Samprati of the present age." (vs. 16-18).
Hemachandra's relationship with other influential persons like the great Udayana and his equally great son Bāhaḍa as also with Abhaḍa and others was also very intimate. His attitude towards the learned men of other sects was, generally, liberal. He, as we saw, greatly appreciated the learning of Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect and was instrumentsal in bringing about friendship between him and Ṣrīpāla. His relationship with Amiga, however, must not have been cordial. In those days of debates and controversies, he must have given and received many blows in the battles of wits. But the discipline of tapas that he received early in life must have made this man of intellect sufficiently patient to bear them calmly, and not allow them to come in the way of his spiritual development. We shall come to this aspect of his character when we discuss his works especially the Yogaṣastra
Hemachandra, according to the Prac. Cha., died in the year V. S. 1229-A. D. 1173 at the ripe old age of 84 years a short time before Kumarapala died.*
* Hemachandra had a group of disciples who were very learned and who helped him in his works. Of these, Ramachandra deserves special mention. He is reputed to be the author of a hundred praband has that is compositions. Some of his plays are published; they are good as literature and show considerable skill in the technique of play-writing. His Natyadarpaṇa-a work on 37

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Kavyanusasana
19
Now we come to the literary work of Hemachandra. Tradition credits him with the authorship of innumerable compositions, to the extent of three and a half crore verses. Some of these works are, however, of doubtful authorship; yet the works, which are undoubtedly Hemachandra's, are so extensive in volume and varied in subject-matter, as to make one agree with those who have conferred upon him the title of 'Kalikālasarvajna - The Omniscient of the Iron Age.'
Hemachandra himself provides us with definite information about his main works.
In the colophon of the T. S. P. C. already referred to, Kumārapāla, after mentioning what he did at the order of Hemachandra, says “Formerly at the request of the devoted king Siddharāja-my predecessor, you first composed a grammar with appendices, and made easy by a good commentary. Then for me you composed the fault-less Yogašāstra and for people (Lokāya ) Dvyasraya, and other Sastras – the principal among them being Chhandas, Alamkrti and NāmaSamgraha. You are always ready to do good to people; yet I make this much request that for the knowledge of people like myself bring to light the lives of sixtythree great men.
"On account of his pressure Hemachandrāchārya composed in fine language the lives of great men with the sole view of imparting Dharma" (v. 18-20). Dramaturgy--has been published in the G. O.S. It throws some new light on the history of Sanskrta Drama. His Kumāra-vihára Sataka is a fine piece of description and gives an idea of what big temples were in those days. The poem should be studied carefully by every student of Gujarat architecture and art.

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These verses mention Hemachandra's main works in his own words. They are
(1) The Grammar with appendices and commentary, that is the Sabdanuṣāsana.
Introduction
(2) The Yogaṣāstra.
(3) The Dvyasraya.
(4) The Chhandonuṣāsana.
(5) The Kavyanuṣāsana.
(6) The Namasamgraha, that is, the Abhidhāna chintamani, Deși Namamālā and other dictionaries, and (7) The Trishashtiṣalākā - purusha - charita.
The order of mention, however, is chronological order.
To these, on the authority of their respective colophons and that of Somaprabha and that of Yaṣahpala (the author of the Moharājaparajaya), we add the Vitaragastutis and the two Dvatrimṣikäs and the Pramāṇāmīmāmsā.
Şabdanuṣāsana is Hemachandra's first major work. We do not know if he had written anything before this. It is likely, however, that he must have had some practice in writing.
not the
We have, already, described the occasion of composing this grammar, how the work was done and what success it met with. According to the P. C., the whole grammar was written in a year. This, however, appears to be physically impossible. Any how the work, must have been finished before the death of Siddharāja in V. S. 1199-A. D. 1143.
A grammar consists of five parts: (1) Sūtra (2) Gaṇapatha. (3) Dhatupāṭha (4) Unadi and (5) Lingānuṣāsana,

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In the case of other grammars, all these five parts are composed by different persons. In the case of Siddha - Hema, all the five parts are the work of Hemachandra. This is one of the unique features of this grammar which makes it a complete and consistent whole. Another unique feature of this Sabdānuṣāsana is that it is a grammar of Samskṛta as well as of Prakṛta dialects.
The S. H. consists of eight Adhyāyas, each adhyāya consisting of four pādas. The total volume of the sūtras is 1100 slokas (each sloka having eight syllables). The total number of the sutras is 4685 of which 3556 describe the Samskṛta language while 1119 the Prākṛta dialects. On these Sūtras, Hemachandra has written two commentaries the Laghuvṛtti and the Bṛhadvṛtti - the Small Commentary and the Great Commentary. Supplementing these are the Dhātupārāyaṇa with his own commentary, Uṇādi with his own commentary and the Lingānusasana with a Bṛhat - Tīkā *.
* I cannot go into a detailed description of the work here. I refer the reader to the learned article of the Vyakarana Tīrtha Pandita Bechardas with the title "Gujaratanu Pradhana Vyakarana' 'The Principal Grammar of Gujarat' published in the Puratattva, Vol. IV, pp. 61-100. Pandit Bechardas who is a great Vaiyakaraṇa (master of grammar) himself has given a detailed description of the S. H., compared it with other Samskṛta grammars by pointing its indebtedness to them as well as its special features, showed its superiority as a text book, and given us an idea as to what a mine of grammatical lore is its Bṛhadvṛtti. In an appendix to his article the learned Pandita has given a historical account of other grammars of Gujarat and also of later commentators.
Dr. Belvalkar's 'Systems of Sanskrta Grammar contains a chapter on the Hemachandra School (pp. 73-81).

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ссxсні Hemachandra also wrote a Bịhannyāsa on his grammar-a fragment of which has been discovered and edited by Pt. Bhagavandas Doshi. According to the tradition the extent of this work was 84000 slokas. If we are to judge from the fragment, we can say that the tradition is right. This work is modelled upon the Mahābhāshya of Patanjali.
Hemachandra, has, consciously, tried to give his work a non-sectarian character by making his Mangala in such a way as to be acceptable to all the sects. In the commentary on the second sūtra, Hemachandra makes it clear that “As Sabdānuşāsana is common to all sects, it would be very pleasant to have recourse to Syādvāda which is the synthesis of all Darsanas."
This grammar is not only a work of profound and wide learning, but is written with such skill as to make the whole subject clear to students of different grades. The author has not pretended to be original in a subject where there was not much scope for originality of matter, but has aimed at being as useful to the students of the subject as he could. Judged from this point of view there is a distinct originality in the treatment of the matter. And we must remember, the royal request was to prepare a grammar which would be perfect' and yet 'easy to grasp'. That purpose is completely fulfilled in this work. In fact, in estimating the works of Hemachandra, we must always keep in mind the aim which he generally makes clear in the beginning of his books.
After the grammar with its Angas was completed Hemachandra undertook lexicography of Samskrta and Deşi words. We learn this from the first verses of

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the works themselves. Here also Hemachandra wrote the texts as well as commentaries. He says:
“ I, who have finished the Sabdānusāsana with its angas, bowing to the Arhatas (the worshippable ones and the Jinas ) compose Nama-mālā-the Garland of Nouns, some of which are not capable of derivation according to grammatical rules, some are, and others in certain senses are derivable and in certain not.” In the commetary, Hemachandra gives this Garland of Nouns the name of Abhidhānachintamani.
In the first verses of the commentary Hemachandra says “ Bowing to the speech of those who are the authors of Dharmatīrtha, I compose an exposition (Vivști) on my Námamālā which will make clear the essence. (This might also mean that the name of the commentary is Tattvabodhavidhäyini (1). This effort is for the purpose of Sreyas. What is the good of boasting ? The thoughtful will never indulge in praising one's self and slandering others (2). In this work, be it noted, Prāmánya - (that is – authenticity of words etc. ) is from Vāsuki and Vyādi, Vyutpatti (derivation) from Dhanapāla, and Prapancha (comprehensiveness ) from Vāchaspati and others (3).” Hemachandra thus mentions his principal authorities in the third verse. Whether a particular word is genuine or not he has decided on the authority of Vāsuki and Vyādi; as to how a particular word is to be explained, he has consulted Dhanapāla to whom we have already referred. To make his work comprehensive he has drawn upon Vāchaspati and others.
The second verse is significant. It suggests that Hemachandra's grammar might have been

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CCXCV
severely criticised and in his opinion unjustly criticised by some contemporary critics. That is probably why he is so particular in referring to .his authorities in the very beginning of this work. We shall touch this point again when we come to discuss his Pramāṇamīmāmsā.
Appendices known as A. C. Parisishta-were also composed and placed at the end of each Kanda of the A. C. This work is, however, not a separate entity and we have no means to decide whether it is Hemachandra's own work or some of his students.
Hemachandra completed his Samskṛta lexicon by writing a supplement known as Anekārtha-samgraha. In the first verse, Hemachandra says "I, who have made a collection of words having one meaning, now, contemplating the Arhats, prepare Anekārtha-samgraha (collection of words having more than one meaning) by arranging words, according to their number of syllables, in six chapters."
The commentary on the Anekartha Samgraha is composed by Hemachandra's disciple Mahendrasuri in the name of Hemachandra, as M. himself says, at the end of the second Kanda (p. 86 Edition of the A. S. by Th. Tachariac).
Thus Hemachandra established his reputation as a Samskṛta Lexicographer. That this work became current and that Hemachadra was regarded as an authority is proved by many quotations from his work in later commentaries as well as from the verse: हेमचन्द्रश्च रुद्रचामरोऽयं सनातनः ।
Abhidhanachintamani with its supplements and commentaries is, like the S. H., characterized by the

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Kavyanusasana clearness of its exposition and the comprehensiveness of its subject-matter. One might say that the commentary Tattvabodhavidhãyinī which was composed in the reign of Kumārapāla is a veritable mine of information on Samsksta lexicography. If it is studied carefully and critically, it will throw a flood of light on the history of the subject,
Just as Hemachandra, by composing an adhyāya on the Prāksta dialects, made his grammar unique and comprehensive of all languages current in India, to make his lexicographical work perfect, he composed a dictionary of Desya words.
The last verse of the work says " This collection of Deşi words named Rayaņāvali (a necklace of jewels ) is composed by Sirī Hemachandra as a seshalaesha (a small appendix) to grammar' (v. 77). In the commentary it is called an appendix to the eighth Adhyāya. Thus according to the author himself, it is to be regarded as connected with his grammar. We gather the same impression from the introduction to the commentary also.
So strictly speaking, we should say that this work belongs to the department of grammar rather than that of lexicography. The word Şabdānusāsana, however, is comprehensive enough to include grammar and lexicography, Hemachandra himself uses this word in this comprehensive sense in his Kāvyānuşāsana.
This work on Deşi words which resisted all attempts at systematization was of peculiar difficulty; and its accomplishment was a matter of satisfaction to the Achárya. He, himself, says “Desi is difficult to collect, and even if collected, it is generally difficult to grasp. Therefore, Achārya Hemachandra collects it and classifies it."

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ccxcel
By using the word ' Desī' in the feminine gender, Hemachandra wishes us to understand it as a part of the language which could not be treated satisfactorily according to the rules of Samskrta and Prākṣta languages which he had formulated in his grammar. Hemachandra, nowhere, suggests that the Desī cannot be derived from the Samskệta. Dr. Bühler indulged in much gratuitous criticism as he did not clearly grasp this conception of the author himself.
Prof. Muralydhar Banerjee in his introduction to the Desīnāmamāla has ably discussed the whole question of Deși and answered the points raised against Hemachandra (Sections I & II ).
As to the illustrative verses, Prof. Pischell remarked “These examples are either void of all sense or of an incredible stupidity ...... It was a most disgusting task to make out the sense of these examples some of which have remained rather obscure to me” (p. 8) Introduction Desināmamāla. B. S. S..).
Prof. Banerjee, however, remarks "If the illustrative gāthās of Hemachandra which have appeared to Pischel as examples of ' extreme absurdity' or nonsense are read correcting the errors made by the copyists in the manner explained above they will yield very good sense. A few examples of such corrected readings are given below to make the point clear” (pp. XLIII to LI ). Afrer discussing this point in detail, Prof. Banerjee comes to the conclusion: “As the găthās when read in this way give a good sense, they can no longer be regarded as examples of 'incredible stupidity.' They will be appreciated, it is hoped, by every lover of poetry as a remarkable feat of
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ingenuity worthy of Hemachandra and far beyond the capacity of his disciples to whom Pischel is inclined to ascribe them” (p.LI).
This is an example of how further research can sometimes reverse the previous judgements.
The importance of Rayaņāvali or Deşināmamālā cannot be exaggerated for the philology of modern provincial languages of India. It deserves to be utilized more by our philologists than it has been up till now.
In this work, as in his previous ones, Hemachandra has made good use of the works of his predecessors. He quotes about twelve authors and two kosas. * Avantisundarī is one of the authorities referred to. She must be the wife of the poet Rājasekhara who refers to her as an authority in his Kāvyamīmāmsā and who, therefore, must have been very learned and written some works on the subject.
After the work of Rayaņā valī was over, Hema. chandra prepared a botanical dictionary known as Nighanţuşesha. He himself says in the first verse “I, who have made collections of words having one meaning, those having more than one meaning and Deşya words, shall, after bowing to the foot-lotus of Arhat, speak of Nighantuşesha (1).
No commentary on this work is known.
This completed Hemachandra's work on lexicography. The grammar comprizing the five angas with their commentaries, and the four lexicons-the Abhidhānachintāmaņi with its commentary, the Anekārtha - samgraha, the Rayaņāvali ( of Desya words ) with its commentary, and the Nighantuşesha-completed his Şabdānuşāsana that is Science of Words.
* Banerjee's Introduction to Desidāmamāla p. XXXIX.

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Thus in different departments of the study of language as then known, Hemachandra provided students of Gujarat with excellent text books containing the substance of each discipline-presented in a lucid, precise and rational form; for advanced students Hemachandra wrote his copious commentaries giving them all the available information on the subject up to date. For purposes of study Hemachandra's works are unsurpassed.
Thus was fulfilled the royal wish of Jayasimha Siddharāja in a manner and a style befitting that monarch, who, above all, loved grandeur and aimed at supremacy in everything. One may say, Jayasimha not only built a University in mortar and stone but provided it with excellent books for study * .
It is likely that this part of Hemachandra's literary activity was finished by V.S. 1199-A. D. 1143 the end of Siddharāja's reign and the beginning of Kumrāapāla's reign. Seven years (V.S 1192-1199) were scarcely too many for such a stupendous task. It was only possible for a man like Hemachandra whose powers of concentration and retention were developed by Yogic exercises. And it is a question whether even he could have accomplished it unaided and without ample facility of books. As it was, Hemachandra was provided with a good library by his royal friend. Hemachandra, also, had the assistance of his
* As a modern poet of Gajarat with a fine pun on the word Haima has said "Siddharāja by lighting the Haimapradipa-( the Golden Lamp and the light-giver Hema) of Sarasvatī made his name meaningful."
हैमप्रदीप प्रगटावी सरस्वतीनो सार्थक्य कोधुं निज नामनुं सिद्धराजे. From the poem Rāpakadevī, by Prof. Ramanarayan Pathak.

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Kavyanusasara pupils like Mahendrasūri, Ramachandra, Gunachandra and others who were only next to him in learning.
The Pra. Cha. supplies us with a brief but realistic description of the audiance-hall of Hemachandra which was something like an Academy of Letters. The occasion is the coming of Devabodha - the Bhāgavata to see Hemachandra.
“He (Devabodha ) went to the audience - hall ( Āsthāna) of Sri Hemachandrasūri. There the great poets were busy composing new works; great number of words were being written upon a number of patřikā - pattas ( writing boards ); discussions with one another were going on about the derivation of words and illustrations were being quoted from old poets. It was the residence of Brahmollāsa, the parental abode of Bháratī, a place where the learned were well provided. +
The Samskrta Dvyāsraya Kāvya must have been begun after the completion of the Siddha-Hema. But this epic of twenty cantos must have been composed at intervals. How many cantos were written before the death of Jayasimha we cannot exactly say. The last five cantos which are devoted to Kumārapāla, were, no doubt, written in the middle of Kumārapāla's reign; but it is a question whether all the first fifteen
* अन्यदाभिनवग्रन्थगुम्फकुलमहाकवौ । पट्टिकापट्टसंघातलिख्यमानपदव्रजे ॥. शब्दव्युत्पत्तयेऽन्योन्यं कृतोहापोहबन्धुरे । girona - EET-E6217stka76 11 ब्रह्मोल्लासनिवासेऽत्र भारतीपितृमन्दिरे । श्रीहेमचन्द्रसूरीणामास्थाने सुस्थकोविदे ॥
Pra. Cha. p. 314, vs. 292-294.

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Introduction
cantos were finished before V. S. 1199-A.D. 1143; though Jayasimha might have insisted upon its completion. I think the first fourteen cantos narrating the events up to the conquest of Malava must have been composed early enough to be placed before Jayasimha. The fifteenth canto which refers to the succession of Kumārapāla, was, probably, written in the early part of Kumarapala's reign.
The remaining five cantos and the Prākṛta Dvyāṣraya must have been written in the latter part of Kumarapala's reign.
*
The substance of these historical epics, we have utilized in describing the history of the Chalukya family of Aṇahillapura. Another name of the S. D. K. is Chalukyavamṣotkīrtana as that of the P. D. K. is Kumarapalacharita.
Of the poetic merits of these epics, if any, I shall speak later on.
CCCI
After the Sabdanuṣāsana, comes the Kavyanuṣāsana. In the second sutra, Hemachandra says The correct speech was discussed by us in Sabdanuṣasana, now its poetic aspect is being laid down by us in its correct form." In the commentary, Ṣabdānuṣāsana is described as the Siddha-Hemachandrabhidhāna-grammar bearing the name Siddha - Heinachandra. The identity of the authorship is also mentioned.

<<
* Another alternative suggestion that both the D. Ks were written, after the AnuSasanas were finished in the reign of Kumarapapala is also tenable. The fact that they are not mentioned in AnuSasanas can also be interpreted in both ways, viz:-that either the poem being written piecemeal was incomplete at the time of the composition of the Anu asanas or that they were not begun at all.

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The Viveka was evidently composed after the Chhandonuṣāsana, as it refers to it. The general description of the work, we have already given in the pages I-X of this introduction. Its subject-matter will be critically discussed in a separate section.
The Chhandonuṣāsana was composed after the Kavyanuṣāsana, as we learn from its first verse; but before the Viveka on the Kavyanuṣāsana, as we just now saw. Hemachandra says in the first verse "I, who have completed Sabda - Kavya - Anuṣāsanas, after contemplating the speech of Arhat, will speak of the Anuṣāsana of the Chhandas (metres) useful to poetry". In the commentary, the identity of the authorship of the Sabdanuṣāsana, the Kāvyānuṣāsana and the Chhandonuṣāsana is reiterated.
This work consists of about 763 sūtras divided into eight Adhyāyas.* As usual, the commentary is lucid and interesting. The information that it gives on the Prākṛata and especially the Apabhramṣa metres is invaluable, and is likely to throw much light on the
The first Adhyaya which consists of 16 sutras is called the Sanjadhyaya, because ft explains the technical words and signs used in the work. The second Adhyaya consists of 415 sūtras and is called the Samavṛitavyavarpina (because it describes metres of uniform lines). The third Adhyaya consists of 73 sutras and describes arddhasama vittas, vishama vṛttas and matra chhandas. The fourth Adhyaya consists of 91 sūtras and describes Arya, Galitaka, Khanjaka, and Sirshaka metres. The fifth Adhyaya consists of 49 sutras and discusses Utsäha and other metres. The sixth Adhyaya consists of 29 sūtras and describes Shatpadi, Chatushpadī etc. The seventh consists of 73 sutras and describes Dvipadī; the eighth consists of 17 sutras and describes scansion.

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Intoduction
CCCIII
history of metres used in the different provincial languages of India. The illustrative stanzas also deserve attention; especially the Prāksta and Apabhramşı ones. The poetic quality of many of these verses is really high and if the majority of them are the work of Hemachandra, as it is supposed to be, they would show him to be a lyric poet of a high order.
The work requires to be critically edited and annotated.
Thus these three Anuşāsanas, the Şabdānuşāsana, the Kāvyānusāsana and the Chhandonuşāsana - and if the Lingānuşāsana is to be taken separately, four Anuşāsanas, and the two D. K. s comprise among themselves, the whole field of Lakshaņa and Sāhitya vidyās. They are Hemachandra's authentic contributions to the science and the art of language as they were understood in Ancient India.
Thus after making his contributions to the study of Lakshaņa and Sahitya, Hemachandra turned his attention to Pramāņaşāstra or Tarka-Logic and Dialectics. On this subject, he wrote a work called Pramāṇa-mīmāmsa. In the commentary on the first verse, Hemachandra says "that after the Sabdānuşāsana, the Kāvyānuşāsana and the Chhandonusāsana, Pramāna is being considered now. The identity of the authorship of the Sabdãnusisana etc. with that of this work is also implied."
From the introduction to the first sūtra, we learn that this work Pramāņa-mīmāmsā * was to consist of five Adhyāyas, no doubt on the model of the five adhyāyas of Gotam's Nyāya sūtra. But only a fragment
* A critical edition of this work is being prepared by Pt. Sukhlalji to be published in the S. J. S.

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of this work has been recovered which extends up to the end of the first Āhnika of the second adhyāya. Either the Āchārya did not live to finish the work, or the remaining portion yet awaits discovery if it is not destroyed. As it is, we have a hundred sūtras and the commentary on them preserved for us.
This work or the fragment of the work is interesting from many points of view. It shows Hemachandra as a logician and a master of the Darsanas. The work is characterized by his usual lucidity and preciseness of exposition.
The introduction to the first sūtra throws interesting light on the conception of authorship which Hemachandra had. 'The pūrva-paksha asks why does the author pose as a Jaina sūtrakāra ? There were so many sūtrakars before ! Hemachandra answers : "Your question is narrow. Rather ask what and how many were the grammatical and other sūtras before Pánini, Pingala, Kaņāda, Akshapada and others?” The opponents' silence is to be understood as allowing that there were many. Then Hemachandra goes on saying “These disciplines (Vidyās ) are without a beginning (Anādi); they become new from the point of view of Samkshepa-summarizing and Vistāra-expanding, and are said to be composed by this and that author also from the same point of view.” * What Hemachandra
* ननु यदि भवदीयानीमानि जैनसिद्धान्तसूत्राणि तर्हि भवतः पूर्व कानि किमीयानि वा तान्यासन्निति । अत्यल्पमिदमन्वयुङ्कस्थाः । पाणिनिपिङ्गलकणादाक्षपादादिभ्योऽपि पूर्वे कानि किमीयानि वा व्याकरणादिसूत्राणीत्येतदपि पर्यनुयुझ्व । अनादय एवैता विद्याः संक्षेपविस्तारविवक्षया नवनवीभवन्ति, तत्तत्कर्तृकाश्चोF I 5. 1. pp. 1-2

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CCCV means is probably this: no author writes anything absolutely new, it is only the development and the treatment that is new. +
We saw, in the review of his literary activity which Hemachandra has given in the prasasti of the T. S. P. C., that the grammar was written at the request of Jayasimha, while the Dvyāşrayas, the Kāvyānuşāsana, the Chhaņdonuşāsana, and the lexicons and other Şāstras ( which might include the Pramāņamīmamsā if it was then written ) were written for the people. From this reference it is clear that Hemachandra's intention, in this part of his activity, was to serve not merely Jainas but all the people, for the word - lokāya - does not mean" for Jainas” only, but "for people in general.” I think the significance of this emphasis of Hemachandra has not been properly grasped by scholars * who say that Hemachandra's intention in composing these works was to provide merely for his correligionists. The public which Hemachandra had, in his view, was, no doubt, wider than his own sect.
Now, we come to discuss the works which Hemachandra wrote at the request of Kumārapāla. Even these works which are sectarian in subjectmatter have a wider appeal on account of their easy style and manner of treatment.
+ These remarks of Hemachandra in the P. M. suggest that Hemachandra was probably criticised for claiming to be an author of various works in which he mostly systematized what others had said.
* For example Prof. Jacobi. See his Introduction to the Pari ishtaparvan p. XXIII B. I. S.
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Of these, the main are the Yogaşastra, the T. S. P. C. including the Parisishța-parvan and the Vītarāgastutis including the two well-known Dvātrimşikās.
...The subject - matter of the Yogaşăstra is distinctly religious. The whole work consists of twelve Prakäşas. Yoga is described as the thing that leads to liberation ( lit. cause of liberation) and it consists of three jewels - Jnana ( knowledge ), Sraddhā (faith), and Chāritra (conduct ) ( v. 15). In this part, Yoga is described in Jaina terminology. The first three Prakāșas are devoted to ethical rules in Jaina phraseology. In the fourth Prakāşa soul is identified with the "three jewels" and then follows description of Yoga which embodies the substance of the Yoga-system of Patanjali. The fourth discusses the nature of contemplation, asanas, etc. The fifth describes the control of breath and the acquisition of miraculous powers. The rest of the prakāșas are devoted to similar topics. : In the fourth verse of the first prakāsa, Hemachandra says “ After having acquired knowledge from the ocean of learning, the tradition of sadgūru (the initiator), and one's own experience, the Yoga – sāstra is being composed. ” The same thing is repeated in the fifty - fifth and the last verse of the twelfth prakāşa, with the additional information that“ Āchārya Hemachandra put into language the secret of Yoga at the repeated request of Sri Chālukya Kumārapāla-the king." +
The commentary on the first four prakāsas is prolix in the style of Jaina Vyākhyānas or sermons narrating anecdotes, stories, etc.; while on the remaining prakasas, it is brief. Probably the commentary is not the work
+Prakāļa 3, v. 4; Prakāşa 12, v. 55.

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Introduction
cocku
of Hemachandra himself but of one of his pupils. It contains passages from the T. S. P. C. also,
The Trişashți-salākāpurusha-charita + is a huge work composed in ten parvans, and the Parişishta parvan is a sort of appendix to it.
The work is written in an easy flowing style and contains fine descriptions. It has for its, model the Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas. One cannot judge such a huge work by examining minor details, but it should be judged in its total effect.
Prof. Jacobi has carefully examined the Anushtubh metre as it is used by Hemachandra in this work, and come to the conclusion that Hemachandra had used the sloka in a way peculiar to himself ' (pp. XXI). But. I think the learned professor is a little beside the mark when he says "He (Hemachandra) apparently attempted to facilitate the literary activities of the Jainas by making the Sloka a more handy means of composition than its classical model..." (pp. XXIII). I am inclined to regard the liberty which Hemachandra has taken with the Anushțubh metre as due to the fact that he was writing this work on the model of the Purānas, the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata which have metres which are lose in comparison with those of the later Kavyas.
The Vītarāga stotra consists of about 186 verses. It is divided into twenty Stavas-(prayers)-most of them having eight verses. *
+ The sixtythree great men include twentyfour Tirthamkaras, the twelve Chakravartins, the nine Vasudevas, the nine Baladevas, and the nine Prativasudevas.
*(1) The Prastāvanā stava (2) The Sahajātişaya - varnanástava (3) Karmakshayajātişayavarşanā stava

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Kavyanusasåna In the last stanza of the Vītarāgastava, Hemachandra says “Let Kumārapāla get the desired fruit from this stava (prayer) of Vītarāga originating from Sri Hemachandra."
These are known also as the “ Twenty Vītarāgastutis " which are referred to in the Moharājaparājaya as “ Twenty Divyagulikās that is divine pills." These hymns include also the two well-known Dvātrimşikās or set of thirty two stanzas, the Ayogavyavacchedikā and the Anyayogavyavachchhedikā i. e. 'that in which the author disproves the allegation that Jainism is wrong, and that in which the claims of other systems that they are right' (p. XVIII Introduction Syádvādamanjari" B. S. S. ).
. These poems are the philosophical hymns of Hemachandra. The poetic diction in them is of a high order and they sometimes rise, in spite of their philosophical preoccupation, to a real poetic grandeur. The following remarks of Principal Anandsankar Dhruv quoted from his learned introduction to the Syādvādamanjarī on the Anyayogavyavacchedikā, more or less apply to all these stutis: “ The former (the A. V.) is a genuine devotional lyric, pulsating with reverence for the master and is at the same time a review of (4) Sukệtātişayavarqanāprakāşa (5) Pratihāryastava (6) Vipakshanirāsaprakāşa (7) Jagat Karttvanirāsaprakāsa (8) Ekāntanirāsastava (9) Kalipraşamrastava (19) Adbhutastava (11) Achintyamahimastava (12) Vairāgyastava (13) Virodhastava (14) Yogasiddhastava (15) Bhaktistava (16) Ātmagarhāstava (17) Sarvastava (18) Kathorastava (19) Ājnástava (20) Āşīhstava.

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some of the tenets of the rival schools on which the Jaina sees reason to differ. Devotion and thought are happily blended together in one whole, and are expressed in such noble and dignified language that it deserves to rank as a piece of literature no less than that of philosophy (P. C. XXIV).
""
This brief review of Hemachandra's literary work will, I hope, give some idea of the contribution he made to Samskṛta Learning and Literature. It is a very difficult task to give a proper estimate of his work. Only a scholar of Hemachandra's capacity can do it justice. It surely makes one feel that the man who did all this work must have possessed extraordinary intellectual powers must have been a veritable intellectual giant.
―
We can divide Hemachandra's work into two parts Sastric and literary or poetic. We saw that his Sastric activity covered almost the whole field of the then known branches of learning. These works, as we saw, are characterized by clearness of exposition and lucidity and preciseness of expression. They seem to be designed with the practical view of providing excellent and exhaustive books for the purposes of study. They are, however, not reinarkable for originality of ideas. *
The following remarks of Prof. Jacobi give a fair estimate of Hemachandra's work: "Hemachandra has very extensive and at the same time accurate knowledge of many branches of Hindu and Jaina learning combined with great literary skill, and an
* Hemachandra has given, his idea of originality (lit novelty) and authorship in the Pramaņāmīmamsā. pp. CCCIV-CCCV.

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COCX
Kavyanusasana easy style. His strength lies in encyclopaedical work rather than in original research but the enormous mass of varied information which he gathered from original sources, mostly lost to us, makes his works an inestimable mine for philological and historical research.” (Ency. of Religion and Ethics. Vol VI. p.591).
Hemachandra's sastric work has, always, been so much in the fore-front that it has, so to say, monopolized the attention of the students of his work - now and in ancient times; yet a careful study of his poetic works reveals him to be a poet of no mean onder. His two Dvyāşrayas, his illustrative verses in the Rayaņāvali (or the Deşināmamāla ) and the Chhandonuşāsana, the T. S. P. C. and the devotional hymns, throw a flood of light on his poetic faculty.
Possibly some critics will feel it strange that I should think of associating poetry with the Dvyásrayaswhich are, in their opinion, merely grammatical exercises. But is it not a peculiarity of poetry that it is sometimes discovered in strange places ? Let it be, at once, granted that the language of the S. D. K. is uncouth; it is there on purpose. But once you get accustomed to it and pierce through its forbidding exterior you get genuine epic poetry. The descriptions of the S. D. K. are generally picturesque and realistic, e. g. the description of Anahillapura, that of the sudden appearance of monsoon when Karọa was practising penance, that of the Arbudachala, etc.. Even the conventional descriptions of seasons, bathing, flowergathering, etc. in the S. D. K, are more objective and realistic than those found in the recognized Mahākāvyas.
The descriptions of battles -and there are many

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as I have remarked before, are always full of vigour and realistic without ever approaching the grotesque.
The story of Mayaṇallā is told with a fine touch of emotion; one almost wished, that at least for this portion, Hemachandra might have forgotten his grammar.
The episodes are arranged in such a way as always to maintain interest. The S. D. K. possesses many of the characteristics of a good and vigorous epic but they are all hidden under its uncouth and forbidding exterior. The simile of cocoanut given to Bhāravi's + Kirāta applies more appropriately to the S. D. K. as far as its exterior is concerned, and if not equally, almost equally to its inner substance.
The exterior of the P. D. K. is less uncouth. Its descriptions are good specimens of Prākṣta poetry. Of the poetic worth of the Prākṣta verses put in as illustrations in the Rayaņāvalī the following remarks of Prof. Banerjee give a correct idea.
"A careful reading of the gathās ... would lead one to discover sense and highly poetical sense in these gāthās.... In fact these gāthās...form a valuable contribution to Prākṣta lyric poetry at the same time comparable to the Sattasai of Hāla” (p. XLI). “ They will be appreciated, it is hoped, by every lover of poetry as a remarkable feat of ingenuity worthy of Hemachandra.” (p. LI Introduction. ).
A careful and systematic study of the T. S. P. C. will reveal genuine poetic qualities of description, emotion, and story-telling and prove Hemachandra to be a Mahā Kavi.
+ art ifd aat ara: etc. Afegata.

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The verses placed at the end of every pada of the S. H. show his vigorous style and mastery in the poetry of the court.
Many of the illustrative verses in the Chhandonu. Sasana in the Samskṛta, the Prākṛta and the Apabhramṣa are genuine pieces of lyric poetry. If, as is the opinion of some scholars, most of them are Hemachandra's own compositions, they would show Hemachandra to be a writer of fine muktakas.
We have referred to Hemachandra's devotional hymns and Principal's Dhruva's remarks on one of them. Thus it would appear that Hemachandra was not only a great writer of Sastras but a writer of good poetry also. He was really a master of Lakshaṇa, Sahitya and Tarka,-Grammar, Literature and Philosophy.
Let us consider Hemachandra's personality. He had if the traditional explanation of his name is not, merely, a literary flourish - a bright complexion of golden hue; probably he had an imposing exterior. His works reveal him to be a great savant, an able writer of Ṣastric works, a good post. He was a great reformer of public morals - for that was what he achieved through his influence on Siddharāja Jayasimha and Kumārapāla. His prayers show him to be a genuine and thoughtful saint; and an autobiographic reference shows him to be a Yogin. Hemachandra was a genuine devotee of the Omniscient. No doubt, Hemachandra was a great man not only of his age, but of all ages. It may not be altogether irrelevant to say, here, that the Modha community of Kathiawar which gave one great man in Hemachandra, has given another great man to the world in Mohandas Karamachand Gandhi.

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20
THE KAVYĀNUŞĀSANA Hemachandra's aim in composing his various treatises, always, was to achieve completeness of information on their respective subjects. In doing this, he, however, appears to have been influenced by the needs of primary and advanced students. This double purpose was fulfilled by adopting the method of first writing a text-book consisting of sūtras with a commentary on them giving in a systematic and lucid form as much information of the subject as was of primary importance and necessary to give practical proficiency in it. To achieve completeness, he wrote additional commentaries incorporating all the available discussions of the previous writers on the subject treated. These additional commentaries were, of course, intended for advanced students who wanted to be masters of the subject.
The third point that may be noted in this connection is Hemachandra's aim to achieve authenticity in his works. This has made him give the previous discussions on the subject almost in the words of the authors themselves. In order to make his works current and authentic on the subjects which were generally discussed by Brāhmanical writers, it was, probably, thought necessary by this Jaina Achārya to adopt this method. This procedure, however, has laid him open to the charge of plagiarism and given his works an appearance of compilations. But a careful and a minute study of his works reveals that Hemachandra has always treated his subjects with great
40

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CCCXIV
Kavyanus asana
discrimination and definiteness and mentioned the names of authors where he thought that particular contributions were theirs.
A careful study of the S.H. and all the commentaries on it written by the author himself will bear out these remarks. A similar study of the Kavyānuṣāsana confirms them.
The Kāvyānuṣāsana consists of 208 sūtras divided into eight Adhyayas. The first adhyaya contains 25, the second 59, the third 10, the fourth 9, the fifth 9, the sixth 31, the seventh 52 and the eighth 13 sutras respectively. In these 208 sutras, so to say, is concentrated the whole subject of Samskṛta Poetics in all its aspects. This Kavyānuṣāsana of 208 sūtras is, as the author himself says, 'extended (pratanyate)' in the commentary which is known by the name Alamkarachūdāmaņi. The name of the Alamkārachūdamani is mentioned in the colophons at the end of all the adhyayas, but nowhere in the body of the text. This indicates that naming the commentary might have been a later idea.
There is, as we have seen, another commentary which the author, in its first introductory verse calls the Viveka of the Kavyanuṣāsana ". This, again, indicates that the author looks upon not only the sūtras but the vṛtti (commentary) also as Kāvyānuṣāsana. In the vṛtti, the Kavyānuṣāsana is said to be extended (pratanyate)' while here, the Viveka is said to be extended in detail (pra-vi-tanyte).' This is also clear from the first line of the introductory verse where the purpose of writing the Viveka is
""
× Pandit Bechardas's article on the S- H. previously referred to will be found very useful in such a study.

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expressed as 'to explain at certain places what is written and to add something new at certain places.' A study of the Viveka shows that this purpose is carried out properly in it.
The number of quotations given in the Al. C. as illustrations are about 740, as authorities about 67, in all about 807; those in the Viveka, as illustrations about 624; as authorities about 201, in all about 825. Thus the total number of quotations in the Kāvyā. nuşāsana is about 1632.
In the Al.C. and the Viveka Hemachandra mentions by name about fifty authors, and about eightyone works. Many of the works named belong to the authors mentioned. In addition to these, I have traced the names of some works from which quotations are taken but whose names are not mentioned by Hemachandra. All these references will be found in indexes of authors and works (pp. 521-526 ).
This will give an idea of the usefulness of the Kávyānuşāsana for the history of Samskrta Poetics and Literature.
Now, let us see what problems of the Samsksta Poetics are discussed in the Kāvyānuşāsana. The first sūtra is devoted as usual to mangala - namaskára; while the second sūtra, after informing us that the correctness of speech has been discussed by the author in his Sabdānusāsana, lays down the Sastra - prayojana (the purpose of the treatise) viz:--the poetic aspect of the language. In other words - the author tells us that he is discussing Poetics in the treatise (pp. 1-3).

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Kavyanusasana The third sūtra deals with the abhidheya prayojana that is the purpose of the subject of poetics that is the purpose of poetry. This purpose is laid down by Hemachandra as threefold, viz:-aesthetic pleasure ( ánanda ), fame (yaşas), and to be sweetly didactic (Kāntātulyatayā Upadeşāya). Here it may be noted that Hemachandra has omitted the three additional purposes given by Mammata, viz:--earning of money, knowledge of worldly behaviour (courtly behaviour etc) and the removal of evil ( through the mysterious influence of the poetic hymns etc.). The reasons for not accepting these three purposes are succintly given in the Al, C. and more clearly with illustrations in the Viveka (pp. 3–4). This illustrates the method of Hemachandra.
The fourth sūtra gives the 'cause of poetry' (Kavyasya Kāraṇam ) viz:-pratibhā - genius - which is explained in the Al. C. as 'intelligence occupied in imagining new things (nava-navollekha - şālini prajna)'. Here also Hemachandra differs from Mammața in laying emphasis on the main cause, which according to him is ‘pratibhā' or genius while the other causes mentioned by Mammaţa are regarded as mere accessories by him. This discrimination of what is of primary importance and what is secondary is really an important thing in such a subject as poetics.
In the two sūtras, five and six-this pratibhā (genius) is described in Jaina terminology. The seventh sūtra tells us that this genius is to be trained (lit. polished) by means of the study and the practice of the art. The eighth sūtra mentions the subjects of study which are briefly described in the Al. C. while expounded with illustrations in the Viveka. The ninth and the tenth

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CCCXVII sūtras describe the poetic practice which is briefly explained in the Al. C., but in detail with a great number of illustrations in the Viveka (pp. 13-23).
The eleventh sūtra defines the nature of poetry; this definition differs a little from that of Mammata in the place it assigns to alamkāra (figurative speech) in the definition; while rare instances of poetic speech without alamkāra are included by putting the conjunctive particle 'cha' in the sūtra. In the succeeding sūtras all the terms of the definition are defined and discussed. These terms are - Sabda ( Word ), Artha ( Meaning ), Dosha (Defect), Guņa (Merit), and Alamkāra (Figurative Speech). The twelfth sūtra gives the general definition of guņ3 and dosha with reference to their functions. The thirteenth defines the general nature of Alamkāra while the fourteenth describes their utility to Rasa. The sūtras 15-25 define and discuss the nature and relation of Sabda and Artha; the last sūtra-the 26th adds Rasa as one of the Vyangya arthas ( suggested meanings ), the Abhidhā, the Lakshaņā and the Vyanjanā and the Vyanjanā arthas having been discussed in the previous sūtras. This finishes the first Adhyāya.
The second Adhyāya of the Kāvyānuşāsana is devoted to Rasa, Bhāva, Rasābhūsa and Bhāvābhāsa and the classification of poetry as first rate, second rate and third rate on the principle of poetic excellence. The first 55 sūtras are devoted to the former subject while the last three are devoted to classification. This subject of classification has been discussed by Mammata in the first Adhyāya which becomes a stumbling block to a student who has not yet understood what poetic excellence is. The discussion of it after Rasa, as in the Kāvyānusāsana, is a distinct advantage to the student.

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As this sort of classification, in the opinion of Hemachandra, originated with Mammata, his name is mentioned with the quotation of the Karikas in the Viveka.
The Viveka on this adhyaya extensively quotes from the Bharata Natyaṣastra as also from the commentary of Abhinavagupta on it. The whole portion discussing Rasa is quoted almost verbatim from Abhinavagupta's commentary.
The third adhyaya, in its ten sutras, deals with the Doshas. The Al. C. and the Viveka fully discuss the subject. The Viveka, as usual, gives a great number of illustrations and quotes passages from the Kavyamīmāmsā of Rajasekhara on the subject of Deșa and Kala that is Geography and seasons of India. The reason of not mentioning the name of Rajasekhara here might be that, in the view of Hemachandra, Rajasekhara also might have taken this matter from some other author.
The fourth adhyaya deals with gunas. In the first sutra the three guņas - Madhurya, Ojas and Prasada are mentioned. In the Al. C., Hemachandra following Mammata, says that the gunas are only three and not five or ten. The Viveka on the Sutra is very important as it discusses in detail the views of Bharata, Mangala, Vamana, Dandin etc. mentioning their names (pp. 274-287). The discussion in the Viveka on the relation of metres and gunas is interesting (pp. 287-288). The remaining eight sutras define the three gunas and discuss how they are related to the quality of the syllables used (pp. 289–294).
The fifth adhyaya treats of the six Sabdalamkāras

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which the Viveka enumerates as Anuprāsa, Yamaka, Chitra, Slesha, Vakrokti, and Punaruktābhāsa. Their varieties are also discussed.
The first sūtra defines Anuprāsa while the second distinguishes Lātānuprāsa. The third sūtra defines the Yamaka while the fourth says where it is possible. The Al. C. on the fourth sūtra describes and illustrates the varieties of Yamaka. The fifth sūtra defines the Chitra, while the sixth defines Şlesha. The seventh sūtra mentions the varieties of Slesha. The eighth sūtra defines Vakrokti while the ninth defines Panaruktăbhāsa. Many of the illustrations for the Sabdālamkāras are taken from the Devīşataka of Anandavardhana, who is mentioned in the Viveka on the fifth sūtra as Noņasuta Şrīmān Anandavardhana, that is, Anandavardhana - the son of Noņa (p. 321 ). Rudrata's Kāvyālamkāra has also been largely drawn upon in this Adhyāya.
The Viveka on the seventh sūtra, while explaining Páthadharmatva (pp.333-336) quotes at length from the Bharata Nātya Şāstra-probably from Abhinavagupta's commentary. This passage is interesting from many points of view.
The sixth adhyāya treats of twentynine artha - alamkāras including Samkara. It will be seen that Hemachandra has greatly reduced the number of principal Arthālamkāras, which according to Mammata, are sixtyone in number *. This Hemachandra has
* For the history of the development of Alamkāras see Prof. Jacobi's article 'Bhāmaba and Dandin' in Sitzungberichte der Prussian Academie der Wissenschaften or its translation in the Puráttatva Vol. II pp. 81-89.

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done by neglecting minor and unimportant distinctions. He‘includes Sams:shți under Samkara, so defines Dīpaka as to include Tulyayogitā in it, defines a figure Parāvștti which contains the Paryāya and Parivịtti of Mammata, omits all those figures that have a touch of Rasa, Bhāva etc. in them (viz:-Rasavat, Preyas, Urjasvi Samāhita), and passes over Ananvaya, Upameyopamā as varieties of Upamā, includes under Nidarshanā the figures Prativastūpamā, Drashțānta, and Nidarshanā of others. He uses the names Jāti and Anyokti for Svabhāvokti and Aprastutapraşamsā”. +
The twenty-nine arthālamkāras that Hemachandra discusses in 31 sūtras are enumerated by the Viveka as follows: (1) Upamā (2) Utprekshā (3) Rūpaka (4) Nidarsanã (5) Dipaka (6) Anyokti (7) Paryāyokti (8) Atişayokti (9) Ākshepa (10) Virodha (11) Sahokti (12) Samāsokti (13) Jāti (14) Vyājastuti (15) Şlesha (16) Vyatireka (17) Arthāntaranyāsa (18) Sasamdeha (19) Apahnuti (20) Parivịtti (21) Anumāna (22) Smộti (23) Bhrānti (24) Vishama (25) Sama (26) Samuchhaya (27) Parisamkhyā (28) Kāraṇamāla (29) Sankara
The definition of Upamā I ATTEIGTAI - that Hemachandra has adopted is different from that of Mammața. He has laid emphasis on the aesthetic element in the definition.
The Viveka, however, mentions and discusses all the alamkāras given by previous writers including Bhoja
+Kane's Introduction to the Sahitya Darpaņa pp. CXIV etc.

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cccxxi the author of the Sarasvati-kantha-bharaṇa, who in that work describes probably the greatest number of Alamkāras. The Viveka shows how some of them are included in the alamkāras of the text and how others are not to be regarded as alamkāras. (pp. 339-405).
The Al. C., after finishing its comment on the thirtyfirst sūtra which defines Samkara, discusses the problem as to why this one is called Şabdālamkāra and the other one Arthālamkāra.' The answer is that if 'Vaichitraya-charm- of the alamkāra is predominantly due to its Sabda, it is to be called a Sabdālamkāra while if it is due to Artha, it is to be called Arthälamkāra' (p. 401 ).
Thus in six adhyāyas (143 sūtras) the whole nature of Kāvya as such is defined and discussed in detail, the subject which Mammaga has discussed in ten Ullāsas (212 sutras) of his Kāvyaprakāşa.
The seventh adhyāya discusses, so to say, the question of characters in a literary work. It describes what is a Nāyaka (hero) (sutra 1), what are his characteristics (guņas) (sutras (2-10), the four classes of Nāyakas (11), their descriptions (12-19), and what is a pratināyaka-opponent of a hero (20). Then comes the description of the different classes of Náyikās or heroines (21-23-24-20). The thirtieth sūtra describes the eight states (avasthās ) of the Nāyikās viz:(1) Svādhīnapatiká (2) Proshitabhartrkā, (3) Khanditā, (4) Kalahāntaritā (5) Vāsakasajjā (6) Virahotkanthitā (7) Vipralabdhā and (8) Abhisārikā. The remaining twentytwo sūtras ( 31-52 ) are devoted to describing the qualities and the characteristics of women.
41

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The Viveka on this adhyâya is meagre, probably because what was to be said has been said in the Al. C.
This adhyāya is mainly based upon the Dasarūpaka of Dhananjaya a literary man of Munja's Court, as also upon the Bharata-Nātya-şāstra and the commentary of Abhinavagupta ( pp. 406 – 431).
The eighth Adhyāya treats of the varieties of poetic compositions (garaAFFITAT). The first sūtra classifies literary composition into prekshya (to be enjoyed by seeing) and Sravya (to be enjoyed by hearing or reading). In the Al. C. is explained what makes a poet whose work ( Karman) is called poetry, and then the authority of Bhatta Tota on the subject is quoted.
The second sūtra divides prekshya into Pathya (to be recited), and Geya ( to be sung). In the third sūtra are mentioned the twelve varieties of Pāthya viz: (1) Nātaka (2) Prakarana (3) Nātīkā (4) Samavakāra (5) Īhāmrga (6) Dima (7) Vyāyoga (8) Utərshţikānka (9) Prahasana (10) Bhāņa (11) Vīthi and (12) Sattaka.
The Al. C, on this sūtra quotes extensively from the twentieth chapter of the Bharata Nātyasāstra (C.S. S.). The Viveka on the same also gives interesting information. Most probably it is based upon the commentary of Abhinavagupta (pp. 432 - 445). Over and above these twelve varieties of recitable plays other varieties such as Topaka etc. defined by Kohala and others are also included under the head of pāthya (445).
The fourth sūtra mentions the eleven varieties of Geya-prekshya (visual performance which is musical) as(1) Dombikā (2) Bhāņa (3) Prasthāna (4) Şingaka (5) Bhāņikā (6) Preraņa (7) Rāmākrīda (8) Hallisaka (9) Rāsaka (10) Șrī- gadita (11) Rägaktīvya.

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The Al, C. quotes verses explaining the nature of these varieties from some unknown work. Other varieties of geya such as Sampā, Chhalita, Dvipadi are also mentioned. We are asked to consult Brahmā, Bharata and Kohala. It might be that the verses quoted in the Al. C. are taken from some work of Kohala. The Viveka gives examples of some of these varieties and also other useful information (pp. 445 – 449). *
The fifth sūtra mentions the five varieties of Sravya Kävya viz:-(1) Mahākávya (2) Akhyāyikā. (3) Kathā (4) Champū and (5) Anibaddha.
The sixth sūtra defines Mahākāvya. It is mostly in verse and composed either in the Samskrta, the Prākrta, the Apabhramsa or the Grāmya. It is divided into either sarga, āsavāsa, samdhi or avaskandhaka which have their last verses in different metres from the rest. It must have its Samdhis (lit. joints) properly developed and possess charm of language and meaning.
The Al. C. quotes verses from Bharata explaining Samdhis which, it is taken for granted, are the same for the Nātaka as for the Mahākāvya. The Viveka gives examples from dramas (p. 449-455). The other terms are also explained in a phraseology which appears to be taken from the Kävyādarşa of Dandin, which appears
* We may note, here, that the Natyadarpana of Rāmachandra a pupil of Hemachandra deals with the same subject. It should be studied with this portion of the Kāvyānu āsana. The Nāt yadarpaņa indicates that Rāinachandra had made excellent use of Hemachandra's great library; for we find in it the names of so many unknown dramas. The late Prof. Sylvian Lévi wrote an article on the subject before the work was published in the G. 0. S. The article is translated in the Gujarati in Puratattva, Vol. V. p. 45.

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Kavyanusasana to have been largely drawn upon by the Al. C. in this adhyāya. (See Dandin's Kāvyādarsa Pari. I vs. 11-36).
The Al. C. and the Viveka mention some poems by name which are otherwise not-known, as e. g. Abdhimanthana as an example of an Apabhramşa poem, Bhīmakāvya as that of a Grāmya poem, * Hariprabodha as that of a Samskặta poem divided into Āşyāsakas (pp. 455 - 462 ). The seventh and eighth sūtras describe Ākhyāyikā and Kathā respectively. In this matter, Bhāmaha has been followed (See Bhāmaha Alamkāra Pari I. vs. 18 - 25–29. See also Dandin's Kāvyādarşa Pari I. vs. 23-28). The Al. C., in addition to the Harshacharita and the Kādambarī, mentions Līlavatī as a Padyamayī kathā (story in verse as distinguished from the Kādambarī as a story in prose).
The other varieties of Kathā are explained in the Al. C. with their respective examples. They are Akhyāna (Govind ), Nidarşanā (Panchatantra, Kuttanimata ), Pravahlikā (Chetaka ), Manthallika (Gorochanā and Anangavatī), Maņikulyă (Matsyahasita ), Parikathā (Sūdraka), Khandakathā (Indumati ), Sakalakathā (Samarāditya – no doubt of Haribhadraşūri ) and Bịhatkathā (Naravāhanadattādi Charita referring to Guņādhya's work ). Most of these works are unknown to us.
The ninth sūtra defines Champū while the tenth defines the anibaddha as muktaka etc. This refers to the composition of verses ( without the story element or so little of it as to be negligible). The eleventh sūtra tells us that if there is a single verse, it is to
* This Bhīmakāvya might have for its subject matter Bbīma I the grand-father of Siddharaja.

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cccxxy be called a Muktaka, if two verses á Samdānitaka, if three a Visesaka, and if four a Kalā paka. According to the twelfth sūtra a collection of five to fourteen verses is to be called a Kulaka. According to the thirteenth and the last sūtra any collection of good verses - one's own or of other people-is called Kosa. As an example of Muktaka, the Al. C. mentions the well known muktakas of Amaru. As an example of Kosa is mentioned the Saptaşataka (of Hāla), of Samghāta the Vịndāvana and the Meghadūta, of Samhitā the Yadu. vamşa and the Dilīpavamsa.
Thus the whole subject matter of Samskrta poetics in all its aspects is treated in the treatise-the Kāvyānuşāsana. Not only that, but Hemachandra has tried to be up-to-date in his authorities. There is only one other work which can bear comparison with the Kávyānuşāsana in this matter and that is the Sāhityadarpaşa of Vişvanátha who wrote his work, in the opinion of Mr. Kane, between 1380 A. C. to 1384 A. C. (Introduction the S. D. p. CXXIII ) more than two hundred years after Hemachandra wrote his work.
According to Mr. Kane ( in the introduction to the S. D. p. c. XIV ) Hemachandra has been quoted by Kumāraswāmin in his commentary named the Ratnāpana on the Pratāparudrayaşobhüshaņa of Vidyānātha on pp. 46-47-224-233-259-279-299 of that work (published in the B. S. S.).
Here, I may refer to two remarks of Dr. S. K. De about the Kāvyānuşāsana of Hemachandra. Dr. De says " As a text book it (i.e. the Kāvyānuşāsana ) hardly supercedes the Kávyaprakāşa” (History of Samskrta Poetics Vol. I p. 203). Now if it were a

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question of the relative values of their respective contributions to the literature of Samskrta Poetics, the superiority of the great Kāvyaprakāşa of Mammaţa is undoubted. But I beg to differ from the learned Doctor in his opinion on their relative merits as text books.
What characterizes a good text book is its treatment of the subject matter. It should be so clear as to make it easy to grasp, so graded as to satisfy the needs of different grades of students, so systematic as to reveal the rational character of the subject matter, and it should be sufficiently exhaustive. Now the main thing that characterizes the Kāvyaprakāsa is its systematic and rational treatment of the subject. But Mammața has tried to be systematic at the cost of clearness. In fact the Kāvyaprakāşa is one of the most difficult Samskặta books and in spite of its proverbially innumerable commentaries, * it yet remains a hard nut to crack. In fact the Kāvyaprakása is a laconic work. In his effort to be systematic Mammata has forgotten that there are students less learned than he who are to study his book. The treatment of the subject in the K. P. as far as the essential nature of Kávya goes, is, no doubt, complete. But a student of Samsksta poetics will have to consult other works for the study of the different forms of Samskrta literature. This is another drawback. Judged from this point of view, the superiority of the Kavyanuşāsa na is, to my mind, undoubted. For, it possesses all the qualities of a good text book inentioned above. If we are asked to point out what is the one merit which the works of Hemachandra possesses above all, we should say that they are excellent text books.
* काव्यप्रकाशस्य कृता गृहे गृहे टीका तथाप्येष तथैव दुर्गमः ॥

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The second remark of Dr. S. K. De is that the Kāvyānuşāsana is merely a Sikshā grantha.
I wonder how anybody who has even cursorily gone through the Kávyānusāsana with its Al. C. and Viveka can form such a view of the work. It, no doubt, includes the topic of Kavişikshā as it includes many other topics also. But that should not make one regard it as merely a Sikshā grantha and classify it as such, as Dr. De has done. In fact the Kávyānuşāsana is a work which should take its place with the Kāvyaprakāşa and the Sāhityadarpaņa as treating the subject of Samsksta poetics in all its aspects..
21
CHRONOLOGY OF HEMACHANDRA’S WORKS
As we have seen, Hemachandra, has, himself, indicated the order in which he wrote his works, in the works themselves. He, has, however, no where given exact dates for any of his works; nor we are able to ascertain them from any independent direct source. Dr. Bühler has attempted to assign approximate dates to these works which are, on the whole, correct.
Dr. Bühler, from the reference in the Prasasti at the end of the S. H. to a pilgrimage, concludes 'that the grammar should have been finished after this time '. He puts the composition of the grammar between the return from Mālava and the end of the pilgrimage - for which he assigns a period of two or three years. The return from Mālava is put by Dr. Bühler in the year V. S. 1194-A. D. 1138 and so he comes to the conclusion that the “Grammar must have been ready, at

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the earliest, towards the end of Vikrama year 1197A. D. 1141 (p. 18).
We have seen, on the authority of the colophons which were not available to Dr. Bühler that the victory over Malava took place between the last months of V. S. 1191 and the first months of V. S. 1192-A. D. 1135-36. Accepting the interval of two or three years which Dr. Bühler assumes we may place the completion of the grammar at the earliest, towards the end of the Vikrama year 1195-A. D. 1139.
In the opinion of Dr. Bühler, both the Kosas were completed before Jayasimha's death (p. 18), so also the first fourteen cantos of the S. D. K. (p. 19). The whole poem in its present form, however, cannot have been completed before V. S. 1220-A.D.1164 (p. 19). The Kāvyānuṣāsana and the Chhandonuṣāsana were probably written in the beginning of the rule of Kumārapāla (pp. 19-36). Dr. Bühler, however, is not correct in assuming that there are no compliments to the king in the illustrations of the C. S. (p 36); for, as we have seen, both Jayasimha and Kumārapāla have been praised in the Chhandonuṣāsana; especially the latter. There are about four references to Jayasimha and about fortynine to other Chalukya kings, most of which refer to Kumārapāla who is mentioned under his own name (e. g. pp. 4, 14, 16 etc.), as the son Siddharāja-meaning of course, successor to Siddharāja (pp. 11, 12, 14 etc.), and also as a descendent of Bhima (p. 4. etc.).
To the early part of Kumarapala's reign belong also numerous supplements to both the great Samskṛta Kosas and the text of Rayaṇavali, or Deṣināmamālā. To
CCCXXVIII

<<

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CCCXXIX the supplements belong, first of all, the Seshakhya Namamāla which purports to complete the Abhidhāna. chinātmaņi and which contains, particularly, extracts from Yadavaprakasa's Vaijayanti (p. 36). The three Nighanţus - according to the tradition Hemachandra wrote six of them - also belong to this period. The commentary with illustrative verses on the Rayaņávali, Dr. Bühler puts about the years V. S. 1214-1215A. D. 1159 (p. 37). The text of the Yoga-Sastra as also that of the Vītarāgastotra were probably written shortly after V.S. 1216 - A. D. 1160. The commentary, on the other hand, was probably completed a few years later (p. 40).
The composition of the T. S. P. C. is placed by Dr. Bühler, between V.S. 1216 and 1229-A, D. 11601173. The last five cantos of the Samskặta Dvyaşraya Kávya and the P. D. K. or Kumāravālachariya as it is called also belong to this period. “The commentary on the Abhidhānachintamaņi was probably the last of the scholarly works of this late period. The fact, that in this commentary both the Y. S. and the T. S. P. C. are cited, proves not only that it belongs to the period after V.S. 1216-A. D. 1160, but also that it was written during the last years of the author's life' (p. 49). As a further proof of this late date, Dr. Bühler adduces the fact that the commentary of the Anekārthakosa was written by Hemachandra's pupil Mahendrasūri who wrote it in his master's name after the death of the latter (Hemachandra) (p. 49).
The Pramāṇamīmāmsa, according to Dr. Bühler's opinion, also belongs to the works of the period of V. S. 1216-1229-4. D. 1160–1173 (p. 49 ).

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3 Here, I may draw attention to the fact that in the Abhidhanachintamani itself, which we have placed in the last years of Jayasimha's reign, Kumarapala is mentioned by name and described as Chalukya, Rajarshi, Paramarhata, Mṛta - sva - mokta (one who has given up the confiscation of the wealth of the dead), Dharmātmā and Marivyasanavāraka (preventor of the vice of killing) (A. C. V. 3 v. 376 377). This would indicate that this work also belongs to the latter part of Kumāra. pala's reign. But on other grounds, which Dr. Bühler has discussed, it will be better to regard this verse as an addition in a revised edition of the A. C. There is ample proof in the works of Hemachandra, that he himself later on revised some of his works and added new material to them in course of revision. The process of perfecting the works must have continued to the very end of his life.
↑
3
4.1
Akshayatṛtly a, V. S. 1992. 24th April, 1936.

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Rasiklal C. Parikh

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30 Far XXVI 24 one
one of XXXVII 32 His on
His son XLIII 29 Traikurakas Traikutakas LX top L.
LX LXVIII
not CLVII
not not CLX
Sampatrkara Sampatkara CLXVI
CL
CLXVI CLXVIII
Devasted
Devastated CLXXI 18 Ahd
And CLXXIV 14 is a how
is how CXC
CLXC
CXC CCI
Add footnote + + Hemachandra in the T. S. P. C. Parvan X M.Charita C. 12 vs. 45-46 gives the date 1669 years after Vīranirvana =
V. S. 1199. CCXXXI 25 Kings Things CCIXL 17 Coy-boys Cow-boys CCLX 14 Vey
Very

Page #353

Page #354

KĀVYANUṢASANA
Vol. II

[ Part II ]
NOTES
by RAMCHANDRA B. ATHAVALE M. A.
Professor of Samskṛta, S. L. D. Arts College, Late Professor of Samskṛta, Gujarat Vidyapitha, Bhau-Daji Prize-man, Bhandarkar Prize-man.
Ahmedabad.

Page #355

Page #356

PREFACE M y friend Mr. Rasiklal Parikh has ably shown in
"V his introduction, what unique position Hema: chandra occupies among the galaxy of writers on Sanskrit poetics. His present work is by far one of the most comprehensive works in the whole of Sanskrit literature on poetics. The critical acumen and profound scholarship that he has shown in his fais, simply staggering. He has a thorough grasp of his subject and has given glimpses of his originality in the said commentary.
I have tried my best to explain the text of #12119T17 clearly in my notes. I have written these notes especially with a view to help the students of Sanskrit poetics in the Arts Colleges of to-day.
I have tried in these notes to remove almost every textual difficulty and have offered explanations of the difficult points in the text, as far as possible, with the help of faas. I must, however, own that I have only partially handled the vast material treasured by the author in his fat-for the very simple reason that I was afraid of increasing the bulk of the present volume.
I shall feel my labour amply rewarded if the students of the present work find it easy to understand the text clearly with the help of my notes.
My special thanks are due to Mr. Motichand G. Kapadia B. A.; LL. B. Solicitor Bombay, honorary Secretary Shri Mahavir Jain Vidyalaya Bombay-for the opportunity that he has offered to me of writing upon a subject so important and interesting to the students of Indian Culture. Maharashtra Society
R. B. Athavie Ahmedabad, 25th June, 1936

Page #357

CONTENTS
Adhyāya Adhyaya Adhyāya Adhyâya Adhyâya Adhyaya Adhyaya Adhyâya
9 -cu) II (cc-990) III ( 943--Puz) IV ( puxa-758) V (784-) VI (783804) VII ( 806-839) VIII ( YapY9€ )
Pages
1-73 74-114 115-159 160--163 164-179 180-234 235-258 259_-276

Page #358

Notes.
ADHYAYA I. While writing the present work, Hemchandra had clearly before him ancient works on poetics especially काव्यप्रकाश of मम्मट. Works like काव्यप्रकाश start with कारिकाs, that is, verses usually in 81969 or 3raf metre. These wiføls are almost versified Sutras and are pregnant with deep meaning. In order to explain clearly these pithy verses (*1918), generally an author himself writes a commentary thereon. Thus the ærfærs along with its commentary form the text of the work.
In the present work, Hemchandra has adopted the same method. He first writes a Fifat and then explains the meaning of that #f41, himself. But this explanation, the author does not feel to be quite adequate. He, therefore, has written another commentary, this time thoroughly exhaustive, furnished with detailed discussions and illustrations that explain the text most clearly. He has given the name of fage to this bulky commentary.
Lay readers and college students are not expected to go through this fačte of Hemchandra. We have therefore availed ourselves of the rich material in this faat and have tried to explain the body of the text with the aid of faa.
In the verse " GUFE TTATEARAH" Hemchandra says that he writes 4107/Tata for the pleasure of the learned in the field of poetics. In the introductory verse, Hem. has tendered his obeisance to the supreme soul. But not being satisfied with this verse, he writes another

Page #359

P. 1. A. 1. S. 1. )*
verse evidently as a benedictory verse. It need not be stated that FATTO is a peculiar feature of Indian works. Every work must have a benedictory verse, otherwise, the work, as the popular superstition is, would hardly see its completion without any obstacles. This Akarate, then, is the convention (447) of the respectable men in the society (NTE). The deity that is the object of this obeisance or salutation differs according to the subject matter of every work or according to the peculiar religious tenet of an author. In the following verse “8795fTaFA199714" etc. Hemchandra has observed this convention and offered his salutations to the language of जिन (जैनी वाक् ). The word जिन means 'a conqueror' and was applied as an honorific term to महावीर, the founder of Jain religion. जनी वाक् or the language of जिन is अर्धमागधी-a subdivision of the प्राकृत language. Taport is the language or rather a 91ka dialect in which agift preached his jain doctrines to his audience. It is quite in the fitness of things that, Hemachandra, who was a renownded Jain preacher, should show his deep reverence for startet, the language of the sacred books of the jains. Thereft, according to Hem., is sanctified by hertt with his acceptance of it.
Translation :-We meditate upon pantat, the language of feta-the language, in which every word is full of natural sweetness ( or can be easily understood even by dull persons because it is free from artificiality ) [ 3151SHEZIC991], the language which expresses the very essence of things or points to the supreme bliss ( Tarefarfall) and which assumes the forms of various other languages.
*P=Page of the Sanskrta text, A=Adh yāya, S=Sutra.

Page #360

(P. 2. A. 1. S. 1.
Our author explains the phrase अकृत्रिमस्वादुपदाम् in two ways. He seems to prefer the second interpretation. He thinks that starts is specially of very great use to children, women and dull persons, for this reason that the profound, religious principles are propounded by hereke in it, for the sake of easy understanding.
But this description of gartref that it is full of sweetness would equally apply to musical compositions or the like. To exclude these, therefore, Hem. says that अर्धमागधी is परमार्थाभिधायिनीम् ie it leads to final beatitudenot directly of course but by stating the four fold division of things which is as follows:-(i) 970*77. The whole of Jain religion is based on three things ( otherwise called the three gems )--4F74.Ja (right knowledge ) 957965ta ( right faith ) and 9725aifea ( right conduct). This right conduct is here said to be author which becomes right only when it is accompanied by right knowledge and right faith. चरणकरण leads to मोक्ष (absolution), which according to the Jains, consists in complete freedom from every sort of 4 ( action. )
The second division is toe which deals with the true nature of a thing or substance ( 47 ) which according to the Jains has the three characteristics 3191€ (birth ), .272 ( decay) and start (stationariness). True nature of things, therefore, we know by studying this division of द्रव्य.
The third division is futa. By studying nora we know about the life of every being-the eclipses of the sun and the moon and various other things. Ofora, therefore, is indirectly useful to us in attaing absolution.
The fourth division is ist which deals with the lives of the saints, preachers and is pioneers of

Page #361

P. 2. A. 1. S. 1. ]
Jain religion.) Their lives are a standing inspiration to the seekers of absolution, hence leads indirectly to final beatitude. The adjective परमार्थाभिधायिनी, therefore, is peculiarly appropriate with regard to
.
सर्वभाषापरिणता is also an adjective of अर्धमागधी ( जैनीवाक् ). According to Hemchandra, er was the only language at the beginning of creation. In course of time, however, this Divine language transformed itself into various languages according as it was used by gods, men, barbarians and lower animals. In support of his statement, Hem. quotes the verse aar aat" etc. which means: the gods used this art, but then it was called the language of the gods and others.
<<
As the rain water falling from the clouds is of only one nature, but when it is mixed with the water of a river it is transformed into river-water and assumes a different characteristic, in the same manner, originally only one language, assumes different names when it is used by different persons or beings.
It will be seen that this statement of Hem. is philologically quite unsound. It merely speaks of the highest estimation in which the author held अर्धमागधी, which according to him has miraculous powers.
अनुयोग means division. प्रेक्षावत् learned man. Why should the readers feel any inclination to read this work? To this, the answer of our author is as follows:
Verse 2: We have fully explained the nature of correct speech in our work present work we are going
शब्दानुशासन ", now in the to treat the subject of
what is poetry or what is called poetic speech.
The work in which
treats of grammar is
named by him as f. Therein he has distinguished

"(

Page #362

(P. 3. A. 1. S. 2.
correct words from incorrect words. That work serves as a ground-work to the present work. In the present work, 49 has not even touched the subject of grammar and has merely referred his readers to PAGEA obviously because, he, being the author of both these books, does not find any necessity of repeating what he has already said elsewhere. To discuss the nature of poetry then, is the object of the present work. The subject matter is poetry. But what is the aim of poetry ? To this 2497's answer is as follows:
Sutra 3 : The object or aim of poetry is joy, fame and advice like that of a wife.
Poetry is the extraordinary creation of a poet (lipi fa# ) which the author explains as follows:' when a poet is informed with the spirit of poetic imagination, he is able to describe things in the most graphic way. The creation of the poet, under the influence of this sraut is called a poem (71154). The list of the aims of poetry as are here mentioned by man reminds one of a similar but more exhaustive list, (given by AFHC in his $15375818T) which runs as follows:
काव्यं यशसेऽर्थकृते व्यवहारविदे शिवेतरक्षतये ।
सद्यः परनिर्वतये कान्तासंमिततयोपदेशयुजे ॥ The aims of poetry are : fame (in most cases ) money, competency in everyday life, protection from evil influences, immediate supreme joy; and advice after the manner of a wife. It will be clearly seen that he has given prominence to supreme joy as the most important motive of poetry and rightly so. RAE's list seems to us to be a bundle of aims good, bad and indifferent. It is a list of aims of poetry that are found in the generality of poets. The aims that

Page #363

P. 3. A. 1. S. 3. )
are actually found to be cherished by different poets are mentioned by AFAT, while that seems to place before the readers a list of aims that should be cherished as noble ones by all the poets. The former is practical, the latter is ideal. E in his $18415#17 states the following as the aims of poetry :
धर्मार्थकाममोक्षाणां वैचक्षण्यं कलासु व
elfà effá sitfát a nyararla aruan (ch. 1/2) Compared to this also, the list of 24975 appears to be more appropriate-evidently because he has assigned the highest place to the aim of Supreme joy,' as he says distinctly : thaghad fanacht: 4180975787. भोजदेव in his सरस्वतीकण्ठाभरण pithily remarks : काव्यं रसवत्कवि: कुर्वन् कीर्ति प्रीतिं च विन्दति. In fact the ideal aims of poetry
must be only प्रीति (ie supreme joy) कीर्ति, (fame) and gas (delightful but ) effective advice.
fagare in his arrecaayo says:-agási sgia: galceq. धियामपि। काव्यादेव ॥ सा० द० १/२
हेमचन्द्र next defines this suprerne joy ( सद्योरसास्वादजन्मा etc). as one that springs from enjoying a sentiment in a poem, a joy in which the mind forgets every other thing, and which is similar to the joy of self realization. This joy, then, is the highest aim of poetry ( सर्वप्रयोजनोपनिषद्भत) and may be felt both by the poet as well as the reader, (* in his fax distinctly remarks that gat (fame) and seara (knowledge ) are aims that are inferior to this aim of 'supreme joy'). TT however is the sole monopoly of the poet. It cannot be shared by the readers.
___ In the following passage begining with प्रभुतुल्येभ्यः the author explains as to how groc differs from Vedas, Puranas and other kinds of literature. The whole passage

,

Page #364

(P. 4. A. 1. S. 3.
has almost literally been copied from मम्मट's काव्यप्रकाश. Next to the aim of supreme joy, the aim of 'delightful advice' is also very important. In fact it can be said to be the main characteristic of a poem. The Vedas command like a master who says 'Thou shalt or shalt not do this. They are thus never delightful. In Vedas the very words have acquired a sort of sanctity and admit of no change. In Puranas, advice is tendered, after the fashion of a friend, in a friendly manner but it is advice after all. It is the import of the advice given, that really matters. Thus Toz is all-in-all, in Vedas. Be is a predominant thing in gior's; but in flag there is no direct advice given-either in a peremptory tone or in a direct way. In qaz, sentiment ( T ) reigns supreme. Toe and sell play a subordinate part to th. The advice (if at all given ) is given in such a sweetly indirect manner-after the fashion of a wife trying to give some sort of advice to her husband, advice given with winning gestures, in sweet delightful words possessing an insidious charm. The reader in the end, knows what he is expected to know and never feels the bluntness of direct advice. The reader must be of course a man of soft emotion. For such a reader is the word used by 24975. In his face he defines the word egy as a man, who has the capacity to idenity himself with the subject-matier of a poem. In support of his statement हेमचन्द्र quotes from हृदयदर्पण the lines. “ 778919174ATPART" etc. which have the same import as the passage of the explained above.
In this connection, in his faâa has started an interesting discussion. He says there are poems in Sanskrit which have distinctly an immoral tone. For

Page #365

P. 5. A. 1. S. 3.]
<<
instance the verse वयं बाल्ये डिम्भान् ” etc. (see विवेक for the whole verse) Are such verses in any sense of the term didactic or capable of conveying any sound advice to the readers? The answer to this question as given by is this:- 'True. These verses are frankly immoral in their tone-but only outwardly. The inner object of the poets in writing such verses is really to disuade their readers from acting in the way shown in the verses. Unless one knows what a morally objectionable thing means, one cannot be asked to refrain from doing such a thing. Hence even such verses must be said to contain an element of advice in them.
""
In the passage धनमनैकान्तिक etc. हेमचन्द्र rightly criticizes and others of kindred opinion, for holding that wealth, shrewdness in everyday life, and freedom from disease or any other mishap are also the objects of writing a poem. He says that these and other objects are not peculiar to poetry only, for a man may obtain wealth not only by writing a poem but by other means also; wisdom in everyday affairs can be secured not by poetry alone but from any other competent work such as अर्थशास्त्र of चाणक्य; and freedom from any evil or disease can be brought about not only by means of our reading or writing a poem but also by some religious performance, or by uttering some sacred . we cannot, therefore, say that only a poem () is written with the objects of wealth etc. Another fine interpretation of the word if is given by हेमचन्द्र. He says काव्य that is not necessarily written with the objects such as wealth, freedom from disease etc. for it is not quite certain that may bring about wealth etc. either to the poet or the

8
66

Page #366

[P. 5. A. 1. S. 4. reader. In fact it is universally acknowledged that poets are proverbially poor. These objects can, therefore, be summarily dismissed as pafah ( i. e. not definite ) thus:-(1) because wealth and other things can be secured in other ways (2) because wealth and other things may not be necessarily secured from poetry.
Now starts the question what is the root cause of poetry-from what does it spring ? The answer of that is explicit. He says:--
Sutra 4th :- The (main) cause of poetry is vivid imagination or bright conception.
प्रतिभा is defined by हेमचन्द्र as a genius which has the characteristic of creating new things. This then is the main cause of poetry. That learning and study merely enhance the power of genius will be proved later on.
According to HEAT the cause of poetry is: strar fágorar esta#189jaamoner i
काव्यज्ञशिक्षयाभ्यास (इति हेतुस्तदुद्भवे) ॥ काव्यप्रकाश १-३ The power of poetic genius, cleverness acquired by reading other poetic works and works on other subjects, and by a deep observation of things around and a practice of versifying under a competent person-- all these combined are the cause of poetry. Here it should be noted that siahl is considered by AFHT to be indispensable--it should be, of course, accompanied by other things. 79, on the other hand, says that sfahr is the only cause of poetry but says that gfaat is either the gift of God or of a great man, or it may be acquired by profound learning or by constant application.
भामह fully agrees with the advocates of प्रतिभा as being the sole cause of poetry; when he says:

Page #367

P. 6. A. 1. S. 5.)
___ 'काम्यं तु जायते जातु कस्यचित्प्रतिभावतः ' भामह १-५ Altogether then, there are three schools holding different views as regards the cause of poetry: --
(1) sfahi or genius is the sole cause of poetryहेमचन्द्र and भामह belong to this school.
(2) Tam thinks that though fahr is the sole cause of poetry, it can be acquired even by profound learning and study.
(3) AFAS holds that (sau) genius along with cleverness and practice is the cause of poetry.
दण्डी in his काव्यादर्श has anticipated मम्मट in holding that the combination of प्रतिभा, व्युत्पत्ति and अभ्यास is the root of cause of poetry. नैसर्गिकी च प्रतिभा श्रुतं च बहु निर्मलम् । अमन्दश्चाभियोगोऽस्याः कारणं काव्यसंपदः ।
राजशेखर who says “व्युत्पत्तिप्रतिभे इति यायावरीयः" agrees with AFAZ in holding both deep observation and genius as essential for poetry.
sfahi according to an is of two kinds:-- (1) Natural and (2) Conditional or depending for its birth on external causes. Out of these kinds the first is:
5th सूत्रः-सहजा (natural) प्रतिभा manifests itself when the obstacles which impede its course are totally removed; and when future obstacles are nipped in the bud or removed beforehand. The sun is a selfluminous celestial body, but when clouds screen its light, it can not shine; when, however, the clouds and other such obstacles are removed, the sun shines with its native lustre; similarly, when the obstacles (such as maraton-one that obstructs knowledge and others) are totally removed and when there is no further possibility of any obstruction, the native genius manifests itself. There is no necessity of any charms

Page #368

11 (P.6. A. 1. S. 639. or incantations for the birth of such a genius. This is suggested by the word #17 in the Sutra.
The words आवरण, क्षय and उपशम are technical terms used in Jain works in the sense of obstructions, total destruction and checking respectively.
हेमचन्द्र here alludes to the गणधरs (the disciples of महावीर) as men of genius who composed द्वादशाङ्गी (the sacred works of Jain religion), on the strength of this natural genius. q 6th:-(2) Artificial or conditional gaat can be had by muttering the words of sacred works or mystic incantation.
The only difference between natural and conditional genius is that while in both 737 and 3974 are necessary for the mainfestation of genius, in the former these (979 and 3997) take place naturally, while in the latter they are brought about by 427, kar etc.
Sutra 7th:--Now this two-fold sfaat is rendered brighter or more powerful by व्युत्पत्ति and अभ्यास (that is proficiency and application.)
These two-(ayegfer and 3x379) cleverness and study are never the direct causes of fahi but they only enhance the power of sfahl; for without poetic genius cleverness and study are totally useless.
In the 8th Sutra our author defines the word wycofer as the proficiency in 1827 (poetry), all sciences and in all things concerning the world around us.
wegfa comprises under it a wide range of knowledge of humanity as a whole, and observation of human nature and of the vast world around us (both animate and inanimate).
agrafer also means profound learning and extensive reading of manifold branches of literature such as

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P. 7. A. 1. S. 8. ]
grammar prosody, lexicons, Vedas and other similar works, history, logic, dramaturgy, Erotics, Economics, Systems of Yoga and poems composed by great poets. This, then, is the staggering range of knowledge which--according to is to be traversed by a poet-aspirant! In his fa, quotes, in this refe
12
rence, the following verse:
न स शब्दो न तद्वाच्यं न स न्यायो न सा कला । जायते यन्न काव्याङ्गमहो भारो गुरुः कवेः ॥
There is not a single word, or a thing or a clever adage or an art-that cannot be pressed into service for writing a poem. Infinitely heavy is the task of a poet !!
In his fa Hem. gives a host of illustrations as to how various poets have utilised, in their own poems, their knowledge of different arts, sciences and human nature. We do not, however, suppose that those poets were really proficient in those various arts and sciences as would have us believe. For instance, when the author of a describes the sleight-of-hand or इन्द्रजाल, it never means that the author was really adept in black art. Mere reference of an art does not prove proficiency in that particular art, for such references can be made even by laymen as well. The purport of. (in giving a series of illustrations), therefore, seems to be this that a poet should be a keen observer of men and things in this world and should press into his service the impressions of these things in his mind for enriching his composition.
There is another point in 's insistence on a poets' acquiring an insight into human nature and things in general. He says:-( affama etc.) if a

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13
(P. 8. A. 1. $. 8.
poets' genius is refined by such a vast range of knowledge, he would never describe things in a way which is absurd and inconsistent with the real nature of those things. For instance, if in describing spring a poet says that there are gift fra flowers everywhere in spring, it will be absurd and contrary to the state of things in nature, for giftigia flowers are seen in abundance only in rainy season. A poet, in short, must be a man of minute observation and an eminently practical man; otherwise his poem is sure to be a butt of ridicule.
Almost all noted writers on Rhetorics have discussed this point and emphasised on the paramount importance of ' a sense of propriety' as they call it.
, in his sitfactaarteaf, has, exhaustively and in a masterly manner, dealt with this subject, and freely pointed out various lapses or blunders of Sanskrit poets-even of the great poets like कालिदास and भवभूति-- due to their lack of this sense of propriety,
राजशेखर, in his काव्यमीमांसा (8th chapter ), has given similar illustrations to show how poets in their poems make use of their knowledge of various subjects.
77191, in his patter, has also casually referred to this sense of propriety which has to be strictly observed by the poets (Vide Tariant fat. al. p. 50/51 ); says he " अनौचित्यं तु रसभङ्गहेतुत्वात्परिहरणीयम् । भङ्गश्च पानकादिरसादौ सिकतादि निपातजनितेवारुन्तुदता । तच्च जातिदेशकालवर्णाश्रमवयोवस्था प्रकृतिव्यवहारादेः प्रपञ्चजातस्य तस्य यल्लोकशास्त्रसिद्धमुचितद्रव्यगुणक्रियादि तद्भेदः ।
In the ninth Sutra A. emphasises the necessity of constant practice in writing poems under the guidance of either a great poet or a Rhetorician or both.
The word काव्यविद् has been interpreted by हेमचन्द्र

Page #371

P. 13. A. 1. S. 9. )
14 in two ways: काव्यं वेत्ति and काव्यं विन्ते one who composes a poem or one who is a critic of poetry. Under the instructions of such a man a poet-aspirant should constantly practice. For, genius is sharpened by practice and becomes as it were a TI ( wish-yielding divine cow) in yielding the nectar of a poem (718212a).
Aa=2 here quotes a passage in support of his emphasis on practice:
“Priat felag etc. " It means:---It is the practice alone that brings about a skill in anything.
"True ease in writing comes from art not chance'. as the English poet would have it. One drop of water, alone, cannot wear out a stone.'
मम्मट also, in his काव्यप्रकाश, emphasizes on this point by saying 'faTafetanta'. 2477 closely follows AFAZ in this respect.
The best discussion on this point is found in apurier in which the author has, in a detailed manner, given instructions as to how a poet-aspirant should proceed gradually with his study of composing poems.
In the following discussion, 2497 has very closely followed rate and has copiously drawn upon the eleventh and the twelth chapter of काव्यमीमांसा.
What a poet-aspirant should do, is to keep before him the poems of great poets as models and try to imitate them in a skilful manner.
A peculiar feature of Sanskrit poetry is its poetic convention. hat in his plezataiat defines poetic convention (or fagna ) as follows:--
“ 3161enitaalfthüq qzarrardi anelgaftaufa 991: afat AT:” ( 516 pto 14th chapter ) poetic convention describes things neither accepted to be such by the Fials nor

Page #372

15
(P. 14. A. 1. S. 10.
found in everyday life. It accepts some things merely handed down by tradition and rejects some things though found in everyday life. This acceptance and rejection of things merely on the strength of tradition is four-fold:-(1) with regard to set ie. class (2) with regard to gor ie. quality (3) with regard to some action (4) with regard to some particular thing (784).
Now this poetic convention deals with these fourfold things ( Filayofan) in three ways:
Sutra 10th (1) gatszaa:—Some things that actually exist in a particular place or at a particular time are supposed by poetic convention as not exist ing. For instance:-- In spring mâlati flowers are actually seen blooming; but the poetic convention regards these flowers as not at all existing in spring! Sandal trees have got flowers but a poetic convention would have us believe that they never exist! This then is the afara ie. not describing some things as existing even when they do exist.
For detailed illustrations VideoLATAIA (Ch. XIV)
(2) असतोऽपिनियन्धनम् Every river has not necessarily lotuses in it. But a poetic convention allows the poets to describe every river as abounding in lotuses ! To a poetic fancy every reservoir of water is full of swans and every mountain is treasured with gold ! Describing, therefore, things which are not actually found in a certain place is stagisa faqa .
FATA:-Some things, or some creatures are generally found everywhere. For instance, crocodiles are found in rivers as well as in seas, but a poetic convention restricts their habitation to seas only. Pearls are found

Page #373

P. 17. A. 1. S. 10.)
16
in many places, but according to the poetic convention they are found only in the river arsquif.
This is a faJa ie. restricting a thing to a particular place.
All these poetic conventions should first be thoroughly understood by a poet and then observed in his poem. Now it is impossible for a new poet who studies the poems of his predecessors not to borrow, consciously or unconsciously, words, phrases, some lines or sometimes even ideas from them. Such borrowing, when unconscious, is of course not culpable. But even conscious borrowing is, in certain cases, not blameworthy. Says frater:“ A1Fait: magat, arcraatat afara77a: 1
978fa faali arazi et gralla ETH " (#10 #fo 99 ). The generality of poets is prone to borrowing. A poet may, with impunity, borrow froin other poets provided the borrowing (or stealing as the says ) is done in such a clever manner as not to incur the censure of the reading public.
___ According to अवन्तिसुन्दरी (as quoted by हेमचन्द्र in his faa) a poet, who is thoroughly conscious of his own superior genius or is a man of established reputation, may freely borrow even the poem of a poet-aster and sometimes from illustrious poets of the past. To quote the words of A. G. Gardiner:--
"Shakespcare can take his 'borrowed plumes' from whatever humble bird he likes... These Gods are beyond the range of our pettifogging 'meums and tuums.' Their pockets are so rich that a few coins that do not belong to them are no matter either way. But if you are a man of exiguous talents and endeavour

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17
(P. 18. A. 1. S. 10.
to eke out your poverty from the property of others, you will discover that plagiarism is a capital offence and that the punishment is for life. In literature -whatever case may be in life-there is one law for the rich and another for the poor and that in the captain is but a choleric word which in the soldier is flat blasphemy."
The safe rule for a poet—aspirant is, therefore, to imitate the words or ideas of his predecessors in the manner of (i) प्रतिबिम्ब a reflection or (ii) आलेख्यप्रख्य a picture, (iii) graafeger a person appearing exactly similar to another person or lastly (iv) a person entering a foreign town (aogramaet:). All these varieties come under the head of 5721 (counter-part ). We shall take each of these varieties one by one: -
(1) sfâ ferate at: In this the poet-aspirant has an idea of his predecessor faithfully reflected in his own poem. ( For illustration see विवेक). राजशेखर defines प्रतिबिम्बकल्प as follows:
"378f: 9a" etc. (7. st.) which means:--
“The meaning is almost the same. Only the sentences and words differ.” In modern parlance this means ' poetic paraphrase.'
(2) आलेख्यप्रख्य is defined by राजशेखर thus:“कियताऽपि यत्र संस्कारकर्मणा वस्तु भिन्नवद्भाति ।
तत् कथितमर्थचतुरैरालेख्यप्रख्यमिति काव्यम् ॥”
When a certain idea of a poem is borrowed by another poet in his poem with only a slight change, the latter's poem is called 071727IET just like a picture.'
(3) The third manner of imitation is gràfegetaan which 19eT defines as follows:--

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विषयस्य यत्र भेदेऽप्यभेदबुद्धिनितान्तसादृश्यात् । तत्तुल्यदेहितुल्यं काव्यं बध्नन्ति सुधियोऽपि ॥
When two poems have their subjects different from each other, but in other respects they are closely similar to each other (in point of phraseology etc.), the latter poem is called तुल्यदेहितुल्य.
(4) परपुरप्रवेशप्रतिम kind of imitation is defined by राजशेखर as “मूलैक्यं यत्र भवेत्परिकरबन्धस्तु दूरतोऽनेकः "
In this kind the idea or the subject-matter of two poems is the same but the manner of putting it is entirely different.
In addition to the above mentioned ways of borrowing or imitation, there are other ways such as:
(1) Borrowing a word or (2) a line or (3) two lines (4) three lines (5) a fraction of a word etc. Borrowing all the four lines of others' poems is obviously a plagiarism of the first magnitude and should never be resorted to. The word gerface used by 497 is significant. Even while borrowing, there is a sense of propriety which should be always observed by a poet-aspirant.
The practice of composing should be extended to समस्यापूरण and such other things. समस्या is completing a verse when only one line is given. Sometimes even two or three lines, apparently without any sense, are given, and the fourth line is to be added to it in a manner in which all the four lines appear as one homogeneous whole giving proper sense. This is the most difficult variety of ARRII. Almost all the varieties of #HEIT are illustrated by हेमचन्द्र in his विवेक.
From “aquatsfa FAFT” up to "TATET EFTAFITI Starlę ” 247, in the body of the text, gives a fairly

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19
(P. 24. A. 1. S. 10.
long list of the poetic conventions that are to be obsei ved by poets. We have already explained the nature and kinds of these conventions. हेमचन्द्र, however, goes into details and gives various illustrations. Some of the conventions appear proper and natural but others are really fanciful. For instance: darkness is supposed to be gladia' that can be caught in the palm of one's hand' or it can be perforated through, with a needle.
The word fall in the 10th Sutra is interpreted by 49 in two ways:--(1) restriction of a thing to a particular place or time-for instance cuckoos, are supposed to warble only in spring. This sense has been explained and illustrated above. (2) faut is nothing but a peculiar variety of poetic convention in which, some things though different from one another are considered as identical. eg: the colours dark and green, yellow and red are supposed to be identical.
The hare and the deer in the moon are identical, crocodiles and fish are one and the same, in their relation with the God of love; the moon born of the ocean is the same as the one born of 3ft. Goddess of wealth and Goddess of beauty are identical. Am and all (cobras and serpents ), all the different seas and oceans, and all the epithets of demons are identical.
Eyes are supposed to have various colours. The moon on the crest of the God Shiva is supposed to be ever young! The God of love is both corporeal and incorporeal etc.
For almost everyone of these poetic conventions, हेमचन्द्र gives some illustration in his विवेक.

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P. 33. A. 1. S. 11.) 20
The aim of poetry has been explained above. Now comes the definition of poetry: -
Sutra II:-Poetry consists of “words and sense, both combined, which are free from faults, are full of excellences; and have in them figures of speech. The word, 7 in the past signifies that poetry is possible, sometimes, even in the absence of a figure of speech.
Thus we see that 7* in his definition of poetry literally follows At. In Sanskrit poetics the definition of poetry forms a veritable battle-ground. With utmost subtlety and hair-splitting distinctions, every rhetorician has come forward to justify his own definition of poetry and to reject the definitions of others. To us, however, three definitions of poetry appear note. worthy. The first is that of AFTE who defines poetry as 'aqatat razret Agaatha gazeifa'. This has been almost literally accepted by our author.
Another definition of poetry, as given by fa 14 in his faciet, is equally noteworthy. It is “4171 TAREHE 761&27" A sentence full of sentiment ( 7 ) is poetry.
The third definition of poetry as given by Fiata in his time runs thus--." Tauitaristaqiq#:784:8104Ą ”. All these definitions, in reality, do not differ as regards the main features of poetry which are: (1) words and sense constitute poetry. (2) The sense must have a charm about it.
That the charm is of the highest kind when it is born of some 7 ( sentiment ) is admitted by #FAZ as well as FIATT, though they have not said so explicity. fagaren has given a supreme place to ta in a pronounced manner. All, however, agree in accepting a poem,

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21
[P. 33. A. 1. S. 12.
even without any distinct TM, as coming under the head of poetry; otherwise, a ban shall have to be placed on a bulk of poetical literature-which has distinctly a charm in it but has not necessarily in it any predominant sentiment. This, to us, appears to be a serious objection to the definition of fa ( वाक्यं रसात्मकं काव्यम् ). It is idle to compare all these three definitions and try to accept one of them and reject others, for all agree eventually in suggesting that Poetry (1) as far as possible should be free from faults. (2) must be endowed with excellences (). (3) should have, as a rule, figures of speech. (4) should have, as a rule, some sort of Sentiment.
"6
">
Even a poem, with no figure of speech, can be legitimately called poetry. For instance the verse:'शून्यं वासगृहं विलोक्य etc. This verse is from अमरुशतक. Seeing that the bed-chamber had perfect privacy, the new bride slowly rose from her bed, leisurely surveyed the face of her husband who had made a pretext of sleeping, and heartily kissed him; (but) seeing his cheeks thrilling with joy, she hung down her head blushingly. Thereupon her lover kissed her lingeringly.
In the 12th Sutra हेमचन्द्र defines गुण and दोष (excellences and faults). Excellences and faults are those attributes of which are the direct causes of heightening and marring respectively the effect of a
(sentiment). They are, considered as attributes of words and sense only in a secondary sense. ( 39a1 means the secondary sense). The relation of रस on the one hand and ga on the other, is that of a thing and its attributes. That go are the
66

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attributes of ta and not serà can be proved by the method of 884 and cafata thus:- First, it is clear that Ju and ala both dwell in one and the same place. Now faults dwell in a particular sentiment only-and not in word and sense-otherwise that fault would be a fault at all times and never an excellence; but it is not so. Sometimes a fault in one sentiment actually becomes a point of excellence in another . For instance, in ATHETE, the faults such as feca (cumbrousness ) and others are actually considered as excellences. Similarly, obscenity (relata ) and other faults are turned into excellences in itt and other sentiments. Obviously, therefore, these faults are not dependent upon, or attributes of, word and sense. These faults have no permanent character. Where there is a # there are the attendant faults; when that 5 is absent, the faults also go away. Thus there is an invariable concomitance between pe and stor and consequently between रस and गुण.
37792 and oufata are gura 9gra: Tha Tala: 'A statement of the constant and invariable concomitance between me and an is ( 37727 ) and an assertion of the concomitance of the absence of art and an absence of Ra is lataa
In Sutra 13th, figures of speech are defined:
Figures of speech are dependent upon word and sense which are the 31 of a Th ( the 317 ). 8181 is the principal thing and us are its subordinate parts. As a rule, figures of speech lend charm to ta; sometimes, however they do not serve the purpose of lending any charm to a th. When the principal thing (ie. ) is absent, these figures merely serve the

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23 [P. 35. A. 1. S. 14. purpose of rendering the words and sense picturesque and beautiful.
249 has drawn a nice distinction between qur and अलंकार. गुणs (excellences) are the attributes of a रस (the fiz ) and figures are the embellishments of words and sense-( the 1ie. body ). It is habitual with Sanskrit poets to describe poetry by employing a grand metaphor : Poetry is a person ( rather a female person ). is his soul. Word and sense constitute his body. Excellences are the inner qualities of his soul, ( ie. tа) but as these excellences as well as faults are manifested through the body (ie. word and sense ) only, they are, in a secondary sense, said to belong to this body (ie. word and body ). Figures are ornaments of the body of this person. It is quite clear that these ornaments solely rest upon the body and have nothing to do with the soul of the person. Sometimes, however, as the bravery or other such qualities of a person are beautifully indicated by the peculiar warrior-like attire of the person, similarly, figures of speech serve as a happy indication of the inner sentiment. If the figures, however, do not heighten the effect of 77, they should, as a rule, not be employed at all. Even if these figures are taken out from a poem, they do not at all mar the charm of that poem.
हेमचन्द्र, in his विवेक, quotes examples showing that the figures, even if taken out of a verse, do not at all spoil it.
Sutra 14:--A figure of speech should always be employed only at the proper time and only at a place where they are agreeable to a sentiment.

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A figure should neither be detrimental to a Ta nor should it be there in the verse without any obvious purpose.
The following verse taken from the first act of pigiaa illustrates as to how a figure of speech serves the purpose of heightening the effect of a Th.
The verse is addressed to the bee that molested giaan by hovering round her face. The meaning of the verse is:-." You are touching frequently her eyest hat are tremulous and the corners of which are moving; you are humming softly, while hovering, near her ears-as if to communicate some secret; you are drinking the (nectar of her ) nether lip ( the treasure of love ), though she is warding you off with her hands. Thus you alone are blessed, Oh bee! while I am undone seeking, as I am, the truth of things.
Here the figure of speech is Fahraifth, as it faithfully delineates the characteristics of a bee. It heightens the effect of TITTA which is predominant in the verse. The bee is conceived to be, as it were, a lover of FIETST, on account of its various movements strikingly similar to those of a lover.
In the following verse 'स्रस्तःस्रग्दामशोभाम् ' etc. the predominant sentiment is it, but its effect is completely marred by the figure Ich with its auxiliary figure થશ્લેષ.
" While this girl is sporting, regardless of the twisting of her waste which is bending on account of the weight of her breasts, her beautiful tresses, all dishevelled through sheer pain as it were, throw away the beautifully arranged wreaths of flowers. Intoxicated as she is while sporting, the anklets attached

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(P. 37. A. 1. S. 14.
to her feet are doubly jingling. The necklace of pearls, tossed in disorder owing to repeated palpitations of her heart, is striking ceaselessly against her breast.
Here the word fiera (through sheer pain as it were ) gives rise to gihe. This ch is rendered more beautiful by its auxiliary figure of 8127143 which gives in addition to its first sense a second sense to the words आकुल:( bewildered) क्रन्दतः( crying) व्यस्तः( distorted) Ef ( strikes mercilessly ) and HF (breaking of the waste. )
No doubt these two figures are excellently worked out, but they are out of place here. The predominant sentiment here is it as the graceful sporting of Talaat inspires a feeling of love in the mind of the hero. But the 37eft along with the chall through pain, as it were ) creates an atmosphere of pathos ( EOT) and as such is highly detrimental to the present sentiment (761) of love.
The following verse means:---
“Who is this (girl) painted in a picture that enters my mind like a female swan entering the lake had? This girl is eclipsing the Goddess of beauty with her grace and is showing a great regard for me. ( The female swan also shakes gracefully the lotuses in the manasa lake and flutters her wings excessively.)"
This is said by the king JETTE---( the hero in paraat) who had the feeling of love created in his mind by the sight of the picture of a painted on a picture-board. Evidently the sentiment of love does not seem to be predominantly expressed in this verse. The king seems to be more desirous of describing

Page #383

P. 38. A. 1. S. 14.] 26 Arnfier with the help of the figures of speech (here 39A1 and 9 ) than of distinctly expressing his love for Email. The love-sentiment, therefore, in this verse, is absolutely feeble-rather subordinated to the two prominent figures of speech. In this, therefore, the figures do not promote the desired रस (शृङ्गार )
The following verse 'उद्दामोत्कलिका' is from रत्नावली. the king TeTiS had given a challenge to the queen argacar that the Agait creeper that he had planted, would flower earlier than the creeper Falfer planted by the queen. In this challenge, the king emerged victorious with the help of meal, whom he loved secretly. Here in this verse the king is thinking of the feelings that the news of this discomfiture of the queen as well as his own success is likely to produce in the mind of the queen. He says “ This A19 creeper, accompanied by the aca tree appears like a rival lovelorn lady (ACA) in that it has a plenitude of buds on it (the lady also is full of yearning ( 34feat) ]; it has a whitish colour on it (the lady, also, is pale ); it has begun to bloom all at once (the lady yawns at every moment) it is rudely shaken by incessant gusts of wind (the lady also betrays her languor with her perpetual sighs). Thus the garden-creeper appearing like a rival lady in love-when viewed by me (in the presence of queen )—will, undoubtedly, render her face purple with anger.
Here the simile of a rival ( love-lorn) lady turns, in course of time, to be an actual fact, for eft, in course of time, becomes a rival of the queen and the queen actually burns with indignation, when the king surveys after lovingly in the presence

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(P. 38. A. 1. S. 14.
of the queen. The prominent sentiment in this verse is saffa FHMIT( seperation in love due to jealously ) which though not directly seen in the verse, is clearly brought to the fore-front by the figures 3941 and These figures, therefore, are favourable to this TA.
But in the following verse 'alaiertagi' etc. the figure of speech ill agrees with the dominant . The verse means:-" The whole world has been completely brought to ruin by the serpents with their inhalings on account of their subsisting upon wind ( because they have taken the vow of taking nothing but wind as their food ); these serpents, in their turn, are devoured by the peacocks who have taken the austere vow of drinking only the drops of rain. These peacocks, again, are killed by the hunters who clad themselves with the rough skin of 975 deer ( who wear the sacred deer skin). This cunning world desires to see merits ( in men ) although it knows perfectly well the workings of hypocrisy.
Here the poet seems to be disgusted with the ways of the world in that it is full of men who outwardly show themselves to be very pious (observing all sorts of religious vows ) but in reality are always bent upon ruining others. The predominant feeling in this verse, therefore, is faare (disgust). And the figure efanyifati is employed as a handmaid to that feeling. But the types of hypocrites-- the serpent, the peacock and the hunter,-ought to have been given in ascending order of the austerity of the vow. That is to say, ararer is the most difficult of all the three vows, that, therefore, ought to have been put last. But instead, it has been put first. Thus in the verse, the atmosphere

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of ata is neither maintained nor intensified by the types of hypocrites shown by the figure अतिशयोक्ति. It, therefore, ill agrees with the present te and mars its effect.
This sfaretfi is, therefore, said to be 39779 zhar introduced at an inopportune moment.
___ दम्भप्रकर्षप्रभावतिरस्कृत etc:-The निर्वेद here lies in bewailing for the series of merits that are repressed by the power of rank hypocricy.
Now comes an illustration of a figure introduced but abruptly withdrawn (or set aside ) in order to make room for another figure that directly heightens the effect of the predominant Th.
रक्तस्त्वम् etc.:-राम, grieved at the seperation of सीता, addresses this to an B4714 tree:
You are 1 (red) with new leaves; I am also
(i. e. enamoured) of the praiseworthy merits of my beloved; flestya (bees ) shot from the bow of cupid' (i. e. the flowers ) come to you, my friend ! farasiya (arrows ) shot from the bow of cupid, also come to me. A kick of a beautiful woman is a matter of joy to you, as the kick of my beloved is a matter of jcy to me. In every respect Oh 845717! we closely resemble each other. The only of point of difference is that I am full of grief( ATIA ), while you are without grief (375714).
Here the figure an introduced in the first line has been withdrawn in the third line to give room to व्यतिरेक which heightens the विप्रलम्भशृङ्गाररस the sentiment of love (in seperation ) which is the predominant in this verse.
Such an introduction of a figure and its abrupt

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29 (P. 39. A. 1. S. 14. withdrawal is permissible if this renders some service to ( the sentiment ) TH.
___ The following verse is from राजशेखर's बालरामायण in which king 4 at the time of #ar's marriage, condemns रावण who had offered himself as one of the suitors. जनक says:--" His ( i. e. gar's ) command obeyed (liter. is fond of ) by the crest-jewel of Indra; his novel eye in the form of gas ( all the sciences ); his devotion to 312, the Lord of all creatures; his capital-the magnificent city of #1; his birth in the line of the creator( all these points compel us to say that )---indeed, such a bride-grcom cannot be ( easily ) found. Oh! would that he were not aut! (the harasser of the whole world ); but then, to find all merits together in one man-well, that is an impossibility. Here the figure अर्थान्तरन्यास (general proposition) in the words क्व नु पुन: pag på got: 'ought never to have been introduced, but the verse ought to have ended with the words yra at 1190: The point is that 577% regards all the best qualities of traut ( which may perhaps entitle him to be called a rate --a hero in religion--when taken in themselves ) as utterly useless and worthless simply because he is the torturer of this world. These excellences in a person, impious and harasser of mankind, are not worth the name. The quality of being a crau ( harasser of the word ) condemns TI9u once for all. Thus the utter condemnation of traut is the main point. Now the question 'Is it possible that all merits are found in one man ?' is utterly out of place; here the question may be taken in the sense of raising a doubt or objecting to what is said before or laying down a general proposition; in any case the words 47 I gai

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30
etc. go entirely against the spirit of the poem. They, in no way, can prove rau to be a state (a hero in religion. )
Sometimes a figure of speech slightly introduced is at once cut short to maintain the effect of a te in a verse. Thus in the verse“ starta" etc. which means:
“Blessed is the lover who, while hiding his extraamours and laughing in his sleeves is actually beaten by his beloved who is all in tears; first she indignantly binds him tightly by the noose in the form of her creeper -like arms delicate and trembling; then she takes him to her bed-chamber in the evening and there in the presence of her dear friends refers to his misdemeanour in sweetly indistinct and faltering words thus: " no such rascality again.” The metaphor aresta#19737 (the noose of the creeper-like arms) is fortunately cut short. Otherwise (as faap says ) if it would have been developed fully, perhaps the beloved would have been identified with a female hunter, and the bed-chamber with a cage ! Thus the full metaphor would have strangled to death the present ITA in the verse. Bare=not developed, cut short. In the following verse, a figure developed fully has suppressed the Th, present in the verse.
The verse (10) is from Hra's Fagaragal. It means:
She ( the heroine ), the thief of my heart, has entered the house of my body by breaking open, with the stroke of her beautiful form, the door of my eyes that have the panels of eye-lids.
Here it would have been better if the poet would have stopped at the partial metaphor of quagm. But by fully expanding the metaphor, he has spoiled the effect of the present T.

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P. 41. A. 1. S. 14.
As a rule, even if a figure is fully developed it should be subordinated to the present. Then alone the figure is said to be agreeable to the present sentiment. This is illustrated in the following verse (11th) from कालिदास's मेघदूत :-- “ I fancy your limbs in the creeper ; your glances in the look of the frightened female deer; the beauty of your cheeks in the moon; your tresses of hair in the plumage of peacocks; the graceful movements of your eye-brows in the ripples of rivers. Alas! nowhere, however, is there any likeness of yours in all respects at one place, Oh timid one! In this verse the figure, which consists in fancying the limbs in the creepers and other things on the strength of resemblance, is not only introduced but substained throughout the verse; yet being subordinated to the principle sentiment of fait is permissible.
Here the reading is more appropriate than the reading a found elsewhere as shown by in his faa. A timid person is afraid of storing at one place all the precious things in his possession and hence, out of fear, distributes them at different places through fear of their being stolen.
Ci
But such development is not permissible as for instance in the following verse (12th) which means:One of the twenty eyes of a is bent, another is contracted, a third is eager; a fourth is smiling; the fifth is full of significance; the sixth is half-closed; the seventh is turned back; the eighth is having a longrange; the ninth is full of joy; the tenth is contracted like a bud; the eleventh is trembling; the twelfth is steady; the thirteenth is rolling; the fourteenth is moving

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to its corner; the fifteenth is dilated; the sixteenth is drooping; the seventeenth is full of wave-like movements; the last three are full of tears. Thus, owing to some particular condition every eye is working in a different way.
Here the figure anal faithfully describes the different workings of all the eyes, but it, in no way, enhances the effect of the predominant sentiment.
From the following Sutras the discussion, of the various sorts of senses attributed to words, is taken up; in the fifteenth Sutra enumerates four types of words as follows:-there are four kinds of words (1) directly expressing; (2) similar; (3) indicative; (4) suggestive; corresponding to four kinds of senses of words viz (i) expressed (ii) similar (iii) indicated (iv) suggested.
Here it will be noted that
mentions four kinds of words and correspondingly four kinds of senses instead of the usual three-fold division of words and senses as made by almost all the rhetoricians of note, ancient and modern, such as मम्मट विश्वनाथ and others. All these mention only three kinds of words and correspondingly three kinds of senses and put oft as a subdivision of लक्ष्यार्थ. Why हेमचन्द्र should mention (sense based on resemblance) as seperate from लक्ष्यार्थ, is not very clear.
In the following sutra (16th)
defines
expressed sense thus:
<<

<<
Where the convention gives directly a certain sense--that sense is said to be "expressed"; for instance, the word conveys the idea of a face' directly and prior to any other sense such as hands, feet and others, all at once expresses the sense of a face. Such an

the

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33
[P. 42. A. 1. S. 16. expressed sense is accepted with reference to Universal (alfa), qualities (g), things (a), and actions (fr); and a word which expresses such a sense is called or वाचक word. For instance - गौ: is (जाति), शुक्ल is a गुण (a quality), चलति is an action (क्रिया) and देवदत्त is a proper name or a thing ().
Here, हेमचन्द्र quotes with approval पतंजलि the author "Four-fold is the power of words (signi
of
fying correspondingly four senses).
-
is unwilling to pursue any longer the discussion of what if is for the simple reason that it is not directly useful to the present subject.
and others have made a hair-splitting discussion about the true nature of fa, about whether a word signifies or for both or any other thing. But merely mentions different opinions on the point thus:---
(1) a word signifies always the Universal (afa).
(2) a word signifies both the object and its property or in other words both the particular and the Universal.
(3) a word (according to ats) does not directly refer to any object but merely denotes the absence of other objects.
In this and the following discussion of and व्यञ्जना, हेमचन्द्र has literally followed मम्मट and copied, almost verbatum passages after passages from 's काव्यप्रकाश. In his विवेक, however, हेमचन्द्र has supplemented what he has omitted in his text. For instance, he says that every word has an उपाधि; and has classified उपाधि into two kinds thus:--
5

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उपाधि
वस्तुधर्मः
वक्तसंनिवेशितः ( i. e. a thing comes under this)
सिद्ध
साध्य (i. e. f
)
91796
विशेषाधानहेतु (i. e. fifa) (i.e. Jor) In the 17th Sutra 2775 defines the stor ( word and sense ) Where the expressed meaning is set aside entirely (as it does not suit the purpose or does not agree with the context) and another meaning is taken instead on the strength of similarity, for the purpose of conveying the sense of identification of the two senses-the original and the super-imposed--the super-imposed sense is called store and the word conveying the sense is said to be not. For instance in silafet#: or hittargh the direct meaning of the word at: (a bull) when applied to gigit becomes manifestly in-appropriate, and on the evidence of direct perception has to be set aside. Then some other meaning of the word it: has to be conceived on the strength of simirity of qualities such as stupidity and dullness (FET and Area ). Now what is the object of this round-about way of calling a वाहीक (a low-class person) a गौः ? वाहीक means liter. an inhabitant of Punjab; the people of aretto were considered by the ancients as impure aud profane. The object is to show areU i. e. similarity between a bull and the areia, nay more--to show their identification. The identification is of course not real, but super-imposed and is two-fold:-(i) complete identification in which only sit: remains, and (ii) partial

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35
[P. 45. A. 1. S. 17.
and
are present,
identification in which both but their seperateness is not manifest. As this qualitative indicatory meaning (r) comes from qualities org it is called. The word also is said to be गौण or उपचरित. The first sort of गौणीलक्षणा or गौणार्थ gives rise to the figure रूपक in which विषय and विषयी ( eg. a and ) are both present. The second sort gives rise to रूपकातिशयोक्ति. In गौर्वाहीकः, वाहीक is विषय and corresponds to उपमेय in the figure उपमा; and गौः is विषयी or 37. Now both these words are in the same case, stand in apposition to each other and are identified in meaning. In this context, however, the original sense of the word goes away; the is super-imposed
on this word. The original sense of this word is called or year. After setting it aside, the indicated meaning is super-imposed on it. Now the question arises: What is the indicated sense here? On this matter, there are three different views:
and
(1) The qualities stupidity and slowness (residing in :) are indicated; for they are the attributes of this serves as a fafa or the relation between the two things गौ: and वाहीक.
(2) The qualities of stupidity and slowness (residing in a form the indicated sense here.
( 3 ) वाहीक is the indicated sense of the word गौः . According to the (relation of apposition) and identification, the third view is proper and is, therefore, accepted by п and others.
Other instances of relations other than resemblance are given in the paragraph सम्बन्धे कार्यकारण भावे etc : These are some of the relations between a primary sense and an indicated sense:

46

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36
(1) The relation of cause and effect:-eg.
(here the object is to show that ghee alone and none else is conducive to longevity ); here the identification is partial, but in at the identification is complete and suggests that ghee, invariably, prolongs life.
(2) A thing identified with a person for whom it is intended. eg. means a pillar raised in honour
of Indra.
(3) Relation of a master and a servant. eg. means an officer of a king; similarly, :-the head of
a town.
(4) The relation of limbs and the body or a limb and its parts. eg. : fore-part of the arm.
(5) Thing measured and the measure, eg. : an are of rice.
(6) The relation of a thing with the thing applied to it eg. : : a piece of cloth with some red thing applied to it.
(7) The relation of a profession eg. a carpenter who is not so by birth but by profession.
(8) Ironical sense eg. A handsome looking manwith regard to a man who is ugly.
Sutra 18th defines
thus:
The indicated sense must be connected with the original sense (or in other words the original and the super-imposed senses must have a relation between them); there must be a (supposed) complete identification between the two senses. Now in गौणार्थ there is both a partial and a complete identification between the original and the snper-imposed sense, while in only complete identification is intended. This is the only point of difference between गौणार्थ and लक्ष्यार्थ. The word giving rise to this is called a
word.

Page #394

t P. 45. A. 1. S. 18.
The stock instances given by almost all the rhetoricians of note are given by below:गङ्गायां घोषः (a herd-station on the Ganges) is an instance in point. Fat: afaafa ( spears enter) is another stock instance. Here it is absurd to say that a cow-pen of a village stands on the surface of the Ganges. The original or expressed sense of the word, therefore, must be set aside. Similarly spears, of their own accord, can not enter; the original sense of the word a (spear), therefore, must be set aside. Then on the strength of the relation of nearness and association respectively the senses of the bank of the river Ganges' and 'persons with spears in hand' must be taken as indicated; now what is the object of this round-about process? The object in the case of is to show that the village is sacred, cool and so on, owing to the vicinity of the holy river Ganges; and in the case of gat faaf the object is to show the fierceness of the persons with spears in their hands. If this or indicated sense would have not been resorted to, simple sentences such as गङ्गातटे घोषः and कुन्तधारिणः पुरुषाः प्रविशन्ति would have been used; but then the purpose of suggesting sacredness and fierceness would never been served.
FA's classification of is sixfold. He first divides लक्षणा into शुद्धा and गौणी and divides शुद्धा into उपादान and लक्षण.
T
उपादान

37
T
शुद्धा
लक्षण सारोपा
सारोपा साध्यवसाना सारोपा साध्यवसाना
T
toft

T
साध्यवसाना

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38
Again both these into सारोपा and साध्यवसाना each. गौणी is only two-fold-सारोपा and साध्यवसाना.
According to हेमचन्द्र, first of all, लक्षणा is two-fold गोणी and ordinary. गौणी again is two-fold सारोपा and साध्यवसाना while weari has got no subdivisions. In all, therefore, there are three kinds of J&J18. This, however, seems to us as not a very happy classification. If wanted to divide gegoti thus for the sake of brevity, it would have been better if he would have divided for into गौणी and शुद्धा while गौणी again into सारोपा and साध्य49191. Thus his Sent would have been three-fold. Such a classification would have been more logical and less cumbrous than that of मम्मट.
In the passage nilaga: etc. the author proves that गौरनुबन्ध्यः and sentences of kindred nature can not be cited as instances of wat for this reason :
Here if we take it in the sense of the class of cows (Fifa) the action of 319ane ie. killing will not at all be possible; for Arfa by itself cannot do any action. In order to make the sense congruous, we have to add to the class of cows (the meaning of the word Tit:) the additional meaning 'a particular individual' on this ground that owing to the invariable concomitance between a class and its individuals, the class includes in itself an individual as well. There is no need of using a seperate word for the particular individual. It may be said that even without the process of inclusion one can express even in its primary meaning the senses of both the class and the individual. To this EHTFT on the authority of 7172982 says: “No, primary meaning has no power to express both a thing and its attributes. Here, for instance, the word has its

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39
(P. 46. A. 1. S. 18.
power exhausted ( fortfat ) in expressing the meaning of 'a class of cows' (fastgo), it can not, therefore, extend its sense upto "a particular cow' (fastara thing).
Besides, Jamal is not possible in such cases, for there is no 'object or inner purpose of this 5807. Therefore, this is purely a case of an inclusion of additional meaning (371099) as a matter of course. If simply on the ground of invariable concomitance, (faaruia ) you bring in at instead of the simple process of inclusion, all such sentences or words as far fqust etc. will be instances of gl. For unless we add the word me to sfar, the sense will not be complete. Similarly, foost (date-fruits ) by itself would mean nothing, unless we add to it the word TETA. In all these cases, the simple process of 'inclusion' would serve the purpose. There is no necessity of resorting to the ponderous process of 801. Even in the sentence “fait gaga: fear a ijt--fat daca does not eat anything by day--we have to suppose on the strength of implication (84919fer ) that he must be eating by night. Here also there is no need of लक्षणा.
This far and closely follows #FAZ; but in one point he radically differs from AFFE. While AFAZ divides लक्षणा into रूढा and प्रयोजनवती (रूढा-sanctioned by usage, eg. fazlas, fatni (a bee), f# (a crow) #1%, and shaadi= having some inner suggestion), 247** does not recognise feel at all, but maintains that all the instances of रूढिलक्षणा are instances of primary meaning ( वाच्यार्थ).
According to हेमचन्द्र, गौणार्थ occurs there, where one thing is super-imposed on another; the word 3qqia means “concealing the apprehension of difference between two things that are altogether distinct, on the

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P. 46. A. 1. S. 19.)
40
strength of some relation between them." In other cases it is लक्ष्यार्थ.
In the 19th Sutra, eafa kind of sense is defined thus:--Eqfh sense is that which is suggested ( 447 ) but which nevertheless is distinctly apprehended (arqara:) and which is other than the primary and the indicated sense. It is so called by the ancient savants because it is sounded or shown from afar, not directly expressed.
This ध्वनि, as विवेक explains, is two-fold. लौकिक (ordinary) and 311fa (extra-ordinary ): atferite that which can be expressed in words ) again is divided into
अविचित्र (not picturesque) and विचित्र (picturesque). अविचित्र is some bare statement which is suggested, and fafaa is one in which generally some figure of speech is suggested. These two varieties faraz and Bfarqa, though as a rule suggested, sometimes are so transparent that they are said to be capable of being expressed in words. But waitfarm is such as can never be expressed in words. This is called (sentiment) Th.
All these varieties of safe are compared by the author of ear41726 to the loveliness in the limbs of a beautiful woman, which is such that it cannot be pointed out as something concrete, but is, nevertheless, distinctly felt by the observers, sąra is then threefold:argeafa, 360orreala and theala. gegaafa has a semblance of direct or priniary sense but in reality it can be proved to be altogether different from the primary sense, for, some times this suggested sense is diametrically opposed to the primary sense, as for instance in the following verse, JA afin etc. which means:-Oh you religious-minded person I now you can wander here freely; for that (wellknown) dog has been killed by that (much-talked of) wild

Page #398

[P. 47. A. 1. S. 19
41 lion who dwells in a thicket of creepers on the banks of the river Godavari.
A wanton woman had her secret amours with her paramour on the banks of Godavari; but a religiousminded person frequently visited the place in order to collect flowers for worshipping God and this was a standing nuisance to that woman. Now the woman knew well that the man was afraid of dogs-he was so timid. So with the real object of stopping his visits to the place but outwardly with a view to encourage his visits, the woman addresses the man in this verse.
Though the cause of his fear (i. e. the dog) is removed by the lion, the lion himself is more dreadful than the dog. The woman is, therefore, pretty sure that the man would never return after hearing the news of the wild lion and thus she could indulge in her amours unhampered.
61
Here, in this verse, do wander freely' is the expressed or primary meaning but the suggested sense is: " 'Do not visit this place any more. If you will, you will do so at your peril. The वाच्यार्थ and व्यङ्गयार्थ, therefore, are here diametrically opposite: The primary sense (a) is fafa (permissive) while the suggested sense is prohibitory.
""
A noteworthy point here is this that in agafa sometimes a may be found, but it is never prominent. It is like, to quote fa, a sovereign king who attends the marriage ceremony of his minister in which the latter figures prominently.
Though in the body of the text does not discuss at length the significance and the necessity
6

Page #399

P 48. A. 1. S. 19. )
42
of safą sense, in his fãães, he brings together al} the views for and against ध्वनि, and closely follows मम्मट. In fact here the whole of faal is a faithful copy of the major portion of काव्यप्रकाश-( 5th उल्लास ). The opponents of safa theory, who object to this third kind of sense, all agree in saying that the suggested meaning can be expressed by the primary sense as well. But AFHE, with his followers, maintains that this suggested sense can never be expressed either by the primary sense or by the purport of the whole sentence. As regards the meaning of a sentence, there are two well-known views (1) अभिहितान्वयवाद and (2) अन्विताभिधानवाद. The former view holds that first of all in a sentence various words yield their own sense; then looking to the context of the words and to the propriety, these words join hands with one another and thus the whole sentence yields a coherent sense. The latter view holds that words in their disconnected state do not yield any sense at all. They first of all connect themselves with one another in addition to their individual sense, and thus agree with the purport of the whole sentence.
According to the first view, words have no other power than that of expressing their own primary meaning. It is, therefore, quite clear that words can never express even the purport of the sentences, much less the suggested sense.
Going one step further, the afaa unafa: give an extra power to words in that they not only express their own sense, but over and above this, express their inter-relation in a sentence. But even here, as HFAZ says, though the words extend their power up to the particular or connected meaning (fazas) in addition

Page #400

43
(P. 48. A. I. S. 19.
to their own general sense (harap ), the suggested sense which goes even beyond the particular meaning or even the purport of the sentence can never be expressed by the primary sense; even according to Bfaalfaaaaifa:, suggested sense, therefore, must be regarded as entirely different from the primary sense.
There are others who may be regarded as the extremists in the faalfata1a4rei camp: they say that there should not be any limit to primary sense which can be safely extended even to the purport of the whole sentence. But here obviously they are open to the fault of 777124112, for unless they definitely decide the meaning of the words in a sentence first of all, they can not say what is the purport of the sentence and unless they know the purport of the sentence ( arii) they cannot assign any definite sense to the words.
There are others, who say that the primary sense is just like an arrow capable of penetrating to any depths. Why then needlessly regard such a thing as suggested meaning ? Let the primary sense stretch itself to that length and serve the purpose of the suggested sense.
To this HERE retorts by saying that the dictum “247THEYHYETITÙ LE Hengfazaa” quoted in support of their own view by these men is entirely mis-interpreted by them. The meaning of this dictum is this:--In a sentence there are some words that do not predicate anything new about the subject, while there are others that definitely predicate something new about the subject. This predication is or must be regarded as the purport of the whole sentence. Now this predication (pou ) is the principle thing in a sentence and

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44
other words (a) are merely subordinate to it; well and good! but the purport of the predication lies in the actual words in the sentence and never beyond it. Our suggested sense, however, goes entirely beyond this purport of the sentence and is, therefore, outside the pale of the primary sense. If you say that the purport of the sentence goes beyond the sense of the words in a sentence then anything would mean anythingwhich is absurd. If it is said that the primary sense extends to the sense even beyond the sense of the actual words in a sentence, then in "Man! a son is born unto you the joy which is felt by the man concerned would have to be included in the primary sense!! Thus even a would be eliminated. In the sentence, the word f is an obscene word, but there is obviously no primary sense here, for the two words are seperate.
17
If only the primary sense is recognised, then the faults in a poem will always be permanent. But we know, for instance, that which is a fault in is an excellence in ft. But the strongest argument in favour of the suggested sense is that is always the same at all places and in all cases, but the suggested sense differs or varies with individuals or with the context. Thus, for instance,in asta: the primary sense is the sun has set', but the suggested sense is different with different men; for instance in the case of lovers it would mean this is the time for secret visits'; with the cowherds it would mean 'let us bring the cows home'; with the merchants and shopkeepers it would mean: let us now close the shops' etc etc.
"
Thus, there is a wide gulf between the primary

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45
(P. 50. A. 1. S. 19.
and the suggested sense as can be shown categorically below:. (1) Sometimes the primary sense shows prohibition (fada ) but the suggested sense is permissive, as in 'a:39+ya247H ' etc. (see 1795art 1st gesta.)
(2) Sometimes ajegle shows 'doubt' but ukari is decisive as, in the verse 'ALAIHEART' etc. (see #699417 6th 3619 ).
(3) Sometimes the primary sense is 'censure' but the suggested sense is 'praise' as in hafageaf etc. ( see faam on page 50 ).
(4) Sometimes in the primary sense there is praise but the suggested sense signifies ‘censure' as in the verse de afgaatfera etc. (see faa% page 50.)
(5) Sometimes the suggested sense varies with the context or with the particular person who speaks (aqqàletea ) or the person who hears (atge freza ) as in the verse get an a nagla: ' (see #17518157 5th JESIA )
Persons who are not concerned in the matter, (the third-party) are guided by and understand only the primary sense, but the persons directly concerned, alone understand the suggested sense. This clearly shows that the primary and the suggested senses are entirely different from each other.
___Now in the verse वाणीरकुडंग (see काव्यप्रकाश vth उल्लास) the primary sense exhausts itself after having suggested the inner meaning. Now this inner meaning can not be said to be directly expressed by words in the verse. It is, therefore, necessary to accept such a thing as the process of suggesting inner sense.
लक्षणा can not serve the purpose of व्यञ्जना; for in the former the indicated sense has definitely some sort of

Page #403

P. 51. A. 1. S. 19. ]
relation with the primary sense; but the suggested sense sometimes has no sort of definite relation with the primary sense and sometimes it has a relation to a sense which has in its turn a relation to the primary sense. Besides, the suggested sense never stultifies the primary sense while always does so. Thus there is a wide gulf of difference between the indicated sense and the suggested sense.
46
It cannot even be said that this suggested sense is always dependent on words; for sometimes it springs from gestures and other things.
Thus the suggested sense is a thing altogether different from either the primary sense, or the indicated sense or the purport of the sentence.
The monistic school of Vedanta thinks that the whole sentence is a i. e. the meaning of the whole sentence is the primary sense. This school thinks that everything else is illusion. Well, even that school is constrained to admit पद and पदार्थ for the sake of व्यवहार (daily intercourse); why not then accept ara ( the suggested sense) as well, for the sake of aagr ?
Lastly महिमभट्ट in his famous work व्यक्तिविवेक tries to refute this suggested sense by saying that what others accept as the suggested sense can be as well arrived at by means of अनुमानप्रमाण. Thus in the illustration भ्रम arfa fa etc. the sense that the pious man is going to run away or rather should run away from the banks of Godavari is inferred from the wandering of the lion in the same place. Thus here, in fact in all other places of the suggested sense as well, अनुमान, the process of inference, would, according to aн, very well serve the purpose of (process of suggestion.)

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47
[P. 53. A. 1. S. 19.
This argument is levelled to the ground by RAZ with one stroke of counter-argument: he says that in the above illustration there can never be inference in-as-much-as the inference of the running away of a man by reason (EC) of the existence of a lion is a faulty 8gala, since the reason (EC) is not such as would invariably and inevitably prove Arz (here the running away of the pious man ); for if a person is sent on a certain errand by his master, he will have to stay in or go to a place frequented even by a lion. But the suggested sense occurs in spite of a faulty 378ra or even no 3112 at all.
Inference therefore, can never take the place of the process of suggestion.
Now to return to our text, अत्ता एत्थ तु मज्जइ etc. the primary sense is prohibitory but the suggested sense is permissive. The verse means:-"My mother in-law will lie down here, while I will be here. Oh traveller ! mark ye well in broad day-light! Otherwise, being night-blind you will perhaps flounder on our beds !!
This is addressed to a traveller by a wanton woman whose husband had been away and who had only an old mother-in-law with her. “Do not stumble on our beds ”-is the prohibitory primary sense, but "mark our respective beds, so that you can approach my bed, at night straight-way” is the suggested sense.
Sometimes the primary sense is permissive and the suggested sense suggests another permissive sense. Thus in the verse “TESTAI etc.” meaning “this cursed night is pitchy dark; to-day my husband has gone away; the whole house is lonely, ye neighbour ! kindly do wake up, so that we may not be robbed by thieves !”

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48
'Wake up' is faf in the primary sense. 'Come here without fear, we shall pass the whole night in unrestrained love-sports' is the suggested sense which is of the nature of fafa.
Sometimes one prohibitory direct sense leads to another prohibitory suggested sense as in आसाइयं etc. Here by the prohibitory sentence meaning that the field of the house-holder should be made free from the molestation of a wild bull, another prohibition of the mischief of the paramour is suggested.
Sometimes while in the primary sense there is neither विधि nor निषेध the suggested sense is विधि. For instance:
"Oh traveller! if you take away my loin-cloth from my hips, whom should I call for help, alone as I am in this forest and remote as the town is from this place?" (verse 17)
Here there is neither विधि nor निषेध but a mere statement of facts. But the suggested sense is permissive in that the woman asks the traveller to take away her loin-cloth by suggesting that the place is perfectly solitary.
Sometimes while in the primary sense, there is neither fafa nor f the suggested sense signifies proजीविताशा hibition as in the verse
"" etc..
<<
'Strong is the hope of life, but feeble is the hope of wealth; thus have I told you about the state of my mind; now dear, you may either go By saying either go or stay'
or stay.
neither fafu nor fa is shown, but by suggesting with the words "ki g" that it was impossible for her to live without him, she actually prevented his departure.

<<
"

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49
[P. 55. A. 1. S. 19.
Sometimes the primary sense shows both fãfe and fata, but the suggested sense shows another fafa. Thus in verse 19 which means:
“ Ye traveller, boasting of the beauty of your wife, go by another path. In this accursed town the daughter of the headman of the village is caught in a net from which she can never free herself” (i.e. she is under the strict vigilance of her elders ).
“Go by another path” shows both fafa and fada, but 'the daughter of the headman is worthy to look at even by you boasting of the beauty of your wife' is another fafa.
Sometimes while in the primary sense there are both विधि and निषेध, in the suggested sense there is only another face, as in the verse 20 which means " Collect only those flowers that have fallen down, but do not, Oh daughter in-law of a farmer ! shake the 1911tree. Look here! the noise of your bangles, jarring to hear, has been already heard by your father-in-law.
Here collect flowers' is fafe, do not shake the
sal tree is falta, in the primary sense, but when you are indulging in clandestine amours, do not make noise of your bangles' is another face in the suggested sense.
Sometimes in the primary sense there is fafe, but there is neither fara nor falta in the suggested sense as in “walk gently, ye slender-waisted woman ! plant your footsteps continuously ( liter. with effort) on the ground; ye woman with buxom breasts! with great effort you are created by the creator, yet you are likely to break down (by hasty walking )-verse 21.
Here 'walk slowly' is fafat, but the suggested sense is:

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50
'you are extremely delicate'- this is neither fafa nor ferita.
Sometimes the primary sense shows fea, but the suggested sense shows neither fare nor fate as in verse 22 meaning "ye! who have dissipated the mass of dark ness with the light of your inoon-like face, kindly go back; for you are throwing obstacles in the path of other of Atlas (women going to meet their lovers ) you wretched one!
Here ‘go back' is face in the primary sense, but the suggested sense, which only deals with the matchless beauty of the woman's face, shows neither fafa nor fade.
Sometimes while in the primary sense, there are both fare and fea, the suggested sense shows neither. Thus in “Go away. Let there be sighing and weeping of me alone; gentle-hearted that you are, let there not be sighing and weeping by you seperated from her.” (verse 23) ' let there be sighing by me alone 'is fafe. ' let there be no sighing by you' is fame in the primary sense. but in the suggested sense there is neither fafu nor fatta; simply the expostulation of the offending lover by his beloved is suggested.
Sometimes there is neither fafa nor party in the primary sense; the suggested sense also has neither fafa nor fara. For instance in the verse 24 meaning "though your body is decorated with the tips of (her) nails, though your eyes are rolling with sleeplessness, still, Oh my lover with sable limbs! you do not torment my heart so much as you do while you are having your nether lip free from the wounds (made by her teeth.)
This is said by an indignant lady to her lover suspected to be in love with her co-wife.
The primary sense is “ I am free from jealousy

Page #408

51 (P. 57. A. 1. S. 19. with regard to my co-wife; the nail-prints and other signs indicating your love-dalliance with my co-wife is, therefore, not painful to me to look at. But I am simply pained with the idea that your nether lip is not graced with the wounds made by her teeth (while kissing you) - that shows that you did not get full leisure to enjoy your amours with her.” With these outwardly gentle and loving words the lady conceals her indignation born of her jealousy. But on the strength of the context a clever reader may easily grasp the following suggested sense:
“Owing to your excessive love (for my co-wife ) you went on kissing her ceaselessly so that the poor lady (my co-wife ) had no opportunity to hurt your lip with her merciless kissings. But it is a patent fact that you are both extremely fond of each other. I am therefore, keenly pained by your love for her.
This suggested sense shows neither विधि nor निषेध. Sometimes the primary sense is meant for one particular person, while the suggested sense is meant for a different person. The instance is in the verse 25 which means:
“My dear friend! who will not be angry to see your nether lip sorely hurt? You, in spite of my warnings, perversely smelt the lotus with bees inside. Now bear the fruit of your perversity.”
This is said by the female friend of a wanton woman whose lip was rashly hurt by her paramour during her clandestine amours. The friend tries to throw off the scent all the persons who are likely to suspect her amours. The primary sense is plain enough but the suggested sense with reference to

Page #409

P. 57. A. 1. S. 19.) 52 (1) the husband, is: — "your wife is quite innocent.
She can never be charged with mis-demeanour. the neighbours who suspected her of wantonness:“you are all wrong in your suspicion. My friend is really a very chaste woman. the co-wife of the lady: -"you wanted her to be severely repremanded with by her husband, but
you are baffled. (4) the lady herself: -- "Look here, I have defended
you cleverly; you will now be loved by your husband more fervently than before. the paramour: “I have saved you once by this clever trick; but be cautious, do not again indulge
in such open amours with my friend. (6) to the clever by-standers :-- look here, what a
nice trick I have played and saved both my friend and her paramour !
In Sutra 20. 2497 names the various processes (6311977) of these various senses.
The ( 137 ) process of direct sense depends on convention (#). The process is the power to show primary sense.
Both muft and un processes are nothing but the power of indicating a sense and are dependent upon the things gestgara etc. (negativing direct meaning etc.)
__व्यञ्जकत्वम् is the power of yielding meaning or sense (some suggested inner sense ) with the help of cleverness on the part of a person who is already well-adept in understanding both the direct and the indicated senses.
In due course, it would have been proper to treat of the process or power of “purport' which seeks to establish inter-relation among the different words in

Page #410

53
[P. 58. A. 1. S. 20.
a sentence. Similarly the sense called the purport of the sentence also deserves mention. But हेमचन्द्र has omitted their mention and treatment for the simple reason that तात्पर्यशक्ति and तात्पर्यार्थ are concerned with only a sentence in its direct sense and as such can
be included under अभिधा.
Any one or all of these three senses ar
and in their turn, suggest some inner sense, when either the speaker is some peculiar person ( वक्तृविशेष ), or the subject in hand has some peculiarity or the toning of the sentence uttered is peculiar ( 15 ), or the sentence itself is peculiar ( वाक्यविरोध ), or the वाच्य i. e. the primary sense has some peculiarity, or the person associated with the speaker has some peculiarity (sarafa nearness of others), or the context, place, time, movements or gestures all these and others have some peculiarity about them. In all these cases there is definitely a suggested sense. The suggested sense, in its turn, proceeds sometimes from a, sometimes from लक्ष्यार्थ and sometimes from व्यङ्गचार्थ. All these peculiarities of the suggested sense have been illustrated by closely following the footsteps of 4 in most cases. (1) A peculiar speaker gives rise to a suggested sense (as in the verse 26.):
----
"Oh my neighbour! will you kindly look after my house for a moment? As a rule, the father of my child (i. e. my husband) in these days does not like to drink water from the well. It is better of course to go alone to fetch water from the stream, which is densely shaded with a trees. Let the old broken pieces of reeds thickly clustered there, scratch my body. Here unless we know that the woman who speaks

Page #411

P. 59. A. 1. S. 21.]
54
is a wanton woman, we can never get the suggested sense of "the concealment of her clandestine amours.' (2) peculiar subject under treatment gives rise to the suggested sense as in the verse 27:
""
'Ye messenger! the elevated portion of your breast has the sandal paste entirely rubbed away from it; your nether lip has its paint entirely washed away; the corners of your eyes are void of collyrium; and your slender body is full of horripilation; you liar, you are callous to the mental agony of your friend (i. e. myself); for, to be sure, instead of going to the rascal (my lover) [to deliver my message ] you went hence to the well to take your bath.
The female messenger, instead of delivering the message of the lady who speaks here, indulged in love dalliance with the lover of the lady! The manifest signs on the body of the messenger plainly indicated that she had betrayed her friend. But the offended lady instead of directly rebuking her for her betrayal, blames her for not having gone to her lover and charges her of an indifference to her interest in that the messenger had gone to bathe in a well instead of going to her lover. But the word a plainly shows that the lady who speaks has seen through the misdemeanour of the messenger. According to the suggested sense here springs from the word as applied to the lover. According to af, here the व्यञ्जना proceeds from विपरीतलक्षणा indication of an ironical sense or contrary sense. The suggested sense here is that the messenger has indulged in dalliances with the lover of the lady in question.
( 3 ) व्यङ्गयार्थ is suggested by a change in the voice () as illustrated in the verse 28:

-

Page #412

55
[ P. 59. A. 1. S. 21. "Even after having seen in that woeful condition in the assembly of a king, we dwelt in the forest along with the hunters for a long time, wearing bark-garments even as the hunters do. Moreover we stayed incognito at the residence of the king fauz, in a manner totally unbecoming our position. Still with all this my eldest brother (gfaf) is angry with me and not with the s.
Here, while speaking,
(in Venisamhara) lays a peculiar emphasis on some words with a change in his tone which suggests the sense that his brother should, in all fairness, be angry not with him but with the
s.
(iv) Speciality of a sentence as in the verse 29 gives rise to व्यङ्गयार्थ.
"This king has already acquired Goddess of wealth, why then should he take the trouble of churning me? I do not think that he wants to sleep on my surface (bosom) as before, for evidently his mind is ever alert; the princes of various countries pay him homage, why then should he erect a dam over me?" Thus on your arrival, ( Oh king) the ocean as it were, indulges in various surmises and appears to tremble consequently.
Here the whole trend of the sentence goes to suggest the identity of the king with God Vishnu.
(v) Speciality of direct sense also suggests something as in the verse 30:--
This place on the river a excels (all other places) on account of its beautiful array of new plantain trees; it enhances grace in young women on account of its splendid bowers; moreover Oh slender woman! here breezes that are help-mates of dalliances
<<

Page #413

P. 60. A. 1. S. 21.)
56
are blowing, and in front of these breezes is stalking forth cupid got infuriated all of a sudden.
Looking at the peculiar sense, we can easily say that “Do enter this spot for the sake of love dalliances ” is the suggested sense.
(vi) Speciality of a person connected with the speaker suggests something (as in the verse 31 ).
“ Being of a reticent nature, my mother-in-law, during my domestic duties for the whole day, does not speak with me, ( I work from morning to evening ) only in the evening perhaps for a short time I may get rest.”
Said by a wanton woman to a stranger. The suggested sense is "evening is the time for our secret meeting.”
(vii) Peculiar context as in the verse 32 also gives rise to safa: "I learn that your husband will arrive here within an hour or so to day. Why are you standing here in this manner ? Prepare yourself for his welcome.
Here “do not approach your paramour” is the suggested sense.
(viii) Peculiar plače also gives rise to safe as in the verse 89747 44A ( verse 33 ) etc.
“You may collect flowers elsewhere; I will collect here; pray don't press me; I am unable to stir” etc.
Here the suggested meaning is: “ This place is perfectly secluded, you may safely send my lover here!' The inner sense is with reference to the friend of the wanton lady.
(ix) A peculiar time is also suggestive as in 'yaquil etc. (verse 34 ).
Said by a lady to her husband who was about

Page #414

57
(P. 62. A. 1. S. 21.
to start on a journey under the orders of his elders. The lady is afraid of the seperation from him and wants to dissuade him from his journey by saying :
“You may go, for you have to go; ( as regards myself ) You will know what to do etc..”
“In the days of spring, I will die broken-hearted, if you go. I do not know what will be your condition" is the suggested sense here.
(x) Sometimes, the suggested sense starts from some peculiar gestures as in "garafatiraz” etc. (verse 35 ) in which the lady first pressed her thighs together, then she made gestures of veiling her face, of moving her eyes etc. All this suggested that she wanted her paramour at a particular place as well as time for her secret amours.
(xi) Sometimes the suggested sense is with regard to both the speaker and the person addressed as in the the verse 14 sat sit' already explained above.
Sometimes the suggested sense is with reference to three persons as in ET AL 7' etc.
In all these instances, the suggested sense proceeds from 31fer (primary sense ).
The following, however, is an example of the suggested sense proceeding from an indicated sense: “arcat fe URT” etc. (verse 36 ). This is said by a lady to her female friend who acted as a love-messenger but instead of delivering her message herself indulged in secret dalliances with the lady's lover. The lady instead of remonstrating with her for her treachery says (ironically): “ you have taken much trouble for me and acted just as a friend should act". This really means

Page #415

P. 63. A. 1. S. 22. )
58
that she ( the friend ) was a rank traitress in that she betrayed her friend and indulged in secret amour with the lady's lover. The inner sense is that the lover is the real culprit.
Sometimes the suggested sense proceeds from another suggested sense as in ‘arforze grgcar etc :-- "Oh you merchant ! How can there be tiger-skin or tusks of elephants in our house (for sale ) when our daughter-in-law with her face covered with dishevelled hair is moving about in the house..
Here the adjective gearsayeit suggests that the son of the speaker is always engaged in love dalliance with his wife and it is further suggested that he (the son) owing to his excess of sexual enjoyment is greatly emaciated and is no longer able to kill tigers and elephants in hunting and collect tusks and hides.
Sutra 22 deals with the varieties of the suggested sense as follows:
The suggested sense is two-fold:—the one depending on the power of words and the other proceeding from the primary sense (amply illustrated above). There is no third variety--that depending both upon the words and sense simaltaneously, for it can be safely included under hoceft,cuT for in it between a sense and a word, the word is more important than its sense.
Sutra 23 defines Tozaltri ascuka as follows:- When in a sentence, a word in its primary sense yields various meanings but on the strength of various tests such as association etc. other senses are rejected and only two senses remain, the first is the primary sense and the other is called the suggested sense. The word that has

Page #416

59
(P. 64. A. 1. S. 19.
thus two senses and that suggests some figure of speech or some deep sense, gives rise to 27281ff4aFt. (ii) Similarly when a word by its process of indication (i. e. GETT) giving rise to an indicated sense (egipsf) suggests either some figures of speech or some subtle statement after its लक्ष्यार्थ, शब्दशक्तिमूलव्यङ्गय comes into operation.
Thus there are two kinds of शब्दशक्तिमूलव्यङ्गय-one based on अभिधा (i. e. अभिधामूलक) the other based on लक्षणा, (i. e. 17 ).
These two kinds again are two - fold each: One is पदध्वनि and the other is वाक्यध्वनि.
Heft, the famous grammarian, has given in his #fais (quoted here) a long list of the clues that help in deciding the sense of words; they are :
(1) # -a word coming together with another word restricts its own sense; for instance in Hifaa: रामः, राम neither means बलराम nor परशुराम, but means only राम the son of दशरथ; for the word लक्ष्मणान्वितः i.e. his संयोग (association) with # is a decisive clue.
(2) विप्रयोग-seperation. In विना सीतां रामः the word FIA must mean t1 the son of FrT9; for the seperation of सीता is possible only in the case of राम the son of दशरथ.
(3) साहचर्य. In the sentence बुधो भौमश्वोच्चै : etc. बुध must mean 'the planet mercury' for me, the planet, alone is always associated with th the planet 'mars'.
(4) विरोधिता eg. रामार्जुनव्यतिकर. Here राम must mean PEITIA, for he alone can be mentioned together with अर्जुन i.e. सहस्रार्जुन ( the two being rivals of each other ).
(5) 273-purpose, eg. in aqh172 araiafeelfa, na must means 'a horse' and not 'salt', for the former alone is useful in amal ( hunting ).
(6) प्रकरण context; eg. in देवो न जानाति तम्, देव must

Page #417

P. 64, A. 1. S. 23. ]
60
mean your honour' and not 'a God', the context being in favour of the former meaning
(7) fs Characteristic, a symbol. For instance, in the line teos 3 aposta pe FATAH , ja must mean अर्जुन the son of कुन्ती, and not सहस्रार्जुन, for गाण्डीव bow is the token of the former and not of the latter.
(8) 87777FI TECF4 sfafa: Proximity of a peculiar word. For instance in देवस्य शङ्गारिणः देव must mean cupid because of its proximity with the word TiffOT:
(9) Ataxi-capacity; for instance in Agar Aa: fases: , Ay must mean the spring' and not 'wine' for spring alone has the capacity to intoxicate the cuckoo. - (10) औचित्य propriety; for instance in तन्व्या वकं स्वां 910 there is no propriety in saying that the face of the lady should protect; therefore, the word are must be interpreted in the sense of “turn favourably towards you in love."
(11) . A particular place for instance 'BretPETAFIIT fa:' if the place is the capital of a king, HÈ must mean a king and not the God Shiva.
(12) $13. A particular time is a definite clue; for instance in "fast atgrähref" by the force of the word 397€ (by day ) Fagot7 has to be interpreted in the sense of the sun' and not the fire'. . (13) A particular person (ezfanfaata ) is a clue, eg. in the sentence “farefaati " etc. from the particular person speaking this, f must mean a friend and not the sun.'.
(14) Sometimes the fats Jala and 3197 change the sense of words as has been explained in 818215*17 by the famous illustration of the sentence." F a ta”. This word 72 can be interpreted in two ways (according to the way in which we dissolve the compoud).

Page #418

61.
[P. 65. A. 1. S: -23.
.. इन्द्रः शत्रुः यस्य सः is a बहुव्रीहि compound, but इन्द्रस्यशत्रुः is a gestacg59 compound. Now if the fats of the first word in the compound remain unchanged, the compound will be बहुव्रीहि, but if the compound has the final स्वरan उदात्त, it will be a तत्पुरुष.
In astig compound the meaning is “one whose killer is one." In gestatg54 the meaning is “ Killer of Indra.” but the his, that are so common in the Vedas, have been now banished from the classical Sanskrit literature. It is, therefore, not very useful to mention the clue of Fats here.
(15) #15, a change in the voice ( when a person is swayed by some emotion ), is also a definite clue in deciding the sense of a word or sentence. For instance in the famous verse "feath attaita FAT ” etc.. " I shall not kill the hundred stras in the battle" is the apparent sense; but this sense has to be rejected for the speaker is ofta ( full of anger ); with the help of $19, however, the sense is at once changed and then the verse means :
“Shall I not kill the hundred miras ? etc.” Most positively-I shall.
(16) Sometimes 3faa (gesture) decides the meaning of a sentence. The instance is given in the verse 52.
“A lady of such (the speaker here shows by his hands the bulk of her breasts ) boxom breasts, possessed of such beautiful or bright eyes (as shown by gesture ) has been reduced to such (again gestures ) a plight in so many days ( again gestures )."
(17) gear is also a clue as in the verse 52. İ&T says:-" the demon has obtained his glory from here (meaning himself ); it is not, therefore, proper that he

Page #419

P. 66. A. 1. S. 23.)
62
should have his destruction from here (meaning hiniself). It is not good to cut even a poisonous tree when once we have nutured it ourselves.
The difference between eat and fact is that अपदेश is pointing to some person or thing. Here शंकर points to himself by the word इतः. निर्देश is a veiled reference to a person or thing. For instance in the sentence 53a sfa faltfa faosa” the meaning is: "Somebody of somebody is here", here the girls point their finger towards area without naming him.
(18) hat means sign. This also is sometimes a clue. For instance in the verse 55 Parvati at once knew that TFT was bent upon eliciting from her some sort of answer to his random question and as an answer, as it, were shook her head (meaning that she was not willing to speak ).
(19) sah is gesture or motion of the various limbs of the body indicating internal feelings. This is also a clue as shown in verse 56. “He wanted to know when they would meet again, but could not openly ask so in the midst of a large company. He, therefore, simply looked at her. She understood the query and as an answer closed the petals of the lotus in her hand meaning thereby: 'we meet at night'.
(20) 311917 is the expression of the face as giving clue to one's internal thoughts; as in 57. “ Your desire is known by your hot sighs" etc.
Thus one or more of these clues (as the case may be ) definitely restrict the direct meaning (arenpoi) of a verse. But even after this direct meaning is grasped by the readers, a deep subtle meaning lurks behind

Page #420

63
(P. 66. A. 1. S. 23.
this direct meaning. This is called the suggested sense ( 2267 )--the soul of poetry--which is obtained by the function of sugar alone (a function of words and sense - different from अभिधा and लक्षणा.)
This gator91T has been a bone of contention for almost all the rhetoricians. Some are against the conception of such a novel process to arrive at the suggested sense and try either to stretch the power of sfar up to this suggested sense (for instance the well-known dictum "HISSÀgifta sigaraatian917:”) or to include this par under GeoT ( as being a part of it.)
Others are the advocotes of 5997731917 and try to prove that the function of Jai cannot possibly be discharged either by slet or I. These are called ध्वनिवादिन्s the pioneer of whom is आनन्दवर्धन the famous author of ध्वन्यालोक. मम्मट the author of काव्यप्रकाश is also a powerful champion of व्यञ्जना. महिमभट्ट ( the author of oftras ) is the greatest opponent of this 32391 school.
Our author has faithfully followed 311977ata and AFAT and advanced the stock arguments used by these two authors in defence of war. These are already given in detail on page 50, 51, 52.
It should be noted here that the contention is not about the inner meaning of a sentence or a poemfor all agree in regarding it as the most important, one, but it is about the gatalart. The whole controversy centres round this point.
The main arguments in favour of 54991, as advanced by hala here are as under :
(i) fut cannot express the inner meaning, for it has power to express only the direct meaning of words on the strength of convention (ET). But as

Page #421

P. 66. A. 1. S. 23. ]
64
to the suggested sense, the words as they stand are utterly unable to convey it.
66
(ii) लक्षणाव्यापार is two-fold : गौणीलक्षणा and लक्षणलक्षणा. In the sentence : the direct meaning a station of cow herds on the waters of the river Ganges must be rejected (garia), for it is an absurd statement. Some sense that is not remote from the direct sense (a) has therefore to be accepted. This sense is obtained by 17 alone. Now why conceive लक्षणाव्यापार at all when अभिधा may serve the purpose equally well? for, can we not as well say at: ? The answer is: by having recourse to we get the additional sense of " I purity and coolness" with regard to the cowherd station. This प्रयोजन of the लक्षणा justifies its conception. But the point is whether this sense of purity and coolness is obtained by लक्षणाव्यापार. The answer to this as given by हेमचन्द्र is : लक्षणाव्यापार exhausts its powers after giving the sense गङ्गातटे घोषः, but the additional sense of शैत्यपावनत्वयुक्ते गङ्गातटे can not be given by this for the fa i. e. the proper province of a is altogether different from the purpose (प्रयोजन ) of a लक्षणा (just as in प्रत्यक्ष प्रमाण a jar is the subject of प्रत्यक्ष and its knowledge is its प्रयोजन. ) Another, therefore, must be conceived and accepted - this then is the व्यञ्जनाव्यापार. When once व्यञ्जना is established in लक्षणलक्षणा, गौणीलक्षणा need not be seperately treated.
In the verses below, illustrates all the varieties of व्यङ्ग ( due to the varieties of व्यञ्जनाव्यापार ). For instance in the verse 58. The ar is "the company of the good is always delightful" but the suggested sense is company of my lover is delightful." Here the f
Co
the

>>

Page #422

65 (P. 71. A. 1. S. 23. 379 rests on the word aCITA. Verse 59 is an instance of 175 TfhF254 in a sentence:-- AITEETTAFETT etc..“ There is no bed here for you to lie down ” etc.
Here the direct meaning is “Oh traveller! this village is full of stones and there is no bed for you to lie down. If you want to stay here because of the rainy season, do it.”
The inner meaning is:-You shall have enjoyment throughout the night for the people here are all dull as stones. If you want to stay here looking to buxom breasts, you may.”
This inner meaning consists of a bare statement. There is no figure of speech ( such as 3941 ) suggested.
In the verse 60 the words that and la yield double meaning. Similarly the words salt and 873&re are also used in two senses; but the suggested sense "Even contraries serve you” is a bare statement. 8937fa: thunderbolt. 3956: agreeing with his wife. Verse 61 is an instance of a suggested figure of speech based on words.
# means terrible but suggests the comparison of oth the son of qruş. This year is based on one word ( 98 ) ft.
But in 62 the 249 is found in the whole sentence: here stessa IT: has two senses ( 1 ) sleesha TT; and (2) Sitemarent SITT: 'whom do her breasts not make pine for ?' is the direct sense. Whom does not the rainyseason not make uneasy?' is the suggested sense. The suggested figure is 3991 (the resemblance of course, is quite verbal--but the figure has, somehow, to be accepted, otherwise the suggested meaning with be irrelevant.

Page #423

P. 68. A. 1. S. 23. ]
66
Similarly in the verse 63, rar, along with its adjectives, is first interpreted in the sense of (1) a beautiful woman and then (2) a moon-lit night. The suggested figure is उपमा. Here चन्द्राभरणा means having ornaments of the shape of the cresent moon.' a means full of joy. Again in the sentence मातङ्गगामिन्यः शीलवत्यच etc.
$
((
the suggested figure is विरोधाभास. In the verse 65, : is to be interpreted in the sense of (1) rays (of the sun) as well as (2) the feet of a king-and consequently the whole verse yields two senses. The figure suggested is afat which shows the superiority of the feet of the king over the rays of the sun. In addition to fat there is throughout the verse. Thus न खोद्धासिन: नख = nail and ख= sky. अब्ज = moon and lotus -chowrie and + Gods.
Verse 66 is an instance of a suggested statement ( वस्तु ) based on गौणीलक्षणा.
The moon is as pale as a mirror rendered dim by the breath of a man. ea is a word which has to be taken not in the literal sense of blind' but dim. This is लक्षणा and the प्रयोजन of this गौणीलक्षणा is to suggest extreme pallor, uselessness and other such things. This is based upon the word ; but in verse 67 गौणीलक्षणामूलव्यञ्जना covers the whole sentence:
Here the statement "fi. e. a sage wakes throughout the night and sleeps by day" taken literally reduces itself to absurdity. It, therefore, must be interpreted with the help of गौणीलक्षणा as the sages are alive to the eternal principle of the world to which ordinary men are totally blind."
<<
>>
In verse 68, again, “sa aề are the words of himself. Now it is absurd on the
part of " to say

Page #424

[P. 71. A. 1. S. 23.
"
that he is राम. Therefore with the help of लक्षणलक्षणा the word must be interpreted in the sense of a hard-hearted man (that I am)' and the suggested is to show the agony of mind, the sense of self-condemnation and other such things on the part of राम.
of this
This is called अर्थान्तरसंक्रमितवाच्यध्वनि by मम्मट and others. Here the af is based on a word only.
am, therefore, it
""
But in the verse 69 covers the whole sentence. Here the statement "सुवर्णपुष्पां पृथिवीं चिन्वन्ति " they collect this earth full of flowers in the form of gold " is absurd on the face of it. With the help of has to be interpreted in the sense the earth is full of prosperity" etc. and the suggested sense in that case is "the brave and the learned are men superior to all. In the Sutra 24, the suggested sense based on sense (af) is defined and classified:
(i) atga sense consisting of a mere statement suggested by वस्तु.
(ii) वस्तुध्वनि suggested by a figure of speech (अलङ्कार ) (iii) अलङ्कारध्वनि suggested by वस्तु.
(iv) अलङ्कारध्वनि suggested by अलङ्कार.
67
Again these varieties are each of them possible either in a word, or in a sentence or in a composition or throughout a work.
मम्मट in his काव्यप्रकाश has again divided this अर्थशक्ति -
into three kinds:-(1) one in which the whole sense is natural (2) one that is conceived by virtue of the poet's words full of grand imagination (fast) and (3) one that is created by the words full of grand imagination of the speaker conceived by the poet ( कविनिबद्धद्भवतृप्रौढोक्तिमात्र निष्पन्नशरीर: ). Now this division is

Page #425

P. 74. A. 1. S. 24.1
68
by
discarded by saying that even a natural sense does not appear charming without the magnificient utterances of a poet. aastal thus is essential for the creation of a charming poem.
For instance in the verse:शिखिरिणि कनु नाम कियच्चिरम् । किमभिधानमसावकरोत्तपः ॥ etc.
(quoted by
in his commentary)
A lover says:-"Oh young woman! what sort of penance has been practised by this parrot that he gets to eat the fruit of far that is as red as thy nether tip.
Here to say that the parrot got the fruit because of his penance on the mountain is nothing but प्रौढोक्ति - a piece of the poet's grand imagination. For there is not a single mountain which has got the virtue of giving such fruit and there is no penance that can yield this fruit; being thus a matter entirely conceived by the imagination of the poet it is safe. Again the poet does not directly utter these words but they are uttered by a person conceived by the poet; the whole sense, therefore, is कविनिबद्धवक्त प्रौढोक्तिनिष्पन्नशरीर.
thus insists upon every sense being full of प्रौढोक्ति and discards the classification of मम्मट. Verse 70 and the following give illustrations of this अर्थशक्तिमूलव्यङ्गच. श्रीसहोदररत्नाभरणे i. e. कौस्तुभाभरणे in decking their persons with the jewel (the brother of Goddess eft). The demons forgot everything before their charming wives.
Here the word a suggests that the God of love has got the skill to attract men with the delicate means. The ध्वनि is in the word कुसुमबाण. This ध्वनि is a mere statement based on a statement (al atgraft: )

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69
[P. 74. A. 1. S. 24.
In the verse 71 a statement in the arearsi suggests another statement “A thing loved alone gives charm to the thing; if one does not love a thing, one does not find any charm in it or in other words 'aafa fùffor gott a aega.
The idea in the direct sense is: “ The same art river is here, the same bank is here even now, I am the saine person as before, but I do not find any charm in anything because of the absence of love in my heart. This is aegar gegaafa: in a sentence.
In the following verse___'धीराणां रमते घुसणारुणे न तथापि या स्तनोत्सङ्गे ।
दृष्टी रिपुगजकुम्भस्थले यथा बहलसिन्दूरे ॥' Brave men do not find so much charm in the breasts of women as they find in the temples of the enemies' elephants.
Obviously the suggested sense is a comparision between the breasts of women and the temples of elephants.
The gearef--a mere att suggests a figure of speech ( 9a aegar 37agriafe ) The cafe is based on the word offi.
Verse 73 contains Bersaga suggested by mere ata in alegia, in a sentence.
The idea is--ather tormented by the fire of grief at the death of his sons threw himself in fire but the fire was to him as cool as snow. He, therefore, threw himself into a river.
It is suggested that his grief was more terrible than fire hence the figure sfat is suggested here.
In the verse 74: . चूताङ्करावतंसं क्षणप्रसरमहाघमनोहरसुरामोदम् ।
असमर्पितमपि गृहीतं कुसुमशरेण मधुमासलक्ष्म्या मुखम् ॥ Cupid kissed the face of qaragart ( vernal beauty ) =

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festival Aziat+9+8+TATE (1) the joy felt by Cupid (RRTETET) (2) HTETET 11ate having the perfume of wine.
The expressed figure is fasterater. The suggested sense is “I shall also follow the example of Cupid, beware!" or it may be this:- If the spring in its beginning is so intoxicating, how will it be when it is fully advanced ?
Thus there is smerter dettata: €.
The same variety in a sentence is illustrated in the verse: "refakataya aid soj : atrai
Alfaantai Ala: 415a tapa tua: 11" The pride of ladies ran away from their hearts as if it (the pride ) was afraid of being crushed by the embrace of the lovers.
Here the वाच्यार्थ contains the figure उत्प्रेक्षा which suggests: "the women freely embraced their lovers in return."
In the following verse:--
" तव वल्लभस्य प्रातरासीदधरो म्लानकमलदलम् ।
इति नववधूः श्रुत्वा करोति वदनं महीसंमुखम् ॥ the nether lip of your lover was pale like the petal of a lotus' is a metaphor (in areais).
The suggested sense is:--" You have, it seems, repeatedly kissed him.”
This अलङ्कारेण वस्तुध्वनि is in पद.
The same variety is found in 27187 as illustrated in 77. 'He, who can measure the waters of the ocean, can alone describe the ( countless ) qualities of asta.
Here in alzare the figure is a star and it suggests another figure siento ( which means 'why try to describe the qualities of auta ? It is impossible to describe them.)
The last variety that of aegeara as found in garten

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[ P. 81. A. 1. S. 24.
(not a stray verse or a poem but a collection of poems on one subject) is illustrated below in the verses quoted from . In this long passage a vulture and a jackal are trying to outwit each other in order that they may get the dead body of a boy to eat. Both of them are trying to send away the people who have come to burn the dead body.
Here then the speeches of both the vulture and the jackal (i. e. the a) suggest their desire to eat the dead body of the boy.
This illustration is also given by मम्मट in his काव्यप्रकाश. In वन्वालोक, again, the author ( आनन्दवर्धन ) gives the whole of Ra as an illustration of a suggested sense in a (i. e. a work). He says: the suggestion in the whole of is that life after all is transitory and alone should be the final goal of life.
These,
Sutra 25:-All the verses containing s and as; रसाभास and भावाभास; भावशान्ति, भावोदय, भावस्थिति, भावसन्धि and भावशबलता are very good illustrations of अर्थशक्तिमूलव्यङ्गय. etc. are seperately mentioned by in order to show that these are always suggested (); they can never come down. to the level of वाच्यार्थ; while वस्तु and अलङ्कार as a rule come under वाच्यार्थ but sometimes may come under the suggested sense. Verse 81 gives an instance of a suggested in a word. "The fire blind with smoke did not see you when it burnt you (otherwise he would not have burnt such a lovely figure).
The first two lines give a most splendid picture of the frightened heroine () caught in the midst of fire.
Here the word à suggests that the familiar eyes of full of charming graces are vividly remembered

.

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P. 84. A. 1. S. 25. ] 72 by the king. This word mainly suggests the intense pathos in the poem.
Sometimes even a termination or a part of a word suggests some subtle sense; for instance in the verse 82:
मा पन्थानं रुन्धि मम अपेहि बालक ! अहो असि अह्रीणः ।
वयं परतन्त्राः शून्यगृहं रक्षितव्यम् नः ॥ “Don't block my way, get away you childish and shameless fellow; we have got to guard this vacant house." Here 310ft suggests you should come to the vacant house, don't betray our secret here.'
A part of a word is also suggestive. For instance in the verse 83 the plural termination in the word are suggests that the wife of 27 was adept in a variety of aress (timing beats); this word are:, therefore, intensifies the विप्रलम्भशृंगार. Similarly in the verse 84 in लिखन् आस्ते the present participle termination and the locative case in Hat are highly suggestive the former suggests that the repentant arra is still sitting and is bent upon sitting there till he is pardoned and the suggests that he is totally bewildered.
Similarly in "8777 45 am ! etc. Go away. Do not see me when I am bathing. This place is not meant for persons who are afraid of their wives.” एतत् स्थानम् is suggestive of the romantic nature of the place. Again the area termination in 571277376% suggests that the woman utterly condemns the man for being afraid of his own wife and thus losing the pleasure of secret love.
Similarly in the verse 86 the two as show simultaneous action. 'On the one hand there is this seperation and on the other hand, has set in this rainy. season. Even one of these two events is enough to

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torrent the king, why then talk of the effect of these two at a time. The two #s, therefore, are highly suggestive. Besides the word 724 in facraerre: intensi. fies the setqafquia in the verse.
Again in the line 'प्रस्निग्धाः क्वचिदिगुदीफलभिदः etc.' the उपसर्ग प्र suggests the freshness of इङ्गुदी fruits and thus shows the superb beauty of the hermitage.
Sometimes a number of निपातs and उपसर्गs comes together and suggests some subtle sense as in Stet बताऽसि स्पृहणीयवीयः ' अहो and बतः show great admiration.
Again in the verse 89 in the word agtrax the JAS 39 and 11-all meaning 'playing the part of a man--8-in a wonderful way ( 299 ) and with an all-pervading (811) activity, are highly suggestive.
In Seart Breta' Brata (was ) suggests that: 9ITA was so very confident of his strength that he thought ih as already killed!
The crude form of a word being highly suggestive is illustrated in the verse 91.
Here facit: suggests that it was a miracle that his wretched house was transformed into a palace in a few days. Again the words aa and after suggest the squalid appearance of his ( gfiat's ) former house. Similarly in the verse 92:
"रतिकेलिहृतनिवसनकरकिसलयरुद्धनयनयुगलस्य ।
रुद्रस्य तृतीयनयनं पार्वतीपरिचुम्बितं जयति ॥" " when Shanker in his amorous mood took away the garment of granit, she closed his two eyes with her two hands and closed his third eye with her lips !”
Here safe suggests that graft's way of closing the third eye of Shankar was simply marvellous.
10

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ADHYAYA II. In this chapter 477 defines and illustrates all the kinds of a together with all the constituents of Ta.
The first Sutra defines :___A स्थायीभाव fully developed by means of विभाव अनुभाव and व्यभिचारिभाव assumes the form of a रस.
As has been already said (in the first chapter ) TH, ma and all their varieties are always suggested; they are never directly expressed.
A Eyrata, as its name shows, is the inborn permanent emotion in the heart of every man. Such permanent emotions are regarded as being only eight. They are:
रतिहासश्च शोकश्च क्रोधोत्साही भयं तथा ।
जुगुप्सा विस्मयश्चेति स्थायिभावाः प्रकीर्तिताः ॥ This inborn emotion is, at the beginning, only in a dormant state but when it finds some object for its working and gets intensified by favourable circumstances, it gets fully developed and then attaining its zenith is termed a रस.
fahia is an object that helps in developing the स्थायिभाव. It is two-fold:-आलम्बनविभाव and उद्दीपनविभाव. (1) 8713347 faara, as the word signifies, is the object on which the emotion hangs, that is to say, is the object which serves as a field for the activity of that particular emotion.
To take a concrete instance : the emotion of fa (love) is an inborn and a permanent emotion in human heart. But unless it finds any object for its activity it never comes into prominence but lies dormant in the heart. Now suppose a young man

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happens to see a beautiful young woman. At the first sight his emotion is aroused and he begins to think of her. The emotion of love (fa) then is the स्थायी भाव and the young woman is the आलम्बन विभाव. Now suppose that the place where he meets the woman is a secluded garden and the woman seems to be favourably inclined towards him, then his love is sure to get intensified. These things that thus intensify the love of the man are called (2) fa-inflamers
of an emotion. Now suppose that his love is fixed and is gradually getting more and more intense; then during the course of the developement of his love sometimes he is afraid of being detected in his lovemaking, at other times he is yearning to see her, sometimes he feels a sense of disappointment; but all the while, these momentary feeling that appear and disappear ultimately help the progress of his love.
These short-lived feelings, therefore, are called व्यभिचारि भावs or sometimes संचारिभावs. These भावs are generally fixed for a fixed ; sometimes, however they are common to many as.
Again these as when fully developed are expressed by some gestures. These are called अनुभावs. For instance the outward signs from which it is inferred that a man is in love, are his languid gait, vacant gaze etc.. They are all as as are mentioned in the verse: गमनमलसं शून्या दृष्टिः शरीरमसौष्ठवम् ।
श्वसितमधिकम् ॥ etc. ( मालतीमाधवे )
To conclude a fully developed by means of विभाव and व्यभिचारिभाव and indicated by अनुभाव is termed a रस. रस as its etymology shows ( रस्यते इति रसः ). is a thing that is tasted and enjoyed.

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Now the important question in this connexion is this:—Who tastes or enjoys the ta ?
Before answering this question it is desirable to make a clear distinction between the te in ordinary life and the ta in poetry. In ordinary everyday life, the te, for instance the sentiment of love, is produced (or rather developed ) in the heart of a young man who has fallen in love with a young woman. Naturally if his love is reciprocated, it is tasted and enjoyed by him alone. Others can never taste or enjoy his sentiment of love,
But in poetry ( both written as well as in dramas. ) the case of this altogether different. Here the ph is described to have developed in the characters in the poem (such as 14 and star ), the farat ta int he heart of राम is developed fully there by means of विभाव. अनुभाव and safhaft#19. But the strangest thing here is this that the here developed is tasted or enjoyed not by the character in the poem or drama but by the readers or the audience in a theatre !
How is this miracle worked ? The explanation is this:--
There is a hidden power called histoffzut in poetry, by virtue of which the readers (or the audience ) -- think that the विभावs, अनुभावs and व्यभिचारिभावs that are really exclusively with reference to the characters in a poem or a drama are their own! Thus while the drama is being staged, every one of the audience thinks or rather fancies that he is a hero in the fairy land of imagination and that the female character in the play is his beloved (he forgets for a while that they

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are tip and war) and that the faula 31741a etc, are with reference to him. ( Ahad q ad...fa... Araroa gaià fazl77:)
It is then that his farsít H19 is aroused and ultimately attaining zenith is transformed into Th. This This then tasted and enjoyed by him-yet not by him alone but by thousands of spectators simaltaneously without being jealous of the neighbour that participates in the enjoyment of that ve (fazagarawacaa feratsfa साधारणोपायबलात् सहृदयसंवादभाजा साधारण्येन गोचरीक्रियमाणः)
This te is so marvellous that the reader or every one of the audience can enjoy it, without physically passing through all phases of love-making-merely by hearing or seeing ! Being tasted is the very essence of this ta (aarta91: ); it lasts as long as the fata, अनुभाव etc. last (विभावादिभावनावधिः ). Being of a unique nature (8457f2 ftaar ), it can be compared to the joy of the realisation of all. Its taste cannot be described, its joy is to be experienced by oneself( Fagagalita:) and that is its greatest proof (fa&:). It is enjoyed both by the poet and the readers. It is said above that it is enjoyed merely by seeing but the fact is that once it permeates the heart it is enjoyed by closing the eyes as it were in a state of trance (farzifisgata: ). What are known in everyday life by the terms कारण, कार्य and सहचारि are here termed as f 1919, 317819, and cyfiaft 712.
The most important qnestion in this connection is about the appearance of . How is it that the TA makes its appearance ?' is the first question; and where does it appear-is another question. The whole controversy among Sanskrit rhetoricians has centred round these two questions. Different views are held on

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these two questions by different writers. has enumerated almost all the views on these points and discussed them in his commentary most exhaustively. We are giving below in a nut shell all the main views regarding these questions:--
( 1 ) भट्टलोल्लट's view :-a स्थायी when produced by fanas, made manifest by gas and developed by व्यभिचारिभावs is called a रस रस is mainly produced in the chief characters of a poem or a drama; but because the actors identify themselves with these characters it can be as well said that is produced in these actors also.
(2) i's view :- -When love and other such feelings are inferred (to be in an actor) by the audience even though dwelling originally in the characters, they are called etc.
To quote again, the acter is identified by the audience with the original character of Rama ( रामोऽयमिति प्रतिपत्त्या ग्राह्ये नटे ) just as a horse painted in a picture is regarded as a horse (ag). This identification is not a true knowledge (aga), for the audience knows perfectly well that the emotions that are manifest in the actor are not real but expressed by means of his skilful gestures ( शिक्षाभ्यास निवर्तितस्वकार्य a). On the other hand, this identification is not absolutely false for it continues to the last and is not nullified by any contrary experience at a later stage. It is, moreover, not a doubt, for the alternative necessary for a doubt is not present in this identification. It is not a mere similarity, for the knowledge of identification is not of the nature of "this actor is just like Rama " Thus after the identification of the actors with

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the principal characters of a drama or a poem--the audience, on the strength of gata, infers the development of a in the actors. In this 349917 the zifa is this: on a fanaifa: aa 9 Taifa: F 219: ( Thenlaafa ). etc.
(3) The third view is that of Heart : according to him, 74 is produced neither in fra original ( for that is not possible on the stage) nor in an actor nor again in the audience but it is only enjoyed by the audience ( it is neither produced nor inferred nor suggested ). How can the audience enjoy the Te apparently shown with reference to others ( the characters of th etc. )? The answer is: by the process of #12977, the Ferrata (along with the fula and others ) is made common to all ( विभावादिसाधारणीकरणात्मना भावकत्वव्यापारण)
(4) The above view is accepted in a great measure by अभिनवगुप्तपादाचार्य ( whom मम्मट quotes as an authority ), but he says that the apartutapur does not require any special process but this generalization comes as a matter of course and finally the ta is suggested by विभावानुभावव्यभिचारिभाव and is enjoyed by the audience. Has follows this view in its every detail.
Thus ATX, faithfully following Art and his master अभिवगुप्त, holds the view that रस is neither produced nor inferred but suggested.
If á is supposed to be produced then it would mean that fora and others would become its cause and te would be its effect. Now the rule is 7-an effect-exists even when its cause perishes; so here te must exist even when fahia and others disappear-but this is never the case; we have already said "that the lasts as long as the विभाव and others last (विभावादिजीवितावधि). Similarly te can not be inferred; for in order that a

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.
thing should be inferred it must be already in existence (fas). But we know that is in the process of being ( जायमान ) when the विभावs and others are mentioned.
रस is therefore suggested (व्यङ्गय) by means of विभाव अनुभाव and व्यभिचारिभाव; this is its peculiar nature.
These विभावs, अनुभावs and व्यभिचारिभावs all combined together suggest a Th. If they come singly they can not suggest a TA; for in that case it is not definitely known to what they belong, they by their very nature being common to more than one TÆ; for instance, let us take the विभाव-व्याघ्र (a tiger). This विभाव coming singly may suggest भयानक or वीर or अदभुत or रौद्र according to the situation conceived and the view taken. Thus viewed from the point of a deer, a tiger would suggest 777777a; from the point of view of a brave man a tiger would suggest atite ( when the brave man kills the tiger ); again if we suppose that the tiger is devouring its prey with a terrible roar, that would suggest रौद्र.
Similarly in the case of 31771as. If they come singly (not in combination with fahra and gafa iftara ) they are not able to suggest any definite 79. For instance, take the 345414' tears ’: they may suggest either Four or T or H919according as the situation is conceived.
Again the fifcura Fral-anxiety (for instance), coming singly, would suggest either $507 or Tit or at or H2777.
But in spite of this general rule that for the suggestion of a रस, a combination of विभाव अनुभाव and sqf912 is necessary, it sometimes happens that one of these comes in a poem where the situation or the

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context is perfectly clear. In that case even a fanta coming alone may suggest a definite Ta.
For instance in the verse 93 which means:
“Your body is the seat of all graceful movements; your dancing eye-brows are love-exciting; your face is maddeningly beautiful. You are the orly beautiful figure in the three worlds."
The body, the eye-brows and the face are all उद्दीपनविभावs. There is no mention of any अनुभाव or afhqif919. In spite of this, the context is so clear that one can easily detect yria in the verse. Similarly, in the verse 94, there are only #las of the young ladies when they happen to see youthful AUT. The eyes of these young ladies are languid ; their limbs are wasting day by day; their cheeks are getting paler and paler. Thus though there are only gulas in this poem the context is clear and hence the विप्रलम्भशृङ्गार is easily suggested inerely by the 349717s.
Again in the verse 95 there are only zfuqif Has mentioned of an offended women with reference to her guilty lover: her eyes became eager when she saw him coming (siege); when he came near, her eyes became nervous (asi); when he began to speak, her eyes dilated with joy ( o ); when he began to embrace, they became red (679); when he caught her garment, her eyes became full of anger (Bal); but when he fell at her feet her eyes brimmed with tears (9817).
The readers can easily detect f92773XIT in the verse though there are only afraifiuras mentioned.
But these are exceptions. The general rule is that only the combination of fahra, 31419 and faftara clearly suggests a रस.
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In the following sutras haat enumerates, defines and illustrates all the रसs.
There are only nine zas. The most familiar and the most delightful of all these #s is fr. arka closely follows in and sometimes serves as its help-mate. SEUT which is exactly opposite of gift, is next mentioned; रौद्र comes next and is very often the cause of करुण. Failure in one's endeavour to get something gives rise to ta (8781791:) based on the feeling of tust. Then comes, वीर based on the religious spirit (धर्मप्रधानः); वीर very often removes fear, hence 9184 comes next. भयानक is closely allied to बीभत्स which comes nexts. वीर finally results in marvellous exploits. 247, therefore, is next mentioned. All these ths, hitherto mentioned, are based on the first three yearis with activity as their characteristic.
Exactly opposite to these three gegrüs comes finally शान्त characterised by passivity (निवृत्ति). These nine रसs are perfectly detached from one another in their characteristics. Others can be definitely included under some one of these ths and hence can not be given a seperate place. Thus Fate, according to some, is the tenth रस with आर्द्रता ( melting of the heart) as its स्थायी भाव. But this can easily be included under fa.
Thus the affection one feels for his friend is nothing but fà; the affection of th for at may be included under धर्मवीर (for राम loved लक्ष्मण almost religiouslysays 47); again the affection which a child feels for its parents can be put under भयानकरस (for, as हेमचन्द्र explains curiously, a child inwardly is afraid of his parents ); similarly an old man's love for his grown

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up son springs from fear and thus is a part of भयानक ! (again a funny explaination given by 49 ).
According to some, glez (cupidity) is a distinct te with 7 (gluttony) as its fülha. But at rejects this view and says that this so-called state is nothing but Ertata in another disguise (for it excites ridicule) or at best this craving (len) may be put (as says ) under the love of possession )!
Ir is defined in the sutra 28 :- The sentiment of love exists between a man and a woman. So either a man or a woman is the आलम्बन विभाव of शृङ्गार. Then the objects (such as garlands, music, scents etc.) that contribute to stimulate love are the geita fazla. Again some prominent व्यभिचारिभावs, excepting जुगुप्सा (a sense of dislike ) TESET ( lassitude ) and sitsa ( severity ), help the process of this love and hence are its व्यभिचारिभावs.
शृङ्गार is of two kinds (1) संयोग and (2) विप्रलम्भ or love in seperation.
This sentiment is a long-standing one ranging from the process of its inception to its fulfilment.
(artraf 950 pogrigali). It is more and more blissful (galeri) as it advances. It is a tie that binds two hearts together (आस्थाबन्धात्मिका); originally it is the स्थायीभाव called tra, but when fully developed it is termed IFTTTA and it is then that it is enjoyed by the reader or the audience.
It is really strange that afa i. e. love between a young man and a woman should alone be accepted by all the rhetoricians as having the capacity to develop itself into th. According to their view, all other kinds of love are not capable of rising to the high level of a te! For instance, the love of a mother or for a

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mother, the devotion for God or a sage or the loyalty for a king are all put under the general category of रति and is condemned to the position of a mere भाव ! As मम्मट says :
रतिर्देवादिविषया व्यभिचारी तथाऽञ्जितः
भावः प्रोक्तः ॥ काव्यप्रकाश IV. 35
and remarks :-कान्ताविषया तु ( रतिः ) व्यक्ता शृङ्गारः ॥
Now this strange view does not stand to reason. It is a universal experience that a mother's love for her child attains a zenith not reached by any other kind of love. We fail to understand, therefore, how, under these circumstances, love between a man and a woman alone should be exalted to a supreme place in literature.
implicitly follows in this respect the conventional view of and other standard rhetoricians and quotes instances of रति as a भाव.
The devotion of a man to God is illustrated in the verse 96:
There seems to be a limited number of atoms (containing the quality of quietude) in this world, for after you were created, not a single person was created who is similar to you.
""
The devotion or reverence for a sage is illustrated in the verse 97.
Those only can be termed as houses that are purified by the dust of your feet."
""
<<
It is said that there are two kinds of शृङ्गाररस : (i) संभोग and (ii) विप्रलम्भ; but as हेमचन्द्र himself says this is not strictly true. Really speaking, these two kinds belong to the रति ( स्थायिभाव ) which is of the nature of a tie of affection; these two kinds, संभोग and विप्रलम्भ,

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are overlapping terms, for even in seperation the yearning of union is there and again even in 1937 sometimes when there is a sense of security owing to the course of unimpeded love, there is a sort of (mental ) seperation as 3477 has apty said:--
" Aifilata fetah etc.” (7127TIE 22/193), which means:--It is because women are perverse in their love repulse the advances of men and are very difficult of attainment that men are mad after them.
The combination of these two aspects of love, therefore, is highly delightful; for instance:--
"They (the young man and his beloved ) were on the same bed, but their faces were turned away from each other. Inwardly they were pained at this, but outwardly they were maintaining a cold attitude of pride. At such a critical hour, both began to look at each other from the corners of their eyes-all accidentally their eyes met, the coldness disappeared and with a loud laugh they rushed forward to embrace each other ! ”
fawra, 37919 and cfaalfahia are found distinctly only in a big poem. In stray verses (9**), we have to imagine (i. e. take for granted ) the presence of all these constituents of a रस.
$3127xR has many varieties; the most prominent of them are mentioned by 49= with only a single illustration ( verse 99 ):
“He saw that his two beloveds were sitting together. He cautiously approached them from behind and making a pretext of playing practical joke closed the eyes of one of them. Then turning his neck a little, the shrewd fellow (d: ) with his body bristling

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with horripilation (:) kissed his other beloved; at this, her heart was overflowed with love and her cheek beamed with inward smiles.
Here, obviously, the first woman with closed eyes was not so much loved by the man as the other one whom he kissed.
'विप्रलम्भशृङ्गार is of three kinds: --- ( 1 ) अभिलाष विप्रलम्भ (i. e. one in which the lovers yearn for each other, before their first union. (2) faя (seperation through anger) and (3) alfag (seperation on account of their staying away from each other.)
If the seperation ends in grief, it transforms itself into pure pathos ( करुणरस ).
अभिलाष विप्रलम्भ is due either to the freak of fortune or to the dependence on others; the first kind is illustrated in the verse 101:--
qt who saw that the desire of her father was frustrated and that her lovely person was no longer of any use, returned home overpowered with a sense of shame.
The second kind of affa (due to dependence) is illustrated in 102.
The idea is:-They were dragged onwards by the flood of love but were prevented from union by the dam in the form of elders. They, therefore simply looked at each other and drank love through their eyes. मानविप्रलम्भ is of two kinds: प्रणयमान and ईष्यामान प्रणयमान is anger due to the disregarding of one's love. It is possible in the case of both a man and a woman. In verse 103, Parvati is angry with Shiva.
The idea is:-In order to pacify Parvati, Shiva bent down with a view to fall at her feet; but in so

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doing she saw in his matted hair lying concealed the Ganges; thereupon, she kicked him.
___ In the following verse, राम is angry with सीता because the latter was late in coming home, being attracted and delayed by the sports of the swans.
In the following verse (104) Both the lovers are angry with each other at one and the same time.
प्रणयकुपितयोर्द्वयोरप्यलीकप्रसुप्तयो मानतः ।
निश्चलनिरुद्धनिश्वासदत्तकर्णयोः को मल्लः ॥ A very fine picture of angry lovers: both feigned sleep ( elatangca), but were intent on hearing each other's sighs restrained with great effort!
Soufara ( anger due to jealousy ) is possible only in women. For instance in the verse 105:
Indignant Parvati, addresses Shankar:-“ You are bowing down before 21-evening ( supposed to be a woman ). You are also carrying shamelessly on your head a river. The Goddess get is already churned out of the ocean--take her; why do you swallow poison ?
The instance of gargfagsth is given in the verse 107. After Krishna went to द्वारका, राधा embraced the asas creeper bent down owing to the leaps of Krishna from it into the Jamuna, and sang such a pathetic song that even the creatures in the waters began to sob.
A=flurry or excitement due to some panic, such as an invasion or whirlwind.
Elft is defined in the following Sutra (9).
The essence of crta lies in its being produced from something done which is incompatible with a particular place, time, age or rank. Stafecus concealment of internal feelings.
The three kinds of city are given by an in the tenth Sutra.

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The best kind of हास is हिमत - which according to is one in which the cheeks heave up, which is attended with charming eye-glances, and in which the teeth are not displayed.
विहसित is the second kind of हास in which the eyes and the cheeks are contracted, which is attended with a sweet sound, which comes at the proper time (a) and in which the face becomes red.
अपहसित is the worst kind of हास in which tears flow from the eyes, the shoulders and the head are violently shaken and which comes at a wrong place. When again a man is set to laughing at the sight of another man laughing, it is called
.
It has got three varieties as above, with a slight change in the names:--
( 1 ) हसित is the first kind in which the eyes, the mouth and the cheeks are raised up and beam with pleasure and in which the teeth are slightly seen.
In (2) 34faa the nose is elavated; the eyes look side-ways; the shoulders and the head are contracted.
Again in (3) fafa there is an agitation, and a copious flow of tears, the sound is shrill and the two sides are pressed with hands.
Verse 109 is an instance of . Shankar looks at himself and laughingly says:
((
'A nice dress of a bride-groom is mine to attract Parvati! A bracelet of the serpent (argfa) in one hand; the eye (third) shooting fire; the throat black with swallowed poison; and the hide of an elephant as my dress. "
A laughter excited by the laughter of others is illustrated in the verse 110:

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In the breasts of Radha pure as gold pitchers, the cloud-like dark form of Krishna was reflected; but Krishna mistook it for the blue garment of Radha and began to pull it again and again!! At this Radha heartily laughed and Krishna too began to laugh at his own discomfiture.
is defined in the following Sutra (12) and explained by in the paragraph below with the detailed mention of its विभावs अनुभावs and व्यभिचारिभावs. fay (agony of heart) is the characteristic of 5. Most of the poems from the fourth canto of कुमारसंभव may be given as apt illustrations of करुण. (Sutra 13) is caused by the abduction of one's own wife and such other insulting acts done by others.
The wrath of t is illustrated in verse 112 in which he takes a vow before Draupadi thus:
""
I shall tie up your hair with my hands red with the fresh, sticky and thick blood of both the thighs of Suyodhan that will be broken to pieces by me with my club whirled with my arms in full motion." the sentiment of bravery) is of three kinds :- (i)
धर्मवीर ( a hero in duty ) ( 2 ) दानवीर ( a hero in giving something to others) (3) g (a hero on a battle field). The verse 113 illustrates all the three kinds of heroes: "Unless I conquer the whole earth (g), unless I perform various sacrifices (a) and unless I give wealth to the beggars (a) how can I become a king?
+
The best instance of धर्मवीर is जीमूतवाहन in नागानन्द. परशुराम is a type of दानवीर and राम in महावीरचरित is a type of युद्धवीर.
12

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The chief difference in the characteristics of and should be noted carefully, as the resemblance between the two is likely to create confusion.
In a (1) there is no sense of being hemmed in with calamities.
(2) the hero in is never satisfied with the immediate retaliation, but has loftier aims.
(3) He has no false or hazy notions about the work he has to do.
While in
(1) the hero is full of self-egotism and infatuation and dismay ( मोहविस्मयप्राधान्यम् ).
(2) He may adopt crooked and horrible means to destroy his enemy.
(3) He is full of self-conceit.
His natural in women and low characters ( स्त्रीनीचप्रकृतीनां स्वाभाविकम् ); in high characters the fear produced by some external reason, is not genuine. Verse 114 (from fat) is a model illustration of an excellent picture of the frightened deer when hotly chased by दुष्यन्त.
"It is frequently casting glances at my chariot with a graceful bent of his neck. Owing to its fear of the arrows, it is contracting its hinder part and thrusting it into the fore-part. It has strewn the path with the half-chewed grass falling from its gaping mouth; with its high bounds it seems to be more in the air than on the earth.
It is said above that in high characters fear is not genuine. An objection is raised to this statement as follows:
Why should the kings (for instance) show a mock fear towards their preceptors? Moreover why.

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should they show mild tremblings? Why do you say that the sentiment of fear alone is not genuine? Can it not be equally said of other sentiments that they are sometimes not genuine? For instance a prostitute may show false love. Why then restrict this GAI (artificiality) to fear only?
The answer as given by to this objection is as follows:----
Sometimes one has to show mock fear, for instance: in order to create an impression that he is a modest man, a king shows himself frightened before his preceptor. By his mild gestures of fear he shows that he is not a man of a low type;
False love (a) may be depicted, but it serves no purpose in bringing about the accomplishment of any goal of life (such as a Я etc.)
Sometimes kings show genuine anger or other sentiments in order to do good to others. In such cases it must be supposed that it is not a permanent sentiment but a temporary feeling. (fazma)
(sentiment of loathing)
A typical instance of is given in verse 115.
A famished corpse is tearing away the skin from another corpse and after eating the flesh from its different parts, with a horrible grinning, is at last trying to take slices of flesh from the uneven cavities of bones.
An excellent illustration of verse 116:-" Krishna! is it a eaten earth while playing?
<<
No mother. He is telling a lie; look here into my mouth." Thus saying, Krishna opened his mouth and

is given in the
fact that you have says that you have."

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lo! instead of a bit of earth, his mother saw the whole world in his mouth and was struck with wonder.
Usually Sanskrit rhetoricians admit only eight रेसs as common both to dramas and poems. शान्तरस, according to their opinion, can never be acted on the stage, for as they say, it consists of the absence of activity and for gestures activity is necessary. But though not admissible on the stage, it can be depicted in poems and therefore (with a number of other rhetoricians) admits it as the ninth sentiment (s पि नवमो रसः ).
Now as regards the स्थायिभाव of शान्तरस, मम्मट and others hold that it is . But strongly objects to निर्वेद being regarded as the स्थायिभाव of शान्तरस and proposes शम as the proper स्थायिभाव. निर्वेद ( according to him) is (dislike of mundane things) which proceeds from तत्वज्ञान as well as ends in तत्त्वज्ञान. निर्वेद then becomes the effect as well as the cause of तत्त्वज्ञानwhich is absurd. Therefore (absence of craving) must be regarded as the स्थायिभाव of शान्तरस. Verse 117 illustrates शान्तरस:
"Shall I see those days when I would be sitting in Yogic posture on the banks of the Ganges and the deer would be coming to me and freely scratching their horns against my body."
Here a doubt is expressed as to whether a can be regarded as an independent. Can it not be, after all, included under f,-for 4 also means a sense of loathing or dislike. faggar is common both to बीभत्स and शान्त. To this हेमचन्द्र answers thus:
In बीभत्सरस, जुगुप्सा ( loathing ) is स्थायिभाव, but in शान्तरस it is only a farka (temporary feeling), for the

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prominent feature of शान्तरस is a quiet mind. In जुगुप्सा there is some sort of excitement of mind due to the sense of repugnance. If this excitement persists it will mar Trata. Again if it is said that TaT might be included under attra, the suggestion is untenable; for there is a marked difference between ett and tima. In gate, with all its lofty character, a sense of just pride is there, while in izata there is a total absence of pride or egotism. If even in spite of this difference the two sentiments are mixed together, at and to also shall have to be regarded as one.
Now if the hero in that is depicted as possessing such a lefty character that he is entirely free from every sort of pride or egotism and is full of quietude, we shall say that he no longer remains a hero in (i. e. 807 ), but becomes a type of race.
Tate must be regarded, therefore, as an independent रस.
The etymology of 2719 as given by A7, is as follows :-( FARFALO 31144271414a1f212afa 3118ardi gara ) In everyday life these feelings can not be enjoyed with pleasure by others; but here in the domain of poetry these feelings offer themselves as objects of enjoyment, ( fara araafia--811Fala gafa ) or rather they pervade the mind of the audience (व्याप्नुवन्ति सामाजिकानां मनः) and therefore they are called भावाः (both स्थायिभाव and ofarfala have the same etymology ).
Felfaras are so called because they are inborn feelings in every human heart. Every human heart has a desire for pleasure. Every man some time or other regards himself superior to others and laughs at them. He has his moments of anger, sorrow, lofty thoughts,

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loathing and wonder. The only difference found is a difference of degree or a difference in the extent of the play of these feelings. The standard for regarding these feelings as higher or lower is whether they help the promotion of gas or not. They deserve depiction only if they help one of these gris (aims of life.)
व्यभिचारिभावs, on the other hand, are fluctuating feelings. Some hearts, rather some men, are void of somes; for instance: a sound heart and a sound body can never have the feeling of indolence ( आलस्य ) or exertion ( श्रम ) or ग्लानि ( languor ).
Some feelings, again, appear in a man but disappear entirely when their cause is removed. In short safak
94
s are short-lived feelings. They are not inborn and permanent in every human heart as the स्थायिभावs. Even when they (as) seem to disappear when the cause (not of their birth but of their development) is removed, they do not entirely disappear, but lie dormant in the heart awaiting another favourable opportunity ( प्रलीनकल्पा अपि संस्कारशेषतां नातिवर्तन्ते ) for their development; their inherent power is never exhausted. On the other hand, a far is said to spring from some outward cause. For instance, if a man feels that he is fatigued (7) we ask: What is the cause of his fatigue? This shows that his feeling of fatigue is not an inborn feeling. But we never question: Why is full of fortitude (3)? For we know that this feeling never arises from external causes. faas merely develop them. It is, therefore, that they are called ars in the human heart.
Sometimes some as, if not fully developed, are known as व्यभिचारिभावs; for instance, the रति of रावण

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towards siar, not being reciprocated, never attains the height of स्थायिभाव, but remains a व्यभिचारिभाव. Similarly the love we cherish towards our elders or servants is only a hra. Anger in #17 and ate is only a 19.
The thirty-three zzfarftulas are enumerated and defined by are in the 19th Sutra and the following paragraph.
These has sometimes seem to be steady (not as much as the स्थायिभावs of course). This is called भावस्थिति.
For instance the feeling of faas (conjecture) in the verse 117 has remained steady to the end of the verse, for the verse contains a series of conjectures. gerai, mad with the grief of seperation says about saft:
Can it be that she has concealed herself with anger ? No; it can not be, for she is never angry for a long period. Has she gone to heaven? No, for she loves me sincerely. Has she been abducted by demons ? It can not be in my presence. What can be the reason, then, of her complete disappearance ?
Here the main sentiment is farger, but the beauty of the poem lies in a series of conjectures-Hrafezfa.
Sometimes a feeling appears very prominently in a poem. This is called Hatch which is illustrated in the verse 118.
“ When the woman heard the mention of another woman's name from the mouth of her lover (this is called गोत्रविपर्यय or गोत्रस्खलन in Sanskrit-~the mention of another lady is of course a slip of the tongue on the part of the lover ) she, being on the same bed with her husband, made a semblance of amorous gestures, but did not embrace him with her breasts. This is Artice (appearance of anger ).” Similarly, 1997A is the

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disappearance of a feeling (in a prominent way of course ). This is illustrated in 119:
“When he ( the lover ) was seen, her anger began to contract like her eyes; when he stood near her, her anger bent down like her face; when he touched her, her anger came out like her horripilation; when he began to talk to her, her anger began to slip off like the knot of her garment; and when he fell at her feet, her anger entirely vanished as if it got ashamed (to stay there any longer )!
Two feelings prominently coming in conjuction with each other give rise to भावसंधि.
The instance of Hadife is given in verse 120:
Rama felt, on the one hand, a genuine pleasure at the arrival of UTA, and on the other, an intense joy at the embrace of सीता.
Two feelings coming side by side give rise to भावसंधि. But in भावशबलता diverse feelings come and go in quick succession and render the poem very beautiful, as in the verse 121 where a king ( gacar ) happening to see a beautiful lady falls in love with her and is swayed by diverse feelings thus:--
Is it becoming my noble family to do this ? ( fage }; can I see her again ? ( Bulga ); of what avail is my learning if it does not control my feelings ( afa); Oh for the face, beautiful even in anger! ( FATOT); alas ! what would the wise say ? (271); Oh ! she is not easy to obtain (974); compose thyself, my heart! ( ala ) what blessed youth will get her ? (farar),
व्यभिचारिभावs are so called because they help the development of Efaias by their presence or rather their movements (fafad Bfacta para shfaqiftot:)

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97 (P. 128. A. 2. S. 20. The number of sufrafcaras is strictly thirty-three. Other feelings can be included under some of themas is shown by हेमचन्द्र.
According to some, these has alone are capable of developing the file hras.
All the above-mentioned zafatfahras are orce again clearly defined; their causes are stated and their indications are given by हेमचन्द्र.
afa ( Contentment ) is illustrated in the verse 122. Riches consist of a contented mind.
fufà is remembrance of a thing at the sight of a similar thing. Verse 123 is an instance of fula.
Is it the mountain para lying in my path? No, it can not be; for my path is always unobstructed. Is it the eagle coming in my way ? No, it knows that pract is as powerful as its master. Oh! it is only Fly courting death at my hands.
Afa ( decision ) is illustrated in 124:
Doubtless this must be a gf, girl, as I am attracted towards her. In matters of doubt, our heart is the highest authority.
Verse 125 is an instance of aci.
“A woman looking into a mirror saw the reflection of her lover standing behind her-and at once got abashed.”
HET is powerlessness to understand a thing properly This is due to the sight of a thing either keenly desired or intensely disliked.
Parvati, though instructed by her female friends as regards the amorous sports, forgot everything in the presence of Shankar (Verse 126 )
faara, agony of mind or despondency, is illustrated in verse 127:
13

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" You have gone to a place where in finding you my friendship with the monkeys, their best intellect and strength are all unavailing.
AT is of three kinds according as the person concerned is of a high, middle or low kind.
“Their broken utterances, their utter disregard of their garments and their starting to go away without any reason bespoke their getting tipsy." (verse 128)
fazi is beautifully illustrated in th verse 130.
" While she had closed her eyes in sleep, she slowly muttered some words which were neither full of meaning nor entirely meaningless. Oh ! for those sweet words which are still ringing in my heart !”
Verse 131 :
cor muttered in sleep: Oh HOT! “these cruel clouds, in my seperation from 1927, are racking my vitals.” drar heard these words and at the mention of Fligat got jealous.
96607 remembered in his dream the incidents of his past life (lagerrara:)
This an instance of सुप्त.
The difference between fagi and ga is this: in the former, there is only a beginning of sleep-it is a state of drowsiness. While ga is the advanced state of sleep.
silgan is illustrated in 132:
"In her eagerness to see the prince 316, a woman while running to the balcony got her braid of hair loosened; but she caught it in her grip and did not think of tying it.
safecan is dissimulation. (era crookedness ); under the pretext of doing something, one tries successfully to conceal one's inner feelings in Balace, as great, in

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the presence of her father, did by counting the petals of her sport-lotus, while 717 was saying something about it. ( verse 133 )
By means of this trick, she successfully concealed her love.
71671 is fear, either in oneself when dreading punishment for one's own crime, or detected in others; thus it is two-fold.
An instance of the former kind of fear is given in verse 134.
"I am afraid of that prince who from afar tossed in the air, like a blade of grass, the son of 41% huge as a mountain.”
9197-rashness is illustrated (in not a very appropriate manner, we think ) in the verse 135.
A certain king ( one of the suitors in the स्वयंवर of इन्दुमती) whirled his lotus with his hands, closed its stalk and struck the bees with its petals.
He did this with a view to suggest to saat that he would fondle and caress her as his lotus.
Verse 137. is again a happy instance of a
“When the husband returned after his strenous journey through the sands of Marwar, his wife surveyed him with eyes brimming with the tears of joy and then looked at the camel his faithful companion in the journey, gave him morsels of Nimb leaves and removed tenderly the dust from off his mane with the skirt of her garment.
Verse 138 in an instance of7a-pride.
973 says :- If you refrain from doing insult to a Brahmin, it is to your advantage-for then we shall be friends; otherwise I shall be highly displeased.

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31is wrath as illustrated in the verse 139.
I have, in my wrath for the faas, massacred twenty-one times all the families of gas and extracting the foetuses and mangling them to pieces have performed the ceremony of my father (fqazi gela:) with the blood from the hearts of ufas; thus have I cooled down the fire of my wrath.
The eyes of art in the state of awakening are described in the verse 140 :
The eyes of aft were not yet fully opened; they could not gaze at the jewel lamps; they were lazy in their function and had some particles of water in them. Afterwards he yawned, twisted his body and placing his hand on the pillow made of the hoods of atn, left his bed.
ostat (languor) is illustrated in the verse 141:-- “Long standing grief is tormenting her pale and emaciated body which is like a tender leaf cut off from its stem etc.”
Fel a great depression of mind, is due to a woeful plight.
The illustration given in the text does not create an impression of an even by a stretch of imagination, for in that verse a, the father of Tas, sends a dignified message to दुष्यन्त-(on behalf of शकुंतला ).
Says he, “ Consider well that we are high-class sages; think well over the fact that has is loving you most sincerely; and then treat Tas (at least) as you treat your other wives. Better treatment than this is a matter of luck-we should not ask for it ( at this stage ).
We fail to understand how these proud utterances of oat can be construed as betraying his depressed heart.

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We must seek for some other apt illustration such as, for instance, given in 3769as an illustration of :
वृद्धऽन्धः पतिरेष मञ्चकगतः स्थूणावशेषं गृहम् । कालोऽभ्यर्णजलागमः कुशलिनी वत्सस्य वार्ताऽपि नो॥ यत्नात्संचिततैलबिन्दुघटिका भग्नेति पर्याकुला ।
दृष्टवा गर्भभरालसा सुतवणूं श्वश्रूश्चिरं रोदिति ॥ An old woman saw her blind old husband lying on a cot in her dilapidated house, saw that the rainy season had set in, but there was no news of her only son (gone to some distant town to earn money ), saw that the pitcher containing oil had broken, saw that her daughter-in-law was advanced in pregnency and ( unable to stand these depressing circumstances ) burst into tears and wept for a long time !
This is an apt illustration of ara, the old woman's breaking under the woeful plight.
In verse 143 illustrative of 7, Sita is cleverly painted as so much overpowered with fatigue owing to her long journey that she threw her drooping limbs on the chest of th and slept there.
35A1T is a fit of madness--as shown in verse 144. King garar, here, is mad with the grief of seperation from उर्वशी and asks a swan to return his wife (उर्वशी) who, he thinks, had been soten by the swan!
Hla: fainting or swoon.
“sfâ was stunned by the sudden grief, the functions of her senses were stopped ; and for a time her mind was blank-it was good in a way, for she became unconscious (during her swoon ) of her heavy grief.". (verse 145. )
This swoon of fa is due to an overpowering grief,

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<<
Sometimes, however, fainting is due to an excess of joy- this is illustrated in the verse 146 thus:When my lover approached me in my bed, my lower garment dropped down of its own accord, further than this I do not remember (for I fainted with the excess of joy).
fa is constantly thinking of some beloved person (as seen in verse 147 from dia). A says:— "I see her lovely face everywhere-in all directions, in the heart, outside etc.
102
Constant thinking is not fa (remembering ) for it is a developed state of स्मृति. It is also not वितर्क (imagining something or somebody) for it (fa) is the result of चिन्ता.
>>
8 is indignation at one's own insult, as is illustrated in 148.
""
Is it possible says भीम, “ that the कौरवs will be left to live quietly after all their attempt to kill or insult us?"
""

is the most developed form of fear-intense panic. In a man may pause to think over the situation, but in there is utter bewilderment.
"Some women who were indulging in water-sports in a river got awfully frightened when their thighs came in contact with the fish; their eyes began to roll with fright, their hands began to tremble ( a lovely picture to behold even for their female friends). (verse 149.)
अपस्मार = a fit of epilepsy.
"The sea appeared as if it was overpowered by an attack of epilepsy! It was tossing its arms (i. e. waves) to and fro and was grovelling in dust (i. e. the waves were dashing against the coast.)

Page #460

103 [P. 139. A. 2. S. 47. Faqe: to get utterly disgusted with oneself. This is due either to illness (long standing ) or insult or some such thing.
Bao is excitement due to some unexpectedly terrible incident or an unusual portent.
The verse 152 is an apt illustration of 'excitement due to some sudden happening.' It is a short dialogue between the demon from fag and his servants concerning the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu that appeared suddenly for the protection of प्रल्हाद.
"Is it a lion ? " " yes.” “Is it looking like a man ?" No, it is altogether a strange form. Lo! it is approaching swiftly. Oh ! it is has come already."
"A weapon ! A weapon!” “ The form (sfat) has no weapon in its hand.” “ quick! quick! Oh! how very sharp are its nails ! ” Even while uttering these words, he (हिरण्यकशिपु) was torn by the sharp nails of नृसिंह.
face guessing or inferring :
"Is it possible that the cupid conquered the world with his flower-arrows ? Impossible. But no, it may be quite possible, for mysterious are the powers of things. (verse 153 )
waar disain, as a feels towards ta (verse 154). sa sarcastically says :
“He (119) is an old person; his conduct, therefore, should not be questioned. His fame is great. Even when he retreated back while fighting with ac and even when he killed arras ( treacherously ) he should not be criticised! (verse 154 )
æfà a dying state, but not actual death (for it can have no 317417s, it being an unchanging state.)
He (the hog in fraiskatta) vomitted blood, drenched

Page #461

P. 142. A. 2. S. 49. ]
the ground with it, broke stones with his hoofs, uttered a ferocious cry, looked at and died.
In R, actual death that would remain for ever should not be depicted; either a determination to die or remain after death should be described.
104
In verse 155 resolution to die is described:
(6
When the lover did not arrive at the stipulated time, she cast a last lingering look out through the window, made up her mind (to die), entrusted the young bird to the care of her friends and pathetically celebrated the marriage of a creeper with the mango tree.
In 156 reunion after death is described-this also is admissible in .
King threw himself in the confluence of the waters of the Ganges and the Jamuna, secured thereby a prompt passport for heaven and there reuniting with his beloved (g) sported with her in paradise. fas are indications of internal feelings and thus these are as (outward indications though they are named as as i. e. feelings) but though to all appearances they seem to be nothing but
s
it is a remarkable fact that they are regarded as s (internal feelings) by . Others (such as मम्मट) do not treat of these fans seperately but regard them as belonging to the class of pure अनुभावs. (indicators of us).
The author of af, however, treats of these सात्विकभावs seperately and thinks that though they are अनुभावs there is a subtle difference between these सात्विकभावs and ordinary अनुभावs. He says:
विकाराः सत्त्वसंभूताः सात्विकाः परिकीर्तिताः । सत्वमात्रोद्भवत्त्वात्ते भिन्ना अप्यनुभावतः ॥
Page #462

105 [P. 144. A. 2. S. 53. and explains the word 9797 as faichfaxA941941 arrast ak:. fat is the internal quality that exhibits to view the tes ( Farafa ya farat Jaz #:= th:); these Fifalas proceed directly from that internal quality; ordinary Bahras are more outward movements that may or may not indicate any sentiment, but these fathias are invariably connected with the ths and appear only to indicate the a$. Thus in a way they are higher than the ordinary अनुभावs.
49 goes a step further and says that these सात्विकभावs are in themselves feelings i. e. भावs (otherwise the name a given to them by kia would be meaningless ) and stand on a level with the thirty-three
faqifthras. They are, however, not included in the list of व्यभिचारिभावs because the व्यभिचारिभाषs spring from outward causes (for instance forfa, 8175FT, », qugf etc.) while these arrasas spring only from the internal quality of the heart. ) Thus in the opinion of 497 they stand superior even to the afhaichlas. They (the Hifq4H198 ) are so closely connected with the TES (especially with TERTA) that their falas are the same as those of the रसs. सात्विकभावs themselves are indicated by अनुभावs (here they are totally different from the अनुभावs).
The etymology of the word nifas (as given by हेमचन्द्र ) is noteworthy and is peculiarly his own; सत्त्वम् means प्राण.
First the inborn feelings, the Fafchas, awake, from their dormant state and try to manifest themselves. On their way when they come to the province of glot, they assume totally a different form. These Fathias, transformed owing to their contact with sma, are known as सात्विकभावs (रत्यादयश्चित्तवृत्तिविशेषाःपूर्व संविद्रपाःसमुल्लसन्ति; तत आभ्यन्तरsonra à Faegria Agafa-hat's commentary ).
14

Page #463

P. 145. A. 2. S. 53. ]
These as though exactly similar to some of the ordinary as must be regarded as different from them. For instance अश्रु a सात्विकभाव is different from ordinary tears; for the latter may be caused by anything.
Thus one set of feelings, coming in contact with प्राण with the element of पृथ्वी in it, is called स्तम्भ. Another, coming in touch with 10 of the kind, assumes the form of a. A third, coming in contact with प्राण of the तेजस् kind, gives birth to स्वेद and वैवर्ण्य. A fourth set of feelings, allied with Я of the kind, gives rise to and lastly the fifth set of feelings, allied with of the a kind, gives birth to three सात्विकभावs viz. रोमाञ्च वेपथु and स्वरभङ्ग differing in degree from one another.
;
106
Thus there are eight fas. They are internal feelings. Outward (paralysis) is a quality of the body and thus differs from the internal स्तम्भ ( a सात्विक भाव ). In the following sutra, हेमचन्द्र defines both रसाभास and भावाभास (a semblance of रस or भाव ); रस described as belonging to lower kinds of creatures and insentient things is called रसाभास.
For instance in the verse 157: The trees are described as embracing the creepers (their beloved ones); the bunch of flowers on the creepers are their breasts and tender leaves are their red lips etc.
A description of the embraces of the trees and creepers (sub-human species) leads to a Áða
), as trees are insentient things.
In the verse 158 विप्रलम्भाभास ( semblance of विप्रलम्भ R) is illustrated:—
"Oh cloud! that river will look reduced in body

Page #464

107
[P. 148. A. 2. S. 54.
(with the flow of her waters shrunk) and will look pale (owing to the withered leaves falling in it.) Thus she will, by her love-born state, speak of your good luck (i. e. of being loved by her); do, then, undertake a thing by which you can remove her emaciation (i. e. enjoy her).
Love between a river and a cloud is here described, but both these are insentient things and hence the रसाभास.
Verse 159:-The mass of thundering clouds (women) slow on account of plenty of water in them (languid with pregnancy) are lying on the plateau of this mountain (are lying on the lap of their lovers). Here the languidity (of the clouds ) is described.
Verse 160, which describes the spring, where the male bees are drinking honey with the female bees in the same flower, and the male deer is scratching the body of the female deer, is an instance of as the love of lower kinds of animals (such as the deer and the bees) is depicted therein.
Again the same is found in the verse 161 where the elephant is described as offering water to his beloved and the a bird is described as giving a lotus-fibre to his beloved (both lower kinds of animals). In verse 162 a male says to his wife:
"I take your leave now; the day is over, come, embrace me for the last time; pass this night, somehow, all alone. It is not that I am faithless to you or that I am angry with you; but I have to leave you because destiny wills it," Here again the love between a male and his beloved is described.

Page #465

Þ: 149. A. 2. S. 55. ) 108
In the verse 163 the love-lorn state of an elephant is described hence it is an instance of fagdeHIHIA." He is not sending forth a trumpetting sound even at the appearance of clouds, is not eating moss from the lake; the silent bees are sitting on his temples. Surely he is suffering from the pangs of seperation from his beloved.
But in the verse 164, atsi (sense of shame ) a gafa iftara is described : “Oh beloved ! the female deer are put to shame by your beautiful eye-glances and have gone away to the forest.”
Depicting love between the moon and the night also leads to the as in the verse 165:
The moon seizing the darkness (hair ) of the night (his beloved ) with his fingers (his rays ) is rising ( kissing her face )-at which the night closes the lotuses ( closes her eyes with a sense of pleasure ).
Again an instance of me (ater a sumarfrura ) is given in the verse 166:--
The moon is hiding his face through shame at the sight of a beautiful woman.
The figures FAIETEN Bet-at-18 JETI 69and 3941 generally help these TATHIAS and H HIAS (especially समासोक्ति greatly helps रसाभासs as will be seen from the instances quoted above ).
If the cas or as are described as appearing at improper places, they lapse into रसाभास and भावाभास respectively.
For instance Traui's love for ai ( who does not reciprocate his love ) is an instance of TAHTA.
This is illustrated in the verse 167:“Mere mention of her name acts as a spell to me;

Page #466

109
[ P. 144. A. 2. S. 55.
I can't live without her even for an instant. I do not know how she can be obtained. " रावण says this about सीता. The same is illustrated in the verse 168: the poet addressing a wanton woman (having many lovers) says:-Who is that praiseworthy man without whom you can not pass your time? And who is that man (who must have been killed on the battlefield in his former birth) whom you are seeking? Who is, again, born in an happy hour, whom you wish to embrace ? And who is that lucky man (who has practised penance and stored merit thereby) whom you are thinking of? In the verse 169 the eagerness of with regard to सीता is depicted; hence it is भावाभास ( eagerness - औत्सुक्य being a व्यभिचारिभाव.)
divides poetry into
In the following sutra and
three classes:. Of the three classes of poetry, उत्तम, the best kind of poetry, is व्यङ्गयकाव्य. It is defined in the sutra (56) as follows:
The best kind of poetry is that where the suggested sense stands more prominently than the direct of the poem. This is also called à ध्वनिकाव्य.
sense
The instance is given in the verse 170:addresses thus (on the battlefield ):
No one would believe that you lifted up even an anthill (why then talk of a mountain?). You have conquered merely by your penance-why then this pride of your arms? All this, however, I shall grant to be true, if you will resist the arrow of (i. e. myself) enfeebled owing to seperation-my arrow the end of of which is drenched with the blood of the arm-pit of af which is marked by your teeth."
66

Page #467

P. 151. A. 2. S. 56.)
110
Here the words are alregal fashion etc. are highly suggestive. They remind yao of his utter mortification at the hands of aifes who pressing 1907 in his arm-pit, wandered over the whole earth. aut bit aifes in his arm-pit, as he was unable to do anything else under the circumstances. Here the 4x4 (the suggested sense) is with reference to ard (i. e. a mere statement devoid of either a sentiment or a figure.) Instances of Tasala and Bagceafa are given by 24977 in his commentary.
Where, however, the safa is not unquestionably superior to the direct sense ( la 11912), where the prominence of ध्वनि is a matter of doubt (संदिग्धे प्राधान्ये) or where the direct sense is as prominent as ध्वनि (तुल्ये प्राधान्ये), there is मध्यम kind of poetry.
The kind of मध्यम poetry, commonly called गुणीभूतव्यङ्गय8157, is illustrated in the verse 171 which runs thus:
वानीरनिकुञ्जोड्डीनशकुनिकोलाहलं श्रृण्वन्त्याः ।
गृहकर्मव्यापृताया वध्वाः सीदन्त्यङ्गानि ॥ Here the suggested sense is: the lover of the young woman entered a thicket of creepers which was his place of appointment. But the beauty of the expressed sense that the limbs of the woman, engrossed in house-hold duties, began to thrill at the noise of the frightened birds in the thicket is more beautiful than even the suggested sense.
Sometimes the cak(suggested sense) is subordinate to another prominently suggested sense and thus from the stand-point of the subordinated JFT this becomes an instance of #JA$14, as in the verse 178.
The wife of fixar seeing his hand cut off, is lamenting the death of her husband killed on the battlefield:

Page #468

111 [P. 152. A. 2. S. 57. “ This is his hand that pulled my girdle, pressed my breast” etc.
Here the sentiment 717 is subordinated to pathos (करुण) and the poem is an instance of गुणीभूतव्यङ्गय i.e. 922491931,
Another instance of the subordination of the suggested sense to the expressed sense is given in the verse 173 :
"I have become a veritable TA, for I have wandered among the rich people with a desire to get money (राम also wandered in जनस्थान-i. e. दण्डका forest-blinded by i.e. tempted by the golden deer ); I have tearfully begged alms everywhere ( 1A also uttered with tears in his eyes the words“ Oh Sita ! where are you?”) I have looked imploringly at the faces of the arrogant rich i. e. bad masters (while 1A also aimed his arrows at the ten mouths of zraut.) Thus, though I have become TIH in all respects, I have not yet obtained happiness and wealth. (I have not yet obtained dar the mother of Fit and sq as TH had obtained.)
Here all the clauses yield double meaning-thereby suggesting a similarity (verbal of course, not real), but in the fourth line, this suggested resemblance ( between the poet and 114 ) is expressed by the poet in so many words. There is, therefore, no prominence given to the suggested sense and hence it is a मध्यमकाव्य.
Similarly in the verse 174 which means:
“The poison ( water also ) of the serpents in the form of clouds is causing the death of women seperated from their husbands.”
The direct meaning of the word fall is water,

Page #469

P. 154. A. 2. S. 57. ]
112
and the suggested meaning is poison; but the suggestion is marred by the metaphor and hence it is
a मध्यमकाव्य.
Sometimes the suggested sense is not easy to grasp; in that case, the suggested sense has no beauty and does not appear prominently; hence it is an instance of मध्यम काव्य (असति प्राधान्ये ), as in the verse 155 which runs thus:-.
अहं लज्जालुस्तस्य चोन्मत्सराणि प्रेमाणि । सखीजनोऽपि निपुणोऽपगच्छ किं पादरागेण ||
A woman whose husband was devoted to her says this to her maid-servant who had come to paint her feet :--
"I am bashfnl; he (my husband) is wild in his love-sports; my friends are clever; what then is the use of painting? Go away.
29
"C
Here the suggested sense is : My husband will ask me to play the part of a man (g) in love. sports; in case I consent to it, my painted feet will betray me. But this sense is so obscure that the reader cannot relish its beauty, hence the ais superior to it.
""

<<
Sometimes the suggested sense is so only in name, that is, it is as good as expressed. In that case it is no at all. Thus in the verse 176, the poet says that youth in women iustructs them in all their graces. Now the suggested sense in this verse is: their graces are acquired without any effort-almost but this is as good as expressed in the hence, being laid bare by the poet himself, is not very attractive (like the open breasts of women).
naturally ";
verse and

Page #470

113 [P. 156. A. 2. s! 578 The second kind of 98778784 occurs when there is a doubt as regards the the prominence of the suggested sense (as compared to the direct sense ); as for instance in the verse 177 which rendered into Sanskrit runs thus:
महिलासहस्रभरिते तव हृदये सुभग सा अमान्ती।
___ अनुदिनमनन्यकर्मा अङ्गं तनुकमपि तनयति ॥ A female friend of the affret says this to the alge on behalf of her friend:
" In your heart occupied by a thousand women, my friend is not likely to get room. She is, therefore, reducing the size of her body more though she is already reduced.
Here the suggested sense is:--" pacify her betimes, otherwise by the excess of getting reduced her life will be in danger."
Here one is not able to decide whether the suggested sense or the expressed sense should be considered prominent, therefore, it is a 787441727 (afeggtepe).
The third kind occurs when both the expressed sense and the suggested sense stand on the same footing-i. e. are of equal importance ( greets and ).
__As for instance in the verse: " ब्राम्हणातिक्रमत्यागोभवतामेव Haft etc. (quoted above on page 135). Here the suggested sense is: “ otherwise TITH will annitilate both the afags as well as the demons." But the expressed sense is equally beautiful.
Similarly in the verse 178 which means:
“If the prominent rays of the moon are so eclipsed by the rays of the sun that their very existence is doubted, then it is immaterial whether they (the rays of the moon ) enter the sky in multitudes, or first in an
15

Page #471

P. 157. A. 2. S. 58. ] 114 inverse order (i. e. come last) or are totally ashamed to appear.”
The case of weak persons is suggested by the description of the rays of the moon. If the strong utterly eclipse the weak it is immaterial whether the weak appear in multitudes, etc.
Both these senses are of equal importance. Similarly in the verse 179, which means
“Shall I not destroy the mizas ? Shall I not drink the blood of tiga ?” the suggested sense is:' undoubtedly I shall destroy the atas' etc. Both the senses are of equal importance.
Where there is no 34 at all, but there is merely the charm of the words and the expressed sense, there is अवरकाव्य the third kind of काव्य (which is regarded as quite inferior. )
For instance the verse 180. The sense is:—
May the loud roar of the remove your sin-the roar as solemn as the rumbling of clouds."
Here, there is no beauty of sense. There is merely the alliteration of the word a repeated many times. There is, therefore, only a 7oglar in this verse-there is no 99. . Similarly in the verse 181, the charm lies in the figure of speech 49% with a mixture of a; for the words at: 344STAT: (stuck on the forehead (2) showing false intimacy. ) gafasal and #151 yield double meaning. Here also there is no 757. Though these and other such verses may be said to have some sort of thara in that they can be construed as having faias of some TH, still the so-called T4784 is not at all clear or transparently delightful. Here is, no 269, therefore, in these verses and hence they are 84974109, i. e. an inferior kind of poetry.

Page #472

CHAPTER II In this chapter the author exhaustively discusses various defects in poetry.
The definition of a काव्य as अदोषौ शब्दार्थों has already been given. The general definition of ata (faults) as being T819%$* ( marring the effect of 2) is also given. Here, in this chapter, various kinds of poetic faults are enumerated along with their definitions and illustrations.
The first sutra gives the first fault:
To mention in words the predominant sentiment in a poem is a fault; sometimes, however, the faithias may be mentioned in words.
In the verse 182 (Fift fafigaa) all the sentiments are mentioned in words—this mars the effect of the tas. “Shankar manifested all the vas in himself by means of various things.” Even the falfenas should not be mentioned in words. For instance in " FRATEFURI कोऽप्यभूत् ” the स्थायिभाव उत्साह is directly mentioned.
If, however, the sentiment is already developed by means of fauna and 349317, mere mention of the name of a particular th does not offend so much. As far as possible, even the aforas should not be mentioned by words.
In the verse 184 by the words anci, FIT etc. the different affaias are directly mentioned; this is bad. But if the mention of these thras is indirect or couched in an indirect language, the fault is not so glaring. For instance, in the verse 185 Bitigat (eagerness ) is the patata. Now if this 12 would have been suggested by its gestures (i. e. 1991 ) such as flurry or quick movement then the futa ought not

Page #473

17161. A. 3. S. 2. )
116
to have been mentioned by words. But here the word Bitegah is necessary, therefore, the mention of ourHTA by word does not offend so much.
विभाव, अनुभाष etc. of a rival रस mar a रस, if they are mentioned,
(1) in a manner in which they are not checked. (2) in one and the same 811944. (3) side by side.
(4) without being subordinated to the principal T. In all these four cases the poetic fault is manifest. For instance, in the verse 186 the statement that " the deer in the form of time is fleeting and once gone never returns ” is directly prejudicial to the ki sentiment which is predominant in this verse; for the statement creates an atmosphere of nate by its reference to the transitoriness of things in this world. The chief sentiment here is rare, but it is marred by the statement of transitoriness which is the विभाव of शान्तरस.
Here the mi is marred by fašis also the anfaa of a. Thus it is an instance of fair share also. In the verse “farmacaot a qêt ofaa Tani
सकलपरिहारहृदया वनगमनमेव महति वधूः ।" A young woman saw her lover (paramour ) when she was in the midst of elderly persons. But because she wanted to avoid them all, she was ready to go to the forest.
Here (AREN ) abandoning everything and (990 ) going to the forests are the indicators (12417) of math ( sentiment of quietude), and as such are prejudicial to the development of IT. Of course, if ganha i. e. going to the forest is to be interpreted as going for the sake of bringing fuel etc., then there is no fault.

Page #474

[P. 162. A. 3. S. 2.
(1) i. e. having the power to stand unvanquished, unchecked. If the rival is very powerful, then there is poetic fault. But if the rival sentiment is weak, it adds to the beauty of the sentiment in hand. For instance, in the verse
या कार्य शशलक्ष्मणः क्व च कुलं भूयोऽपि दृश्येत सा । etc.
King gar has diverse feelings in his mind when he sees. But all those feelings, though apparently contradictory to one another, go to heighten the feeling of craving in his heart and thus eventually add to the beauty of the chief sentiment of love.
Similarly in the verse 188, the first line contains manifestly, but the predominant sentiment is and is subordinate to it; hence it does not mar the effect of, but on the other hand, enhances its effect.
117
According to ध्वनिकार ( the author of ध्वन्यालोक ) a slight appearance of a rival रस creates a beautiful atmosphere and attracts the attention of listless readers (2) Another method of avoiding the fault of the mention of a contradictory is this: the two रसs should have different subjects; the description of the hero may contain one and its rival may be shown in connexion with the description of the sfaG (i. e. the rival of the hero). As for instance, in the verse 189:
"f
Hearing the twanging of the bow of Arjun, there was a great commotion in the city of the demons; and the wives of the demons despaired of their lives. (3) The third method of avoiding this fault is to describe these rival s seperately, by bringing in another friendly .

Page #475

P. 163. A. 3. S. 2.]
118
For instante in नागानन्द Act I, the atmosphere is
of. If immediately after this, would have been introduced, there would have been the fault of introducing rival ; therefore, between these two s (sentiment of wonder) is introduced and as it a friendly, the effect of is not marred.
Even in one sentence the rival as may be brought together by putting, in the middle, some friendly. For instance in the following verses (191/192/193), the phrase far meaning: "the bodies of the warriors killed on the battle-field were covered with dust", contains (sentiment of loathing) and the phrase मालारजोवासितबाहुमध्याः (their arms were scented with the pollen of garlands) contains, but because these two रसs are contradictory, the phrase वीराः स्वदेहान् etc. containing the friendly is introduced between these two rivals and hence there is no fault. Here the words containing are not actually between the two s ( and
); but the context clearly shows that the does intervene between the two रसs and besides the word स्वदेहान् shows that all the phrases, in the verses quoted, go to form one big sentence.
(4) The last method of avoiding this fault is to make one predominant and another subordinate. This subordinate position of a contrary may either be natural or deliberate. For instance, in विप्रलम्भशृङ्गार (sentiment of love in seperation) f (disease) and others though likely to give rise to fare, by their very nature, parts of the fan
and as such can These things ( व्याधि
never mar the effect of that.
and others) are, by their very nature, parts of
too.

Page #476

119
(P. 164. A. 3. S. 2.
Sometimes, the indicators of a contrary te are brought near the predominant me, but because these indicators (of the rival 7 ) are not powerful enough to develop the rival 78, they are subordinated to the main रस.
Sometimes, two contrary tus are brought under and subordinated to a third 27 ( which in that verse cccupies a prominent place ). In this case, the two rival as though brought together do not give rise to this poetic fault (of fagfam.)
For instance, in the verse 194 the fire of the cities burnt by Shankar is described as clinging to the bodies of the wives of demons (living in those cities ). Now this fire is compared to a repentant lover who is being spurned by his beloved on account of his grave offence in playing false to her.
The description of the terrible fire of the three cities gives rise to time. The description of a prostrate lover gives rise to it. These two are rival 185 and as such cannot be brought together. But because both these tas are subordinated to the feeling of wonder and reverence for God Shankar, there is no fault in this verse.
Now here a question arises as to how two rival TAS can possibly be brought together without commiting the fault of anfaat.
The answer as given by an is as follows:---
The fault lies in introducing a rival TH newly i. e. in a new statement. If the rival te is brought in a sentence merely by way of repeating a statement already made elsewhere then there is no fault. eg.

Page #477

P. 165. A. 3. S. 2. )
120
In the verse 195 which means:
The rich play with the beggars who are possessed of the ghost of hope. Every time the rich order the beggars thus : 'Come along, go, fall down, get up, speak, be silent.'
Here in this verse Come and go' are contradictory things but because all these contradictory things are subordinated to the verb iafia, there is no fault in having these contradictory statements in the same verse.
Bait would thus almost mean subordination to another thing which is the principal thing.
If the statements in sentences can thus be subordinated to a third statement it follows as a matter of course that Tas containing those statements also can be subordinated to a th which is principal.
Now in the verse 194 quoted above, we can as well say that the chief sentiment in the poem is fagogarafata (i. e. the great prowess of Shankar and the admiration the poet feels for this ) and EUTTA is subordinated to this. Now the TFIT which also is suggested in the verse is subordinate to this $607, but it ultimately, along with 250t, becomes subordinate to the all-powerful 895ATA ( the admiration of the prowess of Shankar ); or we explain thus:
First we find that there is ter in the verse (194) because the words 311fxz etc. and #rotarafqata: clearly suggest TER. But as we read the verse as a whole and come to finala: Tufia:, we find that the bodies of the women demons, being burnt by the fire, vividly suggest SEOTCA which is the predominant to in this verse. The Y a, thus, rears its head in the beginning

Page #478

121
(P. 167. A. 3. S. 2.
but as soon as the statement of the tragic fate of the demons comes to the forefront, this AITH begins to vanish and ultimately its remembrance only heightens the effect of 60 by sheer contrast. Thus there is no fault of giftefore in the present verse. A parallel verse in this connexion is '84 7 Hatc&of' etc. as quoted already on page 152 in which the 7x- in the words pracaafqada: etc. is entirely subordinated to the predominant $607TH.
The same is the case in the following verse (196).
On your body full of horripilation the lioness made marks of her teeth and nails, with the desire of drinking your blood-( Har). These marks were seen by other sages almost with a sense of envy.
Here, apparently, the whole picture seems to be that of a man being caressed by an amorous woman and looked at with an envious eye by other persons. But on second thought and on the strength of the context the whole atmosphere of 21 vanishes, giving place to hata which is undoubtedly the principal 24 in this verse. Here the ti is not only not contradictory to the path but definitely heightens its effects.
If, however, the rival 19 mars the effect of the predominant TET by making an outrageously bold appearance, then there is the fault of Tasiferent, as for instance in the verse 197.
Here when we read the verse, we forget that aiset was killed by Rama, but the complete pun raises before us the picture of a woman going to meet her lover with due decorations of her body.
Thus the predominant uite in this verse is weakened by the agressive ki, instead of being heightened. 16

Page #479

P. 168. A. 3. S. 2. ) 122
In the following sutra (3) Hot gives a list of another set of tastas ( faults with regard to th). These faults are as follows---fhlarga1aprofit etc. The first of these is
(1) faraghatcafth. It occurs, as the very name shows, where the fahia and waara ( the producer and the indicator of a Tu) are not clearly shown; where the reader finds these out with great difficulty.
This fault is illustrated in the verse 198:
"My joy vanishes; my power of reasoning disappears; a strange condition overpowers my body etc..”
Here the reader is puzzled to know whether this is a description of FFUTTA Or the strange state of body and mind which a lover experiences (thus suggesting JAITTA.)
The following verse illustrates the same fault:
“ The youth saw the woman beautifully dressed, at a time when the moon whitened the whole world with its bright rays."
Here the moon-rise is the उद्दीपन विभाव of शृङ्गार, and it helps to develop the sentiment of love. The appearance of a beautiful woman is also an आलम्बन विभाव. But these two fahias do not end in actually indicating the IT created in the mind of the youth. Thus the Balas of it being absent or rather not clearly discernible here, the fault of qualq Hrastofth occurs in this verse.
The second fault is,
(2) gaugaaffa: i. e. to try to heighten superfluously a ta which has already attained its perfection and has been tasted by the readers. This attempt is as disgusting as the attempt of smelling a faded flower with a renewed passion.

Page #480

123
(P. 170. A. 3. s. 3.
Thus in FAITHHT (IVth canto ) in the first few verses, the poet has succeeded in creating and developing
EMTA fully. But unfortunately, after a lull, he again tries to inflame it-but the attempt ends in fiasco.
(3) The third fault is 34901 JPTAĦ i. e. introducing a To at an inopportune moment.
Thus in वेणीसंहार ( 2nd act) दुर्योधन, in spite of his deep grief at the death of th and other eminent warriors, indulges in a love-talk with his wife gaat.
(4) The fourth fault is 34810 : i. e. abruptly cutting short a te which is in its full swing.
For instance, in maradt (IVth act ) the king hears the account of विजयवर्मा evidently forgetting रत्नावली.
Another instance is in Helatana. There in the second act, Rama is ready to fight with qua and thus there is a tense atmosphere of ature, but all of a sudden, Rama says: “Let me go to untie my marriage-thread." Thus the after fails miserably.
The 3* i. e. either a subordinate th or description of a thing which is only of a secondary importance, should not be developed or described at full length, otherwise it becomes a fault. For instance, in cautaaa the description of gasita is unnecessarily lengthy. In the same manner when the fag FHIKR is the chief , a poet should not indulge in the description of a sea, a forest and other such things merely to show his mastery over the figures of speech 54, 49% and others. Thus the author of ERata, in course of his description of the seperation of Krishna from FTHAI, unnecessarily introduces the description of the sea and other such things merely to parade his skill in Rhetorics. Similarly, in errat, a grand prose-poem with fagose as the predominant

Page #481

P. 171. A. 3. S. 3.]
124
, the author betrays a strange fancy for a description of the utterely useless things such as a forest, a city, kings etc.
Even in हर्षचरित, बाण, the author, introduces the history of his own family without any propriety and thus renders useless the big introductory portion of his book. Even the author of fag, has not escaped from this fault. In his poem, the chief sentiment is. The development of R with all its attendants such as water-sports, forest-sports etc., is therefore, thoroughly out of place in this poem. The poet, however, has devoted cantos aftes cantos to this description. All this militates against the development of the chief रस and thus results in the fault of रसप्रातिकूल्य.
On the other hand, the chief sentiment must be developed to the fullest extent. If there is a break in its development it leads to a fault. Continuity of the development of a is the essence of poetic beauty. For instance, in a (can this work be the same as स्वप्नवासदत्ता of भास ? ) the love for वासवदत्ता is the chief sentiment. This has heen, most properly, maintained unbroken by the author throughout the six acts.
Sometimes some authors indulge in developing useless things and setting aside the chief thing. Thus in, the king appreciates the description of spring as made by the bards and totally disregards its description made by the heroine as well as himself.
Similarly, as regards the characters: if they are human, they ought to be treated as human, if supernatural or divine, as supernatural or divine. If the treatment of these characters is done in a contrary manner, it offends against the development of a . A
i c

Page #482

125 [P. 173. A. 3. S. 3. particular character is as a rule fond of a particular 78. This rule must be strictly observed.
Thus the sentiments of love, grief, laughter and wonder are common to men as well as divine beings. But even here, in case of divine beings, the FFHOIAK (physical love ) should never be described. If a poet indulges in such a description, it will be as highly improper as to describe the love-amours of one's own parents. Thus ffecia has really offended against this rule, when he described in details the love-amours of Shankar and Parvati in the eighth canto of कुमारसंभव. Of course, the description, being full of poetic beauty, is not so repugnant as it would have been, if an ordinary poet would have indulged in it.
The sentiment of wrath should be described as very effective and quick in its results. For instance, in BARÁHa the burning of cupid by the fire of Shankar's eye is described as being quick and effective. This is highly poetical.
The sentiment of wonder should be handled very carefully. The wonders shown should be natural to the characters. If for instance supernatural wonders are said to be effected by a human character, it will create a sense of unreality in the minds of the readers who, in that case, will hesitate to imitate the ideal hero.
The forms of address as regards different characters in a poem or a play have been fixed by Rhetoricians. For instance, a king must be addressed as HETTE by his servants only, not by noble or highclass characters. Such and other rules must be strictly observed.
In short, propriety is the essence of poetic beauty. It contributes to the development of a th. Propriety

Page #483

B. 199. A. 3. S. 4. )
i26
as regards place, time, age, caste, dress and others has been defined and illustrated in minutest details by in his commentary which the readers may read with advantage.
Impropriety, as the author of faite rightly says, is the serious cause of the handicap of a Th.
In the following sutras, the author mentions the faults of a word. They are two-fold:
(1) facciacah uselessness. No unnecessary word should be used in a poem. For instance, the words a à afe should never be used unless they are necessarily required in the context. For instance i,n verse ( 201 ) fa in the last line is absolutely useless.
कांदिशीक-frightened. दर dread.
Even the fraction of a word should not be useless. For instance, in the following verse ( No. 202 ):
The woman is whetting (9174) the arrows of cupid, first by the fire of seperation in her heart, then by her eyes (hot with grief ) then by the hot tears.
Here the word Etih in plural serves no purpose.
If a means the movement of an eye, as is found in the verse ( 203 ) from 37#, then there is no fault.
In * and other figures of words, fazárra is not regarded as a fault by some. For instance, in the verse quoted from f1391572, 7, ag and others, though superfluous, are not to be condemned as faulty.
(2) असाधुत्त्व occurs when the word used is ungrammatical.
For instance, in the verse ( 205 ) from faraisena:B , coming out of the river of arrows, as a crocodile comes up from the Ganges, struck with his two hands at the chest of Shankar.

Page #484

127
(P. 201. A. 3. S. 5.
Here 8715Et is grammatically wrong. The root a is used in Atmanepada, only when the thing struck is one's own limb.
All imitations are innocent. Therefore, if ungrammatical words are used with a view to quote the words of others, there is no fault of Barca.
In the following sutra, the author mentions thirteen faults of a sentence, out of which
(1) the first is fanfaat.
Two vowels combined or a vowel and a consonant joined together or two consonants joined together form a fe. If two vowels are brought together without joining (even when it is so sanctioned by grammarians ) it is a fault. If the Sandhi is deliberately dropped, then there is a still greater fault.
For instance, in the verse 206 da, though perfectly grammatical, is bad.
In sentences in which fear i. e. joining vowels or consonants is necessary, it is bad not to join them.
Even the feet of a verse yield to this rule of Sandhi. There is, however, a choice as to the joining of vowels or consonants at the end of the second foot.
37 ta is the next fault. When the words, even when used in their ordinary senses, suggest some sense which is loathesome or indecent, there is 343 tasca.
For instance, in 208 विरेचकम् is an adjective of नृत्य and it means one in which the movemens of the neck and other limbs are absent. 37arafate i. e. a bad dancing master. fazan, however, has another sense which means 'one that makes a man purge' and as such is loathe: some. Similarly in 811912fe, the word a means 'a sexual act' and hence the word is indecent.

Page #485

P. 202. A. 3. S. 5.]
128
In the following line (209) the words gf and are indecent, loathesome and inauspicious respectively. is a large tree which is used as gallows for thieves and other criminals.
The next fault is, as illustrated in the verse 210. The fus, here, have rendered the sentence full of harsh words.
If, however, these harsh words, difficult to pronounce, are used deliberately to imitate the words of a child, a woman or a fool, there is no fault.
is a fault which occurs when words that are quite necessary to the context are dropped. For instance, in the verse : 'तथाभूतां दृष्ट्वा नृपसदसि पाञ्चालतनयाम्' । etc. the word : is necessary in the second line. Similarly, the word is necessary in the beginning of the fourth line. But they are not used and hence the fault of न्यूनपद Similarly in the verse 211, अपराधis wrongly used. As it is, it means what little offence "-which is absurd. The word "fq" (even) must be added to suit the context and hence the fault of न्यूनपदत्व.
Similarly, in the verse 212 we see that in a नवजलधरः इदं सुरधनुः etc. the arrangement of words is this that the form of is used with the nouns; but in the last line no form of the word accompanies the word विद्युत् ( such as इयं विद्युत्) and hence the fault. In the same manner in the verse 213:
<<
संहतचक्राव्हला विकसितकमला मृणालसंच्छन्ना । वापी वधूरिव विलिप्तस्तनका शोभते ॥
""
the उपमेयs मुख and बाहु, as against the उपमानs कमल and respectively, are not mentioned actually and hence
the fault of न्यूनपदत्व.
"C

Page #486

: 129 (P. 205. A. 3. S. 5. Sometimes, however, dropping of some words renders the verse more charming than when they are used. For instance, in 214, a woman in her sexual act addresses her lover with supreme joy and in her excitement utters broken sentences. But these broken sentences add to the beauty of the verse.
Sometimes, the omission of necessary words is neither a fault nor any merit. For instance in the verse,
"fac cantaatia statafafear de 7 ar gaefat" etc. from faca... to ghrafafear, there is one sentence. After that, to make the sense clear, “ana za: " or some such words ought to follow. But they are not found, still the sense can easily be inferred; therefore, the omission of necessary words is neither good nor bad.
3429979 is also a fault: no unnecessary words should be used in a verse or a sentence.
In the verse 215, for instance, the word surfe is quite unnecessary;
Similarly, in “ ताडीजङ्गो" etc. तत् is useless. In पाथेयवन्तः the termination and is unnecessary, for the agerie compound serves the purpose of aq. Similarly, in epsfifaaith the termination sa is unnecessary; in these two cases a agalle compound would as well serve the purpose. When arca comes as a necessary thing, in spite of the compound already used, there is no fault; for instance, in the compound वार्चनशरेभ्यः, the word वाघ्न means the children of q767 i. e. Indra. Now, this sense cannot be conveyed by the compound, hence the necessity of the तद्धित form.
Similarly in the verse 225,
The word 7ATTI: is superfluous; for correspondingly the word fiesta is not used,
17

Page #487

P. 207. A. 3. S. 5.)
130
In the verse 226 again, one of the two words fast or what is necessary. But both used together mar the beauty of the उपमा or समासोक्ति.
___In the रूपक that follows शोक is identified with अनल, but the word om does not give rise to any such metaphor and hence is superfluous.
In the following instance ( 228 ), by the words TOTTI it is quite plain that the author intends to use the figure 597. gatherefore, in this sentence, is quite out of place.
In the following verse ( 229 ) ferata is quite superfluous, for even without it, we find that the figure समासोक्ति renders the verse charming. दयितयेव, on the other hand, spoils the charm of Faretth.
The same is the fault in the following verse (230). The beauty of the figure BHETARIAT is marred by the words sucha in the verse. The sense of sy ought to have been inferred not expressed. In fact the fourth line of the verse is quite unnecessary. The firstt hree lines containing the illustrations of HRTA ( mosquito ) quafot (amber) and wala (glow-worm) prove the truth: “ All common things are senseless” and suggest the senselessness of men of authority or power.
In the following verse, exactly the same fault occurs; for the whole trend of the figure BITTNERIAT therein is to show the प्रस्तुत 'your honour'. भवानिव therefore, is redundunt.
But where a word is used or repeated to convey emphasis or to exclude other things, ( 397437167228 ) there is no fault.
For instance, in the verse 232 "7 facra fagfoca fery" repetition of facraat is quite necessary in order to show:

Page #488

131 (P. 208. A. 3. §. 5. " they know most positively, know everything; they are not ignorant of the vile tricks of the wicked etc.”
369€ is a fault which occurs when the same word is repeated in one and the same verse. A repetition betrays an author's lack of mastery over a language. For instance, in the verse 209 which means:-“ Oh you beautiful woman! who is that fortunate man that has been installed on the throne of love-as is suggested by your pale cheek resting on your palm etc.", the word wat is repeated. The poet ought to have used a synonym of the word wat in the fourth line.
In gate ( alliteration), however, the repetition is permissible. For instance, in the verse 234, the word qafar (eastern direction ) is used twice but in different connexion.
Sometimes in शब्दशक्तिमूलध्वनि (specially अर्थान्तर संक्रमितaregeafa ) the repetition of one and the same word is no fault at all, as for instance, in
“तदा जायन्ते गुणा यदा ते सहृदयैर्गुह्यन्ते।
रविकिरणानुगृहीतानि भवन्ति कमलानि कमलानि ॥" ___ the word कमलानि. On the strength of ध्वनि, the meaning of the second word $75 is totally changed and hence there is no fault. The last word 473 means fully-expanded beautiful lotuses.
When the repetition is made with a view to restate a thing already mentioned once, the repetition is not only justified, but is quite necessary. For instance, in the verse 236, faazii ar fetafracat; faagiz yurg : etc. the words विनय, गुणप्रकर्ष etc. even though repeated are necessary.
The next fault is 3RT17E9999. Every word has to be used in its proper place; otherwise it would convey absurd meaning

Page #489

P. 216. A. 3. S. 5.)
132
Iu the verse 237, a face faget would mean “nobody gave up the garland." The words ought to be arranged thus: at faget: a certain woman did not throw away the garland.
In the following verse, (238), rają“ and you also " is the sense desired. 7, therefore, must be placed after 44. This is said by zist in the disguise of an ascetic to Parvati :-Two things have been rendered pitiable by the contact of Shankar-you and the moon.
In the following verse ei saa is the proper arrangement. Similarly in the verse 240 which means: your sword (beloved) has embraced the enemies and is polluted by untouchables (elephants ) etc. the figure is tegle. Apparently the king is censured, but inwardly he is praised. sfat sifaa ' would be the proper construction.
In the following verse (241) even without the word यद् , the word तद् is used. The rule is यत्तदोनित्यसंबंधः.
In the verse 242 the word aai ought to have come first. The sense is: The ears undergo an amount of trouble in carrying the ear-rings, but the ear-rings decorate the cheeks not the ears...sometimes the deserving do not get the merited prize. According to the dictum: "no sentence should be left unfinished after the half of a verse”, 0171 ought to have been placed in the first half of the verse. In the verse 243,
“प्राप्तनितम्बस्पर्शा स्नानोत्तीर्णायाः श्यामलाङ्गयाः ।
जलबिन्दुकैश्चिकुरा रुदन्ति बन्धस्येव भयेन ॥” । the hair of the woman is fancied to be weeping, as it were, by means of the drops of water, as if with the fear of being bound.
There are thus two JENAIS here, but the chief

Page #490

133 (P. 212. A. 3. S. 5. and the important car is on the word sepaa. Hence the word इव, indicating उत्प्रेक्षा, must be placed near रुदन्ति and not with बन्धस्य-hence the fault of अस्थानस्थपद.
The fiftat, quoted below, supports the view of our author:-“ When there are many chats the word indicative of 3821 must come with that 3 which is the most important.
qacs*8: is a fault which occurs when the style offends against uniformity and propriety. For instance, in the verse 244 in the first line the poet has indulged in the अनुप्रास of घ; in the second line the अनुप्रास is with the word #; but in the third line the course of BEAT is suddenly cut short-there is a fall (qaa) in the development (प्रकर्ष) of अनुप्रास and hence the fault पतत्प्रकर्ष. In point of using compounds also this verse is faulty; for with the pic the compound ' gitaa etc.' is quite all right, but how is it that there is no compound in the description of mi? Again in the fourth line which deals with fha in love with his mate, there should be no compound. Thus we see that the verse is faulty from another point of view also.
Sometimes, saing is a merit as in the following verse (245). Here the first three lines contain a challenge by qyt# and is full of heroic sentiment-and as such the style is full of compounds. But in the fourth line the poet has avoided, quite properly, a compound ( which was due in its proper course ), for the line contains a respectful reference to God Shankar and hence the style ought to be not harsh but soft.
AAAgaria is the next fault which, as the very name shows, occurs when after completing any statement, some words are used to qualify the statement-contrary

Page #491

P. 213. A. 3. S. 5.]
to the expectation of the readers. For instance, in the verse (226), the poet, in the first three lines, makes the statement that it is impossible to describe the various qualities of the king वीरचूडामणि ( who is the best of heroes). Thus the sense is quite complete, but in an absurd way the poet again states the same thing in another way and hence the fourth line appears like a superfluous tail attached to the main statement-hence the fault. But where the statement is not supplemented, but quite a new statement is made, there is no fault, as in the verse 245 above.
134
अविसर्गत्वम् is a fault when the dropping of विसर्ग is
carried to excess-as in 247.
is another fault: when a verse is composed in a faulty manner and does not strictly observe the rules of metre, when the proper stops in the metre are not observed, when the last word of every line is not, when the metre is not in harmony with the रस which it contains, the fault of हतवृत्तत्वम् occurs.
For instance, in the verse 248 the metre is a but the second foot offends against the rules of that metre.
The following two lines offend against the rule of afa. The author refers, in this connexion, to his another work asg and turns to other faults.
(bad for mere reading) is another thing which leads to the fault of a. For instance, in the verse 251 यदिहाम्यत्स्वादु' is a queer set of words harsh and meaningless when uttered.
<
""
In the verse 252, in aarfora ""
च ought to be long, according to the rules of prosody and hence the would be the proper correction.
fault.

Page #492

135 (P. 214. A. 3. S. 5. In the verse 253, the metre is alwa light jolly dancing metre, always used for describing merry things. But here the verse contains a description of the lamentation of the relatives of a dead prince, hence the fault.
The next fault is संकीर्णत्वम्
It occurs when the words of two or more sentences are so mixed up together that nothing but hopeless nonsense is made out of the words as they stand.
For instance in the verse 254 __ काकं खादति क्षुधितः कूरं क्षिपति निर्भर रुष्टः।
शुनकं गृहाति कण्ठे भीषयति च नप्तारं स्थविरः॥ Here the proper arrangement is : fafie EE: Ferrar: *1* fefa; at (boiled rice) arafa, yaai affeafa (frightens) Fri 2607 Toeifa 1 (embraces.)
fe is different from hof in that in the former, absence of proper sense, owing to the position of words in it, is seen in one sentence.
But when sentences come in a string, as in dialogues there is no fault of siznican as in the famous verse बाले नाथ etc.
fara is the next fault which occurs when in one sentence, another is inserted paranthetically. This may be a grace of style in English but is regarded as a fault in Sanskrit. For instance in the verse 256, the sentence aciA H20 FA7a' thrusts itself unnecessarily in the main sentence 97197572 etc.
But when the speaker is in the flurry of some emotion, such interpolations render a grace to the style. For instance in the verse 257 : which means :-“ The whole earth was conquered by TUTTA! (even while we describe his exploits, we are thrilled with wonder ).

Page #493

P. 216. A. 3. S. 5. ) 136 That earth he gave over to the Brahmins. This wonderful story of TTEITIA started with him and died with him!”, 'qaga' comes in the main string of sentences, but it shows a great excitement on the part of the speaker and hence it is no fault.
HAS 4897 occurs when there is a break in uniformity or harmony. As a rule, we should begin a statement with a particular word and end with the same word or a word in perfect harmony with it; otherwise the introduction of a strange word jars upon the ears of the readers and hence the fault, as illustrated in 258. here in the words Ji and starta there is no harmony. The second word ought to be sataa. Similarly in 259, afgrei: is faulty, for the trend of every sentence is to have ते as the subject. in तद्विसृष्टाः तत् is related with 877# and does not refer to a, hence the fault.
Similarly in 260 "when 31419 started for his penance, his brothers did not feel the grief (of seperation ) for they were full of fortitude; they relied upon the words of J/A; their hearts were burning with anger for their enemies; and they knew the prowess of अर्जुन.", धैर्यण is the first word used in instrumental to show the reason of their not being grieved; naturally we expect all the words showing reasons in instrumental; in Azit: therefore, there is 95AHF:
Similarly in 261 262 is the first word used in nominative, 4917#a is, therefore, quite all right. But the Fer in fact breaks the uniformity. It ought to be 95 ata (nominative), to keep the uniformity. Similarly in verse 262, the army used and enjoyed the waters of the mountain-rivers in a variety of ways and thus removed

Page #494

137
[P. 262. A. 3. S. 5.
the stigma of the rivers of not being used or enjoyed. The verbs 3: ng: etc. are used with every new sentence. But this trend is broken in gafafafanugar:. We must, therefore, break this compound in a sentence and say: विकचमस्य दधुः प्रसूनम् , otherwise it will be faulty.
Again in the verse 263 which means “Success favours those who strive hard in order to achieve fame or to secure happiness, or to surpass all men," the trend is to use infinitives such as stranagh, but in gafascazut the poet breaks this order and hence the fault of 9FAYF. Instead, we should read ganegar. Similarly in the verse 264, the poet begins with the word 39=292, but in the very next sentence he refers to the sea by the word spilarati. This is wrong. Instead, he should say:
har: : garai #aqfacti ATCĘ The same fault of using different words in the same context is seen in 265. "Adversity overpowers a coward. No prospect for those that are overpowered by adversity. No greatness for persons without prospects; and no throne for a person who is not great. Here faz is the first word, but it is changed to 81192 and agar is changed to Brita. Again in the first sentence fàqz is the subject and the king is the object; but in the last sentence 370737717 79: (king) is the subject. This is SAK. Similarly in 266 entft is vocative sing., but in युष्मत्प्रसादेन, युष्मद् is plural; hence the प्रक्रमभङ्ग.
Again in the verse 267: part 3fe is an active participle, but (मया न) कृतम् is past passive participle, this is प्रक्रमभङ्गः
The same is the fault in the verse 268. “Beauty decked their bodies; budding youth decked that beauty; the charm of love decked the youth; passion decked that love; and union decked the passion.” Here the
18

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P. 220. A. 3. S. 5.)
138
trend is this that the subject in one sentence becomes the object in the following sentence, but in the last sentence, दयितसंगमभूषः is used instead of तमपि वल्लभसङ्गः and hence the fault. Similarly in 269 fazla FFT: 34f7 is the trend; but in the 4th line (cà a Farfaita) ca has a different order in that the sentence has no object and hence the fault.
Again in the verse 270 which means:—“When this sage is advancing angrily towards me-sage with the power of valour and penance, I feel a desire to encounter him as well as to fall at his feet,” 91919dETIU must be placed at the beginning of the third line, for that act is prompted by the greatness of the sage's penance which is mentioned first. In the verse 271, the trend is to condemn the 39719S by showing the excellence of उपमेयs, but in the last sentence भवतु च द्विचन्द्रं नभः, द्विचन्द्रं becomes an adjective of नभः. In reality it ought to be (791: FearsHal ) a predicate. Similarly in 272 तद्वत्रं यदि मुद्रिता शशिकथा the whole trend is to show the excellence of 3970S. But in the last line meaning that the creater creates superflous things, the general proposition conveys the idea of resemblance not excellence, hence the fault.
If however a particular order is not broken, there is no fault of 347. For instance in 273 “When a warrior started for the battlefield, his little boy began asking him where he was going. This question being inauspicious, his mother remonstrated with him for asking it. Enraged at this, the boy stammered forth the word वजसि instead of क्व व्रजसि. But the the father understood purport of the question and became dis-spirited with the dread of superstition.

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[P. 223. A. 3. S.,5.
Here the proper root to be used is . But a is the root used. But as the speaker here is a child, his a really means ब्रज़ and hence there is no fault of प्रक्रमभङ्ग The next fault is fa. It is nothing but incompatibility or absence of connexion which ends in absurdity or superfluity. For instance, in 274 the statement is that the difference between a sword and a miser is only in R. Now what is this? If it means a form, the difference in form is patent, it need not be told; if it means the difference between the syllables and , this is only a difference in writing those two words, it has nothing to do with the two actual things a sword and a miser.
66
Similarly, in the verse 275 which means that king killed the lions, for he could not tolerate their title of राजन् ( i. e. मृगराज ), the use of the word राजशब्द is absurd, for it neither fits in with मृगाणाम् nor with तेषां nor with वीर्योदय; for the word शब्द cannot go with things. The best way, therefore, to avoid this fault is to read राजभाव: instead of राजशब्दः or to change into g. Similarly in the verse 276 which means: What have the demons done to gratify you? the demons who, with the intense heat of their valour, have dried up the river of ichor of qua, who drank wine under the shade of trees in ; and who with their threats created panic in Indra," qi: etc. can be used independently, but cannot be used without the qualified word mak; for the rule is that the noun accompanying a cannot be taken along with a, but a word accompanying a can be taken as understood with यद् ; therefore, क्षपाचारिभिः is the correct reading. यै: may be followed by तै: but येषां क्षपा

139

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Pi 224. A. 3. S. 5.)
140
aftoti cannot necessarily be followed by agi nafoa ; the word 89191fia, therefore, must be definitely used with à: Similarly in 277, the word and is feminine, faris olla is neuter and hence the incompatibility between the उपमान and उपमेय. विमलं, as it stands, cannot go with art, because the latter is feminine. It is true that we can take the adjective fans with and by the process of लिङ्गविपरिणाम, but then in that case there will be the fault of a1978-two independent sentences. This will delay the understanding of the sense. Even supposing that the sense in such cases is clear, such contrivances are good in places other than poetry.
In verse 279, however, falfhar and azcaat are both in the instrumental case and hence though the words differ in genders, they agree in case and hence no Biareaaega. When the common adjective is not used but there are only the 39777 and 34, there is no fault.
The incompalibility of tenses and numbers also lead to this fault. For instance, in the verse 282 3119 is the verb with the उपमेय, कुमुद्वती; but if it is taken with the उपमान (चेतना), the statement becomes absurd as चेतना always has प्रसाद-not that it had got प्रसाद.'
Similarly in 263, meaning “you appear just like a creeper, now that you have taken your bath just now etc.” furgh is wrong, for it is all good with the 3992, (you), but ill-fits in with sal, for gar is in third person and faith is in second person.
Again in TT 996 ra:, Saed can not go with 757 as it has been actually flowing since thousands of years, and hence the fault.
Now follows a list of eight faults occuring both in words and sentences.

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141
(P. 226. A. 3. S. 6.
Baycan is, (1) to use a word not used by standard authors, (2) to use a word found only in abstruse sciences such as grammar or is found only in dictionary.
For instance, “essar” is a slang word and should not be used in poetry. All the age ( non-Sanskrit ) words not yielding to any etymology, should be avoided.
___ अप्रयुक्तत्वम् is not a fault when the speaker is a fool or a jester or intends a joke or humour; for instance, the words cafea ana in 286, are wrong, they ought to be tarta 1914. The speaker here pretends silliness. In 288 the speaker is विदूषक, and hence the words कलम भक्त etc. though slang are permissible. Even in a sentence 31997 is seen, as in the verse 287 the words a Hs etc. The use of words found in grammar or dictionary also leads to 3199tica. For inst. caa: (m.) is found only in grammar.
Similarly in the verse 290 the word 8113791, meaning craving 'is an abstruse word and is found used only in TUTTE.
Again in 291, the root at 'to go’ is an instance of Baythicah, as it is never used by standard authors, but is only found in grammar or dictionary.
In 292, the word uit: used in the sense of an eye' is obscure. But in the verse 293, the speaker is a man well-versed in all sciences, and the hearer is equally well.versed, therefore, scientific terms such as F 92% are used. In puns, abstruse words may be used. For instance in 294, Tha harasser of the moon, and y=house are obscure words, but are permissible in puns. In 295 the words that, 5917, etc. are scientific terms and hence the fault of saying in a sentence.

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P. 230. A. 3. S. 6. )
142
But 296 which means:-"Oh king! In this winter, owing to the shortage of clothes, we cannot fully lie down (संप्रसारण) as the roots यज् and others have no संप्रसारण when they are not कित्", both the speaker and the hearer are, men of science, hence there is no fault in using abstruse words.
The fault of statesca is three-fold :-37eztassa: In
decency.
word.
(1) that which causes a sense of shame in the minds of the hearers.
(2) that which creates loathing. (3) that which causes a sense of inauspiciousness.
For instance, in the verse 297 1997, meaning male or female organ, is a word which is indecent.
Similarly in the verse 298, ari sar means passing wind from below, and hence it creates loathing.
In the verse 299 farzt (meaning both disappearance and death ) is an inauspicious word.
All these are instances found in single words. In the following verses there are many such words.
For instance, in the verse 300, JTAGO, neua and R17 are words suggesting the sense of the sexual act.
In the following verse 301, ara ( vomitted ) grasi ( purging ) etc. create loathing.
In the verse 302 the words fazza (suggesting cemetary) and 9194 (suggesting funeral fire) are inauspicious.
When, however, the context requires the use of these words, there is no fault. Thus in the verse 303 the words करिहस्त, संबाध, ध्वजः all indicate a sexual act, but fit in with the context.
When the context is of the sentiment of an or utter repugnance to the world, the sense of loathing is agreeable to it, hence in the verse 304 the graphic

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[P. 232. A. 3. S. 6.
description of the female organ, in its loathesome aspect, fits in with the subject.
Similarly, in the verse निर्वाणवैरदहना: " let the कौरवs die etc." is a suggestion which is deliberately meant by the dramatist and hence the inauspiciousness of death is not faulty.
is another fault. When a word is not able to convey the sense for which it is used or when its sense is dubious i. e. ambiguous, the fault of curs. For instance in the verse 306, in fa, the day though full of light is cursed" the word f is unable to convey the sense, a day full of light', for it means only 'a day '.
C
143
Similarly, in the following verse which contains a grand metaphor thus:-The feet of art are the lotuses; her loveliness is the well; her thighs are the stalks; the rays of her nails are the filaments; the red dye is the blossom; the anklets are the bees etc., the word 'holding' is used in the sense of 'creating'-a sense which it can not convey. In the verse 308 meaning "Your precept or is Shankar; you have conquered fa; the ocean is your house; the earth is given over by you as a gift; but as your has killed your mother, my sword चन्द्रहास is ashamed to fight with it,” the word विजेय (=conquerable) is used in the sense of conquered ' and hence the fault.
6
"
In 309th verse in which
compares the war-cry with the thundering of clouds, the word is used in the sense of a loud roar'; but it usually means the sound of a frog.'
66

Hence it is clear that words having a peculiar or a technical sense, if used elsewhere, lead to this fault.

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Of course, when its use is quite appropriate and fits in with the context, there is no fault. For instance: in the verse 310, which usually means 'cackled' or cooed is here used in its peculiar sense of a peculiar sound made at the time of a sexual act'and is quite appropriate.
However, in the verse 311 am afisara is a faulty compound, for what is here required is a comparision between the troops of elephants and the mass of darkness. But this compound drowns the उपमान नागयूथ, and gives predominance to the dark colour of the darkness, and hence it is 31919%. The word Afesa also cannot convey the sense of like or similar to.' Similarly in the verse 312 which describes a blue lotus as being ashamed of itself by the beauty of a woman's eye, the word per cannot convey the sense of as it were' for which it is meant; for it always means 'like' and hence the fault of अवाचक.
In the verse 313, meaning " with what object in view does the lion challenge a cloud ? The great never tolerate the rise of others," the figure is af-az-ara. Now for a general statement, the word niza ought to be in plural, otherwise it would mean only one great man,' hence it has the fault of अवाचक.
But in the verse 314 hetzia: (plu.) is rightly used. In all such instances if any word conveying the sense of 'all' is used then there is no fault-as for instance, in 315 the word ad means all.
The whole of the following verse is full of the fault of 314194; for the word 3119€fa (=carry) is used in the sense of 'do' and JFATF is used in the sense of 'forget'!
If the words are used in a quaint imaginary

Page #502

145
[P. 236. A. 3. S. 6.
sense conceived by the author himself and not likely to be understood by any other man, it is faulty. For instance in the verse 317 the word aatajò: means oft:nö i. e.=tftafól: (i. e. gods). Now nobody but the author himself can understand the meaning of this word and hence it is . In some compound-words, usage requires that both the members should remain unchanged. In some the first member may be changed. Thus in acalates the word gear should not be changed. If it is changed, it would lead to this fault. 1. The verse 318 is an illustration of all, not in one word but in the whole of the sentence: thus Af= दश (i. e. ten) नाम-वाक् and विहङ्गमचक्र so चक्रभुत् means रथ; पक्तिविहंगमनामभृत्= दशरथ (the king दशरथ) and his son is राम !! Similarly in उलूकजिता उलूक-कौशिक and कौशिक means इन्द्र, therefore 338fsta means gefera the son of 1907!
Every ambiguous word leads to this fault. For instance, in the verse:319 qala may mean'a salute' fram or orient a female bard and hence the ambiguity. Similarly in the verse 320 the word egzt: is ambiguous, for it may either mean a man who was formerly a sage? or a man who serves a sage'. If, however, the ambiguity heightens the charm of the sense, it is no fault, as in the verse 321 the words from a polgut. This would mean 'the formidable time i. e. the Summer' and 'the Cruel Death' as well. The context requires both the senses.
In the following verse this fault is illustrated in à sentence (not merely in single words ) thus:
gerese means ' a temple ' and a ' liquor-shop
arfogao: means in quest of something' and 'discharging arrows'
Preapta means 'all glorious' and 'fully besmeared with ashes'
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The whole verse suggests the sense of a drunkard by its ambiguous words and hence the fault. When the ambiguity is deliberate and suggests some happy sense, it is no fault.
Thus in the verse 323 which means:
“Oh king! now our houses are exactly similar; for they have gold pots ( Frá Fatra), all the servants in them are decked with ornaments, and they are bristling with female elephants.” The apparent sense deals with the praise of the king. But inwardly the poet is censuring the king for keeping him in poverty, for he says: 'My house is full of the crying (SET) of children ( 94 ); all the members of my family ( 4+ siga) have to sleep on the bare ground; my house is full of dust.' As here the ambiguity is deliberate, it leads to no fault.
argfaariza is the next fault. It occurs when the words, used, convey a meaning totally against the context. For instance : quarð 3917781: means “ who have become animals in the sacrifice in the form of a battle. Now qı almost means a timid animal such as goats and others. But the context requires the sense of valour and hence the fault is अनुचितार्थत्व.
In the following verse the king is compared to a dog, and in 326 the Sun to a spark of fire-both the similes militate against the sense of propriety or proportion and hence the fault.
In the verse 327 the creator is made a standard of comparison for a tiny 1913 bird !
And in 328 the navel of a woman is compared to the vast nether worlds and her breasts to mountains --all instances of absurdity as regards proportion (अनौचित्य as it is technically called).

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(P. 239. A. 3. S. 6.
When however the incompalibility of two things compared, leads to a deliberate censure—it is no fault, as in 329 the moon is rightly condemned as a cruel untouchable, for she kills love-lorn ladies.
Thus we see that all cases of impropriety fall under this head अनुचितार्थ.
Thus in 331 which means:- This mountain (FERLET) protects the darkness concealed like an owl in its caverns. The great regard persons who seek protection as their own. The figure 87971-a71e here is needless, for it is not necessary to support a conceit which is professedly a conceit.
In the verse 332 the king is compared to a weaver weaving cloth, but it is said that in spite of this, his fame is without cloth, and hence the fault.
mfangra occurs when the words are jarring to the ears. This fault is peculiar to syllables.
For instance, in 333 wafezig is a jarring word.
Similarly in 334 afore and alare harsh words. But when the words fit in with the speaker, there is no fault; for instance, in the verse 335 the speaker is a grammarian and, therefore may use such jarring words uits, feature etc.
The words 871977 3141914 used in the verse 336 are quite all right, for the verse is addressed to a grammarian. Similarly the hard-sounding words in the third line of the verse 337 are all quite right, for the context is the description of a lion.
Similarly the harsh and jarring words in the verse 338 are all appropriate, for the verse is an illustration of the sentiment of loathing (HR) which requires a style full of jarring words.
In the verse 339 the description of a shaken tree

Page #505

P. 240. A. 3. S. 6. 1
requires that the construction should be full of harshsounding words and hence there is no fault.
Sometimes when there is no particular sentiment in a verse, harsh-sounding words may be used as in the verse 340 which means:-May the rays of the sun remove your evils; rays-that restore to health men who are mutilated, maimed, weak etc.
f a delay in understanding the sentence owing to its faulty construction.
is the next fault which occurs when there is sense of a verse or a syntax or its clumsy
For instance, the first line in the verse 341 is very clumsy and it is with great difficulty that we understand what it means.' (i. e. seats of the moonstones. दक्षात्मजा = तारा दयित = lover, so the whole compound means the moon. Again - therefore दक्षा... वल्लभ means चन्द्रकान्त and hence the whole line means the seats made of moon-stones.
148
The popular instance of f is the verse 342 quoted by and others.
The proper prose-order is given by . It is very difficult to make out anything out of the verse at the first reading, hence it is an apt illustration of clumsiness.
अविमृष्टविधेयांश is one of the most prominent faults. Every sentence has something that is predicated of the subject. This predicate is the most important thing in a sentence and hence it must be given a prominent place in it. But if that predicate (fa) is not given a prominent place which is its due, then there is this fault of ufayefadain.
For instance, in the verse 343 which means:"The body of Shankar is ugly, his birth is obscure

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149
P. 242. A. 3. S. 6.)
etc. Here ugly, obscure etc. are predicates (fasta ) but in the compound अलक्ष्यजन्मता, जन्मता i.e. the subject (अनुवाद्य) gets prominence and the predicate (विधेय) अलक्ष्य gets a secondary place and hence the fault. zaferat fra: is the proper reading. Similarly in 344 which describes Parvati adjusting her girdle that was slipping down, in Fedrentaffha 'as if a second bow string of the bow of cupid )', the predicate is facta' second', but it is given a subordinate place by the compound and hence the fault.
In the following verse (345) in which # after defeating in addresses him, Bata is the predicate and as such must be placed independently. BAITAJTE should, therefore, be the emended reading.
In 346 in मध्येव्योम, व्योम is prominent and hence it must be changed into मध्ये व्योम्नः.. :. Thus we see that the fault afgezfagist occurs when there is no proper prominence given to a predicate in a sentence.
For instance, in 347 3196917 really means ' did not speak '; the emphasis is on the idea of'not' speaking, but as it stands the word means 'was mute'.
But in 348 there is no fault, for 876a: Baigt: and other adjectives go with the subject #; they are not predicates and hence do not require any prominent place. . In the verse 349 which enumerates all the merits of the forest life, the fault of sfaqesfatait lies in the whole verse, there being quite a series of faults. The whole verse has a faulty construction. The proper order of words should be शावलं शय्या; शुचिशिला आसनम्. The inverse order leads to the fault of afgezaaiat. The same fault is seen in the verse 350.
Similarly in 351 “That the lions are excited when

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P. 244. A. 3. $. 6. )
150
challenging the elephants and clouds (that are utterly insignificant ) is but their nature. But the lion of afat is perfectly unperturbed with regard to the elephants and clouds. He is, therefore, the best lion", atsat appears like a part ot sigara and hence itsat or something like that ought to go with अम्बिकाकेसरी.
In fact, it can very well be laid down as a rule that must be followed by ac. But even between the two, the word ac is very important and should never be dropped. aq shows
(1) a well-known thing e. g. pasta ar Baha: (. . 4) (2) a thing familiar and experieneed e. g. 19
प्रतिदिशम् (रत्नावली) (3) a thing already shown by context e. g. in 354
anzi=aftfazilafzzi. * When 72 stands for the whole sentence and as
such is placed in the beginning of a sentence, at may not be used, as in the verse 355: “That the lotuses closed at the sight of the lovely moon is but proper on their part; but that the moon rises in spite of the appearance of the lovely face of women is but a rash thing" (ac) पुष्करैः साधु कृतम् . But in the first sentence, if यद् is used then at must be used in the following sentence.
Sometimes both these words ( 76 77 ) are inferred from the context as in 356, here" #: * sfa etc. si afà etc." was the expected construction; but even as the verse stands, it is not faulty.
at when necessary must be used. At can not represent ac, in such places. For instance, in the verse 357 in which the spring is compared to Hanuman by using adjectives common to both, (aiufa9=(1) the moon. (2) gora; in valgte the words are at and Ta.). Bet

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151
[P. 247. A. 3. S. 6.
is used in the sense of as
which is unwarranted.
But if is taken in the sense of a then in the verse 358 which means:-"Let the God Shankar protect you; Shankar the fire of whose wrath turned cupid into a burning f tree etc.", in the fourth line. would be redundant.
""
Now someone may say here that in the verse (359) which means:-" That man who sees the whole world as your body, is free from sorrow etc., इदम् is used in the sense of a; but 's reply to this is:If the words and a have some intervening words between them, no representative word for a can be used; that is to say a by itself must be used in such cases as it is done in 360.
Now it is true that in the verse 361 is followed directly or immediately by and not by as it ought to be. But defends this case by saying that if the words and a are used in different cases इदम् or some such word may represent तद्.
The last instance of fazia is given in the verse 362 in which is wondering as to who is the cause of Rama's banishment. Can it be or कैकेयी ? he asks himself. Here in आर्यानुजः the emphasis is on the word and, therefore, that word must be prominently placed as आर्यस्य. Similarly in तात कलत्रम् the word aa is important and hence a must be used. The next fault is विरुद्धबुद्धिकृत् which occurs when a word is so ambiguous that it creates a sense contrary to the one which the author intends to convey. For instance in the verse, 363 is used by the author in the sense of God Shankar-the Lord of Parvati.' But it creates a strange sense the lover of

6

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P. 259. A. 3. S. 6. ]
a mother'!! Hence such dangerously ambiguous words should be avoided.
152
Similarly in the following verse (364) the word मृडानीप रवृढः is bad; for मृडानी itself means the wife of (i. e. Shankar) and adding the word af (lord) to it would mean the lover-paramour-of the wife of Shankar! The idea of the above verse is:-Indra with his thousand eyes fell at the feet of Shankar. who was standing near, mistook the eyes Indra for a garland of blue lotuses and tried to snatch them. Shankar, thereupon, began to laugh.
Similarly the word (in 365) would mean strangling' while it is really used in the sense of embracing!
In the verse 366 a host of such ambiguous words are used: अनुत्तम (bad) अपिहित ( covered ) अकार्य ( evil deed) : i. e. infamy) are all strangely
-gaf-a: (i. e.
ambiguous.
When this ambiguity is deliberate and adds as such to the beauty of the verse, it is no fault. For instance, in the verse 367 the words a &fàgai: qmag are all deliberately used-one set of words leading to the sense of peace and other set leading to the sense of war. The apparent meaning is:-, after saying those unpalatable words, is now fully repentent, and eagerly wishes to pacify you who are angry with him. The inner meaning is:- is now more indignant than before and wants to kill you.
In the following sutra is given a list of faults regarding sense. We had hitherto a list of faults with respect to words.

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153
[P. 261. A. 3. S. 7.
is the first of these faults. When the construction is so very clumsy that no reader is able to understand the sense of the verse without great effort, the verse is said to have the fault of. The instance in point is the verse 368 the full explanation of which has been given by and it is quite right that he should give it, otherwise very few of the readers would have understood the verse.
which is the next in the list, is a fault which occurs when a statement which is not at all pertinent to the subject in hand is unnecessarily thrust in a verse.
For instance, in the verse 369 the subject is that I crossed the ocean; naturally, therefore, the various adjectives of the ocean (that it was dark as the leaves of a tree etc.) do not in any way add to the beauty of the main statement.
In the following verse full of jingling alliteration there is not a single phrase that has any charm of sense. Only there is a series of sweet-sounding words. व्याहतत्त्वम् is a fault arising from two naturally contradictory statements; this is illustrated in the verse 372.
""
In the first foot is the statement' kill your enemies.' But strange to say, in the third foot occurs the statement there is not a single enemy of yours a statement perfectly contradictory to the one in the first foot.
अवैदग्ध्य is stating a thing in a bald almost an indecent manner.
The verse 373 is an instance in point. The whole statement is utterly unpoetic and extremly vulgar, for there is no charming suggestion what-so-ever in the
20

66

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154
verse, Everything is stated in a plain or bald manner; but as we know, suggestion is the essence of poetic beauty.
In the verse 374 the fault of paitsea is illustrated. The description is applicable to a villain as well as to the male organ. Here the words f7764, faar, ara and grafa yield double meaning.
साकाङ्कत्वम् occurs when some words or phrases necessary to complete the sense of a statement are wanting in a verse or a sentence. For instance, in verse 375 1190 begged for the hand of ear, but he was repulsed and TA was given her hand. Trgot, therefore, would not tolerate this (i, e. the prosperity of the enemy, his own insult and the loss of war). Here, after the word all the word saraj has to be necessarily supplied in order to make out a proper sense.
Similarly in 376 the statement, "I abandon thee Oh weapon !” requires some reason which is not given in the verse and hence Ech. The idea in the first three lines is that tot had taken to the profession of a gisa though it was not proper for him to do so; he worked wonders with the weapon and finally left it through grief. Where, however, a statement is perfectly well-known or self-evident, no reason is necessary, as in the verse 377. In this verse fera says that the Goddess of beauty dwelt in the face of JAI, for both the moon and the lotus were inferior to her face.
The fault of are occurs where in the absence of the context there arises an ambiguity of sense. For instance, in the verse 375 one does not know, merely by reading, whether the author is in favour of renunciation or the dalliances of love. The meaning is:—“Oh Gentlemen! with a calm mind decide whether” etc.

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155
[P. 264. A. 3. S. 7.
अक्रमत्वम् occurs when instead of stating a thing in due order it is stated in a reverse order. For instance, in 378 मातङ्ग ought to precede तुरगम्, but the order is reversed. Even when no order in importance is observed and several things are stated promiscuously, there occurs the fault of ; sometimes there is a breach of order as regards time as in the verse 379. The order of time is here not observed, for the old man ought to have first consulted the astrologer and then got himself shaved. In the figure farf, however, as an inverse order leads to that figure, there is no fault of . For instance, In the verse 380:-" The ocean of love swelled in her heart and then the moon rose." When the words are not in proper order the fault is as regards words and not as regards the sense.
When the same sense is repeated in two sentences in the same canto or a poem it leads to the fault of पुनरुक्तम्. In the third canto of शिशुपाल verses 12th and 13th have the same sense only expressed in (different words) and hence the fault of पुनरुक्तम् .
In the phrase fa: there is a repetition, for an array of horses' and hence gf is
(
अश्व means redundant.
Similarly in जनता: ( शि. व. स. ५ / ७४ ) ( verse 385 ) the plural number is superfluous; for the word itself means a mass of people.
itself means 'Shankar'; the
In 386a
word therefore, is redundant.
But in the verse 387 is not redundant; for ff is an adjective and shows only the quality of(Shankar) and hence the word is necessary. In the compound words like धनुर्ज्या कर्णावतंस the

Page #513

P. 266. A. 3. S. 7. ]
156
words 97: and so are apparently liable to the fault of graf#ca (repetition), but all such words have now been accepted as faultless through usage and some peculiar meaning is made out of them; for instance, in ngeuf the word 9: shows that the string is actually attached to the bow.
In acofada the word of suggests that the ornament is actually on the ear.
Thus we see that FA 3790€ etc, by themselves are quite competent to express their meaning but in order to defend the compounds agruf etc. sanctioned by usage, some inner meaning is super-imposed on them according to the dictum "Figari nafara affair."
sometimes, however, repetition is necessary and adds grace to a statement as in the verse 400 da: fe repeated four times suggests the keen sense of digust about worldly things in the mind of the speaker.
In moments of excitment, repetition is no fault, according to the verse am etc. quoted below.
In fhaagath things of incongruous nature are brought together as in the verse 401, good things such as श्रुत, नय etc. are mentioned along with मदेन नारी व्यसनेन मूर्खता etc..
fabricana (contradictory sense) is a fault; as in 402. fa faca also means:-Stating something which is contrary to the real nature of things or to the established conventions.
For instance, in the verse 403, God of love is described as having a disc (77) in his hand; but this statement is against the conventions of the poets who believe that the God of love has five arrows in his hands.
In 404 it is stated that the Ashoka tree put forth sprouts on account of its being kicked by women.

Page #514

157
[P. 268. A. 3. S. 7.
But this goes against the poetic convention which is that Ashoka, when kicked by women, puts forth flowers.
Again in the verse 405, 7*(Lord Vishnu) is said to be extolling the wheels of the God Sun; and God Hari is said to be extolling the horses of the God Sun. But this is not at all supported by Puranas or any other work.
In short, then, the rule may be stated thus:nothing should be stated by a poet which may savour of fantanstic or imaginary or something which militates against established conventions of science, art etc.
Thus to compare a poem with the moon (see verse 406) or to describe the moon as having caused the day lotus to bloom is liable to the fault of प्रसिद्धिविरुद्धत्व.
Again in the verse 408 the 317 “f499c5" is stated to have 957H tune in it-but this is wrong, as 952# tune is totally absent in CEHT.
Similarly, to say that a Brahmin performed a 1942 sacrifice (for gras alone can do it), that enemies are conquered by enthusiasm alone, (for they are conquered by diplomacy also), that the marks of teeth in kissing were seen on the upper lip (for they are only seen on the nether lips), absolution is obtained by devotion alone (for knowledge also is the way to #18T) is wrong, as it goes against the convention of science and popular customs etc.
9 gatraca is a fault which occurs when after the completion of a certain statement it is supplemented by something unnecessary.
__For instance, in the verse लग्नं रागावृतान्या etc. विदितं ते te (be it known to you) completes the statement. But it is again supplemented by the words da etc., this is wrong.

Page #515

P. 271. A. 3. S. 7.)
158
Of course if reviving the statement adds to poetic beauty or heightens a sentiment, it is permissible, as in 414 the figure arte lengthened again heightens the sentiment of fagmxazETT.
In the verse the speaker raises a series of doubts: if the rays of the moon are full of nectar why should they burn me ? Again if they are besmeared with poison, why should they not kill me ? etc. As a rule,
(1) a word stated once has to be repeated when the sense is alluded again.
(2) Again if a statement has to be made vague it is wrong to make it expressly limited.
(3) It is wrong to turn a particular statement into a general one or vice versa.
(4) It is wrong to turn a subject into a predicate or vice versa.
All these rules if not observed lead to the faults stated at the end of the seventh sutra (such as fiyafazaisfera etc).
In the verse 415 which means:~" Before a genuine jewel the whole creation appears to be crude, to state that it can be compared to something is an insult of the jewel. Its excellence transcends imagination. Such a jewel, however in the midst of falsely glittering jewels is only a piece of stone and nothing more." The place of 783 here is wrong. It ought to go with मणि which is an अनुवाद्य.
Similarly in the verse 416 in which the words ham (1) a particular river (2) learning ATTO (1) red
(2) a particular river (1) ocean
(2) having lines Erfgant (1) river
(2) army

Page #516

159 P. 272. A. 3. S. 9. ] yield double meaning, in "q9T1FMFÆ etc.” Tio (red) is a vague statement, but to say that it is no ga (only red) is wrong.
In the verse 417 which means:--"Don't despise these jewels-Oh Ocean! for one of them obliged Vishnu to beg you," a general statement is the proper statement, but instead of that, “lega fafea: " is a particular statement made-this is wrong.
Exactly opposite is the case in the verse 418 : here II (moon-lit night) is the particular word that is wanted, but instead of this the word 9147 (a night in general) is used.
Similarly in 419 fazlagi taha is an adjective of falcao ( blue lotus ) but it ought to have been used predicatively, for the context requires it to be so.
Again in 420 in which 31479rat takes a vow of killing all the qreas in one night, 570 is used as a predicate, while in fact it ought to form part of the subject; the word 9779ffetfaa:, again, goes with the subject, but in reality it ought to be the predicatethus there is a double fault. The faults of q, part of a q etc. are not mentioned by A7= obviously because they are easy to detect. When there is anything faulty used in course of imitating a person ( by way of creat. ing humour ) etc., there is no fault.
When proper persons speak in a proper manner (even though it may appear unintelligible, absurd, indecent etc. to others ) it is no fault. Sometimes it lends positive charm to the poems. The illustrations are already given by 2495 in this chapter. Here he draws attention of the readers to the exceptional cases where a fault (in ordinary cases ) is no fault at all,

Page #517

ADHYAYA IV काव्य has already been defined by हेमचन्द्र as 'सगुणौ pregryf.' qu again is defined in general as 'excellence in a sentence that contributes to the development of a ta ( sentiment ). Now in the following sutras the number of pots and their definitions have been given.
There are only three गुणs namely माधुर्य, ओजस and gang. There are neither ten quts as the old rhetoricians such as pa and others think nor five as others think. The reason for regarding the guts as three only is this that other quis can be easily included under these three quts on the strength of their very definitions. This has been ably shown by 497 in his commentary,
These quts or poetic excellences in reality belong to the gas and only secondarily to the word and sense in which they are embodied.
In the second sutra the excellence Argi is defined: Angel is that quality which causes the heart of a reader melt. This qu is predominantly found in the poems containing HITTE (WHITHI ). Argo is the quality even of as such as 19 347 and others that are helpful to this HHIITKIT.
माधुर्य in its intense form is seen in शान्त, करुण and विप्रलम्भशृङ्गार.
The following are the characteristic conditions of Arga:
(1) In it letters with the nasals belonging to their respective classes should come.
(2) No letter of g class should come in. (3) Short forms of ? and of may be used.
(4) As far as possible compounds should not come in.

Page #518

161 [P. 290. A. 4. S. 3. (5) On the whole the style should be delicate or soft.
Verse 421 is an apt illustration of Aryzys.
For the occurence of and I in Arget, verse 422 is a happy illustration:
"Heavenly damsels anxiously wait ( 707 Tupat agafa ) for their lovers (from the slain warriors below ).”
The verse 423 is full of letters from cari and hence it is directly detrimental to माधुर्यगुण.
Verse 424 is full of long compounds and abounds in hard-sounding words and as such militates against the conditions of Arget.
“The sky is overcast with clouds, why do you weep unnecessarily ? ( your lover is bound to return home on account of the setting in of rainy-season ). Wild conflagration is darkening all the quarters with the columns of its smoke ( and hence your lover will no longer travel, but snon return home. )".
31799 is a lot that inflames the heart of a reader. It is found in वीर, बीभत्स and रौद्र in an ascending order of intensity.
The following are the conditions of 377577
(1) The first letter of a class joins with the second letter of a class.
(2) The third letter of a class joins with the fourth letter of a class.
(3) The same letter is repeated twice in the same word to make a conjunct consonant.
(4) The letter joining with any other letter. (5) All the letters of zat except foccuring frequenly. (6) The letters and q coming frequently. (7) Long compc inds. (8) A style full of hard-sounding words. 21

Page #519

P. 291. A. 4. S. 6.) 162 . Verse 425 is an excellent illustration of 3115a:
“Of what avail are my arms if they find it difficult to guard my city (5€) arms-that are elated with the pride of being able to shake en mountain ? Of what avail, again, are my heads that are needlessly glorified for their securing a favour from God Shiva by pouring a stream of blood flowing ceaselessly from them (i. e. heads ) when cut down etc.”
In the verse 426 in which 349472Tht compares himself with परशुराम and says that he will imitate परशुराम and kill his enemies, the main this da; but the style is so tame, being void of compounds and hard words, that the sitsia which was needed to develop this 1978 is entirely marred in its effect. ... SAC is the third yur; it is to be found in all the Tas for it consists in the felicity of expression which attracts the hearts of the readers and make them understand the particular verse easily.
.. Thus saic is compared to a fire in dry fuel and to transparent water; for like these two things, 1919 occupies the heart of a reader immediately and makes the sense perfectly clear. • In sag the letters, the compounds and the style should be such as would make the sense clear at the very first hearing or reading. .,
JAT is best illustrated in the verse 427:
" What is the use of the wish-yielding trees when liberal persons are there ? (that is to say liberal persons are just like the piczas). Similarly, the beggars are said to be like the grass. These letters indicative of these three गुणs are sometimes termed as वृत्तिs, others name them रीतिs.
Letters, as a rule, indicate Trs, but sometimes they indicate a particular speaker by their presence. For

Page #520

163
(P. 292. A. 4. S. 9.
instance in the verse 428 in which will describes in a graphic manner the thundering notes of drum, there is no late and consequently 110 1199; but because the speaker is ofth, the style is full of hard-sounding words.
Sometimes the style follows the subject matter without any regard to the particular speaker or composition. For instance the description of the head of FHFOI in the verse 429:--
"Here falls down from the sky with a loud crash the head of 377*; while it is falling the winds in the caverns of mountains with their howling sound are extolling as it were the exploit of Rama. The head is observed by Aruna the charioteer who is wheeling round the chariot of the sun because the horses have got frightened on account of the sudden movement of 77e-which was due to the tremendous force of the head being thrown after its complete chopping by TTA.
Here the speaker as well as the composition do not necessitate the forcible style, but the description of the monstrous head of FFH*T has fittingly rendered the style fiery.
Sometimes the style is changed according to the nature of the particular composition, without any regard to the speaker or the subject-matter. For instance, in the Bezifier kind of composition cven when iki is to be portrayed, the style is not altogether full of soft words. Again in the wet kind, even in tata the style is not fiery. Similarly in dramas, even in stare, long compounds and harsh-sounding words are not admitted because they are against the very nature of a dramatic composition.
Thus the criterion of a style is (to say it in one word) 'propriety'. The style of a composition or a verse must be proper that is fitting to the place or occasion,

Page #521

ADHYAYA V The definition of play has been given already by हेमचन्द्र as 'शब्दार्थो सालङ्कारी काव्यम् "-words and sense full of poetic ornaments constitute poetry. If words and sense form the body of poetry, the figures of speech are its ornaments that hang on the body. These ornaments (i. e. figures of speech ) are again twofold : one class belonging to words and the other belonging to sense i. e. Teem and 379fert. In the fifth chapter the author exhaustively deals with the six शब्दालङ्कारs.
In the first Sutra the figure 879e is defined :
Repetition of consonants constitutes the figure oggle.
(1) Either one consonant or more than one may be repeated at close intervals.
(2) This repetition as a rule should heighten the effect of some Sentiment (Te).
(3) One consonant only once repeated does not lend any charm. A single consonat should, therefore, be repeated many times.
(4) But two or more consonants may be repeated only once.
Thus in the verse 430, a single consonant is repeated many times and hence the charming effect.
In the following verse however (431) more than two consonants , # , are repeated only once: 3750TOFTETT-A 41A-2114 703-9105.
In the following verse (432) a pair of two conso. nants (or a group of three consonants) is only once repeated.

Page #522

165 [P. 296. A. 5. S. 2.: ... yal-TETT 14-fauną 3917-71T Ghiaat ysta etc.
Similarly in afaraka the group of pļa is once repeated.
. In the verse 434 many consonants are repeated many times. Thus in the first line is repeated four times.
In the second line d is repeated thrice.
The idea of the verse is : Oh traveller ! how can you remain alive when you are travelling in this summer which is pervading all the quarters (aafetiere) etc. स्वच्छन्दकुन्दद्रुहि=that prevents the free blooming of कुन्द flowers...ततार्कतेजसिfull of the intense heat of the Sun.
लाटानुप्रास is a kind of अनुप्रास which is defined in the Second Sutra.
In erg 18 (1) The words repeated are used in the same sense.
(2) But they are not directly connected with one another.
(3) The words may be either a noun or some other part of speech
(4) The words may be repeated either once or many times.
This sort of अनुप्रास is a favourite of the people of लाट. (the country between modern Broach and Surat). Arzigag is illustrated in the verse 435.
"Luok herel God $157 renowned for his self-control is holding on his person his own wife because he is afraid of seperation from her!" So saying Cupid clapped on the hands of his beloved tą and laughed heartily !
Here the noun कर is repeated and hence the लाटानुप्रास.
In the following verse from gäst the word in is repeated many times. Every time the word (TT) is connected with some new word.

Page #523

P. 297. A. 5. §. 2. ] 166
" He ( the king ) was known by the name auru ( who was the father of Rama - the killer of Ravana) and who was as brilliant as the God Sun” etc.
In the verse 436 many such words are repeated only once : 679T #rant: Ar: etc.
"O King resembling ! the white flowers of er are looking like the garments of the river. The Swans on the river are looking like 73T flowers the moon above is looking like the Swans below."
The autumnal season ((TITE: #775: ) has set in.
In the verse 439 the word gerst is repeated only once.
The same word wala is repeated many times in 440; a group of words repeated once is seen in 441– again an instance of लाटानुप्रास ( तुहिनदीधितिः the moon ).
.."To a man whose wife is with him even a conflagration is (as cool) as the moon; but to one seperated from her even the moon is (hot) like the conflagration."
In the verse 442, again, many such words (TRA and afa) are repeated many times.
The idea is : It is rather difficult to say so, but it must be said:_even without any fault on their part your own men (311442) are actually arrested (FAT:) or captured by their hearts by your (excellent) qualities! The inner meaning is that the king's excellent qualities have atttacted the hearts of the people.
944 is defined in the following Sutra.
When a letter or letters (consonants with vowels) having different meaning are repeated in the same order either very closely or at close intervals, the figure of speech is 77*.
Note that the word wanna suggests that cven if

Page #524

167
(P. 299. A. 5. S. 2.
The words are, grammatically or phonetically, slightly different, they can give rise to 99%. Thus in the verse 445 अवलं is rhymed with अबलं-~~व with a may form यमक.
Similarly in the same verse 27 rhymes 34. In short if people can find a marked similarity between two letters (लोकप्रतीतितुल्यत्वपरिग्राहार्थम् ) they may give rise to 94%. The name 991 is given to this figure because two letters that rhyme appear just like twin brothers (cat).
The words a means that the letters rhyming must have some sense in their own place.
For instance, in the line मधुप-राजि-पराजितमानिनी both the groups qtist and quiet are, as they stand, without any meaning; but in their own place they yield a good sense; therefore they may form 3.
Again in the line स्फुटपराग-परागत-पङ्कजम् the second group 97777 is meaningless as it stands, but in its own place it becomes qtisa and yields a sense and as such has a legitimate place in यमक.
But if two words carrying exactly the same sense come together, they do not form 4, as the Sutra explicitly says that the word ought to be wg i. e. the meaning of the words rhymed ought not to be exactly the same.
Thus the line उदेति सविता ताम्रस्ताम्रएवास्तमेतिच is not an instance of 449.
Again in the verse 446, the first word ag is phonetically not similar to the second on, but this minute difference is negligible and the two words do form 48
Similarly, in the same verse a though different from u may rhyme and a with # also is admişsibe in a समक as in the line वेगं-हे. तुरगाणां जयनसावेति etc.

Page #525

P. 300. A. 5. S. 3.) 168
गं हे etc. rhymes with भङ्गहेतुरगानाम् । Here ar rhymes with otr. In 448 समरंहसम् rhymes with समरं हसन् i. e. — with म्.
In 449 अजायथाः ends with विसर्ग and यूथादजा यथा has no विसर्ग still they rhyme, for as हेमचन्द्र says above " विसर्जनीयस्य pratiqutsia a facta:"-as is illustrated above in 449.
The letters in A must come in order-exact order of words, no inverse order would do. The words सरोरसः, therefore, do not make any यमक...
Similarly sau does not rhyme with sora; and #9 with प्रथम and रणवा with वारण do not rhyme for the order of words is inverse.
This game is found in one foot rhyming with another and even in one part of a foot rhyming with another part of the same foot. All possible varieties of these #s are given by ATO in the paragraph following the sutra ( 107 ). Almost every variety is illustrated and annotated below by हेमचन्द्र.
In 25 year afira garch ( 451 ) one part of a foot Thymes with another part. . . आरं चक्रम् i. e. the troops of enemies. हता means broken-hearted...
On account of your sword etc. your enemy's wife wept.
Again in 452 the first foot rhymes with the third foot. EUT: sgá afaniaa fa 29: fal
. In the verse 454 the first two feet rhyme with the last two.
Thus from the verse 455 to 462 all the important varieties of 4* have been illustrated.
: Some of the varieties not illustrated by A9 in the text have been illustrated by him in the commentary,

Page #526

169
(P. 307. A. 5. S. 4. But all these countless varieties of 76 serve only to exhibit the powers of versification possessed by a poet-( कविशक्तिख्यापनमात्रफलत्वेन ) and do not ever instruct the readers in any of the four gegrüs i. e. goals of life (W, 244, #TA, ATA ); they are, therefore, regarded as काव्यगड-impediments in the enjoyment of a रस. गडु is a joint or a piece of sugar-cane having no juice in it.
Cf साहित्यदर्पण's remarks on all kinds of चित्रकाव्य (canto 10th-12th $7 ).
"A poem is composed ”, argues 24*, " to stimulate weak-minded men on to the goal of life. But even understanding यमक and other varieties of चित्रकाव्य requires a great straining of one's faculty of understanding; Fag 109, therefore, strangles the course of a 7 and as such is never delightful in the end. Even the figures of speech in themselves are not desirable if they mar the development of a , much more so, therefore, these varieties of यमक and other चित्रकाव्यs.
Well might hand remark, therefore, that it is only parading one's power or it is a sort of blind imitation of our predecessors to indulge in the composition of these varieties of चित्रकाव्य (see the कारिकाs of लोलट quoted by हेमचन्द्र ). चित्रकाव्य is so called because of its creating a sense of wonder or possibly because it is as attractive to the eyes (merely) as a picture.
Some of the varieties of fart are defined and illustrated below :
For instance, in the verse 463 all the vowels are short. In the Commentary there is a funny instance of a poem full of long vowels (a g etc.)
In the verse 479, only one consonant is employed. Some poems are composed with letters belonging to
22

Page #527

P. 308. A. 5. S. 4. )
170
USFATTI only ( 3168faefatgjai atos: i. e. 81, $ari, farast and & have the throat as their origin ).
। गतप्रत्यागत is a kind of चित्र in which the order of the first foot comes inversely in the second foot as is illustrated in the verse 466.
Some verses are composed (i. e. arranged ) after the figure of a sword, a drum or other such things.
For instance, in the verses 467 and 468 the figure of a sword is seen if the words are arranged in a peculiar order; the verse 469 is an instance of F 4 .
yalagou is one in which some #TTI, STATII, face (nasal) or a letter is deliberately dropped (to test the erudition of a reader).
For instance, in the verse 470 instead of 891 the word 590 is used. Apparently the poem contains the censure of a king, but if we take the word 5910 the whole meaning is changed and it then be comes a eulogy of the king. fà then means prosperity HELTC then comes to mean 'of an exalted rank' etc.,
In the verse 471 Baat is dropped and then the verse as it stands means "Oh girl! possessed of bulky breasts, bright as the flash of lightining, you can get with great difficulty your lover.
But if half a Alai is added in the middle of the two words वाले and दुःखेन it becomes बालेन्दु खे न लभ्यते "the new moon cannot be seen in the sky overcast with clouds" etc.
Verse 472 is an instance of fargagne dropping of a nasal. The nasal over HEAT is dropped; but a nasal inserted makes the word Feat changed into aÉAT and then the meaning is changed.
Verse 473 is an instance of qizga one in which

Page #528

171 (P. 322. A. 5. §. 4. some letters have to be dropped in order to get entirely a new meaning.
The verse is composed in fare metre, and it describes the joint form of Shankar and Parvati ( #altazar). On the one hand there is the chaplet of skulls; on the other, there is the wreath of pearls. On the one hand is the eye of fire on the forehead, on the other is a mark etc..
Now if the first two letters of every foot are dropped and the last seven syllables are dropped it becomes a verse in garanti metre in which the form of Shankar is described.
If, on the other hand, the first seven syllables of every foot are dropped together with the last two - words it becomes a verse in gafaaffaa metre and then it contains the description of silat.
In a kind of fa741621, sometimes the verb is hidden, sometimes the subject, at other times a word in genitive etc.
For instance, in the verse 474 the verb is hidden (with great skill by the poet ) in the word स्तनगुरुजघनाभिराम etc. it has to be split into FT 7 JFF7A1 etc.
Oh youths! is it ever possible that you are not bewildered at the sight of the sportive gait of a woman?
In the verse 475 the object is concealed and apparently it is difficult to arrive at the proper meaning but if we split the word शरावेण into शरौ and एण the meaning becomes clear.
O deer! what cruel man has planted these two arrows in your breast etc.
Similarly verse 476 is apparently meaningless as it stands, but if we split the words far och into मे आगोरसाभिशम् the meaning is clear :

Page #529

P. 323. A. 5. S. 4. 1
172
My heart is not fond of committing any offence; why then are you angry? etc.
Again in the verse 477 three feet are given and the fourth foot is concealed. This has to be arranged from the words in the first foot in a way as would fit in with the context. fagarfaa gfa:" is the foot so drawn out.
"(
But after all, this is only showing acrobatic feats in the domain of poetry and as such can never come up to the level of true poetry. Naturally, therefore, has avoided the mention of all these and similar other varieties.
We find some relief when we come to for it has at least some beauty of sense.
In (i) two parallel senses are expressed by the
same sentence.
(2) Almost every word yields different meaning. (3) Either the words have to be split up in order to yield different meaning or they stand as they are and yield different meanings.
has many varieties. Sometimes the pun is on a syllable, sometimes on a word, sometimes on the gender.
The verse 478 is an illustration of (pun) based on the syllables and in the words fay and fautthe locative singular of both these words is the same, but the two meanings run parallel and the last line yields double meaning.
Even when the crooked moon (fay) is on the head of Shankar, he is reduced to the plight (described in the first two lines). This is one meaning. Another is: when a man is subjected to the reverses of fortune (fafa) he is reduced to a doleful plight.

J

Page #530

173
[ P. 324. A. 5. S. 5.
In the following verse, the words are made to yield two meanings in order to suit the statement et ser: AT TOT Hal geaa razaran' those who are seen by you when you are pleased tega H&1994 etc. and those who are seen by you with anger also feat AEIS 5777 ; the whole verse yields two meanings.
In the verse 480 the pun is with regard to genders (neuter and feminine ) the word as is in feminine gender and the word aà is in neuter. Now the statement “may either the eyes or the body of Shiva bring the removal etc. to you” requires that every adjective in the verse be interpreted as qualifying à and ag and for double meaning of the verse especially the words apa fasih have got to be split up into star steamet. This is the w ay (word-splitting pun ) of which this is an instance in point.
Verse 481 is an instance of a pun in which the Sanskrit form of the verse yields a meaning different from that which is yielded when the verse is regarded as a sign one. Both the meanings have been clearly explained by the author.
In the following verse (482) Afiqa is a word which is interpreted in two ways as 'leading to faine', and 'destroying the fame of' in order to fit in with the words द्विषां च सुहृदांचते.
29, thus, is taken as the forms of two different verbs I and 7-a pun on roots.
In verse 483 which means :
When you cut off the diseased part from the body of the moon it left a scar on it; that part appears now like a deer (and dark).
The pun is on the word eftoftaral (fea form) and

Page #531

P. 327. A. 5. S. 5. ] 174 हरिणी भूता (seperate words) where भूता is a form of भूतकृदन्तan instance of a pun on terminations.
Verse 484: a fad fastnet (1) in his throat (2) was swallowed (perf. of a) farinha facaat; 97 0197: (cupid) देहे (was burnt) and जाया च देहे दधे स अजः जयति puns on cases (tas and aa). Similarly in the verse 485:
era: feta: fağarzana: gag014'. In this sentence cart is 3rd per. sing (imperative) of 27 (1st conju. Atm.) (may he confer) but in अन्येऽपिजिनाः धर्मस्य प्रभवः (प्रभु plu). Fagaraiat: agah (imperative 3rd per. plu. 3rd. conju. Atm. of 1).
The pun here is on the numbers (1997) singular and plural. The word 917791a: is singular once, but then for the second time it is to be split into SIG SHT: and .. Similarly अस्तरजस्तमाः is once singular अस्त+रजस+ तमस् and once plural अस्त+रजस्+तम (superlative termination). All the instances given above are with regard to the pun HF ( in which words have got to be split into two or more parts in order to arrive at the double meaning ), but 3725 , in which no word-splitting is necessary, and in which the words as they stand are interpreted in two ways, is illustrated in the following verse ( 486 ) in which 791 means both a king and the moon at the same time because of the absence of the context. Can this instance of 8445 be regarded as an instance of stefnt (sense figure )?
“No,' says #974, ‘for if instead of the word 373 we substitute the word 274974 or fife, the disappears at once. Hence the figure is entirely dependent on words and thus it is a word-figure and not a sense-figure.
TEGETA 0817: terara 342€1:--this is called the method of azoufalta.

Page #532

175
[P. 329. A. 5. S. 5.
Now take the verse स्वयंच पल्लवाताम्र etc. (487). This verse describes . The goddess is like the morning twilight which shines with the rays of the sun as red as the new leaves, and which gives the desired fruit of wakefulness to all.
is also one that shines with her red and bright hands and is one that confers desired object (which is difficult to obtain ++19 ).
What figure is there in the above-mentioned verse? The first answer of to this is it is a mixture of श्लेष and उपमा. Without श्लेष, उपमा can not stand in this verse.
But on second consideration, says that the figure in this verse is 39 alone.
For 3 does not occur only when there is any resemblance as regards common quality or common action. It may arise even when resemblance is merely verbal.
If in such instances ( such as स्वयं च पलवा. ) only श्लेष is admitted, quifq will have no place at all. On the other hand, if resemblance of g and far is taken as the criterion of उपमा, then अर्थश्लेष ( with उपमा suggested in it as in : etc.) will have no place.
When, therefore, in the same verse both 394 and श्लेष occur, preference should be given to उपमा.
We should not have any rigid difference like the following:
"When a figure is based on the resemblance of गुण and क्रिया it is उपमा; and when there is merely a verbal resemblance it is ."
In fact even a verbal resemblance may give rise to उपमा.
But it may be asked "what, then, is the province of "? To this 's answer is as follows:

Page #533

P. 329. A. 5. S. 5. ) 176
A pure unmixed ga is already illustrated in the verse BergfüATET:; in fact instances of pure en can be easily multiplied.
But where two figures long and some other) come together and between them is not fully developed, the other figure must be given predomi. nance in the verse.
Thus in अबिन्दुसुन्दरी नित्यं गललावण्यबिन्दुका both श्लेष and faturare are possible. But on minute analysis, we find that the *लेष gives rise to विरोध and ultimately विरोध appears prominently. The figure is this verse, therefore, is विरोध and not *लेष.
Similarly in the verse अनुरागवतीसंध्या दिवसस्तत्पुरःसरः etc. ( quoted in the commentary ) there is no no doubt, but it does not gather strength and makes room for the development of Anahi. Thus in this verse the only figure is AAA (and not a ). In this verse (अनुरागवती etc.) the word पुरःसर (as हेमचन्द्र ingeniously remarks ) has to be interpreted as age afà i. e. comes nearer from the opposite direction (as a lover does ) mit does not mean that the day is walking ahead and gear is following; for in that case their union will never take place !!
When a verse appears to be written (with the same words ) in two or more languages ( with no difference in meaning ) that is called app.
Another kind of 7701479 (already discussed ) has this difference from the present kind of 1972 (stated in sutra 110) that the former yields two different meanings from the same words ( of two different languages) while the latter has only one meaning.
An instance of 1973 of the present kind is given

Page #534

177 (332. Ac 5. S.%. in the verse ( 488 ) quoted from his#147 and other verse ( 498 ) from the
A funny instance in which the same meaning with the same words is common to six languages is given in the verse 493.
The figure afti is defined in the following sutra:When a person interprets (or rather misinterprets) the words of another person-with a desire to nor.plus him, the figure is cafiti.
It is, obviously, based on sanon either 9H or HF as the occassion may require )
An instance of सभङ्ग श्लेष in वक्रोक्ति is given in the verse 494:
21967:-Why are you angry with ne, Oh site ? गौरि मां प्रति रूषा.
:-(misinterpreting and misconstruing the words Tilf at into il: sat afa) am I a cow ? With what woman am I angry?
*1#T:-I infer that you are angry with me.
ilt:-I say you are falling at the feet of a woman other than JAI (32+JAltaa:) etc.
An instance of वक्रोक्ति with अभङ्ग लेष is given in 495 in a dialogue between Feat and 71 in which the latter deliberately misinterprets the words of peor.
2791:- Who is there? *CUT:--EF: (Krishna ) var:-- If you are a (i. e. a monkey), go to the forest. BEUT:I am 860 ( Krishna ).
TTET:-- If you are rifu [ a black monkey ] I am afraid of you.
कृष्णः-I am मधुसूदन ( killer of the demon मधु.)
राधा:-If you are मधुसूदन ( the sucker of honey i. e. a bee ), go to a creeper etc.
23

Page #535

P. 339. A. 5. S.3. ]
178
काकुवकोक्ति is recognised by rhetoricians in general as a variety of the figure qwifth, but it is not admitted by हेमचन्द्र for this reason that काकु (a slight change in voice due to some emotion) entirely depends upon the mode of reading a verse and as such cannot be a figure of either word or sense, (as is seen from the opinion of यायावरीय i. e. राजशेखर quoted below).
If at all it is to be admitted, it should be included under guttasaax3, for it suggests a sense by a change of voice in reading a word. __ In support of his statement हेमचन्द्र aptly quotes ध्वनिकार.
Ham, however, explains this is and illustrates it in the following paragraphs.
काकु is of two kinds: साकाङ्क्ष and निराकाङ्क्ष.
In 1987 (i. e. depending on others) $1$ is one in which a sentence is first interpreted in its usual sense and then some more sense is added to it on the strength of the context, the person speaking the words etc.
When the sentence gives the same meaning even when it is uttered in a different voice, it is facr#1583 काकु. Here of course for वक्रोक्ति - साकाङ्क्ष kind of काकु alone is useful.
li (1) either gives entirely different meaning as in the verse देशः सेोऽयमरातिशोणितजलैः etc.
Here यद्रामेण कृतं तदेव कुरुते द्रोणायनिः क्रोधनः
originally means “I will do exactly what qigara did in former times.” But on the strength of 19, the meaning is changed into : “ I will do more than what परशुराम did ". This is called अर्थान्तरम् by हेमचन्द्र.
or (2) it gives some special particulars of the original meaning; for instance in the verse 496:

Page #536

179
[P. 338. A. 5. S. 8.
"Where is that Ravan who was taken in the arm- -pit by a? I am his son (i. e. a's son) and am sent by etc.
तदात्मज: ie वालि's soni. e. possessing all the peculiar qualities of a) is the additional meaning obtained by means of काकु;
or (3) it entirely negatives the first meaning that is yielded by the words as they stand, eg. in fafnar etc. means something exactly opposite of the first meaning. On the strength of the meaning would now mean "Let the as perish etc." This is called by हेमचन्द्र.
f
The last kind of चित्रकाव्य is पुनरुतवदाभास. It occurs when two words, exactly similar in form but only apparently similar in meaning, come together.
These two words appearing like synonyms have in reality entirely a different meaning. As for instance in the verse 497:
भासि and विराजसे apparently mean the same thing. Similarly, in the case of the pairs fai and
सेनi and वाहिनीं; उदकं and पयः; here in reality the meaning of these apparent synonyms in entirely different as can be seen from the explanation of हेमचन्द्र.
Some of these pairs arise really from words that are in themselves void of any meaning; for instance
उदकम्पयः
In उद्द् अकम्पयः, पथ: by itself means nothing, for पयः is a part of the verb उदकम्पयः

Page #537

ADHYAYA Vi Thirty-one figures of speech ( based on sense i. e. epefeits) are defined and illustrated in this chapter.
The first is उपमा which is defined as " हृद्यं साधर्म्यमुपमा" This definition closely follows the definition of AFAT which is: 'Ang GTA !. The significance of every word in the definition is shown by 4977 below.
Frasi is not possible in the relations such as cause and effect, simply because there is no similarity of a quality in these relations, but a complete one-ness of quality. Hence similarity of qualities is possible only in two things that are similar to each other. They ought not to be completely alike. Where, therefore, there is some' resemblance in some points' between two things, there is 3971. But again this resemblance must be re-delightful to the mind of men of refined taste (mega); otherwise, resemblance between two things in point of existence (Aca) or in point of one that can be known (ज्ञेय or प्रमेय) would also give rise to उपमालंकार. But there is no charm in saying that things resemble one another because they have the common quality of 'existing'. Similarly there is no beauty in saying that a face resembles a jar. Hence when the context is of the description of love or such other things, the sentence '93 $9 96' can never be an illustration of the figure 39A1. Of course, the simile in this sentence would be quite fiittng, if the context is of GIFTTT (sentiment of laughter) or other such things. The condition of being 'delightful' applies to every figure.
Resemblance is possible between two things, and the two things, besides, must be different in point of place etc. Resemblance is not possible in

Page #538

181
(P. 339. A. 6. S. 11.
one and the same thing; for instance in 989 969: there is no 3941, for there is complete identity. But if the second 959 in this sentence would be taken in the sense of a man of some manly deed' then there is 3981 even in this sentence. This shade in meaning is often found in 75cufqean. (See chapter Ist. of the present work). In such cases the same word, repeated twice but with different connctations, may give rise to 3941, as in the following verse ( 498 ).
In this verse the second word g89 means a man of great courage and bravery.
3991 is also possible when a thing is compared with itself with a view to show that the thing is incomparable or matchless. This kind of gqht is taken by other rhetoricians as a seperate figure called 38=29; but AF has included this variety under the general head of 1991. The following verse 499 illustrates this kind of उपमा or अनन्वय.
यावद्विलासायुधलासवासाः her graces are the abodes of all kinds of dances (IH) of the God of love.
There must be some sort of difference between two things before any resemblance can be said to exist between them. Some such points of difference are mentioned below.
Difference in point of 12 i. e. an individual or a person. 94919 is 'a hord'. In faqiforca the terinination sa shows hord, or group i. e. all; the sentence, therefore, means : all horned animals are as ferocious as all fanged ones.
39919 or absence of anything may also be a point of difference and consequently of similarity.
For a पूर्णा उपमा, उपमान (the standard of comparison)

Page #539

P. 341. A. 6. S. 12.]
182
उपमेय ( the subject of comparison ) धर्म ( a common quality) and 39 (a word conveying the idea of likeness) must appear in a sentence or in a compound-word or in a derivative (f).
Standard of comparison varies according to the Ivolition of the poet.
For instance in the verse
ततः कुमुदनाथेन कामिनीगण्डपाण्डुना । नेत्रानन्देन चन्द्रेण माहेन्द्री दिगलंकृता ॥
, which is almost always a standard of compa rision, is 3, because it is the subject of comparison and it is compared to the cheeks of a beautiful woman which is usually a subject of comparison.
Verse 500 illustrates quifqar in a sentence.
The moon-light, in the case of love-lorn persons allayed for a time the fever of love, but again inflamed their torments, just as the sandal-paste does.
Here the comparison is between the moon-light and the sandal-paste.
quifqa is also possible in some compounds and in some afaa derivatives. For instance, in the verse 501 सरः श्रियः is the subject of the sentence.
The beauties of a lake appeared like young women with their lotuses that appeared like eyes etc. a is a compound according to the dictum इवेन नित्यसमासो विभक्त्यलोपश्च.
If this compound is not admitted, the sentence would be an instance of वाक्योपमा.
Verse 502: : difficult to gaze at i. e. intensely dazzling as well as awe-inspiring.
निदाघाम्बर रत्नवत् like the jewel of the summer sky i. e. the sun.

Page #540

183
[P. 343. A, 6 S. 3.
Verse 503: Nothing is as delightful as f-deep
meditation.
अनाधिव्याधिसंबाधम् = A state which is devoid of mental agony (af) and physical pain (f).
(adj.) full of.
Here the standard of comparison is not directly mentioned.
Verse 505: Sanskrit rendering:
दुलायमानो मरिष्यसि कण्टकलितानि केतकीवनानि ! मालतीकुसुमेन समं भ्रमर ! भ्रमन्न प्राप्स्यसि ॥ On the battle field.
Verse 509.
निदाघधर्माशु = The sun in summer.
निदाघघम शुदर्श पश्यन्ति = Enemies look at him just as they would at the summer sun.
पार्थ संचारं संचरति=Walks just as Arjuna does. Both निदाघ धर्म शुदर्शम् and पार्थसंचारम् are gerundial forms i. e. णमुल् forms according to Panini.'s term for of
Panini is णम्.
(6
Here the word
is latent in the णम् Verse 510: afia O sweet-tongued one! The word comes from वाग्मिन् ( वाक् + मिन् ) - one having a sweet speech. ध्वाङ्क्ष crow विराविन् crowing. In the words ध्वाङ्क्ष बिरावी, उष्ट्रक्रोशी and खरनादी the termination is णिन् i. e. इन् shows comparison; art, therefore, means crowing like a crow.
is not directly mentioned, but form पार्थसंचारम् ( पार्थ इव संचरति ).
"If you but speak a word, the cackling of the swan would sound like the crowing of a crow etc. In the termination the word showing comparision is not directly mentioned.
Verse 511: According to the sutra of Panini 'ईषदसमाप्तौ कपब्देश्य देशीयरः the terminations कल्प देश्य and

""

Page #541

P. 344. A. 6. S. 3. )
184
Satte are added to nouns in the sense of " almost like that." Here in this verse, therefore, the word $64. agar means 'having a face almost like the moon.' Similarly in the wordsमृणालीदेश्य and चक्रदेशीय, the terminations agar and after show comparison. All these are after forms. The sense of comparison is directly shown by these terminations. No complete identity is suggested by these words ( 79 Czy and at ). These words, therefore, do not give rise to the figure metaphor-59%. It must be admitted, however, that in dissolving these afaa words there is an appearance of the figure metaphor, when we say ईषदपरिसमाप्तः पूर्णेन्दुः, but this identity between quage and ac7 is merely suggested. The idea of resemblance is here quite direct and prominent. These words, therefore, show comparison.
Verse 512: when a man is separated from his beloved, even the moon appears to him as the sun; he feels as one forlorn; he thinks that he is as good as dead; and even after death, heaven to him is just like hell.
All the denominative forms here (such as 409 क्यङ् विप् according to Panini or क्यन् किप् and क्यड् according to haoz) show comparison.
Verse 513: HledkyHacTH is the only variant, otherwise, it is the same as the verse 505 above.
परिपन्थिन् an enemy. संपरायः battle.
Verse 515: stufet fald af fratlaaraa:=Whose eyes are glancing ( with admiration ) on seeing the exploits of his enemies.
algettata, paiga: the famous mythological figure Heiga having thousand arms. The termination 497 also directly shows resemblance.

Page #542

185
[P. 345. A. 6. S. 3.
means
Verse 516: विधवति सवितरति and other kindred forms in this verse are all denominatives which show resemblance. For instance afàar faqafa "The sun acts like the moon.' The instance of लुप्तोपमा, where, out of the four necessary components of an three are absent, is to be found in the word .. This compound-word is dissolved thus: first we have a तत्पुरुष in मृगनयने and then a बहुव्रीहि in मृगनयने इवनयने यस्याः सा. Here, therefore, उपमान is absent, for the उपमान is मृगनयने of which only the part मृग is present here. Similarly, the common quality, as well as the (the word indicating ) is absent.
Now we may, as well, take the word in the sense of by having recourse to (implication) but in that case the word would be an instance of metaphor, not of simile (1).
According to some, आय: शूलिक, दाण्डाजनिक and other such words may be given as instances of त्रिलोपा लुतोपमा. But cleverly shows that these words should more properly be considered as instances of fan (a figure of speech) thus:
The word आयः शूलिक is a तद्धित form derived from the two words : and which means an iron bar. आय: शूलिक, therefore, means a man who tries to maintain himself by such wicked means as killing people with iron rods etc. Here the word for a i. e. wicked means is absent. a severity (the common quality) is absent and the words at etc. indicating
are also
absent.
But according to हेमचन्द्र, अयः शूल here stands for 'the wicked means', the man in question never really takes an iron rod in his hand but it is supposed that he
24

Page #543

P. 346. A. 6. S. 3. )
186
does so. This is, therefore, an instance of petangtaking one thing as another and hence the figure here is afgifth not 3981.
Similarly posifgaa (9f2) afasala pha trografa: fost अजिन; दण्ड the staff of a Sanyasi and अजिन the holy skin of a deer. The word, therefore, means 'a man who tries to maintain his livelihood by deceiving the people with the disguise of a Sanyasi. This word also is not an instance of उपमा but of अतिशयोक्ति.
मम्मट in काव्यप्रकाश has not seperately treated of all the varieties of 3941 such as AISITAT, 37919ar etc. ATTA following the footsteps of HFRC has merely illustrated these varieties of STAI, but has not treated of them seperately. Sometimes in AISI AT (a string of similes) the common quality is one in all the similes as illustrated in the verse 517 the Sanskrit rendering of which runs thus:
" शोभेव लक्ष्मणमुखं वनमालेव विकटं हरिपतेरुरः ।
कीर्तिरिव पवनतनयं आज्ञेव बलानि तस्यावलगति दृष्टिः ।। Rama's gaze fell upon Lakshmana like Beauty; it fell upon the chest of gata (the Lord of Monkeys) like a garland of wild flowers; it fell upon Hanuman like fame and it fell upon the armies like a command.
Sometimes the common quality in every simile in RISITAI is different as in the verse following:
Verse 518 faaffafa (a beautifnl woman) is compared to various things with different common qualities in each case.
syaa etc. she, like authority, has brought under control ( attracted towards her ) all men.
रशनोपमा is another variety of उपमा in which an उपमेय in one simile becomes उपमान in the simile that

Page #544

187 (P. 347. A. 6. S. §. follows. Thus there is a string of interwoven similes in 1971.
Verse 519 is an instance of retaiqar in which the common quality ofat ( i. e. irrevokability or transitoriness of things ) is the same in every simile. :
Verse 520 is another instance of 1579a1 in which the common qualities विमल, आनन्दकारि etc. are different in all the similes which go to form the रशनोपमा.
___ समस्तोपमा is one in which there is one central simile with all its minor similes as parts of the central one. This is otherwise called 917791a. A thing with all its parts is the subject-matter of this simile which in its turn appears with other minor similes that form parts of it.
Verse 521 is an illustration of AAEDICAT.
In the spring, the creepers appear like women; the swarms of bees on them appear like the tresses of hair; the clusters of flowers on them appear like the breasts of women etc. etc.
In the following verse ( 522 ) also Anth is illustrated.
When only the parts of a thing are compared to the parts of an 3941 then we have our ordinary simile, not this समस्तोपमा.
When there is a set of two siiniles the 39#2 in one of which becomes the 39419 in another simile and the 3941 in one of which becomes 3974 in another, the figure is 34#19AT.
Verse 523 is an instance of 397479A1. This figure necessarily requires two sentences for its completion.
When, however, a thing is compared with itself with a view to show its matchlessness, the figure is sparan as is illustaated in the verse 524.

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P. 348. A. 6. S. 4.]
188
Where the standard of comparison i. e. 39412 is an imaginary thing, the figure is 3E9ITTTAI, for the poet here conceives a new thing and then uses it as a standard of comparison.
Verse 525 is an instance of this.
This contains a description of the attire of Lord Krishna when he is starting for हस्तिनापुर. * If in the sky there will be two streams of the waters of the celestical river (the milky way ) flowing seperately, then alone the chest of Lord Krishna, dark as the Tainal tree and decked with a long necklace of pearls, can be compared to it ( i. e. the sky ).
Verse 526 is another instance of उत्पाद्योपमा or कल्पितोपमा. Here however the 39412 is not conceived anew by the poet, but the 3172 is arranged in such a way as would suit the उपमान.
The verse contains a description of 2.773 the Goddess wlio attended the marriage ceremony of Shiva and Parvati.
rast followed other women who were as resplendent as gold. She was decked with the skulls of men. She, therefore, appeared like a row of dark clouds which is accompanied by female cranes and before which is stretched a long band of lightening.
Here if it would have been mere Kali she would not have been compared to a row of clouds with cranes and with a band of lightening ahead of it. In order to suit this 39417, therefore, the 392 it is properly arranged or conceived accordingly.
These and such other minor varieties of simile, if defined and illustrated exhaustively, would needlessly increase the bulk of this volume, as 955 says; there is therefore, no seperate treatment of these varieties here.

Page #546

189 (P. 348. A. 6. S. 4. The figure Fidai is fancying some unreal or imaginary chacteristics in a thing which is the subjectniatter (प्राकरणिकेऽर्थे ). These may pertain to गुण or क्रिया. That is to say, some imaginary quatities may be conceived in a thing or some action may be conceived in it.
Sometimes in an even the absence of a particular quality or action is conceived. agneau1 conceiving the qualities of another thing to be our own.
The figure ghar is usually indicated by such words as इव, मन्ये etc.
Verse 527 is an instance of TOTTEETI, some quality conceived in the subject-matter.
The verse describes the noble qualities of Lord महावीर.
" His strength is capable of protecting and destroying the world; and his forgiveness is seen in the case of 14% (the minor god) who had committed the crime of harassing Aglaia (my presence, therfore, is here superflous )." Thus thinking, Oh Lord ! your anger went away quitting your heart, as it were, in anger. Here the quality of anger is conceived of as being possessed by anger.
Verse 528: cupid who obtained the authority or power put his own lustre in the eyes of women as if being dissatisfied with himself.
Verses 529 a 529 b: The moon light spreads in full length as it were in the sky; it multiplies itself as it were, in the moon-lotuses; it is reflected, as it were, in the broad cheeks of women-cheeks that are as pale-white as the stump of an old < plant.
It expands, as it were, on the waters; laughs, as

Page #547

P. 349. A. 6. S. 4. ) 190 it were. on the houses white with lime; and lastly it dances, as it were, on the ends of the banner-cloth fluttering in the wind.
Here all the actions in the case of the moonlight are conceived that is to say are purely imaginary. Hence this is an instance of क्रियोस्प्रेक्षा.
Verse 530 Alas! The two cheeks of this woman, situated as they, at present, are, have been reduced much, because of their not being able, as it were, to see each other.
Here the cheeks are conceived of as not being able to see each other.
This would be bagat in the opinion of AFAZ, for the reason of the sunkenness of cheeks is fancifully given as' their not being able to see each other.'
Here all the varieties of geen in the opinion of 2497 are exhausted. He does not classify get into 991 or car or other kinds of JNT.
The following five verses are quoted by 2477 to show that, though in all of them there is an appearance of gehen, in reality they contain the figure 3941. Even though the standard of comparison in all the verses is purely imaginary both as regards its appearance and its qualities, it gives rise to æfèqatqht at the most, but not to cut.
Thus, in the verse 531 the poet fe describes fa as being, as it were, the creeper als freely moving and made of gold or as being the lightning that has become steady after slipping down from the sky.
Here though there is a semblance of grà271 it is, according to a ratah1.
- The verse in which this line 'अकालसंध्यामिव धातुमत्ताम्' occurs is an instance of उपमा and not उत्प्रेक्षा.

Page #548

[ P. 349. A. 6 S. 4.
In the following verse (533) again though is described as bending slightly as if on account of her (heavy) breasts and though she is said to be, as it were, a moving blossomed creeper, there is no उत्प्रेक्षा but a कल्पितोपमा again.
191
In the following verse (534) though the woman is said to be, as it were, a lightening without clouds and moon-light without the moon etc, it is an instance of उपमा and not उत्प्रेक्षा.
Similarly in the opening verse of कुमारसंभव.
<<
अस्त्युत्तरस्यां दिशि देवतात्मा । हिमालयो नाम नगाधिराजः ॥
पूर्वापरौ तोयनिधी वगाह्य | स्थितः पृथिव्या इव मानदण्डः ॥
>>
the statement that The Himalaya mountain is, as it were, a measuring rod of this earth' does not give rise to the figure, but is purely an instance of 39, evidently because the idea of likeness or comparison is prominent in this verse.
The figure रूपकः
विषय here is उपमेय and विषयन् is उपमान. For a रूपक the idea of similarity is essential; when the 3 and उपमान even though they are two seperate things are identified with each other the figure is रूपक - अतथाभूतेऽपि तथात्वेनाध्यवसायः though the two things are not one, they are considered as being identical. रूपति = एकतां नयति is the etymological sense of the word 5. Hence it is a figure that identifies two things. But though the identification is mutual, in the assumes oneness with 3, that is to say, it completely merges into 34 and not the other way. The idea of similarity being an essential factor of a the statements such as आयुर्धृतम् (ghee is life itself ) do not give rise to रूपक,

Page #549

P. 350. A. 6. S. 5.) 192 for the relation between ghee and life is no relation of likeness but that of cause and effect. . If the identity of the 3984 and Ethra is so complete that the two are not apprehended seperately, then the figure is not 69% but afastantin, as will be mentioned later on.
59% is of two kinds : 5878afaqat and a stafaqah. The first is illustrated in the following versé (536).
fafagh gearra: Farafa as she falls asleep even when she is wide awake i. e. as she falls into a profound reverie all along thinking of her lover.
The word प्रेमलतिका is here an instance of रूपक. प्रेम एव w creeper in the form of love.
__Here as only one उपमेय is identified with उपमान, the 597 is egeafà aug.
Where one ha is identified with a number of उपमानs there also the रूपक is एकवस्तुविषयम्, for instance the verse 537. ___कान्तःकार्मणकर्म the wonder work or magic of splendour. faal aangre she is the lore of crooked speech i e. she is master of suggestive speech..
faizaafar etc. the direct evidence of the creator's boundless skill.
qurange the God of Love ( the five-arrowed one ). Where one ITÀ is identified with an 31419 directly, but the other identification is only implied, there also the 594 is geargfaan. For instance, verse 538.
The Sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows:___ यस्य रणान्तःपुरे करे कुर्वतो मण्डलाग्रलताम् ।
रससंमुख्यपि सहसा पराङ्गमुखी भवति रिपुसेना ॥ Here a:gf is an expressed metaphor, while the identity of figaar with an angry woman is only implied on the strength of the context.

Page #550

193 (P. 352. A. 6. S. 5. Verse 539 illustrates Batatafaqat 595. This kind is named by मम्मट as सावयव रूपक. The idea underlying this रूपक is the same as is found in समस्तविषया उपमा (illustrated in the verse 521 above ). The identity in this sort of 69% is full-fledged with all the attending identities of the parts of the thing which forms the subject-matter (faqa) of the original 59%.
__Here तृष्णालता is the central रूपक. तृष्णा-craving is identified with a creeper. Now there are many sides of this idea of craving; they are, therefore, identified with the corresponding parts of the creeper which is the main faqzit.
अहंकृति egotism is the seed (of the creeper). ममेतिग्रहः the idea of possession.
Facztearifat: the notion of the permanency of things. FFE: stem. Verse 540 is another instance of 31779fa975946.
जयलक्ष्मी द्वारतोरणस्तम्भौ (your arms are) the pillars of the portals of the Goddess of Victory.
Some of the minor varieties of 54% are mentioned and illustrated in passing by mouse below. But not being very prominent, they are not separately treated of by him. Verse 541 is an instance of argaza 595, but in reality it, in no way, differs from an 342757 tafaq3 579. Perhaps the difference between these two kinds of 59is this that in the former the parts are not as natural as the parts in the latter.
आहार्यावयव रूपक is one in which the parts of the main faqe are artificially brought together, for instance, in the verse 542. An elephant is identified with a mountain, the covering on his back with the clouds. These parts are not naturally suggested but are
25

Page #551

P. 353. A. 6. S. 6. ]
deliberately brought together. The verse afgras etc. illustrates an उभयावयव रूपक. The well with all its attending parts is identified with a woman with her limbs and dress etc.
194
These minor varieties, thus, cannot be exhaustively treated, for there can be no end of it. The multiplicity of the varieties of 3 and is simply bewildering as दण्डी says in काव्यादर्श.
""
66
f: An illustration given to corroborate the statement made with regard to the subject-matter in hand is निदर्शना. It seems that हेमचन्द्र has combined the four figures दृष्टांत, प्रतिवस्तूपमा, निदर्शना and affaz=18 into one figure and named it fail. The definition " इष्टार्थसिद्धये दृष्टांतः is applicable to the figures via and afata as well. In his explanation of this definition हेमचन्द्र says इष्टस्य सामान्यरूपस्य विशेषरूपस्य वा प्राकरणिकस्यार्थस्य सिद्धये यो दृष्टांतः "'—an illustration given (it may contain either a general or a particular statement) to corroborate the statement regarding the subject-matter in hand. This is exactly the case in the two kinds of the figure अर्थान्तरन्यास. This figure अर्थान्तरन्यास, therefore, ought to have been included in faar. Strangely enough, however, the figure is separately treated by later on. On the whole his treatment of these four figures does not seem to be thoroughly scientific.
The etymology of the word निदर्शना is निर्दिश्यते प्राकरणिको safsafa (where the subject-matter is made clear by means of apt illustrations).
Verse 544 The Sanskrit rendering of this verse भवति न गुणानुरागो जडानां केवल प्रसिद्धिशरणानाम् । किल स्नौति शशिमणिश्चन्द्रे न प्रियामुखे दृष्टे ॥ The fools have no love for merits; they are
is:

Page #552

195
[P. 354. A. 6. S. §.
simply led away by the celebrity of things. For instance, the moon-stone melts only when it sees the moon and not when it sees the lovely face of a woman. FA2 would take this to be an instance of अर्थान्तरन्यास.
Verse 545: This is said by चन्दनदास in मुद्राराक्षस 1-21. Overhead is the dense mass of clouds; and my beloved is far away from me; what an unexpected calamity is this! An enraged cobra is on the head, and the herbs that would act as a sure remedy for a snake-bite are far away on the Himalayas.
Here if we follow the context strictly, this must be taken as two independent illustrations corroborating the statement which is outside this verse.
But if 3 etc. is the statement regarding the subject-matter, then the statement in the second line of this verse will serve as an illustration. In either case this will be an instance of far even according to मम्मट, because his definition of निदर्शना is अभवन्वस्तुसंबंध उपमा परिकल्पकः, here the man has cobra on his head but the statement serves merely as an illustration.
Where either a general or a particular statement is substantiated by a particular statement, there is the figure निदर्शना, but where a particular statement is substantiated by a general statement, there is the figure अर्थान्तरन्यास.
Verse 546
etc. दैवतरूपाङ्कितं रत्नम् : a jewel on which the figure of some God or Goddess is carved.
Verse 547 339 a small boat.
This verse is cited as an मम्मट in his काव्यप्रकाश. The verse an instance of प्रतिवस्तूपमा by मम्मट.

instance of निदर्शना by देवीभावं गमिता is given as

Page #553

P. 354. A. 6. S. 6.
196
According to हेमचन्द्र, however, प्रतिवस्तूपमा can be included in facrtat. Not even that, but Teziza as mentioned and defined by मम्मट is included under निदर्शना by हेमचन्द्र. All the three subdivisions of farasiat as treated seperately by मम्मट are brought under one main निदर्शना by हेमचन्द्र. It is difficult to understand then why Atk should treat safapara as a seperate ( 34637117 ) figure of speech. This question must have arisen in the mind of 24974 also, for in the commentary he makes a clear distinction between sufragare and faciar, by first introducing the question thus:ननुचार्थान्तरन्यासोऽपि निदर्शनलक्षणेन संग्रहीष्यते, तरिक तस्यपृथग्लक्षणकरणेनेत्या 978911 etc. etc. à faaz 399qà i
यत्र सामान्यस्य विशेषस्य वा विशेषेण समर्थनं तनिदर्शनम् । यत्रतु विशेषस्य सामान्येन समर्थनं सोऽर्थान्तरन्यासः ॥
Verse 584 : This would be, according to AFAZ, a variety of facial which he defines as follows:-- " स्वस्वहेत्वन्वयस्योक्तिः क्रिययैव च सापरा."
Bajatiles: a rich man. Fagret: from its stem. All the verses cited above are illustrations of agreement. But the following two verses contain illustrations of a negative character.
It should be noted here that the verse 549 is given by RFÆT as an instance of equazzal, while the verse 550 is according to AFHC an illustration of Ezra.
Verse 549 : A capable man is appointed ( liter. is yoked ) at the head of affairs, simply because of the bad nature of his merits ( said ironically ). A fat lazy bull sleeps at ease without his neck being scarred (by the rubbing of yoke ).
Verse 550 : Even when you merely desire to wield the sword in your hand, the fighters on the side of your enemies no longer show their mischievous propensities

Page #554

197 P. 355. A. 6. S. 7. ) ( TC1881=mischief ). The dust settles down when there is no wind.
In both these verses, the illustrations of a lifes: and qiea: are just the opposite of year and : This is called facciai.
49% occurs when there is one subject-matter and one standard of comparison mentioned together by one chiaracteristic (A). This one characteristic, expressed by one word only, serves to qualify both the 397 and 39717. Thus, as a lamp ( 89 ) standing on the threshhold of a door serves to illumine the interior as well as the exterior of a house, so, this figure has in it one word containing a quality common to both the 3977 and the उपमान. Hence the etymology of the word दीप इव इति दीपकम्.
Verse 551 the Sanskrit rendering of this verse runs thus:--
चन्द्रमयूखैर्निशा नलिनी कमलैः कुसुमगुच्छलता ।
हंसः सरसशोभा काव्यकथा सज्जनः गुरुकीक्रियते ॥ Here 132991 is the subject-matter and all others are 8451197 fota or spea that is mere illustrations and are rendered important' ( Jaafa ) is the quality common to both the 392 and a string of 39A1as. Here an objector says that the word gesifaza is a verb and a verb is necessary for a sentence. So a verb common to some subjects should not give rise to any are for there is no beauty in it.
To this #9 replies by saying that the common verb is not the point of beauty in this figure 99, but the fact that so many subjects are brought together by means of one common characteristic renders the figure a charming one. The sentence has in it the

Page #555

P. 357. A. 6. S. 7.] 198 sense of resemblance between the pega and the 39tetet that is between the उपमेय and उपमान, but the sense of resemblance is not as pronounced as in the figure 3941, and hence the difference between 3941 and this figure of speech. In this figure #94, the subject-matter depends entirely on the volition of the speaker. It is bound to differ in very individual case; for instance in the verse 552 there is a string of things which have one common quality efe but the subject-matter depends on the volition of the speaker. Thus every time in this figure one thing only becomes the subject-matter and the rest of them become statas-merely illustrations. Intoxication creates joy, joy creates love which chases away all pride, love in its turn creates longing for the union of one's darling and longing results in intolerable agony of mind.
Here, in this verse, the chain of cause and effect does not militate against the figure 97, for even in the figure gear such chains are permissible. For instance, see the following verse containing उपमा. .
The words प्रकृताप्रकृतानाम् in the definition of दीपक can be interpreted in three ways:
(1) One is going and the rest are 879Has (2) all are gas. (3) All are stigns. The first gives rise to the kind of 44% which is accepted by all other rhetoricians. But the second and the third kinds of #9%, based on the second and the third interpretations of the words
anggarai 08, is not accepted by others. According to #FAC and others, where there is a string of somet things, the figure is grafnar.
Similarly where there is a string of 249as only, there also the figure is great fiat. Both these kinds of the figure तुल्ययोगिता are included under दीपक by हेमचन्द्र..

Page #556

Thus the verse
199
[P. 358. A. 6. S. 8.
पाण्डुक्षामं वदनं सरसं हृदयं तवालसं च वपुः । आवेदयति नितान्तं क्षेत्रियरोगं सखि हृदन्तः ॥
is an instance of दीपक according to हेमचन्द्र, though all the things having the common quality of
are प्रकृतs.
Verse 554 turned into sanskrit runs thus:हंसाना सरामिः श्रीः सार्यतेऽथ सरसां हंसैः । अन्योन्यमेवैते आत्मानं गुरुकुर्वन्ति ॥
Here सार्यते is the one quality common to हंस and सरस् that are both of them प्रकृतs, still the figure is दीपक.
According to others this is an instance of the figure अन्योन्य. But this figure also is included by हेमचन्द्र under दीपक.
In the verse कण्ठस्य तस्याः स्तनबन्धुरस्य ' from कुमारसंभव quoted in the commentary, the figure is according to others, but according to
, even here the figure
is दीपक.

Verse 555 is cited as instance of far by z as there are two strings of things them अप्रकृत. But हेमचन्द्र gives it as an There is another variety of दीपक as illustrated in the verse fauft auf as etc. that is recognised by other rhetoricians. It occurs there where is there is a string of verbs with one subject only, common to all these verbs.
According to, however, there is no charm in this figure and hence he does not admit it as a variety of the figure दीपक ..
. The description of अन्योक्ति as given by हेमचन्द्र here closely follows the description of a
given
by सम्म in काव्यप्रकाश.

that are all of instance of दीपक: named कारकदीपक

Page #557

P. 358. A. 6. S. 8. ) 200
According to AFAT there are five varieties of BUSFOTITel which is otherwise called spaanlfi.
कार्य निमित्ते सामान्ये विशेष प्रस्तुते सति ।
तदन्यस्य वचस्तुल्ये तुल्यस्येति च पञ्चधा ॥ all these five varieties come under the definition of 49.
The notable feature of this figure is that there is a statement of अप्रस्तुत (i. e. अप्रकृत) things which has a bearing on the thing that is the subject-matter. The indirect thing is only a transparent cloak for the direct thing or the subject-matter.
In short, in Spritfen the apparent meaning of a sentence is not the important one, but the meaning suggested by the words in the sentence is very important. In fact it is the suggested meaning that gives charm to this figure.
Sometimes, however, the apparent meaning also has to be taken into account for it has also its own charm. For instance, in the verse qij a: Art etc. quoted in the commentary, the apparent meaning as applicable to a sugar-cane plant in a barren soil is also charming; similarly in the verse “ Shore a g ar: " ( quoted in the commentary ) the apparent meaning that is applicable to gaia is as charming as the inner meaning applicable to an ungrateful man.
Sometimes, however, in Sprutfat the apparent meaning has to be discarded altogether : as in the verse “कस्त्वं भो कथमामि" etc.
In this verse, in the apparent meaning there is a dialogue between a tale tree and the poet, but as it is impossible that a tree can ever speak with a human tongue, the whole apparent meaning must

Page #558

201 (P. 362. A. 6. S. 8. be rejected and only its application to an unfortunate man is to be admittrd.
Sometimes the apparent meaning has to be partially accepted and partially rejected as in the two verses “JCEFIET” etc. and "Fiscattual” etc.
Here in 3CEFAG' etc. the apparent meaning is with reference to a nf tree and the inner meaning is applicable to a wanton woman.
In the verse “ Hisqacha” etc. some of the points in the apparent meaning, as applicable to an intoxicated elephant, are admissible, such as posted the constant flapping of ears etc., but 3978:777*t: (with his empty trunk) and other such adjectives do not fit in with the apparent meaning and have, therefore, to be discarded. Here the commentator quotes the verse
Bilcgpraf padita cfa: etc. and discusses whether in this verse there is the figure Benifit or not and finally decides that in the verse the figure is not अन्योक्ति but either अर्थान्तरन्यास or निदर्शना.
The rule in this respect as laid down by maq is this:--
Where in one sentence both the statements TEDA and अप्रस्तुत are seen having relation of either समयसमर्थक or faarfafáa, there the figure is either Afriar or setara, but where in one sentence the sea is suggested by the targa which is directly expressed by words, there the figure is अन्योक्ति.
Again in the commentary 249 quotes the very famous verse लावण्यद्रविणव्ययो न गणितः etc. and starts an interesting discussion as to what figure is possible in the verse. According to some, the figure in this verse is
26

Page #559

P. 364. A. 6. S. 8.]
202
89eafa, for it is a veiled praise of the transcendental beauty of the heroine. But 4: objects to this and after an elaborate discussion finally decides that the figure in this verse must be अन्योक्ति.
The verse 557 is an instance of 377 litt: Oh king ! being afraid of you, even Indra is frantically preparing himself to encounter you on the battle-field.
Here in this verse the riga statement is that when the king is ready for fight, nobody can afford to sleep soundly. This is a general statement, but instead of this directly expressed, the particular statement, which describes the perturbed state of Indra and his frantic preparation for war, is made in the verse. There is, therefore, a particular statement made here in order to suggest the stega statement - a kind of general statement-that when the king is ready nobody can sleep soundly.
In the verse 558 the poet bemoans the wickedness of this world - a general statement - when in fact he wanted to bemoan the loss of a particular thing which was his stega statement.
Verse 559: those alone are real friends and relatives who are delighted with our prosperity.
Here the arza statement is that the words of such genuine friends should be relied upon, but instead of this, the poet describes the nature of genuine friends. Here, therefore, the icot statement is given instead of the प्रस्तुत statement dealing with कार्य.
Verse 560: the sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows:--
स्वर्गमपारिजातं कौस्तुभलक्ष्मीविरहितं मधुमथनस्योरः। स्मरामि मथनपुरतोऽमुग्धचन्द्रं च हरजट प्राग्भारम् ॥

Page #560

203 (P. 365. A. 6. S. 8. Here the point which is relevent is filfagia's old age and skill as being the cause of his appointment as a minister; but instead of referring to that, the recollection of old things such as the chest of Vishnu as being void of Egh jewels is mentioned.
The suggestion of a similar thing with a similar thing which is 349ega is again done in two ways : (1) by having recourse to adjectives with double meaning and by a similar statement.
Verse 561 contains an 34731tfat based on 229.
The characteristics of a lotus and a noble-minded man are desribed by the same words conveying different meaning.
The stalk of a lotus is always in the water; the association of a good man is, very often, with stupid men. Everybody likes the cup of a lotus; everybody likes the treasures of a good man. There is toughness in the stalk of a lotus; a noble person is stern at the time of punishing the guilty. The opening part of a lotus is very soft; a noble man possesses a sweet tongue. A lotus is always inclined towards the sun; a good man is well-disposed towards his friends. A lotus has fibres from its very stem; a good man has predilection for the merits in others. A lotus has a natural repugnance to the moon, as a good man has for a man full of demerits. It is quite natural, therefore, that a lotus and the Goddess of beauty should dwell together i. e. a lotus should look beautiful; it is natural that a good man should possess wealth.
By describing a lotus the poet suggests all the characteristics of a good man. 1. In the verse 562 by means of a similarity the thing which is seega is suggested.

Page #561

P. 366. A. 6. S. 8. ]
204
Verse 562: what is gained by this wicked ocean by hoarding waters from all the rivers ? It has turned these waters into salt; some of the waters he has thrown into the submarine fire; and the rest he has thrown into the recesses of the nether worlds.
The nega meaning that is suggested is that of a wicked person that hoards money by wicked and unjust means and eventually wastes it.
It is to be noted here that in the above kind of अन्योक्ति (i. e. तुल्यं तुल्येन) the adjectives alone should have double meaning but the noun should not be one of double - meaning. If the noun is also to the figure in that case will not be rent fifth but something else. For instance in the verse 563 the word g5 # with all its qualifying adjectives, conveys a double meaning that of Vishnu and the best of men. Therefore in this verse, according to 497, there is no 8-21 but शब्दशक्ति मूल ध्वनि. For after the apparent meaning that of the ideal man (who gives up his manhood, accepts low position etc.) has been understood, another meaning that of the God Vishnu ( who became the woman Afgant; who went beneath the earth in the incarnations मत्स्य, कच्छ and वराह; who while begging as वामन assumed a huge form etc. ) strikes the mind of the reader. But as this meaning is not sega and is not dependent upon the adjectives merely, the figure 3473f can not be admitted here.
Sometimes in 87=41ff there is a veiled applause. Sometimes there is a veiled censure, while sometimes there is applause as well as censure. In the verse FTSF Sat: etc. there is a veiled praise of a good man, in the verse 811912 anh etc. the ocean is censured.

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Sometimes, however, in one and the same shif there is both praise and censure as in the verse following (564).
The poet first condemns ordinary hogs by saying that they are given birth to by their unfortunate mothers only to uproot the lotus plants, to make the earth uneven and to make the waters of a pond turbid with mud; but he praises the blessed mother of that Hog (the third incarnation of Vishnu ) on whose tusk rested the earth in calamity, the tusk which was drenched by four oceans. Here we find both fala and Paral. Sometimes in 3777if we find neither, as in the verse 565.
“Oh! how vast, glorious and all enduring is the form of the ocean! In one of its corners lies down God Vishnu, in another, is the city of his enemies (that is the demons ); at another place the bird-like mountains (the winged mountains ) are hiding themselves; still in another of its corners, is the submarine fire along with the fires that work destruction of the world.”
Here the dominant feeling is one of wonder and the minor notes of praise and censure are merged in it.
The figure rafaieti
Where the suggested sense (299) is expressed not in a straight way but in a picturesque way, there the figure is पर्यायोक्त. In अन्योक्ति the suggested sense is not expressed, but it is simply implied through the apparent meaning, hence the difference between these two figures.
Verse 566 is an instance of fit.
भीष्म showed the path of righteousness to परशुराम the sage who was going astray and who was swayed

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by the desire of destroying his enemies. Now' showed the path of righteousness' is a funny way of saying that defeated . At any rate the suggested sense is mentioned here. In the suggested sense has got to be inferred from the apparent meanning.
The figure अतिशयोक्ति:
When with a view to describe the matter in hand in a picturesque way the poets takes recourse to some exaggeration, the figure is aff. The following are the kinds of अतिशयोक्ति.
(1) When the real difference between two things is deliberately concealed by identifying completely the two things. For instance in verse 567:
"Who is this moon, on earth, moon with no deer on it? Friend! cast your glance at the terrace above and just think for a while. This (strange) moon is followed by the birds in the garden with a desire to drink the nectar-moon that sheds a pure light as white as the ripe fruits of cast.
Here the king (in विद्धशालभञ्जिका ) has completely identified the face of a with the moon, though in reality there was a difference between them two. The verse 561 is an instance of the same kind of अतिशयोक्ति. The sanskrit rendering of the verse is as follows:
अयि देवर किं न प्रेक्षसे, आकाशं किं सुधा प्रलोकयसि । जायाया बाहुमूले अर्धचन्द्राणां परिपाटी ॥
'Why do you look at the sky for the moon unnecessarily? There is a line of cresent-shaped moons in the armpit of your wife.
Here the prints of nails are identified with the crescent-shaped moons.
"C

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207 [P. 369. A. 6. S. 10. (2) In the second kind of sfaztaifai, difference is shown where there is really identification.
The verse 569 is an instance of this kind. The sanskrit rendering of this verse is as follows:
अन्यल्लटभत्वमिदं अन्यैव कापि वर्तनच्छाया।
श्यामा सामान्य प्रजापते रेखेव न भवति॥ 2141 a beautiful woman.
Though the woman was the creation of the ordinary creator, she is said to be a creation of some new creator.
(3) The third kind of suferailti occurs where the connection of a thing with something else, though real, is denied. Verse 570 is an instance of this kind:
Verse 570“ Women, going to meet their lovers, had worn garlands of Afgar flowers, were clad in white silken garments, and had applied paste of white sandal to their bodies; they, were, therefore, not at all distinguished in the moon-light.
Here the connection of women with the act of distinguishing is denied. In reality they could be distinguished.
It is to be noted that this variety of fagulffh is separately treated by other rhetoricians in the two figures Alatz and Fissa.
Verse 571 is another instance of this kind of अतिशयोक्ति.
All the natural graces of the woman were exactly like the signs of intoxication. The fact, therefore, that she was intoxicated with wine was totally concealed. Here the connection between high and aga is denied even though it is there in realily.
Verse 572 is also an instance of the third kind

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P. 375. A. 6. S. 10. ] 208 of fagatifi. The sanskrit rendering of the verses is as follows:
एतदपि न सत्यापितो यस्या प्रसरस्पल्लवारुणरागः ।
मज्जनताम्रयोर्मदस्तथा मदताम्रयोर्लोचनयोरमर्षः ॥ Here the red colour of the eyes after a bath and the red colour of the eyes on account of intoxication are said to be undistinguishable from each other. In reality they could be distinguished.
(4) The fourih variety of sifarrafati is just the opposite of the third one. Here two things are connected, though in reality there is no connection between them.
Verse 573 is an instance of this kind of sfarsitiin.
The moon rose scattering her rays, but even before that, the ocean of love (in the hearts ) of women began to heave.
Here the heaving of the ocean before the moonrise is not a matter of fact, still the two statements *the ocean began to heave' and 'before the moonrise' are brought together and connected.
Verse 574 is another instance of the fourth variety.
The cities ( in the kingdom of the king ) were replete with beautiful women; these women again, were lovely in all their limbs.
Here, in reality, the cities were not full of beautiful women, but the poet connects the two things: cities and beautiful women.
Similarly in the following verse ( 575) the poet says "There was not a single watery place that was not full of charming lotuses etc.”
Here the statement that every watery place was full of lotuses is not true. But the poet has merely brought together the two things, watery places and lotuses.

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It should be noted that HR in his #189786797 has given these two verses as instances of the figure gesrares which he treats as a seperate figure and defines as follows:
स्थाप्यतेऽपोह्यते वापि यथापूर्व परंपरम् । विशेषणतया यत्र वस्तु सैकावली द्विधा ॥
The beautiful manner of putting together several statements in the form of a chain is the remarkable feature of the figure pesta, and it is this that distin. guishes this figure from others. It is difficult to understand, therefore, why that should include this figure under अतिशयोक्ति. अयोगेऽपि योगः, that is to say, bringing together two unconnected ideas is so common that it can be found in many other figures of speech. As HAR has rightly remarked:
सैषा सर्वत्र वक्रोक्तिरनयाथों विभाव्यते ।।
यत्नोऽस्यां कविना कार्यों कोऽलंकारोऽनया विना ॥ Basrafah is almost indispensable to every figure of speech. But merely on that account the inclusion of these figures under a fasteife would be utterly ridiculous. Special features, therefore, that are really charming must give rise to different figures of speech.
___ The same objection can be raised against हेमचन्द्र's inclusion of the figures facriar and fasta under the figure sfatifit. Especially the subvariety of farcaiar, as illustrated in the verse “grafa faqataafsa etc. " quoted below, deserves seperate treatment, for it is based on the idea of resemblance and cannot, therefore, be included under अतिशयोक्ति.
Verse 576, contains a description of the mountain रैवतक ( modern गिरनार in Kathiawar.) ।
The mountain is so high that the rising sun and
27

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P. 371. A. 6. S. 11. } 210 the setting moon hang to its two sides. It, therefore, looks like a huge elephant with two silver bells hanging from his two sides.
Here a mountain is said to possess the beauty of an elephant which is not a fact.
Again in the verse 577 which says that even when the great poets have gone to heaven, their merits remain behind for a long time, the idea of the merits of poets remaining behind them in different places is not true.
Similarly verse 578 is also an instance of the fourth variety of sfaataifen.
In this verse the same woman is said to dwell in the heart, eyes, and speech of her lover which is impossible.
The last two verses have been given by FIAT as instances of the figure faste which he defines as:
" विना प्रसिद्धमाधारमाधेयस्य व्यवस्थितिः ।
एकात्मा युगपदवृत्तिरेकस्यानेकगोचरा ॥" The figure आक्षेप : आक्षेप is of two kinds:--
(1) When a statement is abruptly left unfinished even when the speaker desires to make it in full, it is the first kind of 371279. The abrupt ending of the statement is deliberate, for the speaker, thereby, wants to convey the idea that the statement is either too well-known or is impossible to utter. In this idea lies the charm of the figure.
Verse 579 is an instance of this variety of 3114.
“If even for a single moment you are away from me, but no, it is no use saying anything further on this unwelcome subject.” The speaker, here, means to say that she would surely die, but deliberately leaves her

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statement unsaid to show that her condition during her lover's absence will be indescribably serious.
Sometimes the statement in question is fully said and then the words “What is the use of saying all this ” are added at the end. This is also the first kind of spea.
The verse 580 is an instance of this kind of 371919.
All the cool things such as the moonlight, a necklace of pearls etc. burn her as if they were a huge fire, on account of your swaying her heart. But what is the use of saying all this?
When the standard of comparison is rejected or when its excellence is questioned that is also the figure 87799. Verse 581 is an instance of this 31199 which is specially named उपमानाक्षेप.
When her face is there what is the use of a full moon? Oh! strange is the obstinacy on the part of the creator in creating things that are not wanted (that are superfluous ).
This is considered as an instance of sata by other rhetoricians.
The following verse is also an instance of 877279 according to $4757, but it is given as an instance of gata by the another of gras.
In this verse ( 582 ) the standard of comparison is given the secondary place of an 3977 and hence it is उपमानाक्षेप.
The same is the case in the following verse (583) Oh gig! ( the virulent poison !) do not think that you are the foremost of all deadly things, for in this world there are the words of villains as fatal as you are.
Here the position of 3419 is questioned and hence

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the figure is आक्षेप according to हेमचन्द्र and प्रतीप according to others.
fasta:
It is to be noted here that in this figure the contradiction, of things, qualities, actions and proper nouns to one another must be only apparent; if the contradiction is real, then the statement would be absurd. The contradiction, again, may be either between two things or with itself. The figure which is based on the idea of self-contradiction by others need not, therefore, be treated as a seperate figure. The contradiction of (a thing) with fa (another thing) is illustrated in the verse 584.
Victory to the Lord who in one body assumes, at one and the same time, the form of a man, a lion, a human being and a hog.
Here the contradiction is between the different forms; but this contradiction can be explained away by saying that the one body is the eternal form of the Almighty.
In verse 585 the contradiction is between the quality of a Brahmin and the quality of valour; but it can be removed by saying that it was indeed a fact that all these persons were Brahmins as well as brave. Verse 586 is an example of a contradiction between a thing and a proper noun.
Even the Lord of this Universe became a fish! The word अवसरवशतः removes the contradiction. The Lord became a fish for the times demanded that it should be so.
Verse 587: Oh Lord! You are straight or erect even though you are bent with age. You are pure (clean) though you are soiled with sacrificial smokes.

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P. 374. Å. 6. S. 12.
fires of a candid heart (2) erect. fans of a pure heart (2) clean. Contradiction between a quality and an action:--
Verse 588: The soft words of villain burn; but the harsh words of a pious man gladden the heart.
Contradiction between a quality and a proper noun (i. e. the name of some person) is illustrated in the verse 589:
pria (TUTA) was indeed an extra-ordinary person, for by the sharp and unimpeded descent of his arrow even the ata mountain, strong with its huge boulders became as soft as a fresh lotus.
Contradiction between one action and another is illustrated in the verse 590:
Strange, really, is the course of life of this lady. She benumbs as well as torments me; she is away from me but at the same time lives in my heart.
Egê (1) cools (2) benumbs with joy. hartaf (1) burns (2) torments.
Contradiction between an action and a name is shown in verse 521:
effia: proper noun of a god get& burns (an action).
Fire did not burn' is a contradiction.
Contradiction between two proper nouns is illustrated in the verse 592:---
Even the Ganges ( 772-731971) becomes ( is turned into ) the river Jamuna ( Firseat ) when the former is mixed with the river of ichor flowing from the temples of your elephants.
“ The Ganges is turned into the river Jamuna" is a contradiction.

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. Thus there are ten varities of arzte whenever there is a mutual contradiction.
The instances of self-contradiction are given below:
Verse 593: “The hearts of good men are pure without being washed". This statement is selfcontradictory. This is treated seperately as the figure famigal (waar daarsforlieto NSA aaaisia by other rhetoricians.
Verse 594: In spite of the fact that he was born in a high family and was endowed with a handsome form, he was not happy.
This is treated seperately as the figure विशेषोक्ति. (fara fitaolig Frug forag: - 9321 )
Verse 595: Even when the God Shambhu burnt the body of cupid, he was as potent as ever.
This, as well as the following verse, is given as an instance of faziantep by HFHZ and others.
Vesre 596: ‘Even when burnt, cupid is puissant as ever.' When the cause residing at one place gives rise to the effect at altogether a different place, it is also the figure data. This is treated seperately as the figure असंगति by मम्मट and others.
Verse 597 is given as an instance of that in erfectagot: She is a young girl, but we are acting in a childish manner etc.
The cause is youth that resides in the lady, but the effect - childishness - is seen elsewhere ( in us). This is contradictory.
Verse 598: The black smoke in his scarifices gave birth to extremely white fame and hence the contradiction. This is regarded as faqt by HRS and others.

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[R. 376. A. 6. S. 12.
Verse 599: You are gladdening me, but your seperation torments me this is a contradictory statement. This verse is given as an instance of विषम by मम्मट, Verse 600 shows contrast between the tenderness of the body of a woman and the fierceness of the fire of love.
215
This is given as an instance of विषमालंकार ( first variety) by E and others. fia: a fire made of chaff.
=
In the verse 601 the incompalibility is shown between the two ideas that of the vastness of the form of Krishna and that of its being completely surveyed by the eye of a woman is Hastinapur. This verse has been given as an instance of विषम by मम्मट.
Verse 602: Even when the three worlds are obtained, a large-hearted man, being engrossed with the care of maintaining his dependents, is at a loss to understand as to how much he should give to others and how much he should keep for himself.
Here the contradiction lies between the vastness of the three worlds and their being inadequate for a charitable man.
Verse 603: Oh king! vast indeed must be the interior of the three worlds, for even your immeasurable fame is contained in it.
Here the contradiction is shown in the limitless fame being limited by the three worlds.
This and the above verse would be instances of अधिकालंकार according to मम्मट and his followers.
The definition of af as given by FZ is as follows:
महतो महीयांसावाश्रिताश्रययोः क्रमात् ।
आश्रयाश्रयिणौ स्यातां तनुत्वेऽप्यधिकं तु तत् ॥
-

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P. 377. A. 6. S. 12.]
Verse 604 The great joy that I feel at being honoured by you is not contained by my limbs spreading over all the quarters-said by Himalaya to the sages. Here the idea that even the vast limbs of Himalaya could not contain the great joy gives rise to a contra. diction. This verse, again, would be an instance of f according to मम्मट.
Verse 605 is the
verse (first benedictory verse ) from राजशेखर's drama ( विद्धशालभञ्जिका ) :I extol the beautiful women, the conquerors of Shankar, who by their eyes revived cupid who was burnt by Shankar with his (third) eye.
In one case the eye was the cause of the burning of cupid, but in another case it was the cause of reviving him and hence the contradiction. This is admitted as an instance of व्याघातालकार by मम्मट and
several other rhetoricians.
216
—
व्याघात is defined by मम्मट as follows:यथा साधितं केनाप्यपरेण तदन्यथा ।
तथैव यद्विधीयेत स व्याघात इति स्मृतः ॥
The following verse (606) when rendered into sanskrit would read as follows:
धवलोsसि यद्यपि सुन्दर ! तथापि स्वया मम रञ्जितं हृदयम् । रागभरितेऽपि हृदये सुभग निहितोऽपि न रक्तोसि ॥
Here there is a pun on the words रञ्जित, राग and रक्त. (2) rendered red.
fa (1) made full of love (1) red colour (2) love.

(1) full of love (2) red.
Even when you are white (in complexion) you have rendered my heart red (full of love).
That a white thing should make another thing red is a contradiction; and that a thing placed in a

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(P. 377. A. 6. S. 13.
red thing should not become red is also a contradication. These contradictions based on colours are treated seperately by HFAZ and others under the figure Bag which is defined by AFHC as: -
"a91HEITETERI JETCAST: "
Thus we see that seven figures treated independently by other rhetoricians have been included under the figure विरोध by हेमचन्द्र, on the plea that such minor varieties, if treated seperately, would land us into a bewildering infinity of figures of speech.
सहोक्तिः
This figure is based on the idea of stating two things with a common characteristic in one sentence with the help of the word he (or its synonyms ). The figure requires that the idea of two ( or more ) things being thus brought together in one sentence must have some striking feature, and this striking feature is usually found in bringing together one abstract and one concrete thing. For instance, in the illustration of Agife given below ( verse 607 ) the idea that a fell down along with tears of his soldiers is really pictutesque, and is based on the idea of bringing together the actual falling of u and the consequent grief of the soldiers, which latter is an abstract idea.
In the verse 608, another instance of atte, we find the same thing.
The nights have become long along with my breathing.' The length of night is as regards time and the length of breathing is connected with space.
Similarly, full-moon nights have become pale along with my limbs. i. e. I have become pale ( and emaciated) as I have to pass the full-moon nights in sleeplessness.
28

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P. 378. A. 6. S. 14. ) 218
In the following sutra, the figure galati has been defined. When the standard of comparison is suggested by means of the adjectives qualifying the subjectmatter in hand ( 59221 )-these adjectives conveying double meaning-there is the figure called Fare .
समासेन संक्षेपेणार्थद्वयकथनात् because this figure suggests two meanings by means of one word only it is called mai ( saying in brief ).
Verse 609 is an instance in point:
The red moon so clung to the beginning of night (in which the stars were twinkling ) that it (night) did not notice the whole mass of darkness (like a piece of cloth ) slipping from it owing to redness.
This is only the apparent meaning. The inward meaning suggested by means of words conveying double sense is this:---
The loving moon so passionately kissed the mouth of night (with the moving pupils of her eye) that she (the night ) did not notice ( being overcome with the passion of love ) her black garment slipping from her body.
By this description of moon-rise the love-amours of the moon and the night are suggested.
A question arises here as to whether in the above verse there is a mixture of harath and the figure 79, for words with double meaning are freely used in this verse.
The answer given by a to the above question is this:--
If niet would have been found, somewhere at least, totally detached from 19, then in this verse there would have been a mixture of haft and it. But

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219
[ P. 380. A. 6. S. 13.
as a matter of fact af does never exist detached from ; therefore, here in this verse, there is no mixture of श्लेष and समासोक्ति but only समासोक्ति based on लेष.
The figure that follows occurs where there is a description of the characteristics of a thing, a person or some being. It may also contain a description of the particular pose of some person at a particular time. Verse 610 is an illustration of if which is named as af by other rhetoricians.
"The princes whose thighs were slipping from the saddles, who were adjusting the skirts of their upper garments with their hands, who were frightened by the prancing steeds, who could not control the reins of horses, who were looking about with vacant gaze, and who appeared just like Brahmins, declared as it were that their wealth was hereditary (i. e. they were not real Kshatriya warriors).
Another picture of a pose is given in verse 611:He (God Shiva ) saw cupid ready to aim at him; he (cupid) had strung the bow-string with his fist right up to his right eye; his shoulders were bent; his right knee was contracted; his bow had become almost circular. Particular action is described in verse 612:

I remember (says Rati to cupid) your pose when you, taking your bow on your lap, stretched your arrow; and while doing so, you were smiling and conversing with the spring and looking about with a slanting gaze.
fa, a figure that follows, occurs when an apparently eulogistic remark is meant to be really a censure, and when apparent censure is made with the inward desire of praising a person.
-

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B. 382. A. 6. S. 18.
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Verse 613 is an instance in point:
The day is over, we have taken rest, Oh well in Marwad! You have laid us under great obligations; we are unable to speak further. May you be full of water by the merit of travellers and let the 7 tree standing in your vicinity be full of deep shade.
The inner meaning of the verse is exactly opposite to the apparent meaning. The speaker could not get even a drop of water from the well and was cursing it inwardly. .::Apparent censure conveying the sense of praise also gives rise to this figure ( 59151fafa ). This is illustrated in verse 614:
It is not fair to talk of the private things of others, but the fact is that your beloved fame is roaming about everywhere like an intoxicated woman etc.
The poet means that the fame of the king has spread far and wide-an instance of apparent censure but inward praise.
When a sentence yields more than one sense, even when the words therein are having one sense only, then the figure is .
The verse 615 is an instance.
This king fa7197 illumines all the quarters with his lusture spreading everywhere; whom does he not, therefore, gladden ?
This is one meaning of the sentence, but the power of direct meaning of words being unrestricted, another sense that with regard to the sun is yielded by the sentence. fa&=The sun.
व्यतिरेक occurs when:
(1) The 392 is shown to have something more than the Jqara.

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(P. 381. A. 6. s. 18.
(2) This additional quality of the 3912 may show either its superiority or inferiority over the उपमान,
(3) This superiority or inferiority may either be directly said or suggested.
(4) The words showing resemblance may be used or may not be used.
Thus in all safata is of eight kinds.
Verse 616 nasta: surpassing. Here m alad: shows ( directly ) the superiority of the king over all other persons.
___If in this verse तुच्छस्यान्यजनस्येव is taken to be the reading, then 'gas' directly shows the inferiority of the 59417 (8777477).
___ In verse 617 असिमात्रसहायः and धृतेनिधिः show directly the superiority of the king over other persons. 29727gegaad shows the inferiority of other persons.
Both the superiority of the king and the inferiority of other persons are directly, and simultaneously shown here. In verse 618 both the superiority of the woman practising austere penance and the inferiority of other ascetics are not directly expressed.
In all the four instances mentioned above, the word expressing resemblance is used.
But in the following four instances this word ( 591198 ) is not used.
Takha ataen etc. has no 39719177.
In 621 there is neither any mention of the superiority of the उपमेय nor of the inferiority of the उपमान.
Sometimes sinton comes with the figure aziatas, but it, then, becomes a case of the figure 4 and will be " treated under सङ्कर.
Hafaat-31 is the next figure of speech. It occurs

Page #579

Þ. 385. A. 6. S. 20. 1 222 when a particular statement is corroborated by a general statement. Thus the case of a general statement being corroborated by a particular statement does not come under this figure, as has been clearly discussed before.
Verse 622 is an instance in point. Even though he was hostile to Krishna, he admired him (Krishna), naturally because great men are admirers of merits, even when they happen to be hostile by some reason or other.
Verse 623 is an instance of 379fagfe in which the particular statement is supported by the general one in an indirect manner.
"A woman, though drinking wine, did not get tipsy, for she was afraid lest her husband would in that case transfer his love to another woman" is a particular statement; now the direct general statement following would be:
Disturbed mind is not susceptible to inebriation', but, instead of this, we find the indirect statement: it is in a happy condition of mind alone that a man gets tipsy.
Here is a figure where some doubt is expressed about a thing in hand. It must, of course, be based on resemblance. Very often the figure stands on the basis of another figure (Beitratiaffertor). It is of two kinds:
(1) When the doubt is dispelled in the end. (2) When the doubt persists even to the last.
When one doubt is removed, the poet gives reason of his being free from doubt.
But sometimes he gives no reason of his freedom from doubt.

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[P. 386. A. 6. S. 20.
In the verses 624-625 a woman is bending over a host of lotuses and her friends are not able to distinguish her from the lotuses. Hence the series of doubts:
Are these her eyes or petals of lotuses with bees perched on them? etc.
Here, obviously, metaphor is the figure on which this is based. In this case a decision is arrived at in the end.
But in 626 the doubt remains as it is; the basic figure is अतिशयोक्ति.
In 627 a doubt is raised: Is this king the sun? and then the decision is also stated: no, he can not be the Sun. Then the reason is given: he can not be be the Sun, for the sun travels with seven horses, while this king has only four horses for his chariot etc.
Here the basic figure is metaphor.
a is a figure when the subject in hand is concealed either by another subject in hand or by another thing (a).
In the verse 628 the tremor of the hand of Shiva is concealed by the cold felt by the touch of the Himalaya.
In the following verse the humming of the bees is denied by saying that it is the twanging of the cupid's bow (a subject not in hand i. e. gga).
a is based on resemblance and is expressed in a variety of ways. Verse 630 is an instance of this: af does not sit on the peacock but on the lotuselike eyes of the goddesses. The picturesque feathers of the peacock off are concealed by saying that they are (like) the beautiful eyes of the goddesses.

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P. 389. A. 6. Ş. 22.] 224
qfare: is two-fold:-- (1) One thing occupying different places. (2) Many things occupying the same place by turns.
These two come under पर्याय a subdivision of परिवृत्ति. And (1) exchange of like things. (2) exchange of a superior thing with an inferior
thing. (3) exchange of an interior thing with a superior
thing. These three are the varieties of the second subdivision of aftaler
Thus, we see that two distinct figures of speech पर्याय and परिवृत्ति are combined by हेमचन्द्र into one figure, contrary to the usual practice of all other rhetoricians. We don't see any justification for his combination.
Verse 631 is an instance of qufa: the m ( colour, love ) that was seen on the nether-lip of one woman now occupied the eyes of her co-wife.
The verse 632 is an instance of the exchange of like things : she gives her foot (i. e. kicks the Ashoka tree ) and takes in exchange its tender leaves for her ear-ornament.
In the verses 633 and 634 the exchange is unequal. He gave protection to heaven and took low rank for himself (633 ).
FZIY gave his tottering old body and took, in exchange, eternal fame.
The next figure 34991a includes in it 379f9fgart also. This 31941, of course, must not be a bald inference void of beauty.
In the verse 635 there is a beautiful inference:

Page #582

225 (P. 391. A 6. S. 26. " You must have fallen at her feet, for there appear marks of red lac on your forehead."
Again in verse 636 : 'She must have got the waist, otherwise what can support her bulky breasts?'
In 637 from the closing of the lotus, night is inferred and hence the figure is अनुमान.
It should be noted that this verse is given by many rhetoricians as an instance of-SATSEK a figure which occurs when something subtle is suggested by some subtle action (here the closing of lotus petals).
The figure fara is necessarily based on resemblance: 'He saw a flock of hopping esa birds and was reminded of the eye-glances of his beloved' (638).
If after seeing a similar thing a man actually identifies it with the thing that is uppermost in his mind and acts in a strange manner under the illusion, then the figure is भ्रान्तिमान्.
The bees thought or rather mistook the eyes of the woman for lotuses and began to hover round them. (639).
When no desired fruit is gained by a person, but, on the other hand, he meets with a disaster, the figure is fq.
“I surveyed her for pleasure but got, instead, longing, agony etc." ( 640 )
When two mutually fitting things are united the figure is AA. Both things are either good or bad.
In the verse 641, a handsome person is described to have been united with a beautiful damsel – both of them being excellent.
But in 642 the crows and the bitter fruits of fara tree come together - a fitting union again!
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In the following 7 (28) the author again combines the two figures are and anau into one, and names it as .
Even when one thing alone is competent enough to bring about a certain result, other things flock ( unnecessarily ) there and accentuate the result, the figure is feat.
Even only one cause (the shafts of love) is enough to kill the poor love-lorn lady, why talk then of all the causes combined ? (643)
When one cause is on the point of bringing about the desired result and another cause comes in to facilitate the result, the figure is gaat.
He fell at her feet to remove her anger, and lo! all of a sudden, there was a thundering of clouds' (she at once forgot her anger and nestled in his arms !)(644)
When one is bent upon doing one thing but unexpectedly another result is produced, the figure is agaan.
The creator intended to create you but ( unexpectedly ) created the cupid, the sun etc. (645). It means : 'you are like the cupid, the sun etc.'
When two qualities appear or two actions happen simaltaneously, the figure is year.
For instance, the forces of the king appeared glorious and the forces of the enemy appeared dark with defeat, simultaneously. ( Verse 646)
God Shiva began to look at Parvati and at the very moment cupid aimed the arrow at him (Shiva ) (verse 647 ). Qualities and actions, when described as happening simultaneously, also give rise to this figure; for instance verse 648, says:--The eye of the King became dark (full of anger-a quality.) and calamity fell on the head of the enemies (fell-an action) siinultaneously.

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227
(P. 395. A. 6. S. 29.
ghtäeat is limiting a thing to one particular place and denying its existence in other places. The figure may either start with a question or independently,
With questions:-what is the ornament of the great ? Answer:-- character'.
Anything made of gold can not be said to be the ornament of the great ( 649 )
Similarly the verse 650 starts with a question and the answer is simply gana:, the statement and not etc.' is not added here.
afheal without a question preceeding, is illustrated in the verse 65: Regard religion, and not wealth, as your real wealth etc.'
Similarly, 'crookedness was to be seen only in her hair' etc. (652 ).
The figure it is also included by her under ORHEI ( see the verse 553 ).
One ought to make use of one's money in giving etc.' is also an instance of yfhE.
Similarly in प्रौढमहिलानां यत् सुष्टु शिक्षितम् etc,, the figure is TheEZI, for it says that nothing but that alone is charming.
When from a question an answer is inferred and vice versa, the figure is 35A17, as in the verse griott Efficar: etc. (656).
Or in the verse 657, 'I shall do everything as you ask me to do, provided I am master of myself when he stands before me' seems to be an answer of the preceeding question made by the friends of the heroine. From the answer given, the question is inferred here and hence the figure is अनुमान.
In FTTHIS (the next figure ) the first thing

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P. 397. A. 6. S. 30.] 228 stated is the cause of the second; the second, of the third and so on.
For instance," A poor man feels ashamed; when he thus feels ashamed, he loses his spirit; when he loses his spirit, he is insulted - and so on" (658).
If a certain thing is said to be the cause of another, it gives rise to the figure da from the stand - point of other rhetoricians; but objects to this and says that the figure should not be admitted at all because there is no beauty in merely mentioning a pair of cause and effect.
Here the list of the figures of speech (both regarding words and sense ) comes to an end. Now in the following Sutra the peculiar figure het is defined.
Et occurs, where in the same verse two or more figures of speech come together. They may either be figures of words or figures of sense.
This coming together of two or more figures in the same verse is of four kinds:
(1) Sometimes two such figures are found together in a verse, but without having any relation to each other, that is to say, they are found in one verse, but are independent of each other.
For instance, in hacH etc. (verse 659.) the two figures of words 77% and 1914 are found together, but are independent of each other.
Similarly in the verse 660, the first line contains già all:-the darkness is as it were clinging to the body etc., and in the second line the figure is 39A.
In the verse 661, again, अनुप्रास ( in महमहन्तलायण्णम् etc.) and रूपक ( in तरुणाण हिअयलूडिं, the thief of the hearts of youths ) stand together independently,

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[ P. 399. A. 6. $. 31.
(2) Sometimes one figure gives rise to another figure and thus becomes a means ( 376 ) of another figure (BFT).
For instance in 662 the poet says:
"Oh King! when the whole world is whitened with your fame, a taât picks up the fruits of jujube; a crow standing before the owls appears to be a swan; and Laxmi feels nervous before but who now looks like a ti ( white - complexioned brother of Krishna ).
Here the figure Bifamatfeti (in the statement 'the world is whitened with your fame') gives rise to the figure THT (in the statements of the fait, crow etc.).
Similarly, in the verse 663 the chief figure is zate ( the king being shown superior to the ocean ), but this व्यतिरेक is helped by *लेष in स जडात्मा meaning a fool and a watery thing ).
Again in 664, the chief figure is aita (in curlstaiनुरक्ता अपि कर्णावलम्बिनी) but it is supported by the figure
( in 607, B45a, 40 etc. ).
Similarly, in f ata sifa etc. ( verse 665 ) the main figure is 8791aTre ( what is impossible for a person equipped with $131 and ?), but it does not stand unless we take a (in the words ou and yos).
(3) Sometimes it is difficult to decide what particular figure is in a verse, for the words as they stand are capable of being interpreted in favour of two or more figures. This is the third variety of 1561. usually, however, in such cases one particular figure cannot be fixed up, because of the absence of context for the verse.
The illustration of this sort of g is given in 666.
निर्गण्डदुरारोहां मा पुत्रक पाटलां समारुहस्व । भारूढनिपतिता केऽनया न कृता इह प्रामे ॥

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230
Here the context is not given; naturally, therefore, one feels a doubt as to whether पाटल tree is अप्रस्तुत and qizi (a virago ) is the subject in hand - and thus the figure is अप्रस्तुतप्रशंसा or the पाटल tree is प्रस्तुत and thus the figure is paratif (suggesting the episode of a bad woman ). The figure is finally left undecided giving place to both and hence the r.
Similarly in the verse pararearet etc. (667 ). If (1) इदं इन्दोबिम्बम् stands for मुख, the figure is
971faritieto or sifarreiffti. If (2) 444 stands for yeh, then the figure is 696
gan = sifat If (3) the context is that of describing the brightness of the face and the moon is 1960, the figure will be segager.
If (4) the word 54 stands for go and the verb प्रसीदति is common to मुख and बिम्ब, then the figure is दीपक ( one verb for प्रस्तुत and अप्रस्तुत).
If again (5) the verse describes an evening, then the words 79919-cgift and others suggest the beautiful face of a woman and the figure would then be समासोक्ति.
And lastly if (6) the verse means to say: This is the time, when the feeling of love is stimulated, then the figure is cuften.
Thus, six different figures are possible in this verse and the figure is संशयसङ्कर.
Similarly in thiagar' etc. ( verse 668 ).
All the epithets ( tagal etc. ) are such as can be regarded as favourable both to 3941 and to 59% and hence the figure is सङ्कर.
But when there is, at least, one word that is definitely more in favour of a particular figure, than

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(P. 401. A. 6. S. 31.
it is of others, then, there being no doubt, the figure is not सङ्कर.
For instance in the line :
ATEHEITIES rafafetamfetarsfa (al means devotion ). If instead of completely identifying भक्ति with अशनिकोटि, we merely compare devotion to the sharp end of a thunderbolt, then the breaking ( of the mountain of temptation ) is not possible. Hence the word gma goes in favour of the figure रूपक and thus there is no संशय
in this line.
Similarly in the line patiria girayla aratati, if praatag is taken as a 54%#418, that is to say, if 373 (the moon) is given prominence, the light of laughter will not be possible. The compound 3117ang must be dissolved, therefore, as eran era. Thus the word ger is in favour of the figure उपमा.
___Again in the line स्मरन्ति ज्योत्स्नायाः शशिमुखि चकोराः etc., the words Fatfat : require that the moon (and not the face ) should be given prominence; that is to say, the figure must be 59%, otherwise the statement that the ato birds are reminded of the moon-light will not be justified.
Similarly, in the line 1 hari zitezaihifafa etc., TITATIZO must be taken as a 69€ compound giving prominence to the word ar77707, otherwise the embracing of Laxmi will not be possible.
Thus the statement Laxmi embraces you 'goes definitely against the figure 39A1 and hence the only figure here is रूपक.
(1y) the fourth kind of is 49998. This occurs when in one word (or a compound ) two figures stand together. Thus in 673 there are two figures in the compound Afar etc., one is 89914 and the other,

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P. 401. A. 6. S. 31. )
232
694. Of course ETF pervades throughout the verse, but a part of it is also found in the compound and the Er is 1997.
A question here arises as to what criterion is there to decide that a particular figure is TOETSEIT and another figure is perfaser, for in every figure, be it अर्थालङ्कार or शब्दालङ्कार, both the sense and the word are present invariably. Both these (sense and word ) are indispensable to a sentence. Thus, at the most, we can say that every figure is उभयालङ्कार. To this हेमचन्द्र's answer is as follows:
Not only in the case of figures but even in the case of sta (faults in poetry ) go ( excellences in poetry ) there is a definite classification of (i) those pertaining to words and (ii) those pertaining to sense; and in all those classifications the only criterion is this:---(i) If by omitting a particular word or words the figure disappears, then that figure is a 3521381.
On the other hand (ii) if by altering the sense of a word the figure disappears, then that figure is a figure of sense, that is 37919ert.
And (iii) if for a particular figure a particular word and a particular sense are both indispensable the figure is 32lmak.
But even in 34917IT, we can observe as to whether, in that particular instance, the word is important or the sense and decide accordingly. ...Thus the criterion to decide whether a particular figure pertains to word or sense is the method of of अन्वयव्यतिरेक i. e. अन्वय ( positive concomittance) and alate ( negative concomittance ).
यत्र यत्र अमुकः शब्द तत्र तत्र अलङ्कारः यत्र यत्र न अमुकः शब्दः तत्र तत्र नालङ्कारः ..

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Therefore, it is a शब्दालङ्कार.
Similarly in अर्थालङ्कार, we can decide by अन्वयव्यतिरेक.
(P. 402. A. 6. S. :31.
In the following paragraph gives the reason as to why he summarily dismissed some figures that are admitted and given a place to by other rhetoricians: Thus (i) the figure (based on significant adjectives) cannot be admitted as a seperate figure; for it is no merit to use significant adjectives; on the other hand, if one does not use them, his poem will be open to the fault of अपुष्टार्थत्व.
(2) aur is not really a figure of speech; for a sentence is expected to observe the rule of respectivity (a) or proper order. On the other hand if it does not observe this rule, it will be open to the fault of भमप्रक्रम.
( 3 ) विनोक्ति has no particular charm of expression and hence should not be admitted as a figure of speech. ( 4 ) भाविक which consists of visualising in present a thing that is past and is expected to happen in future has got a beauty of its own. Yet its charm is felt and enjoyed more in dramatic compositions that can be acted on the stage. In stray verses this figure does not appear to so much advantage as in dramas. Hence it has no place in figures of speech.
(5) The figure describing the glorious magnificience of men and things is only a part of the figure of अतिशयोक्ति. Or it can be included under the figure जाति.
If however (in its second variety) deals with the wonderful exploits or great deeds of great men, it elevates itself to the level of a (sentiment) a subject of af and as such cannot be admitted in the figures of speech. If it is said that even then the description of great men is subordinate to the statement
30

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P. 404. A. 6. S. 31.)
234
directly expressed in a sentence (area ), the reply (of हेमचन्द्र ) is that in that case the ध्वनि will not be a रसध्वनि, the highest kind of ध्वनि. and will climb down to the level of Tuftugue, but it can never degenerate to the level of a figure of speech which is mere 9124. ... (6) With the same line of argument it can be decided that a sentiment or feeling even though snbordinated to another sentiment or feeling can never come down to the level of area (that is, it can not be a figure of speech ). Hence the figures tha, Jag fina, A1an and the like have to be summarily rejected.
(7) aurait: is no figure of speech really, for it is nothing but saying something that is pleasing. But if this figure suggests some feeling or emotion, it will be elevated to the rank of a गुणीभूतव्यङ्गय.
(8) Lastly, the figure seraita. ( which occurs when a person, unable to retaliate his enemy, tries to wreak vengence on him by molesting a person belonging to the enemy's party ) is no seperate figure of speech. But it may be included under the head of Ezich8T or gatzareta (Indirect conceit ).
For instance, in the famous illustration of settes, 'त्वं विनिर्जितमनोभवरूपः सा च सुन्दर भवत्यनुरका । पञ्चभियुगपदेव शरैस्तां तापयत्यनुशयादिव कामः ॥'
“ The cupid, not tolerating that she is devoted to you who have conquered him with your handsome form, is tormenting her in wrath by means of his sharp arrows etc.”
Here add the words 'as it were' after not tolerating’, and the whole verse would appear to be an instance of local. (indirect cat, because there is no such word as इव.)
1 saata has, therefore, no seperate place in the figures of speech enumerated: here.

Page #592

ADHYAYA Vit The characteristics of a hero and a heroine in a poem are enumerated and defined in the following Sutras.
The whole chapter, as the readers would easily see, is based on the second chapter of *759. In fact 2497 has freely quoted 72759in this chapter.
The etymology of the word 414% is worth-noting नयति व्याप्नोति इतिवृत्तं फलं च इति-the hero is the chief person towards whom all the events in a poem converge and he is the chief person who enjoys the fruit, the consummation of the poem.
The following is a list of alfax i. e. physical qualities in a hero.
Fall is a change of some sort in a body. These qualities, therefore, are born of the change in body. But as in most cases, physical change is due to a mental change, these qualities are both mental and physical. But as the change is seen in the body they are said to be predominantly physical.
THT is defined as a change in body from which 219 promptitude is easily inferred. For instance in the illustration that follows, the swift stretching and the breaking of Shiva's bow by Rama shows his promptitude.
Verse 674 fsgerasa goes with up: the bow with which Shiva destroyed the three cities of the demons.
दिविषदां तेजोभिरिद्धम् adj. of धनुः-the bow which was resplendent with the lustre of Gods (@ga).
दोर्दण्डकस्तस्मिन्नाहितः etc. The moment Rama placed his muscular hand on the bow and stretched it with a twang, it snapped.

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Þe 407. A. 7. S. 3.) 236
Verse 675 razepist. 19etc. under the disguise of Rama at spread i. e. distributed as it were his valour among men.
Verse 676 igeait possessing swift motion. BITEET having taken leave of. 5162 a servant.
Verse 677 TUE disgust. ÈUTH. Nurina: Womanhood. Rama who stood undaunted by the huge form of 91661 that appeared like an evil omen hesitated in killing her, simply because she was a woman. He hesitated not because he was afraid of her, but because he felt a sort of disgust for her.
Verse 671 pielfegia: FT: Shiva who in a sportive mood, disguised himself as a mountaineer.
framfaa Arjuna, the son of Pandu.
The incident referred to, is the fight between Shiva and Arjuna in which the former desired to test the prowess of the latter.
Hearing the story of Shiva and Arjuna (gharela) the hero referred to in this verse began to form a graceful pose of his stalwart arms as if he wanted to challenge Arjuna for a fight.
___Verse 679 तृणीकृतजगक्रयसत्वसार as if treating with supreme scorn (तृणीकृत ).
Verse 680 T : faqafia the sport-lotus inside which there was a circular layer of pollen.
Bagrament easy and graceful movements.
Verse 681 गण्डोडमरपुलकं वक्रकमलम् his handsome face the cheeks ( 706 ) in which were bristling with horripi. tation. While the roar of the army of the demons was being heard, Rama with a perfectly unruffled mind was seeing the reflection of his own face in the cheeks of Frant and binding tightly the mass of his matted hair.
erui afeca: Lord of the Raghus.

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237
P. 409. A. 7. S. 9.
Sutra 8th. aga not betraying (any feeling). serenity; quality of remaining unperturbed. Sutra 9 : compliance; acceptance.
etc. extending protection to our own men has no significance here. The word is used here simply to show that the hero is ever ready to protect others as he always protects his own men.
Verse 684 Eagle.
Verse 685 aaaa etc. my own person, my wife and my daughter-even these are at your disposal. Ask for the service of any of us. As to my external belongings (such as the house etc.) it matters very little. I do not regard them as valuble (ar etc.) Verse 686: : 8 etc. As to your liberality, it has reached the farthest limit of sincerity (fafa) in giving over the whole earth girt with the seven oceans. Verse 687 ब्रूत नूतनकूष्मांडफलानाम् etc. who are these persons who resemble the new fruits of i inasmuch as they consider the pointing with fingers as death itself. It is a superstitious belief in India that the pies do not thrive when they are pointed with fingers and counted.
धीरोदात्त, धीरललित, धीरशान्त and धीरोद्धत are four kinds of a hero in general. But when the poem treats of love then the hero is either
for or or 3, in every type of a hero. Each kind of a hero in daa, rafa etc. therefore, becomes fourfold and the number of the kinds of a hero, in matters of love, is sixteen.
Each of these kinds is defined below.
धीरोदात is गूढगर्व for he conceals his pride by an outwardly modest demeanour.
The type of a धीरोदात hero is राम.

"

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P. 410. A. 7. S. 11.) 238
frafaa hero has no worry or anxiety in his life; for he entrusts the administration of his kingdom or other responsibilities to his ministers. THIS is an instance in point.
As a rule the gods, as heroes, are of stried type; kings are of the type of pressa; commanders and ministers are oftea type. The Brahmins and merchants are of a type. This rule, is of coure, not rigid. For we see that tra, though a king, is of a धीरोदात्त type. On the other hand माधव in मालती-माधव though the son of a minister, is of strafsa type. Similarly जीमूतवाहन though a prince, is of the धीरशान्त type. Ha in these karikas lays down only a general rule, there may be a overlapping of types.
Here the commentary has raised an interesting question : can a hero, say of a fiiga type, become a hero of another type, or is it that these types are unchangeable? The answer is : when a person is not the hero of a poem or a drama his type can be changed. For instance, in महावीरचरित of भवभूति, परशुराम, a minor character, is first shown as belonging to atten type in his dealings with ta, the hero of the drama. Further on, while he challenges caur he is of a stara type and finally he is shown also as a franca person. So it can be laid down as a rule that in the case of characters other than that of a hero in a poem or a drama these types are changeable. But the type of a hero, in one and the same poem, can never be changed. For instance, in 3FATRA Rama, the hero, is of a धीरोदात्त type and he remains धीरोदात्त throughout the drama. In gamitin and other dramas, Rama the late type of hero is shown as killing af by a trick,

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[P. 412. A. 7. S. 18.
consequently he is changed into a sfit a type of a hero. This is not desirable and should be avoided.
But in the case of the four types of heroes as lovers (afer, 42, 3175, RTE ) the types may change.
For instance, gear, the hero in fatata atte, was an अनुकूल नायक before he fell in love with उर्वशी, After that he becomes दक्षिण, in his attitude towards काशीराजपुत्री. As his love-affair develops, he becomes a yg and finally when he is detected in his amours with उर्वशी, he becomes ye. Even the main character of a hero, therefore, may pass from one type of a lover to another. : Verse 688 quoted from 491459€ gives an illustration of a fer type of a lover. The former lady-love of a certain lover refuses to believe that he has fallen in love with another lady, for, as she says, he is quite ardent in his love for her (the former lady-love ) and there is no change in his attitude towards her.
When the lover is caught while flirting with another lady, he is the ce type of a lover. • Verse 689 : Here the lover has on his forehead marks of red lac, impressions of bracelets on his neck ( which show that he was embraced by another lady) has black collyrium on his lips ( which shows that he had kissed the eyes of some lady ) has the red colour of a chewed betel leaf (which shows that he was kissed on his eye by his secret lady-love ). All these signs betraying his clandestine amours with another lady were sufficient to stun her with the grief of a broken love.
Verse 690 f ata ut etc. what thing of her ( says Rama with reference to Sita ) is not lovable, if only seperation from her would have been bearable ?

Page #597

F. 413. A. 7. S. 19.) 240 Everything except her seperation is delightful. Seperation alone is unbearable.
RTS is a kind of lover who secretly loves another lady. Verse 691 is :
एकत्रासनसंस्थिते प्रियतमे पश्चादुपेत्यादरात् । एकस्या नयने निमील्य विहितक्रीडानुबन्धच्छलः ॥ ईषदवक्रितकंधरः सपुलकः प्रेमालसन्मानसाम् ।
अन्तर्हासलसत्कपोलफलका धूर्तोऽपरी चुम्बति ॥ fafganist etc. who made a pretext that he was in a merry mood.
aparata etc. turning his face a little he shut the eyes of his former lady-love and kissed his new-lady love whom he loved more. Thus, by indulging as it were, in a love sport he satisfied them both. Verse 692 The Sanskrit rendering of the verse is:--
कुलबालिकायाः प्रेक्षध्वं यौवनलावण्यविभ्रमविलासाः । . प्रवसन्तीव प्रवसिते आयान्तीव प्रिये गृहमागते ।
स्वा नायिका is a married lady. स्वयमूढा who has married the area of her own accord. She is so loving and so faithful that all the natural graces of her loveliness and youth is seen at its best when her husband is at home, not otherwise.
grar is tender in age and inexperienced in love sports.
at air she is generally averse to love sports.
Verse 693 : The breasts of the lady were extended up to her arm-pit.
arcanfosa skilled in gracefully dancing.
fragranting while she spoke, her words were, as it were, sprinkled with the nectar of her smile. : a:fed etc. her heart began to respond to the throbs of love.
Verse 694 : The body of thạt woman did not

Page #598

241 [Pi 413. A. 7. S. 24 know what to do, when her lover came to her: for her thighs stood motionless ( owing to the excitement of love), tremor overpowered her body, she could not speak anything, for she was embarassed with bashfulness. In spite of all this, however, her body (though inactive) did declare her love towards her lover (by means of her face beaming with joy ). Sincere love does not demand outward formalities.
Verse 695. Third line:--
The graceful movements of her eyes belies her child – like simplicity, that is to say, she was no longer a mere girl as was plainly seen from the newly seen graceful movements of her eyes.
Verse 996: though she was eager for an embrace and for the pulling of her hair by her lover, though her heart was palpitating through the emotion of love, she did not approach her lover of her own accord.
Verse 697: the lady in a full flush of her youth says, while starting to meet her lover:
These limbs of mine are serious impediments in my way, while I start to meet my lover; the buttocks being heavy do not allow me to walk fast. (3 that is excessively large). My face is beaming like the moon and bringing to light my secret visit etc..
Verse 698: the peculiar sound of the lady at the time of love - sport was heard distinctly and was not drowned even in the continuous tinkling of her girdle and the jingling of her anklets, for the former sound though less powerful was of a different nature and hence could be easily distinguished from the latter.
... सोप्रास-वक्रोक्त्या etc. In the case of मध्या नायिका the anger towards her lover is expressed by (सोत्प्रासवक्रोक्त्या )
31

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242
by means of her ironical and equivocal speech, if she is ster; by tears and ironical speech, if she is starta; by harsh words if she is अधीरा मध्या नायिका..
Verse 699 illustrates the ironical and equivocal speech of the धोरा मध्या नायिका:
A branch of a flowery tree was being offered by a lover to his lady-love who on her part was very angry with him, as she thought he was in secret love with another lady:
"I am not fit to receive this present from you.
Give it to her who kisses you in secret (foafat a aifa a) (offer this branch to her; offer this face to her.")
There is a pun on the word faza: it means a branch as well as a paramour.
Verse 700 runs thus:बाले नाथ विमुञ्च मानिनि रुषं रोषान्मया किं कृतम् । खेदोऽस्मासु न मेऽपराध्यति भवान्सर्वेऽपराधा मयि ॥ तत्कि रोदिषि गद्गदेन वचसा कस्याग्रतो रुद्यते । नन्वतन्मम का तवाऽस्मि दयिता नास्मीत्यतो रुद्यते ॥
This is a dialogue between a lover and his offended beloved.
: arritzat Feja I am not your beloved as a matter of fact; and hence it is that I weep.. : Three kinds of star wife are (as in the case of मध्या) धीरा, धीराऽधीरा and अधीरा. - The धीरा प्रौढा नायिका expresses her anger by her outwardly calm demeanour.
Hafect outward formalities ( 399 ).
Verse 735: she avoided sitting together with the pretext of offering him a welcome; she avoided hiş embrace by a show of hastening to offer him betel leaf; she did not converse with him by showing that she was engaged in giving instructions to her servants.
loved.

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243
P. 413. Å. 7. S.. 28
Thus the clever woman gratified her own anger towards her lover, all the time observing all the formalities. . Verse 703: the lover says “ Better to be openly repremanded with than to be tortured by this concealed anger of yours etc.
Verse 704: aggrega loosening. . भ्रूभेदो न कृतः no sign of disapproval was shown by frowning.
Her prompt yielding to the advances of lover betrayed her anger.
Verse 705: 9141 gafas obstinately refusing etc. It was really a novel way of showing anger!
The anti - climax of love between the lovers is beautifully shown in the following verse. The woman says: “ first of all, we were one, as it were, in body and soul; then we were darlings of each other; now we are only husband and wife. I am suffering the penalty of long life; it would have been better, if I would have died earlier."
sfaserafoa hard as adamant.
Sometimes the stai stat actually beats her offending lover, as is illustrated in the verse 707. See 29739 II for this and the following verse.
efargistu gait: even a ' keep' is called araft. Verse 708:
A. wanton woman says this to her neighbour. She is going to meet her lover secretly, but makes a pretext of going to fetch water from a stream outside the village. Thorny shrubs covering the stream will scratch her body, as she says, but this is merely her pretext to deceive people in case her paramour in his love - sports would handle her roughly.

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P. 418. Ad 7. S. 20. 244
Verse 709 39ferante liter. of increased dimensions, hence expanded. ... Totalt a harlot or a courtezan. The fanciful derivation of the word given here is: a woman who attracts (गणयति-कलयति) men by her proficiency in fine arts (78791797) and by her cunning.
The natural and proper etymology is for at a woman common to a lot or a congregation or a mass of people. Anybody can approach her and buy her love.
914129 who can be approached by all (by a refined man as well as a fool).
Verse 710: the sexual act described in the verse is technically called genera - one in which the woman takes the initiative or an active part.
In the 30th Sutra, the author gives a list of eight states of love in the case of a woman (towards her husband ).
All these eight states are possible only in the case of a wife; when a woman is not a wife, but other's woman or merely an unmarried girl, all these states are not possible. Only the last three are possible.
The following is the Sanskrit rendering of the verse 711:
सालोक एवं सूर्य गृहिणी गृहस्वामिनो गृहीत्वा ।
अनिच्छतश्च चरणो धुवति हसन्ती हसतः ॥ Even when it was the evening, the woman, who was confident of the love of her husband, and who, therefore, was perfectly free with him, wanted to indulge in love-sports with him.
.. afgan#1. strana: gone to some place away from his dwelling place.
Dear friend I he ( my husband ) must have thought

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245
P. 419.- A7 S: 30.
(while starting on a journey) that the grief of seperation felt by a wife was quite a common thing; and that it was certain that she would not die. If it were not so, he would not have gone away at all. Let my life now remain or leave me. The infamy ( of being a faithless wife ) will stand for ever.
Verse 713 sak attachment. Says an indignant lady to her husband who had passed the night in the company of another woman: “You can hide from me the impressions of nails on your body, you can hide the nether lip bitten by another lady; but you can not hide the prodigious smell of scents betraying your amours with another lady,'
Set aflat gets repentant after spurning the advances of her husband.
“I am reduced to such a miserable plight; friends! Why did you prompt me at all to treat him with disdain ? Was there any advantage in doing so ?."
2196755, at #f51. 1188: a day of appointment when the husband comes to see his beloved (वासयन्ति यत्रस्थाने trafa ar**:) and passes the particular night with her.
These days have been enumerated and the particular occassion of seeing the day have been mentioned by 4 who quotes two Karikas in this reference.
9f79120if the day on which comes the turn of that particular lady.
asje on the sixth day after the menses when. with a view to get a child, an intercourse with a woman is sanctioned by the Shastras. 'नवे प्रसवे A few days after the delivery.
giè If the woman is in mourning owing to the death of her relatives.

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Bo 410. A. 7. $. 30. 1
246
sme If she is in an extra jubilant mood. i graaanato on all days on which intercourse is allowed.
On all these days the woman with a view to welcome her lover adorns herself in the best possible
manner and hence the word वासकसज्जा. ... Verse 715: 77843e9afaa: etc.. After arranging for her bed, she stood waiting for her husband.
First looking in a mirror to assure herself that her toilette is perfectly faultless (अनिन्द्यभूषणा) ... final one who regards herself as a favourite of her husband, porta when he is late.
Verse 716 araki aT4 GET Ai asgfa there is no friend of his who is not well-disposed towards me.
faalfaarat. fagrał bed-room
वृत्तविवर्तनव्यतिकरा tossing herself now on one side now. on another.
ga: an appointment of a lover as regards the time and place to meet his lady-love.
Verse 717: After waiting, in vain, at the appointed place, the woman started to go away with tears streaming down her eyes and dropping in a line on the ground. With these tears she, as it were, wrote a series of words to let her arrival known to her lover.
• Opfrika is of two kinds: The one who, swayed with love, starts to meet her lover and the other who asks her lover to see her.
Verse 718: A big bright necklace of pearls on her breast, a tinkling girdle on her waist, jingling anklets on her feet-in such a fashion, a woman was going to meet her lover when some gallant addresses her thus:

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247
(P. 421 A. 7. Si 310
You silly woman! if you are going to meet your lover thus proclaiming, as it were, publicly your march, why do you frequently cast frightened looks in all directions ? If you wanted to conceal your identity, you ought not to have dressed yourself in such a gorgeous manner.
Verse 719: A woman while sending her messenger to her lover says :
“You should talk to him on my behalf in such a clever manner that he would not deem me to be a low - minded woman and would show compassion towards me." .
All the terms used for all these eight kinds mentioned above are significant and hence to define every kind is superfluous-as says 4974: -SIER GETT 17 5TH. . In the 31st sutra it is said that agent kind of a heroine can have only three of these eight states mentioned above. These states are विरहोत्कण्ठिता, अभिसारिका and egzout.
We see no reason why परस्त्री or a कन्या नायिका should not have the state of ar $781. If she can, according to 40, invite her lover to her house by previous appointment, why should she not deck her person in a charming manner and thus be a 1941. To take the word q1A$1 in the sense of a woman who, decks herself properly and waits for her husband' is to interprete the word in a needlessly limited sense.
The graces of women are next defined. These graces spring from the peculiarly happy movements (del) of the body (of women). They do not belong to the mind; at any rate, here the phyşical graces (of movements) are meant.

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राजसतामसशरीरेष्वसंभवात् here the author seems to have made a confusion of meaning as regards the word
a. He himself interprets the word as "belonging to the body" and not in its usual sense of the quality of. The remark ¬¬¬¬¬¬â etc. is, therefore, out of place. He almost means to say that these graces of the movements of the body are found only in superior kinds of women and, therefore, queerly remarks that these graces are not found in the persons of Chandal women! But he does not seem to be satisfied with his own explaination, for he further remarks that if these graces are at all found in Chandal women, they speak of their belonging to a superior type!
These graces are found in men also; why then restrict these graces to women alone? The answer of the author is that these, and no other, are such as heighten the charms of women, while in the case of men, not the grace of movement but a face beaming with enthusiasm is his best ornament. It is because of this that the word is applied commonly to all kinds of heroes.
These अलंकारs or graces are of two kind: अलंकारs of the first kind are called s, that is to say, they are found in the body almost as a matter of instinct formed, in its turn, by the feeling of love familiar in the previous life of a woman. अलंकारs of the second kind come into existence in this life of a woman, when the latent feeling of love in her heart is clearly manifested in this life on account of stimulations received. These latter kinds of Rs, therefore, vary in number with every individual woman. But the first kind of graces are found uniformly in all women with only a difference of degree in quality.

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249
(P: 422. A.) S. 35
:: Both these kinds of graces 37,5t and mataifa are again subdivided into क्रियात्मान:: and गुणात्मान:. F A7a: are the graces which spring from the deliberate movements of the body, while Joiara: are the graces (such as 2771 and others that do not depend on the deliberate movements of the body, but are spontaneous. .. welfaa: psychologists..
भाव, हाय and हेला come under the category of अङ्गज graces, though, as is explained by a in his fats, most springs from em and cra, in its turn, proceeds from #*, pa springs directly from # (body) and hence all these are said to be born of सत्व i. e. अशज.
It is to be noted here that the relation of cause and effect as regards these three graces #1a, era and ther, as is given by a in his Karika, is not always true, for sometimes it so happens that sia is produced in some young girl, not from her own a but by se seen by that girl in another full-grown girl. Sometimes भाव seen in others produces हाव or हेला. '
Again, sometimes, best is produced by seeing at in others. Sometimes, la is born of 10 seen in others, Sometimes, merely by hearing the ara in others, test and others are produced.
Thus there is a mutual relation of cause and fect among these भज graces : भाव, हाव and हेला.
H19 is defined as that graceful and subtle change in the body which betrays the inward instinct of love.
Verse 720: a girl just on the threshold of her youth is described in this verse.
2nd line: she directs her ears to the talk of her friends when they discuss love - matters among them. She does not now freely sit on the lap of men as she did before.
32

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A 413. A.7.-S. 19.) 250;
saalan etc. : she is coming under the sway of the prime of youth..
When there is greater change in the body. than that found in Ha, it is called gla. The derivation of the word being from the root (aqua gia:).
When the girl is on the point of offering her heart in love to somebody, there is a clear change in her body especially in places such as the eye-brows, eyes, chin, neck and others. Thus, 1a prompts her to offer herself: (5 to offer in sacrifice ) to her future lover, but she is blissfully ignorant of these unconsious. but sure workings of love in her. The manifest change in her is wrought by the instinct of love in her.
Verse 721 qfFq-e) are etc. her words have become charming on account of a new grace in them aai etc. her gait has in it a peculiar grace budding forth afresh (fres para )
When; however, the change in her is great and absolutely clear and when she is perfectly conscious of the awakening of the feeling of love in her, it is the state of me, of course, she has not yet found any youth who can be the object of her love.
The word हेला is derived from the root हेल् (हेल to go speedily; to flow continuously ). er, therefore, is a change that is not intermittent like 11a, but is, continuous and permanent.
Verse. 722. The verse runs thus :
कुरङ्गीवाङ्गानि स्मिमितयति गीतध्वनिषु यत् । सखीं कान्तोदन्तं श्रुतमपि पुनः प्रश्नयति यत् ॥ . अनिद्रं यच्चान्तः स्वपिति लदहो वेदयभिनवाम् ।
प्रवृत्तोऽस्या: सेक्तुं हृदि मनसिजः प्रेमलतिकाम् ॥
As.ithis young girl sits motionless as a female deer, when she hears notes of music; as she repeatedly

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- 251
[P. 424. A. %. S. 34.
asks questions regarding the news of her husband (or lover ), as she seems to fall in a reverie (San AT: Efa), it seems that the god of love. has begun to sprinkle the tender creeper of love newly, sprouting in her heart."
The verse presents a difficulty as regards the second line: it is stated there that the young girl is repeatedly asking questions about her lover. This shows that she has found the object of her love. But this statement goes against the characteristics of हेला, for even in the heroine is said to have found no lover. In fact 99in the following lines emphatically says. "29 daratanata1797H."
In cast mere awakening of the inherent feeling of love is meant, not the actual falling in love on the part of the heroine. This state of best serves as a foundation (fa) on which her affairs of love in future are to stand.
In the words AIFEOFIT9a997 the ceremony of wearing the sacred thread is to be performed for a Brahmin. But the fact is that unless a boy undergoes this religious rite, he can not be called a. Brahmin at all. But it is with a view to his becoming a Brahmin in future that the words. FIFETFLİCATH are used. Similarly, here in the case of the heroine, est is a state of love in which she is swayed by the feelings of love no doubt, but that love of her has no object for it yet. Really speaking, therefore, the word love has no much significance here, unless it has in view the love that the girl would cherish in future for her actual lover.
From the sutra 35, the ten natural graces, and others, of women are described.

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T8-425. A. 7. S 371 252
When the love of a woman has found its object at last, these changes in body appear as a result of 'the developed state of that love. These graceful changes take place, generally when the woman has already experienced the pleasures of physical love, but sometimes they appear even before that.
747 and others, on the other hand, appear only after the woman has tasted the pleasures of physical love.
tel, the imitation of the speech, dress and movements of the lover by his beloved, is the result of her great love and admiration for her lover; it never means mimicing with a view to ridicule him.
The Sanskrit rendering of the verse 723 is as follows:
यद्यत्त्वं करोषि यद्यच्चजल्पसि यथा त्वे नियमसि । तत्तदनुशिक्षस्था दिवसो दिवसो न संपतति ।।
In imitating your speech and movements the days are too short for her.
स्थानादीनां वैशिष्टयं विलासः
The peculiarly charming pose of the limbs is called famig.
The word af in kinat includes the happy pose in walking and sitting as also of the hands and eyes,
Verse 724: Ana describes the graceful movements of the young women whom he saw in the temple of the god of love.
There were manifested to my sight the victorious workings of love ( in that fair-eyed one ) that were extremely charming owing to the great changes in the body, the variety in which transcended the power of description in words, and that were replete with various graces.

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253
(P. 425. A. 7. S. 39.
Portegle lends à charm to the body even when a woman, proud of her beauty, puts on only a féý ornaments and has a simple toilet. . : The Sanskrit rendering of the verse is as follows: ... Fanfaronesas Iqut FIAT STEFT far nafar.
मुक्ताफलरचितप्रसाधनानां मध्ये सपत्नीनाम् ॥ . .
Even when other wives of the hunter had decked their persons with big pearls, this particular wife (whom the hunter loved most) strutted about with pride with only a peacock's feather for her ear-ring.
The feather was given to her with great love by her husband, the hunter; naturally, therefore, she was proud of her enviable lot.
fasetta is a sort of indifference even towards things that are dear to a woman. This indifference is the result of her pride as regards her beauty and other things.
Verse 726: Parvati, without any apparent reason, began to converse with her friend standing near and thus she showed her indifference to the words of Shankar..
Araupes pouting (her lips). • faya is putting ornaments at wrong places; it occurs even when the woman does not use the right word at the right place or does not use the right limb for the right purpose.
Verse 727 A woman wore her girdle on her breasts and wore necklace on her hips !
Payta is usually the result of the excitement of Aurry due to the woman's excessive love for her lover.
According to $497, however, it is due to the pride of beauty. But 7759$ and Fire cout explicitly say that fart is the result of the woman's furry on account

Page #611

426. 4. 9. S. 42] 254 of the unexpected arrival of her lover or on account of the transports of joy and love.
fəsafara is the sweet combination of different feelings such as joy, fear, sorrow, anger. This, according to 54977, is the result of the woman's pride of her beauty.
But साहित्यदर्पण attributes किलकिञ्चित to the sudden joy that a woman feels at the unexpected arrival of her lover. ... Verse 728: During the love-sports when the lover tried successfully to kiss a woman, she presented a charming harmony of embarassment, smile and suppressed cry of anger.
The word Aleifera is explained by thus: -
• मदनाङ्गपर्यन्ताङ्गमोहनात् (from the root मोट to break or to, stretch )..
The word ATPK is an obvious misprint. It ought to be agai#; the words are may be dropped; and the words should be 4A1 HEAIEL. The word Aerfera comes from the root gę which means breaking ør cracking of the joints of fingers or yawning of the mouth. When a woman is completely engrossed in gazing at her lover or in hearing his story, these movements-yawning and cracking of joints-follow naturally.
Verse. 729 cay cay. torments.
Her female friends wanted to find out as to who was the object of her love. So they began to talk about you. At once she became engrossed in the talk and crossing her arms began to-yawn and stretch her back and others limbs.
Hafaa is showing a sensation of pain even when the woman feels joy inwardly by the rough handling by her lover..

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255
[P. 427. A. 7. S. 44
Verse 730 describes the outward pain but the inward joy which the woman feels during love-sports. however, defines as the showing of outward joy when inwardly there is pain.
a is the graceful and delicate movements of the limbs.
Verse 731, 4th line:-She was, as it were, made to dance (without the accompaniment of music) by her budding youth. Every movement of her limbs appeared as if it were a particular pose in dancing-it was so lovely.
ललित, as हेमचन्द्र explains, is the aimless or unconsciously beautiful movements of the limbs.
When, however, there is a purposeful movement of the limbs and it appears graceful, then it is fare. This, according to is the difference between ललित and विलास.
Others, however, think that are gathering strength culminates in a. g, to have grace, is the root common both to and fare and hence the explain ation seems to be the right one.
fa is assuming silence even when there is an occasion of speaking.
is pretext. When the woman keeps silent owing to her bashfulness or simple-mindedness or even sometimes owing to her dissimulation, there is faga. , deliberate pretext, is not admitted as the cause of faga by any author except. All the instances of fa cited by the rhetoricians militate against the word व्याज of हेमचन्द्र.
* Verse 732: Even this verse attributes faga to the bashfulnesss of Parvati.

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The friend of Parvati while dyeing or painting her foot asks her in jest to touch with it the crescent moon on the head of Shiva. Parvati, thereupon, silently struck her friend with a garland as the penalty for her mischievous joke.
Others interpret faga as the sportive movements of a woinan both in her maidenhood and in her youth, when she is in love with somebody. Thus the verse मन्दाकिनीसकत etc.. from कुमारसंभव describing the sports of
raat in her childhood, as well as the verse saatfag etc. from føre describing the clever movements of a fullgrown woman, is an instance of faan.
Verse 733 fangat: dolls.
analerat: by making heaps or mounds of "sand. fargerit enjoying.
Verse 734 fetes shows pretext. The lover was trying to take out the pollen from the eye of his beloved biy blowing the wind from his mouth. The lover showed his inability to take out the pollen, but it was a mere pretext and the woman struck her lover with her breasts apparently pushing them with pain, but, as a matter of fact quite deliberately.
ganigaiga enhanced on account of their being enjoyed by men.
Birtear the beauty of limbs. . Verse 735 faarifa searches.
#RIFör embarassed. Funafa shuts, closes. ... शोभा कान्ति and दीप्ति are three aspects of beauty in. an ascending order..
Verse 736 describes the lovely languidity of the limbs of the Goddess mot during her love--sports with Vishnu on the bed of the Lord of Serpents.

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257 (P. 430. A. 7. S. 51. Verse 737 gives a very faithful description of the face of a woman who had taken the initiative and an active part in her love - sports.
Argon is the delicacy of the movements of women which is visible not only in their bashfulness but also in their anger and other harsh feelings.
Verse 738 describes the delicacy of the movements of a woman even when inwardly she was full of anger towards her lover. :
8pcalara: offering greetings..... Portrait etc. obeyed every order.
न दृष्टेः शैथिल्यम् etc. but there is no loving softness in the gaze.
üza: dissimulation, pretext.
Verse 739 describes the dignified resignation of Arect to the acute pangs of unfulfilled love. She says: “Let the moon blaze forth in the sky every night with all her digits. Let the cupid burn. I shall never do anything that will bring stigma on the fair name of my parents. My life or my lover is not as dear to me as the fair name of my family.
sitarsi is a sweet humility even in anger and such other harsh feelings.
Verse 740 : Though there was frown on her face she hung it. She laughed significantly at me, but did not utter a single harsh word. She stared at me with her eyes brimming with tears. She did not gaze at me with a look of command. Thus she showed her anger towards me but did not give up humility. Boldness in love-sports and other things is grotexu.
Verse 741 : Peaceful nature is an ornament of man, no doubt, but on other occassions, as bashfulness
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is a grace of women but on other occassions; but when insulted a man must show his spirit and a woman at the time of love-sports must show boldness.
Drooping of limbs (315418) owing to the excitement of mind is साध्वस; and प्रागल्भ्य is opposite of this as is illustrated in the verse 742. The whole verse runs thus:
आशु लङिघतवतीष्टकराग्रे । नीविमर्धमुकुलीकृतदृष्टया ॥ रक्तवैणिकहताधरतन्त्री।
मण्डलक्वणितचारु चुकूजे ॥ When the hand of her lover reached as far as the knot of her lower garment, a woman with her half-closed eyes ( through intense joy ) made a sound as sweet as the sound of the lower strings of a lute.
These graces belong to the body not to the mind. They are found only when there is an absence of rashness, anger and other kindred feelings. Even high and others are not mental qualities. They, therefore, can not be included under Hias.
शाक्याचार्य राहुल and others add to the list of these graces some other graces such as Alisa simplicity, मदभाविकत्व intoxication, परितपन fretting and snch other things. But he who calls himself a follower of a does not admit these graces as they smack of mental qualities.

Page #616

ADHYAYA VIII The eighth chapter is devoted to the description of the various kinds of poetry in which drama occupies a very important place. The division of poems is based on the poems being either sett i. e. that which can be witnessed and you that which can be heard while read by oneself. Under come all the varieties of a drama while 1827 poems include every variety of a poem that can only be read but not staged.
In the following quotation from hala the etymology of the word afa is given. Fra is both a seer and a narrator. A historian is a seer no doubt, but he is not a narrator or a story-teller; he is simply a chronicler; he, therefore, is not a pla. Similarly, a work on history is not a poem. va is first regarded as a synonym of Er which means a seer; ma is a seer, inasmuchas he, with his divine vision, fathoms the very secrets and the peculiar characteristics of all kinds of things (19). Because he sees the essence of things, he is called a poet. But that is not all. The poet is also a master of narration. He describes things with supreme skill and absorbing interest. These two qualities, therefore, constitute the characteristics of a poet, aretta, the first poet, was both an acute observer and a master-hand in description. He, therefore, deserved the title of a poet. The division of & is further sub-divided into 960 and 21.
In the third sutra, aga enmerates almost all the well-known varieties of the 9184 kind of poems such as atzo, gacor and others. Even is kind of a drama such asकर्पूरमजरी of राजशेखर is included in the list obviously

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because all the tests of the roy kind of a poem are applicable to it as well.
In the following fear, all the varieties of a 9169 poem are defined.
In #12% the plot must be well-known. The hero must be a celebrated person of a noble character.
Sage-like kings may figure as heroes in the art.
Association with heavenly beings is permissible in #124. Acts and scenes ( starte) are an indispensable feature of a नाटक.
A cut differs from a 71% in that in the former the plot is not adopted from any celebrated historical event, but is purely imaginary or conceived by the poet ( Bataaf ).
It is not a rigid rule, however, that in 9cut the plot must be throughly an independent and a new one. The only thing that is most essential is that the plot must not be wholly historical; at least the main plot must be either purely imaginary or taken from works of pure fiction such as referre and others. Sometimes, however in a stop the plot is taken and enlarged or developed from the works of ancient poets. At any rate the plot in a प्रकरण must not be taken from any पुराण,
In almost all other respects a प्रकरण resembles a नाटक.
As a rule, the lives of Brahmins, merchants, ministers, and priests are painted in a प्रकरण. नोदात्तनायककृतम् etc. in a to the hero, of course, must be not a king of a heavenly being. The paraphernalia of a king or his luxurious life must not be delineated in a 4 TOT (T HA: ) DIETFÉNYT: a 9 TOT should have characters of low persons or servants other than the servants in a royal harem.

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Career of the love of a courtezan is also a feature of a 997. In fact, the career of a lady of a respectable family is not given prominence to in a FPTU. For instance, in मृच्छकटिक, the chief female character is वसन्तसेना, a courtezan; in this drama, moreover, the character of धूता, the wife of चारुदत्त, plays only a minor part..
The verse STATUTAIZ # ta etc. and the two subsequent verses, as quoted from a alcaTIE, mention the main characteristics of a alf#:
नाटिका is a subdivision either of a प्रकरण or of a a12. In fact in respect of plot, it resembles either a 314670 or a a1z4. The heroine usually should be one of the young women in the harem of a king. It should have greater number of female characters than that of male characters. Usually it has four acts. Dancing and delicate acting should be the main feature of a *2#1. It should also be furnished with plenty of music The theme should be of love-union. Court intrigues as regards secret love-making is a prominent peculiarity of a aral.
In the following verses 949#13 is defined.
देवासुरबीजकृत: etc. समवकार is characterized by the efforts of gods and demons to achieve a certain end.
प्रख्यातोदात्त०:--The hero in समवकार must be a person with a noble character and one who is a renowed personality.
It has a peculiarity of having only three acts. The intrigues as shown in #4701 are also of three kinds: the first is one in which a person who is absolutely innocent is deceived; in the second, both the deceiver and the deceived are offenders. In the third case, both the deceiver and the deceived are the victims of mysterious chance.

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aga: The calamitous occurences shown are also of three kinds: in the first case, the calamity is brought on by some human agency; in the second, it is the work of some non-sentient thing; and in the third, it is brought on partly by human agency and partly by a non-sentient thing.
त्रिशृङ्गारः the kind of love as depicted in समवकार is also threefold. In the first case it has for its object a spiritual welfare, in the second sta temporal prosperity and in the third, a pleasures of life.
अष्टादशनालिकप्रमाणः The duration of a समवकार should be eighteen fats approximately.
The following verses ( 124, 125, 126) define BEIFA, another variety of a drama. The name ai is significant. It is a kind of a drama in which effort is shown ( sæt). as being made like the deer (9) for the possession of a woman.
In #4781 there is marked looseness of plot, but in ईहामृग the plot is skilfully arranged (सुविहितवस्तुनिबद्धः ). The male characters therein are divine beings; and they all fight for the possession of a celestial damsel.
विप्रत्ययकारण: There is a good deal of intigue in ŠEIET ( just as in ###).
17 is full of ferocious persons; it depicts fight for women ( aita), it is full of commotion and sudden calamities; it also shows keen rivalry ( ciqaz) among brave and learned men. Seduction and abduction of women (HCITITETIT ) and consequent revenge are the peculiar seatures of the love depicted in Selan. Almost all the technical points in a ang such an and others are also present in ईहामृग.
_In प्यायोग there is only one act (कार्यम् ).

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In almost all other respects such as the hero, sentiment, the style etc. pp117 resembles fern. Scramble for women is, however, a peculiar feature of saran which distinguishes it from 37277.
In RH the plot is well-known. The hero also is a celebrated person. Out of the eight Tas FIT and Erre (sentiment of love and laughter) are absent in SA. It has, therefore, only six Ths. The poetry in RSA is full of afte, and other fiery sentiments. Sudden collision (निर्घात) falling of meteors ( उल्कापात) eclipses ( उपराग) duels ( नियुद्ध) defeat (आधर्षण) competition ( संफेट) are commonly shown in डिम.
Rea is also full of witch-craft, illusions and strange forms of leather, wood and cloth (gea ). RSH bristles with gods, demons and other demi-gods (such as 787 and fra )
RA has nearly sixteen chief male characters. The styles used there are सात्वती and आरभटी. The word डिम is akin to the word fra which means a “panic". The word is, therefore, significant and shows the nature of plot. 21310 has already been referred to above, but only incidentally. In the following three verses it is clearly defined. The hero in aritu is a well. known person as in fe but he is neither a divine being nor a 3919 kind of hero. A minister, a commander of an army may, therefore, figure as heroes in a 81477.
There are very few female characters in glutn. The duration of the plot in ozraitu is only one day. As in 1994 there are several male characters engaged in fight, attacks and rivalry, but not on the same scale as in 1917,
The following verses define उत्सृष्टिकाइ,

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In this the plot is generally well-known, but sometimes it is also imaginary. No divine beings figure in this kind of drama. Pathos () is the chief sentiment here. Fighting and striking are conspicuously absent from fag. It is full of lamentations of women (fag:) and the speeches, therein, are full of despair. The characters therein often roll on the ground and cry. The modes सात्वती, आरभटी and far are not found in this kind.
264
प्रहसन is of two kinds, शुद्ध ( pure ) and संकीर्ण ( of a mixed character).
In the first kind, ascetics, house - holders and brahmins indulge in speech exciting laughter. Even low characters are found in this kind of a. There is an atmosphere of merriment and joking in, but all the same the language is never foul or indecent in this kind of . The plot is consistent and continuous with a mixture of incidents full of various feelings ( विशेषभानोपपन्नचरितम् ).
The second kind of is full of the characters of prostitutes, menials, eunuchs, dissolute persons wanton women (a) and rogues. They act in an openly (a) indecent way, talk and dress in a quaint manner and thus create grotesque humour.
In there is only one character (and that too generally a male character) which narrates the incidents of its own life as well as the lives of others. एकहार्य : भाणः it is staged ( हार्य : ) only by one person.
The narration of the incidents of the lives of others is attended with the imitation of the speech and action of those persons (aaa). The device of आकाशभाषित is resorted to in order to give the भाण an

Page #622

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(P. 443. A. 8. S. 3.
appearance of a drama of conversations or dialogues. The characters in HT are generally those of rogues and profigate persons. Quite a rich variety of incidents is shown in t ( anglataRATKAø: ).
eftet is a device used either as an introductory part of a drama or as a supplement to it. It has thirteen sub-divisions. It is full of all the sentiments. It extends over one act. It has one or two characters.
HEX is the last variety of a drama and is defined in the verse विष्कम्भक etc.
In सहक there is neither विष्कम्भक nor प्रवेशक.
The language of the whole drama is one throughtout. It is written either in Sanskrit or in a (generally in una ).
Other varieties of a drama, such as atze and others, are mentioned by migas and other writers on dramaturgy, but 477 merely alludes to them in the next Sutra to enumerate the subdivisions of a no kind of composition and briefly defines them.
The notable difference between a 914mou and the 6975 defined above is that the former has no consistent plot in it, but deals with fragmentary sentences that are to be sung with the accompaniment of gestures, while all the varieties of a drama have a consistent plot which has to be enacted on the stage. Prominence of music is also another feature of a compositions. Movement of all the limbs is also a prominent characteristic of a 99 composition.
no compositions are three-fold (1) Soft (ATT) (2) terrific or wild (367) and (3) of a mixed character.
The first kind of गेयकाव्य is डोम्बिका. It contains songs which describe secret love-affairs,
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. In #rot, the second kind of 42146182, the dancing girl or the musician describes the terrific incidents in the lives of वराह, नृसिंह and such other incarnations of God.
The following kind is seala. In it the singer or the dancing girl disguises herself as one of the animals such as an elephant, a lion etc. and imitates their mode of walking.
In fiks the actor or actress plays the part of a heroine who, in the presence ot her female friends, imitates the wild career of her lover. . The career of a szat (a rogue in love-matters. ) may also be described in शिक्षक.
In foræt we find the frolics of a child and the imitation of the fights of hogs, lions and others.
441sai gambols of cows and other animals.
प्रेरण is accompanied by प्रहेलिका (dialogues solving riddles) and is full of humour.
(TA116 describes the seasons.
Cat contains circular dances. The dances are led by one man who stands in the midst of ladies just as Lord Krishna led the dances of cowherd women. The dances are conducted by a host of ladies and are performed with the accompaniment of music and timing. A man and a woman form one pair in it. At a time, sixty four pairs can take part in na
In to the incidents of Lord Krishna in his childhood ( such as the killing of the demons fe and and others ) are shown.
In infaa, high-class ladies sing and praise the merits of their husbands, or sometimes they remonstrate with their husbands

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In short, these kinds of its composition are always full of music and dancing and deal with all the chief sentiments.
Other varieties of a गेयकाव्य are शम्पा, छलित, द्विपदा and others, but they are neither enumerated nor defined here by our author. For a detailed study, he only refers his readers to the works of ब्रम्ह, भरत, कोहल and other famous authors on rhetorics.
Under 1624174 come all the varieties of poetic compositions as distinguished from the dramatic compositions.
4678164, the most important of all the 789 compositions, is next defined.
It is noteworthy that he does not limit the HE17109 to Sanskrit language only, but extends their domain not only to the Prakrit language with all its dialects, but also to the DFGHIAT folk-languages or dialects. Another notable feature of his definition of of a relærzy is his mention of the five sandhis as an indispensable factor of a RET 179. Generally, the five Sandhis (mentioned and described below) are considered by all other authors as necessary only for a drama. In all other respects (such as the division of a poem into aris; the last verse of every yî to be written in a metre different from the rest of the verses in the gi) this definition of a H219187 perfectly agrees with all other definitions of a 461967. The synonyms of a nii are 811arer, sifa, 349692, 4977.
The five üfats are mentioned and defined below:
In gazte the poet begins the story in a broad but definite manner. For instance, in the verse facairatzea: of वेणीसंहार (a drama by भट्टनारायण) the poet broadly

Page #625

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but definitely suggests that his story deals with the prosperity of the s as well as the destruction of thes. This starting point of a story is technically called and it is consistently developed throughout the drama and ultimately it is transformed into a fruit (that is, its consummation) at the end of a drama. fis, therefore, only a nascent state of the fruit itself.
प्रतिमुख, the second संधि, helps to develop the बीज, but in a manner which appears as if it is a state of development at one time and disappearance at another, but really all along its devolopment is going on.
and the
For instance, in रत्नावली in the verse द्वीपादभ्यस्मादपि "fate brings about the union of two things" is a for it suggests that in that drama, king will be united. This becomes finally the consummation of the drama, (i. e. it is the of the drama ). Now in that drama when af is shown engaged in the worship of the god of love, the mentioned above seems to disappear, but really it is furthered or developed in that the movements of ama do facilitate her union with the king.
In the third sandhi गर्भसंधि, the play of प्राप्ति and afa (i. e. the securing of and the failing of the fruit) continues, but the possibility of obtaining the fruit is more than that of its failure. In this respect, therefore, it differs from the अवमर्श or विमर्शसंधि the fourth संधि. In fanif the possibillty of the failure of the fruit seems to be more than that of its securing. To all appearances, in fan all hope of the fruit is lost either on account of the wrath of the opponent (for instance, in ar on account of the anger or on account of selfishness of the rival).

Page #626

269 (P. 454. A. 8. S. ős गर्भनिभिन्नबीजार्थः गर्भान्निभिन्नम् इति गर्भनिभिन्नम् (बीजम् ) बीज coming out of all i. e. the seed when likely to fructify.
878: its return to the former place.
mjafiratet 878: Jff#: where the seed loses its progress and seems to return to its original state.
In tho last निर्वहण संधि, all the different currents of the story converge into one main current which ends in the final consummation.
Thus in every HE14127 there must be these five sifats in order to show the systematic beginning, development and the end of the story.
In a hit the poet must present quite a wealth of variety as regards the manner of composition. For instance:
(1) The poem should not be too ( sterreg careen) short.
(2) Its style should not be uneven; it should present a harmony among all its parts.
(3) It should not be tediously lengthy. The arts should never be unconnected or loose. The logical chain of the story should not be lost.
(4) The beginning of the story should be made either with a blessing given to the readers ( as in the first verse of gafasie quoted in the commentary) or with the direct mention of the story itself (as in the first verse 'आसीइत्यो हयग्रीवः' of the poem हयग्रीववध ) or with a salutation to one's favourite God (as in artefachgit, the first verse of रघुवंश).
Besides this, in the introductory part of the poem, mention should be made of the aim of the story or the object of the poet in writing the poem. (See the introductory verses from सेतुबन्धमहाकाव्य as quoted in the commentary ).

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Sometimes, in the introductory portion of the poem we find the eulogy of the poet himself, as for instance, in the verse “ सयलं चेव निबन्धं" of रावणविजय the poet bestows compliment upon himself.
Sometimes, we find remarks passed on the characteristics of the good and the wicked men as in the verse “इतस्ततो भषन्भूरि" of हरविलास, the good are compared to swans and the wicked are compared to dogs.
In a poem, sometimes, we find faqara-picturesque composition such as rhymed verses, verses full of puns, verses composed with only one consonant ( for instance, the verses in fut1579 ) verses which assume the form of different figures such as drums, swords, etc. (for instance the verses in Petrarcaz).
Sometimes, the poet seems to favour some particular quality in preference to others, as for instance, अनुराग is the predominant quality that the poet प्रवरसेन desires to describe in his poem.
Sometimes, the poets mention their own names in their poems; for instance, the poet rasta makes a mention of his own name in his poem in. Some favourite word of the poet seems often introduced in the poem ( usually in the last verse of every chapter ). In fetraigate the word wat is found in the last verse of every chapter, as also the word 17 in the poem of HIE. : Auspicious words such as Bryce, 317974 and others are also found in the introductory verses of a poem. For instance in, JAIETU the word 377774 is found in the introductory verse.
In the poem the poet should keep one of the four goals धर्म, अर्थ, काम and मोक्ष as the goal to which he aspires. He regards his poem as a means to secure that goal.

Page #628

271 (P. 457. A. 8. S. 6. The hero in the poem should be a man of lofty character.
विधिनिषेधव्युत्पादकत्वम् The poem should indirectly suggest as to what is worth practising and what ought to be avoided (ata); the story should be consistent and homogeneous.
A list of the things which should be described in the poem is given below. This list mostly agrees with all such lists given in other books on Rhetorics, for instance, in the first chapter of #13rezi, qust gives a similar list.
Below we find some useful hints given by the as regards the composition of a poem. For instance, in a poem, the style must agree with the subjectmatter of the poem ( TAITETTHC97), If the poet, for instance, describes love, the style must be pas, full of soft words. If otra is to be delineated, then the style must be fit, full of harsh words.
HESI 75094 is a very clever hint. The poem should be composed in such a manner that it would win the hearts of very sort of readers. Desire of fame is one of the legitimate aspirations of a poet. पात्रचेष्टाकथान्तरानुषञ्जनम् the sense of propriety as regards the place, the time, the movements, the characters in the story must be observed. Sometimes, incidentally (कथान्तरानुषजनम् ) the poet should introduce minor stories as in कुमारसंभव the story of Cupid's curse. मार्गद्वयानुवर्तनम् , following the two paths. The two paths obviously are those referred to by Dandin in his rargat quoted by the commentary.
In a poem the best way is to describe the hero as possessing excellent qualities and as utterly defeat. ing his enemies.

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(2) Another way is to describe the noble descent, valour, learning and other excellent merits of the enemy and then to describe the hero as conquering his formidable enemy-thus establishing the undisputed superiority of the hero.
The first method is followed in the poems such as tude and others. The second method is adopted by the authors of facialister and forin1394.
Here an interesting point has been discussed by the commentary: in the definition of a A816162 it is said that in a 196707 there should be a description of a city, ocean, seasons, sunrise etc. Now the question arises as to whether the description of all the things enumerated in the definition is obligatory or is perfectly optional i. e. depending on the volition of the poet. If it is obligatory, then in ferra, fry91594 and other poenis the description is not exhaustive. For instance, in faciaisia there is no description of a city. On the other hand, if it is optional, then any poem that does not contain any description of the things mentioned here, will have also to be included in the list of AET610315. Is then the description of these things, the criterion of a Hela ?
The answer to this is very clearly given in the commentary : 'Yes,' says the commentator, 'the description of all these things is an essential feature of a #191021; but the number of things to be described depends upon the nature of the plot of the poem. If the story of the poem is a very comprehensive one, then it admits within its pale the description of all the things enumerated in the definition, but if it is a short story, then some things only should be described.

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But even here, those things that play an important part in the development of the story must be described. For instance, if the story has some political event as its subject-matter, then againfartøyphic: ( Foglasi qf. 9/90) secret plans, the sending of envoys and other essential things must be described. If, on the other hand, the story contains a love-affair, then the description of seasons, sun-rise, moon-rise, water sports and others is quite necessary. Even supposing that the love-story is a short one, the poet should make it a point to bring in the description of seasons moon-rise and other pertinent things even by making a digression.'
Generally the Sanskrit word used for the chapters of a fel?139 composed in Sanskrit is pt, for those of a महाकाव्य composed in प्राकृत it is either आश्वास, or सन्धि, or 8477ha. But there is no hard and fast rule as regards the word for a chapter; for even in Sanskrit poems we find the word efire used for a chapter as for instance in aftgate.
There is a rule that the metre for every chapter should be different; but the rule is not so rigid as we find in सेतुबन्ध and other महाकाव्यs one and the same metre used throughout the poem.
After the definition of a Her#182 the author defines an afar. Its important features are:
(1) It is an autobiography of some towering personality who is, of course, the hero of the TezTf141. In an autobiography, however, the narration of one's own exploits and virtues, as made to the readers in general would be rather out of etiquette; to obviate
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this difficulty, therefore, it is supposed in an that the hero relates his story to his bosom friends in private.
(2) In an area verses in aaa or
(3) The word for every chapter of an
उच्छ्रास.
there is a sprinkling of some metre, suggesting coming events. ... is
(4) It is composed in Sanskrit.
(5) It is written in prose. A few verses, occasionally inserted, do not militate against the nature of an errearfare.
The notable instance of an आख्यायिका is हर्षचरित of बाणभट्ट. is written either in prose or verse and may be composed in Sanskrit or Prakrit, or any language. The hero in is of the type, noble-hearted and easy-going. The instance of a prose is the famous कादम्बरी of बाणभट्ट. लीलावती कथा is written in verse. When a short story is introduced in course of a big story, with the object of giving some moral to the readers, it is called an उपाख्यान. The same उपाख्यान when narrated by one person with an accompaniment of music and gestures is called an आख्यान. गोविन्दाख्यान is
an instance of an आख्यान.
When with the object of drawing some moral a story dealing with the lives of animals, birds or low persons is narrated, it is called a fa The famous book, पञ्चतन्त्र of विष्णुशर्मा, दामोदरगुप्त are instances of a निदर्शन.

In a kind of a story there is a conversation between two persons who narrate the story through this conversation.
प्रेतभाषा is पैशाचिकी a Prakrit dialect.
kind of story.
and कुट्टिनीमत of

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[P. 465. A. 8. S. 9.
477891 is a peculiar kind of story, in which various incidents are narrated in a variety of ways.
When only a part of a well-known story is narrated, either from the middle or from the portion at the end, it is called a 154.
A coinplete story with all its various incidents is narrated in सफलकथा. . When out of a well-known story the life of only one person is related it is called उपकथा.
DETI deals with the lives of many persons, contains marvellous incidents and has chapters which are named FFHS.
961 is a well-known type of a story written partly in prose and partly in verse. It is, as a rule, written in Sanskrit. The author, sometimes, introduces his own name or the names of other persons in a 277. Its chapters are called उच्छासs.
*s are stray unconnected verses. Almost every verse in ## is complete in itself and is independent. Sometimes three, four, five or more verses form a group by themselves.
A verse independent and complete by itself is called a मुक्तक. Almost all the verses in अमरूकशतक are मुक्तकs.
Two verses forming one group are called संदानितक. Three verses grouped form विशेषक.
A group of four verses forms कलापक.
A group of five or more verses upto fourteen forms garsFr.
These stray or floating verses may be composed in any language.
When a number of such stray verses is introduced in a big poem it is called quf. Generally in every A817177

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P. 466. A. 8. S. 12.) 276 such cats are found copiously in the description of seasons, sun-rise, night and others.
When there is a collection of one's stray verses it is called #137.
Even the collection of the stray verses of other poets is called कोश, for instance, the गाथासप्तशती of हाल. Other varieties of stray verses are संघात and संहिता. The five tifhs, the beauty of style and matter, as mentioned in the definition of a ACT*171, are equally necessary in the case of आख्यायिका, चम्पू and other varieties of a composition.
इहान्वयमुखेनैव व्याख्यातमखिलं मया। नामूलं लिखितं किञ्चदुक्तं वा नानपेक्षितम् ॥

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