Indian Antiquary Vol 62

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 217

NOVEMBER, 1933)
A CRITICAL STUDY OF ISOPANIŞAD
205
Let us next consider the objection that Professor Altekar has raised against the above identification. He says: "Chandragupta II must have taken the first opportunity to retrieve the honour of his house by destroying or at least defeating the Kushans. . But are there any indications of Chandragupta II having led any military expedition in the Punjab. None whatsoever." But this absence of evidence is at best a negative argument, and is not conclusive. Unfortunately we have very little knowledge of the events in Candragupta's reign. He may, for all we know, have proceeded against the Kushân king and reduced him to submission but spared his life, as later on Harga seems to have done in the case of Saśánka. There is no evidence to suppose that the war against the Satraps of Ujjayini was the first campaign in which he was engaged. We know that the Satraps continued to rule in Malwa till 388 A.D. at least, i.e., for more than ten years after Candragupta's accession. During this period he may have been occupied other places e.g., in the Panjab and Kashmir, subjugating the Kushåns. It is noteworthy that the minister Amrakardava, who made a gift to the Buddhist monastery at Sanchi, describes himself as a FREEC619:25 The many battles in which he had won renown were not evidently all of them fought in Malwa.
I have thus tried to prove that (1) King Kartikeya to whom the verse Ta a , etc., is addressed was Mahîpåla
I of the Gurjara Pratihâra dynasty of Kanauj; (2) The incident of the surrender of Dhruvasvamini occurred either near the
Jalandhar Dodb or near Jalalabad. (3) The Saka enemy who reduced Ramagupta to such plight was the Kushån king
who ruled over the Panjab and Kåbul.
A CRITICAL STUDY OF ISOPANIŞAD.
BY PROF. F. OTTO SCHRADER, PH.D., KIEL. "No knowledge without virtue" may possibly be the thesis propounded in the conclusion of Kena Upanişad; yet it is isā Upanişad that first deliberately teaches the samuccaya doctrine. The importance, however, of this precious little text for the history of Indian thought is still greater in that it is also the first gospel of that karma-yoga which is often erroneously believed to have appeared with the Bhagavadgita only.
Karmayoga is clearly taught in verses 1 and 2 of this Upanigad. These verses (as also 9 to 11 ; see f..n. 29) are a protest against that well-known growing tendency of the Upa. nişads to denounce acts as a hindrance to liberation. Acts, says our Upanişad, should be done by all means (kurvann, evoha), and life may even be enjoyed (bhuhjithab), supposing we renounce ahamkara (instead of the acts) by constantly realizing that the Lord is in every thing. Tena tyaktona is one of the rare absolute instrumentals occurring in Sanskrit literature (see Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, 372), and it means " by renouncing it (the world, jagat)," viz., in favour of the idea that the world is entirely God's. This meaning persists, however we explain f&dod syam. It is emphasized by the second half of 2 which I understand thus : evam eva na cdnyathetah " na karma lipyats nare" iti tvayy asti, i.e., “In this very way, and not by any method different from this, it (the teaching) does hold true with thee that karman
36 V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 4th ed., p. 290. 1 Belvalkar, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. II, p. 177.
? Two commentaries (viz., Anant Ac Arya's and Balakridad eo's, which together with that of Ra. macandre I consider the best on Ian Up.), explain tena by Idd, and tyaktena by dattena, with dhanena under. stood. This 18, no doubt, a very tempting suggestion, because it facilitates the connection with the following påda (ito 'dhikamp md grdhaḥ, A.); but this moaning of tyaj is unfamiliar to the older as well as the later Upanigade.