Indian Antiquary Vol 62

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 331

August, 1933)
DOUBLING OF CONSONANTS
[ $ 297-299
297. Sufficing. The letter h is sometimes added to a monosyllable ending in a vowel. This occurs in the Hindi yah, this, and wah, that, for i and u respectively.
In Northern Panjābi and in the neighbouring Northern Lahnda there is a tendency to add this to an accented syllable, of which it raises the tone ($ 152). Thus NP. jâh, NL. jäh, for jā, go thou ; NP. NL, dēh, for de, give thou (NP. Gr. v); NL. nå or nah, not.
In Kg. h is often written after a final short vowel, but is not pronounced. As in the case of yah, wah, above, it is exactly equivalent to the Prs. imperceptible h or hace muxtafi. Thus karih, for kari, abl, of karı, a bracelet ; chuh, he is, cheh, she is, chih, they (masc.) are, for cku, che, chi, respectively. The h is really added to prevent the vowel being pronounced as a mātrā-vowel, which is always written without the h in the native character. Thus afie, Skari, but a s a common spelling of kori. When suffixes are added, the his dropped. Thus chuh-+-m becomes chum, he is to me.
DOUBLING OF CONSONANTS. 298. The double consonants derived from Pr. are not mentioned here. These are discussed in § 274. We have seen that in most IAVs. (except in Panjābi and Lahndā) these are generally simplified, the preceding vowel, if short being lengthened. By a reverse process in dialectic Hindi and dialectic Gujarāti, when a long vowel precedes a single con sonant, there is a tendency to double the consonant and shorten the vowel. For examples and references see $ 174.
In Lahndā there is a tendency to double the final consonant of a monosyllable. This occurs not only when the doubling is etymologically justified, as in satt, seven; kann, an ear; gall (Skr. galdah), a word, but also in words where there never has been a doubling in any stage of the language, such as dill, the heart (Prs. dil, Av. zered-). This is no doubt due to • false analogy.
ELISION OF CONSONANTS. 299. Aphæresis. According to Tessitori (JRAS. 1913, 554; OWR. Gr. $ 94) an initial k is sometimes elided in OWR. Thus, from Skr. kidséah, Ap. kaïsa-, of what kind ? he de. rives the OWR, kisin or siu, what? This is the only approximately certain example that he gives, and, till further proof is available, I am at present doubtful as to the correctness of the rather important thcorics that he deduces from it, although it must be admitted that it offers a tempting explanation of the puzzling Gujarati so, what? I have not met any similar instance of the spheresis of any mute consonant elsewhere in the IAVs.
We occasionally come across instances of the aphæresis of a semi-vowel. Thus in Marathi v has a tendency to disappear before a palatal vowel, as in vistav or isto, fire ; vis or is, twenty ; this is especially common in rustic dinlects. The word vēl, time, drops the v, and then prefixes y (S 294), so that it optionally becomes yel. This is especially common in M. (Kön.) where we have, c.g., vikük or ilūk, to sell ; visakal or isekal, scattered ; r visar- or isar., forget ; vepür or yepür, business (LSI, V, ii, 23, 66, 169). We see a similar tendency in Western Pabări to elide both initial y and initial w, as in ad for yūd, memory; riste, for wāsté, for the sake (of). So also in Western Pahāri we have initial relided in r rac or r de, to be lost.
The same is also common in the Rājbamsi dialect of Bengali (LSI. V, i, 104). Here an initial r is clided as a rule, and a following a is lengthened. Thus, randhite, to cook, >ān. White, and rava, noise, > ho.
Aphæresis of his common in Western Pahāri. Thus hönā, to be, is generally represented by öņā, or some such form. So ha or å, I am ; ath for häth, a hand, and many others. Again it is very common in colloquial Gujarati and Rajasthāni, as in G. utö for huto, he was; û for hú:
145