Indian Antiquary Vol 62

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032554/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc.,
EDITED BY
CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C. S. I.,
FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE, RAO BAHADUR DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M. A.,
(HONY.) PH.D., F. A. S. B. HONOBABY CORRESPONDENT, ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA,
AND
Prof. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M. A.,
VOL. LXII.-1933.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
RAJPOTANA
..
ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS. AIYAR, L. V. RAMASWAMI, M.A., B.L.
1. PICCOLI, PROF., GIUSEPPE, PH.D.
1. PICO DRAVIDIO PROBLEMS .. .. .. 46 A COMPARISON BETWEEN SONS OF THE INDUS INITIAL FRICATIVES AND ATTRICATIVES OF
'SCRIPT' AND SONS IN THE Corpus Inscrip. DRAVIDIAN .. .. .. .. .. 141 tionum Etruscarum ..
__ .. .. 213 ANSTEY, MISS LAVINIA M., and the lato SIR REU, PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATHR.C. TEMPLE, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A.
Rio CHANDRASEN, A FORGOTTEN HERO or Tas SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, A COLLECTION ON M88., BY BXB
JALOR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA NARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.B.A. Bup.
VISALA, dated V.8. 1174 .. .. .. 41 203, 219, 236, 251, 267 KIRÅDU INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BHANDARKAR, PROF. D.R., M.A., PH.D.
CRÅLUXYA BADMADEYA II AND HIS FEUDAIMPORTANT FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION TOUND
TORY CHAUHANA MADANABRAHMADEVA, AT MALASTHAN (Bogra District) .. .. 177 dated V.8. 1235 .. .. .. .. 42 DAS GUPTA, NALINI NATH, M.A.
RICHARDS, F.J., M.A. ON THE REIGN OF KRENA II, THE RAPTRAXOTA 134 A SINHALESE-PAŅDYAN SYNCHRONISM ... .. DIKSHITAR, V. R. RAMACHANDRA, M.A.
GEOGRAPHICAL FACTORS IN INDIAN ARCER THE LUNAR CULT IN INDIA .. .. .. 178 LOGY .. .. .. .. .. .. GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., O.M., K.C.L.E.- ROSS, FRANK, E. ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS. New LIGHT ON CHARLES MANSON .. .. 221 Sup.
103, 111, 119, 127, 136, 161, 167 SALETORE, B.A., B.A., PH.D. (LOND. HIRALAL, RAI BAHADUR, M.A
DYNASTIO CONTINUITY IN VIJAYANAGARA THE EXTENT AND CAPITAL OF DAXŞINA KOBALA 161 HISTORY JAYASWAL, K.P., M.A. (Oxon.), BAR-AT-LAW
SCHRADER, PROF. F. OTTO, PH.D.THE VIKRAMKHOL INSCRIPTION .. .. .. 58 A CRITICAL STUDY OF Ibopanigad .. .. 205 Soms Notes ON NAMES IN HINDU GEOGRAPHY. 119 SHARMA, PROF. DASARATHA, M.A.PLACES AND PROPLES IN ABOKA'S INSCRIPTIONS 121 GLEANINGS TROM SANSKRIT LITERATURE (The PROCLAMATION OF ASOKA AS A BUDDHIST
Works of Vdchaspati Mitra) .. .. .. AND HIS JAMBUDVEPA ..
.. 167
Tas ADVAITA VEDANTA IN THE SEVENTH CEN. JOHNSTON, E. HAMILTON, M.A., D.LITT.
TURY .. .. .. .. .. . THE GANDISTOTRA .
.. 61 STEIN, SIR AUREL, K.C.I.E.RANDOM NOTES ON THE TRIVANDRUM PLAYS 98, 111 Ox ANCIENT TRACKS PAST THE PARS .. KOUL, PANDIT ANAND
TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD C., BT., C.B., C.I.E.,Kisuutet RIDDLES .. .. .. .. 21 (The Late) Kishute PROVERBS ..
71, 194, 243 CAPELAN (The Ruby Minea District of Burma).. 12 LALLA VAKYANI (The Wire Sayinge of Lal Did) 108 BANGAL AND THE Crry or BANGALA (Contribu.
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI 216, 223 . tions to an old Controversy) . .. .. .. 43 MAZUMDAR, B.C.
- in collaboration with MISS LAVINIA THE BUMKRIAN Sacaea AND ITS INDIAN FORM 233 ANSTEY MIRASHI, PROF. V.V., M.A.
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMHISTORICAL DATA IN RIJASEKARA'S
PANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS. BY BERNARD P. Viddhaddlabhanjild .. .. .. .. 35 SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A. Sup. 203, 219, HISTORICAL DATA IN PADMAGUPTA's
235, 251, 267 Navaadhasdikacarita .. .. .. .. 101 VENKATASUBBIAH, A.FURTHER LIGHT ON RAMAGUPTA .. 201 MEAN Samkrdntis .. .. .. .. .. 171 MORELAND, W.H., 0.8.1. C.I.E. -
The Mandukyopanipad and GAUDAPİDA .. 181 FRANCISCO PELBAKRT IN INDIA .. .. .. 168 | VOGEL, PROF. J. Pu., Px.D.OLDHAM, C. E. A. W., C. 8. I.
NOTE ON A STONE IMAGE OF AGNI, THE GOD IXDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT LITERATURE
OF FIRE, IN THE POSSESSION OF SR ERIC 17, 77, 137, 199 G EDDES .. .. .. .. .. .. 223

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CONTENTS
.. .
38 78
MISCELLANEA. India and the East in Current Literature, by C. E. A.W.O.
17, 77, 137, 199 A Sinhalese-l'ândyan Synchronism, by F. J. Richards .. The Advaita Vedanta in the Seventh Century, by Prof. Dasaratha Sharma An Archaeological Atlas of Greater India, to be published by the Kern Institute, Leiden .. .. 99 Some Notes on Names in Hindu Geography, by K. P. Jayaswal .. . .. .. .. .. 119 Francisco Pelsaert in India, by W. H. Moreland .. .. .. ..
.. .. 158 important Fragmentary Inscription found at Mahâsthân (Bogra District), by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar 177
..
..
80
.
100
BOOK-NOTICES. Cornwallis in Bengal, by A. Aspinall, M.A., Ph.D. rev. by Sir W. Foster, C.L.E. .. .. Origin and Growth of Caste in India, by N. K. Dutt, M.A., Ph.D., rev. by Sir E. A. Gait, K.C.S.I. .. The Pallava Genealogy, by the Rev, H. Horas, S. J., rev. by F. J. Richards . . . . . o Oriente Portugues, Dec. 1931, rev. by W. H. Moreland .. .. .. .. A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language, by R. L. Turner, M.C., M.A.,
Litt.D., rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. A Calendar of the Court Minutos of the East India Company, 1671-73, by Ethel Bruce Sainsbury, rev.
by C. E. A. W. Oldham.. The Religion of Tibet, by Sir Charles Bell, K.C.I.E., C.M.G., rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham.. .. .. Anthropological Bulletin from the Zoological Survey of India, No. 1, by B. S. Guha and P. C. Basu, rev.
by F. J. Richards .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. An Account of Tibet : the Travels of Ippolito Desideri, S. J., ed. by Filippo de Filippi, rev. by E. H.C. Walsh
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 78 Die Gesetze der Weltgeschichte Indien, by Hartmut Piper, rev. by E. H. Johnston Panoramic India, by W. R. Wallace, rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. ..
bliographie Védique, by Louis Renou, rev. by E. H. Johnston .. . The Kadamba Kula, by G. M. Mornes, M.A., rev. by F. J. Richards . .. .. .. .. l'indu Administrative Institutions in South India, by Rao Bahadur S. K. Aiyangar, M.A., Ph.D., rev. by
D. R. Bhandarkar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Studies in Cola History and Administration, by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, rev. by F. J. Richards .. 119 List of Ancient Monuments protected by Act VII of 1904 in Bihar and Orissa, by M. H. Kuraishi, B.A.,
rev. by C.E.A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Comparative Tables of Muhammadan and Christian Dates, compiled by Sir Wolseley Haig, K.C.I.E., etc., rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham
.. .. .. .. .. .. 120 Archeological Survey of Mysore, An. Rep. for 1929, by M. H. Krishna, rev. by F. J. Richards.. .. 120 Jainism in North India, 800 B.C.-526 A.D., by Chimanlal J. Shah, M.A., rev. by H. Hargreaves .. 138 Brahman, by Jarl Charpentier, Ph.D., rov. by. E. H. Johnston . Indian Caste Customs, by L. 8. 8. O'Malley, C.I.E., rev. by Sir E. A. Gait, K.C.S.I. .. Medieval India : Social and Economic Conditions, by A. Yusuf Ali, M.A., C.B.E., rev. by. W. H. More
land .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 140 Somanátha and Other Medieval Temples in Kathi wed, by H. Cousene, rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham . 160 Buddhist Logie, vol. II, by Th. Steherbatsky, Ph.D., rev. by E. H. Johnston .. . An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism, by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, rev. by. E. H. Johnston .. 180 Geography of Early Buddhism, by B. C. Law, M.A., B.L., Ph.D., rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham.. .. 180 o Oriente Portugués, Apr., July, Oct. 1932, rev. by W. H. Moreland .. .. .. .. .. Mahârâpå Kumbha, by Harbilas Sarda, rov. by D. R. Bhandarkar . . . Gangd-Purdtattvárika, 1933, rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 200 The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India by the late Robert Sewell, edited by S. K. Aiyangar, M.A. Ph.D., rev. by F. J. Richards . . . . .
" " " " " 218 Etudes d'Orientalisme, Musée Guimet, 1932. rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham
.. .. 219 Journal of the B. & O. Research Society, vol. XIX, Pts. 1 & 2, Mar.-June, 1933, rov. by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. ..
" .. .. .. .. 220 Buddhist Logic, vol. I, by Th. Stcherbatsky, Ph.D., rev. by E. H. Johnston Mauryan Polity, by V. R. R. Dikshitar, M.A., rev. by E. H. Johnston .. .. .. .. Enclyclopædia Mundarica, by Fr. J. Hoffmann and A. van Emelen, rev. by R. L. Turner .. 247 Livro da Seita dos Indios Orientais of Fr. J. Fenicio, ed. by Jarl Charpentier, Ph.D., rev. by C. E. A.
Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 247 Indian History for Matriculation, by K. P. Mitra, M.A., B.L., rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. L'Oeuvre de la Délégation Archiologique en Afghanistan, by J. Hackin, rov. by C. E. A, W. Oldham .. 247
.. 140
.. 178
.. 180
200

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CONTENTS
Mediaval Temples of the Dakhan, by H. Cousons, rev. by C. E. A. W. Oldham ..
.. .. 248 Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extreme Orient, tome XXXI, Nos. 3 and 4 (July.Dec. 1931), rov. by C. E.
A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 248
SUPPLEMENTS. On the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, by Sir George A. Grierson, O.M., K.C.I.E.
103, 111, 119, 127, 135, 151, 167 The Scattergoods and the East India Company : & Collection of M88. by Bernard P. Soattergood, M.A..
F.S.A., edited by the late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt., C.B., F.B.A. and Lavinia M. Anstoy 203, 219, 235, 251, 267
PLATES AND MAPS. Vikramkhol Inscription (Sambalpur District, Bihar and Orissa)
Plate 1. General view of the (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, taken from the north east Plate 2. Estampage of the inscription., 1st part, from south-east.. Plate 3. ►
2nd Plate 4. „ .
3rd
.. Plate 5. Plate 6. Detail view of (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, 1st pert, from south-east Plate 7. >>
► 2nd > > Plate 8.
3rd » Plate 9.
> > 4th
58
Map:
Sketch Map to illustrate Sir Aurel Stein's paper on “ Ancient Tracks past the Påmirs"
..
.. 94
Comparison between Signs of the Indus Script " and Signs in the Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum
Two plates, showing (A) Indus Signs, and (B) Signs from the CIE. and 11. in juxtaposition .. 214
Images of Agni :
Plate 1. Image of Agni in the possession of Sir E. Geddes Plate 2. Images of Agni in the Mathura, Lucknow and British Museums Plato 3. Images of Agni in the Lucknow Museum .. .. .. ..
Geographical Factors in Indian Archeology
Plate 4. Figs. 1.6. Cultural Impacts in India .. .. Plate 5. Figs. 7-12. Cultural Distribution in India.. Plate 6. Figs. 13-15
. »
235
.

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· THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME LXII-1933
DYNASTIC CONTINUITY IN VIJAYANAGARA HISTORY.
BY B. A. SALETORE, PE.D. (LOND.). In the following paper I shall make an attempt to trace the relationship between the Aravidu, Tuluva, SAļuva and Sangama dynasties which ruled over the Vijayanagara Empire, and the connection between the last one and the Hoysala House. We are not concerned here with the question whether or not the founders of Vijayanagara were of Karnataka or Telugu origin.
1. Hoysala-Sangama Continulty. In the year of their accession to power the five sons of Sangama gave public demonstration to their relationship with the royal family that preceded them in supremacy in Southern India, in an epigraph dated 1346 A.D., in which they recorded their pilgrimage to the famous Sringeri matha. Among other interesting facts mentioned in this important inscription, we find Ballappa DamnAyaka given the epithet of aligo or son-in-law. An inquiry into the antooedents of this person settlos once for all the question of the relationship of the sons of Sangama with the rulers of the Hoysala-vanba. But in tracing the lineage of Vallappa or Baliappa Dannayaka one cannot help entering into a digression in order to examine the validity of a statement made by the Rev. Fr. Herry Heras, who writes in his Beginnings of Vijayanagara History thus about Vallappa -" This Vallapa-dannayaka, the son of the great minister of Ballala ITI, who became the great minister in the palace of the said Emperor, whose nephew he was on his mother's side, had married a daughter of Harihara I, as he is callod Harihara's Aliya ; and from this marriage we know of a son named Tanan."
The epigraphs prove tha: Vallappa was the aliya of Harihara I., but do not suggest in the least that he was the nephew of BallAla" on his mother's side." The reason why Fr. Heras has arrived at an untenable conclusion is probably due to the fact that he has confounded two persons who bore almost the same name and hold almost the same office. These were Dadiya Somaya (or, as he was also called, Someya) and Mayduna Somaya.
The following considerations will invalidate any such identification based on a mere similarity in names
(a) The titles or birudas which the two asumed, and
(6) Their relative position in the history of the times. (a) The birudas of Mayduna (i.e., sister's husband) Somaya were the following: Champion over princes who are very fond of their bodies'; champion over princes who, having made a gift to-day, say “No” tomorrow'; champion over princes wko, having made a gift, brood on it.'
He is also called a Daņņayaka..
Dadiya Somaya is styled a Dannayaka but is more commonly called a pradhana (minister) and a mand-pradhana.
1 Epigraphia Oarnatica, VI, Sg. 1, p. 92, Text, p. 348. 3 Hers, The Beginninge of Vijayanagara History, p. 92. 3 Herba, Ibid., pp. 90-91. . . Mysore Archological Report for 1912-18, p. 40. 6 Ep. Oar., X, Mr. 28, p. 163. 6 Ibid., Ht. 43, p. 92, Text, p. 206. 1 Ibid., Ht. 75, Text, pp. 45,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
JANUARY, 1933
(6) Their position,
Mayduna Sômaya Damnayaka fought agu-inst Lenkampela of Holalakere in 1303 A.D.8 In the same year we see him as the governor of Bemmatturu-durga (mod. Chitaldroog), and in a battle with Kampila Dêva, the general of the Seuņa army, he lost his life.9 1303 A.D. is, therefore, the last date for Mayduna Somaya Daņņayaka.
But Dadiya Somaya Dannayaka lived for 39 years more! A record dated (kaka-varsha) 1240 neya Kalayukta-8a hvalsarada Magha tu. 12(=1318 A.D., Saturday, 14th February) informs us that as mahd-pradhana or great minister, he, together with Maradêvi-deva, granted to Jogai Akkaladu-pattana-svami Parepa Setti & sisana which is unfortunately illegible. 10 In 1339 A.D., according to another effaced inscription, Dadiya Somaya with Rayana and Bana Jallappa-dannayaka made a grant which is also illegible.11
The confusion between the two persons, Dadiya Somaya and Mayduna Sômaya, arises not only because of their names but because of the fact that one cf their sons was also called by an identical name. Mayduna Somaya's son was called Singeya Daņņayaka, and Dadiya Sômaya's son was also called Singeya Daņņayaka. But these two persons were not the sama for the following reasons.
Mayduna Somaya's scr. Singeya Dannayaka died in 1322 A.D., while fighting for his master Virs Pandya against the latter's own son Samudra Pandya. His birudas, we may incidentally note, were the following: An adamantine cage to refugees'; 'protector of refugees '; 'an elephant goad to warriors'; champion over youths who are fond of their bodies.'
But the last date for Dadiya Somaya's son Singeya Daņņayaka is 1338 A.D. He wag ruling over Singuni in 1302 A.D. together with Vaichaya Nayaka.13 In about 1330 A.D. he is called one of the ministers of Ballala III.13 He is called by the same name in 1331 A.D.1. But in 1337 A.D. he is styled a maha-pradhana (great minister).'5 In a record of the next year, too, he is given the same high position. 16
Singeya Dannayaka, who was thus the son of Dadiya Sômaya Dannayaka,11 had a younger brother called Vallappa Dannayaka. We gather this from records of 1336, 1338, 1342 and 1343 A.D. 18 To these we must add those epigraphs which clearly say that he was the son of Dadiya Somaya. These range from 1333 to 1346 A.D. 19 Among these is one
8 My. Arch. Rep., 1912-13. p. 45.
My. Arch. Rep. for 1912-13, p. 40. 10 Ep. Car., IX, Kn. 69, p. 129, Text, p. 129; Swamikannu, The Indian Ephemeris, IV, p. 238. Rico gives the date as 1339 A.D. ,
11 Ep. Oar., IX, Ht. 43, loc. cit. I may incidentally note that this Dadiya Somaye was not the same as Somarno whom Fr. Horas identifies with the former (Beginnings, p. 91). Somarusa is called aramaneya pradhana (house-minister) in 1318 A.D. Kp. Car., IX, Op. 73, p. 146. Since an aramancya-pradhdna and a mahd-pradhana have never been the same in Karnataka history, we may presume that Sómarasa was altogether a different person from Dadiya Somaya. The references given in this connection in the Beginnings to "Ak" in Ep. Car. should all be to "Ht,"
13 Ep. Car., IX, An. 80, p. 118. Seo ibid., Ht. 139, p. 106, for Tamma Singoya Dappåyaka. 13 Ibid., t. 66, p. 94. 1. Ibid., Ht. 140, p. 106. 15 Ep. Oar., X, Bp. 63, p. 101. He is called here Data Siagoya, evidently an error for Dati singøya. 18 Ibid., Bp. 10, p. 137. 17 Ep. Car., IX, An. 84, p. 119. 18 Ibid., Ht. 134, p. 106, Ht. 90, p. 98; Ep. Car., X, Bp. 10, p. 137, Mr. 16, p. 160. 19 Ep. Car., X, Mr. 28, p. 163 ; Ep. Car., VI, Cin. 105, pp. 49-50 ; Ep. Car., IX, Ht. 76, p. 96.

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JANUARY, 1933]
DYNASTIC CONTINUITY IN VIJAYANAGARA HISTORY
which tells us that Dadiya Sômaya Daņņayaka himself was "the minister descended from that king (BallAla ITT) (tasya rájánvaya).20 The conclusion which may be drawn from this is that Vallappa Dannayaka was, therefore, also of Hoysala descent.
But this conclusion of ours needs modification, since there are other records, issued by Vallappa himself and by responsible officers of Ballkla III, which call him the younger brother of Singeya Dannayaka, who is called the son of that Hoysala monarch. The epigraphs which contain this information are mostly in Tamil. They date from 1328 to 1339 A.D. We are told the following in these records ....Vira Vallala Dévar kumarar Dati Singe-dannayakkar tambiyar Vallappa Dannayakar.31
How can we reconcile these apparently conflicting statements that Vallappa was the son of Dadiya Sômaya, and that he was brother of Singeya, who was the son of Balla!a TII ! I confess it is difficult to understand these statements except on the following supposition. We know that, in the course of the Muhammadan invasions, Vira BallAla III's son, Prince Vira Virûpåksha BallA!a, was captured by the enemy, and that his return to the capital was commemorated by a remission of taxes in 1313 A.D. During the absence of Virupaksha Ballaļa, or for some considerations unknown to us, Balla!a III may have adopted Singeya Dannayaka as his son cr crown-prince. This explains why only Singeya, and not Vallappa, is called the son of BallAla III.
However that may be, Vallappa's position in Hoysala history deserves notice. He continued to hold the high office of mahd-pradhana, which his father Dadiya Sômaya had held before him in 1342 A.D.23 He is called the chief minister of BallAla ITT in 1343 A.D.:. But, as narrated above, he is called the aliya of Harihara I in 1346 A.D. Now, when did he become an aliya of Harihara I ! According to the Rev. Fr. Heras, he married a daughter of Harihara "earlier than this date” (i.e., that referring to the death of Ball&ļa III, or, in other words, before 1343 A.D.)95 But I am inclined to place the date of this marriage-if it took place at all-in 1346 A.D. No inscription before 1346 A.D. ever refers to him as aliya, but in that year there are at least three records which call him aliya Vallappa. One of these is the Sringêri record already cited above. The second is in Tamil, and it calls him Ariya (syfw) Vallappa Dannayaka.36 Evidently the word ariya is a Tamil form of the Kannada aliya. A copper-plate grant in the Sringeri matha, also dated in the same year, confirms the evidence of these records.27
From the above considerations we may conclude that Vallappa was the son of Dadiya Səmaya, that, therefore, he was directly connected with the Hoysala dynasty, and that he was the aliya of Harihara 1.2*
30 Ep. Car., IX, Ht. 43, p. 92, Text, p. 206.
31 Ep. Car., IX, P. II, Mr. 10, 18, pp. 94, 97, Ep. Car., IX, Ht. 104, p. 101, n. 1, Text, p. 62 ; Ht. 96, Text, p. 48; My. Arch. Report for 1913-14, pp. 44-5.
33 Ep. Car., VII, Sh. 68, p. 28. 23 Ep. Cor., IX, Ht. 90, p. 98. 34 Ibid., Ht. 75, 96.
36 Heras, Beginnings, p. 92. Fr. Horas also writes :"... and from this marriage we know of a son named Tanan." (Ibid.) While it is true that the record gives us the name of Tanan, it does not say anything about the marriage. Nothing about the marriage can be made out from this disjointed epigraph. See Ep. Car., X, Mr. 18, p. 160.
36 Ep. Car., X, P. II, Mr. 61, p. 104. 27 My. Arch. Report for 1916, p. 57.
18 We cannot dotermine tho oxact relationship in this connection too, since aliya may stand for son-in-law or nephew.

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THE INDIAX AXTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1933
II. Sangama-Sâļuva Continuity. (A) Winning over Vallappa to their side was a diplomatic achievement which had its effect on the rise of the sons of Sangama in the Karnataka. We shall not enter into this question, but shall now describe how by another, and an equally diplomatic stroke, these new rulers strengthened their position in the land. This was by a dynastic marriage with the ancient Saluvas, whose history we shail describe in detail in a subsequent paper. Meanwhile we may observe the source which gives us this piece of information. In a drama called Narayanavilasa, written by Prince Virupaksha, grandson of Rama and (grand)son of Bukka, we are tolil that Harihara married a princess called Malla Devi. The verse upon which this is based is the following: -
P(a)utro Buleka-narendrasya dauhitro Rama-bhupatéh
Vidyaté hi Virüpáksho rája-Harihara-átmajah 29 Rao Bahadur Venkayya identified the Rama Déva mentioned in the above drama with the Yâdava ruler Ramachandra.30 But the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao rightly disproved the contention of the late Mr. Venkayya on the ground that the disparity in the ages of the Yadava ruler Ramachandra (1271-1309 A.D.) and Harihara II (1375-1406 A.D.) made it impossible for us to accept the identification thus suggested.31 But Mr. Gôpi. nath Rao failed to tell us who this Rama Deva was. I identify him with Sâļuva Rama Déva, son of Saļuva Kâya Dêva. He is mentioned in a record dated 1384 A.D. as fighting against the Muhammadans at Warangal and losing his life, evidently in the siege of Kottakonda.32 There is nothing improbable in Harihara II having married a daughter of Såļuva Rama Deva. If this is accepted, we find that the Sangama dynasty was also connected with the Såļuva family.
Sangama-Saluva Continuity. (B) The marriage of Harihara II with Malla Dêvî marks one step in the direction of the Sangama-Saļuva alliance. When we come to the times of Deva Raya II (1419-1446 A.D.) we meet with another link which knit the ancient family of the Såļuvas with the new dynasty of Vijayanagara. A record dated 1430 A.D. tells us that "his (i.e., Déva Raya II's) elder sister Harima's husband was Såluva Tippa Déva, an ornament to the Lunar race, & royal swan at the feet of Kamsari (Křishna)." 33 Round this person of Såļuva Tippa centre certain considerations. Who was he, and what brought about this alliance between the Sangama and Saļuva houses? We can only conjecture about the latter : political necessity coupled with a desire to strengthen his Yadava descent may have induced Deva Raya II to give his sister in marriage to Såļuva Tippa Dêva. These suppositions are less interesting than those relating to the identity of Saļuva Tippa.
Bearing the above in mind, we now turn to the Telugu works entitled Vardhapuranam and Jaimini Bharatam. According to these, and also according to inscriptions, the Saluva family traced its origin to Yadu. The earliest historical personage mentioned in the Vardhapuranam is Vanki Dêva. From him descended Gunda, who had six sons, of whom Såluva Mangu was the greatest. This remarkable general needs a separate treatment for himself. Såļuva Mangu had six sons, the eldest amongst whom was Gauta. He had four sons named Gunda, Saļuva, Boppa and Tippa. The Jaimini Bharatam eulogises Tippa, whose birudas were Misaraganda, Kathari Såļuva and Panchaghantaninada.34
29 Seshagiri Sastry, Report on Sanskrit and Tamil MSS. for 1896-97, p. 90.
30 Ep. Report for the Southern Circle for 1899, p. 22 ; Ep. Ind., III, p. 225; Ep. Ind., V, Ad. Cor., p. v; Ep. Ind., VII, p. 299.
31 Ep. Ind., XV. p. 11. 22 Ep. Car., XII, Ck. 15, p. 75, Text, p. 212. 33 Ep. Car., XI, Cd. 20, p. 9. * Komuyya Pantulu, En. Ind., VII, pp. 76-77.

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This youngest son of Gauta, as Mr. Venkayya rightly suggested, 35 may be identified with Såluva Tippa, the brother-in-law of Deva Raya II. The validity of this supposition rests on the similarity of the titles given to Saluva Tippa in the Telugu works and in the few inscriptions we have of him (Misaraganda, and Kathari Saluva), and on the fact whether or not he was a contemporary of Deva Raya II. We know that Tippa's grandfather, as related above, was SAļuva Mangu,36 the famous general of Kampana Odeyar, the conqueror of Madura. Såļuva Mangu may also have been a contemporary of Harihara IT, and his son Gauta, of Deva Raya I, the son of Harihara II. This brings Tippa to the reign of Dêva Raya II. Our surmise is based on an inscription dated Saka 1364, expired Durmati (1441 A.D.), which informs us that the Mahamandalesvara Gandakattári Saluva Tippaya Deva Maharaja remitted certain specified taxes in favour of the Kharapurisvara temple at Tiruppårkadal in the North Arcot district, in the reign of Deva Raya Mahârâya.37 His last date may have been 1449 A.D. This is inferred from a record dated Saka 1371, Sukla, Mågha, Su. 5, Thursday,38 which informs us that Dalavậyi Mallinêningåru constructed the temple of Keśava Perumal in Duggumbadu, Guntur district, on behalf of the village (?) for the merit of Misaraganda Kattari Saļuva Tippaya Deva Maharaja. His inscriptions, which range from 1441 to 1449 A.D., therefore, enable us to assert that he was a contemporary of Dêva Raya II. 39
Sangama-Saļuva Continuity. (C) We now continue with the Telugu works Varáhapuranam and Jaimini Bharatam with a view to ascertain the genealogy of the famous usurper Saļuva Nsisimha. Såļuva Tippa's eldest brother, as mentioned above, was Gunda, whose two sons were Timma and Salava Nrisimha. About Timma there is an epigraph dated Saka 1385, Subhanu (1463 A.D.) which calls him Timmaraja-deva Maharaja Odeyar, son of Gundaraja Odeyar. This Tamil record found in the Venkateśvara Perumal temple at Tirumala, contains a gift for the merit of Narasingaraja Odeyar. 40 We are not sure whether we have to identify the Narasinga Odeyar mentioned in this inscription with the usurper Nțisimha of Vijayanagara history, whose accession to the throne is still a matter of dispute. 11 Perhaps the Narasingaraja mentioned above may have been the younger brother of Gunda, and, therefore, one of the uncles of Timma, mentioned in the Telugu works merely under the name of Såluva. This is only a supposition. We proceed, however, with the history of Saļuva Nộisimha.
The late Mr. Krishna Sastri wrote the following on Saluva Nrisimha: “The Nagar epigraph, which is dated in Saka 1378, Dhâtri, seems to refer to the Såluva Mahamandalesvara Narasingadêva-Ma(hârâja). This is the earliest reference to Narasinga in inscriptions."42 Before we proceed to examine this assertion of Mr. Krishna Sastri, we may note that in this inscription, found in the Någavanna Perumal temple at Nagar, South Arcot district, he is
35 Ep. Report for 1905, pp. 54-55.
30 On SAluva Mangu and his times read Gangádevi, Madhurdvijayam, Int. p. 35 (Ed. Srinivasa-Hari. hara Sastri); The Sources of Vijayanagara History, Jaimini Bhardtam, pp. 29-30 ; ibid., XX, Kamparêye. charitam, pp. 23-25; 52 of 1905; Ep. Report for 1905, pp. 54-55; Heras, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, p. 105.
37 703 of 1904. Another record dated Saka 136 (3) Durmati merely mentions the fact of his having set up a dvajasthambha in the Vataranyékvara temple at Tiruvalangadu in the samo district, without men. tioning his overlord.—498 of 1905.
38 This corresponds to 1449 A.D., January, Wednesday 4th. The woek day does not correspond. 771 of 1922; Swamikannu, Indian Ephemeris, V, p. 100.
39 He seems to have lived till 1463 A.D. according to Rice, Ep. Car., X. Intr., xxxv. 40 249 of 1904 ; Swamikannu, ibid., V, p. 128.
4i Ramayya Pantulu, Ep. Ind., VII, p. 76 seq., Venkayya, Ep. Report for 1904, pp. 15-16; Ep. Report for 1905, p. 51; Ep. Report for 1923, p. 118.
42 Ep. Report for 1911, p. 84. Prof. Rangachari merely repeats this error in his Topographical List of Inscriptions in the Madras Presidency, 1, 732, p. 213.

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called Mahamandalesvara Médinimisdra Narasinga Dêva Maharaja." The above inscription is not, however, the earliest record of the Saļuva Nộisimha. He is mentioned as the son of Gundaya Dêva Maharaja in an epigraph found in the Venkatesvara Perumal temple at Tirumala, North Arcot district. This record is dated Saka 1373, Dhatri. The Saka year corresponds to 1451 A.D., but the cyclic year does not correspond." From the fact that Saļuva Nộisimha's records appear from 1451 till 1467 A.D. in the modern North Arcot districts we may assume that he was in that region probably in the capacity of a provincial governor. He may have been transferred to the northern districts in about 1477 A.D. for reasons not known to us for the present. We infer that he was in the northern districts somewhere in that year from an unfinished record dated Šaka 1399, Hêmalambi, found at Attirala, Cuddapah district. This epigraph relates that Annamarasayya came to Araturevulu, and set right certain specified matters in the Kritsisvara, Parasurimêsvara and Bhai. rava temples, for the merit of Narasingayya Dêva Maharaja.6 I shall not enter into the question whether the absence of the sovereign's name in the record nood necessarily be interpreted as meaning that Saļuva Nsisimha was an independent ruler. Such is the opinion of some *7 to whose views it is not always possible to subscribe.
The relationship of Saļuva Nộisimha to the Sangama family seems to have been more or less well known to the people. This accounts for the following observation by Nuniz "One of his (Pedarao's) captains who was called Narsymgua, who was in some manner akin to him, seeing his mode of life and knowing how ill it was for the kingdom that he should live and reign, though all was not yet lost, determined to attack him, and seize on his lands; which scheme he at once put into force." 8 The fact that Saļuva Nsisimha, and not any one of the numerous powerful lords of the kingdom, set aside the incompetent monarch whom Nunix calls Pedarao (Praudha-Raya ?), suggests that he alone had the best claim to the throne. In the above remark cf Nuniz there may be a reference to the indirect relationship of Saļuva Nrisimha to the Sangama family through Såļuva Tippa.
III. Saluvas and Tuļuvas. (A) Before we revert to the successors of Saļuva Tippa, we may note the descent of Kệishna Dêva Raya, since this helps us to solve the question of the S&ļuva-Tuļuva alliance. Accord. ing to inscriptions and literature, as is well known, the progenitor of the so-called Tuļuva line was Timma, who is styled a ruler famous among the Tuļuva kings. He had by his wife Dêvaki a son called fśvara, whose wife was called Bukkamma. Their son was known as Narasa, who had three wives-Tippäji, the mother of Vira Narasimha; Nagula Dêvî, of Krishna Deva Raya ; and Obambika, of Achyuta.
We start with Timma, the earliest known figure in the Tuļuva dynasty. It is a significant fact that in the Vijayanagara inscriptions discovered so far, the name of the person who preceded Timma is not given. On the other hand, Timma's descent, as we shall presently state, is traced directly to a mythological figure. Obviously this is impossible, for we know that Timma was the great-grandfather of Kộishna Deva Raya. We know too that both Isvara Nayaka and Narasa Nayaka were contemporaries of Saļuva Narasinga. This is
43 304 of 1910. The ruler Praudha-Dôva Raya Maharaja is also mentioned. 46 263 of 1904 ; Swamikannu, Ind. Ephemeris, V, p. 104. 45 CY. 250 of 1904 dated Saka 1389, Sarvajit (1467 A.D.) recording a gift by the same to the samo temple. (6 405 of 1911. 47 G. Veokoba Rao, Ep. Report for 1923, p. 118; 112 of 1923. 48 Sowell, A Forgotten Empire, pp. 306-307.
45 Ep. Car., VII, Sh. I, p. 1; Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 232; Butterworth & Venugopal Chetty, Inscriptions in the Nellore District, I, p. 73; Ep. Report for 1889 (February), p. 2; Ep. Report for 1890 (Oct.). p. 3; Ep. Report for 1912, p. 80 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 118.

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proved by an inscription found in the Sômanåthêsvara temple at Melpadi, Chittor district. It is dated Saka 1379, Isvara, Adi, 20 (=1457 A.D., July, Monday the 18th). Isvara Nayaka is called the dalavdyi of Saluva Narasinga Dêva.50He continued to be the general of tho game ruler till 1478 A.D. Wo infer this from a record dated Saka 1400, Vilambi (1478 A.D., April), found in the Tiruvirattånêsvara temple at Tiruvadi, Cuddalore Taluka, South Arcot district. He is also called the dalavayi of Mahamandalesvara Narasingaya Deva Maharaja 61 Perhaps he is the same Isvara Nayaka who is mentioned in a record found in the Kámêsvara temple at Aragalur, Salem district, and dated only in the cyclic year Plava (i.e.. Saka 1403 =1481 A.D.)59 As regards Narasa Nayaka we have the following records. An inscription found in the Chandramauļésvara templo at Tiruvakkarai, South Arcot district, and dated only in the cyclio year Sobhaksit, but assignable to the Saka year 1404 (1482 A.D.), informs us that Narasa Nayaka (evidently an error for Narasa Nayaka) was the agent of the king Såļuva Narasinga Dêva.53 In an age when some high offices were hereditary, it is not improbable that Narasa Nayaka should have succeeded his father as agent (for the affairs) of the king in the same district. By Saka 1420, Pingala, Chaitra, Su., Saturday (=1497 A.D., March 18th, Saturday), Narasa Nayaka seems to have risen in the estimation of the ruler. This may be inferred from an inscription of that date found in the Ramaswami temple at Ramapuram, Anantapur district, which states that Kachapa Nayaka of Adavani, son of Immadi Kachapa Nayaka, held the district of Rayadurga-chavadi as a fief from Narasinga Raya Maharaya and Narasaņa Nayaka 64 Two other records dated 1499 A.D. call him agent for the affairs of Medinimisara Gandakathari SAļuva Narasimha Raya.55 We may here note that Narasa Nayaka died in Saka 1425, Rudhirðdgarin (1503 A.D.) This is inferred from a record found in the Brihadámba temple at Dêvikápuram, North Arcot district, which informs us that his subordinates Tirumalai Nayaka and Isura Nåyaka gave a gift of land and house in the village of Kaildsa, to a certain Samarapungava Dikshita, for the merit of SvAmi Narasa Nayaka "who went to Siva-loka" (i.e., died).66
As related above, tsvara's father was called Timma. It is true that he is called Timma of the Tuluva line. The history of Tuluva (roughly modern South Kanara) does not afford any clue to the identity of this chief. The ancient dynasty that ruled over Tuluva was that of the Alupa (or Aļuva) kings of Udayavara. There was of course also that of the S&ļuvas, which ruled from Sangita pura. The later rulers, who established their principality at Kårkala, could trace their descent to the Santaras of Hombuchchhapura (modern Humcha) on the Western Ghâts.07 Whether Timma, the father of løvara, was in any way connected with these rulers or with the petty chieftains of Chandâvûru or Sêtu, I am unable to say. But it seems more probable that he was essentially SAļuva in descent, as the following considerations seem to prove.
We are told in a record assigned to 1434 A.D. that "by order of Deva Raya Maharaya. Lakkanna Odeyar and Madanna Odeyar gave Têkal" to SAļuva Gópa Raya, son of Sâļuva
30 107 of 1921 ; Swamikannu, Ind. Ephemeris, V, p. 117.
61 408 of 1921. He is not to be confounded with Isura or Távara Ndyaka, son of Ettappa Nayaka, mentioned in Saka 1422 (1520-21 A.D.) together with his brother Tirumalai Nayaka. These two brothers were officers under Narasa Nayaka. 385 of 1912 ; 401 of 1912. 62 422 of 1913.
53 198 of 1904. 84 719 of 1917; Swamikannu, Ind. Ephemeris, V, p. 196. 55 Ep. Car., IX, Cp. 52, p. 143 ; Ep. Car., X, Mr. 5, p. 158. 56 357 of 1912; see also Ep. Report for 1913, p. 121.
57 Hultzsch, Ep. India, IX, p. 15 seq.; Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Press. dency, p. 84 (1882); Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 137; Ep. Car., VJI, Intr., pp. 19-20.

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Tippa Raya.58 The reason why Teka! was made over by & special order of the king is not stated; but we assume that consequent on the marriage of Harima with Saļuva Tippa, Déva Raya may have thought it prudent to confer on Saļuva Gôpa the principality of Téka!. It may be that Saluva Gôpa had already become conspicuous in the Tuluva-nadu, where the Saļuvas had a firm footing at Sangitapura ; and that it was necessary to curtail their power by entrusting to the care of Saluva Gópa a province which was distant from Tuluva. These are, we admit, only suppositions for the present. While discussing the history of Saluva Gôpa, we come across certain difficulties both from the point of chronology and the several names which one and the same person bears. Nevertheless one may venture to make the suggestion that SAļuva Gôpa's son was Tirumala Dêva or Gopa Timma or Timma, the founder of the Tuļuva line of Vijayanagara.
This view, which goes against all opinion, which till now has taken the so-called Tuluva family of Vijayanagara to be a distinct branch of rulers, needs to be examined. Såļuva GOpa's inscriptions as Viceroy of Têkal range from about 1434 A.D. to about 1442 A.D.59 They are found in the Malûr Taluka of the Kolar district. The-birudas assumed by him are Kathari Saļuva, Médinimisaraganda, Establisher of Sambuvaraya, and Gandaragúli. These are evidently the same as those which his father Tippa assumed, except that of Panchaghantanináda, which may have been given to SAļuva Tippa for some act of personal bravery about which we are ignorant. Now, these are the same birudas which are given to Tirumalai Dêva, whose inscriptions date from about 1448 A.D. to about 1475-6 A.D. These are found in the Srinivasa PerumA! temple, På panåsam, 60 Gopinatha Perumal temple near Pattisam,61 Subramanya temple at Tiruvidaikkali,62 Agnisvara temple at Tiruk. kattuppalli,63 and Ramanandisvara temple at Tirukkannaparam.64 The ruler referred to in most of these inscriptions—which are all found in the Tanjore district-is Mallikarjuna Raya. Mr. Venkoba Rao, commenting on two of these inscriptions found at Pâpanåsam, writes thus :-"In one of them he (SAļuva Tirumalai Dêva Maharaja) is called 'the Establisher of Sambuvaraya.' He is evidently no other than Gôpa-Timma, who is mentioned as an independent king in an inscription at Tanjore (South Indian Inscriptions, vol. II, page 117 ff.)"65 Although it is not possible for one to agree with Mr. Veńkóba Rao in his conclusion regarding the independent position of the prince in question, yet it is not perhapa improbable that his identification of Gopa-Timma with Tirumalai Dêva is correct. In his Annual Report for 1925 Mr. Venkāba Rao goes one step further in his identification of Tiru. malai Dêva. Ho writes thus: “... ... the chief Tirumalayyadêva-maharaya was the son of Såļuva Gôpa and the brother of Saluva Gópa-Tippa...."66 The justification for this assertion is to be found in a record dated Saka 1375, Srimukha (1453 A.D.), which tells us that Tirumalai-raya was the son of Goppa-raya. This epigraph was found in the Vîrattånêsvara
58 Ep. Car., X, Mr. 1, p. 155, and n. (1). 59 Ep. Car., X., Mr. 1, 2, 3, pp. 155-8; Mys. Arch. Report for 1913-4, p. 47.
60 This is dated Saka 1370, Prajapati, expired. 448 of 1922. The cyclic year does not correspond. Saka 1370=Vibhava : Saka 1373=Prajapati. Swamikannu, Ind. Ephemeris, V, pp. 98, 104.
61 624 of 1920 (see also 527 of 1920); 452 of 1922 ; 456 of 1922. 69 270 of 1925.
63 65 of 1897. This is dated only in the cyclic year Vikrama, which may perhaps refer to šaka 1382 (1460 A.D.). 64 634 of 1922.
65 Ep. Rep. for 1923, p. 118. 68 Ep. Rep. for 1925, p. 89. On Saluva Tippa see 388 of 1911 dated only in the eyclic year Dundubhi (Baka 1364); 482 of 1922 dated Baka 1396 : 528 of 1920 undated : Ep. Rep. for 1923, p. 118. He has been identified by Mr. Venkoba Rao with the commentator of the Kavydlarikárasúlra and two other works, one on music and the other on dancing.

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temple at Tiruvadi, South Arcot district. I confess that it is not possible to explain why Tirumalai Dêvu's inscription of 1453 A.D. should have been found in the South Arcot district when, as related above, most of his records refer us to the Tanjore district. We can only suppose that all these districts together formed the jurisdiction of one provincial ruler in those days, or that Tirumalai Deva was in the South Arcot district in 1453 A.D. on some state business.
This last assumption would enable us to understand the identification of Tirumalai Deva with Gopa-Timma and Timma A rocord dated Saka 1385 expired, Subhanu (1463 A.D.), found in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam, Trichinopoly, calls Tirumalai Dêva by the name of Gôpa-Timma. Dr. Hultzsch wrote the following on this point : “An inscription of Tirumalaidēva dated in 1463 A.D. .... establishes tho correctness of my identification of this king with Timma of Tuļuva, the founder of the second dynasty of Vijayanagara (South Indian Inscriptions, vol. II, p. 117), as, in the Sanskrit verses at the end of the inscription, the king is called Gôpa-Timma."67
While Dr. Hultzsch has thus enabled us to identify the Timma of Vijayanagara history, I am afraid he has not succeeded in explaining one knotty point which we come across in numerous inscriptions as well as in literature, and which till now has remained unexplained. Dr. Hultzsch wrote the following while oditing a record of Krishna Deva Raya :-"The historical part begins with the verse 5 : In his (viz., Turvasu's) race shone king Timma, who was famous among the princes of Tuļuva, just as Krishna shone in the race of Yadu.' From this verse we learn, first, that the founder of the second Vijayanagara dynasty was a native of Tuluva or Northern Malayalam, the country of the northern Tuļuvas. Secondly, he must have been a usurper, as he claims only a mythological relationship to the princes of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara. For, while the kings of this dynasty used to derive their origin from Yadu (see South Indian Inscriptions, I, pp. 156, 160), Timma selected, in opposition to his predecessors on the throne, Yadu's younger brother Turvasu as the mythical progenitor of his race."68
From the Telugu works Varáhapuranam and Jaimini Bharatam, as remarked above, we gather that Saļuva Nsisimha claimed descent from Yadu. We know also that the rulers who belonged to the Sangama line likewise traced their origin to Yadu. Obviously Sâļuva Nrisimha's claims for asserting that the progenitor of the branch to which he belonged was Yadu were not ill-founded, especially when we remember that he could, as Nuniz puts it, "in some manner ” point his relationship to the Sangama family through Saļuva Tippa and his own unidentified wife of the same house. But we have to explain why Turvasu is mentioned in the inscriptions of Krishna Deva Râya and his successors as the progenitor of the so-called Tuluva line. It was because he, and therefore his great-grandfather Timma or Tirumala or Gopa-Timma, claimed descent from the youngest son of Gauta; while Saļuva Nộisimha and his son Sâļuva Narasinga traced their lineage to the eldest son of Gauta. Eliminating the two figures of Saļuva and Boppa, who do not seem to have been conspicuous, we may say that it was merely to distinguish their younger (in reality the youngest) branch from the elder (in reality the eldest) that Krishna Deva Raya's pedigree is traced to Turvasu in opposition to Yadu, the first mythological figure in the main line to which Saļuva Nộisimha belonged.
47 Ep. Rep. for 1892, p. 10. This Tirumalai Dôva is not to be confounded with Tirumalai Dova of Saka 1483 (1631-2 A.D.) who figures in the reign of Achyuta RÂya. 253 of 1906; p. Rep. for 1907, p. 85. He was the son of Salakaiyya Deva Mahârâja. 174 of 1906.
68 Ep. Im., , p. 362.

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But objections may be raised against such an idontification. If Krishna Deva Raya really was the great-grandson of Tirumal or Timma, who was the son of Saļuva Gopa, then why is it that neither in the numerous inscriptions of the same ruler and of his successors, nor in literature, is this fact mentioned ? Secondly, how can we explain the fact that the ages of Timma, Isvara, and Narasa overlap each cthcr to a certain cxtont? Tho latter point I am unable to explain. As regards the former, the fact that Krishna Deva Raya and his successors, as I shall point out in a subsequent paper, assumed Saļuva birudas suggests that they were not unaware of their Saļuva descent. Now comes another consideration. If Timma or Tirumala was the son of Saļuva Gôpa, then why is the lattor not mentioned in any of the epigraphs of Narasa and his successors? Wo must remember that Narasa's importance in Vijayanagara history lies in the fact of his having been a regent; and that really it was only in the days of his eldest son, Vira Narasimha, that the branch to which he belonged assumed imperial dignity.69 According to Hindu lawgivers only three generations previous to that of the actual ruler need be given in the genealogical lists.70 Since it was only in the times of Vîra Narasimha that the so-called Tuļuva dynasty was firmly establishcd on the Vijayanagara throne, both that ruler and his brother Krishna Deva Raya were justified in tracing their descent from Timma or Tirumalai Deva or Gopa-Timma. However that may bo, there cannot be any doubt that the only way of reconciling tho statements made ic epigraphs in connection with Yadu and Turvasu, is by realising that Saļuva Nrisimha traced his origin to the former through Gunda, and Krishna Dôva Raya to the latter through Tippa, the oldost and the youngest sons rospoctively of Gauta.
Såluvas and Tujuvas. (B) A further link in the Saluva and Tuļuva alliance is given by Nuniz, who tolls us that Krishna Deva Raya married "a very beautiful woman of the family cf the kings of Narsy mga ....."(71) Who she was, and whether she was directly connected with Saluva Nộisinha. or whether she was a member of the many collateral branches of the Saluvas spread over the country, we aro unable to determino at the present stage of our investigations. If Nuniz could be roliod upon, Kșishna Deva Raya seems to have made mattors doubly sure by marrying a Sáļuva princess.
IV. Tuļuva-Aravlţi Continuity. The relationship between the Araviti and what has been till now stylod the Tuluva dynasty is well known. Krishna Dova Raya's daughter Tirumalåmba was given in marriage to Rama Raja, the famous Rogont. The last figure in Vijayanagera history of any consequence, Sriranga Råya (1643-1664 A.D), was, we may incidentally note, the greatgrandson of Rama Raja of the Araviti family. According to the Karnata grant of this samo ruler Sriranga Raya, Rama Raja soems also to have married a sister of Sadasiva. If this were really so, then, the claims of the great regent to control the destinies of the Vijayana. gara Empire were to great extent valid.T3
The conclusions formulatod above have been indicatod on the genealogical tablo below. 69 386 of 1904 ; Ep. Rep. for 1905, p. 54; Ep. Rep. for 1912, p. 80.
70 Fleet, Dynastics of the Kanaresc Districts of the Bombay Presidency, p. 18. (1882 od.) Cf. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Palæography, p. 109. (1878 ed.)
71 Sowell, A Forgotten Empire, p. 363. 72 Ramarajiyamu, The Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 187.
73 Sowell, A Forgotten Empire, pp. 181, n. (4), 182 ; Hultzsch, Karnața Grant of Ranga II, Indian Antiquary, XIII, pp. 154-155 ; Horo Sadasiva Raya's descent is slightly different to that given by Rico, Ep. Car., III, Intr., p. 27. Kielhorn explains that the statement that Rama Raja was the hustend of the sister of Sadasiva Raya need not bo takon in its literal senso. British Musoum Plates of Sadasiva Raya, Ep. Ind., IV, pp. 3-4. Soe Ramar Ajiyamu, The Sources of Vijayanagara History, pp. 102-103, 188, for details regarding the Araviţi family. Horas, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, pp. 19-20, may also bo read in this connoction. Krishwa Sastri gives a detailed account of the Araviti rulers, Annual Report, 2.5.1. for 1908-9, p. 197 f.

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DYNASTIC CONTINUITY IN VIJAYANAGARA HISTORY.
8dļuva Yadu
Hoysala
Vijayanagara
$dļuva
Anavit
JANUARY, 1933]
Sangama
Kaya Dôva
Ball&ļa III.
Vanki Deva
Rama Deva
Harihara I.
Bukka I.
Dadiya Someya
Gunda (I)
Vallappa
Dannäyika = Daughter
Harthara II = Malla Devt
Mangu Saļuva (Establisher of Sambuva Raya)
Déva Raya I.
Gauta
Vira Raya
Gunda (1)
Saluva
Boppa
Tipps = Harima
Déva Raya II.
DYNASTIC CONTINUITY IN VIJAYANAGARA HISTORY
Sáļuva Gopa
L
Mallikarjuna
Timms
SAļuva Nrisimha = Princess of, Timma or Tirumalai Deva
the Sangama family. or Gópa Timma
Gôpa Tippa
Araviti Bukka, Protector of SAļuva
Nrisimha
Immadi Nrisimha
fśvara Nayaka
Narasa Nayaka
Rôma Raja
Vira Narasimha
Krishna Dêva Råya = Princess of
the Saluva family
Sriranga
Tirumalåmba = Rama Raja

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1933
CAPELAN. (The Ruby Mines District of Burma.)
BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Br. I HAVE had some old notes by me on this long disputed name Capelan, for the Ruby Mines District of Burma, which do not, of course, settle the difficulty, but as they may help to do so, they seem to be worth publishing.
Forbes (British Burma, 1878) remarks on the Ruby Mines thus (p. 25): "Kyat-pin (query Capelan), whence the rubies are obtained, is situated near Momiet, about seventy miles south of Bamaw, or Bhamo as we have named it." Here Forbes distinctly suggests Capelan as a European corruption of the Burmese form Kyat-pin, or as it would now be transliterated Kyst-pyin. In modern Burmese pronunciation the name sounds in most mouths as Kyappyin, or even Chappyin. This it will be seen is the ordinary derivation of the old European travellers' term Capelan, and it is probably right. Kyatpyin is about 75 miles N. N. E. of Ava or Mandalay and 6 miles S. E. of Mogok, the local headquarters of the Ruby Mines Company.
Tavernier, as edited by Valentine Ball in 1889 from the original French edition of 1676, says in his Travels, II, 99 : “ There are only two places in the East where coloured stones are obtained, namely in the Kingdom of Pegu (Burma) and in the island of Ceylon. The first is a mountain twelve days or thereabouts from Siren in a north-east direction and it is called Capelan." Here Ball notes that “Siren is a mistake for Ava," and that Capelan" is Kyat. pyen: its distance from Ava is about 70 miles." It will be seen below, however, that by "Siren ” Tavernier probably meant Siriam near Rangoon.
From Tavernier's Siren we get a mineralogist, writing before 1882, telling us that "Capelan, the ruby-sapphire district," was "near Syrian, a city of Pegu." Thus in Mason's Burma, ed. Theobald, 1882, I, 11, we read : " The red sapphire is usually denominated the oriental ruby. Dana (Mineralogy, 1868) says, 'the best ruby sapphires occur in the Capolan mountains near Syriam, & city of Pegu.' This is an advance on Phillips, who made
Pegu, a city in Ceylon.' Still the mineralogists make slow progress in geography. In 1833, a letter from a Roman Catholic priest, D. Amata, was published in JASB, which showed that the Capelan Mountains are about 70 miles north of Ava, instead of being in the vicinity of Rangoon, as they would be if' near Syriam.' The Capelan Mountains of Dana are doubt. loss a corrupt form of Kyat-pen, the name of a village near the mines, and the mines them. selves are simply pits sunk in the ruby producing gravel." However, taking Tavernier's statement that Siren was twelve days distant from " Capelan," and Dana's identification of it with Siriam, now a complete ruin, but in Tavernier's day an important foreign emporium, it is fair to assume that Tavernier meant Siriam and not Ava by Siren. Of course Dana's inference that Capelan was "near Siriam " is all nonsense. In Yule's Hobson-Jobson the following varied spellings of Capolan appear 1506 Leonardo Ca'Messer
Auplen. 1510 Varthema
Capellan, 1516 Barbosa
Capelam.. c. 1585 Ramusio
Capelangam. But Kapelan or Capelan has been traced to an earlier date still, for in Nicolo Conti's narrativo, recorded by Poggio in 1440, we find " Capelang, for the Ruby Country north of Ava.
name preserved to a much later date, but not now traceable :" so writes Cordier in a footnote in his edition of Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither I, 177.
In Yule's Embassy to Ava, 1855, 179 f.& n., there is an ingenious guess that Capelan may represent a Palaung or Kachin word, as both Palaunge and Kachins are to be found in

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JANUARY, 1933]
CAPELAN
the neighbourhood of the Ruby Mines. Yule writes thus as to the celebrated mines :“Their locality is always called by the old travellers, Kapilan,' or 'Capelangan' some. times spoken of as a kingdom, sometimes as a city, or as a great mountain. The name is suggestive of the Palounge, a tribe inhabiting the hills immediately east of the mines. If one might hazard a further suggestion, Kha, signifying river in the language of the adjoining Kakhyens, Kha-Paloun may have been the name of the valley. The old Portuguese Summary of Eastern Realms, Cities, and Peoples, translated in Ramusio (vol. I.) says that about Capelangan there are molte terre habitate da gente non molto domestica, a description apply. ing strictly to the Kakhyens, if not to the more industrious Palaungs." See also ante, vol. LII, 134.
This is, however, unfortunately nothing more than & guess. Both the Palaungs and Kakhyans (Kachins as they are now oalled) are well known, and Mrs. Milne, authoress of the Palaung Grammar, wrote to me in 1922 in terms that rule out anything but a Burman origin for Capelan or Capellan: "In answer to your question about Capellan I fear that I cannot help you. I do not think that Thabeitkyim was in any way connected with rubies (but I may be mistaken), unless, for a time, & ruby market was held there. That may be possible, just as the name Golconda is connected with diamonds [from the Karnul District). It was easy in the old days to reach Thabeitkyim by river, from Rangoon or from Mandalay, but not easy to go to Mogok or to Kyatpyin, as there were many dacoits in old times in the Ruby Mines distriot. I think that it is more likely that Capellan or Capelam (I think that it is so written by Barbosa) may be the same as Kyatpyin. Mogok and Kyatpyin are quite near each other, and I fanoy that in old times quite as many rubies were found at Kyat. pyin as were found at Mogok. Mogok is now the better known place, as it is the headquar. ters of the English Ruby Mines Company."
As regards Thabeitkyin, in 1927 Mr. Harold Clayton informed me that "Kyatpyin is a village on the Irrawaddy above the first defile, from which the old road up to the Ruby Mines at Môgôk used to start. This road is now almost entirely superseded by the Government metalled road, which starts from below the defile at Thabeitkyin." He then went on to make the following suggestion: "Kyatmyê (mye=earth) is the name of a hard impervious olay, and it is quite possible that Kyatpyin has some connection with it. Pyin means liter. ally 'outside,' and the term is also used for open stretobes of country. Thus lebyin (= paddy field) means an open stretch of paddy fields. I have not been any distance inside from the river bank at Kyatpyin, but there is a comparatively large stretch of undulating country of a plain' character in that region, as compared with the hills of the Ruby Mines and the country further east. It is not particularly fertile, and so far as I am aware cultiva. tion is oonfined to paddy land in bottoms and various other orops on the alluvial land by the Irrawaddy and other streams. The most likely meaning of Kyatpyin is therefore to my mind the clay plain.' There is no reason, I think, to infer a Chinese derivation. Kystpyin is not far south of Tagaung, which is an early centre of Burmese influence and one of the first capitals of Burmese kings. Kipling's derivation Lung-tang-pen is a pure invention and definitely not a Burmoso formation. There is nothing resembling the Chinese word lan mean. ing 'old' in Burmese, nor have I ever heard it in connection with Kyatpyin. Lan means a road or way in Burmese, and Kyàtpyinlàn (Capelan) would mean simply the road to Kyatpyin.' " Here we have a reasonable derivation of Capelan.
The upshot of this brief enquiry then is that Capelan has been a constant European book name for the Ruby Mines District of Burma from at any rate 1440 onwards, and that it is a corruption of Kyatpyinlàn, heard by Europeans as Kappinlàn or Chàppinlàn, .o., Kyatpyin Road—the road to one of the places where the Burma ruby or red sapphire was principally found.

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14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1933
My personal interest in the ruby-sapphires of Burma dates from the early days (1888) of the British occupation of Mandalay, when I had to hold official auctions of rubies in Government possession once a month.
For the benefit of enquirers I add the following information. Dr. William Crooke produced an edition of Ball's Tavernier in 1925, and made a note on II, 99 (II, 77, in his own edition) about Capelan : "Caplan is the place where they find the rubios, sapbires, and spinelles; it standoth six dayes journey from Ava in the kingdome of Pegu" (R. Fitch, ed. Ryley, 172 f.; cf. Varthema, ed. Badger, 219)." In Appendix V: The Ruby Mines of Upper Burma and the Sapphire Washings of Ceylon, pp. 361 ff., Crooke wrote: “The principal ruby mines of Burma are situated in three valleys, which are known by the names of their chief villages respectively, namely Mogok (or Mogout), Kathé, and Kyatpyen." And in a footnoto he added "For a full account of the Ruby Mines District, see Sir J. G. Scott, J.P. Hardiman. Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, Rangoon, 1901, pt. i, vol. ii, 213 ff.; pt. ii, vol. iii, 3 ff., Imperial Gazetteer, xxi, 326 ff."
GLEANINGS FROM SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
(The Works of Váchaspati Misra.)
By Prop. DASHARATHA SHARMA, M.A. ONE does not gonerally look to the speculative and rather dry books on Sanskrit philosophy for knowledge of the period in which their writers lived. In this short article, however, I shall attempt to show by means of a few extracts and brief comments thereon how even the works of such a subtle philosopher as Váchaspati Misra can be utilized to glean a few facts of social and administrative history which, however unimportant by themselves, are cumulatively useful, because of the light which they shed on a very dark period of Indian bistory.
Revenue Administration, 1. यथा हि ग्रामाध्यक्षः कौटुम्बिकेभ्यः करमादाय विषयाध्यक्षाय प्रयच्छति, विषयाध्यक्षश्च सर्वाध्यक्षाय, सच भूपतये ; तथा बाह्येन्द्रियाण्यालोच्य मनसे समर्पयन्ति, मनव सङ्कल्प्याहङ्काराय, पहबारश्चाभिमत्य बुद्धी सोध्यक्ष
alat,
Translation. As the village officer collects the rent from the different hoads of families, and delivors the collections to the head of the vipaya or the revenue division, who again, in his turn, carries it to the survidhyaksa, who finally makes it over to the king : 80, in the same manner, tho extornal organs, having operated on (observed) an object, present the observation to Manas, which reflects on it (and imparts thereto its qualifications), presenting these qualifiod observations in turn to Ahankára, which takes spocific cognizance of them, and finally delivers such cognition to the head officer. Buddhi.
Comment. The extract shows that the system of revenue collection prevailing in Mithila was raiyatwdr. But before reaching the king, the rent had to pass through the hands of the visayddhyakpa and the saruddhyakpa. Who this sarvidhyakpa was, is not quite clear. He might have been either the head revenue officer at the capital, or the governor of a divi. sion bigger than the vigaya. The former is perhaps the more likely meaning hero,
Army and Weapons, 2. तपेन्द्रियव्यापारा पपि बुझेरेव स्वव्यापारेषाध्यवसायेन सहन्यापारीभवन्ति, यवा स्वसैन्येन सह प्रामाध्यक्षादिसैन्यं सर्वाध्यक्षस्य भवति ।
Translation. The functions of the sensee also coalesce with the functional determination of Buddhi, as the forces of the village officers, etc., do with that of the survddhyakpa.
Sankhya-lattua-kaumudi, edited by MM. Ganganatha Jha, Bombay, Theosophical Publication tunde 1896, p. 53, Il. 17-21.
* The translation is by MM. Dr. Gangan Atha Jha. 3 Sankhya-tattva-kaumudi, edition cited above, p. 54, II. 16-18.

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JANUARY, 1033 ]
CLEANINGS FROM SANSKRIT LITERATURE
15
Comment. The extract supplies the important information that the Hindu armies of the period were largely composed of forces levied by village officials and provincial governors. Taken in conjunction with the last passage, it tells us further that the village officers and provincial governors woro entrusted not merely with revenue, but with military duties also, suggesting that there was no separation of civil and military powers in the Hindu administration of the ninth century.
3. यथाहि बहवः पुरुषाः शाक्तीकयाष्टीकधानुष्ककााणिकाः कृतसङ्केताः परावस्कन्दनाय प्रवृत्ताः ।
Translation. For instance, a number of persons wielding lances, staves, bows, and swords unite for suppressing a common enemy.
Comment.-It appears from this passage that lanccs, staves, bows, and swords were the chief weapons of the Indian armies of the period.
Status of Women. 4. (a) “ 24991arg, " 291 ganegarai Tatue 7 qrafat Is (b) सुकुमारतर तातिपेशलता, परपुरुषदर्शनासहिष्णुतेति यावत् । असूर्यपश्या हि कूलवधूरतिमन्दाक्षमन्थरा
प्रमादाद् विगजितसिचयाचना चेदालोक्यते परपुरुषेण, तदासौ तथा प्रयतते, पप्रमत्तां यथैना
परपुरुषान्तराणि न पुनः पश्यन्ति । " Translation.-(a) "From intervention "-e.g., one cannot see the queens behind the walls.
(6) By modesty hore is meant delicacy (of manners), the inability to suffer exposure to tho Puruşa's view. As a well-bred lady, invisible (even) to the sun, with her eyes cast down, having her body uncovered by chance, happening to be soon by a stranger, trics to hido hersolf in such a way as not to be soon again; so Nature even more modest than such a lady-having once beon seen by the Puruşa, will in no case, show herself again.
Comment. These two extracts point to the strictness of the parda system in the ninth century. Specially remarkable in this connection is Vachaspati Misra's explanation of the term sukumáratarald. Being wholly different from that of Gaudapáda,' an earlier commentator on the Sankhya-kdrika, it is, we think, illustrative of the social condition of the period. 5. (a) तद्यथा एकैव स्त्री रूपयौवनवुनसंपन्ना स्वामिनं सुखाकरोति, तत्कस्य हेतोः! स्वामिनं प्रति तस्याः
सुखरूपसमुद्भवात् । सैवस्त्री सपनीर्दुःखाकरोति, तत् कस्य हेतोः? ताःप्रति तस्या दुखरूपसमुद्भवात् ।। (6) एवं संपनीजनस्य तस्यां द्वेषः स्त्रीप्रत्ययस्य दुखत्वे । एवं मैत्रस्य तस्या भर्तृ रागस्तस्यैव स्त्रीप्रत्ययस्य
prece ! Translation.-(a) A single girl, young, beautiful, gentle and virtuous, is a source of de. light to her husband, bocause with regard to him. she is born with her essence consisting in pleasure. She pains her co-wivos, because, with regard to them, she is born with her essence consisting in pain.
(6) For instance, her co-wives are hostile to hor, bocause she, being a woman, is a cause of pain to them. (On the other hand) her husband Maitra has love for her, because that very idea of her being a woman is a source of pleasure to him.
Comment. Perhaps little comment is needed to show that many Indians of the ninth century were polygamous, and that generally one co-wife was jealous of another.
4 Ibid.
Ibid., p. 18, 11. 8-9. 6 Ibid., p. 74, 1. 21, to p. 75, 1. 1.
7 moa: 1540 pianinfarin Tara (Gaurlapada-bhdaya, editod and translated by H. H. Wilson, published by Rajaram Tookaram, Bombay, 1924, p. 232, 1. 14.)
8 Samkhya-tattva-kaumuli, edition cited above, p. 31, 1. 23, to p. 32, 1. 3. 9 Tuttva-vaiddradt, Anandabrama edition, Poonu, 1919, r. 101, 1.2, of commentary.

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16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
कल्पते, word, deceta वैश्यस्तोम
11
6. (a) add zantagyát céltem fegenft garagefadgeona, veið | 1o (b) तथा च नर्तकी भ्रूलताभ एकस्मिन् बहूनां प्रतिसन्धानं युक्तम् । Translation.-(a) A dancing girl having retired from the stage after her exhibition returns to it again, if so desired by the spectators.
(b) In the case of the glances of a dancing girl, the attentiveness of many to that single object is quite a consistent fact.
Comment. Some women seem to have adopted stage-dancing as a profession.
Caste-System, Religious Animosity, and Education.
7. (a) umadenfantsjt ungā « festzaandianfanfarefiere: 1 gé fenfawijskarकर्मनि तदनभिमानिनोरधिकारः । न चानन कृतं कर्म फलाय
करणादिविभागाभिमान
12
इव ब्राह्मण राजन्याभ्याम् ।
(b) न खलु शालग्रामे किरातशतसंकीर्णे प्रतिवसमपि ब्राह्मणः किरातो भवति । 13
[ JANUARY, 1933
Translation. (a) One belonging to the Brahmana or Vaisya caste has no right to perform the rajasuya, which should be undertaken (only) by people belonging to the royal caste. Similarly an action which should have a Brahmana, a Ksatriya, or a Vaisya as its agent, which should be the doing of one of these, and which should be done through one of them, should in no case be performed by one not belonging to these classes. Like the vaisyastoma sacrifice performed by a Brahmana or a Ksatriya, an action performed by one not entitled to perform it, is fruitless.
(b) Even by living within a fenced village inhabited by hundreds of Kirâtas, a Brahmana does not become a Kirâta.
Comment. These quotations show how rigid and firm the caste-system had grown by the ninth century. One caste was not allowed to perform the social functions of the other, and a Brahmana ever remained a Brahmana, if he was so by birth.
8. (a) आप्तग्रहणेनायुक्ताः शाक्य भिक्षु निद्र्थकसंसारमोचकादीनामागमाभासाः परिहृता भवन्ति । प्रयुक्तवं विगानात् विच्छिन्नमूलात् प्रमाणविरुद्धार्यामिवानाथ कविदेव च्छादिभिः पुरुषादैः पशुप्राः परिमहाद् बोधयम् ।
9
14
(b) यस्य... वक्ता... न दृष्टानुमितार्थो यथा चैत्यं वन्देत स्वर्गकाम इति, स आगमः प्लवते ।
Translation.-(a) By saying true revelation, all pretended revelations such as those of the Bauddhas, the Jainas, and the samsara-mochakas (deliverers from the world) have been set aside. The invalidity of these systems is due to their making unreasonable assertions, to want of sufficient basis, to their making statements contradictory to proofs, and lastly to their being accepted by Mlecchas and other brutish, mean people.
(b) That testimony fails which is based on the assertion of a speaker who has neither seen nor inferred an object truly. (Of such an assertion the example is) that one desirous of heaven should bow to a Bauddha or a Jaina temple.
Comment.-Passages like the above prove at least the existence of mental intolerance among the men and women of the ninth century. When even such a sober writer as Vâchaspati Misra could call the Bauddhas and the Jainas mean, beastly and Mleccha-like, the virus of religious animosity must have permeated thoroughly all ranks of Indian society of the period.
9. तत्र व्यक्तं स्वरूपतः पांसुनवादको हालिकोऽपि प्रत्यक्षतः प्रतिपद्यते । 16
10 Samkhya-tattva-kaumudi, edition cited, p. 74, 11. 14-15.
11 Ibid., p. 28, 11. 1-2.
13 Bhamati on Brahmasûtra-Sankara-bhásya, Nirnayasagara Press, 1917, p. 59, 11, 3-5.
13 Tattva-vaisáradí, edition cited above, p. 10, 11. 8-9.
14 Sámkhya-tattva-kaumudi, as above, p. 13, 1. 24, to p. 14, 1. 3.
15 Tattva-vaiddradi, as above, p. 12, 11. 7-9.
16 Samkhya-tattra-kaumudi, as above, p. 17, II. 1-3.

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JANUARY, 1933 ]
MISCELLANEA
Translation.-Of these the manifested-earth, etc.—are perceptible in their true form even to the ploughman having his feet covered with dust.
Comment.-The peasant is to the mind of Vâchaspati Miśra the best example of the mentally undeveloped people. This clearly means that education was confined to the upper strata of society and did not reach as low as the poor ignorant peasants.
Conclusion. The few extracts given above by no means exhaust the information to be supplied by Váchaspati Misra. If some scholar well-versed in Sanskrit would undertake the laborious task of going through the great philosopher and commentator's voluminous works, he would probably find his toil amply repaid by the amount of information to be gleaned therefrom relative to the social conditions of the age.
MISCELLANEA. INDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT Later on, a number of leaves from this find were LITERATURE.
sent to Europe by Sir A. Stein. The oxamination Journal Asiatique, tome CCXX, No. 1, Janvier of all this material has enabled the learned French Mars, 1932. In this issue M. Sylvain Lévi con scholar to write this paper, in which ho confirma tributes & valuable note, illustrated by 4 plates on Sir Aurel's estimate of the date (around the sixth which eight specimens of the MSS. have been very century A.D.) of the MSS., and further emphasises clearly reproduced from photographs, on two the extreme value of the find. Eleven birch-bark important finds of Sanskrit MSS. at Bamian and leaves of large size, beautifully written in sixthDear Gilgit. At Bamian, in a cave to the east of Boventh century characters, form portion of a magnit tho 35 metres high figure of the Buddha, in a portion cent copy of the Vinaya of the Malasarvâstivadins, of the cupola that had fallen in, M. Hackin dis. the value of which can hardly be overestimated, covered, besides important remains of paintings the Sanskrit original of this Vinaya (with the and sculpture, a large quantity of Mss. on bark, excoption of the portions preserved in the Divya) unfortunately stuck together in & compact mess not being available hitherto. M. Lévi has added and very brittle, mostly in Brahmi script, but in a transcription (in Romans) of these leaves, to. cluding some rare records in Kharos thi. M. Hackin gether with a translation in French of portions succeeded in setting up some of the best preserved thereof. "It is useless," he writes, "to insist fragments under glass, and these were, with permis. upon the paramount importance of this document. sion of H. M. King Nadir Shah, sent to Paris. M. Lévi One shudders to think that the leaves of this tells us that the documents cover the period from Vinaya, recovered by a kind of miracle, may have the third-fourth century (Kupana) to the seventh. beon distributed among the peasants of Gilgit, eighth century (late Gupta) and besides the types of to be sold by little packets, if no worse fate even writing found in India proper, Central Asian types should befall ther." Six other leaves of smaller are reprosented, indicating that the library had con- dimension, of the same period but in a different tained MSS. from various sources, or else that handwriting, aro of a kind of thick carton paper copyists from different countries had been employed. (which seems to point to an Eastern Turkestan The chief interest of this find lies in its providing provenanco). These belong to a manuscript of an authentic portion of the Vinaya of the Mahathe Saddharmapundarika and include, fortunately, sârghikas, as also an authentic fragment of the the last page of the work with a part of the colophon. Bovon pddas of the Abhidharma of the Sarvâstiv&dins,
The difficulty of deciphering this latter, which hitherto known only from their Chinese translation, appears to contain a list of the benefactors asociated the Sangiti parydya.
with the pious work of making the copy, is increased In the March 1932 issue of this journal (vol. LXI, by the fact that most of the names recorded are p. 60) we published information received from Sir not Sanskrit, nor even Indian names. M. Lévi Aurel Stein of the very important find of a mess believes they are Turkish, or more prucisely, Tou. of ancient Sanskrit MSS. in the ruins of A ata pa kiue names, which he regards as "fairly probable near Naupur village, about 2 miles west of Gilgit since round about the year 600 A.D. Gilgit was cantonment. A member of the Citroen expedition, incorporated in the vast empire of the Western which happened to be passing Gilgit shortly after Tou-kiue." Sir Aurel had been there, managed to take some Archio Orientálns, vol. IV, No. 2, Aug. 1932.photographs of a few of the leaves, which were Monsr. J. Przyluski, in one of his intriguing and submitted to M. Lévi, who had also received a ingenious essays, suggests a non-Indo-European fragment of a loaf obtained by another traveller.origin for the name, and a Dravidian origin for

Page #24

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1933
the god, Vignu. Looking at the Sanskrit, Paliwarehouses and in transit. Their trading activities and modern Marathi forms under which the name appear to have extended over wide arons, both appears, he classifies them thus -
by land and by 80g. Prof. Sastri is inclined to Vithe. Vithu
Vetha think that a colony of Tamils resided more or less Vignu
Vogou
permanently in Sumatra at the time. Taking na (or nu) as a non-Aryan suffix (as he
Antiquity, vol. VI, No. 23, Sept. 1932.-In & noto has elsewhore suggested in the cases of patana
ana on pages 356-7, Mr. Ernest Mackay draws attenand Varuna, he finds the roots Vith, Vię: Veth
tion to the rocont discovery of two more links Ve8. The interchange of th and , he notes, is
between ancient India and Elam. The first is exemplifiod in the Austro-asiatic languages, and
the finding by Dr. H. Frankfort of a cylinder seal the same thing is found in Indian words of non
of Indian workmanship (as shown by the elephant, Aryan origin (cf. karpata and karpara; kirdta,
rhinoceros and ghariyal carved upon it) at Tell kirdta, and kirdsa; Pali kaferuha and kaseruka.
Asmar, about 50 miles NE. of Baghdad, which The variations in the last consonant are them.
he would assign to about 2500 B.C., as it was found selves, M. Przyluski adds, an indication of foreign
in a house of tho time of the Dynasty of Akkad. origin, inasmuch as "while words that are funda
In the same building were found a number of heartmentally Aryan evolve in accordance with more
shaped pieces of inlay and decorated carnelian or less strict principles, foreign words change in
beads, which, as far as yet known, occur only in & moro capricious manner, and this is just one of
the topmost levels of Mohenjo-daro; and the two the signs that enable us to recognise them." M.
cylinder-seals found at Mohenjo-daro also come Przyluski goes on to seek corroboration of his
from the higheet strata. From this evidence Mr. deductions from a study of the old traditions in
Mackay inclines to take 2500 B.C. as the apconnexion with Vignu and Krana. In the field of proximate dato of the upper lovols at M.-d. mythology he troads on perhaps less firm ground. inatoad of 2750 B.C., As proviously suggested). He refors specially to the story of the ten sons of The second is a fragment of a steatite vase found Devagarbha (said to be known as the ten sons at a very low level at Mohenjo-daro, bearing oxact. of Andhakavenhu) in tho Chatajalaka, which hely the same intricate and unusual pattern 88 A takes to be a Pali version of the Krena legend. doublo vase of steatite found at Susa in 888ociation Comparison of the versions of the legend leads with objects of the 2nd Period. That the v680 of him to the hypothesis that Viepu, the ancestral which this fragment formod a part was an importagod, called in Pali Andhaka venhu, is really the tion from Elam is rendered the moro certain, Mr. father of the gods Vasudeva, Bala, etc. Argu-Mackay thinks, by its being of a greenish-groy ments are, further, adduced for suggesting that steatite, of which it is the only piece yet found Vippu may be an ethnic torm for Dravidian poople. in the Indus Valley excavations. As the date of The paper is calculated to gratify the residents of Susa II is about 2800 B.C., this may be taken as Andhradega, if it be distasteful to those of Vrajadesa; the approximate date of the level of the Elamito but tho impartial reader will realise the import find at Mohenjo-daro, thus leaving an interval of of the wider issuos involved.
about 300 years between the two levels, "a conTijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenclusion," writes Mr. Mackay, "to which I am kunde, vol. LXXII, Pt. 2, 1932.-Prof. Nilkanta already inclined on othor grounds." Sastri contributes an interesting paper in this
O. E. A. W.O. numbor, entitled "A Tamil Merchant-guild in Sumatra," in which he discusses the fragmentary Illustrated London News.-In reference to the Tamil inscription found at Loboe Toewe, near above subject attention may be drawn to the Baros, dated Saka 1010, in the light of certain Feb. 13, 1932, issue of this journal, in which Dr. other 8. Indian inscriptions of about the same Woolley brings to notice another link between Ur period. Dr. Hultzsch originally drow attention and Mohenjo-daro, viz., a circular seal, with a (in Mad. Rp. Report, 1892) to the fact that the bull and Indus script, found in a grave shaft of Loboe Toewa record roferred to a gift by & body the second Dynasty of Ur, which may be datod of persons styled the one thousand five hundred. about 2800 B.O. Prof. Sastri has traced five other inscriptions In the same journal interesting light is thrown mentioning a similar corporation of murchants. on the culturo of Porsia and Arabia by tho disHo regards all these records as pointing to the covery of a Sasanian palace at Damghon (Mr. A. existence of & well-known merchant guild in U. Pope, Mar. 26) and other Sasanian antiquities southern India, which appears from certain details at Kish (Feb. 20), by the travels of Mr. Philby given in the inscriptions to have been a powerful through the great desert of Arabia (July 2), and body, who enjoyed a considerable amount of by the accounts by Herr Hefritz of the Hadramaut autonomy, regulated their own affairs, owed no (Apr. 2) and the fish-eating tribes of the south exclusive allegiance to any one king, and ontertained Arabic coast (July 16). merconary troope to safeguard their goods in the
F.J.R.

Page #25

JANUARY, 1933)
BOOK NOTICES
19
BOOK-NOTICES CORNWALLIS IN BENGAL. By A. ASPINALL, M.A., author proposes to givo "a systematic and com.
PA.D. 8vo., pp. xv +210. Manchester, University prehensive history of caste" from tho earliost Press, 1931.
known times to tho end of the nineteenth century. This is an admirable piece of work, by a scholar The first chapter contains a very brief notice of bone who was formerly Lecturer in Fistory at Rangoon of the views of a fow oarlier writers regarding the University and now holds a similar post at Reading; characteristics and origin of the caste system. It and after reading it, our only rogret is that it is not concludes with the author's own idocs as to the longer. In the sub-title its precise scope is defined most important factors in tho dovelopment of as 'the administrative and judicial reforms of Lord caste. No mention is made of the influence which Cornwallis in Bengal, together with accounts of the the panchayate of the functional groups had in commercial expansion of the East India Company, producing the extreme rigidity which distinguishes 1786-93, and of the foundation of Penang, 1786-93.1 the caste system from all other social groupings. Comwallis's best-known measure, the Permanent The author draws attention to the distinction Sottlement of Bengal, in thus excluded from consi. betwoen close (varna) and caste (dli), but asserts doration; and Dr. Aspinall explains that he has that had thero been no varna "systom" thoro done so deliberately, on the grounds that the would have been no caste systom, and doscribes subject is too vast to be treated in a short mono- as the Magna Carta of the latter the woll known graph, that it has beon dealt with exhaustively Purusha hymn in the Big Veda, which says that already, and that Cornwallis was only indirectly tho Brahman came from tho mouth of Purusha, responsible for the plan. However this may be, the Rajanya from his arms, tho Voisya from his chapter on the subject, however short, would have thighs and the Bodra from his feet. He admits, been welcomed by most readors, and the omission however, that this hymn is a comparatively later to some oxtont stultifies the titlo of tho volumo. composition." He recognises the absurdity of
Tho author has based his narrativo upon a caroful Monu's thoory that all the modern castes oro study of the official records of the period, both indosconded from the four tarnas by varioty of India and in England; and in addition, he has mixed marriages ; but ways that a good many made telling use of extracts from the Melville Papers castes were formed in this way. which were 80 unfortunately scattered at public
The rest of the volume is a very useful ropertory auction a few years ago. The result is a full and
of the various references to class and caste which authoritative account of the stops taken by Corn.
Are to be found in the Big Veda, the Brahmanas and wallis to reform the administration, and of their
the Súiras, as well as in Buddhistic and Greek practical results. It has too often been assumed
literature. From the material thus provided it that the changes introduced by Warren Hastings
seems clear (a) that the four varnas of the Big had had the effect of establishing, by the time he
Veda, which the author regards as "the mainspring loft Bengal, a thoroughly satisfactory and efficient
of the casto system," were in fact mere classifi. system of government. This is to overrate his
catory terms like the upper, middle and lower achievement, great as that was ; and indeed, consi
classes of our own country, and did not contain dering the vast size of the province and the moans at
even the germs of the caste system, and (b) that his disposal, such a result would have been little
Risley was correct in thinking that the fourfold short of a miracle. Moreover, Hastingy had been
division of the peoplo w¬ recognised when followed by Macpherson, whose timid rule loft
the “Aryans " first came to India. In the tiine matters worse than he found them. Whon Corn
of the Big Veda the office of purohita had not become wallis arrived, therefore, there was plenty of scope
heroditary and there was no insurmountablo for wido-reaching reforms and if he sometimes barrier botwoen tho Brahmaps and the root of the fell into orror, his honest and capable endeavours "Aryan " community. Intermarriage was permis resulted in very large measure of success. Insible, and persons of exceptional ability could consequence his name stands high among the
guin admittance to the Br Ahmapical fold. British rulers of India, and Dr. Aspinall's diserimi.
There are very few references in the Big Veda to nating examination of his achiovement will still
the distinctions existing among non-Brahmaps. furthor add to his reputation.
The torta Rajanya indicated men belonging to the W.F.
ruling families, and thore is nothing to show
that a separate Warrior caste (Kshatriya) had then ORIGIN AND GROWTH OZ CASTE IN INDIA, by NBI- boen formed. The term Vai ya Docure only in
PENDRA KUMAR DUT, M.A., PH.D. Vol. I. the Purusha hymn. Its root, vid, which is of fro(c. 2000-300 D.O.) 9X5 in. Pp. xi-310.quent occurrence, simply means the common London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., people, and includes besides the cultivaton, 1031.
poreons following various occupations. No oooupaThis is the first of thror volumes in which tho tion was regarded as degrading and some were

Page #26

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1933
freely followed by Brahmans. The internal dis-short, presents a new problem, not a solution of tinctions amonget the "Aryans" were very slight | old ones. compared with those between the "Aryans" | Father Heras tries a fresh approach. Setting as a body and the earlier black inhabitants or aside for the moment considerations of palæography Dåsas, who are termed Sudras only in the Purusha and chronology, he tabulates side by side the royal hymn. These wore regarded with contempt, but namos embodied in 45 Pallava inscriptions ; from mastere cohabited with their black femalo slaves, left to right the chart covers over ten foet of space, and there is nothing to show that neeociation with but folded in concertina form it is surprisingly the Dåsas caused pollution. Nor had the idea easy to manipulate, and the lists assume a very Arison that impurity attached to certain occupe definito pattern. Relving mainly on the Velúr. tions and social practices. All classes ate beef palaiyam plates, and treating the Prakrit and and drank strong drinks. The rules of exogamy, Sanskrit grants as of one and the same fomily, on which such stress is laid in the Sueras, had not and the Vayalür inseription as a patchwork of come into existence in Rig Vedic times.
different and overlapping documents, Father Heras During the Brahmana period "Aryan " rule groups tho aliases into a compact su..Amo of 24 was extended over a large indigenous population, kings, whose genealogy he depicts in a second and tho process of social segmentation obtained chart. In a third chart he correlates the aliases, A marked development. The "Aryans" gradually
and he justifies his conclusions in a small brochure withdrew from all occupations involving manual of 27 pages. His list starts with KalabhartriInbour and camo to rogard industrial work with Bappa: his sth.king. Skandavarman I, who used contempt. The term Sudra was now applied both Prakrit and Sanskrit, was the first to establish to the non-Aryan sorvants and craftsmen, and Pallava rule in Conjeeveram. The 8th king, a fifth varna omerged to includo the unclean castee Skandavarman II, he suggests, lost Conjoeveram such as Nishada and Chandala. But there was to the Cholag as a soquel to the defeat of his son still no legal bar to tho Brahmans taking wives Vishnugopa by Samudragupta, and it was not till from other "Aryans," and there was still inter.
the reign of the 14th king, Simhavishnu, that course between Aryan masters and their female
Conjeoveram was regained. Father Hers is servants, so that in the Gangotic valley "the bit uneasy as to the synchronism of Vishnugopa * Aryana' absorbed a good deal of non-Aryan with Samudragupta, and the period of 200 years blood." Even in the Sutra period many groups which he assigns to the Chola interregnum is of non-Aryans "silently enterod the fold of the rather long, for between Vishnugopa and Simha. twice-born." But class distinctions had now vishnu only one generation intervenes. Nor does bocome much more rigid ; ideos regarding tho he bring the Pallaves into relation with their impurity of cortoin practices and kinds of food Andhra predecessors. Nevertheless his con. came into vogue and rules woro mado regarding struction is a courageous effort, and the acceptance untouchability.
of his conclusions would solve many tiresome riddles. The Bibliography to Chapter I doos not include There is a slight slip on p. 10 of the brochuro; Buch well known works as Crooke's Cascs and the words "former" and "lattor" should be Tribes of the North West Provinces and Orch, Rus transposed. soll's Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces
F.J. RICHARDS. and Jogendranath Bhattacharyya's Hindu Castes and Sects. Only two census reports are mentioned.
E. A C. 1O ORTENTI: PORTUGUÊS (The Portuguese East), No. 1,
December, 1931. Nova Goa, Imprensa Gonçalves, THE PALLAVA GENEALOGY. By THE REV. H.
1931. HERAS, S.J. Indian Historical Research Institute.
A word of welcome must be offered on the re. Rombay, 1931. Size 11 x 13 inches.
appearance of this Review, the organ of the PerThe study of Indian history is entangled in manent Archeological Commission of Portuguese controversios from which there seems no pacape.
India. The opening nunber is devoted to a series It is not the dates only that are olusive; the early of articles on the capitals of Goa. There is first a rulers of S. India concealed their identity in such review of the inscriptions and references in the A varioty of aliases that it is hard to decide who is chronicles to the history of the place before the who. Somo bits of evidence will not fit into the Portuguese conquest ; this is followed by a long picturo at all; others seem to fit equally well in description of the religious foundations, and then a dozen different places. When, in 1908, the an account of the various movements of Vayalar Pillar inscription was discovered, with of government in Portuguese times. Numerous a list of 54 Pallava kings, it was hoped that, for photographs add to the interest of A volume which the Pailava puzzlo at least, a key had been found. may justly he described as a substantial contribution But 64 reigns, at a modest average of four to s to local history. century, would require 1350 yerra; Vayalar, in
W. H. 21.

Page #27

FEBRUARY, 1933]
KASHMIRI RIDDLES
KASHMIRI RIDDLES.
BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, PRESIDENT, SRINAGAR MUNICIPALITY (Retired).
RIDDLES raise a momentary sensation of wonder and afford a light intellectual pastime, the intention underlying them being to tease but, at the same time, to please. They have a psychological value; they not only neutralize cares by diverting the thoughts, but also cause amusement on their being guessed or solved. By the shrewd-thinking they demand, even the dullest boy or girl feels a sense of keenness mingled with delight, and learns the art of being cheerful as well as of giving exercise to the brain-an art which tunes up the brain for the day's work and quickens it to think logically and precisely and, in fact, serves to improve its powers generally.
Children are carried by the current of curiosity born of variety. When other things begin tol on them, riddles serve as pills to purge melancholy out of their tender, sensitive hearts. Nay more, they arouse wonder fraught with amusement and make them prattle and play in a mood, now grave, now gay. The solution may not dawn all at once, but when it does, a smile of pleasure lights up the solver's features.
Kashmîrî not being a written language, the riddles current among the people (most of which evince shrewdness coupled with scintillating humour) have been transmitted orally from generation to generation. This literature, therefore, constitutes a relic of ancient folklore. Fixed and unalterable enigmatical expressions of the ancients as they are, they appeal most to students of anthropology, philology and research. Moreover, such materials, though seemingly insignificant, are of the utmost value and importance to the historian, as they contribute towards building up the ancient history of the people. They are peculiarly valuable in shedding light upon the hazy and remote past of the Kâshmîrî, who is characterized by conservative proclivities and adherence to things antique, and whose golden age is made up of elements borrowed from the picturesque and hoary past.
Prompted by the considerations stated above, I have collected all the riddles at present current among the Kashmîrîs, and give them in the following pages. Well might one soli. loquize: Happy the country, whose old, almost lost, literature is revived and rendered imperishable by that supreme art of preservation and circulation, which can defy destruction by Time-printing.
1.
Ablaq guri myani shahsawâro! Kadala tártam wârawâro.
21
Mag chy na ta bu parayo.
O my piebald horse (and) horseman !
Carry me slowly across the bridge.
Thou hast not got the tresses, and I shall plait them for thee.
Answer :-Wooden sandals.
2.
Ad gaz mámani dod gaz púls.
A head-sheet one and half yards long for an aunt half a yard in stature. Answer:-Needle and thread.
3.
Akashi watshayi budha, pâtála lajes zanga.
Illa bi-l-lahi! tsenga, pants gâm jágir manga.
An old woman descended from the sky, her feet touched the earth.
1 Trossos refer to the strings over the toos.
1

Page #28

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1933
There is none but God! I will rejoice, I will ask five villages as jágír. Answer: Snow.
4.
Akha akashiy, byákhi náklishiy, trakha gharas rachiyTiman tran chu kunuy nâu. One is in the sky, the second is in the non-sky, the third is guarding the
doorThese three are of one and the same name. Answer :-Garth, viz., (1) gánth (kite), (2) shishar-gánth (icicle), (3) gå nth
(bolt).
Akha kund, yad bhanin; byá khá huk, ds mudrdwan; trakha paran Vedata
PuranTiman tran chu kunuy nào. One being a thorn, satisfies one's stomach ; the second being dry, sweetens
one's palate ; the third reads the Vedas and PuranagThese three are of one and the same name. Answer :-Gor, viz. (1) gor (water-chestnut), (2) gor (molasses), and (3)
gor (priest),
6.
Andar kuthey gandharv sabha, limay bihit tan ba tah; Inside the room is an assembly of gandharvas 2; they are sitting in
regular rows. Answer Teeth.
Asey pondey, zosey, zámey; Nit snan kari tirthan; Warih waryas nonuy asey. Nishi chuy; ta parzantan.3 It laugheth, sneezeth, cougheth, yawnoth; It ceaselessly batheth in holy pools ; It is naked from year's end to year's end. It is nigh to thee; recognize it. Answer :-Face.
Asmaini pakan kakaya ; Zangan malit kirmaya ; Achin walit burqiyd. So kosa myâni pirabhaya ! A bird is flying in the sky; Her feet are tinged with red dyo ; Her eyes are covered with a veil. Which priestess of mine is she ?
Answer A swallow. 1 The gandharvas are a class of demi-gods, who inhabit Indra's hoaven and form the orchestra at all the banquets.
3 This is one of the sayings of Lul Død, the hormitoss (soc page 65 of Sir George Griorson's Lalla. Vakyini).

Page #29

FEBBUARY, 1933 ]
KASHMIRI RIDDLES
Ayeyas ta gayeyas ; Ku ku lanji, becheyas ; Mudar asam ta kut gayas ! I came and went away; I perched on various branches; It was sweet to me, and whither did it go! Answer :-Sleep.
10. Bála pětha minimar ush tráwán. A doe is shodding tears on a hill. Answer :-Straining boiled rice in a pot.
11. Bar dit khar natsan. An ass is dancing with the door shur Answer A mill grinding corn.
Baras pèth kalo-shahmar Lat ta de milavit; Ora dyas kenkalat, Lat ninas gilavit. A black snake is on the door With tail and mouth joined; A lizard came up; It twisted away its tail. Answer :-Padlock and key.
13
Buthi bhasm, sanyasi chukho ; Athi lúr, pyáda chukho : Dhas dhas karawun day chukho; Pati kini yet, král chukho. Thou art a mendicant, thy face being unvered with ashes Thou art a footman, a stick being in thy hand; Thou art a god, making a rumbling sound; Thou art a potter, with a basket on thy buck. Answer :-Corn grinding-mill.
Chelis ubras krihin kár. Timesu karầm táo tây. In the white cloud are black crows. They are calling " Caw! caw!" Answer :-Writing on white paper.
15. Darakhti jánawara, darakhtas chu na bihan, Baiza-kashi be-shumar, phiih chuk na ráh diwan. A tree bird, [but it does not sit on the tree; It produces innumerable eggs, [but] never hatches thom. Answer:- Fish : likened to a bird because of its fins, which are compared
with wings.

Page #30

24
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
16.
Dosi peth kum-yaj; Na piles cani maj Na piles myani maj.
A cake of chaff is on the wall: Neither thy mother can reach it Nor my mother can reach it. Answer:-The moon.
17.
Ek mashidey do darwaza. Aó miyân, traó putása. A mosque with two doors.
Come, Sir, [and] let off a cracker.
Answer:-Blowing the nose.
18.
"Ha tango, nili tango! táj phuturtham kalas pith. "Ha basti súra basti! chus bu janawar.
"Guran guriy! rangatsariy! tali kitur kyah?
"Tshen tsěmbar! nasti tsembar! yeti bithak kyah?"
"O pear, green pear! thou hast broken the crown of my head.
"O bag-like ! O ash-bag-like [creature]! I am a bird. [I have done it.]
"O thou greedy of small fish! O bird of colour! what is that long needle on thy head?
"O thou cut-nose! [with a] tiny nose! why didst thou sit there?" Answer: The blue heron with a long feather growing on its head, and a frog.
19.
Heri walsh hat ta bar-hangan rat.
A chip of wood came down-stairs and was caught by the top of the door. Answer: A comb.
20.
Heri wuth Pandit tre denfáni gandit.
A Pandit came down-stairs with three girdles girt.
Answer:-A load of timber.
21.
Heri wuth Pandit wozali jáma gandit.
A Pandit came down-stairs wearing red-coloured clothes.
Answer:-Red pepper.
22.
[ FEBRUARY, 1933
Hila hilay cilas teáv Mukhta-hår gandit dráv. Yani bazuk av av,
Tani lokan zuwa tav.
With effort did it enter the period of forty days,
It came out with a necklace of pearls about it.
No sooner they heard of its coming
Than the people got life.
Answer:-Paddy or corn.

Page #31

FEBRUARY, 1933]
KASHMIRI RIDDLES
23. Kachyan, katshan, kohan gayi zir, Kábul, Qandahár, Dihli, Kashmir. Grass, twigs (and) hills received a shaking Throughout Kabul, Qandahar, Delhi (and) Kashmir. Answer:-Earthquake.
24. Khâm metal pup hả ? Odur mewah mudur kya ? Which fruit, while raw, is ripe? Which fruit, while wet, is sweet? Answer -The cucumber and the mulberry.
25. Khyun, cyun, trukun, wari wawun la gav kyut khurâk. Entable, drinkable, crushable, seed for garden and food for the cow. Answer :-A water-melon.
26. Kuchihana dsam tathi dsam tsoray khar wdidn. I had a little godown, which contained only four kharwars. Answer -A walnut with its four segments of kernel.
27.
Lam tal tham sat. Seven pillars underneath a mound. Answer :-The udders of a bitch.
.
28.
Lam tol tham tsor. Four pillars underneath a mound. Answer The udders of a cow.
29. Manz maidanas Haidar Hájí, Kami janan begári laji? In the middle of the plain is Haidar Haji, Which person imposed forced labour upon him? Answer :-A husking mill.
30. Múmalsi hastini zinda andram. Live intestines in a dead female elephant. Answer -The inmates of a house.
31. Pántsav Pandavar pal tul, Dituk darit Lukhari Yar, Bitsi maji dhakka ditus, Pěv wátit Khadan Yar. Five Pandavas lifted up a rock [and]
Hurled it to Lukhari Yar; 4 Lukhari Yar (a corruption of Lauki Sri Yår) is the name of a ghaf on the right bank of the Jhelum, near the sixth bridge at Srinagar, where a fair is held on the 13th of the bright fortnight of Bhadon (August-September). Khadan Yar is the name of a ghde at the north-western end of the Kashmir Valley, where a fair is held on the same dato.

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The weak mother gave it a push, It reached Khadan Yár suddenly. Answer :-A morsel of food raised with five fingers of the hand and
swallowed down by means of the tongue into the stomach,
32
P&ân chu moi zam, Samán chu kohá zan, Tsalán chu (súra zan. It falls like a mosquito, It accumulates liko a hill, It flees away like a thief. Answer:Snow.
33 Sara dyuthum bod, Tel phul wátěs na od. I saw a large lake, [But) half a grain of sesamum cannot fit into it. Answer :-Nipple or teat.
34 Saras manz mámani pyáyi Wadavi gais, tsup hëni dyi. Aunt gave birth to a child in a lake; We went to congratulate her, [and] she came to bite. Answer :- Jewar al-juwur (Euryale ferox). Its thorns prick the hand on
touching it.
35.
Saras manz palyári hand. There is a small fence round a lako. Answer :-Eye-lashes.
36. Saras manz sara bod, Sir phul wátěs na od. There is a large lake within a lake, (But) it cannot contain even one-half of a broken grain of rice. Answer: -The pupil of the eye.
37. Satranji watharit, shungan na kánh. Phulmut pumposh tsalin na kánh. Madmut rdza, wadán na kánh. The durries are spread ; nobody sleeps (on them). The lotus has blossomed ; nobody plucks it. The king is dead ; nobody weeps. Answer -A frozen pool of water; the moon; a srake.
38. Shiyitrah dari ta shiyitrah bar chis; Shiyitrah gaz bhar pandh chus. Razas watshayo rats wdsand. Tējas peth suna mand chut.

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KASHMIRI- RIDDLES
It has thirty-six windows [and] thirty-six doors It is thirty-six yards in width. The king happened to get a good impulse (i.c., to build it. There is a maund of gold on ito spires. Answer :-The Jami' Masjid.
39. Shupri shupri höndavčnd, Shrdki aati hapalan, Biyi tithuriy sapadan. A water-melon, alantingly Cut into parts with a knife, Becomes whole again. Answer:--Clothing.
Suna aanzi ddrey rupa aanza lan joy,
Arifan dup Zarifas gimna kami ganjey. Branches of silver (are tied] to a golden window, Arif asked Zarif as to who had tied them. Answer A cobweb.
41. Tali tali taldo khanan, "Raza dodran 14 karán. It digs a pond underneath. It plunders the houses of great people. Answer: A mouse.
Tilawin něcivis suna sund fyuuk. An oilman's son with a golden mark on his forehead. Answer:An oil-lamp.
- Trĩ bao keep ple,
Kath bath tadpan chu, Pipyr hyd natadn chu. A lamb with three armpits, Is eating up timber [and] twigs [and] Is dancing like a black pepper. Answer: An oven.
Tahar chem ta bhar chen; Raja sandi bagh.chem ; Denola on dem; Molehto-mala gandit chem. It is empty and it is full; It is in the Raja's garden; It is covered with a pair of shawls It is wearing necklaces of pearls. Answer:An ear of Indian corn.

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45.
Tou zangu, toodah zangu, Uke zangi kulis peth ; Tasund maz padshah mangi. Timan trẽn cho bạn tuy nấu. [First] having four feet, [second] having 14 feet, [Third] having one foot on a tree, Its meat is desired by & king. These three have one name. Answer - Khor (288); khar (worm); bharbuz (muak-melon)..
46. Wozalia grinas cheti kaci puti. White lambs in a red coloured stable. Answer Teeth in the mouth.
Yani zao táni khud btning pött As soon as it was born it ascended to the uppermont storey. Answer Smoke.
Yapdri bál shin silan; Apári bál doth wilán. This side of the hill snow is falling; That side of the hill hail is falling. Answer - A cotton-carding mill.
49. Yath saras sariphol nd odtoiy, Tath sari sakaliy poni căn ; Mrag, srugál, gandi, zala-hastig Zen nd zën ta toluy pen. It is a lake so tiny that in it & mustard seed finde no room, Yet from that lake every one drinks water; And into it deer, jackals, rhinocerones and sea-elephants Keep falling, almost before they have time to become born. Answer:-A mother's nipple.
50. Yira walshov khaira nécurd sermudaras tshanti, Danda-malan shroni kardn, shinas naçãn máni. A rude boy came swimming down a sea, He was jingling his teeth, [and] rolling up avalanches of snow. Answer -A churning-stick, separating butter from the milk.
61. Zethem zylthu tard hyl, prat hdth too mishi thotedx ches; Pakhav na ty khoran na ty, zoran satin palan cher. Long like a rope, every one afraid of it; Neither with wings nor with feet, but] by its own force does it move,
Answer: A snake. 6 This is a saying of LAI Déd, the hormitese. (See page 68 of Sir George Grierson's Lalla Vakylni.)

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RÅO CHANDRASEN, A FORGOTTEN HERO OF RAJPUTANA
RẢO CHANDRASEN, A FORGOTTEN HERO OF RAJPUTANA.
BY PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU. The name of the heroic Mahârând Pratâp of Mewar, and the memory of his noble deeds thrill with emotion the heart of every true Indian-young or old-even to this day. But the deeds of Rào Chandrasen, the first hero of Rajasthan, who in defending his independence against the covetousness of the great Mughal emperor Akbar, sacrificed his ancestral throno and took every kind of calamity upon himself, and whose path was followed by Mahârâna Pratâpt after an interval of about ten years, are comparatively unknown to history. Further, it has been said that the latter, being much distressed by the miseries of his children, once harboured the idea of acknowledging the supremacy of the emperor, but no such idea ever entered the head of our hero. Owing to the vicissitudes of fortune, however, his name is forgotten even in his own domains.
The Story of Rao Chandrasen. Rao Chandrasen, the hero of this biographical sketch, was born on the 8th day of the dark half of Sravana, 1598 v.s. (16th July 1541 A.D.). He was the fourth son of Rao Mâldev, the well known and powerful ruler of Marwar, who, by the force of his arms, had acquired supremacy among all the contemporary rulers of Rajputâna, and whose shelter was sought by Humâyûn, the emperor of India, in his days of adversity, and by whose might the pride of Sher Shāh, the Pathân emperor of India, was humbled. Towards the close of Maldov's reign a large part of his dominions had gone out of his possession owing to family discord.
On the demise of Rao Maldov, Rao Chandrasen, in accordance with the wishes of his father, was installed upon the throne of Mârwâr on the first day of the dark half of Mårgasirşa, 1619 v.s. (11th November 1562 A.D.), shortly after which some of his noblos, being displeased with him as a result of an insignificant incident, began to intrigue with his three elder brothers. The latter were persuaded to raise trouble in different quarters. His eldest brother, Ram, rebolled in Sojat, the second, Rayamal, towards Dundara, while the third, Udaisingh, having made a surprise attack, took the two villagos Baori and Gangani. At this Rao Chandrasen immediately marched against Udaisingh, who, relinquishing the possession of his newly acquired villages, retreated towards Phalodi. At Lohawat, however, he was overtaken and wounded by the Rao in a battle which resulted in a victory for the latter. After sometime Reo Chandrasen again prepared to invade Phalodi at the time when the
I Mahârând Pratap died on the 11th day of the bright half of Mâgha, 1653 v.9. (15th January 1597 A.D.)
: When only a child of three, i.e., in 1600 V.8. (1543 A.D.), he was granted the big fiof of Siwana and Bigalpur, where he used to live when of age. A day after his father's death he hastened to Jodhpur to try his luck in taking the reins of government into his hands according to the wish of his father. When a king, ho granted the fief of Siw&na to his elder brother, Rao Rayamal (the second son of the deceased Rio).
3 In the preface to the Taue-s-Jahdngirl it is stated; "Rio Maldev was a very great and powerful Raja, whoop army consisted of 80,000 cavalry. Although Rana Sanga, who had fought with Babur, pos. sessed equal wealth and ammunition, yet in respect of dominions and arms, Rao MÅldev surpassed him. Whenever Rao Maldev fought with Rana Sange the former we victorious." (Persian text, published by Nawal Kishor Press, Lucknow, p.7.)
In the Tabaqdi-i-Akbart it is stated :-"The Emperor Humayun, obliged by ciroumstanceh, started towards Maldov, who was at that time among the big Raja of Hindustan and to whom no other Raja was equal in respect of power and army." (Persian text, published by Nawal Kishor Press, Lucknow, p. 205.)
5 "Thank God, at any cost victory has been attained, otherwise I would have lost the empiry of Hindsten for a handful of millet." (Tarikh-1-Firishta text, published by Nawal Kishor Prome, Lucknow. Part I, p. 228, and Muntakhabu 'l-lubdb text, published by the Bengal Asiatio Society, Part I, p. 101.)
6 An offender having deserted the court of the Kao, took shelter with one of the nobles named Jaitamal (son of Jaisa). When he was arrested and brought back, the said noble requested the Rao to punish him in any way other than death. Incensed at this uncalled for interference, the Rao ordered the unfortunato wretch to be instantly put to death, Jaitamal and his colleagues did not like this.
7 At this time the three elder brothers of the Rio were in their respective jagirs. The eldest, Rám, was at Sojat; the second, Rayomal, at Siw Ans; and the third, Udaisingh, at Phalodi.

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power of the Mughal emperor Akbar was fast rising. But some considerate noblos intervened and made peace between the two brothers, as they (the nobles) apprehended danger to the Rathor power through family dissensions at such a time.
In 1620 v.s. (1563 A.D.) the Rao led an army against his eldest brother Rám. At first Râm came out and opposed the army of the Rao at Nadol.8 But, seeing no chance of victory, he went to Husain Quli Beg, the imperial officer at Någaur, stated bis prior claim by primogeniture to the throne of Marwar, and asked for help. Husain Quli, seeing a chance of benefitting himself by this internal diseord, readily accepted the proposal and suddenly laid siege to Jodhpur. The Rho fought for some days, but being obliged by the shortage of provisions to make peace, agreed to restore Sojat to Ram and to pay indemnities of war to Husain Quli Beg. In consequence, the possessions of the R&o were limited to the districts of Jodhpur, Jaitaran and Pokaran only. But after the return of the Muhammadan army the terms of the treaty were not fulfilled to the satisfaction of Ram. He therefore approached the emperor in 1621 v.s. (1564 A.D.) for help. As this was a good chance for Akbar to avenge his father's10 wrongs, he accepted the request of Ram and sent an army under Muzaffar Khan. Simultaneously, he ordered Husain Quli Beg to dispossess the Rao of Jodhpur and settle Ram at Sojat. Husain Quli, accordingly, laid siege to Jodhpur, but the RAO bravely defended the fort. When the imperial army failed to take the fort by open attack it attempted to enter it by an inlet11 towards the Rånisågar tank, but in vain.
As the siege continued for many months, provisions failed, and the leading sardars there. fore prevailed upon the Rao to escape. He, reluctantly, went to Bhadrajans with his family, while his sardars, who remained behind, fought in open battle and died glorious deaths. The imperial army then took possession of the fort.
The following is an extract from the Akbarndma 13 :
“After the accession of Chandrasen to the throne the imperial army besieged Jodhpur. Hearing this, Rám, the eldest son of Rio Maldov, camo and joined them. From there he went to the emperor who bestowed honours upon him and sent him to Husain Quli Beg with & fresh army under Muinu' d-dîn Khan and others. The imperial army soon took the fort."
The Rao collecting men and money began to harass the Muhammadans now and then. In 1627 v.s. (1570 A.D.-978 A.H.), when the emperor, after visiting Ajmer, reached Nagaur, many princes of Rajputânå attended his court there.14 The Rio, too, went there to read
Another version is that it was Rio Ram who, with the assistance of Maharana Udaisingh, had at first marched out in order to obtain the throne of Marwar.
It is stated in Tarikh-s-Palanpur (Part I, page 77) that Mirz& Sharfu'd-din rebelled against Akbar and invaded Mertå after the demise of Rao Maldev, and that Rao Chandrasen seved Mertå by concluding A peace with him in 1615 v.s. (1659 A.D.). These facts are doubtful, for Merta had been made over to Jaimal by Sharfu'd-din during the lifetime of Rio Maldev. After this, when Sharfu'd-din rebelled, Akbar took Mort from Jaimal and made it over to Jagmål. Sharfu'd-din rebelled in 1620 V.8. (1663 A.D.--971 A.H.), while Rao Maldev died in 1619 v.8.
10 When Humayun had sought the assistance of Rio Maldev against Sher Shah, his followers had slaughtered a cow in Marwar. Displonged with this, the Rio (Maldev) had dosiated from helping him, and Humayun had to turn back disappointed.
11 This inlet is meant for carrying water to the fort from the tank.
18 This event is stated in the chronicles to have occurred on the 12th day of the dark half of Marga. sirps, 1622 v.s. (19th November 1565 A.D.).
13 Abbarndmd, toxt published by Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. II, p. 197.
14 Udaisingh, the third son of Rho MAldov, and Rao Kaly Anmal and his son Rayasingh of Bikaner, etc., had an interview with the emperor at this place. The emperor deputed Udaisingh to suppress the Gajar rising in Somaoli, keeping at oourt Rayasingh, to whom afterwards the administration of Jodhpur was also entrtuted. RAO Ram was also appointed in Jodhpur to help in guarding the highway to Gujarat.
It is stated in the Tabagde-t-Albart that Akbar roached Nagaur on the 16th Junddd 'LE, 977 A.I. (3rd day of the dark half of Pausha, 1626 v..- Qorresponding with the 26th November 1569 A.D.) and Bojourned there for 50 days (p. 289). But in the Albarndid this event is said to have copurred in 978 A.A. (1570 A.D.). (Vol. II, pp. 367-58.)

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his mind, and was received by the emperor with due honour. His inward desire was that if the Rao were to own his allegiance, even in name, he might rostore Jodhpur to him. But the unbending nature of the Rio defied all courtly allurements and he returned to Bhadrajan, rejecting the offers of the emperor. Soon after this the imperial army laid siege to Bhadrajan.
The Râo defended it for some time, but as provisions here also failed, he went to Siwana.
In 1629 v.s. (1572 A.D.) the Rao made a recruiting tour, and on his way, when encamped at Kanuja (district Jaitaran), Ratan, son of Khinva, the chieftain of Asarlai, disregarded a summon to his court. The Rao, therefore, marched on Asarlai and laid it waste.
Next year (1630 v.s.=1573 A.D.) the inhabitants of the town of Bhinaya (district Ajmer) approached him for protection against the depredations of Madalia, the Bhil chief. tain. Accepting their appeal, the Rao attacked the residence of the Bhil. As many other Bhils of the neighbourhood happened to be there taking part in some ceremony, they all took up arms to repulse the attack ; but as soon as Madalia was killed they all fled, 15 leaving the place and the district in the possession of the Rao.
The same year (i.e., 1630 v.s.=981 A.H.) Akbar despatched a strong army to take Siwana. 16 Besides the Muhammadan commanders, Shah Quli, etc., Hindu princes and chiefs, like Rayasingh of Bikaner, Keshavadas of Mertâ and Jagat Raya, were also deputed to accompany it. As the emperor was very anxious that the Rio might be made to own allegiance, he had instructed his commanders to try to win him over by promises of imperial favour. At first the army went towards Sojat, where it defeated prince Kalla, 17 a nephew of the Rao, and thence set out for Siwana, taking his (tho Rao's) relatives Keshavadás, Maheshdås and Prithviraj along with it. When this large army camo near Siwâna, 18 plundering the surrounding country and defeating those who made opposition, the retainers of the Rao suggested that he should take refuge in the neighbouring hills and await his opportunity.
Chandrasen, accordingly, went into the hills, leaving the defence of the fort to his commander-in-chief, Råthor Patta, but he let slip no opportunity of harassing the besieging army upon its flanks and rear. The garrison, too, gave a good account of itself. Though the besieging army was large and formidable, yet neither the Rao nor his retainers were discomfited. In 1621 v.s. (982 A.H.), disppointed at the state of affairs, Rao Rayasingh, who then administered Marwar on behalf of the emperor, left Siwana for Ajmer and informed the emperor that the army doputed to Siwana was not adequate to capture the fort, and that reinforcements were necessary. 19 The emperor thereupon sent Taiyib Khan, Saiyid Beg Toqbâî, Subhân Quli Khân Turk, Kharram, Azmat Khân, Shivadas, etc., with a large army to
15 From that day the following proverb has been curront in Mârwâr :- Ararsi afar aiutt, i..., as soon as Madalio (the Bhil chief) was killed the guests to the feast dispersed.'
Bhinaya is in the possession of the descendants of Rao Chandragen to this day.
It is stated in the Chiefs and Leading Families of Rajpúdnd (1916) that Chandrasen, the son of Rao Mâldev of M&rwâr (1531) came to Ajmer, and having by stratagem intoxicatod Madalis, the chief of a band of Bhils who ravaged the country near Bhinai, slew him and dispersed his followers. For this service Bhinai and seven other parganas were bestowed on him in jdgir by the emperor Akber. (See pp. 96-98.)
16 Albarndma, vol. III, pp. 80-81.
17 Prince Kallå at first bravely opposed the imperial army, but being outnumbered, was eventually obliged to leave Sojat and take refugo in the fortress of Siriari. The imperial Army, finding it difficult to take this latter place, set fire to it, which obliged Kalla to retreat to Korna. Being pursued to this place, too, he had to conclude peaco, and though exempted himself, upon some pretext, from attendance, he had to send his relatives to the court.
18 The allies of Rio Chandrason, Raval Mogharaj, Sukharaj, Suja and David As, had bravely fought with batches of the imperial army that had been plundering in the neighbourhood. (Akbarndmd, vol. III, p. 81.)
19 Albarndmd, vol. III, pp. 110-111,

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Siwána. The strength of the imperiai army being thus augmented, the Rao, at the request of his sardars, escaped via Rampura to the hills. The emperor resented the escape of the Rao, and reproached his commanders.
Next, in 1632 v.s. (983 A.H.) Jalal Khân was deputed 20 to suppress the Rao, and Saiyid Ahmad, Saiyid Hashim, Shimal Khan and other nobles were ordered to accompany him. As the army previously sent suffered continued failure it became disheartened ; and as they had insufficient fodder and had to wander fruitlessly in the hilly tracts, the horses, too, became weak and unserviceable.21 The emperor accordingly instructed these newly appointed commanders to relieve it ; and they went to their respective jagîrs to make preparations.
When Jalal Khân reached Merta, Ramsingh, Sultânsingh, Ali Quli, etc., nobles of the Siwâna army, sent him word that, though they were trying their best to suppress the Rao, yet they had not boen able to defeat him, for being himself a brave warrior, surrounded by retainers equally brave, and finding an impregnable shelter in the mountains, he was invincible. But if Jalal Khan would instantly help them with his ariny they would achieve some success. Jalal Khan accordingly marched on Siwana. Hearing this, the Râo arranged an ambush to surprise and rout Jalal Khan on the way; but somehow the latter got scent of the design and advanced and attacked the Rao. This unexpected attack upset all his (the Rao's) plans. For some time further he continued the conflict, till, anticipating the complete destruction of his handful of brave soldiers in fighting against such odds, he again took refuge in the hills.23
As the imperial army had had a bitter experience in entering the hills in pursuit of such a dangerous enemy as the Rào, this time they retired to the fortress of Ramgadh, and from there they tried their best to find out his whereabouts ; but all their efforts proved fruitless. In the meanwhile they learnt through a person who called himself Devidas?* that the Rao was with bis nephew, prince Kallâ. On this they went with him to Kalla, who positively denied the information. The army had to return in despair, and Shimal Khân was much displeased with Devidas. Inviting the latter to his camp under some pretext he tried to make him prisoner, but at the right moment Devidas effected his escape, to the disappointment and shame of Shjinal Khân. Devidas went to Kalla, and, as he was determined to avenge himself on Shimal Khân, he together with Rao Chandrasen fell upon the imperial army. In their hurry they mistook Jalal Khân for Shimal Khân. However the former was killed. They then proceeded to attack the latter (Shimal Khan), but by that time Jaimal, at the head of a fresh imperial army, happened to arrive, and the Rao and Devidas thought it prudent to retire.
This last attack had much reduced the strength of the imperial army, affording an opportunity to prince Kalla (son of Rama) of once more trying his luck. He collected men and money, garrisoned the fortress of Devkůr, 25 and prepared for battle with the imperial army. To overcome the new difficulty, the imperial army was obliged to give up the siege of Siwana and prepare for an attack upon Devkûr. The emperor, seeing his prestige
20 Akburnámd toxt, published by Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. III, p. 158. 21 Ibid., p. 167. 22 These were younger brothers of R&o Rayasingh of Bikaner. 33 Akbarndma, vol. III, pp. 158-159.
2. The strange story relatod by this man at Râmgadh was that he was the same Devidas who was Hupposed to have been killed in the battle with Bharfu'd.din at Merta; that when he was left on the field in #penseless state, an ascetic picked him up, took him to his hermitage and hooled his wounds; that he remained with the ascetic for some time and had come with his permission to try his fortune by serving under the imperial banners. He was believed by some of the imperial commanders, while others disbelieved him, (Akbarname, vol. III, p. 159.)
25 The site of this fortress remains yet unidentified. (Akbarnámd, vol. III, p. 167.)

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endangered, sent more men under Shahbaz Khan to stamp out the anarchy in these parts. This new general, on reaching Devkůr, saw that the imperial army besieging the fortress was in difficulties. He, therefore, advanced and attacked the fort. This reinforcement greatly added to the strength of the imperial army and the handful of fatigued retainers of prince Kalla could not withstand its attacks for long. The fortress was captured and Shahbâz Khân left some troops in it under the Saiyids of Barha, while he himself proceeded to Siwana. On his way he fell in with some Rathor warriors stationed in the fortress of Danâra, 26 to whom he sent proposals for submission with an offer of imperial service. But these brave Rathors, preferring death to loss of independence, engaged the great Mughal army in a furious battle till every one of them had fallen on the field. The Mughals took possession of the fortress and went on to besiege Siw&na. There they relieved and sent back the old army, in accordance with the emperor's instructions. The new general, after some days of strenuous effort, perceived that it would be very difficult to take the fort by fighting in the open with the brave Råthors. He, therefore, had recourse to stratagem, and cut off all supplies for the garrison. Seeing further defence impossible, the commander proposed to evacuate the fort on condition of being allowed to retire peacefully. Shahbaz Khan wel comed the proposal as he foresaw only loss in pressing the siege further. Thus, after prolonged and severe fighting, the fort of Siwana came into the possession of Akbar in 1633 v.s. (984 A.H.) and the surviving Rathor defenders retired to the hills of Piplun, where the Rio resided. But still they continued to attack the Mughal army whenever possible.
The same year, in the month of Kârtika (October November 1576 A.D.), Råval Hansraj of Jaisalmer seeing the Râo engaged with the imperial army, invaded Pokaran, which was defended by Pañcholi Anand Râm, who commanded in behalf of the R&o, for about four months. In the end, no advantage being gained by either side, a treaty was concluded by which the Raval was to advance a loan of one lakh of phadias (Rs. 12,300) to the Rao, and the Rio was to hand over the district of Pokaran to the Raval on condition of returning it on the repayment of the loan. Rao Chandrasen, being engaged in war with the Mughals, was in need of money and, therefore, welcomed the treaty.
As the imperial army pursued the Rao even to his mountain fastness of Piplun, he, after fighting for a time, was obliged to retire towards Sirohi,27 Dungarpur28 and Bangwârå.
Later on, when Sojat also fell into the hands of the Mughals on the death of Kalla on the field of battle, Kumpávat Sådůl, son of Maheshdås, Jetavat Askaran, son of Devidas, and other sardars of Marwar went over to the Rio and requested him to return and protect his native land. Accordingly he set out for Marwap via Mewâ; and, routing the imperial post at Sarwar, took possession of the district in 1636 v.8. (1579 A.D.). Later he overran the adjacent districts of Ajmer also.29 At this the emperor sent an army against him under Payanda Muhammad Khan and others. The Rao, after fighting for some time against these
26 At present there is no fortress at Dandra, 27 Ráo Chandrasen is said to have stayed here for about a year and a half.
38 It is said that though Rio Chandrasen, owing to the dissension between the Raval and his son, had acquired possession of Dungarpur fort, he was obliged to vacate it on the arrival of the imperial army.
29 In 988 A... (1637 v.8.1580 A.D.) it was reported that Rao Chandrasen (son of Maldova), in spite of his (formerly) attending the imperial court, had rebelled; but being afraid of the imperial army he had awaited an opportunity in his hiding place, and now, finding a chance, bad begun to plunder the district of Ajmer. (Akbardmd, III, p. 318.)
But Rao Chandrasen had only once met Akbar at Nagaur in 1627 va. (1570 A.D.). A subsequent inter view with Akbar is neither mentioned in any of the Persian Chronicles, nor in the khudts. This statement, therefore, must allude to his meeting with the emperor in 1627 v...

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odds, thought it inadvisable to remain in the open field and retired to the nearest hills in 1637 v.s. (1580 A.D.=988 A.H.).
Shortly after this the Râo again collected men and money, invaded Sojat and took possession of it on the 11th day of the dark half of Śrâvana 1637 v.s. (7th July 1580 A.D.). He then established his residence in the hill fortress of Saran close by, but he did not enjoy the rest for long as he died on the 7th day of the bright half of Magha 1637 v.s. (11th January 1581 A.D.) at Sachiyaya. Thus ended the chequered but brilliant career of this unyielding hero of Marwâr.30 On the spot where he was cremated there stands a marble tablet to this day,31
Rao Chandrasen was a ruler of very inflexible and independent disposition. He took upon himself the hardships of a wandering life in the mountains after being deprived of his paternal state (Mârwâr). He continued to fight for 16 long years with the armies of an emperor like Akbar, and never thought of ending his miseries by yielding to the supremacy of the great Mughal. Even from the Akbarnámá it is evident that it was the ardent desire of the emperor to bring the Râo under his allegiance like other rulers of Rajpûtânâ; he, therefore, used to give special instructions to all the nobles sent against him to try their best to subjugate the Râo by offering imperial favours. But this desire of the emperor was never fulfilled. Rao Chandrasen had three sons,-Ugrasen, Rayasingh, and Åskaran.33
At that time the Mahârânâ (Pratap) and the Rao (Chandrasen) were the two sharpest. thorns in Akbar's side. A contemporary poet has very well expressed this fact in the follow. ing couplet :
चवदगिया तुरी कमला असमर, चाकर रहब न डिगियोचीत ।
सारे हिंदुस्थान सबै सिर, पातल ने इसे प्रयीत ॥
i.e., at that time there were only two renowned rulers throughout India, viz., Rânâ Pratap and Rao Chandrasen, whose horses could not be enslaved by the imperial brand, who could never be tempted by imperial service, and whose arms ever remained drawn against the imperial armies.
Probable Reasons for the Obscurity of Rão Chandrasen.
The chief reason why the name and history of such a character have been forgotten seems to be that, unlike the case of Maharana Pratap of Mewar, the throne of Marwar was lost to the descendants of our hero-Rao Chandrasen. Some time after his death, his younger brother Udaisingh (alias Môtâ Râja) got possession of the throne in 1640 v.s. (1583 A.D.) The new ruler had not been on good terms with his brother. The poets and historians of the time probably thought, therefore, that the recital and narration of Chandrasen's heroic deeds would not only be fruitless, but even a cause of displeasure to the contemporary ruler.
We hope true Indians, and especially the Râthor Rajpûts, will cherish in their hearts the memory of the magnanimous Râo like that of Maharana Pratap.
30 It is stated in the chronicles of Marwar that when Rão Chandrasen had taken possession of Sojat a large number of Råthor sardars from far and near had flocked to his banner. But Râthor Bairsâl and Kumpavat Udaisingh, out of pride, paid no heed to him. Rao Chandrasen, therefore, marched upon Dudor, the jager of Bairsål. On the way, as Askaran, son of Rathor Devidas, promised to negotiate with Bairsâl and induce him to enter the service of the Rão, the latter gave up the idea of invasion. When, however, Askaran saw Bairsål for the purpose, the latter, feigning terror, requested Askaran' to assure him of the favour of the Rão by bringing him (the Rão) to his house for dinner. This was arranged. But soon after his return the Rão suddenly expired; hence treachery on the part of Bairsål is generally suspected.
81 In this tablet there is an image of Rao Chandrasen on horseback along with five ladies standing in front of him, to show that five of his wives became satt. This fact is also borne out by the inscrip. tion. below the iannge, which runs as follows: श्रीगणेशायनमः । संवत् १६३७ शाके १५[०]२ माघमासे सू (शु) पते सतिव (सप्तमी ) दिने राव श्री चंद्र से राजी हैबीकुला सती पंच हुई.
31 Rão Chandrasen made a charitable grant of village Arathnadi to a Brahman named Sanga.

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HISTORICAL DATA IN RAJASEKHARA'S VIDDHASALABHANJIKA.
BY V. V. MIRASHI, M.A. In an interesting article entitled "The staging of the ViddhasAlabhañjika " published in a previous issue of this Journal (vol. LX, p. 61 f.), Mr. Dasharatha Sharma has drawn attention to the historical data in the Viddhatdlabhanjika of Rajasekhara. The historical importance of this drama had also struck me as I was studying the inscriptions of the Kalachuris and the works of RAjasekhara, and I wrote an article on the subject which was published in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institutel some months before Mr. Sharma's article appeared in this Journal. Mr. Sharma has independently studied this question, and though he agrees with me in some matters, his conclusions in others are different from mine. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the available evidence once more to arrive at the truth. Be. sides Mr. Sharma's article contains some misstatements which must be corrected to prevent misconception by future historians.
After studying the Viddhaéalabhañjika and the relevant inscriptions Mr. Sharma has drawn the following conclusions. 1. The Viddhasálabhañjikd was staged at the Court of the Kalachuri king Yuvaraja
deva I of Tripuri. 2. It commemorates a victory of the Kalachuris over the Rashtrakůta king Govin
da IV. This war was undertaken to crown Baddiga-Amoghavarsha TTT king
of Kuntala. The first of these conclusions is no new discovery. As far back as 1905 the late Dr. Hultzsch arrived at the same conclusion and on the same grounds. As for the second my conclusion is in some respects different from Mr. Sharma's. I agree with him that the play commemorates a victory of the Kalachuris over the Rashtrakūtas, but I hold that YuvarAja. deva's antagonist was not Govinda IV, but his own son-in-law, Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III. who had already usurped the throne on the death or murder of Govinda IV. Mr. Sharma says: "Govinda IV seems to have been a man of vicious character, who met his destruction in & rebellion raised by his subjects." It is not quite clear how Govinda IV met his death. The Deoli and Karhad Plates attribute his destruction to his voluptuousness, which undermined his health. But the veiled reference in that verse to the disaffection among his subjects, as well as the statement in the next passage that his successor Amoghavarsha was requested by the feudatories to ascend the throne, may denote that he lost his life in a rebellion of his subjects and feudatories. The latter supposition is also supported by an important passage in the Vikramarjunavijaya of the Kanarese poet Pampa, where it is said that Arikesarin, a Chalukya chieftain ruling over Jola country (Dharwår district), conquered the great feudatories sent by the emperor who offered opposition and gave universal sovereignty to Baddiga when he came, placing confidence in him. It is, however, doubtful if the Chedis had any hand in this revolt. The battle on the bank of the Payoshni, which is so graphically described in the Viddhasalabhaħjika, oould not have been fought with Govinda IV, for in that passage the adversaries of the Chedis, who supported the claim of Virapala for the throne of Kuntala, are said to be kings of Karnata, Simhala, Pandya, Murala, Andhra, and Konkana, a well as the lord of Kuntala. Now it is well known that Govinda IV had, by his vicious conduct, displeased all men and had sent armies against Arikesarin (who may represent the
1 Anale, vol. XI, Part IV (1930). 3 Ind. Ant., vol. XXXIV, p. 177 f. सोऽचरणमानवनपावनिम्नरिहन्मार्गसंगविमुखीवसर्वसवः । दोषणकोपविषमप्रकृतिः अथागः
प्रापत्क्षवं सहजतेजसि भातमा॥ •सामन्सरथ राज्यमहिमालाम्बार्थमम्मपितो, नापि पिनाकिना हरिकुलोबासषिणामेरितः अभ्यास्त प्रथमी
विवकिा जगत्गात्मजोऽमोषवाक, पीपाधिरमोषषर्षमृपतिः श्रीवीरसिंहासनम् ।। 6 Ep. Ind., vol. VII, p. 34.

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king of Karnáta) and ChAlukya Bhima II of Vengi (the king of Andhra). These kings at least were displeased with Govinda IV, and we shall not be far wrong if we suppose that other feudatories also did not like his misrule. In the Deoli and Karhad plates of Krishna IJI, the son and successor of Baddiga-Amoghavarsha, we are told that the latter was requested by the feudatories to ascend the throne. These fendatories are not, therefore, likely to have fought for Govinda IV and against the Kalschuri king, who, according to Mr. Sharma, 68. poused the cause of Baddiga. It is, on the other hand, probable that Baddiga-Amoghavarsha was intriguing with the discontented feudatories of Govinda IV to bring about his downfall. We have a clear reference to this in the passage from the Vikramarjunarijaya cited above, which says that Arikesarin gave the throne to Baddiga who sought his help. Yuvardjadeva I was no fondatory of Govinda IV. If he had been mainly instrumental in securing the throne of Kuntala for Baddiga, the Deoli and Karhad plates of his son would have surely referred to his help. We find instead, that Krishna III, the son of Baddiga, even while he was a crown prince, defeated a Sahasrarjuna (i.e., & Kalachuri king) who was an elderly relative of his mother and wife. This can be no other than Yuvarajadeva I of Tripuri, the father-in-law of Baddiga. The earliest date for Baddiga is 937 A.D., and the date of Krishna III's accession is 940 A.D. Kpishna's victory over Yuvarljadeva must, therefore, be placed between these two dates. As it is mentioned first in the list of the achievements of Krishna III while he was a crown prince, it may have occurred in the first two or three years of his father's reign. It would, indeed, be the height of ingratitude, if Krishna waged war so soon on Yuvarajadeva, who, according to Mr. Sharma, placed his father on the throne of Kuntala.
I, therefore, conclude that Yuvar&jadeva must have espoused the cause of some other claimant for the throne of Kuntala and fought with Baddiga-Amoghavarsha and his son Krishta, who had usurped it with the help of the feudatories. In my article in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute I have shown in detail that the kings of Karnata, Sinhala, Pandya, etc., mentioned in Rajasekhara's play as the adversaries of Yuvardjadeva, were afterwards the feudatories of Krishna II, and may, therefore, have come to his father's help in that battle. Baddiga was, no doubt, Yuvarajadeva's son-in-law, but he was a man of saintly disposition, being guided entirely by his son Krishna III. From the manner in which Krishna III and his successor Khoftigadeva are referred to in the Kardå plates, 10 the late Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar rightly conjectured that they were half-brothers and that Kandakadevi, the daughter of Yuvarajadeva, was the mother of Khoftigadeva but the stepmother of Krishna III. We are told in the Viddhasdlabhañjil that Yuvarajadova married the daughter of Virapala, whom he placed on the throne of Kuntala. This is manifestly impossible if Virapala of the play is intended to represent his own son-in-law Baddiga-Amoghavarsha. All these considerations render it extremely probable that Virapala was meant to represent some other uncle of Govinda IV who had an equal claim for the throne after the latter's death. Yuvar&jadeva must have decided to back him, for he must have known that if his son-in-law Baddiga gained the throne he would be entirely under the control of his son. Krishna III, of masterful personality, and thus thwart him in his ambitious schemes to become a Chakravartin. 6 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 417. रामहतसहबभुजो भुमड्याकलितसमवरामेण | अननीपस्नीगुरुरापि येन सहस्रार्जुनी विजितः ।।
Karhad Plates, Ep. Ind., vol. IV, p. 284. 8 Ibid., p. 285.
. Matrimonial alliances are not always successful in preventing hostilities between ambitjous kings. Several instances of this can be quoted from modern European as well as ancient Indian history. 10 ऐन्द्रपदाजिगीषयेव स्वर्गमविकटेच बेष्ठ भ्रातरि श्रीमस्कृष्णराजदेवे, युवराजदेवहितरि कन्तकदेव्याममो97131* entrant Th i ara: || 14 ||
Early History of the Deccan (1028), p. 127.

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Mr. Sharma places this battle on the bank of the Tapti, with which he identifies the Payoshni mentioned in the play as the scene of the battle. It appears from the Epics and Puråņas that three rivers-Tapti, Purna and Painganga-bore the name Payoshņi in ancient times.11 The Viddhabdlablañild tells us that Yuvarajadova sent an army under his Commander-in-Chief to place Virapala on the throne of Kuntala. It must have advanced directly on Månyakheta (modern Malkhed, near Bidar in the Nizam's Dominions), the capital of the Rashtrakūtas. Its progress was checked by a confederacy of kings, and a fierce battle was fought on the bank of the Payoshni. This river must, therefore, be identified with the Paingangå which, alone of the three rivers mentioned above, lies on the way from Tripuri (Têwar near Jabalpur) to Malkhed. The surrounding country was probably called Murala in those days.The king of this country was one of the adversaries of Yuvaråjadeva. From the Uttararámacarita the Murall appears to be a tributary of the Godavari, and we find that the Yadavas who were ruling in that part were feudatories of the Rashtrakūtas. To assure Yuvarajadeva that the people of that country had submitted to him after that fierce battle the Commander-in-Chief remarks in his dispatch that the ladies of Muralå had fixed their eyes on his feet. The identification of the Payoshạill with the Paingang& seems, therefore, to be almost certain.
The victory that Yuvardjadeva won in the battle of the Payoshni was, however, only temporary. Baddiga soon regained the throne and was firmly established on it in 937 A.D. His son and crown prince, Krishna III, soon took revenge by defeating Yuvarâjadeva, as stated in the Karhad plates.
Let us next turn to some other statements in Mr. Sharma's article. He identifies in a footnote Yuvardjadeva the patron of Abhinanda with Yuvardjadeva I of Tripurî. Extracts from the initial and concluding portions of the Ramacarita were published in 1922 and 1928 in the Triennial Catalogues of Manuscripts collected by the Madras Government.13 The work has recently been edited in the Gaikwad's Oriental Series. From several references in that poem it is now quite clear that Yuvarâjadeva, the poet's patron, was a Pala king and bore the title Haravarsha. He must, therefore, be distinguished from Rajasekhara's patron, the Kalachuri king YuvarAjadeva I alias Keyůravaraha. The editor of the Ramacarita has adduced cogent reasons to identify him with Devapala, who ruled in the second half of the ninth century A.D.
Relying on Mr. C. V. Vaidya's statement in his History of Medieval Hindu India, Mr. Sharma holds that Kokkalla I was the master of Trikalinga in 870 A.D. Mr. Vaidya has cited no authority for his statement. From the eleventh century onwards we find that the title was assumed by some Kalachuri kings. But so far as I know, the passages in the Viddha alabhañjiká cited by Mr. Sharma are the earliest references to the assumption of this title by a Kalachuri king. If Trikalinga means high or elevated Kalinga and denotes the bighlands between the coast strip called Kalinga and Dakshina Kosala, 14 the country was conquered for the first time by Kokkalla's son, Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala, the father of Yuvarajadeva 1.15 After this conquest he placed one of his brothers in charge of it. The inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpar mention that Kokkalla had eighteen sons, of whom the eldest became the lord of Tripuri while the others became the lords of Mandalas. 16
11 See Nundo Lal Dey's Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaval India, p. 156.
13 Rolying on Mr. 8. N. Majumdar's statement in his edition of Ounningham's Geography of Ancient India, Mr. Sharma takes the Mural country to represent the central possession of the Kalachuris. But this is inconsistent with the express statement in the play that the lord of Murall was one of Yuvardjadeva's opponents in the battle of the Payoshpf. The Trindadesha seems to distinguish the Murall from the Revå or Narmada, ef. Ty To Far ET A T In the Balabhdruta aleo Rajasekhara distinguishes between Mural and Mekala the country round the source of the Narmada, cl. afragtat: root Mai (Act I, v. 7).
18 Vol. III, Nos. 3439 and 3760 (pub. 1922) and vol. IV, No. 6371 and 6373 (pub. 1928). 14 JBORS.; vol. XIV, Part IV.
16 See references to the conquest of Pali in the Bilhari inscription of the Rulers of Chedi (Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 264 f.) and the Benares copperplate inscription of Karna (Ep. Ind., vol. II, p. 297 I.
16 CE. Ratanpur Inscription of Jâjalladeva, Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 32 f.

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MISCELLANEA. A SINHALESE-PANDYAN SYNCHRONISM. 1913, 517.531, which would give Sena I, c. 823-843 In the time of Sena I, according to the Cala- A.D., and Sena II, 843-876 A.D. Mr. K. V vamsa (Mhu. 50, 12-42), a Pandyan king invaded Subrahmanya Aiyar, relying on Wijesinha's dating Ceylon, ravaged the Northern Province, and sacked infers that this back of Madura marks the end of the capital. Sens made terms, and the Pandyans Varaguna II's reign (Ancient Deccan, p. 141), quitted the island.
while Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri would discredit In the next reign, that of Sena II (Mhe. 51, the Sinhalese account altogether, regarding it 27-51), a disgruntled son of the Pandyan king as a more repetition of the Sinhalese invasions of appealed to the Sinhalese monarch for help againat Madura in the twelfth century, interpolated in his father. A Sinhalese invasion of the Madura Mhe. 51 "to take off the edge from the story of kingdom followed, the capital was sacked, the the conquest of Ceylon " in Sene I's reign (The Pandyan king died of his wounds and his son Påndyan Kingdom, p. 71). was enthroned by the Sinhalese Commander-in- More recently Prof. Geiger, in part II of his Chief in his stead.
edition of the Calavamia (1930), has again revised On the Pandyan sido the only reference to a the dating of the Sinhalese kings of this period, war with Ceylon is tho bare mention in the largers and assigns to Sena I, C, 831-851 A.D., and to Sena II, Sinnamanůr plates of A victory won over the king c. 851-886 A.D. The expedition of Sena II to of Simhala by Śrf-Mêra, son of Varaguna I, and Madurà occurred according to the Ataviragolla va father of Varaguna II (8. I. I., 3, pp. 457, 461). inscription (E. Z., 2, p. 44) in the ninth year of his Of a counter-invasion nothing is said.
reign, which would be c. 860 A.D. socording to The your of Varaguna II's accession is generally Prof. Geiger's scheme. The nearness of this accepted as c. 862 A.D. (Aivarmalai inscription, computed date to that of Varagupa II's accession Md. 242 of V. Rangacharya's list, corroborated by (862 A.D., some time between March 22nd and tho Tiruvellarai inscription, Tp. 683, 800 E.I., November 22nd, as calculated by Sewell) suggests 11, 263).
that Varaguna II wrested the Pandyan throne This date does not fit either the traditional from his father Sri-Māra with the help of Sena II. dating of the Mhv. (Wijosinho) which gives Sena I, This synchronism, if valid, is important, and proves 846-866 A.D. and Sena II, 866-901 A.D.; nor the soundness of Prof. Geiger's judgment. with the scheme suggested by Hultzsch in JRAS.,
F. J. RICHARDS.
BOOK-NOTICES. A COMPARATIVE AND ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY In his Linguistic Survey of India Sir Georgo OF THE NEPALI LANGUAGE, by R. L. TURNER, Grierson classifies this language, which he calls M.C., M.A. With Indexes of all Words quoted Eastern Pahari or Naipali (here using the Sanskritio from other Indo-Aryan Language compiled by form, while Prof. Turner adopts the form Nepali Dorothy R. Turner, M.A. 12 X 9 inches; PP. as locally pronounced) as one of the Pahari lan. xxiv + 935. London, Kegan Paul, Trench guages of the Inner Sub-Branch of the Indo-Aryan Trübner & Co., 1931.
Branch. Prof. Turner tells us that Nepali original. This admirable dictionary is the outcome of ly belonged to & dialect-group which included 16 years' work; and the labour involved in its the ancestors of Gujarati, Sindhi, Lahnda, preparation will be apparent from its contents Panjab and Kindt. As the speakers of the to all linguists. Suffice it to state that dictionaries 80-called Pahari languagee, moving along the and vocabularies of fifty languages and dialects, foot-hills of the Himalaya, settled down in their including, be it noted, the Gypsy languages, have now homes, these languages lost touch with their been systematically examined for the purpose relatives in the north-west, and developed in. of the etymological notes and the indexes. In dependently. Being brought into close contact the preface the author states his aim as having with the dialects of the plains to the south, they been to give all those interested in the Aryan shared with them important sound changes. So, languages of India gonorally, and in Nepali in in the case of Nepali wo find the Hindi and Bihari particular, a dictionary in which for the first timo
dialects exercising a strong and apparently inthe attempt is made to indicate with some degree
creasing influence. Among the modern Indo. of scientific accuracy the etymologies of an Indo
Aryan languages Nepali is most closely allied to Aryan language as a whole. The indexes have
Kumaoni, its neighbour on the west. This been planned to enable those concerned with Indo-Aryan languages other than Nepali to use
linguistic ovidence corroborates the historical the etymological material here collected. Right
information we possess as to the introduction in well have these aims been accomplished : the result
comparatively recent times of this form of Indois a work that should serve as a guide for future | Aryan speech into Nepal. For it must be re. Indian lexicography.
membered that most of the languages spoken in

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Nepal, such as Nowari, Murmi, Gurung, Róng of Sanskrit words added, the most fastidious critica (Lepcha), Magari and Sunwår, belong to the Tibeto.should be satisfied. Burman Sub-Family. Nepali, also known by In a work oi this size and comprehensive character the names Gorkh Ali, Parbatiya and Khas-kure, it is inevitable that some errors should creep in; was introduced under the dominion of the Rajputs that they are so rare is testimony of the care and who migrated, under pressure of the Muhammadan accurate methods of the compiler. The few we kings of Delhi, into Garhwai, Kumdon and western have noticed are chiefly in respect of words of Nopal, and gradually extending their influence Arabic or Persian origin. Had any reliable die in the hill country, Occupied the town of Gorkha tionaries of the Bihari vernaculars been published, in 1659 A.D. It was a rulor of this House of Prof. Tumor would have received much help Gorkha, as Buchanan Hamilton described the therefrom. We notice, however, that he has dynasty, who in 1769 finally brought the whole of carefully searched, and made good use of that Nepal under his sway and founded the existing invaluablo storehouse of rural terms, Bihar Peasant kingdom. Whether other Indo-Aryan dialects Life, compiled by Sir George Grierson. had previously been spoken in Nopal is not definite- Professor Turner is to be warmly congratulated ly known, but it is likely that this had heen the on the publication of this fine piece of work, case. “If there were such an Indo-Aryan lan- which we hope is the auspicious harbinger of a guage," Prof. Turner writes, “it was probably greater work for which material is accumulating. closely akin to the ancestor of Bhojpuri and
C. E. A. W.O. Maithili." Some of the special features of this dictionary
A CALENDAR OF THE COURT MINUTES OF THE EAST may be briefly noticed. The etymological notes,
INDIA COMPANY, 1671-1673. By Ethel Bruce which have been printed within square brackets
Sainsbury, with an Introduction by W. T. Otte. under the words concerred, are concisely recorded,
will, M.B.E. 87 X 6 in.; pp. xxvii +356. Oxford, but discloso much research and are, we think, of
Clarendon Press, 1932. outstanding philological value. We would like to
This volume forms the ninth of the series of 800 scholarship of this character directed to the
Calendars compiled by Miss Sainsbury; and the etymological sido in Hindi dictionaries. It will work is of the same high standard as characterised be noticed that care has been taken to distinguish the previous volumon. The introduction, the first words borrowed from Sanskrit (1.o., loan words) to be written by Mr. Ottewill, Sir William Foster's from words inherited or descended from that
successor at the India Office, contains & carefully language. The indexes, so accurately and fully prepared analysis of the contents, which is of great prepared by Mrs. Turner, which contain some help to the reader. The three-year period was 48,000 words arranged alphabetically under each
comparatively unoventful in India itself, but was language side by side with the Nepali connected marked by better trading results and the resumpwords, will be most useful for purposes of reference tion (after five years) of payment of dividends by to students of other Indo-Aryan languages. Besides the Company, in spite of the renewal of war with Indo-Aryan, a few words of Dravidian, Munda, the Dutch, which necessitated the adoption of Tibeto-Burman and other languages have been special measures, such as the supply of convoys, included. Wo should porhaps have expected for the protection of the Company's fleets. Tho more evidence of Tibeto-Burman and Munda most sensational events porhaps were the capture influences in the vocabulary; and it is possible by four Dutch men-of-war, on the 1st Jan. 1673, of that extended researoh in the direction of these the island of St. Helena, which had been in posseslanguages will reveal further such traces. In the sion of the Company since 1651, and ita recapture matter of orthography cortain innovations will be along with three Dutch E. I. ships by Captain observed. These are fully oxplained in the In. (afterwards Sir) Richard Munden four months troduction. For instanoo, Turnbull's practice in later. The island was restored to the Company, the use of the virdma has been adoptod, and who continued to hold it until the Crown assumed tatamas have been written as actually pronounced, possession in 1834. except in the case of words still confined to purely The full index has been prepared with Miss learned ciroles. Prof. Turner expressly explains | Sainsbury's customary care. that he has inverted no new spelling, but adopted
C. E. A. W.O. the system which most nearly represents in writing
THE RELIGION OF TIBET, by SIR CHARLES BELD, the actual pronunciation of the spoken word. K.C.I.E., C.M.G. 9X6 in. ; pp. xvi +235; 69 This is a thoroughly sound principle, and having illustrations and 3 maps. Oxford, Clarendon regard to the etymological notes and the index Press, 1931.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
FEBRUARY, 1933
This is the third of a triad of works on Tibet Tsong-ka-pa, and on the capture in the sixteenth written by the author since his retirement from century of Mongolia, then dominated by Altan service under the Government of India, the pre- Khagan, by Buddhism, which had originally been vious two volumes being Tibet: Past and Present, carried to that country as early as the thirteenth and The People of Tibet. The exceptional, in century by Ba-kya hiorarcbs. We are told how the somo respects unique, opportunities afforded by Yellow Hat sect suffered a set-back in the first half of 19 years' official employment on its frontiers and the seventeenth century, when the Kar-ma-pa ruler in Tibet itself, and more particularly his personal of Tsang gained apoendancy, till the Oēlot Mongol friendship with the two highest dignitaries in that chief Gusti invaded and conquered the country, at country, the Dalai Lama & the Ta-shi Lama, the invitation of the young (6th) Dalai Lama, eminently qualify Sir Charles to describe the land, to whom the temporal, as well as spiritual, rule its people and their religion. In the present was then handed over. After some chapters volume we have an attractive survey, arranged treating chiefly of historical matter, in Part II on historical lines and intended for the general (chape. XIII-XV) the author describes the power reader, of the more important phases of the of the monasteries, how the priests function as religious life of the people.
civil and military officials, and how the supreme After a brief description of the old religion of government is conducted under & priest-king. the people, known to themselves as Pon, a sort | Lastly, wo have valuable note on the sources of Shamanism, which, in one form or another, from which the information given has been com. was once so widely prevalent over the northern piled. Bir o. Bell has had the advantage of being parts of the Eastern Hemisphere and extended presented by the Dalai aud Ta-sbi Lamas thom. even into the north of America, we are given a selves of authentic copies of some of the oldest short survey of the rise of Buddhism in India and and most important records, including the Chiits gradual introduction into Tibet during the seventh jung of Pu-tom and the Tep-ter Ngon-po of the to ninth centuries A.D., the real foundation there "Translator Go." being laid by Padma Sambhava in the eighth century.
The roader will not fail to perceive the warm Then we are told how the new religion met with
sympathy of a cultured mind with the people, powerful opposition from followers of the old
and the personal interest in their lives and beliefs faith and was suppressed for at least 70 years,
that pervade this book, which is beautifully illus reviving later and spreading, 88 a result chiefly
trated from photographs taken by the author of the influence of the teaching of learned Buddhist
himself. missionaries from India, like Atisha, under whom and under Mar-pa and others it took a strong Tantrik
0. E. A. W.O. turn. As Sir Charles writes, Tantrism was more congenial to the Tibetan nomad, "travelling in
ANTHROPOLOGICAL BULLETINS FROM THE ZOOLOGI. wild wastes and facing the unknown forces of
CAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Bulletin No. 1. A Nature on a stupendous scale" than the "agnostic
Report on the Human Relies recovered by the disillusionment or the intricato metaphysics of
Naga Hills (Burma) Expedition. By B. 8. the earlier Buddhist schools." Pönism, more
Guba and P. C. Basu. Pp. 68, Plates I-XXII. over, was still & real force in the land—the "Ti.
Caloutta, July 1931. botan religion," as it is called in the Tep-ter Ngon'po. Buddhiam, in fact, was developed in Tibet
From an intensive examination of 219 human upon lines that best suited the people. The author bonee collected from the houses of some four core aptly udds: “Their (the Tibetans') capacity village in the extreme north of Burma the author for building is shown in the massive monasteries
of this well-illustrated monograph infer the exist. that harmonize so admirably with the great moun
ence, side by side with the Mongolian types which tains round them, their capacity for organization
dominate this area, of an Australoid strain with is shown by the completeness of their hierarchy characters rosembling those of the Kadare of 8. and their monastio discipline. This complex
India, the Papuans of Melanesia, and the Tama. system, however, has perforce to defer to the needs
nians. Comment on thepo far-reaching deductions of the ordinary Tibetan, and meet him in respect
would, in the present dearth of published ovidence of spirits, good and bad, and supply, or allow
bearing on the subject, be premature, but a series ythers to supply, the charms and spells that control
of Bulletins of this quality should go a long way these heirs of the oldor Faith."
towards ciarifying some vi be perplexities of Indian Chapters follow on the great poet-saint M.
Mirace origine. la Repa, on the Yellow Hat sect founded by
F. J. R.

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MAROW, 1933 )
JALOR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA VISALA
JALOR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PARAMÅRA VISALA, DATED V.S. 1174.
BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU. This inscription was fixed in the inner side of the northern wall of the building called "Topkhân " at Jalor (Marwar). It was first noticed by Professor D. R. Bhandarkar in PRASI.W.C., 1908-9, p. 54, and summarised by him in No. 194 of his List of Inscr. N. I. During my recent visit to the place I found it fixed in the wall upside down and brought it to the Sardar Museum, Jodhpur, for preservation.
The inscription is engraved on a bulky white stone slab, which measures 2' 31'xl' 10'. But on reading the contents it was found that when this stone was removed from its original place to be fixed in the TopkhAnA (sometimes used as a mosque) it was damaged a bit on one side. This is inferred from the fact that the last two letters of the 4th and the 5th lines are missing.
The inscription oontains 13 lines. The language is Sanskrit, and the characters belong to the northern type of the twelfth century of the Vikrama era. As regards orthography, the consonant following ris doubled, except in one case.
The date given in this inscription is Samvat 1174 Aşadha Sudi 5 Bhaumê, corresponding to Tuesday the 25th June 1118 A.D. The Samvat given in it is Shravanadi and not Chaitrådi.
The importance of this inscription lies in the fact that this is the only inscription hitherto found which gives the genealogy of the branch of the Paraméras who ruled over Jalor. Våkpati. rája, the first Paramâra ruler mentioned in this inscription, is quite different from V&kpatirkja, the Paramara ruler of Malw&: for the latter had no male issue and therefore adopted his hephew Bhoją, while the one mentioned in this inscription had a son named Chandana.
As the inscription is dated V.8. 1174, the time of this Vakpatirêja would be about V.S. 1150. It is therefore probable that the founder of the ParamAra branch of Jalor might have had some connection with Dharani Varaha, the Paramara ruler of Abu.
Text. 1. Peperfat alergiaalfonilegaria 2. PARURE afara [:) is the man [:1 3. Tergarafarmagala : TYTTATT (=]
तत्पुत्रोजनि चन्दना (नो) वनिपातः वनंदनी देव [राट् M ira :) Rear :)
पुत्रोभूदपराजितस्य विजयी श्रीविजनोभूपतिः 7. Salatlaria?: aya karar (ä?] 8. (a) ar autreet perfura: 11
धारावर्षस्य पुत्राय जातो बीसलभूपतिः
येन भूमंडलीकानां धर्ममार्गोत्र दर्शितः ॥ 11. decat (*) dad: 11 12. count mana lata (c) all 1?. [] PP u vrere fe l
Translation. LA. 1-2. The enraged Vabistha created the Paramara from (his) fire altar to conquer Visvamitra and to kill his enemies.
Ls. 3-6. There was a king named Vakpatiraja in the dynasty of Paramara. His son was Chandana, who got a son named Devaraja. Dêvarêja had a son named Aparajita, whose son was Vijjala.
Ls. 7-8. His son, like Kartikeya to Siva, Pradyumna to Krsna and Daksa Prajapati to Brahmê was Dhårdvarsa.
LA. 9-10. Dhåråvarsa's son was Visala, who enlightened all the petty chiefs with religious knowledge.
Ls. 11-12. Melaradêvî, the queen of this king Visala, got this golden kalasa put here on the steeple of the temple of Sindhu Rajêsvara.1
L. 13. Samvat 1174 Ash&dha Sudi 6 Tuesday.
This temple was probably built by Sindhurajs, the founder of the Paramáca dynasty of Abu, as in ovident from the inscription dated 1218 v.3. found at Kiradu
fra TIC: T op! This tampla is not in scislands now.
Los

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42
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MARCH, 1933
KIRADU INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHÅLUKYA BHIMADEVA II AND HIS FEUDATORY CHAUHANA MADANABRAHMADEVA, DATED V.s. 1235.
BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU. This inscription is engraved on a pillar at the entrance of a Siva templo at Kiradu, a ruined village near Hatmabout 16 miles north-west of Badmer in Mallani district (Marwar). It was first noticed by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in PRASI. W.C., 1906-07, page 42, and is summarised in No. 381 of his List of Inscriptions of Northern India.
It contains 16 lines and covers a space of 171' x 91. The language is Sanskrit. Except three couplets, one in the beginning and two at the end, the whole is in prome. The middle portion, from the 5th to the 14th line, as also the 16th line, has peeled off. As regards orthography it is to be noted that at some places the consonant following ris doubled, at one place & is used for é and at others for s.
The record, after paying reverence to Siva in prose and poetry, gives the date as V.S. 1235, Karttika Sudi 13 Gurau (=Thursday the 26th October 1178 A.D.) when in the reign of Bhimadeva (II) (V.S. 1235-1298) his feudatory Sakambari (Chauhana) Mahdrajaputra Madanabrahmadêva was ruling at Kiråtakûpa (Kiradu), and Téjapala was carrying on the administration. It also tells us that the latter's (Têjapala's) wife, seeing the old image of the temple broken by Turuskas, installed a new image on the aforesaid date; and, making a request to the ruler (Madanabrahmadêva), provided two gifts for the gods.
Text. १. ॐ ॐनमः शिवायः (य) सधुर्नटि [जयत्यय ] नयिना (2) विजया इव' यस्यैकपलितांतिक२. रोत्सद्यापि या (ना) हवी । संवत् ११३५ कार्तिक [शुदि] ११ गुरावद्येह
श्रीमदणहिलपाटकाधिष्ठित महाराजाधिराज
परमेश्वर परमभधारक रिपुवंशाप्ररोह [रामावतार !] श्रीमद्भीमदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्प्रभुप्रसादावाप्त श्री ४. किराटकूपे रपिरिवसप्रतापः हिम [कर [रचिर] कराभिरामः मेकरिब] सुवर्णाश्रियामनारमो धनेक समरसंघ--
स्वैरिकरिघटापीठदारुणकरवाम [शा] मरीभूषा [4]----[महा] राजपुत्रश्रीमदन
महादेवराज्ये तस्य स६. दाज्ञाभिधायी मन्यमहापंचशब्दादिसलिंकारी------ [सा ] धिकार सकनम्बा
पारचिंतांतर स (श) कट धुराधारयकरुपमहं० श्रीतेजपाल [देव ] सुपनीय [मानस !]-- -- -[बी] राजहंसीमिव
मन्जितपदमाग्गी सुरसुंद८. रीमिक्सत ( सतत ) मनिमेवावलोक [1] --- - - - -चन देवा (!)
------जनलवतरलतरं जीवितव्यं चाकस्थ्य ऐ१. हिकाऽममिक [फ] संचांगी [य]--------
---रदेवभवा मतिरासीत् सांतुक (कै)मना. तांच. निरीक्ष्य तस्मिन्य (अ) पि
--- सकलसुरासुरमुकुटमणिकिरि ()संघपर्षितपदपायु [गलं]-- ---- कारयित्वाऽस्मिन् दिने प्रतिष्ठिता॥ तया च चतुई (१) महानदी --- - - - -
--[वि] चित्य स्व राजानं प्रशा (सा) याचयित्वा श्रीकिराटकपीय - - - - - - - - - -
--- दिनं दत्त [मिदं] विशीपकद्वयं ॥ तथा दीपा दत्त (त) तेन - - - - - - -
------- न्यैरपिभपालेबाचंद्रार्क १५. यावत् पालनीयं ।। बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता रानभिः सगरादिभिः। [यस्ययस्ययदा] भूमी तस्य तस्य तदाफलं ॥१ १६. स्वदत्ता परदत्त वा - - - - --
-----[2] [] ॥२ मंगनं महाश्रीः॥ 1.The original seems to have जाटो अवतां विजवाइ (ब) [1] -D. R. B.
Perhapa वतना (belonging to the god) has to be road.

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MARCH, 1933)
BANGAL AND THE CITY OF BANGALA
BANGAL AND THE CITY OF BANGALA.
(Contributions to an old controversy.)
BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. IN 1921 Professor Suniti Chatterji sent a long note to Sir George Grierson on the old controversy about the "City of Bengal, Bengala, Banghella or Bangala" and on the term "Bengal " or "Bangal” itself, which Sir George passed on to me in reference to Dames's long footnote on the former in his edition of Barbosa, vol. II, pp. 135-145. According to the Professor, to a Bengali, "Bangala" means all Bengal and "Bangal," Eastern Bengal only. In that sense "Bangal” was frequently used in medieval Bengali literature, and nowadays it is held to be so much a matter of common knowledge as not to require tbe support of literary evidence.
The Professor wrote: “At the present day we call our province Bangala, or Bánlá, or Bangálå (Bánia)-des, the term embracing all Bengal, North, South, West, East; but, when we say Bångal (Bangal)-des, without the final -d, we mean Eastern Bengal, not specifically any particular tract, but all the eastern Bengali area where the language is characterised by some special phonetic and morphological characteristics (e.g., is, 8, dz pronunciation of c, ch, j; retention of the epenthesis, deaspiration of aspirates, e.g., bhagya West Bengali bhaggõ but pronounced báiggo, dropping the h, change of 6 to h, use of re and not ke for the dative; use of mu, future, for the 1st person). A Bengali speaker, no matter where he comes from, is a BÂn(g)ali, but Ban(g)Al is a man from Eastern Bengal. The forms with the wider oonnotation, Bångala, Bangalí, are recent, and to all appearance borrowed from the HindostAni (or Persian) Bangalah, Bangali. The other form, without the terminal d or i, is older, being normally developed out of Vangala, and retains the old connotation of the word. Bån(g)Al is a term of contempt, and a Western Bengali speaker habitually employs it in a disparaging sense, although the Eastern man would call himself also a Ban(g)ali. Sometimes an Eastern Bengali person would resent the use of the term Bangal from the accompanying tone or gesture of contempt, though he does not object to his patois and his part of the province being called Bang&lbh&går or Ban(g)&le, i.e., Bangaliyå katha) and Bangal-des. This contemptuous use of Bangal(a) we find as early as the twelfth century, at least. Sarvananda, a Pandit of Western Bengal, in his commentary on the Amarakósa (dated 1159) gives Old Bengali words in explanation of Sanskrit terms: and he explains the Skr, word sidhma, dried fish,' by a remark : Yatra vangala-vaccaranám pritih-' in which the low Bangal people find enjoyment.'”
Then by way of explaining the various terms for the Province of Bengal or its parts, viz.. Bangal, Bangala, Vanga, Vangala, and also Varendra, Gauda, Rådha and Samatata, the Professor made the following illuminating remarks: "Bangala, Bangali are convenient names for the language and people of the whole tract of Bengal, and Vanga-desa in the sense of the whole of Bengal is but a Sanskrit rendering of Bangalah in the sadhu-bháså : so also is Vanga-bhaşå of the zăbán-:-Bangilah. But that the form Bangal referring specifically to Eastern Bengal carries on the tradition of an earlier state of things when Vanga, Vangala (Bangala) meant the land or people of the eastern part of the province, is attested by epigraphic and literary remains. Thus, Bengal consists of four tracts : Varendra or Varendri or Gauda=N. Bengal ; Radhā=W. Bengal ; Vanga = E. Bengal, and Samatata=the Delta. Gauda, probably as early as the closing centuries of the first millennium A.D., came to mean West Bengal and North Bengal (Varendra and Radhā), and Samatata and Varga were used as synonyms of South-East and East Bengal. Fa Hian knew Samatata-Vaiga as Harikela, a name which is found in epigraphy, as well as in a medieval Sanskrit work, where it was called 'Harikelas tu Vaigiyah.' Epigraphic references can be found in R. D. Banerji's Palas of Bengal (Memoirs of the ASB., vol. V, No. 3, cf. pp. 44-45, p. 71, etc.). It seems then that in Western India, Vanga was loosely applied to all Bengal during the closing centuries of the first millennium A.D.- an application of the term, which, to some extent, was accepted in Bengal as well, and helped the adoption in modern times of the Western (Hindostani) term

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MARCH, 1933
Bangalah as the national name. In the various biographies of Chaitanya written in the six. teenth and seventeenth centuries, we are told that he travelled to Vanga or East Bengal, where he used to make fun of the people by imitating their pronunciation, a thing which they resented. The same thing is done now among the people of Western Bengal, who never let an occasion go when they can parody the Bangal pronunciation. Western Bengal, with Nadiya as its centre, was known as Gauda : Gauda and Vaiga are also used in the early (preMuslim) inscriptions to denote West and East Bengal. When Rammohan Rây wrote his Bengali Grammar, about 1830, he called it Gaudiya bhâşâr Vyakaran. M. Madhu-Súdan Datta in his epic Meghanädavadha Kavya (in the seventies of the last century) refers to the Bengali. speaking people as Gaudajana. The old tradition is carried on in two recent publications of the Varendra Research Society of Rajshahi-Gouda-lekha-mala and Gauda-rajamála. It is through foreign influence and example, namely of the Persian-cmploying Muslims, of the people of Upper India and the Portuguese and the English, that Bangalah-Bengal was given to the whole province as its proper name.”
He then passed to a very brief consideration of the term 'City of Bengala' in its various forms, originating in the works of Portuguese writers; "I read a few years ago a monograph by Babu Birendranath Basu Thâkur in Bengali seeking to locate the City of Bengal' in the Dacca District. In this book he quoted amply from Portuguese and other travellers in English-evidently taking much pains over his work. The view he put forward was that the City of Bengal' of the early European travellers is Sunârgâon in the Dacca District, i.e., in Eastern Bengal. Babu Amulya Charan Vidyabhûşana, Professor of Pali in Calcutta and a well-known writer on Bengali history and antiquities of Bengal, at one time studied the question of the City of Bengal,' or as he calls it of Bengalla,' and agrees with the above view. Indeed, I found that many of his arguments had been incorporated in Birendranath Basu Thakur's monograph."
Dames, in his very fine edition of Barbosa and in the very careful note he made on the City of Bengala,' however, took another view of the question, as noted in 1923 in my long review of his book (ante, vol. LII,“ Some discursive comments on Barbosa"): "I propose now to confine myself to the remark that he rejects Chittagong, Sunârgâou and Satgåou, and finally fixes on 'Gaur taken together with its subsidiary ports' as the place known as Bangaln in the early part of the sixteenth century."
Personally, I feel sure that Dames was wrong in this identification, and Heawood, writing in the Geographical Journal in 1921, was of the same opinion: “One of the puzzles that will probably be never definitely solved is that of the identity of the city spoken of by early travellers under the name Bengala (or Banghella) as the chief commercial emporium of the kingdom of the same name. It has been discussed (among others) by Mr. G. P. Badger in his edition of Varthema's Travels, and by Sir Henry Yule both in Cathay and in HobsonJobson. The latter gave the weight of his great authority in favour of the identification with Chittagong, holding that it was a case of transferring the name of a country to one of its principal cities or ports, a habit which he attributed to the Arabs generally. The latest [in 1921) and most thorough discussion of the problem is that of Mr. Longworth Dames in the second volume of his admirable edition of Barbosa (the first writer after Varthema to mention the city as 'Bengala '), lately published by the Hakluyt Society. Mr. Dames devotes to the subject a note extending to nine pages of small type, in which, after summarizing all the evidence extant and the views of previous commentators, he gives it as his opinion that by Bengala' the old capital Gaur, taken together with its subsidiary port or ports (Sat. gaon or Sunargaon or both), is intended. A striking piece of evidence in favour of this is the mention of Gaur-Bengala,' apparently as one city, in an inscription at Kandahar dating from 1594. Mr. Dames contests Yule's view that the Arabs were accustomed to use the name of a country for its principal town, though they occasionally, he says, followed the reverse custom. Yet he allows that the city of Gaur took its name from the country, and

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MARCH, 1933)
BANGAL AND THE CITY OF BANGALA
45
that the name Bangala 'seems in its turn to have passed in common usage from the country to the capital,' so that the objection to Yule's view seems limited to his ascription of the practice to the Arabs. As against Chittagong Mr. Dames holds also that it was only tempor. arily and imperfectly subjected to Bengal, and was thus hardly likely to be taken for the latter's principal port in Barbosa's time. Its later use by the Portuguese, under the name Porto Grande, as their chief port of entry, was, he thinks, principally because there was no strong government there to fight against. These considerations are certainly weighty, yet some may think that there is more to be said for Yule's view than Mr. Dames would allow. Thus the Cantino map of 1502 already shows Chittagong prominently as one of the two great ports of this part of India (the other being Satgaon), and the position given to it at the point where the Bay of Bengal runs up into a funnel-shaped opening in the land fits in well with Barbosa's account. It does not seem impossible that Barbosa's description may actually have been influenced by a knowledge of charts like Cantino's, for there are many indications that the notions of early writers were largely tinged by their knowledge of current maps, as well as vice versa.
"Again the Turkish sea-book, the Mohit, edited by Bittner and Tomaschek in 1897 (Jour. nal, vol. II, p. 76) which though considerably later in dato (1554) than Barbosa, has been shown by Tomaschek to have been based on earlier sources, describes precisely the same state of things, Chittagong being spoken of moreover (to use Bittner's translation) as 'der Hafen Sati. gâm, c.i. das östliche Bangala,' while the boundary of Bengal (with Rakkang, i.e., Arracan) is drawn a good way down the east coast of the gulf. That little weight can be attached to later cartographic representations, in which Bengala and Chittagong appear as distinct places, is evident if we consider Gastaldi's map of 1561, where the city of Gaur appears in four different forms (five, if Bengala stands for the same city), viz., Gaur, Scierno, Cernoven (the two last representing its name Shahr-i-nau or New City,' as noted by Yule), and Cor on one of the effluents of the mythical lake Chiamay, supposed by Mendez Pinto to be the Ganges. Nor can great importance be allowed to geographical compilations such as Heylin's Cosmography in which (ed. of 1652) Bengala is mentioned as a great city in addition to Gaur, Catigan, and Porto Grande, the writer being also ignorant of the identity of the two last named. Heylin would have it that the country took its name from the city.”
In my own edition of Varthema (1928), p. lxvi, I wrote as follows: From Tenasserim Varthema goes to Bengal, reaching his destination about the middle of March. He says frankly that this journey was undertaken out of curiosity...... Then he tells us that “having sold some of our merchandize we took the route towards the city of Banghella' as mer. chants. This term the city of Banghella-has long been, and still is, a source of trouble to scholars: where was it? This question greatly exercised Badger in 1863, it sorely troubled Dames when editing the contemporary Book of Duarte Barbosa in 1921, and it has been the cause of many researches by Indian scholars in Bengal itself. Varthema, however, evidently repeats his former practice and calls the town he visited after the province in which it was situated-Bengal. The actual site is hardly yet settled, but it may be taken, for the purpose of defining Varthema's journey, to be Satgaon on an old bed of the Hugli River. On this assumption he is right in saying that “the sultan of this place is a Moor," and that the people " are all Mahommedans," as Bengal at that time was under the Husain Shahi Dynasty.
I suggest then that the true solution of the difficulties to be confronted in identifying the * City of Bengala' is that the old travellers did not all mean the same place by that term. Some of them found their way to Bengal and reached an emporium for foreign goods, such as Chittagong, Sunargaon or Satgaon, places not necessarily near each other, and called that the City of Bangala,' which every traveller knew by reputation. I feel sure from the general trend of his travels and from his account thereof that Varthema's 'City of Bengala' was where I have placed it, whatever place other writers and travellers may have meant by that term.

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DRAVIDIC PROBLEMS
[MABOH, 1933
DRAVIDIO PROBLEMS. BY L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. (MAHARAJA'S COLLEGE, ERNAKULAM).
I. Tuļu H.
[A] GENERAL The glottal fricative h, it is well to remember, does exist as a secondary development in many of the Dravidian dialects.
Tamil shows it dialectally in the development of the inter-vocal velar plosive -- (-9-) which, while it changes in common parlance to the half-voiced variety of the velar fricative [x], becomes a semi-voiced glottal fricative in certain communal dialects. As the oral fricative generally involves some separation of the vocal chords, the tendency (wherever this is present) to give this fricative a distinct individuality leads to the issue of a strong breath-current from the glottal region itself and to the consequent production of the aspirate h.
The minute sound known as dydam [w ] in Tamil, appearing in a few ancient words after short initial syllables and before the voiceless plosives -k, t, -p, and before -c and r (which latter ere also classed by ancient Tamil grammarians in the plosive series), presumably also involved an aspirate element from an early stage.
Modern Kannada shows an initial glottal fricative h-, developed from an older p-; folk- Kannada also shows more rarely a prothetic h-.
The central Dravidian dialect Kui shows the glottal fricative in a number of contexts:(a) Intervocally, as the development of an original velar surd-k., through the stage of the velar fricative [x]; (b) at the terminal positions of very old bases, where the aspirate appears to have cropped up in connection with the formative affix-k; (c) initially as a sub-dialectal development of other sounds.
Gôndi, the other central Dravidian dialect, also shows the aspirate : a) in connection with the formative ending - k of certain verbs; (b) in connection with the plural ending - of nouns having final long dorsal vowels; (c) in connection with the same plural ending - k of nouns with final -2, -n or -r preceded by long vowels; (d) in connection with the causative affix -+; (e) and prothetically in a few cases.
Kurukh possesses the glottal fricative (a) in aspirated plosives ; (b) as the development of a velar fricative x transcribed in grammars as kh which sound (judged by the description given by Father Grignard) would appear to be so nearly related in origin to the glottal fricative as to involve in its production a certain amount of aspiration ; (c) as the development of an original Dravidian initial k- of native words; and (d) dialectally as a prothetic sound.
Bråhûi possesses - (a) prothetically (cf. Sir Denys Bray's Grammar of Brahdi, page 32); (b) in the peculiar aspirated sound transcribed as lh by Sir Denys Bray; (o) as the development, in certain cases, of older sounds.
In a paper contributed by me to the columns of this journal some time back, I gave a Bummary sketch of these points and a few instances to illustrate them. It would be necessary for us to pursue the study of the occurrence and origin of h in each of the dialects separately, so that we may have an idea of the factors that have contributed in each case to the production of this secondarily developed glottal fricative.
In this paper I propose to study some of the features characterising the production of hiin Tulu. The contexts in which the glottal fricative h occurs in this dialeot are the following :-(a) as the representative of p- in initial positions of certain "learned " loan-words and of sub-dialectal borrowings from Kann. ; (b) as the development of an older - initially; (c) as a prothetic sound.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
h occurs chiefly in Tulu only in initial positions of native words ; inter-vocally native words (except a few borrowings from the contiguous dialect Kannada, like ariku (knowledge)] do not have the aspirate at all.
[B] Tugu h- CORRESPONDING to p. [Note. (a) These h- words in Tuļu are all borrowed from Kann., being either rare sub.
dialectal forms of " learned" words. (b) Many of these h- words have genuine Tuļu p counterparts which are far more
generally and commonly used. A few like halavu, háku, hdvu, Malu, etc., are "learned " borrowings from Kann. They have no counterparts in Tuļu with p-]
hagalu, pagalu (daytime) --cf. Tam. pagal, old Kannada pagal, modern Kannada hagalu. hani, pani (slight rain) - cf. Tamil pani (cold), old Kannada pani, mod. Kann, hani,
Kui pini (cold). hari, pari (to run, to flow)-cf. mod. Kannada hari (to flow), Tamil para-kk- (to spread). hala-vu (many) -cf. mod. Kannada hala, south Dr. pala. halabe, parabæ (old man)-cf. mod. Kann hale (old), Tam. pal-aya (old, ancient). háku (to flog, to lash) - cf. mod. Kann. hák - (to throw; colloquial also flog'or beat')
and Tamil påy-kk (to cast). havu (snake)
--cf. mod. Kann. hidu, Tamil påmbu, Tel. påmu. hdsige (mat)
-cf. mod. Kannada hasige (mat), Tamil påy (mat) connected
with the base pdy (to spread). halu (ruin)
-of. mod. Kannada halu and Tam. pal (waste). hing to be unsteady) -cf. mod. Kann. hing. (to go back) and common Dr. base pi.
(back) in Tam, pin, etc. hidi, pidi (hold, grasp) -cf. mod. Kann. hidi, Tamil pidi. huttu, puttu (birth) -cf. mod, Kann. huttu, old Kann. puttu, Tel. purtu, Tamil pira-,
coll. poprekk (to be born). hullu, pullu (grass) cf. mod. Kannada hullu, Tam, pullu. hengasu (woman) -of. mod. Kann. hengasu (woman), Tamil pen, eto. hemma (abundanco) - cf. hemma of mod. Kann. Old Kan. herma, perma, and Tam.
peru-mai. In connection with these instances the following facts are significant
(i) While the change of p->h has affected almost all Kannada words of the modern period (vide Kittel's Grammar, & 64), only a fraction of p-forms of Tuļu shows h-as rare subdialectal instances. A large number of native words with initial p- remain unchanged, e.g., pafiji (pig), pajos (mat), pattue (strip, stripe), pade- (to become invisible), pasce (greasiness), pádte (rock), pay. (to be diffused), piji- (to twist), pugte (smoke), puftu- (to be born), puda (dove), etc., etc.
These p- forms do not possess any corresponding forms in Tuļu even sub-dialectally. Of course a few of these p-forms do have cognates among the words, but the differences in structure or in meaning or in both are significant :
Tuļu. paje (mat) pár. (to fly) pira (behind) ponnu (girl)
Tuļu. [borrowings] hásige (mat) hari (to run) hing-(to be unsteady) hengasu (woman)
Kannada. hásige (mat). hari (to run, to flow). hing- (to go back). hengasu (woman).

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[ MARCH, 1933
Let us note that the Tulu forins with initial h- show an unmistakable resemblance in structure and meaning to the Kannada forms with h..
(ii) None of the h- forms (listed above) show any characteristic Tulu features. The change of non-Tulu -?- to Tulu -d- or -j- is one of the most prominent of the distinctive characteristics of Tulu. This is not evident in any of these h- words ; on the other hand, the p- words of Tuļu do retain this feature, e.g., puda (dove), pádæ (rock), pij. (to twist), panji (pig), etc. Note also how the characteristic Tuļu final æ of nouns does not exist in the h- forms listed above.
(iii) Many of the h- forms (listed above) alternate with corresponding p. forms: pullu, hullu (grass); palli, halli (lizard); på, ha (flower). This alternation seems to have a sub-dialectal basis. On enquiry I find that only the people of the eastern and north-eastern areas of the Tuļu-speaking region, which are contiguous to the Kannada country, favour the forms with initial h-, while the alternative p- words are far more generally and commonly used elsewhere.
All these facts cumulatively show that Tuļu - words listed above are borrowings from Kannada, in which language p->h- is a regular feature of the medieval and modern dialects.
The change of p->h-in Kannada has been ascribed by Kittel to the influence of Marathi. The process of change was apparently through the bilabial fricative stage [F] which changed to h- when the breath-current from the glottis was incorporated.
It may be noted here that a similar change affecting other surds has occurred in other Dravidian dialects also. The production of a glottal fricative from a surd through the initial change of the surd into the corresponding fricative (with or without voicing) and then through the incorporation of a breath-current issuing through the widely separated vocal chords is illustrated by the following: - (a) Tamil intervocal . <-k-, as in pôhu, ahalam, eto.
-k>[x]> -- (6) Kûi intervocal -h <-k., as in vehu, etc.
-k-> (x) > h. (c) Kûi initial h. [e] > [s] > h.
t-> (6) > l(d) Kúvi initial h. [F] > h. (e) Kurukh dialectal h. < the back frieative, as in hoy (to reap) < xoy < koy.
[derived from velar -] > - dialectally. Tulu - < t- [vide below). 1->[9> h
(C) TULU -> hThis change is native and is a dialectal one. While it- words are retained among the nonBrahmin masses of the southern areas, h- forms appear in the eastern and the south-eastern taluks. In certain northern areas and among certain communities of the south, 8. also appears in some cases in the stead of t- or h.
harp-, tarp- (to cut open). mag-, tág. (to touch, to come in contact) -ef. Kannada tág, Tamil lang.. háre, káræ (coconut palm)
-of. Tam. tal-ci (palm), Kai tari (plantain). hikk-, tikk- (to be obtained)
-cf. Tam. ting. (to be crowded). hinp-, tinp. (to eat)
-cf. south Dr. tin (to eat). hir., tir. (to be finished)
-of. south Dr. tir. (to be finished). hudar, tudar (light, lamp)
-of. Kann. cudar (lamp), Tam. bud.,
Tuļu ta (fire), etc. i Vide my " Materials for a sketch of Tulu phonology" to be published in the forthcoming Grierson Commemoration Volume.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
49
hudæ, tudæ (river)
--cf. Tam. tiya, tura (to open), Kann. ture
(river). ha, tú (fire)
--cf. Bråhùi tûbe (moon), Tamil tú (bright),
ti (fire). hu-, tá - (to see)
-cf. Tel. (súd., Brahûi hur- (to see), Gôndi
hur (to see). heli-, teli. (to know)
--cf. Tamil leri. (to know, become clear). hộj-, lôj (to appear)
--cf. Tamil tónd'r- (to appear), Kann. lor
(to appear), Kûi tôj. (to appear). hôdu, tôdu (channel)
-of. south Dr. tôdu (channel). The following significant features may be singled out in connection with this change :(i) The change is dialectal in Tulu; the change is not met with in the neighbouring
Kannada at all. (ii) The cognates of these forms in the other dialects show either (a) an initial t- or (b)
initial c-, ó- or 8- according to the dialects concerned. I have shown elsewhere that the initial affricates and fricatives of Dravidian are derivative. t. forms in the Tulu instances given above have to be considered original.
The phonetic process of the production of h- from t. is a question bound up with the problem of the conversion of the original t- to the affricates and fricatives. In my paper on "Dravidian initial Affricates and Fricatives " I have pointed out that, all circumstances taken together, the aspirate sound of Tulu was not produced directly from the sibilant 8. (which process is a common phenomenon in Indo-Aryan), but that we have reasons to think that the process of change might have been the following:
In a large number of instances with alternating t., 8. and h-in initial positions, there should initially have been a loosening of the stoppage for t- resulting in the production of a fricative [9] which in one dialect gave rise to the sibilant 8. and in another changed to the aspirate by incorporating glottal breath :
t-> (9] > 8-;
t-> (6]> h-. This view is strengthened by
(a) the occurrence of the change of 1-to h-dialectally, without its being represented by any 8- forms, e.g., tinp., hinp. (to eat); (Skt. borrowing) tēja, héja (lustre) ; todanku, hodanku (clasp).
(b) The presence of numerous forms with alternating t- and 8. (in different dialects) but without any corresponding h- forms, e.g., tappi, cappu (fault); tôlpi, sópu (defeat); tiga, siga (beehive); tampu, sampu (cold); Skt. tadit borrowed as tedilu, sedilu (thunder).
The intermediate stage represented by the fricative (6) is the direct result of the loosening of the stoppage of the plosive; the sibilant s', in the production of which a smaller passage is formed between the tongue and the dental portion than for [6], can normally be only the result of the effort to give a distinct individuality to [0] wbich is an unstable sound in Dravidian. This effort to stabilise [] apparently produced 8. in one sub-dialect and h- in another.
[D] PROTHETIC - IN TUU. [In the following illustrations, it will be noticed that the forms with initial vowels are original, in as much as they are directly related to the cognate forms of other dialects, as our instanoes given below would show.i
The difference between (9) and (as pointed out by Prof. Jesperson, page 34 of his Lchrbuch der Phonetik) is significant. The passage formed in the production of (4) is broader than that for .: Das am mcision charaktcristische für [9] ist dic brcile spaltförmigcoffnung im Gegensatz zur Rillenbildung bei d.

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50
hamar-, amar- (to sink, settle) hade-, ade- (to shut.)
hér-, ér- (to ascend)
DRAVIDIC PROBLEMS
-cf. south Dr. amar-.
-cf. south Dr. base adai-, ade- (to shut).
-cf. south Dr. er- (to climb, to rise). -cf. ilai of Tamil, etc.
hila (betel-leaves), ila, ira (leaf)
The instances 3 are few and they are regarded as " vulgarisms " in Tulu nad itself. The rationale of the incorporation of h- in initial positions of these words is not quite clear; it is possible that the analogy of h. words (derived from forms with initial t- or p-) may have played some part in the process.
II. Tamil Aydam.
(ஆய்தம்)
What was the value of this ancient Tamil sound? What may have been its origin? Was it a native growth in Tamil, or was it an invention inspired by Sanskrit ? So many conflicting views have been expressed on these points by different scholars, that it might be useful to consider if the data available for us can supply any elue to the solution of these problems.
[A] THE DESCRIPTIONS OF THE SOUND GIVEN BY ANCIENT TAMIL GRAMMARIANS. The earliest Tamil grammar, Tolkåppiyam, deals with the sound in a number of sultras of Eluttadigaram, of which the following may be quoted here:
Satra 38 :
குறியதன் முன்ன ராய்தப்புள்ளி
யுயிரொடு புணர்ந்த வல்லாறன் மிசைத்தே kuriyadan munnar aydappulli
(y)uyirodu punarnda valláran misaitte
Li.e., aydam appears after short syllables and before the six surds k, c, t, t, p and r]. Cf. also Sutra 91 where the aydam is described as a sárpeluttu. Satra 39: ஈறியன் மருங்கினு மிசைமை தோன்றும்
Iriyan marunginumisaimai tônṛum
[i.e., it appears also when the final consonant of a word combines with
the initial (surd) consonant of another word].
Nannûl, another old grammar of Tamil, deals with it in the following sutras - Sútra 87 of Eluttiyal:
ஆய்தக்கிடந் தலை யங்கா முயற்சி
Aydak-idan dalai (yang mayori
[i.e., dydam is produced in the head (i.e., the upper palate), through the opening of the mouth].
Satra 97: லளவிற்றியைபினா மாய்த மஃகும்
lalavit triyaipinám áydam ahkum
[MARCH, 1933
[i.e., when final - or of a word combines (with the initial surd of another word), the aydam produced is shortened].
Satra 228 : குறில்வழி லளத்தவ் வனையி னாய்தம்
ஆகவும் பொடம் அல்வழியானே
kurilvali lalattav-(v)anaiyin-aydam
âgavum perâum alvaliyané
[i.e., - and after short syllables when combining with -t in alvali groups give rise to the aydam].
The earlier commentators of these sutras of Tolkappiyam and Nannûl have adduced in each case appropriate instances of old Tamil words and word-combinations containing the sound.
kadagu, adagu (ship)
hari, ari (to flow)
3 In the following borrowings from Kann. with and without initial h, the h forms are original; happears to have been dropped in the alternative words:
hannukayi, annukayi (coconut and plantains)
-for hannu; ef. Tel. pandu (fruit).
-cf. Kann. padagu, hadagu, corrupt adagu (ship). -cf. Kannada pari, hari, ari (to flow).
The process of change in these cases appears to be original p-> [F]> h. > zero.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
51
Putting all these together, we learn the following from these sûtras:
(a) The sound aydam occurs after initial short vowels (or syllables) and before surds, as in oo ahtu (that), oo ehku- (steel), etc., etc.
(b) In combinative groups of the alvali type, final - or - of initial short syllabled words, when combining with the initial t- of the succeeding words, might alternatively give rise to the aydam, as in kal (stone)+tidu (bad)>kaḥd'idu (stone is bad), mul (thorn) -tidu (bad)>mukḍidu (thorn is bad).
(c) Nannûl recognises the place of production of the sound as the head' (ie., the upper palate) and the mode of articulation as the opening of the mouth.' [B] THE OPINIONS OF DRAVIDIAN SCHOLARS.
Caldwell is of the view that the "Tamil letter called dydam, half vowel, half consonant, corresponding in some respects to the Sanskrit risarga, is pronounced like a guttural h, but is only found in the poets and is generally considered a pedantical invention of the gramma. rians." (Comparative Grammar, 2nd edition, page 130.)
Julien Vinson (page 10 of his Manuel de la langue Tamoule) says that "the symbol of which Tamilians term off (taninilai) as it is never accompanied by vowels, and which is appropriately called dydam (minuteness, subtlety) is artificial and conventional." He proceeds to observe that "it was invented by the grammarians for the prosodic lengthening of certain syllables; it is found only after a short vowel and before 8, &, L, 5, u, p, accompanied by a vowel, and is pronounced in a soft manner, like a g aspirated very lightly: (this) having become is pronounced igdu (as a troches or spondes instead of pyrrhic or iambus). Ia the manuscripts it is often replaced by (gu) or even (gu). I have found passages in old poems, where it should count for one syllable and should therefore be pronounced gu; o L (Kural, xcv, 3); or (Naisada, xii, 43), etc. But generally it serves only to lengthen a syllable: eri (Kural, viii, 10) and is then pronounced without a vowel." Prof. Vinson also adds two footnotes. Adverting to the term is, he says that it "may mean weapon' or 'trident', if we take the Tamil word gusi aydam for ayudham (Skt. sg); the three dots would represent the mark of a trident. The form of this letter is probably derived from that of the Sanskrit visarga." In another footnote Vinson adds that according to native grammarians, the sound proceeds from the head and is pronounced with the mouth open; this evidently means that it is a guttural aspiration."
66
Mr. S. A. Pillay, in his excellent monograph on 'The Sanskritic element in the vocabula. ries of the Dravidian languages' (Dravidic Studies, No. III, published by the Madras University, page 49) makes some very suggestive observations on the value of the Tamil aydam :
"The spirant h is a sound not altogether foreign to Tamil. For, Tamil has the aydam h (%) which is almost an equivalent of it. But the aydam differs from h in some ways. The aydam is found in a very few words in Tamil and is peculiar to Tamil......It is only medial and its use is much restricted......Dr. Caldwell's statement regarding this sound is, I am afraid, not based on a knowledge of facts. The aydam is not considered by anyone, so far as I know, a pedantical invention of the grammarians. What could have been the purpose in inventing such a letter?..........The words are Tam. aḥtu and iḥtu. These ought to be pronounced with the aspiration, but the popular pronunciations are with a spirantic gu for h...The tendency of modern speech, however, it must be admitted, is to discard the aydam altogether. The words aḥtu, iḥtu are about the only ones commonly met with in books and in periantic speech. They are also acknowledged to be variants of adu and idu and considered to be necessary when these words are in sandhi followed by words beginning with a vowel or y, e.g., ahtaḍuppu, that is the oven,' iḥtúr, this is the village.' But to argue from that circumstance that the dydam is only an invention of the grammarians is like arguing that the letter r is only an invention of the Telugu or Kannada grammarians because modern speech makes no distinction between rand, or rather knows only r."

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52
DRAVIDIC PROBLEMS
[MARCH, 1933
Finally, we may cite here the observations of a recent editor of Toikappiyam : "The nature of is similar to that of jihvámúliya in Sanskrit as in kah-karoti if it precedes a guttural and upadhmânîya as in Sanskrit kaḥ-pathati if it precedes a labial, i.e., its organ of articulation is determined by the succeeding consonant. Air is allowed to pass till the place of articulation of the succeeding consonant is suddenly arrested. Since it is not an open (sic) sound inasmuch as it is invariably preceded by a short vowel, it cannot be classified as a vowel; neither is it a consonant since it cannot be followed by a vowel. In modern times it is pronounced even before c, t, t, p and, as it is done before k. When this mistake (sic) began to creep in, is not easily traceable."
Conflicting in some respects are the views cited above regarding the value and the origin of the aydam. Mr. S. A. Pillay would consider it to be a native sound in Tamil; Vinson is inclined to regard it as an "invention by pedants," and Mr. Sastri (so far as we can see from his comparative references to Sanskrit spirants) is probably also inclined to this view. As to the value of the sound, Caldwell, Vinson and Mr. Pillay recognize its essentially aspirate character (despite the spirantic enunciation given to it today when texts are read), while Mr. Sastri would regard the sound as a spirant varying in value with the immediately following consonant, and would consider the modern velar spirantic value to be a "mistake" which crept in at some time " which is not traceable."
[C] WAS THE AYDAM A PEDANTICAL INVENTION' INSPIRED BY SANSKRIT ?
The arguments of those who would uphold a Sanskritic inspiration for this sound may be summed up thus :-- (1) The term sio and the form of the Tamil letter could be connected with the Sanskrit word g (weapon, trident). Other suggestions in this connection are that the Tamil term may be the adaptation of Sanskrit sa âérita or of आयत ayala.
(2) The shape of the Tamil letter oo is allied to that of the Sanskrit visarga
3
(3) The aydam occurs only in a few words and combinations in old Tamil texts, and
it has not survived anywhere in the colloquial.
(4) Some of the words in which this sound occurs, alternate with forms without this sound; these latter are the common forms and, therefore, the sound itself was invented' for prosodic purposes, probably on the model of the Sanskrit visarga.
(5) Certain resemblances between the aydam on the one hand and the Sanskrit spirantic jihvimúliya and upadhmânîya are very striking.
(6) The postulate that Sanskrit grammatical systems had exercised great influence on ancient Tamil scholars would also tend to support this, generally speaking. Those who argue contra would maintain the following:
(1) The aydam need have nothing to do with Sanskrit sg, as it is a native word signifying minuteness' or 'subtlety,' and this meaning would very appropriately convey the minute value and character of this sound. The semantic confusion with Skt. rgy should have arisen from the mistaken impres sion created by the shape of oo. There is no conceivable reason why the name and form of a trident' or a should originally have been conferred upon this sound.
4 Cf. the observations made on pages 161-3 of vol. XXV of the Tamil journal Qrd Sendamil. An attempt is made in this article to establish a rapprochement between the Tamil term in and either áérita or ayata of Sanskrit.
5 The article in Sendami! (referred to above) suggests that the original shape given to the symbol for dydam might not have been oo, but more allied to, the visarga symbol of Sanskrit.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(2) The fact that dots are used in Tamil and in Sanskrit need not necessarily dis
prove the native origin of the sound whose secondary character was probably
fixed and recognised by Sanskrit-knowing Tamilians. (3) This point again raises, if at all, only the secondary character of the sound in
Tamil. (4) The argument about prosodic lengthening' would not apply to instances of
mut't'rûydam like thgu, which have no alternants. (5) The resemblance between the dydam and the Sanskrit spirants can lead to no
inference, in the absence of any direct evidence. (6) The ancient Tamil grammarians who could well distinguish Sanskrit sounds from
native ones, have nowhere referred to the dydam as a borrowing or as an 'invention.' Apart from these arguments, there are certain other facts also which I shall urge here in favour of the native origin of this sound in Tamil. That the sound was not a common one in Dravidian admits of no doubt; but a discussicr of the phonetic aspects of its growth with comparative reference to a similar development in the central Indian Dravidian dialect Gôndi, would tend to show that the aydam was a native though secondary sound in Tamil. It is possible that recognition was given to it by Sanskrit-knowing scholars.
[D] WAS THE ÂYDAM A MERE ORAL FRICATIVE, OR DID IT INVOLVE AN ELEMENT OF THE GENUTNE ASPIRATE, I.E., GLOTTAL FRICATIVE ALSO ?
(a) Nannûl describes the sound as being produced in the head' with an 'open mouth.' This description may apply to fricatives of the velar, uvular and glottal varieties alike. Whether the sound was originally a genuine glottal sound is not made clear by the description in Nannal. We learn, however, one fact from these references to the head' and the open mouth,' and this is that the sound so described could not possibly have been labial, dental or palatal. It is clear therefore that at the time of the composition of Nannůl, the sound should have been either an aspirate or a back fricative of the velar or uvular type.
(6) Caldwell Vinson (who oslle the sound an'aspiration gutturale') and Mr. Pillay regard the sound as a genuine aspirate. The modern value of the spirantic g when texts are read is (as Mr. Pillay has observed) probably only due to the characteristic modern tendency of giving the velar fricative value to intervocal aspirates, as shown for instance by the Tamilian pronunciation of Skt. muhúrtam as mugúrtam, the intervocal -- being evaluated as a velar fricative.
(c) Mr. Sastri would consider the sound to be a fricativo, whose value may be labial, dental, palatal or velar according to the character of the immediately following surd. He is of opinion that the velar value given to it today when texts are read is a mistake.' The description given in the Nanna! and the uniformly velar value given to it today would show that no such 'mistake' could have crept in after the time of Nannûl. In the absence of evidence to show that there was really a mistake,' we have to regard the sound as a 'back sound originally, whose exact value (i.e., whether it was only velar or whether it was glottal) has to be determined by a consideration of other factors.
The analogy pointed out to the jikvdmuliya and upadi.maniya sounds of Sanskrit leads to nothing conclusive. For one thing, we have no evidence to prove that the Tamil sound was copied from these. Secondly, these Sanskrit sounds, grammatical abstractions' themselves (as Whitney puts it), probably had an aspirate value also beside the fricative values depending upon the immediately rollowing surds ; vide &$ 69 and 170 (d), Whitney's Gr.
The velar fricative value given uniformly to the dydam today, whatever the value of the surd concerned may be, taken along with the description given by Nannûl would point to the value of the sound having shared a common aspirate element from a very early stage.

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DRAVIDIC PROBLEMS
[MARCH, 1933
This fact is, in my opinion, confirmed by (a) the phonetic features attending the production of the sound in Tamil, and (b) the existence in Gôndi of a parallel secondary growth of & genuine aspirate.
[E] PHONETIC PROCESSES INVOLVED IN THE PRODUCTION OF THE AYDAM.
We have already seen that the voiceless mouth-fricatives (involving a wide separation of the vocal chords) and the genuine glottal aspirate are very closely related, and that the former may easily change into the latter (through the incorporation of the breath-current from the glottal region) in circumstances favouring the tendency to confer upon the mouthfricatives an individuality and stability. We have seen above that the production of the secondary aspirate in different instances of different Dravidian dialects always involves a mouth-fricative stage. So far as the Tamil aydam is concerned, let us note that
(a) it occurs after short initial syllables only; (6) it crops up before surds only; (c) it is accompanied by a certain degree of higher accent in the syllable of which
it forms part, as Vinson has observed when he remarks that a definitely trochaic
or spondaic value is given to words containing the dydam. These facts are of particular significance in the explanation of the phonetic processes involved :--
(i) The initial generation (under the influence of accent) of an unstable mouth-fricative
corresponding to the surd and immediately before this surd. (ii) The conversion of this mouth-fricative into the aspirate as a result of the
tendency (under the influence of the strong accent) to stabilise the mouthfricative, whatever its original value may have been, i.e., whether it was [F]
before -p, or [0] before -t, or (o] before -c, or (x] before -k. [A] We shall take up the typical instance of you, ahdu (that). The common form of the word is adu; but where it is accented in the first syllablo as in ahladuppu that is an oven), etc., the approach to the surd - generates initially a corresponding mouth-fricative (6) immediately before t, which [6] under the influence of the accent assumes a secondary aspirate value through the incorporation of a current of breath issuing through the widely separated vocal chords.
It would be interesting in this connection to note that the structure of ancient disyllabic bases of Tamil is intimately connected with the matras of the several sourds, and with accent generally. Bases with short vowels in radical positions followed by geminated consonants or consonant groups have only a short enunciative vowel [u] at the end. This sound decribed as opplw geri kut't'riyalugaram by the Tamil grammarians has only the value of a half mátra. The instances of mut t'raydam given above come directly in this class ; for the terminal vowel has been described by the grammarians themselves as the short enunciative [ru]. In cases where the radical vowel, though short, is followed by a single consonant, the terminal vowel is not the enunciative lutt'riyalugaram (u), but the full [u] described as mut't'riyalugaram. When the radical vowel is long in old elementary Tamil bases, the immediately following consonant is single, and the final vocalic sound is only [u].
kattu (to join, attach together) → kat + fui shku (steel)
1. eh + ku adu (goat)
→ + du padu (to fall)
→ pad + [u] The distinct individuality of the dydam is thus made oloar.

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MARCH, 1933)
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
According to sutras 424 and 425 of Eluttadigîrum of Tolkappiyam, the ancient Tamil grammar, gyoo andu, on ihdu and 2.009 uhd "retain " the dydam only if they are fol. lowed by words with initial vowels, e.g., go on ahdadai, whereas when the next word begins with a consonant, the dydam " is dropped," 0.g., adu pal.
Further, yogis eroployed with the iyian ia expressions like 802.ande (indeed! all right!) carrying with them a certain amount of accent.
We have to remember that adu, ahdu, idu, ihdu, etc., are derived from demonstrative particles a, i, etc. These demonstrative particles in Tamil appear in certain contexts combined with -~-; but the original particles were undoubtedly devoid of -v-. When these original particles in their short condition) conibine with a word having a voiceless consonant initially, the dydam is generated immediately before the voiceless consonant, as in a + kadiya > ahkadiya.
These facts directly show that the production of the dydam was connected with the distribution of the accent. When the accent is thrown straight upon the syllable containing the short demonstrative and the immediately following plosive, the dydam is generated. All Buch instances are associated with sandhi where the meaning leads necessarily to the association of accent with the syllable mentioned above. In aht(der (that is the village), etc., the acoent falls on the syllable containing original a and t, consequent upon the intimate merging of atd). and ar, whereas when this merging is impossible, in cases like adu koridu (that is hard), the higher accent fails to be associated with ad. or original at-, and hence no agram appears. In add indeed! all right!) the higher accent is obvious from the meaning. In aḥkadiya, the merging is complete because of the absence of t, and therefore the higher accent falls on a-k, and the aydam is generated. It is therefore possible for us to infer that the demonstrative base al-, derived from an ancient demonstrative particle a and an original -t, gave rise to the accented form che in certain positions, while it was retained as adu (with the voicing of t. to .d.) in un&ocented positions.
[B] Other instances of what are commoniy described as Wu, i.e., dydam that is organic, occur in the following Tamil words
ahgu- (to be shortened, to pass away, to become closed or compressed as a flower); ahgam (food-grain); ehg. (to sift or scrutinise, to be unloosened, to lift, to olimb); eng-am (weapon, sharpness, etc.);
vehg- (to desire ardently). Julien Vinson observes in connection with these instances : On a suggéré que, dans ces mots, le finale ne doit être qu'une dérivative, et que le oc est une mutation euphonique d'un l ou I radical. This would mean that the above instances were originally of the combinative type, and that the dydam was produced in connection with an original l or combining with k. It may be interesting to find out how far this suggestion is true of the above instances, though no definitiveness may be possible in our analysis of these instances.
ahgu (to be shortened, etc.) has been compared by the Tamil Lexicon to alku or algu with the meaning to be shortened.' In view of the fact that the deiotic particle could, as usual in Dravidian, combine with various affix-morphemes of Dravidian and produce different deiotic meanings, it is not clear whether there was at all any relationship in structure between algu- and shgu.. The Kannada cognate akkudisu with the same meaning furnishes no clue to this problem.
angam (grain) has been comparest by the Tarail Lexicon to Skt. argha ; but we have in Dravidian itself a base ar. (to cut) from which Kannada akki (through arki) and possibly Tamil arisi (rice) have arisen. What may have been the relationship of ark. to ahgam, is not clear.

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56
DRAVIDIC PROBLEMS
[MARCH, 1933
vehku (to desire ardently) is connected with the Dravidian base vě. (to be hot) which has produced numerous forms with the help of affixes. Here one does not see any absolute necessity to trace the form with the aydam to a base with final -1 or !, thougb one way con ceivably connect it with vei (to desire).
[C] Common instances of words with dydam in combinative positions are the following:
kal+tidu > kahd'idu (the stone is bad) mu! +tidu > muhdidu (the thorn is bad) pal+tuli > pahd'uli (many drops)
al+tinai > ahd'inai (inferior group) In the first three instances, alternatively we may have respectively also kat't'ridu, mullidu and pal'l'ruli. The following points are significant in connection with this combinative change
(a) The aydam appears only in connection with l or ?+the dental t. The surd involved is only the dental.
(b) The first word always has a short radical vowel ; if this vowel is long, no change takes place (cf. eritras 370 and 37). of Eluttadigaram, Tolkappiyam), and not even the assimi. lative conversion happens, e.g., pál+tidu would be retained as pål tidu (the milk is bad).
The process whereby the aydam is generated is here again similar to that in ahlu, ihtu mentioned above. When the components merge into each othor intimately, the higher accent falls on the syllable containing the surd (which becomes alveolar or retroflex on account of the influence of alveolar l or retroflex !, as the case may be) and the dydam is generated through the intermediate stage of the mouth-fricative corresponding to alveolar t' or retroflex . The alternative forms kat't'rídu and mutridu with geminated surds instead of the group dydam+surd, confirm the existence of the higher accent in this syllable. In pál tidu, there is no merging of the components in view of the long vowel in pál; and, therefore, neither assimilation nor the generation of the dydam is possible.
[F] SECONDARY -H- OF GôŞDI IN CONNECTION WITH VOICELESS PLOSIVES. (a) Gôndi causative stems, formed with the afix f- show a seoondary R-G immediately before -- in instances like the following:
tiri. (to be turned round) tiriht. or tiruhl- (to cause to turn round). vari- (to fear)
variht., varhut, varist- (to gause to fear, to frighten). kari. (to learn)
kareht. (tc teach); mei- (to grazo)
a mohs(to cause to grase); lind- (to eat)
tiht. (to feed); und- (to drink)
uh - (to give to drink); karé (rig). (to be shaken) karhut-, karuht. (to shake).
. The alternative forms with before -- were explained by me as probably due to the influence of Indo-Aryan instances, like the so-called "reversion of h > sibilant in ni kama, ete. Since >. in Judu. Aryan is a rare change, and since the cases of "ruversion " referred to above may not have involved a real
change at all, a better explanation for the alternative -- of Gondi would be that hare the fricative [] which we have postulated as an intermediate stage (in connection with t) in the production of the aspirate, changed into the sibilant in some cases, side by side with the convorsion of [0] to .h. It is significant that there is no alternativo -- in connection with tho uspicato appearing before the plural ending -k of Gondi words. (See below.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MARCH, 1933 ]
All the above verbs are native Dravidian, with cognates in all the dialects. The causative affix -t is also Dravidian, occurring as it does in certain contexts in Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada and Kurukh.
(b) The plurals of Gôndi nouns, formed with -k (which apparently is an attenuated representative of -kal, -ka of other Dravidian dialects), show a secondary -ḥ- immediately before -k in two sets of instances :---
(i) Nouns with final long vowels.
Singular. talâ (head)
tûrî (girl)
pitte (bird)
dúdú (breast)
sênô (old woman)
Plural.
.. telaḥk.
. túriḥk. pittikk.
.. dûdûḥk.
.. sênôhk.
57
(ii) Nouns with final -l, -n or -r immediately preceded by long vowels.
Plural.
Singular. når (village)
rôn (house) miár (daughter) sukkum (star) malol (hare)
.. nahk. .. rohk.
.. miâḥk.
.. sukkuḥk. .. malôhk.
Now let us see what processes of change may have been operative in these types.
In (a) the sound -h- appears before the surd -t which being the causative affix was syllabically associated with a certain degree of accent. A contributory factor may have been the length of the immediately preceding vowel (as in kart to learn') which presumably also involved a certain higher accent.
In (6) we have two sets of instances. In () (i) we find a long vowel (presumably accented judged by the length)+-k, resulting in hk. In (b) (ii) -l, -n or -7 (immediately preceded by long vowels usually)+ -k gives rise to -hk.
If the process of change in these instances is the generation of a glottal fricative through the intermediate stage of a mouth-fricative corresponding to the surd involved, we have here a parallel to the change that has probably resulted in the production of the Tamil 4ydam.
(a) and (b) (i) may be compared to the Tamil mut't'raydam in ehk, aḥtu, etc. While in (a) the surd concerned is -t, in (b) the surd is -k.
(b) (ii) may be compared to the aydam of Tamil combinative group kaḥt'idu where -l+t has resulted in the assimilation of the dental t to an alveolar, and in the production of -kimmediately before the alveolar.
The features of resemblance are very striking :
(1) In both Tamil and Gôndi, the aspirate occurs in connection with surds only; while in Gôndi the surds involved in the instances available for us are t and k, in Tamil all grammatical surds are concerned.
(2) In both Gôndi and Tamil, the syllable containing the surd appears to carry with it a certain degree of accent (as a result either of semantic or mechanical reasons). In Gôndî this higher accent is attested in (a) above by both the long vowel usually preceding the

Page #64

THE VIKRAMKHOL INSCRIPTION
[ MARCH, 1933
causative affix and by the causative syllable itself, which bears a higher degree of psychological importance, and in (6) above by the length of the final vowel or of the vowel immediately preceding Enal-, - or -7.
So far as Tamil is concurred, the higher accent in aluu, etc., is attested by the peculiarly trochaio pronunciation of these forms; in combinative groups like kahd'idu, the same principle holds goodi and, in addition, the combinative position itself may lead to a certain extra accent.
The features of contrast betwen the Gôndi and tho Tamil instances are the following :
(1) In Tamil the dydam evidences itself only in a few old words, while in Gôndi. - hactively appears in the living specoh of today, togWarly in certain circumstances in the plurals of nouns and causatives of verbe.
(2) In the second set of Tarvil in starors presented by kahd'idu, there is the assimilative conversion of the dental -- to the alveolar under the infuence of -l-, while in the Gôndi instances referred to in (6) (ii) above, -, - or -t appears to have been absorbed in the process of the production of -hk.
Though the resemblances between the Tamil aydam and Gôndi -- in the above instances need not lead to the postulate of a common stage of change for these dialects, it is probable that they mirror & germinal trait of these two Dravidian dialects.
THE VIKEAMKHOL INSCRIPTION.
(SAMBALPUR Dīsi RICT.) By K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 1. VIKRAMKHOL lies within the jurisdiction of police thana Jharsûguda in the district of Sambalpur, Bihar and Orissa. It is approachable from the small railway station Bel. pahar on the main line of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway. From BelpahAs one has to go four mileg south west tn Grindola, and thence another four miles in the same direction to Vikramkhol. The road from Grindola crosses a corner of the Gangpur State. There is a village, Titliabahal, near the rock of Vikramkhol. The inscription is in a natural rockshelter, six tout below the top. The rock is a rough sandstone. The rock-shelter is 115 feet in length and 27 feet 7 inches in height froin the fioor. It faces north-east.
2. The inscribed portion is about 35 feet by '7 feet. Some of the letters are sharply cut, but the invision-marks of the majority do not show sharp cutting. It seems that an iron chisol was not ved Some of the letters are partly cut and partly painted, while some letters are only in print: but the majority are completely cut. It is evident that all the letters were first painted before being incised, which was the method regularly employed in the period of Brahmî inscriptions. The colour of the paint is red-ochro, with which we are familiar in the prehistorio and historic caves and cave buildings in India. To take a continuous photograph of all the letters (incised and painted), the incised letters have been carefully coloured. I have also had impressions of the incised letters taken by the usual metkol, and phctographs in four parts of the squeeze are reproduced on the accompanying pletu, together with the completo view referred to above and sections of the continuous photograph on a larger scale where the letters are very clear. I have also had tracings made of the painted portions. All this material is now in the Patna Museum. The estampages And the tracings have been made by the Curator of the Museum, Rai Sahib Manoranjan Głosh. The photographs have been taken by the Patna Museum staff under the supervision of the Curator. The material has been collected under my direction.

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Plate 1
Indian Antiquary
185
K. P.J.
VIKRAMKHOL INSCRIPTION
(District Sambalpur, Bihar and Orissa) Plate 1. General view of the (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, taken from the north-east.

Page #66

Plates 2 and 3
Indian Antiquary
K. P. J.
Plate 2. Estampage of the inscription at Vikramkhol, ist part, from the south-east.
K. P. J.
Plate 3. Estampage of the inscription at Vikramkhol, 2nd part, from the south-east,

Page #67

Indian Antiquary
Plates 4 and 5
K.P.J.
Plate 4. Estampage of the inscription at Vikramkhol, 3rd part, from the south-east.
K. P.J.
Plate 5. Estampage of the inscription at Vikramkhol, 4th part, from the south-east.

Page #68

Plates 6 and 7
Indian Antiquary
K. P. J. Plate 6. Vikramkhol inscription : detail view of (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, 1st part, from the south-east.
K. P.J. Plate 7. Vikramkhol inscription : detail view of (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, 2nd part, from the south-east.

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Plates 8 and 9
of m
鈉
K P. J.
Plate S. Vikramkhol inscription: detail view of (inkod) inscribed letters and symbols, 3rd part, from the north-east.
Nama
Indian Antiquary
الامارات
K. P. J.
Plate 9. Vikramkhol inscription: detail view of (inked) inscribed letters and symbols, 4th part, from the north-eas

Page #70


Page #71

MARCH, 1933 ]
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
59
3. The inscription was discovered by an educated Sadhu, Svámi JnAnAnanda. Mr. Lochan Prosad Pandey, founder and secretary of the Mahakosala Sooiety of the Central Provinces, rendered valuable service by bringing it to our notice. At first I obtained an eye-copy of the letters, and since then scientific copies have been procured for the Patna Museum. I have to thank Mr. Senapati, Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur, for the material help rendered to us in obtaining these copies.
4. An examination of the letters, which at first sight give the impression of having Brahmi forms, showed that the writing was a mixture of Brahmi forms and a developed type of the Mohenjodaro script. As the announcement of the discovery of the inscription and my opinion thereon has led to numerous inquiries, I hasten to publish the record for study by scholars, along with a few observations of my own, as set out below.
Conelusions. 5. The inscription is a writing this cannot be doubted. My reasons for this conclusion are :-The symbols were first carefully painted and then inscribed after the fashion of inscriptions, i (ii) the writing is in regular lines (the lines are not always straight, owing partly to the very rough surface on which they are inscribed); (iii) the symbols have set forms, which disclose writing habits' in the phraseology of handwriting experts. The hand which first painted the letters was used to writing with a pen : this is evident from Plate 6.
6. The system knows the bindu, and also, probably, the visarga. Some letters have dots placed below them, while in some cases dots seem to give a discriminative value to the letters, as in Semitic writing.
7. The right-hand corner top line on Plate 8, where the same symbol is repeated more than once, may point to the employment of numerals.
8. There is an animal figure which is probably not a part of the writing, but a symbol. There is, however, one symbol like a bellows placed side-ways, which recurs.
9. The writing seems to me to be from right to left (see, particularly, Plate 6).
10. It is evident that some of the letters disclose accentuation. Repetition of the same letter twice probably suggests consonantal duplication or conjuncts. 11. The writing seems to have reached the syllabary (alphabetic) stage.
Comparison with Mohenjodaro Soript. 12. The bellows-shaped letter above the animal figure may be compared with the Mohenjodaro letter No. 119 (vol. II, p. 440). The first letter (right-hand) in the top line on Plate 6 should be compared with Mohenjodaro No. 162, and the system of dots with the same system in series 176 (ibid., p. 445).
13. The letter of the shape of the Brahmi g may be compared with Mohenjodaro Nos. 100-102, 133, 144, 146 and 148. The shape of Mohenjodaro No. 133 is identical with thọ eighth letter of the second line in Plato 8.
14. The fourth letter in line 2, Plate 8, may be compared with Mohenjodaro 96 series. A variation of it is found in the seventh, or bottom, line at Vikramkbol.
15. The X shape of Vikramkhol should be compared with Nos. 98-99 of Mohenjodaro.
16. The circlo-letter like the Brahmi th, and the oval letters are noteworthy. They seem to be consonants on account of their repetition in one place. In Plate 7, the third lotter after the animal (reading from left to right) is accentuated. It occurs in Plate 8 with two dots inside, resembling the Brahmi tha. These shapes may be compared with Nos. 224 and 219 of Mohenjodaro. The form at Mohenjodaro is always oval.

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THE VIKRAMKHOL INSCRIPTION
[MARCH, 1933
17. The Y-shaped letter has a Kharoşthi look; and so have a few more forms. But, on the whole, the theory of a proto-Kharoşthi script is excluded, unlese we assume that Brahmi and Kharoşthi had a common parentage.
18. I regret that I have not got sufficient time at my disposal at present to dive deeply into the matter and propose any reading. I present the problem for the consideration of scholars engaged in this field of study.
19. It seems that the theory I put forward in 1920 (JBORS., vol. VI, p. 188 ff.), that Brâhmi is an indigenous Indian writing, receives confirmation from this find, for its letters are nearer Brâhmî than any other script. In that paper I also pointed out a very probable connection between Brahmi and the writing on the Harappa seals. 1
The Vikramkhol inscription supplies a link between the passage of letter-forms from the Mohenjodaro script to Brâhmî. The Vikramkhol record, however, need not necessarily be an Aryan piece of writing.
Age of the Inseription, 20. Now, what would be the approximate age of the Vikramkhol inscription? The writing is certainly earlier than the earliest specimen of Brahmi known so far; and Brahmi was completed before 1500 B.0.3 We would be within the range of a fair approximation in dating it about 1500 B.C.
1 "There is the Cairn writing in the South but in the North there is a vast gap between 1500 B.C. and the sixth century B.c. to be filled up by positive evidence. A link seems to be found in the Harappa seals, one of which was published by Cunningham, who maintained that it contained the origin of Brahmi. Two more seals in the same characters were published by the late Dr. Fleet (JRAS., 1912). The readings of two of these seal legends have been suggested by Cunningham and Floot (JRAS., p. 699), and of the third one by me (14., 1913, p. 203). It seems to me that it is possible to solve them in the near future, especially with our increasing knowledge of pro-Mauryan letters and with an increased number of Harappa seals. Sir John Marshall has got a few more of those seals which he has kindly promised to lend me for study. Letters from the photograph of two of them are reproduced in the chart with the permission of Sir John. Three things are certain about these seals. One of the legends (0') of Fleet shows that it was intended to be road from left to right as the legend does not cover the whole space, and its beginning and end are distinguishable. The script has the Hindu system of using abbreviated forms of letters, for one letter which appears in full in one seal('A' of Fleet) appears as abbreviated, either & indtrd or As & conjoint consonant, in two places (in 'A' and 'B'). Then there is a ligature where v is joined to y or some other letter. That the characters are not & syllabary is soon by the addition on the head of one letter (in C') which appears without it in another place ('A'). The addition is evidently & mdird, probably an a in a stage when it is fully represented; it is separate from the letter on the top of which it is placed. The characteristics therefore seem to be those of the Brahmi, but the letters are so old that they are not yet fully recognized. In the new seals we have a letter which is almost unmistakably a, and the form is such that the oldest Semitic and Brahmi forms for a are dorivable from it the whole legend I tentatively read as Abhayah....)."-JBORS., VI (1920), pp. 199-200.
The locality, according to the Puranic race-history, would suggest the record to be a pre-Dravidian • Räknasa, record. Raksasa is the generic name for the race dispossessed by the Aryans. They extended up to the Indian Archipelago. [Naga was probably & sub-division of theirs.) The Gonds are their rempante.
3 I have set forth in some detail my reasons for coming to this conclusion in JBORS., vol. VI (1920), p. 198, to which reference is invited.

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APRIL
1933)
THE GANDISTOTRA
THE GANDISTOTRA.
BY E. H. JOHNSTON, M.A. AMONG the minor Buddhist works which have been brought to light by modern research few are more interesting than the Gandistotra, the Sanskrit text of which was recovered by Baron A. von Stael-Holstein from a transcription into Chinese characters with the help of a Tibetan translation and published in Bibliotheca Buldhica XV in 1913. The reconstitution of the poem from such scanty materials raised a number of troublesome problems, the great majority of which were successfully solved by the editor's skill and acumen ; and the full apparatus provided by him smoothes the way for others who have the advantage of starting where he left off. So far as I can ascertain, the text has not been critically considered by other students, who have perhaps been put off by a valuable introduction and notes being written in a language so little known generally as Russian, and it seems, therefore, worth while publishing my results. My emendations are in the direction of bringing the readings into closer accord with the Chinese transcription and the Tibetan translation, but in view of their number it is easiest to make them intelligible by printing a fresh version of the original. As the poem has never been translated, I add a fairly literal rendering into English ; this procedure has the further advantages of emphasizing the weak and doubtful places of the text and of enabling me to cut down the bulk of the notes.
A few introductory remarks are necessary. The Chinese transcription, which I call C, is published as No. 1683 in the Taisho Issaikyo edition of the Chinese Tripitaka under the name of Chien-Chih-Fan-T'san. Chien-Chih (i.e., gandi transliterated) is spelt, wrongly probably, in the Bibl. Buddh. edition Chien Ch'ui, the difference between the two characters (Giles, no. 1871 and 2823) being only the short cross stroke which is added to radical 75 to make it radical 115. I follow C in omitting the word gatha in the title, which appears to be an unauthorised addition by the Tibetan. The transliteration was executed by Fa T'ien, whose name was later altered to Fa Hsien, a monk of Nalanda, who worked in China in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D. It was intended for ceremonial recitation, for which purpose an absolutely accurate text was not apparently thought essential. Study of C shows a number of mistakes which could only proceed from the use of a faulty Sanskrit MS. and which might, one would think, have been easily corrected by anyone with an elementary knowledge of that language. These errors are of a type occurring in medieval Nepalese MSS. of, say, the eleventh and twelfth centuries, such as the confusion of dha, ba and va, which disfigures almost every verse, of pa and ya, of su and sta, of kşa and sa, etc., so that, when C is at fault, we are entitled to try anything which we might expect to find in corresponding Nepalese MSS. The Tibetan translation, which I call T, is as literal as usual, but not always easy to turn back into Sanskrit ; and I therefore give the Tibetan in the variants where the restoration is not certain. The editor's own readings and views I quote under the letter H, but I have not adopted his numbering of each páda consecutively; his notes follow this numbering and contain some conjectures by other scholars.
The editor follows T in attributing the verses to Asvaghoşa, giving as additional reasons the tradition connecting that poet with a gandi la long piece of wood struck with a wooden pestle to summon the monks, which for lack of an English equivalent I call a gong) and the similarity of the style to that of a verse given to him in the Kavindravacanasamuccaya. These grounds in themselves have little force, and the ascription is not followed by C or even considered worth mention by the editors of Hobogirin in the Fascicule Annexe. The verse in the anthology is written in a style entirely different to that of Ašvaghoga, of whom enough is preserved to enable us to form a clear conception of his poetic methods, and the Chinese and Tibetan translations attribute works to him almost at random. Nor can I see much in the Gandistotra which reminds me of him. Many of the words in it are not to be found

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(APRIL, 1933
in his genuine poems and the language and style in general seem to me quite certainly to belong to a later epoch. The preoccupation with sound in preference to senae is also symptomatic of lateness and I miss the closely packed construction and the carefully arranged balance which is so characteristic of Ašvaghoșa. Further the latter's affection for similes is not to be found here and it looks as if the one elaborate comparison, that in verse 12, is an attempt to improve on Raghuvamsa, vi, 85. Confrontation of the passages of this poem describing Måra's temptation with canto xiii of the Buddhacarita will make these points clear. It will be noted that verse 20 refers to Kashmir, showing that the poem was written there; that Tomits the name is not sufficient reason for doubting the reconstruction of it from C, since we know from the Sragdhardstotra, a work of the eighth century and in a style which seems to be later than that of the Gandistotra, that this form of composition was practised there. Ašvaghosa is described in the colophons of his two epics as belonging to Saketa, though there is a tradition that he went to live in Kashmir. If we could have held that the poem was his, this would have been admirable corroboration of the tradition, but, as it is, in the absence of any cogent evidence I conclude on subjective grounds that the poem, so far from being from his hand, is of a date posterior by some centuries to him and is not necessarily all by the same hand or of the same date.
In the translation I have only used asterisks to show the sounds of the gong, which in some of the earlier verses drown the words. These sounds are represented in a way evidently intended to suggest the mood of the words obliterated by them and probably reproduce the various methods in which the gong could be struck, like the sounds which the Bharatiya Natyasástra uses for beating a drun. The variants given omit unimportant errors in C but give H's reading wherever I have departed from his text.
TUGTENTIA, THE LAUDS OF THE GONG.
यः पूर्व बोधिमूने रविगमनपथान्मार गागृङ्गागागृङ्गागागृङ्गागगागृहानघधनषद् बद्धसंनद्धकः। यः स्त्रीभिर्दिव्यरूपैर् दुदुपतिदुदुभिर्ददुदूभिर्दुदूभिः क्षोभं नैवानुयातः सुरनरनमितः पातु वः शाक्यसिंहः ॥१॥ Var. b, ETC; DET,T;°95 27°, H.
c. gegragstheera GTA:, T. 1. The Lion of the Sakyas, adored by gods and men, did not waver of yore benoath the 'Treo of Illumination before the . . . . of Mâra, as they, from the path where the sun travels, . . . . with their bodies girt in armour, or before the divine forms of women..... May He protect you !
In a T takes mara as the first part of marayata, but nowhere else does the gong drown part of a word and despite the parallels quoted by H for the use of such expressions by the demons, it seems better to take it as the first word of a compound, the rest of which is obliterated. In 6 T either read baddhasamnáhakakşaih or else took sarnaddha in the sense of samnáha. It renders kakşa by lus, 'body,' and i translate accordingly. It might also mean, with their clothes tightly girt up.' But kakşdsanndha is used in Brhatsamhita (ed. Bombay, 1897), 94, 13 (in other editions 96, 4), for harnessing an elephant, and in accordance with the simile common in kávya of lions defeating elephants we may possibly have to understand here that Mara's followers are depicted as elephants conquered by the lion of the sakyas ; if so, translate, 'with their girths tightly bound.'
यः कन्दपाङ्गनाना कहकहककहाहाहहीति प्रहास&: Friarzami aizaaizaazaa ait: 1

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कुखुदुत्कुकचित्कुरचिकुइरचित् किंकराच वाग्भिचिस्तः सोस्तु सौम्यः सुतसकलमनः शान्तये वो मुनीन्द्रः ।। २ ॥
Var.d,Comits मनः; श्रुतसकलमलः, TH. 2. The benign Chief of Sages from Whom all stain has vanished was not affrighted by the mockeries of the damsels of Kandarpa . . . . or by the ravings . . . and taunts of his menials inflated with arrogance. . . . may He lead you to peace !
Kuharacit which T treats as a sound of the gong is perhaps to be considered as a word ; a name for Mara? I do not understand T's reading in d. Jacobi ingeniously conjectured frutasakalakalah (surely learned in all sciences,' not hearing all those noises 'as H sug. geata, bala being hardly applicable to such sounds).
भ्रूनेपापाभहस्मरशरसनसत्पश्मताराक्षिपातः प्रौढानजाइनानां ललितभुजलतानासनीनायिताहै। सा: सस्मिताः कनमृदुमधुरामोदरम्यर्वचोभिश्रान्तं चेती न चित्रः स्मरवलजयिनो यस्य तस्मै नमोऽस्तु ॥ ३ ॥
Var.b, नीनापत,03; नीनायदा, H.G, सब्रीडासास्मि',C. 3. The bold damsels of the disembodied god could not shake His mind with volleys of Smara's missiles, the movements of eyebrows, the curvings of the corners of the eyes and the play of eyelashes, eyes and pupils, or with bodies rejoicing in the waving of beauteous arm-creepers, or with pretty speeches, gentle, soft, sweet, charming, delightful and uttered with smiles and mock modesty. All hail to the Conqueror of the hosts of Smara !
Lxlayita® is better Sanskrit and nearer than Kilayado; as an adjective, it does not imply the past. T is against C's reading, which is too forced here. H's'amendment in c accepted above, is doubtful; T reads the second word literally adkůtoktaik.
उ: संचानयन्तः खरसरनिको पादयन्तोऽन्तरीक्षं ज्वानामिःोषवर्वलितदशदिशः सोभयन्तोऽभ्युराशिम् । हेलोखातासिचाकचपटुरवाराषियों मारवीरा मैत्रीशस्ते येन प्रसभमभिनिताः पातु वोऽसी मुनीन्द्रः ॥४॥
Var.a,°निकरैस्वादयन्ता (! for °निकरस्थोडयन्तो), C. 4. Though the warriors of Måra shook the earth and veiled the sky with showers of sharp arrows, though they made the ocean boil and the quarters blaze with the flames of the fire of their wrath, though they filled the air with the shrill whisthings of the swords, discs and saws they brandished so easily, yet the Chief of Sages overthrew them straightway with the weapon of Universal Benevolence. May He protect you! In c, alternatively, though their harsh clamour resounded, as they lightly drow, etc.'
विसर्जनातकोपं प्रकटितविकटास्फोडनि!षपोरं गर्जजीमूतनानप्रकटगजघटाटोपबदान्धकारम् । संदर्पोदामवहिस्फुरदसिकिरकोद्वासिताशेषविम्ब पुष्पेषोः सैम्बमुमटिति विघटितं येन बुद्धः स कोऽव्यात् ।। ५॥
Var.c, कन्दर्पोराम', T. शेषविश्व, T. 5. The host of the god of the flower-arrows roared with rage, creating fearsome noises by awe-inspiring slappings of limbs ; they brought on darkness with the swelling of the temples of their elephants, as with manues of thundering clouds; the entire welkin was illumined with the flashing of swords, which gleamed with the uncontrolled fires of insolence. May the Buddha, by Whom they were undone in a moment, guard you !

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Asphota refers to the slappings of arms and thighs, still practised in India before a fight by wrestlers and bravoes to frighten their opponents ; cf. MBh. (Calo. ed.), iii, 11130-1. Hunder 136 (p. 124) takes it to mean 'shivering.' He translatos áfopa here multitude, but cf. Uvisagadasão (ed. Hoernlo), p. 58, ukkadaphudakudilajadilakakkasaviyadaphu. dadovakaranadacchari, 'skilled at making its hood swell large, ete.'
दिव्यैराकीपूरैः कमलदलानिभैः पश्मलीनाविनोले
र्भावस्निग्धविंदग्धैः प्रचलितननितैः सस्मितभ्रूविलासैः। नेत्रर्माराङ्गनानां परिगतरभसैनोंहितान्तैरशान्तैर्नाकृष्टः सर्वचा यस्तमहमृषिवरं वान्तदोष नमामि ॥ ६ ॥ Var.b, sin-tu chags-pas ( arafare: ?) T. rab-tu rnam-rgyas
mthun-pa dai bcas (प्रवितत...सम्मितः), T. 6. The divine eyes of Mara's damsels, stretching to their ears like petals of the blue lotus and rolling behind fickering eyelashes, appeared soft with emotion, artful, and charming with twinklings and smiles and with the movements of eyebrows; they were restless and reddened at the ends in the fullness of their longings. Yet the most excellent Seer, Who had cast out all sin, was in no way attracted by them. To Him I do obeisance,
H divides akarnapuraih into & and karnapura ; I follow T in dividing into alarna and pura, but of course the author also means to suggest that the eyes take the place of the blue lotuses stuck in the ears as ornaments. The use of rabhasa for longing.' 'sexual desire,' which is corroborated by T, is late (e.g., Gitágovinda, Kathasaritsagara, Bhagavata Purana).
नोद्धान्तं यस्य चित्तं स्फुटविकटसटैः संकटलोलजिहेमारैः भूलाग्रहस्तर्गनतुरगमुखैः सिंहशार्दूलवकः । प्रद्युम्नः कामदेवस्तृण्वदगवितो येन संसारभीरूः
संबुद्धः पातु युष्मान्व्यपगतकलुषो नोकनाथो मुनीन्द्रः ॥ ७ ॥ 7. His mind was not bewildered by the close-set ranks of Mara, armed though they were with spears and displaying awe-inspiring coils of hair and protruding tongues, with the faces of elephants and horses or the masks of lions and tigers. Afraid only of the cycle of existence, He recked no more of Pradyumna, the god of Love, than of a blade of grass. May He, from Whom all impurity has passed away, the All-Enlightened, the Lord of the World, the Chief of Sages, protect you !
This verse seems to be an alternative (and later ? ) version of the next verse, whose third line is faulty by making it appear that the epithets sarvavid vitarágah apply to Kamadeva. The legend that Kama was reborn as Pradyumna is late and is not mentioned in the M Bh.; for details see the Bhag. Pur.
पक्षोभ्या यस्य बुद्धिर्धरविनगनदी : सागराम्भो धरद्भिगर्जद्भिारवीरैविविधशतमुखैर्घोररूपैरनन्तैः । येनासी पुष्पकेतुस्तृववदगचित ः सर्वविद्वीतराग : स श्रीमान्बुद्धवीर : कलुषभयहर: पातु वो निर्विकारः ॥८॥
Var. a, chu-bohi glun (नदनदी: ?), T. 8. He did not falter from his intent, when the innumerable bellowing warriors of Mara in terrifying shapes with a hundred varied faces armed themselves with the earth, mountains, rivers, the ocean itself. All-knowing and passionless, He recked no more of the flower. bannered god than of a blade of grass. May the Enlightened Herd, the Incarnation of Majesty, Who is free from all perturbation of soul and dispels the danger of impurity, protect you!

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THE GANDISTOTRA
Attrak axtarrantyag:afna रुस्कापातैरनेकैर्दहनपदुरवैीषभीमनादः । न चुन्धं यस्य चित्तं गिरिरिव न चलं गाढपर्यबळ
तं वन्दे वन्दनीयं त्रिभवभयहरं बुवीरं सुधीरम् ॥ ॥ 9. As He sat firmly fixed in transic wise, His mind was immovable as a mountain and was not disquieted by the great hordes of Måra's troops with swords, axes, bows, harpoons and spears in their hands, or by the many fearsome firebrands which fell with terrifying crashes and fierce crackling of flames. I worship the Worshipful, Enlightened Hero, the Valiant One, Who dispels the dangers of the threefold universe.
उरष्टहासः प्रकटपटुतटाबघण्टा रखन्तः साटोपास्फोटटकाः स्फुटजटिलजः किंकराः कोटराः । भर कर्नु न शक्ताः पटुपटहपटुस्फानना यस्य बोधी तृप्तानां गृध्रकूटे पटुपटहपटुः स्वस्तु वो बुद्धवीरः ॥ १० ॥ Var. a, arra', CH; myur-bar-bcins-pahi (anat'), T. ° , H. (I, C; T., H. 6, 'TTER, H. :, H. c, ,
CH. , H. d, HII, TH. 10. The monials (of Mara) could make no breach in His Enlightenment ; yet the bells hanging from their sides shrilled loudly to the accompaniment of roars of maniacal laughter, their hollow eyes gleamed through their tangled locks in the frenzy of their stretchings and slappings of limbs, and their harsh drums throbbed loudly. May the Enlightened Hero, Who is as alert as a drum is clear in sound, be for the well being of you, whose desires have been completely satisfied on the Vulture Peak!
A difficult verbo, and H has made it more so by taking phaland as nom. sing. f. and subject of the relative clause. Besides the improbability of this form, he has to alter to the instrumental case a number of words shown by C and T to be in the nominative ; C makes no distinction between a, d and ah at the end of a word. I take kimkaráh as the subject of the relative clause, qualified by adjectival compounds on which the instrumentals depend. The emendation of ranantani to ranantah is trivial and supported by T H thinks tala. bandha may be a musical torm, explaining T's myur.ba (for tata) by S. C. Das's myur. bahi-hbru meaning a particular note of music. Presumably one would have to take it to the root tat, make a rumbling, droning noise.' But T clearly reads baddhao; tala, 'side' is difficult, but I see no alternative. In 6 T takes atopa (begyins-pa) as equivalent to vijrmbhita. Taika is only known in this sense from the lexica and T evidently had bhangan (hjons-pa), not bhagnam, which is difficult, unless taken as a substantive. I can make no sense of Te drptanám; trpta=vitarága, a reasonable extension of meaning from its use at Saundarananda, iii, 34, and vii, 20. Sv astu ought to take the dative; the only parallel for the genitive is the use once of svasti thus in the Ramayana quoted by Böhtlingh and Roth. But I do not see how trptanám is to be construed, except in agreement with vah, which must thus be in the genitive; if the two are separate, trptanám would have to depend on patupafaha. patuh which is hardly possible. In the later Mahâyána stras the Vulture Peak is the regular site for the Buddha's mystic séances and preachings. A good instance, showing the lateness of the idea, is in the Kasya paparivarta. The earliest Chinese translation (second century A.D.) gives the venue as Srâvasti, but the later translations, like the existing Sanskrit version, alter this to the Vulture Peak. This suggests that trpta can be understood to refer to the desires of hearing the Buddha preach as having been satisfied ;'cf. Saddharmapun. clarika, ix, 17, Trpla sma ... śrutvd vyákaranaṁ idam.
कोकगडरामरगडं प्रतिभयकुहरं दर्पयाडरबाडण्डम्बण्डिम्बण्डडिम्बण्डुहडुहकडुहंस्त्रगलस्त्रगलस्त्रम् ।

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[APRIL 1933
संभ्रमिभ्रममित्रामुखमुखुखमाहः खुमारः खुमखुः
एभियान भीतः सुरनरनामतः पातु वः शाक्यसिंहः ॥ ११ ॥ 11. . . . . with grim noises, wantonness . . . weapons . . . . by such sounds was the Lion of the Sakyas, adored by gods and men, not terrified. May He protect you! Amend to khumarkhur ebhir in od ?
यं माराकारधाराधरसमयसमारम्भसंरम्भमुक्तं नक्तं नाजानानां मुखकमजवनश्रीविपक्षकपक्षा । सम्यक् संबोधिलक्ष्मीः शशिनमिव शरत्कीमुदी संप्रपेड़ तस्येयं धर्मदूती ध्वनात भगवती धर्मराजस्य गस्ती ।। १२ ।।
Var.a, माराचार', Cमाराहार', H. 12. As autumnal brilliance, in that fortnight which is the enemy of the beauty of the blue lotus beds, comes at night to the moon, when it is delivered from the fury of the cloudy season's assault, so the Majesty of Perfect Enlightenment, the best of allies and enemy of the beauty of the lotus-faces of the disembodied god's damsels, came that night to Him when He was delivered from the fury of MAra's assaults. Such is the Holy King of the law, the message of whose Law is sounded by this gong.
H's conjecture in a is impossible. T omits the word, which was therefore one of no importance; my suggestion meets this point and is satisfactory palæographically. This use of ákúra, which recurs in verse 20, suggests a latish date for the poem. Kaumudi here means both moonshine' and the full-moon day of Asvin.' H takes vipaksa to mean
victor.' for which there is no authority; the standard meaning is opponent' (mi-mthun pratiküla, T) and possibly in the simile it ought to mean also the day in which the moon passes from one fortnight to another. But I cannot work this in. In the main sentence I divide vipakså ekapakşd, the latter word recalling the common use of ela in the inseriptions : in the simile I regard it as a single compound. Nanga for Ananga is noteworthy, as also the imperfect cæsura at the fourteenth syllable of a.
निघ्नन्नप्राप्ततृप्तिः क्षयमपि विचरत्यन्तकोऽयं दुरन्तस्तनिक्षिप्तान्यचित्ताकुरुत सुचरितेष्वादरं सर्वकालम् । इत्थं रखत्रयाज्ञामिव पहात मुहुः प्राविना यस्य शैक्षायैषा मन्दायमानप्रथितमुखरदिग्महला धर्मगवडी ॥ १३ ॥ Var.a.ri-po-nas (दूरतः), T. b, चित्ताः कुरुत, H. C, gsun-gyi bkah-bsgor zhuge-pa (त्रयाज्ञामधिवहति :), T..cd, शेषायैषा, C; slob
pa gaiyin-pa (शास्त्री यैषा), T. 13. Ill-omened Death stalks about yonder never satisfied even for a moment with striking down. But this gong of the Law, before which the far-flung music of the spheres sinks to & murmur, has ever shown its devotion to good works by depositing the hearts of others with Him, Whose orders in the shape of the Three Jewels it conveys, as it were, incessantly for the instruction of living beings.
A very difficult verse, only partially and incorrectly restored by H. T seems to indicate a locative absolute in a (nighnaty aprdptatrptas . . . vicaraty antake darato 'smin ?). H'S imperative in b spoils the verse, which contrasts Death and the gong, both ever active, but one for good and the other for evil. T certainly takes the gong as the subject of 6. Saiksdya in c is difficult ; the sense requires tikpayd, which is unmetrical.
मार्ताण्डमहत्नमिवोदुगवं विनिल भातीह तीकिननं जिनशासनं च । रंगण्यते धरधिमण्डलमण्डनस्य गयडीयमस्य जयडिविडमवत्प्रचण्डा ॥ १४ ॥
Var.c, रंरम्यस, CH.

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14. The rule of the Conqueror shines here, overwhelming the heretics, like the orb of the sun, overwhelming the troops of stars. This gong of the Ornament of the earthly globe keeps on resounding furiously like the drums of victory.
In b ca, which merely fills up the verse, is taken impossibly by T as joining tirthikajanam and jinaśú sanam..
यश्च त्वं नादृढत्वं जमिजामिडुडुमारिनडिन्नाण्डिनाडे डम्बण्डिम्बण्डडिम्बण्डभडभडुडुभन्नाडिभन्नाडिभण्डम् । रपिंडरविंडरुरुगिडयरलषखखमशः खमतः खमतः पश्यध्वं नीषलोका दशवलबलिना पीच्यते मारसैन्यम् ।। १५ ।।
Var.d, यश्व स्वे,C. 15. And, O Thou, Who no faintness of heart . . . . See, O worlds of the living, the army of Mâra is crushed by Him, Who has the might of the ten Forces.
H failed to restore the verse, but the text is certain, except possibly that we should read pasyantám in d.
भूकम्पोत्कम्पजाता प्रचनति वसुधा कम्पते मेरुराज उन्त्रस्ता देवसजा प्रहगणकिरणा नागराना: समस्ताः । श्रुत्वा गण्डी प्रचण्डां विविधभयकरी तीथिकानां विभीता बौद्धानां शान्तिहेतोः प्रतिरणति मही रावयन्तीव सङ्गम् ।। १६ ।।
Var. a, प्रचलितवसुवा, C.d, रावयन्तीह, T. 16. The land shakes with the quaking of earthquakes ; Lord Mara trembles. The assemblies of the gods with the rays of the troops of the planets and all the Naga lords are affrighted. And the earth, hearing this fierce gong, which strikes manifold terrors into the heretics, echoes it back in fright for the peace of the Buddhists, as though it were making the Assembly to cry out.
The readings of the first line are quite uncertain. The last syllable should be long. ? merurájaḥ samtrasta. T seems also to have read pracalitavasudha and takes vasudha to mean mountain' (as a container of precious ores ?). This reading would require meruraja samtrasta, raja being the feminine of raja at the end of compounds according to the grammarians. But in that case I do not understand who the Queen of Meru can be, though it would make better sense to translate the pada as a single sentence with Meru in it balancing the earth in c. The sense of grahaganakirandh is also uncertain. T translates graha by gdon, which means any kind of evil spirit or semi-divine being capable of influencing human affairs, and it omits gana which might stand for the attendants of Siva. But kirana does not fit in with these interpretations, though certified by T; we should have to hold it to be either corrupt or to have some meaning (retinue', or a proper nanie for divine attendants?) not known elsewhere. Comits the last three syllables of c, which I supply tentatively from
एषा विहारशिखरे प्रविरोति गण्डी मेघस्वनेव कुरुतेऽतिमनोशघोषान् ।
मातेव वत्सलतया सुबहिर्गाश्च पुत्रान्समाहूयति भोजनकालगण्डी ॥ १७ ॥ 17. This gong rings out from the pinnacle of the monastery and, with a voice like a cloud, utters entrancing sounds; the meal time gong summons its absent sons affectionately, like a mother calling to her children.
संसारचक्रपरिमर्दनतत्परस्थ बुद्धस्थ सर्वगुवरत्नविभूषितस्य । नादं करोति सुरदुद्रभितुल्यघोषा गण्डी समस्तदुरितानि विदारयन्ती ॥ १८ ॥
Var.c, सुरदुन्दुभि° H. 18. To the Buddha, intent on shattering the wheel of existence and adorned with the jewols of all the virtues, belongs the gong with the voice like the drums of the gods, which eloaves roaring through all evil.

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एषा हि गण्डी रयते नगानां संबोधने देवनरासुराणाम् । भद्रा: श्रृणुध्वं सुगतस्य गण्डीमापूरितां भिक्षुगणैः समप्रैः ॥ १९॥
Var. a, नगाखां, C%; sgrogs-pa-yi mi-rnams (रणतां नराणां ), T.b, संबोधते, T.
19. For this gong roars forth its invitations to Nagas (?), gods, men and Asuras. Listen, good Sirs, to the Sugata's gong being struck by the entire company of monks.
I can find no satisfactory explanation of the first hemistich: it was H who suggested that nagânář=någânâm. Ran is unusual in the middle voice.
नागैः संवर्तकाजक्षुभितजलधराकारवद् व्योनि की कश्मीरध्वंसशङ्काभयचकितजनास्तत्प्रतीकारहेतोः। कुर्वन्त्यद्यापि यस्या ध्वनिमुपशमिताशेषतीर्थ्यावले सा गगडी पातु युष्मान्सकलमुनिवरैः स्थापिता धर्मवृधे ॥ २० ॥
Var. a, की, H.b, कश्मीरे ध्वंस',H. 20. The folk tremble with fright in foreboding of the ruin of Kashmir, when the sky is full of Nâgas in shape like the chaotic clouds of the time of the world's destruction, and they seek deliverance in making the gong, set up by all the eminent sages for the prosperity of the Law, resound so as to humble the boundless pride of the heretics. May it protect you!
एषा सुरासुरमहारेगसत्कृतस्य शान्ति परामुपगतस्य तथागतस्य । गण्डी रणत्यमरदुन्दुभितुल्यघोषा कृतान्यतीर्थहृदयानि विदारयन्ती ॥ २१॥ Var.c. घोषान्, H.d, कृवान्यतीर्थ°C3B कृत्वान्यतीर्थ , H; mu-stegs-cam
gzhan-gyi (= अन्यतीर्थ्य°), T. 21. To the Tathagata, Who is honoured by gods, Asuras and the mighty snakes, and Who has reached the supreme peace, belongs this gong with the voice like the drums of the Immortals, which resounds so as to cleave the hearts of the followers of other teachers.
I take kytányatirtha to be equivalent to T's text; H's amendments are more drastic, make a poorer sense, and do not accord with T.
पुण्ये तत्परमानसा भवत भोः स्वर्गापवर्गप्रदे पापं दुर्गतिदायकं कुरुत मा लोकाश्चनं जीवितम् । इत्थं मध्यनिनीनङ्गविरुतर्जल्पनिवार्य स्वयं मारारेश्वरबाब्जयोर्षिनिहितः पुष्पावलिः पातु वः ॥ २२ ॥ Var.c. जल्पनयायाचिरम् ,C%3 नल्पापापां गिरं, H. lta-bar bdag-gis smra-ba
___-gi (नल्पनिव स्वयं), T. 22. May this handful of flowers, laid at the lotus-feet of the Enemy of Mara, protect you, as it murmurs, as it were of itself, with the humming of the bees lying in its midst. "Sirs. keep your minds intent on the merit which grants both heaven and final release. Good folk, avoid sin, which leads to rebirth in Hell; life is fleeting."
Ayam, though not in T, is required somewhere in the second hemistich; hence the amendment. C may have got ciram from the next verse. The verse is characteristic of the later kdvya style.
मुच्चद्भिः कुसुमानि तूर्यरखितरापूरयद्भिर्दिशो जोजोंकारपुरःसरैः सुरगवैः शक्रादिभिः सादरैः । स्वर्गाद्यस्य भुवं किलावतरतो दत्तानुयात्रा चिरं तस्याव्यात्करुवानिर्भगवतो गण्डी प्रचण्डा जगत् ।। २३ ॥

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THE UANDISTOTRA
23. It is said that on His descent from heaven to earth He was respectfully accompanied far on His way by Sakra and the rest of the company of the gods, who acclaimed Him with shouts of triumph, as they cast flowers and filled the welkin with the noise of their drums. May the fierce gong of the Holy Store of Pity guard the world!
गत्वा सप्तपदानि मातुरुदरानिष्कान्तमात्रः स्वयं संसाराद्विरतिं करोम्यहमिति तोवाच योऽनल्पधीः । यस्यानल्पभवे बभूव वचनं भ्राजिष्यवभिव्याहृतं
भूयादः सुगतस्य तस्य जयिनो गण्डी तमःखण्डिनी ॥ २४॥ 24. Walking geven steps of Himself as soon as He emerged from His mother's womb, with full knowledge He said, 'I make an end of the cycle of existence.' Splendid was His speech, uttered with regard to an existence already so prolonged (through countless previous births). May the gong of the Conquering Sugata break up the darkness of your minds !
The third páda is not clear to me and T began it with something like yasmiñ játibhave, which I cannot determine exactly.
जित्वा मारबलं महाभयकरं कृत्वा च दोषक्षयं सार्वज्ञ पदमाप यः सुरुचिरं तत्रैव रात्रावपि । तस्याशेषगुणाकरस्य सुधियो बुद्धस्य शुद्धात्मनो गण्डी खण्डितचण्डकिल्बिषतया भूयाद्विभूत्यै नृणाम् ॥ २५ ॥ Var. b, तत्रधिरात्रावहि,C%3; तत्रैव रात्री बहिः, H; hdir ni de-bahin
(तत्र तथा or तत्रैवम् ), T.. 25. After defeating the awesome hosts of Måra and extirpating the vices, in that same spot that very night the wise, pure-souled Buddha, the Mine of all virtues, reached the blissful stage of Omniscience. May His gong enure to the welfare of men by its power to annihilate the blackest guilt !
The end of b is uncertain, but H's bahih, which he translates 'far from other human beings,' seems to me out of the question. For sårvajñam padam cf. Múlamadhyamakakúrikus (Bibl. Buddh. IV), p. 431, 1.9.
ब्रह्मा मूर्ख इवाभवत्सुरगुरुर्गव जहाँ सर्वथा शर्वः खर्वमतिर्बभूव भगवान्विष्णुश्च तूच्यों गतः। इत्थं यद्गुरकीर्तनेषु विबुधा याता हिया मूकता
गवडी तस्य मुनर्जराभयभिदः पायादपायाजनान् ॥ २६ ॥ Var.a, Com. मूर्ख; leuge-pa T.b, सर्वः, CH; htsho-byed(siva), T.d, मुनेर्जनाभयभिदः,
CH; hgro-bahi hjigs-pa med-pahi hgro-rnams (ननाभयान् ......जनान्) T. 26. When the virtues of the Sage, Who has rent asunder the terrors of old age, were thus celebrated by His gong, the gods became dumb from very shame, Brahman became as it were an idiot, the guru of the gods lost all his arrogance, Sarva turned imbecile, and Lord Vişņu held his peace. May it preserve the folk from evil rebirth!
___ Inallenge-pa properly=maka, but r's conjecture is possible and avoids the repetition of the word. So I accept it. H's Sarva could only be Kroņa. Yatd mdkatám is a form of construction which becomes usual only much later than Asvaghoşa and is not used by him ; cf. the next verse. Jandbhayabhidah in d could only agree with apayat and is not probable; the change I make is very small and provides muneh with an epithet, which comparison with the other verses shows the author to have been unlikely to omit.
यस्या जन्मनि दीनदीनमतयः प्रापुः शुचं तीर्थकाः सोत्कयं च विशेषधितधियो बौडा धृति लेभिरे ।

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यामासाद्य गुणाः प्रयान्ति वितति दोषा व्रजन्ति क्षय सागधी कलिकालविषहरा भूषायामूतये ॥ २७ ॥
[APRIL, 1933
Var. b,, CH (two syllables short), for T see note, d, g, H; rtag-tu..erid-pa-rnams-kyi (water) T.
27. At the gong's birth the heretics grieved in deep dejection, and the Buddhists with their minds exalted by its excellences were moved to great joy. In contact with it the virtues are extended and the vices annihilated. May it redound to the cessation of being by sweeping away the guilt of this evil age!
In bT shows visesavardhitadhiyo to be the complete compound; the first word is an adverb represented by rab-tu-hphel (lit. pravṛddham) and C justifies my reconstruction. A conjunction or a relative is required; hence ca. Jacobi's dry harṣavisesa and Professor Thomas's harsotkarsavisesa do not agree with the Tibetan and fail to join the line to the preceding one. T takes dhṛti (spro-ba) to mean 'joy'; otherwise 'satisfaction' or 'stability of mind' would have been better. In d T's reading is inferior and H's amendment of C unnecessary.
at arfffgenast vegita get a यस्याः क्षिप्रतरं प्रयान्ति विवशाः सर्वे विपक्षाः क्षयम् ।
vastgemarin vzen or valami gà: संभूयाद्भयमाविद्याध्वमिदे युष्माकमायुष्मताम् ॥ १८ ॥
Var, c, khrug (? ḥkhrul) lon gti-mug rab-rib....kjomsgyur-cig (ध्वस्तत्रान्तिसमुत्यमोहतिमिरा), T.
28. By doing due obeisance to the gong of the Sage's Law the pure in heart attain the higher spheres, while all its adversaries go speedily and helplessly to perdition. It dissipates the masses of delusion, whether scattered or congregated. May it lead your worships to the suppression in the future of fears of existence !
श्रुत्वा यां पतिता महीतलमलं ब्रह्मादयः स्वर्भवः कम्पन्ते धरणीधराः क्षितिरपि क्षिप्रं गता क्ष्मातलम् ।
यांना भयकारिव परहित प्रारम्भकालन Elzungumzaà unit en dewater | Rel
29. On hearing the gong, Brahman and the other dwellers in the heavens fall straightway to the earth, the mountains quake and even the earth recedes speedily to the nether realm. Sound it instantly to strike fear into the heretics and to bring peace to the Buddhists whose souls are purified by endeavours for others' good.
In a H reads mahitalamalam as one word, following a suggestion of Prof. Lüders; this is surely untranslateable. T has mahitalam followed by a word meaning 'quickly '; that is, one should transliterate C aram, known to the lexica in this sense. But alliteration requires alam. Though not recorded in this sense, it would fit admirably passages such as Meghadûta, 53, or Sakuntala, vii, 34 (where the parallel sentence has samprati to correspond) in place of the usual rendering, thoroughly,' 'completely. In b T takes talam in kşmalalam to mean 'beneath'; alternatively the word is intended as a synonym of rasâtala, showing the author to know the meaning of rasd as 'earth,' which is late.

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KASHMIRE PROVERBS
KASHMIRI PROVERBS.
BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, ÉRINAGAR, KASHMIR. Preface.
PROVERBS convey useful lessons of prudence and morality They magnify the delights of virtue as well as paint in dark colours the consequences of evil. Their phraseology shows the impress of the mint of wisdom of immemorial antiquity. In short, they are "sense, shortnong and salt," as quaintly defined by Howell.
The Kashmiri is extremely fond of saws pragmatic and maxims sage. His language perhaps contains a greater number of them than that of any other Oriental. They mirror not merely his external conduct, daily life and environment, but also the disposition of his mind. In 1885, a large collection of proverbs and sayings, current in Kashmir, was made by the Rev. J. Hinton Knowles, which he explained from the rich and interesting folklore of the valley. He afterwards published them in the form of a book, which is very interesting, equally to the philologist, the ethnologist and the antiquarian. But there remained some proverbs which the Rev. Mr. Knowles could not find at the time of writing his book. These I have collected, and now publish with translations in English.
It is gratifying to note that these precious fruits of ancient wisdom, which by mere oral transmission and currency were being gradually lost, or were changing their complexion with the tide of time, are now being committed to print, and thus placed on permanent record.
Achiv khuta chi kuthi dúr. The knees are farther than the eyes. (Blood is thicker than water.) Ak duda biyi maji kyut ļok. An uninvited guest, and he wants a plateful [of food] for his mother (in addition
to feeding himself] ! (Brazenness.)
Ak hammami ta byák damami. One is the servant of the hot-bath &d the other is the assistant for heating it.
(Conspiracy.)
Àkhun adhib chu tadtan hanzay tsuci bágran. The school-master distributes the bread of the pupils.' (E.g., the king spends what
the people pay him in taxes, he having nothing of his own.)
All-khanan na koj; parzanin mimyuz. To one's own dear children breakfast is not given; [but) to the strangers (besides breakfast) tiffin is served. (I.e., & person most niggardly towards his own kith and kin, but entertaining strangers sumptuously.)
Attri-wana chu mushlay laran. Khana-wodna che të mbarey Idrán. From a perfumer's shop one gets a pleasant coent, From a blacksmith's shop one gets embers. (Cultivation of the society of good
people will make you good. He who plays with the cat must expect a scratching.)
Bad lani chi lukac o kanon sati razit hěkan. A big stone is kept firm by smaller stones. (E.g., a man of position must have
subordinates to assist him).

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Bhatta taryov kadala ta gadi daryos ds. A pandit was passing over a bridge and a fish opened its mouth [to swallow him). (Pandits are generally weak physically because they do not take to manual labour,
but devote themselves much to study.) Bib kamalas ta mir mazaras. When the wife is grown up, the husband is in the grave. (An unequal marriage.)
Boni muhul târun. To pierce a chindr with a pestle. (An impossible thing.)
Brári saleh. Pious as a cat. (I.e., a hypocrite.)
Buhuri-bdyi hund kan hyt zethan. Stretching out like the ear of the apothecary's wife. (To go beyond the limit. An apothecary's wife is thought foppish: she wears
heavy ear ornaments, and her ears are stretched downwards by their weight.)
Cáy tani ya gani magar tals gatshi ceni. Tea, whether weak or strong, should be taken hot.
Chaniy phar ta gontshan war. Empty boast and twisted moustaches. (Smart clothes and empty pockets. The
loudest hummer is not the honey-bee.)
Dab lagus ta phèran phutus. Having tumbled down his garment got broken.
Dali Bhatta ta Khoja thúl. Dål for a Pandit and an egg for a Khoja (i.e., the kind of food they like). Gora sanzi kotshi xori na záh. The guru's bag will never get exhausted. (Priests are ever prosperous, receiving
charity on all occasions, both happy and sad.) Grahna kandur. A baker during an eclipse. (A sorry figure.) "Gur dità paha." "Nila chuy." "Nilay ditd." "Hua chuy." "Lond me thy horse." "It is cream-coloured." "Give me the cream-coloured."
"It is a pretence."
Hanthi wdli dód ta ganthi wdli thal. He is capable of causing milk to flow from a barren woman's breast and of fetching
down eggs from a kite's nest. (An adventurer.)
Hari zyun ta Maghi dhani. Firewood in Hâr (June-July), and paddy in Mägh (January February). (I.e., these
things should be purchased in those months, because wood is dry in June-July, and paddy of better quality is obtainable in January February, the cultivator having disposed of all grain of bad quality before then, as it is human nature to sell bad things first.)

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KASHMIRI PROVERBS
Heli pethuk shaqdar. The guard just at the time the crop has begun earing. (Said of a person who takes no pains to earn money for himself, but feeds on others' earnings. Warming his hands in other peoples' sunshine.)
Kakawanay che kani shrapan. Partridges alone oan digest a stone. (A strong person has a good appetite.)
Kâh gov doyanas kahi doki chok. Hash chăm zâm chăm kva cum eukh ? Eleven cows are milked, after eleven days I get a little milk; I have got a mother-in-law [and] sister-in-law : what peace have I got?
(Mothers-in-law and sisters-in-law are notorious for ill-treatment, of their daughters-in-law.)
Kalidasas chu panani vizi wunan. Kalidasa falls into error in his own case. (I.e., a wise person sometimes makes
& bad mistake.)
Kalidasa, who was at he court of King Bhoja of Malvå about the end of the tenth century A.D., is said to Lave gone to Ceylon to 89e the king of that island, named Kumaradasa. This king was a good poet and had sent a copy of his own poem Janaki. harang as a present to King Bhoja. This poetic work pleased Kalidasa very much, and he became anxious to make the personal aoquaintance of the author. He went to Ceylon and there he was staying in an old woman's house. King Kumaradasa used to pay frequent visits to Matara, and when he was there he always stayed in a certain beautiful house. During one of these visits he wrote two lines of unfinished poetry on the wall of the room where he had lived. Under it he wrote that the person who could finish this piece of poetry satisfactorily would receive a high reward from the king. Kalidasa happened to see these lines when he came to this house in Mâtara, and he wrote two lines of beautiful poetry under the unfinished lines of the king. He was in hope that his friend, king Kumaradása, would be well pleased with this and would recognizo his friend's poetry. But the unfortunate poet had not the pleasure of getting either reward or praise from the king, because the authorship of the lines was claimed by a woman in the same house, who had seen Kalidasa writing them. She secretly murdered Kalidasa and claimed the reward, stating that the lines were her own. But nobody would believe that the woman could have written such poetry, which could have only been the work of a real poet. The king, when he saw the lines, said that nobody but his friend Kalidase would be able to understand him so well and to complete in such an exoellent way the poetry which he (the king) had written, and he asked where Kalidasa was, so that he might hand over to him the promised reward. Nobody knew where he was. At last search was made everywhere and, to the great sorrow of every one, his body, which had been hidden, was found. One can hardly imagine how sad King Kumâradasa was when he beard that Kalidasa had been murdered, for he had loved him much both as poet and as friend. A very grand funeral pyre was erected, and the king lit the pyre with his own hands. When he saw the body of his dear friend consumed by the flames, he lost his senses altogether through his great grief and, to the horror of all the people assembled, he threw himself on the funeral pyre and was burnt with his friend (see page 147 of Stories from the History of Ceylon by Mrs. Higgins).
Kavas ta kani myul karun. To make the crow and the stone join together. (Said of an unexpected oocurrence.)

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Kal, katsur, machitěcal, Dushmaney paighambar and. The dark brown complexioned, the brown-haired, and the freckled Are the enemies of the prophet (i.e., are found to be wicked). Khry, chěv ranga-teari ; Anz lug wila-bari. The cinnamon tree-sparrow ate (and) drank ; [But] the grey goose was caught in the trap. (An innocent person caught instead
of the real offender.) Kulas chè krit. A high class person has to discharge obligations. (Noblesse oblige.) Limbi phulmut pamposh. A lotus bloomed out of the silt. (A beautiful child born of ugly parents.) Lori hatha loyi ta marday drák. A hundred blows with a rod were dealt to thee, and thou provedst to be a brave
fellow. (To flatter & person after having once quarrelled with him.) Lak kami lásu ta budh kami mor! Who would think that the young might live and the agod might die ? (Death is no
respecter of age.) Magghi mo gatsh mdgasey. Do not go even to a feast during the Magha nakpatra. Note.-The Magha nakpatra (10th mansion of the moon) is considered inauspicious by the Hindus for going
on a journey. Maji Bhatta. Food served by mother. (The best food.) Maklody wat dishit chu sarodr guri petha wuthmut. On seeing a cob of maize corn the rider has descended from his horse (the corn
being so tempting). Muma, kon, sadan panay pul-maharaza. Muma, the one-eyed, burns within himself to be the vice-bridegroom (but he can.
not be chosen for this). (Said of a vainglorious person.) Natasha angrun cham tao; Gevaha geu khyom brári. I would dance [but) the courtyard is small; I would sing--the cat ate my ghé. (Idle excuses.) Matshan dud la monen chak. Milk in the breast and splashing it against the walls. (Prodigality; waste.) Nav lath navan dohan. A new matter for nine days. (A nine days' wonder.)
Ndo chum Lasi, Yasi rodtaas na tasi. Lasi is my name, To whomsoever I did not attend, he is displeased. (One cannot please everybody)

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KASHMIRI PROVERBS
Nidyáris chi dugani dyár. A penniless person has to spend double. (I.e., he borcows, paying high interest,
and he purchases the necessaries of life in small quantities, which costs him more.)
Qalib lari bunyul. An earthquake to a pakka house (it cracks it). (A great calamity.)
Parbatas dhani bhawun. Growth of rice on [the top of a rocky or arid] hill. (An impossibility.)
Penji chamb. A platform (proved to be like) a precipice.
Ratuk láyun gomo khám : Lol lo âm, lol lo âm. Yesterday's thrashing was not sufficient : Love has seized me, love has seized me. (Cited when a person, with whom one
has quarrelled, seeks reconciliation.).
Sera wawa khuta chu dera waw. Want of house is worse than want of food.
Shawl kanit ta shali hět. After the sale of a shawl and the purchase of sáli rice (one regrets, as the value of the
former increases as it gets older, and better quality of the latter can be got by waiting a little longer). 8 h kas be-pir andar mulk-:- Kashmir Wali-Had o Hari-Bahadur, Sukha-Pir: :!: Sěh kas digar zabún tar and zánhanYikey Argámi, duwum Bhairau, siwum Bhan. There were three cruel men in the country of Kashmir Wali-Had and Hari-Bahadur (and) Sukha-Pir: There are three greater devils than theseFirst Årgami, second Bhairau, third Bhan. (Beggars are a great nuisance in
Kashmir, and these three are cited as the greatest extortioners.) Shurčo shri=doh sdrivo : Väntsaka dhaka chéva Shri-Panteam O children! holidays are over : To satisfy your desires there is the Sri Pancami (5th of the dark fortnight of
Vaisakha, the last Hindu holiday of the year).
Shuri chu khormut un wanas ta kon brannas. The child has made a blind man go to the forest and a one-eyed person climb a
brann (elm tree) (A child cannot be appeased until his curiosity is satisfied.)
Talawa vpěyi na tanga! Would that a pear might fall down from the ceiling! (A vain hope.) Tali tsöl. Crown of the head pressed down. (I.e., in depressed circumstanoes).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(APRIL, 1933
Thèkzi na hovari-ghari, Yěti kulay wdd kari. Do not boast in (your) father-in-law's house, Where (your) wife will question (your) veracity. (I.e., one cannot boast before a
person who knows all about one.) Tar-baza sanzi zivi ta raza aandis khizanas chu na ant. There is no limit to the tongue of a braggart or to the Raja's treasury.
Tsitr, Vahek surtho putro? Did you put by, 0 son, for Caitra (March-April) and Vaisakha (April-May)? (One
should put something by for rainy days.') Usa Ju gas chuy lor. Hala ju, wotharlam. "O Uzman Ju, filth is sticking to thee." "Halloo, Sir, wipe it away, please." (Said of a lazy fellow.)
Uttara bunyul. The earthquake of Uttar. (A great upheaval or commotion.)
Vetála, wanay titala hana, kava goham teakhey? Osus na hekan panay pakit, phakal khortham nakhey! o Vetal! I shall say to thee a humble word_"Why didst thou become wrathful ?” I was not able to walk; thou hast placed a stinky fellow on my shoulders to be
carried ! (Cited when one is overburdened with some other person's work.) Wufawani guri ta naba tang ratani. To catch flying horses and pears from the sky. (Vain adventures ; attempting to
accomplish the impossible.) Wani khanas khatir panas. Wani Khan has his own likings. (Said of an obstinate and selfish person.)
Yeli iwan kala ghatta, na rozdn zard na pagd. When a black storm comes, there remains neither a rag nor a blanket. (I.e., every
thing vanishes on the approach of the days of adversity.) Yatay na palán, nátay takdn. He would not even walk (now) on the contrary, he would run. (Said of inconsist
ency). Zana Muta loma'l Zanardan and Isma'l. (Said of one who amases wealth for a particular person.
ZanArdan lived sixty years ago. He used to beg for a disciple of his named Tama'il, to whom, he said, he owed one lakh of rupees and to whom he had so far repaid only one cowrie.)

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APRIL, 1933)
MISCELLANEA
MISCELLANEA
INDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT | on "The Bhâraáiva Dynasty," in which he orpha LITERATURE.
sises the pre-eminent part played by this dynasty India in 1930-31, Government Press, Calcutta, and that of the Vakatakas in re-establishing Hindu 1932.-Attention may be directed to the reference, political and religious authority in northern India. on p. 84, to the survoy of prehistoric sites in the hilly "The Vakátakas were the gurus of the Guptas, and region west of the Indus in the Larkana and Karachi the Bhårasivas the gurus of the Vakatakas," he districts, resulting in the discovery of chalcolithic writes. The place from which the VAkațakas took romains at no less than 24 places. These sites, we their title has hitherto been uncortain, but Mr. are told, seem to lie in a regular chain leading from Jayaswal identifies it with a site, known locally now Pandi Wahi noar Johi to a place within 7 miles of as Bagay, about 6 miles from Chirgâny in the Orcha Karachi, on the way to Las Bela. Trial excavations State. Ho thinks the Bhârasivas probably started at many of them have disclosed a fairly large col. about 200 A.D., and held sway over Prayaga and lection of painted pottery, chorts, beads, copper Kast and the intervening territory in the Gangetic implements and other characteristic relics. The basin. He goes so far as to suggest that the Dasa. ruins from which the antiquities were recovered vamedha Ghật At Benares may preserve a memory were those of stone buildings situated on the hills of the ten afvamedhas attributed to these rulers. or in adjoining valleys, where there is often a peronnial supply of water from natural springs. The
In . paper entitled "An unknown Kvatriya. importance of these discoveries, when compared
vamsa called Gaur," Rai Bahadur MM. G. H. OjhA with the results of Sir A. Stein's trial excavations
brings to light a very interesting inscription of 17 further west, in Gedrosia, towards the elucidation
lines in Brahmi characters and Sanskrit language on of the so-called Indus civilisation will be obvious to
a slab in the temple to Bhamar MAA on a small
hill near Choti Sadarf village in the Udaipur State, our readers.
in which is recorded a succession of chiofs of the Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for Gaura-varsa of Ksatriyas, who appear to have the Year 1939.-In this volume, which main. ruled in this vicinity in the sixth century A.D. The tains the high standard of previous years, the num. Mahamahopadhyâya goes on to suggest that the ber of items referenced has increased to 929, from Gord Bådal of Chitor fame were not two persons, 731 in 1929. The introduction contains a survey as hitherto supposed, but one individual, whose per of the results of the important excavations con- sonal name was Badal, Gorå being the equivalent of ducted by Mr. A. H. Longhurst at Nagarjunikonda Gaura, indicating his parisu. In another short in the Guntur district, a description of the Sittan- paper MM. G. H. Ojhâ propounds his roasons for navâsal cave temple paintings in the Pudukotta thinking the Sinhala-dvipa referred to in Jayasi's State, notes on excavations at Dong-u'on (Annam) story of Padmavat was not meant for Ceylon, but by M. Goloubew, and on the discovery of a pre
for a place called Singoli, some 40 miles east of Angkor monument near Angkor Thom by M. Coodes. Chitor, the possessor of which may have been An interesting summary is also given of Dr. Bosch's Padmini's father. researches in connexion with the scenes depicted on the Barabudur panels, which have shown that the
Mr. Gorolala Tiwari continues his useful history Gandavyúha was the principal text used. Dr. Vognl of Bundelkhand, reaching in thi
of Bundellchand, reaching in this volume the times is to be warmly congratulated on the progress made of the great Mahêrâja Chatrasal, a chief worthy of with this publication, and on having secured a far more attention than he has hitherto received at promise of co-operation from Japan.
the hands of historians. We welcome also the Nagar pracárini Patrikd, vol. XIII, Pts. 1 and 2,
appearance of 29 well-printed plates illustrating the
article by Mr. V. Agravala on "The Buddhist Art 1932.-The first two parts of this volume contain matter to which the attention of our readers may
of Mathuri," which form a notablo addition to the bo drawn with advantage. On pp. 1.8 Mr. K. P.
journal. Jayaswal publishes a short but suggestive paper
C.E.A.W.O.

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THE INDTAX ANTIQUARY
[ APRIL, 1933
THE ADVAITA VEDÅSTA IN UP SEVENT, CENTURY. The second roference which occurs on page 399 By PECE. DASHARATHA SHARMA, M.A..
of the same edition of the book is much more to the It is generally believed that a durlistic interpreta point, and so clearly worded that it can bear no two tion of the Vedanta philosophy held the field in the interpretations. Moreover, the context iself, tho eighth century, when Sankara wrote his great com. consolation of Harga on the death of his father, is mentary on the Vedanta Sairas, and that his teacher highly significant, and makes the meaning a little Govinda's teacher, Caudapâda, was the first man clearer than it would otherwise be. to interconnert the idea of Mâyâ und Brahman.
Tho passage in question runs as follows The main reasons for reaching these conclusions are that Gaudapâda is the only Ac&rya of the
24Hg kí để fall fo@sở......... Advaita Vedanta named by Sankara, that Sankara h agutaal:, 46191, 1971himself makes the confession that the absolutist creed was recovered from the Vedas by Gaudepâda,'
हितगौरवाच, प्राह्यगिरी गुरवः, श्रुतिस्मृतीतिहासविशारदाच that throughout his commentary on the Brahna ag cai, wanauerat quif TSatras Sankara contends against some other rival
| भाल्या राजानो, यथावदधिगतात्मतत्वाश्च संस्तुता मस्कinterpretations of a dual tendency, and that Ramanuja refers not only to one or two, but many fo, garere 54:, BATTER4999 Acâryas of the Visistädvaita school. But that this theory, with all the plausibie arguments in its
: 1119799fagurat qiroat: favour, is still open to considerable doubt and per- The Brahmavadins mentioned herein can, of haps rejection, will be shown by the two references, course, he only the Vedantins of the Advaita school, especially the second, that I give below from the for the dualists could have nothing to say by way Hargacarita, & work written at least a hundred years of consolation on the death of a person. Moreover, before the birth of Sankara.
| even if this line of argument be not regarded 18 con. On page 632 of Jivananda Vidyasagara's edition elusive, the tell tale adjective ENTETTA of the book, we find an excellent description of the To would leave no doubt as to the exact naturo philosophical sects flourishing in the seventh cen- of these Brahmavadins. The expression Hartier tury, which, besides mentioning the Bhagavatas,
signifies that these Brahmavadins (who, it the Kapilas, the Jainas, the Lokayatikas, the might be noted, Are the only Brahmavadins men. Kanadas, the Pauràpikas, the Aigvar Karanikas ortioned by Bana) must have gone about preaching the Naiyâyikas, the Karandharins or the Dhâtu- like Gaudepada that all existence is unreal, that all VÅdins, the Saptatântavas or the Miminuakse, the this duality is Mêya, that Brahman is the only real. Sabdas or the VaiyAlara nas, and the Bauddhas, The word F ending the compound qualifying speaks of the Pancartrikas and the Aupanigadas. the noun Brahmavândin is almost as characteristic ; As tho Pancaråtrikas, whose system is generally re- it shows that are was not a mere unsubgarded as the main basis of Visistådvaita, are clearly stantiated postulate, but a well thought-out theory distinguished herein from the Aupaniondas, should we which the Brahmavadins of tho seventh century hot be justified in regarding the latter as the inter- could prove by the use of strong arguments and preters of the Upanişads in the absolutist sense ? cogent reasoning.
BOOK-NOTICES. AN ACCOUNT OY TIBxr : THE TRAVELS OF IPPO at the time by Sir C. Markham (and the Hakluyt LITO DESIDERI OF PISTOIA, S.J., 1712-1727. Society tried to obtain it), it was not until 29 years Edited by Filippo De Filippi, with an Introdus later that extracts from it were published by Prof. tion by C. WESSELS, S.J. 81 X 54 in.; pp. xviii + Puini, in the Memoirs of the Italian Geographical 475 : 17 plates and a map. London, Routledge Society and even then it escaped notice in other & Sons, 1932.
countries, as it was not published as a continuous Although the manuscript of the Italian Jesuit mis. narrative, but only in extracts arranged as appen. sionary Ippolito Desideri was rediscovered in Pistoia dices to Puini's own description of Tibet. The as long ago as 1875, a fact which was announced present translation gives the narrative in ita
1 Translation -
Nobly born old men whc had been in the royal household for the last two generations ; elderly relatives who enjoyed consideration on account of family succession and whose words demanded attention; old Brahmanas versed in Sruti, Smyti and Itihdsa; ministers conversant with the Vedas and nobly descended, consecrated princo; approved Ascetics, well-trained in the doctrines of the self ; sages, indifferent to pleasure and pain; Brahmavadins, skilled in expounding the nothingness of the world; and Pauranikas, expert in allaying sorrow surrounded Harga, who being distressed by the death of his father, was in that condition.

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BOOK-NOTICES
APRIL, 1933]
complete form, for which Sir F. De Filippi has spent many years of labour in collating three other MSS. of the narrative that subsequently came to light in Florence, Rome and the Jesuit archives. It is the most completo account of Lhasa and Central Tibet written until the present century, as it is much fuller than those of Hue and Gabet.
Desideri started on his journey to Tibet in 1715, accompanied by Fr. Freyre, going to Leh, where the Jesuits had a mission. He was fortunate in meeting with the widow of a Tartar general, who was returning with his troops to Lhasa and who allowed him and his companion to travel in her company and in this way they proceeded by the Tsang-po valley to Lhasa, from where Fr. Freyre returned to India by the direct route on account of ill-health. Desideri remained in Tibet for five years, during which he spent his time in studying the Tibetan language and religion with the object of writing in Tibeten a refutation of the Lamaist doctrines, especially the belief in transmigration and rebirth, and a defence of the Catholic religion. He obtained the favour and protection of the Eleuth Tartar ruler at that time, La-tsang, whom he calls Ghengiz Khan, who gave him permission to preach and to reside in the Sera monastery, where he was given special facilities for study. His narrative gives a detailed and most interesting account of the country, the people, the administration and social customs, as well as of the Lamaist religion. In regard to the last, it is curious, as Sir F. De Filippi remarks, that although Desideri knew that the Lamaist religion had come originally from India, he did not know it was derived directly from Buddhism. Buddhism is never mentioned, nor even Buddha, whom he only knew under the Tibetan name, Shakya Thub-pa. It is, however, from his description of Lhasa and of the people that his account derives its chief interest and value. When Desideri arrived in Lhasa the 6th Dalai Lama had been recently deposed and murdered by the Tartar ruler, and a Lama chosen by him, but not recognised by the monks or the people, had been installed. In consequence of this, a revolution broke out in 1717, of which Desideri gives a full account. La-tsang was killed, and Desideri had to escape to Tak-po, where he spent most of his time till 1721, when he returned to India, as the Catholic mission to Tibet was then transferred from the Jesuits and made over to the Capuchins. Desideri returned to India through Nepal, of which he gives a short account containing many interesting particulars.
79
|
index of Tibetan words which occur in the text, and a map showing Desideri's route.
The Introduction by Fr. Wessels gives the history of the Jesuit missions to Tibet, in Leh and Ladak, from 1625 up to Desideri's time. Sir F. De Filippi has added full and scholarly notes which extend to 56 pages, on all points requiring explanation or bringing up to date. The book is well illustrated. There is a general bibliography and a special bibliography of Desideri's MSS., a general index, an
Sir F. De Filippi has rendered a great service in editing this most interesting account of Tibet in the eighteenth century and making it available in English.
E. H. C. WALSH.
DIE GESETZE DER
WELTGESCHICHTE. INDIEN.
By Hartmut Piper. 9x6 in.; pp. xvi+232. Th. Weicher, Leipzig. 1931. RM. 6.00. This book is one of a series written by the author to set out a new science invented by him, called Völkerbiologie, the biology of nations, which consists apparently in taking each country as a unit and dividing the history of its civilisation into periods, each of which is compared to the growth and decay of an individual. Indian history is divided into three such periods. There is nothing new in treating a community as an individual organism: here the novelty lies in a refusal to recognise the limitations of the analogy. Even if it were not impossible to treat Indian civilisation as a single unit over considerable periods of time, the author hopelessly misinterprets the trend of events in the critical ages from the epoch of the Brâhmaņas to that of the Gupta dynasty, and in dealing with modern times shows himself as prejudiced as any of the critics he pillories. His method is to compare every single phenomenon to some phenomenon in some other country, and we are offered such. absurdities as the likening of the Mudrárākṣasa to Antony and Cleopatra and of the Harṣacarita to Simplizissimus. Yasovarman of Kanauj is the Indian Napoleon, and those semi-mythical figures, Kapila and Asuri, are the Indian Socrates and Aristotle. This is enough to give an idea of the quality of this production.
E. H. JOHNSTON. PANORAMIC INDIA, 64 Panoramic Photographs, by W. R. WALLACE, with Introduction and Notes by K. H. Vakil. 18 x 13 inches. Bombay, D. B. Taraporevala, Sons & Co. 1931.
In this album we find a series of panoramic views of sites from the Khaibar Pass and the Himalayan hill stations in the north to Madura in the far south of India. For the photographs, which gre of outstanding merit from the technical and artistic points of view, and the way in which they have been reproduced in Dresden there can be nothing but praise. All are good, and the views of Udaipur, in particular, are gems of photography. The subjects selected for natural beauty, and for historical and architectural interest are appropriate and fairly representative, though we could have wished perhaps to find views of famous sites like the Satrunjaya hill in Kathiawâr, Mandugarh, Bodh Gaya, Vijayanagara, etc. The letterpress, however, does not come up to the standard of the illustrations. A number of typographisal and other errors are noticeable. For instance, the height of Kinchinjunga is not 17,000, but over

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
28,000 feet; if the height of the Taj Mahal to the top of the pinnacle were only 217 feet, it would not exceed the Qutb Minar in height; and it would be more correct to call Pushkalâvati, rather than Peshawar (Purushapura), the ancient capital of Gandhara. C. E. A. W. O. BIBLIOGRAPHIE VÉDIQUE. By Louis RENOU. 10x 7 in.; pp. v +339. Adrien-Maisonneuve, Paris. 1931. Francs 100.
M. Renou's previous works had suggested that he had a special gift for bibliography, and the book under review gives complete proof of this. The term Vedic has been given its fullest extension so as to cover all the Upanisads that matter and, so far as I can see, there are no omissions, at any rate as regards works published in Europe and America. The arrangement under 200 separate headings and the index of authors make it easy to find out what has been written on any point, while attention should also be drawn to the useful index of those Sanskrit words which have been
the subject of special papers. The only mistake I can discover is trivial, namely, that in the index of authors different writers of the same
name are not always kept apart. The book has been produced by photolithography, which enables it to be sold at a relatively low price and for once in a way that much abused word, 'indispensable, may be applied to it without objection; for no Sanskrit scholar can afford not to possess it. E. H. JOHNSTON.
THE KADAMBA KULA, by G. M. MORAES, M.A., with a preface by Kev. H. HERAS, S.J. Pp. xxiv+ 504, with 40 plates and 4 sketch-maps. B. X. Furtado and Sons, Bombay, 1931.
From about 550 to 1200 A.D., the history of Peninsular India is clearly defined by the vicissitudes of the Chalukyan Empire. Of the forerunners of that Empire less is known, and it is to one of these precursor dynasties that Mr. Moraes invites attention. The founder of the Kadamba kingdom was, it appears, a Brahman who had received his education in Conjeeveram, under the Pallavas, and perhaps in c. 345 A.D., revolted against them. He, or one of his successors (it is not quite clear when), established the dynastic capital at Banavasi, an ancient city in N. Kanara district close to the Mysore border. Politically the dynasty appears as an outpost of Gupta in fluence against Pallava aggression. With the decline of the Guptas decay set in, and the Kadambas were finally overthrown by their quondam feuda. tories, the Châlul yas, in about 610 A.D.
For nearly 350 years (not 250 as Mr. Moraes has it) the Kadambas vanished from history: their territory was ruled by others. Then, in about 973, with the overthrow of the Rastrakutas and the revival of Châlukyan supremacy
[APRIL, 1933
in the Western Deccan, a number of feudatory principalities arose claiming to be of Kadamba lineage. This Kadamba tradition survived the fall of the Chalukyas and persisted, rather vaguely till the rise of Vijayanagar.
To piece together the disjointed fragments of Kadamba history requires courage and imagination, and Mr. Moraes is to be congratulated on the results achieved. The subject is important, for, geographically, the Kadambas in their time hold a key position in the struggles for hegemony that have devastated the Deccan since the dawn
of history. Of this aspect Mr. Moraes is fully conscious, and his narrative faithfully registers the political pulsations of S. India. Some of his material is new and includes the texts and translations of 23 hitherto unpublished inscriptions (which unfortunately are not annotated) and a number of facts observed by him in the course of a tour in the Kadamba country. Much of his evidence comes froin the Portuguese territory of Goa, an almost unknown country to earlier
writers, and of vital importance to the proper understanding of Deccan history. His dynastic narrative is supplemented with short chapters other items of "internal history," and as for archion religion, administration, trade, literature and tecture, the Kadambas, he claims, had a style of their own from which the well-known "Châlukyan" style was evolved. His treatment of Kadamba geography is less adequate; the numerous administrative divisions of the Kanarese country, so familiar in the inscriptions, need more detailed
study than they have yet received, and their correlation with the physical features of the terrain has still to be worked out. Appendices on coins and on the adoption by the Kadambas of the lion emblem, complete the survey.
Mr. Moraos' reconstruction of Kadamba history is inevitably to a great extent conjectural, but his inferences are by no means wild. Of special interest is his identification of the puzzling "Triparvata" of the inscriptions, the headquarters of the southern viceroyalty of the Kadambas, with Halêbid, the site of the later capital of the Hoy. salas, a suggestion which has recently been con firmed in greater detail by Father Heras, in the Karnatak Historical Review. Occasionally he trips, as on p. 152, where he cites under Malli-deva (1217-52 A.D.) an inscription dated 1143 A.D. which he has already dealt with in its proper place under Mallikarjuna (1132-46 A.D.) on p. 134. Such a mistake could hardly have occurred if the author had drawn up a table of inscriptions arranged chronologically. Such a list, in a work of this kind, is almost a necessity. Apart from this, the book is a most important contribution to the early history of the Deccan, and its value is enhanced by copious and well-chosen illustrations. F. J. R.

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MAY, 1933]
ON ANCIENT TRACKS PAST THE PAMERS
ON ANCIENT TRACKS PAST THE PÅMIRS.*
BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E.
.
...
...
....
...
.
If we look at the map it might well seem as if the mighty elevation of the Påmirs, with the high, rugged, meridional range forming its eastern rim, and with the vast drainageles3 basin of the Târîm beyond it, had been intended by nature far more to serve as a barrier between the lands where flourished the great civilizations of ancient Asia, than to facilitate intercourse between them. Yet historical records which have come down to us both in the East and West show that through this remote belt of innermost Asia there led routes wbich for many centuries formed important channels for trade, travel and political enterprise between China on the one side and Iran and the Hellenized portion of Wostern Asia on the other.
In my paper Innermost Asia; its Geography as a factor in History, I have fully ex. plained the reasons which obliged the Chinese Empire, when, under the great Han Emperor Wu-ti in the last quarter of the second century B.C., it sought direct trade access to the civi. lized countries of the West, to secure it through-control of the Târim basin. Situated between the high mountain ranges of the T'ien-shan in the north and the K'un-lun and Karakoram in the south, this great basin offered distinct advantages for the peaceful penetration' aimed at. The great mountain ramparts protected it from the dangers of the nomadic migrations and invasions. The strings of oases fringing the huge central desert of the Taklamakan in the north and south would permit caravan traffic to pass over ground where it was comparatively easy to protect it. To the south of the basin the utter barrenness of the high Tibetan plateaux makes such traffic physically impossible. In the north beyond the T'ien-shan all routes from the side of China were exposed to attack by great nomadic tribes, like those of the Huns, Turks and Mongols.
In the west the Oxus basin with its great fertile territories of ancient Bactria and Sogdiana has always provided emporia for trade exchange. Bukhara and Samarkand have retained this character down to modern times, and so did Balkh, the ancient capital of Bactria, until Chingiz Khân's Mongol invasion brought there devastation from which the land, the present Afghân Turkistân, has never fully recovered. Bactria lay nearest both to India and Persia, and through the latter led the ancient trade-routes both to the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. These brief remarks will suffice to explain why the ancient routes to be described here had their main western terminus on Bactrian ground to the south of the middle Oxus.
It was chiefly the trade in silk which made direct access to the Oxus basin so important for China. Before and for centuries after the beginning of the Christian era, the production of silk was a joalously-guarded monopoly of China and its profitable export to the Western Regions' was a great factor in the economic policy of the Empire. It is to this silk trade that we owe the early classical notice of the route followed by the caravans which proceeded from the Oxus to the land of the "silk-weaving Seres,' or China. It is to the northern of the two main routes with which we are concerned that the notice refers which Ptolemy, the geographer, has fortunately preserved for us from the account of a Macedonian trader whose agents had actually travelled along it. It led from Bactria, the present Balkh, past the northern rim of the Pamirs along the Alai valley, and thence down to Kashgar.
• Reprinted (with the omission of a few paragraphs) from The Himalayan Journal, vol. IV, 1932, with the kind permission of the author and of the Editor of that journal. The skotch-map illustrating Sir Aurel's paper was prepared by the Editor, E.J.
I See Geographical Journal, 1925, pp. 377-403, 473-98.

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But before tracing its line it will be convenient to deal first with the other great natural thoroughfare which in the south leads up to the main headwaters of the Oxus. For this route lies close to the Hindukush and the passes by which valleys on the Indian side can be gained. Another reason is that our records about the early use of this route are more ample. In this case, too, we may start from the west, and thus keep company with those early travellers who have left us the fullest account of this southern route.
Only the briefest reference need be made here to the ground over which the valley of the uppermost Ox118 separating the Hindukush from the Pamirs is approached. A look at the map will suffice to show that the easiest and most direct approach to it from the side of Balkh and the rest of Afghan Turkistán must always have led through the fertile main portion of Badakhshan, formed by the valley of the Kokcha, or Vardoj river. Badakhshån, a terri. tory favoured by its climate and provided with plenty of arable ground in its valleys and rich grazing-grounds on its mountains, formed part of ancient Bactria which, after its conquest in the first century B.c. by the Tokhari, a branch of the Indo-Scythians or Great Yüeh-chi, was known as Tokharistân down to the early Middle Ages.
It is under the Chinese transliteration of the name, Tu-huo-lo, that Hsuan-tsang, the great Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, mentions the several petty chiefships, including Badakhshan, through which he passed on his way back from India in A.D. 642 towards the Tårim basin and China. The description which Hsüan-tsang gives in his famous Memoirs of the Western Countries of the territory next entered to the east leaves no doubt about its being identical with the present Wakhân. This comprises the valley of the Ab-i-Panja, or uppermost Oxus, right up from the river's sharp northward bend to its sources on the Afghan Pamirs. Hsuantsang makes no exact reference to the route by which he entered the territory. But considering the configuration of the ground this could be no other than the one still regularly used which leads from Zebak in the uppermost Vardoj valley across an easy saddle into the village tract of Ishkoshm close to the bend of the Oxus.
More than a century before Hsüan-tsang's passage the route through Wakhân had been followed in A.D. 519 by two other Chinese pilgrims, Sung Yün and Hui-sbêng, on their way from China with an Imperial mission to the Hephthalite or White Hun ruler of Kabul, and the north-west of India. Their narrative shows that, after reaching the uppermost Vardoj valley above Zebak, they made their way across the Hindukush, probably by the Mandal pass into the Bashgol valley of Kafiristân, and thence down to Swat and the Peshawar valley. It is similarly from the head of the Vardoj valley that Chitral is reached across the Dåráh pass. This route provides the most direct and easiest approach to Indian terri. tory from the side of Badakhshan and the Russian territories on the right bank of the Oxus.
Sung Yün and Hui-shêng's narratives agree in quite correctly describing Wakhân, or Po ho as they transcribe its name, as a country "extremely cold; caves are dug out for quarters. As winds and snow are intense men and beasts huddle together. On the southern border of this kingdom there are great snowy mountains (i.e., the Hindukush); the snow melts on them in the morning and freezes again at night. From afar they look like peaks of Jade." How closely this description corresponds to characteristic features still observed in Wakhân is shown by the accounts of modern travellers.
2 See the translations in Julion, Mémoires sur lcs contrées occidentales, i, pp. 201 sqq.; Watters, on Yuan Chwang's Travels, ii, pp. 279 sqq.
8 Sung Yun's route has been fully discussd by me in Serindia, i, pp. 9 sqq.
4 CY. Wood, Journey to the source of the Owus, 2nd ed., pp. 208 sqq.; Gordon, The Roof of the Worll, nr 135 g. Stein, Turn moul Asia, ii. 895a44;11 , Schultz, Forschungen in Pamir, pp. 139 sqq.; Oluisen, In the link noun Pomirs, pasim.

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The importance of Wakhan for traffic towards the Tarim basin lies in the fact that it provides a line of communication unbroken by any serious natural obstacle for a distance of close on 200 miles right up to the watershed towards the drainage area of the Tarim. Though the valley of the Oxus is narrow at its bottom it is singularly free from defiles except at the upper end of the sub-division of Ishkashm in the west and again above Sarhad, at present its highest village eastwards. Those two defiles, too, are short and practicable at all seasons for laden animals. Limited as the agricultural resources must always have been, yet the food supplies of Wakhân, supplemented by the focks for which the side valleys afford amplo grazing, are likely to have been always sufficient to meet the needs of traders and travellers following the route along the valley,
Permanent habitations are to be found on it now up to Sarhad and in earlier times existed also for two marches further up, as far as Langar. Thus shelter was assured all along for those using the route, an important consideration in view of the elevation at which the inhabited portion of the valley lies (from about 8,000 feet at Ishkashm to 10,500 feet at Sarhad) and the rigours of the climate during the greater part of the year. For the conditions of life and cultivation in Wakhân I must refer to the modem accounts already quoted. The present population of Wakbån, divided since the Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission of 1895 into a Russian portion on the right and an Afghan portion on the left bank of the Abi-Panja, can scarcely much exceed a total of about 5,000 souls. But that it must have been considerably greater in pre-Muhammadan times is proved by the number and extent of the ancient strongholds I was able to survey on my passage down the main portion of the valley in 1915.7
Hsüan-tsang's description of Wakhan, which the Imperial Annals of the Tang dynasty reproduce with some additions about its history, brings out clearly the great length of the territory in contrast to the narrowness of the habitable ground. It mentions wheat and pulse as the main crops; the hardiness of the local ponies; the icy winds. The dependence of the territory on the Tukhåra country, i.e., Badakhshån, which has continued to modern times, is duly referred to. Of the people we are told that they were "of a violent and coarse disposition.” The pilgrim's observation : "for the most part they have greenish-blue eyes and thereby differ from other people" is completely borne out by the physical character of the present Wakhis. They have preserved the Homo Alpinus type of the Galchas or
hillmen ' of the Oxus region in remarkable purity, and blue or light-grey eyes and fair hair are very common among them."
Hsüan-tsang mentions ten Buddhist convents, each with & small number of monks, and refers to the capital of the territory by a name (Hun-t'o-to). This clearly places it at the present Khandut, situated on the left bank of the river and with its 50-60 homesteads, the largest village of Wakhân. It is the track leading along the left bank which travellers on their way through Wakhan are likely to have ordinarily followed; for by keeping to it; those coming from or proceeding to the Påmîrs could avoid crossing the Ab-i-Panja at any point lower than Langar-kisht, wherpe, after its junction with the stream from the Great Pamîr, its bed becomes more confined and deeper.
6 See Serindia, i, p. 70. 6 See above, note 7.
For accounts of the fortresses of Zamr.i.atish-parast and Namadgut, cf. in particular Innermost Asia, ii, pp. 866 sqq., 872 sqq.
For an analysis of these records, ae0 Innermost Asia, i, pp. 61 sqq. The Annals duly note Hu. mi as the Chinese name of Wakhân, by the side of the name Ta-mo-hoi-t'ie-ti of Hsuan-tsang which stiil awaits axplanation.
For an analysis of the anthropometrical records soured by me, of. Mr. T. A. Joyce's Appendix O in Innermoat Asia, ii, pp. 996 sqq.

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Aftər Hsüan-tsang's journey more than six centuries pags before we meet again with a traveller's account of Wakhân. We owe it to Marco Polo, the greatest of medieval travellers, who about 1272-3 followed this route on his way to the Påmirs and thence to Khotan and China. "In leaving Badashan," so the great Venetian's immortal narrative tells us," you ride twelve days between east and north-east, ascending & river that runs through land belonging to a brother of the Prince of Badashan, and containing a good many towns and villages and scattered habitations. The people are Muhammadans and valiant in war. At the end of those twelve days you come to a province of no great size, extending, indeed, no more than three days' journey in any direction, and this is called Vokhan. The people worship Mahommet, and they have a peculiar language. They are gallant soldiers, and they have a chief called None, which is as much as to say Count, and they are liegemen of the Prince of Badashan."10
It has been long ago recognized by Sir Henry Yule that "the river along which Marco travels from Badakhshån is no doubt the upper stream of the Oxus, known locally as the Panja . . . It is true that the river is reached from Badakhshån proper by ascending another river (the Vardoj) and crossing the Pass of Ishkashm, but in the brief style of our narrative we must expect such condensation." For the twelve days' journey which the Venetian records between Badakhshan and Vokhan' it is easy to account, I believe, by A38uming that here, as in similar cases, the distance from capital to capital is meant ; for the distance from Bahárak, the old Badakhshan capital on the Vardoj, to Kala Panja, the seat of the old chiefs of Wakhan and nowadays of the administration on the Afghan side of the river, is still reckoned at twelve marches. Marco Polo was right, too, in his reference to the peculiar language of Wakhân; for while Persian is spoken in Badakhshân, the Wakhi, spoken by the people of Wakhân, is a distinct language belonging to the Galcha branch of Eastern Iranian. The small size ascribed to the province of Vokhan,' "extending no more than three days' journey in any direction," is still more readily understood if the portion of the valley about Ishkashm together with Zebak formed then, as it had done down to recent times, a separate small chiefship. It may in Marco Polo's time have been ruled over by a brother of the Prince of Badashan',!1
Before following Hsian-tsang and Marco Polo further to the Great Påmir, across which their journey led, it will be convenient to trace the route to the source of the Oxus and thence across the Wakhjir pass down the Tåghdum-bash Påmir to Sarikol. We have no old traveller's account describing this route, but it offers distinct advantages for caravan traffic and is regularly followed nowadays by traders proceeding from Chinese Turkistán to Chitral, or to Badakhshan. From Sarhad upwards I got to know it in 1906 on my second expedition and beyond the Wakhjîr pass I have become familiar with it on no less than four journeys. The Taghdum-bash Påmir forms now the only approach by which travellers from India crossing the Hindukush can gain the Tarim basin without touching either Afghan or Russian ground. In the same way the Tâghdum-b&sh together with the Afghán portion of the Ab-iPanja valley has served, ever since the Påmir Boundary Commission's work in 1895, as a buffer between the territories of British India and Russia.
From Langar-kisht, where a Russian post guards the junction of the Ab-i-Panja with that of the Great Påmir branch of the river, two easy marches past a succession of small settlements bring the traveller to the group of hamlets collectively known as Sarhad on the right bank of the river. Together with detached holdings on the opposite side they form at present the highest place of permanent occupation on the Ab-i-Panja. Sarhad is a point of some strategic importance, for opposite to it there debouches the open valley which leads
19 Cf. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 3rd edition, i, pp. 170 egg. 11 Cl. Innermost Asia, i, p. 68.

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at a distance of only some eight miles up to the broad saddle known as the Dasht-i-Baróghil. Lying at an elevation of only about 12,500 feet this easy saddle, which could readily be made practicable for wheeled vehicles, forms the lowest depression on the whole Hindukush range as far west as the passes north of Kabul. From the head of the Yarkhun, or Mastûj river, on the south side of the Barôghil, routes lead down the river to Chitral or directly southwards across the glacier pass of the Darköt into the valley of Yasin, and thus through Gilgit to the Indus.
The importance of this low crossing of the Hindukush was illustrated by an interesting historical event. In Serindia and in a separate paper12 I have had occasion fully to discuss the remarkable expedition by which Kao Hsien-chih, Deputy Protector of the Four Garrisons,' commanding the Chinese troops in the Târîm basin, in A.D. 747 led a force of 10,000 men from Kashgar across the Pâmîrs to the Oxus. The object was to oust the Tibetans who had joined hands there with the Arabs in Tokharistân and in alliance with them were threatening the Chinese hold on the Tarim basin. There is no need to set forth here the details of the great exploit by which the Chinese general, in the face of formidable physical obstacles, brought his troops across the inhospitable Påmirs and then, after signally defeating the
Tibetans where they barred his approach from the Ab-i-Panja to the Barôghil, led a portion of his victorious force across the glacier pass of the Darkot (c. 15,400 feet above sea level) down into Yasin and Gilgit. It was an achievement fully equal to, if not greater than, the great alpine feats of commanders famous in European history.
Between Sarhad and the stage of Langar the valley contracts into a succession of defiles difficult for laden animals in the spring, when the winter route along the river bed is closed by the flood water, while impracticable soft snow still covers the high summer-track. All the same the route is never entirely closed here. Before reaching Langar I noticed marks of former cultivation in several places of the right bank, a point of some importance as proving that even here at an elevation of close on 12,000 feet travellers could at one time expect to find shelter. The remaining journey to the foot of the Wakhjîr pass could readily be done in two marches lading over alluvial plateaux or along the wide river-bank, all easy ground used by Kirghiz camps for grazing.
At Bozai-gumbaz, where we found a number of Kirghiz in their felt huts, the route across the wide Little Pamir joins in. From here I visited Lake Chakmaktin, near which lies, at a height of a little over 13,000 feet, the almost imperceptible watershed between the Ab-iPanja and the Ak-su or Murghåb, the other chief foeder of the Oxus. For nearly fifty miles the view extended unbroken over this perfectly open elevated valley to where the eye rested in the distance on the range, at the time still snow-covered, which overlooks the Tagharma plain of Sarikol.
It is across the Little PAmir that Tash-kurghân can be gained by a route leading over the Naiza-tash pass, about 14,900 feet high. This is described as practicable at all seasons. But the distance to be covered on ground at a great elevation and without habitations is longer than on the route across the Wakhjir and down the Taghdum-bash Pâmîr. Since Russian territory has to be crossed between the Little Pamir and the Naiza-tash pays this route is now no longer followed by traders. Other passes further north are more convenient for smugglers carrying opium from the Badakhshan side.
The track to the Wakhjir pass branches off to the north-east from where the stream fed by a series of large glaciers to the south-east debouches into the head of the open valley. Higher up, at an elevation of about 14,700 feet, this stream forms the true source of the Oxus,
12 See Scrindia, i, pp. 52 sqq., 66 sqq.; Geographical Journal, 1922, February, pp. 112-131.

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as first clearly recognized by Lord Curzon. The ascent to the pass is not stoep, as may be seen in the photographs taken by me, 13 and the descent on the Taghdum-bâsh side, which I examined on the 2nd July 1900, is still easier.
But while on that occasion the whole of the pass was clear of snow, it was only after great exertions on the 27th May 1906, that the watershed at an elevation of about 16,200 could be gained by us. The difficulty of getting our baggage across, first on yaks and then by load-carrying Wakhis, was due solely to the soft condition of the snow. There had been an exceptionally heavy snowfall all over the Pamirs that winter. As long as the snow remains hard the pass can be crossed with laden ponies, even in the spring, and it is certainly open to such traffic all through the rest of the year. Judging from what I saw of it in 1900 it would be practicable, too, for Kirghiz camels accustomed to the mountains.
Once across the Wakhjir the journey down the Taghdum-bash Påmîr is easy and can well be covered in five marches, 13 Much of the first three of them lies past large ancient moraines, which show the extent of the huge ice-stream which in a former glacial period descended the wide valley. At Kök-török there joins in from the south the route which leads across the main Muz-tâgh range from the side of Hunza by the Kilik pass (circ. 15,800 feet). On the north the Taghdum-bash Påmir can be gained by the Kök-törok pags from the side of the Little Påmir. Somo 23 miles lower down there debouches the valley leading up to the Ming-tako pass, which offers an alternative route towards Hunza and is regularly used for the British Consular post from Kashgar to India. At Payik, where there, is a small Chinese Customs post, a well-known route is passed leading across to the Ak-su or Murghåb on the Russian side.
Some seven miles further down, the valley makes a marked turn to the north and there near Koshun-kör, at an elevation of about 12,600 feet, cultivation has been carried on until recent recent years by Wakhí settlers. The point deserves to be noted; for, together with what I have recorded above about former cultivation near Langar, it shows that for travellers from Sarikol to Wakhân following the Wakhjir route the distance where neither permanent habitations nor local supplies could be found was reduced about five or six marches. It was an important consideration in favour of this old route, now again coming steadily into increased use by traders from the Yarkand side.
Only about three miles further down, there rise the ruins of an ancient stronghold, known as Kiz-kurghan, 'the Maiden's fort,' on the top of a high and very steep rocky spur above the river's left bank. I have shown its identity with the place of which Hsuan-toang relates a curious local legend how a Chinese princess on her way to be wedded to the king of Persia was detained there while the roads were blocked through war. Visited there by the sun god she became enceinte, and from her the royal family of Sarikol claimed descent.16
Six miles down the valley we reach the fairly large village of Dafdar, with fields of wheat and barley extending for some miles down the right bank. Scattered patches of cultivation are to be met also on the two short marches leading down to Tash-kurghân, the chief place of Sarikol. That the once tilled area on this side of the valley must have been far more extensive in olden times is conclusiely proved by the remains of an ancient canal, known as Farhad's canal,' still clearly traceable from above Dafdar for a distance of over forty miles. It is also certain tht the population of Sarikol was greatly reduced in modern times in consequence of frequent raids of those plucky hillmen of Hunza whose depredations only ceased after the Pax Britannica was extended to Hunza in 1891.
13 See Ruins of Desert Cathay, i. Fig. 29; Mountain Panoramas of the Pamirs and Kwenlun, R. Geographical Society, Panor. VII.
14 Cf. Desert Cathay, i, pp. 83 sqq. 16 For a description of the valley cf. Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, pp. 59 999. 16 Cf. Serindia, i, pp. 72 999.

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There can be no doubt that Tash-kurghân marks the position of the ancient capital of Sarikol. With its rubble-built homesteads it clusters round a small plateau above the left bank of the river, occupied by the modern Chinese fort and the ruins of a small walled town. The territory is duly described by Hsian-tsang under the name of Chieh p'an-t'o and is often mentioned in the Chinese Annals of T'ang times as well as by other travellers. 17 Modest as the resources of Sarikol must always have been-for here, at an elevation of about 10,000 feet, the local saying holds that there are ten months of winter and two of summeryet this post of the Ts'ung-ling mountains' has always been a welcome place of rest for caravans and individual travellers. Thus we know from the scanty narrative left of Benedict Goëz, the observant lay Jesuit, who passed here in 1603 on his way from India and Kabu) in search of fabled Cathay, that he and his large gå fila of merchants from Badakhshan took a rest in the province of Sarcil,' i.e., Sarikol. In the looks of the scanty inhabitants of its hamlets he duly noted a resemblance to Flemings. Among the Sarikolîs, who are of the Homo Alpinus stock of the Galchas and who speak a language closely akin to that of Shughnân, blue eyes and fair hair are common enough.
Before I proceed to indicate the several routes through the meridional range to the east by which the plains of the Tårîm basin are gained from Sarikol, we must return once more to the uppermost Åb-i-Panja and the ancient route which leads from there across the Great Pamir to Sarikol. With it are associated the memories of those two great travellers, Hsüantsang and Marco Polo. The route starts from Langar-kisht where the Ab-i-Panja is joined by the river draining the Great Pamîr lake, and ascends to the latter, just as Marco Polo tells us, in three marches north-eastwards. His description of the lake which Captain John Wood, who re-discovered it on his memorable journey of 1838, has named after Queen Victoria, is so accurate and graphic that I may well quote it in full18...
Hsüan-tsang, too, has left us a graphic account of the valley of Po-mi-lo' and its great Dragon Lake' which he passed on his way from Wakhân to Sarikol.19 “It is situated among the snowy mountains. On this account the climate is cold, and the winds blow constantly. The snow falls in summer and spring time .... In the middle of the valley is a great Dragon Lake." As I looked across the deep-blue waters of the lake to where in the east they seemed to fade away on the horizon I thought it quite worthy to figure in the old traditional belief which the Chinese pilgrim's narrative reflects, as the legendary central lake from which the greatest rivers of Asia were supposed to take their rise. The clearness, fresh taste and darkblue colour of the lake are just as he describes them. It is the same with the masses of aquatic birds swarming about the lake in the spring and autumn, and with their eggs being found in plenty on its shores. Nor can it surprise us that the imagination of old travellers passing this great sheet of water at such a height and so far away from human habitations credited it with great depth and with hiding in it 'all kinds of aquatic monsters such as Hsuan-tsang was told of.
There can be no doubt about Hsüan-tsang having travelled across the Great Pamır to Tash-kurghân. “On leaving the midst of this valley and going south-east, along the route, there are neither men nor villages. Ascending the mountains, traversing the sides of precipices, encountering nothing but ice and snow, and thus going 500 li, we arrive at the kingdom of Chien-p'an-t'o." The direction and distance indicated, corresponding roughly to five daily marches, make it appear very probable that the route followed by him was the one leading to the course of the Ak-su river and thence across the Naiza-tash pass.
17 For an analysis of these Chinese and other early records of Sarikol, dr. Ancient.Khotan, i, pp. 27 sqq. 18 For the quotation, see Yule, Marco Polo, i, p. 171.
19 Cf. Julien, Mémoires des contrées occidentaux, ii, pp. 207 sqq.; Watters, Yuan Chwang, ii, pp. 282 sq. ; Innermost Asia, ii, pp. 858 sqq.

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It is more difficult to make sure of the exact route followed by Marco Polo's party from Lake Victoria to the kingdom of Cascar'; for no exact indication is furnished for this part of the journey. From the fact that it took the travellers forty days through a wilderness without habitations it might be conjectured that they kept to the Påmirs north-eastward and then descended through the gorges of the Gez river to the plain south-west of Kashgar.
Leaving aside the Great Påmir and the Alai in the north which, as we shall seo, served the silk trade-route, there are two more valleys which traverse the area of the Pamîrs from east to west draining into the Oxus. But only one of these can ever have been used throughout as a line of communication. It is the route of the Alichur Påmîr leading past the Yeshil-köl lake and beyond its western extremity continued by the valley of the Ghûnd river in Shughnân. Along it leads the modern cart-road which connects the Russian fort of * Pamirski Post' with the headquarters of the Russian Pamir Division' at Khôrok on the Oxus.
That this route has seen traffic olden times is proved by what I have had already occasion to mention about Kao Hsien-chi's memorable expedition of A.D. 747. When he led his main force from the post of the Ts'ung-ling mountains' down to Shughnân he could not well have followed any other route but this. The same applies also to the itineraries, unfortunate. ly very laconie, of two Buddhist pilgrims.20 One of them, Dharmachandra, an Indian monk, wishing to return from China to his home land, travelled A.D. 747 from Kashgar to the kingdom of Shih-ni,' i.e., Shughnán, only to be forced by the disturbed condition of the region to retrace his steps to the Târim basin where he died. The other pilgrim, Wu-k'ung, passed through Shughnan, both on his way to India from Kashgar in A.D. 752 and on his return thence to China about 786. On his way out we are told that he reached the five Shih-ni' across the Ts'ungling or Onion Mountains' and the valley of Po.mi (Pamir), i.e., from the side of Sarikol.
It was by this route along the Alichur Pâmîr that the Khojas of Kashgar, fleeing before the Chinese who had reconquered the Târîm basin, endeavoured to reach Shughnan in 1759. By the eastern end of the Yeshil-köl they were overtaken by the pursuing troops and most of their followers killed in the fight. On my passage here in July, 1915, from the Sârêz Pamir I still saw at Sümetash the large stone pedestal of the inscription which had been set up by the Chinese in commemoration of their victory, the inscription having been removed by the Russians to the Museum at Tashkend. It was close to the same spot that another tragedy took place in June, 1892, when Colonel Yonoff's Cossacks on the way to annex Shughnân wiped out the small Afghân detachment which bravely held out to the last in a post guarding the route.
The valley of the Ak-su or Murghab which lies to the north and contains the Sarêz Pamir could never have served as a line of communication; for from where the valley passes into the mountain territory of Rôshân it turns into a succession of very narrow gorges in which such tracks as exist are extremely difficult even for men on foot and quite impracticable for animals. In ascending in August, 1915, from Saunâb on the Röshån side, I found no water where the bed of the Murghab had lain; for the great earthquake of February, 1911, had completely blocked the valley higher up by enormous masses of rock brought down in a landslide, and had converted a great portion of the former Sarêz Pamir into a big winding lake.
We must now turn back to Sarikol in order to sketch briefly the several routes by which thence the great western oases of the Târîm basin can be gained. The shortest and most natural would lie along the course of the river coming from the Taghdum-bash and draining Sarikol. But this soon after breaking through the meridional range in a sharp bend below
20 For references to these itineraries, cf. Innermost Asia, ii, p. 880.

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Tâsh-kurghân, passes for a great distance, down to its junction with the Zarafshân or Yarkand river, through an almost continuous succession of deep-cut gorges very difficult even on foot and quite impracticable for laden transport, except during the short period of the winter while the river is hard frozen and its ice can be used as a passage. Already early in June 1906, before the summer flood from the melting glaciers and snow beds had come down, my experienced travel companion, Surveyor Rai Ram Singh, of the Survey of India, an excellent mountaineer, found it very difficult to make his way down as far as the point where the stream of the Tangi-tar valley joins the river from the north. But it was then still possible for me for a shorter distance to follow the river with laden transport down to the mouth of the Shindi defile, and then, by ascending this to its head on the Chichiklik plateau, to avoid the much steeper ascent to this over the Kök-moinak pass above Tagharma.
Over the Chichiklik plateau leads the regular caravan route to Sarîkol both from Kashgar and Yarkand, and here we find ourselves on ground for which interesting old accounts are available. The plateau known as the Chichiklik Maidan, lying at an elevation from about 14,500 to 14,800 feet, is situated between two great mountain spurs radiating southward from the Muz-tågh-atâ massif. Its position is such that it must be passed by all travelling from Sarîkol to the south of that great glacier-clad massif towards Yårkand and Kashgar, by whichever of the several passes they may traverse the more easterly of those spurs. The Chichiklik Maidân, owing to its great height and still more to its position exposed to bitter winds and heavy snowfall, is very trying ground for travellere at most seasons of the year. And to the troubles here often encountered by travellers we owe the interesting accounts which Hsüan-tsang and Benedict Goëz have left us of their experiences on the Chichiklik plateau at an interval of nearly a thousand years.
The narrative of the great Chinese pilgrim tells us that starting from the capital of Chieh-p'an-t'o, i.e., Tásh-kurghân, he reached an ancient hospice after travelling for two hundred li (or two daily marches) across " mountains and along precipices."21 The distance and the bearing alone would suffice to indicate that the two marches leading from the Taghdum. bâsh river up the Dershat gorge to the Chichiklik Maidån are meant. The position of the hospice is described as a level space of about a thousand Chinese acres" in the midst of the four mountains belonging to the eastern chain of the Ts’ung-ling mountains."
"In this region, both during summer and winter, there fall down piles of snow; the cold winds and icy storms rage. The ground, impregnated with salt, produces no crops ; there are no trees and nothing but wretched herbs. Even at the time of the great heat the wind and snow continue. Scarcely have travellers entered this area when they find them. selves surrounded by vapours and clouds. Merchant caravans, in coming and going, suffer severely in these difficult and dangerous spots." According to an old story' Hsuan-tsang heard, a great troop of merchants, with thousands of followers and camels, had once perished here by wind and snow. A saintly person of Chieh-p'an-t'o was said to have collected all the precious objects left behind by the doomed caravan, and with their help to have constructed on the spot a hospice, providing it with ample stores, and to have made pious endowments in neighbouring territories for the benefit of travellers.
On my first passage across the Chichiklik, on the 4th June 1906, I was able to locate the old hospice to which Hsüan-tsang's story relates and which probably he saw already in ruins.22 At the head of the Shindi valley, through which my approach then lay-on my third and fourth expeditions I reached the Chichiklik Maidan by the very troublesome ascent in the Dershat gorge-there extends an almost level plain, about two and a half miles from north
21 For translations of the narrative, se Julien, Mémoires, ii, p. 216; Wat ters, Yuan Chwang, ii, p. 285; also Beal, Si.yu-ki, ii, p. 303.
99 Cf. Serindia i, p. 77 sq.

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to south, and over a mile across. Ridges rising about 2000—3000 feet higher, and then still under snow, enclose it on all sides except to the north-east, where a broad gap gives access over a scarcely perceptible watershed to the head of the Tangi-tar valley. On a small knoll in the centre of the plateau I discovered the foundations of a square enclosure, solidly built and manifestly of early date. The plan of quarters within showed it clearly to have served as a sarai for wayfarers. The spot is held sacred in Muhammadan eyes, deco yed graves within the enclosure attesting here, as so often elsewhere in Chinese Turkistân, con. tinuity of local wership’ since Buddhist times.
Froin the Chichiklik plateau three different tracks lead to the valley drained by the Tangi-tar river. Two of them lie across the easterly mountain spur by the Yangi-dawan and Yambulak passes respectively. But these passes imply & considerable ascent and are liable to become closed by snow early in the autumn. Hence the usual route leads across the previously mentioned gap into the Tarbâshi valley, which is frequented by Kirghiz as a grazing-ground, and thence descends in an extremely confined gorge, appropriately known as Tangi-tar, to the river of the same name. The passage of this gorge is distinctly difficult for laden animals and in places dangerous for the baggage, as for about two miles deep pools of tossing water and big slippery boulders have to be negotiated between high and precipitous cliffs.23 The gorge is altogether impassable during the summer months, when the flocd from the melting snows fills its bottom, and traffic is then diverted to the two passes of Yangi-dawân and Yambulak. In spite of an unusually late spring I found the passage of the Tangi-tar garge already very troublesome on the 5th Jupe 1906.
An adventure recorded in Heüan-tsang's biography proves that it was the track down this gorge which he followed when on his way towards Yangi-hisar and Kashgar,24 We are told there how the Master of the Law on the fifth day from the capital of Chieh-p'an-t'o (Sarîkol) "encountered a troop of robbers. The traders accompanying him were seized with fear and clambered up the sides of the mountains. Several elephants, obstinately pursued, fell into the water and perished. After the robbers had been passed, Hsüan-tsang slowly advanced with the traders, descended the heights to the east and, braving a rigorous cold, continued his journey amidst a thousand dangers. After having thus covered 8C0 li, he passed out of the Ts'ung-ling mountains and arrived in the kingdom of Wusha (Yangihisar and Yarkand]."
The time occupied in the journey from Tash-kurghan, and the exceptional facilities offered by the Tangi-tar gorge for such an attack, clearly point to its scene having lain there. In the late autumn, the time of Hsuan-tsang's passage, no other stream on the route could have held sufficient water to be dangerous to elephants, except that of Tangi-tar, which retains deep pools of water even in the winter. The eight hundred li, or eight marches, are a quite correct reckoning for the journey of a caravan from the gorge to Yangi-hisar. There can be no doubt about Hsüan-tsang having done it by the regular route across the Tor-art pass to Chihil-gumbaz, where the road to Yårkand branches off, and thence across the loess-covered spur of Kashka-su into the valley debouching into the plains above Ighizyår.
When I struggled across the bleak plateau of Chichiklik, still snow-covered early in June 1906, and again in a snow-storm on the 28th September 1930, I felt duly impressed by the recollection of the trials which Benedict Goëz, the brave Jesuit, had experienced here on his journey to Yarkand in the late autumn of 1603.25 After crossing the Pamirs--by
23 For a description, see Ruins of Desert Cathay, i, pp. 99 sq.; also Serindia, i, Fig. 29. 24 See Julien, Histoire de la vie de Hiouen-Theang, pp. 274 sq. Boal, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, p. 200.
25 For Sir Henry Yule's translation of Goéz' record, put together by Ricci from such notes as could be recovered after the devoted Portuguese lay brother 'Beking Cathay had found Heaven' at Su-chou, sve Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed., iv, pp. 214-215.

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what exact route we do not know-he and the large gafila of merchants to which he had attached himself had at the hamlets of the province of Sarcil,' i.e., Sarikol,"halted two days to rest the horses. And then in two days more they reached the foot of the mountain called Ciecialith 'Chichiklik). It was covered deep with snow, and during the ascent many were frozen to death and our brother barely escaped, for they were altogether six days in the snow here. At last they reached Tanghetar (Tangi-tar), a place belonging to the kingdom of Cascar (Kashgar). Here Isaac the Armenian fell off the bank of the great river into the water, and lay, as it were, dead for some.eight hours till Benedict's exertions at last brought him to. In fifteen days more they reached the town of laconich [Yaka-arik), and the roads were so bad that six of our brother's horses died of fatigue. After five days more our Benedict going on by himself in advance reached the capital which is called Hiarchan (Yarkand]."
It is clear that the route followed by Goëz was identical with the present main caravan track which, after descending the Tangi-tar gorge and crossing the Tor-art, as already referred to, diverges at Chihil-gumbaz towards Yarkand. The accident which befell his faithful companion, Isaac the Armenian, obviously took place at one of the deep pools of Tangi-tar.
There still remains to be briefly mentioned the route which from Sarikol leads northward past the meridional range of Muz-tågh-atâ and Kungur and then, turning the flank of the latter in the deep-cut gorges of Gez, follows the narrow valley of the Yamân-yâr down to Tashmalik and thence across the fertile plain to Kashgar. This route offers splendid views of the huge ice-crowned peaks of the range along the foot of which it passes from above Tagharma, and has often been followed by modern travellers.26 After crossing the easy saddle of Ulugh-rabat it leads over open Påmir-like ground past the lakes of Little Karakul and Bulun-kul as far as Tar-b&shi, where the tortuous gorges of Gez are entered. 27
Whether it is owing to the difficult passage offered by the latter and the total absence of grazing there and for several marches lower down or owing to some other reason, this route to Kashgar is not ordinarily followed by caravans, and I know of no early account of it. It has, however, been conjectured, not altogether without reason, that Marco Polo may have travelled at least over the lower part of it, after leaving the Great Pâmîr. He tells: "Now if we go on with our journey towards the east-north-east, we travel a good forty days, continually passing over mountains and hills, or through valleys, and crossing many rivers and tracts of wilderness. And in all this way you find neither habitation of man, nor any green thing, but must carry with you whatever you require."28 The absence of any reference to the inhabited tract of Sarikol might suggest that, for some reason we shall never know, the Venetian traveller's caravan, after leaving the Great Pâmîr, moved down the Ak-su river and then, crossing the watershed eastwards by one of the several available passes, struck the route leading past the Muz-tågh-atà massif and on towards the Gez defile. The duration of forty days counted for such a journey is certainly much in excess of what an ordinary traveller would need. But it must be remembered that Goëz, too, speaks of the desert of Pamech' (Påmir) taking forty days to cross if the snow was extensive.29
I have had to leave to the last the tracing of that route leading past the Pamirs of which the earliest record has come down to us. I mean the ancient trade route skirting the Pâmirs on the north by which the 'silk of Seres' was carried from China to the Oxus basin. The notice has been preserved for us in the 'Geography of Ptolemy, who wrote about the middle of the second century A.D. Short as it is, it claims considerable interest, be it only on the
20 For a description of it, see Stein, Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, pp. 76-105. 37 Sand buried Ruins of Kholan, pp. 108 sqq.
29 See Yule, Marco Polo, 3rd edition, i, pp. 171 sqq.; Prof. H. Cordier's notes, ibid., i, pp. 175; 782; also Stein, Ancient Khotan, i, pp: 41 sq.
26 Cf. Yulo, Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed., iv, p. 217 (n. 1).

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ground of its being the only Western notice of the channel through which passed in classical times the most important of the trade links between the Far East and the Mediterranean regions. This record has accordingly been much discussed by scholars even before there was adequate knowledge available of the ground through which the route led.
The notice is contained in an introductory chapter where Ptolemy takes occasion learned. ly to discuss statements advanced by the geographer Marinus as to the length of the inhabited world.30 With regard to a certain measurement as to the distances between Hierapolis on the Euphrates and Sêra the metropolis of the Sêres,' i.e., of the Chinese, Marinus is quoted as having stated that "one Maën, a Macedonian, called also Titianus, who was a merchant by hereditary profession, had written a book giving the measurement in question which he had obtained not by visiting the Sêres in person, but from the agents whom he had sent there." Marinus is known to have flourished about the close of the first century A.D., and the record of Mads, a merchant probably from one of the Macedonian colonies established in Syria or Mesopotamia, being approximately contemporary, belongs to the period of the Later Han dynasty, when the silk trade flourished and was favoured by Chinese control of the Târîm basin.
Marinus' account of the route followed by Maēs' agente shows it to have passed through Mesopotamia, north-western Persia and the present Transcaspia to Antiochia of Margiana' or Merv, and so on to Bactria, the present Balkh," whence it turns towards the north in ascending the mountainous tract of the Kômédoi. And then in passing through this moun. tainous tract it pursues & southern course as far as the ravine which adjoins the plain country." Subsequently, after referring to certain assumptions as regards bearings on sections of the route and to detours made by it, Ptolemy quotes Marinus as saying: "The traveller having ascended the ravine arrives at the Stone Tower, after which the mountains that trend to the east unite with Imaus, the range that runs up to the north from Palimbothra." Another passage of Ptolemy, derived from Marinus, places the station or Sarai 'whence traders start on their journey to Séra 'to the east of the Stone Tower and in the axis of Mount Imaus itself.31
It is the merit of Baron Richthofen, the great geographer, and of Sir Henry Yule to have clearly demonstrated that the route followed by Maès' agents must have led up the Alai and on to Kashgar,39 and that by the mountains of the Komédoi' is meant the longstretched Kara-tegin tract in the main valley of which the Kizil-ou or Surkh-ab (the 'Red River ') draining the Alai makes its way to the Oxus east of Balkh. This location is definitely proved by the name Kumedh, which early Arab geographers apply to Kara-tegin and the position which Hsian-toang indicates for the territory of Chii-mi-t'o, this being the Chinese transcription of a similar form of the name.
In the summer and early autumn of 1915 Fate in the shape of the alliance with Imperial Russia gave me the long and eagerly wished-for chance of following in person the greater part of this ancient silk route' from the Alai down to the submontane plain of the Hisar region, then under the Amir of Bukhara. Fourteen years before, on returning from my first Central Asian expedition, I had been able to see the eastern portion of the route from Kashgar right up to the western extremity of the Alai where it passes under the flank of Mount Imaus, i.e., the great meridional range forming the eastern rim of the Pamirs. I am thus able to speak with some personal knowlege of the ground over which the route passed between Kashgar and Hisar.
30 C4. Ptolemy, Geographia, I, Chap. xi; for a translation, ace McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, pp. 8 sqq.
91 See Ptolemy, Geographia, VI, (Chap. xiii ; McCrindle, loc. cit., p. 284.
83 For references to Richthofen's and Yule's works, as well as to other publication dealing with the route of Mača, see my Anciens Khotan, i, pp. 64 99.; Innermost Asia, ii, pp. 849 sq.

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From Termez, where traffic coming from Balkh and its modern successor as a tradecentre, Mazar-i-Sharif, usually crosses the Oxus, an easy route up the Surkhan river brings the traveller to the wide and fertile plain in the centre of the Hisar tract. In this we may safely recognize the plain country' which the ravine mentioned by Marinus' authority adjoins.33 In the comparatively narrow main valley of Kara-tegfn, stretching for some 155 miles from Ab-i-garm, where the regular road from the Hisar side enters it, up to Daraut. kurghân, where the Alai is reached, there is more than one defile by the river. But it is practicable for laden transport, even camels, throughout, and owing to its plentiful agricultural produce offers a convenient line of communication. Then below Daraut-kurghan, now the highest village on the Kizil-su, the valley opens out into the great Pâmîr-like valley of the Alni. It is in the vicinity of Daraut-kurghân, where cultivation is carried on at an elevation of about 8000 feet and where I found a Russian post in the place of a former fort, that we may place the Stone Tower' where, according to Marinus, the traveller arrives after having ascended the ravine.34
It is there that those following the route now towards Kashgar would have to take their food supplies for their onward journey. But I noted in 1915 patches of recent or old cultivation for fully 27 miles above Daraut-kurghân up to an elevation of about 9000 feet. The Alai valley in general physical character resembles a Pamîr, being an open trough with a width at its floor nowhere less than six miles. But owing to its lower elevation, from about 8000 feet at Daraut-kurghân to not more than 11,200 feet at the Taun-murun saddle as ita eastern end, and owing to a somewhat moister climate, the steppe vegetation is here far more ample than on the Pamîrs. In consequence the Alai forms, or, until the Soviet régime, formed, a favourite summer grazing ground for very numerous camps of Kirghiz nomads.
33 For a summary of the topographical facts supporting this tracing of the route, see Innermost Asia, loc. cit.
94 I believe, ve may recognize some evidence of the location of the plain country' reported by Maës' agents in the distance which the passage of Ptolemy (I. xii. 8) undoubtedly on their authority indicates immediately before quoting the words of Marinus (v. p. 92): “When the traveller had ascended the ravine he arrives at the Stone Tower," etc. Ptolemy refers here to certain bends in Lue route after it has entered the mountainous country of the Komédoi and then states that "while (generally) advancing to the east it straight turns off to the south and thence probably takes a northerly turn for fifty schoene up to the Stone Tower."
I have already, in Innermost Asia, ii, p. 850, hinted at my belief that the point where the plain coun. try is left for the ravine has to be sought for near Ab-i-germ, a large village reached from Faizabad in the easternmost portion of the open Higâr tract, by one march along the caravan route leading to the main valley of Kara tegin. Now from Ab-i.garm this route, which from Faizabad has so far followed a northeasterly line across down-like country, turns sharply to the soth-east into a narrow valley in order to reach some four miles lower down the right bank of the Surkh-ab, which it thence ascende in a north-easteriy direction to Daraut-kurghan.
It is near Ab-i-garm that I believe we must place the point where the plain country' adjoins the ravine. For this Assumption there is support in the distance which is mentioned between this point and the Stone Tower. Measured on the French General Staff's 1: 1,000,000 map of Asia (File 40° N. 72o E) based on the Russian surveys the distance from Ab-i-garm to Daraut-kurghan is about 158 English milee. Accepting the equation of 30 stadia to the schoenos (ace VI. xi. 4) and reckoning the station at 6063 English feet or approximately one-eighth of an English mile, this brings us close enough to the measurement of circa 190 miles recorded by Maës' agents, if due allowance is made for the necessary excess of the marching distance in hilly country over the map distance.
I may add that the meaning of Ptolemy's passage in MoCrindle's translation is somewhat obscured by the too literal rendering of some of the words, unavoidable at a time when the configuration of the ground could not yet receive adequate attention. What must be regretted most is that Ptolemy hae not preserved for us throughout the actual text of bis predecessor,

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With its open ground and excellent grazing, the great Alai valley seems as if intended by nature to serve as a very convenient channel for traffic from east to west, such as the tradere bringing silk from the Târîm basin needed. Another important advantage was that, what with the cultivation at one time carried on above Daraut-kurghån in the west and still at present to be found at Irkesh-tam to the cast of the Taun-murun saddle, the distance on the Alai route over which shelter was not to be found scarcely exceeded 70 miles, or three casy marches on such ground.
The route remains open for eight or nine months in the year for laden animals, including camels. Even in the months of December to February when snow is deep, it would be practicable in the same way as is the trade route from Irkesh-tam across the Terek pass (12,700 feet above sea-level), provided there were enough traffic to tread a track through the snow. But such traffic between Kashgar and the Oxus region as was once served by this ancient silk route' no longer exists. The trade of the Târîm basin from Kashgar now proceeds towards Farghana, reaching the Russian railway at Andijân across the Terek pass, while what trade in sheep and cattle there comes up Kara-tegin from the hill tracts towards the Oxus is diverted at Daraut-kurghân towards. Marghilan and the railway. However during the months of May and early June, when the melting snow closes the Terek pass, the eastern end of the Alai secs some of the Kashgar trade to Farghana making its way across the Taun-murun to the easier Taldik pass over the Alai.
At Irkesh-tam, the present Russian frontier and Customs station, 35 we may safely locate the station at Mount Iinaus whence traders start on their journey to Séra,' as suggested long ago by Baron Richthofen. It is here that the Alai route is joined by another, much frequented in modern times and probably in antiquity also, which leads from fertile Fargbâna across the Terek pass to Kashgar. This location of the traders' station' at Irkesh-tam is strongly supported by Ptolemy's statements elsewhere, which place it due cast of the Stone Tower and at the north-eastern limits of the territory of the 'nomadic Sakai,' the Iranian predecessors of the present Kirghiz.
At the period to which the information recorded by Maës refers, direct Chinese control is not likely to have extended beyond the watershed between the Târîm basin and the Oxus. Thus Irkesh-tam, where some cultivation is possible at an elevation of about 8550 feet, would have offered a very convenient position for one of those frontier control stations which the Chinese administration has always been accustomed to maintain on the borders and which is still maintained here at present.
There is abundant evidence in Chinese and other early records that Kashgar was all through historical times the chief trade emporium on the most frequented road connecting Western Turkistán with China. But there those agents of Maös, the Macedonian trader, found themselves still very far away from the Metropolis of Sêra,' the Chinese capital of Han times, which then stood at Lo-yang in the province of Honan. In the light of my experience of caravan traffic in these regions of Asia the estimate of seven months' journey to the Sêra capital from the Stone Tower, which Maēs' plucky agents reported and which Ptolemy (I. xi. 4) doubted, could scarcely be thought much exaggerated.
85 Cr. Stoin Sand buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 495.

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RANDOM NOTES ON THE TRIVANDRUM PLAYS.
BY E. H. JOHNSTON, M.A.
I. The appearance of a complete translation of the thirteen plays, attributed to Bhasa by the lato MM. Ganapati Sastri, from the experienced hands of Professors Woolner and Sarup puts further research respecting these works on a secure basis. We are still hampered, it is true, by the lack of really critical editions of most of the plays, by our ignorance of the history of the manuscript tradition, and by insufficient information about the circumstances in which these and other plays continued to be acted till recent times. It would also be desirable to know what liberties this school of actors took with the text of other plays already known to us in standard recensions ; for this would give us some measure of the extent to which the originals may have been manipulated for these acting versions. Despite the deficiency of our knowledge on these points, I think it now possible to examine with profit some of the cruces which are still left unsolved by the translators, although it is hardly safe as yet to go very far with those places where the text seems to be corrupt. The following notes deal with certain passages which have a special interest for me. Inevitably I do not see eye to eye with the translators in them; for it would be waste of space to deal with the many difficulties in which I either would accept their solutions or am unable to improve on them. In the case of the majority of the plays there were no previous translations and the authors are to be congratulated on the general success of their enterprise ; difference of opinion on difficulties does not imply disparagement of their work.
My attitude to the dubious passages of the plays is necessarily determined to some extent by the conclusions I have come to on their authorship and date, and therefore I must deal briefly with these points. In my view the caso, as set out, for instance, by Professor F. W. Thomas in JRAS, 1928, 877 ff., makes it at least highly probable that the Svapnavdsavadatta is by Bhåsa, not preserved entirely indeed in the state in which it left his hands, but still essentially his work. But this is no proof that the remaining plays are by the same author. The arguments originally employed to sustain that assertion were based on the similarity of technique, the character of the Prakrit and the various verbal resemblances in the plays. The first two of these have been proved valueless by subsequent onquiry and the last seems to me equally inoonclusive. For the resemblances relate mainly to actors' gags and are to be found in plays undoubtedly not by Bhâsa; as an argument it suffers from the defect of ati-prasanga. We must investigate more fully the workmanship and language of the plays before asserting an identity of authorship which on the face of it seems hardly probable. The metrical usages of the plays have already been discussed with suggestive results in this journal (1931, 46 ff.) by R. V. Jahagirdar, and I prefer to make my approach by considering the handling of the dramatic problem, as exemplified in the SV.
All art consists in selection, and it is precisely in the nature of the facts which an author chooses for representation that his individuality becomes most apparent. When his attitude to his material has been determined correctly, it will be found that the same attitude persists in all his works, however varied the themes or stories of which he treats, subject of course to the development natural in an author whose working life is prolonged. This principle holds for Sanskrit literature as well as for any other, even though the canons of literary activity followed in India tend to the suppression, as far as possible, of the outward signs of a writer's individuality. But Nature is not to be denied and the signs are there, though we have to dig deeper to arrive at them.
I refer throughout to the texts printed in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, though in some cases later editions are preferable for use. It is much to be desired that new editions should number the sentences botween each vorse, so that references to one edition could be traced at once in any othee, I mention each play onco by its full name and thereafter by initials which will onsily be recognised.

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In the present case the strikingly original character of Bhasa's work and the exceptional position it occupies in the history of the Indian theatre have, so far as I know, never been adequately appreciated. For if we enquire what point of the story it was that excited Bhasn's mind and led him to creative effort, a remarkable feature of the play instantly obtrudes it. self upon us, and that is that from start to finish Vása vadatta is on the stage almost the whole time and that it is her feelings which the dramatist is forcing us to consider every moment. To this purpose all the other characters are subordinated. Udayana, who might engage our interest or sympathies to the detriment of the real object of the play, is kept off the stage till the fourth act, and even then only those aspects of his character and actions which affect Vása vadatta are presented to us. Of the others, we might, if we had no other knowledge of him, look on Yaugandharayana as a rather futile schemer; how differently he appears in the Pratijñdyaugandharayana ! The Viduşaka's rôle is important only as giving us some change from a contemplation of Vása vadattâ's feelings, which might otherwise become monotonous, and as bridging over the transitions from one climax to the next, ever an awkward point in the construction of plays; while Padmavati becomes a mere foil to Vasavadatta, to give higher relief to the latter's feelings. The same explanation holds good for another feature of the play, which puzzled me much on first reading it years ago, namely, the exiguous way in which the plot is set out in the first act. It was not so much that knowledge of the details of a well-known tale might be presumed in an Indian audience as that their narration W:: superfluous for the dramatist's purpose and was accordingly to be omitted. It is evident that the object of the play is to present the feelings of an ideal woman placed in a cruel situation and that anything which obscured that aim was to be omitted. And with what genius has Bhasa carried out his idea! Every touch in the play has its definite part in the general -scheme, which is never sacrificed as in most of the other works of this group for immediate scenic effect, the staginess' which is, for instance, so apparent in the commercial plays usually to be seen in the London theatres. Notice how admirably each scene enhances the strain on the heroine's feelings and initiates us into new possibilities of the situation, till ultimately the happy dénouement comes ; what a part for a subtle actress!
One scene, it is true, has been held to show defective technique, namely in the last act when Våsavadattâ comes on the stage without being recognised by the king. The objection taken to this by Professor A. B. Keith and the translators seems to me to be without sub
tance. In the first act of the play Vâsa vadattâ makes it plain that, as being separated from her husband, she must not appear before other men, and her conception of proper behaviour is emphasized again in later acts, whenever the conversation turns on Udayana. The exact nature of the arrangement by which she was screened from the king's view escapes our knowle ige now, but it would have been inconsistent with the previous passages for her to have suppeared unveiled at this point. The only weaknesses in the plot are the coincidences with which the play starts, the meeting with Padmavati and the arrival of the Brahman student, whose only raison d'etre is to tell us the heroine's previous history and to provide the opportunity for our first insight into her feelings. But these are not serious blemishes, just because they come at the beginning and are, as it were, the postulates on which the story is based. Thus they do not shock the spectator, as would be the case with similar coincidences occurring in the working out of the plot. A dramatist may draw heavily on our credulity, when setting out the situation of his characters, provided that he is then logical in developing the plot out of the conditions he has originally posited. This principle Bhasa had grasped.
This analysis makes it clear that to him the proper subject of a dramatic problem was the revelation of the various sides of a given character under the stress of emotions gradually heightened almost to breaking point. But we shall look in vain for any later play in Sanskrit which treats the display of a single character under the searchlight of the theatre is the real

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problem for solution. Compare for a moment Kalidasa's masterpiece with its not entirely dissimilar theme. While Sakuntalâ's feelings are an essential part of the story, our attention is not merely not exclusively directed to them, but the emotion is deliberately kept pitched in a low key so as not to disturb the general tone of the play. The resulting pattern is much richer than that attained by Bhasa and more in accord with the conditions of the Indian theatre, in which, as has happened elsewhere, close association with sophisticated courts brought as consequences the demand for a happy ending and for æsthetic entertainment in place of emotional excitement. Bhâsa's methods however shonld lead in the natural course to attempts to probe the deepest recesses of passion or to explore the ultimates of human character and conduct, as the greatest of European tragedians set themselves to do. And in plays of that type, while we should be left at the close with a feeling of peace after storm, the conventional happy ending is an anti-climax, which jars on a sensitive audience. It is because the rules of the day forced such an ending on the SV that after the beautiful handling of the theme in the earlier acts we come to earth with a bump in the summary dénouement of the last act. His successors were therefore wise, given the conditions under which they worked, not to push further along the road he had opened, but to devote themselves to the exploitation of another aspect of his work. For in my view he is the first Sanskrit author, to whom the exact preservation of values,' if I may use a term of modern painting, is the essential of good drama and good writing. This is the quality denoted by rasa in its original meaning before the pedantry of the rhetoricians degraded it, and I shall have more to say about this in comparing the dialogue of the SV with that of the Daridracârudatta, but in this point he is the forerunner of Kalidasa, who is as supreme among poets for his handling of values, as Velasquez or Vermeer among painters.
The inference I draw from this line of reasoning is that no play can safely be attributed to Bhâsa, which does not show the same attitude to the theatre. One play undoubtedly does show it, namely the PY, and for this reason I would give it to him. In fact almost every scholar, whatever his opinion about the authorship of the plays as a whole, holds that these two plays are by the same hand. In the PY the problem is to present the character of an ideal minister in all its facets, his foresight and fertility of resource, his loyalty, his bravery and steadfastness. From this point of view it is at once apparent that Act ii, whose genuineness is doubtod by Professor Woolner, is a later interpolation, if only because it distracts our attention for too long from the real subject of the play. Very properly neither Udayana nor Mahasena are brought on the stage in the genuine parts of the play, because their superior social status would obscure Yaugandharayana's position as hero. Even after removing this obstruction to our enjoyment, the play is not entirely successful. The first act, for instance, is too lacking in dramatic effect with its long drawn out tale of Udayana's capture. Yet even this has its point. For while it would have been easy to present the story on the stage in a form which would have been far more thrilling to the audience, the point to which Bhasa wishes to direct our attention is not the capture of the king but the minister's reaction to it; it is his character alone which is to concern us. The translators object similarly to the lack of action in the last act.
These criticisms really amount to this, that the author has failed to observe the conditions of the stage in the solution of his problem. For the theatre demands that a play, which is not a poetio drama designed for the reader instead of the spectator, should enforce its point on us, whatever it may be, whether the development of a character, of a story, or of emotion, by purely dramatic methods, that is by means of action, situation and dialogue, and not by mere desoription of action and feelings, and there is too much of these last in the PY. I would go further and say that the play's failure is due in the last resort to faulty choice of subject. The theme is the minister's character, not his emotions under stress, but Bhâsa's gifts were not adapted to this. For as a dramatist he is at his best in situations which demand

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the subtle representation of emotion in a romantic setting, since nature endowed him with a genuine and delicate, if somewhat slight, lyrical talent, a capacity for intensely dramatic dialogue and a subtle sense of humour. Two instances of the latter I explain below, but many allusions and hits, which would have been apparent enough to the audience of his day, are veiled for us by our ignorance of contemporary literature. In these last two aspects of his genius I doubt if he is surpassed by any other Sanskrit playwright, not even by Kalidasa himself. But in the first point he did not fully exploit the possibilities of the use of verse on the stage. For the spectator is also an auditor, and nicely calculated verbal music by its capacity for expressing emotional tension is able to bring home to him the full bearing of the situation.
One curious detail, dealt with below, separates these two plays from the remainder, namely that in them alone are to be found definite allusions to the works of Asvaghoşa. There are a few passages in the other plays which bear some resemblance to passages in the Buddhist poet, but they are not of a nature which enables it to be said that the resemblance is anything but fortuitous.
Of the remaining plays the excellence of the DC has always been recognised, but I fail to see how it can possibly be by the same hand as the SV and PY. The author has an admirable melodramatic talent, and the centre of gravity lies in the story, not in the delineation of character or of shades of emotion. While his story-telling is good, his command of the details of dramatic technique is weak, and, as shown by Dr. Morgenstierne, a good part of Sadraka's work in taking over the play lay in smoothing out the minor discrepancies and improbabilities. Bhasa shows no such crudities in his plays. The verse of the play is competent, sometimes good, but of stronger, coarser, texture than that of Bhâsa's delicate muse; the occasional clumsinesses may be due, in some cases at least, to a faulty text tradition. As compared with the SV and PY, the dialogue is crisper, wittier, more idiomatic, with sharp. er outlines, the conversation of a cultured gosthi refined to a high degree. But it throws its light only on the exterior facets of life, explaining the immediate action of the stage, but not the hidden life behind. Bhâsa eschews a vivid presentation of the outer scene in order to let us see, reflected as it were in the mirror of their words, the emotions that move his persong. The hard, bright forms that bring the story of the DC to life would ruin the delicate tone-scheme of the SV, whose shimmering talk with its careful attention to values transports us to a world where the outer accidents of life seem but shadows, the inner life the reality. And thus each figure in the latter, generalised though it be to the point of blurring the indivi. dual traits, stands out before us like a statue in the round, whereas the DC is a bas-relief, animated and exciting, but essentially flat in pattern. It is not surprising therefore that its dialogue contains far more difficulties than those of the other two plays, and in detail of style and language it seems to me to belong to a slightly later period. It may be noted as a curiosity that these three works are fond of the construction with kamam (8V once, PY twice, DC three times, as against twice all told in the remaining ten plays).
If I cannot see the hand of Bhasa in the DC, still less can I see it in the remainder, which dramatically stand on a much lower level and linguistically seem to belong to a substantially later period. It is significant of earlier Indian opinion of their value that, while there is definite evidence connecting Bhasa with the SV, and while the PY and the DC are known to the dramatic theorists, we have no allusion to any of the other plays and only one or two of their verses are quoted in the anthologies. For language I may note that these plays are decidedly fond of using the idiom by which a verb meaning 'go' governs an abstract noun in ota to indicate the assumption of a state or likeness; this idiom is not to be found in the first three plays or in the earliest kdvya generally. To take one play, the Avimdraka, I would refer to the addiction of its author for the verb mandibha (four times), not found in the other plays. It seems to be an attempt to imitate the DC in its method, but the author

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MISCELLANEA
is utterly incompetent to handle dramatically a story which in itself has possibilities. The latest of all seems to be the Abhisekanataka, whose inferiority is recognised by the translators. The use of a word such as bhaganesa, 'gun' (vi, 6), is sufficient to prove the lateness of the author, who also uses srasta twice (i, 9, and 16) in the curious sense of sunken' eyes, a usage only known to medical literature according to the PW. The Pratimanáțaka is perhaps the best of them, at any rate in parts, but the famous statue scene is hardly well carried through, and its intrusion into the play is dramatically a mistake, as interrupting the story and distracting our interest from the leading characters, just when we ought to be concentrating on them. In general the low standard of workmanship of these plays is painfully apparent, if we compare them with, say, the Mattavildaa or the four bhånas published under the name of Caturbhani, to take only works of the second rank. It is to my mind one of the curiosities of literary criticism that ten plays, so deficient in dramatic properties and so lacking in distinction of language, should have been confidently attributed to a master of style and of the theatre, such as the SV shows Bh&sa to have been. Though differences of language and technique suggest that several hands are responsible for them, it would be of little interest to discuss among how many authors they should be distributed.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
V.
VI.
AN ARCHÆOLOGICAL ATLAS OF GREATER INDIA.
The Kern Institute has undertaken the publice tion of an Archäological Atlas of Greater India (India proper, Ceylon, Further India and Indonesia). A preliminary list of the maps which the proposed Atlas is to contain will be found sub. joined to this notice, but the editors wish it to be understood that this list is by no means final but can be enlarged or modified. Any suggestion made with regard to the proposed scheme will receive careful consideration,
It is the intention of the editors to restrict them. selves to ancient, i.e., pre-Muhammadan, India. The information embodied in the maps will be chiefly topographical, the ancient names (Sanskrit or Sanskritized) of towns, villages, districts, rivers, etc., being printod in red letters under the modern names.
It will be the endeavour of the editors to collect and utilize all available data regarding the ancient topography found in Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit literature and inscriptions. There can be little doubt that there are still many passagen hidden away in that huge literature which will throw light on the position of a certain locality and which hitherto have escaped notice. The task of collecting such passages cannot, however, be accomplished without the co-operation of many scholars.
The 'editors, therefore, appeal to the scholars of Great Britain and India to lend them their valuable assistance in this matter. This assistance can best be rendered by the communication of any passage of geographical interest, which will be the more
valuable if taken from some little-known or unpub. lished text. It goes without saying that informetion derived from other sources (Greek, Chinese, Tibetan, etc.) will be equally welcome.
N. J. KROM, PR.D.
J. Ph. VOGEL., PH.D. The Editors: F. C. WIEDER, PH.D.
CAP. J. J. MULDER, Cartographer.
(A. ZIESENISS, PH.D., Secretary. (Address : Kern Institute, Leiden, Holland.)
LIST OF MAPS. Asia (spread of Buddhism and
Hinduism ; routes of the most im
portant Chinese pilgrims). II-IV. India proper.
India proper according to Ptolemy. Special maps of India proper (the
campaign of Alexander the Great ; the empire of Asoks; the empire
of the Guptas).
Kashmir. VIII.
The Western Himalaya.
Gandhara (and Afghanistan). X.
Ceylon. XI.
Ceylon according to Ptolemy. XII.
Further India. ΧΙΙΙ. Further Indis according to Ptolemy. XIV. Kambodia. XV. Champa.
Indonesia. | XVII-XIX. Java. XX. Sumatra : (a) West coast of Sumatra
incl. Tapanoeli; (6) Palembang and
Djambi. XXI.
Bali.
IX.
XVI.

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BOOK-NOTICE. HINDU ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS IN SOUTH best, and in the fulleat working order, chiefly owing
INDIA, by Rao Bahadur S. K. Aiyangar, M.A., to the fulness of information available for the parti. Ph.D. Published by the Madras University. cular period. This work constitutes the course of Sir William
The next lecture gives in outline the system in Meyer lectures for the year 1929-30 delivered to the
working order under the Cholas. It is there exhi. University of Madras by Professor S. Krishnaswami
bited as a fully developed system of local government Aiyangar. They constitute a course of six lectures,
subject to the control, as it would seen the mini. the object of which is to examine the gradual process
mum control, of the provincial governors, the cen. of the origin and growth of the administrative
tral government interfering effectively generally institutions under Hindu rule in South India. That
only on appeal. The information is all collected the administrative institutions of this country have
from the large number of inscriptions scattered A character of their own, notwithstanding & cons. through the Tamil country containing various of derable similarity of principle between these and
these details. In a number of instances these seem those of northern India has already been made
to be brought together in official communications of clear by the same writer years ago. In this course, din
se, different kinds, and when these are in actual use, he makes a more systematic examination and
they supply us with extracts from the elaborate utilises the information which has become available
registers and official records maintained by the since then and leads to a more or less complete
government. These exhibit the system as it ob study of the subject.
tained under the Chola empire; the whole practical Starting from the established fact that South
administration was in the hands of rural commun. India, India south of the Krishna, constituted in
ties consisting either of large single villages, or of many particulars a separate and distinct division
unions of villages constituting groups. These took of India, the lecturer proceeds by a careful exami.
cognisance of practically all departments of civil nation of Early Tamil literature to discover the
administration, revenue, judicial, irrigation, D.P.W., rudiments of these institutions in early Tamil India.
etc., and were actually managed by committees While he collects together and explains the scattered
elected by the inhabitants of villages under rocogreferences to these, and hints at some of those that
nised rules of franchise and procedure. An import have become more prominent later, he subjects
ant appendix to this section gives the text and these to an examination in the light of one section
translation of a circular issued pretty early in the of the great clasio, Kural, which devotes itselt to period under the xrent ruler Parantaka I. These the second of the four ends of existence, namely
communities and committees exercised extensive wealth. This book, by far the largest, constituting
powers, and from the material presentod, it seems the second of the three large sections of the Kural,
clear that these bodies discharged their responsibi. constitutes by itself an Arthandstra comparable to litiey very satisfactorily on the whole. that of Kautilya, though much closer in point of its
Having given a picture of the administration at attitude to society than the political chapters of the
its best, the next lecture exhibits the condition of Dharmasdetras generally.
this administration through the period of confusion These two topics provide the necessary back
following the Muhammadan invasions and the singleground from which to proceed. There is then an
minded struggle to keep that part of the country examination of the references to administrativo
free from Muhammadan domination. The admnini. institutions in the few Pallava inscriptions that
stration of the various parts constituting the Vijaya. have been brought to notice, followed by another
nagar empire from the middle of the fourteenth chapter on the records of the age of the Great
century to the middle of the eightoenth shows & Pallaves, where these institutions show A greater
successful effort at reparation, and conservation of development, and the information available also
the system as it obtained in the previous age. becomes more full. The inscriptional material
The course of lectures, on the whole, gives us a Available is analysed, commented upon and dis
well-documented picture of the administration an it cussed to make the details more intelligible than
actually obtained, and gives us an ideu, a much they are as they are found in the published inscrip
fuller idea than any we have hitherto had, of a tions of the department of Epigraphy. In the age
system of Indian administration. In the conclud. of the Pallavas, extending from 300 to 900, these
ing pages attention is drawn to efforts at rural re. show a greater development, and a more extensivo
construction in modern times, what the ultimate growth in the Tamil country. When, therefore, we
aims of such rural reconstruction are intended to be, pass from out of the Pallava dominanco into the
And how far the system of rural administration as period of the Chola ascendency, we are already pro
it obtained under Hindu rulo comes up to the ideals vided with a set of institutions fairly complete and
of modern administrative reform. It is an illuminat. self-sufficient. Though these received their com
ing course of lectures quite worthy of the author plete developinent under the Chola empire extending from, or a little before, 900 to 1350, it is under the
and the founder of the endowment. Cholas that these institutions are seen at their
D. R. BHANDARKAR.

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HISTORICAL DATA IN PADMAGUPTA'S NAVASAHASANKACARITA. By Pror. V. V. MIRASHI, M.a., HEAD OF THE SANSKRIT DEPARTMENT, NAGPUR UNIVERSITY.
TAE Navasáha sánkacarita of Padmagupta, alias Parimala, is one of the few important kavyas in Sanskrit literaturo. Soon after its discovery Messrs. Zachariæ and Biihler wrote a descriptive and critical account of it in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Imp. Academy of Sciences (1888), which was translated into English and published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XXXVI (1907). The work has been edited by Pandit V. 8. Islampurkar in the Bombay Sanskrit Series (1895). It is now well known that its author, Padmagupta, was a court poet, first of Vakpati Muñja and then of his successor, Sindhuraja, the father of the illustrious Bhoja of Dhårå. Soon after its composition ite literary merits were recognised by ancient critice, and it has been drawn upon for illustrations of figures, etc., by writers on dramaturgy and rhetoric from Dhananjaya (eleventh century) downwards. Apart from its literary merits, its importance for contemporary history cannot be over-estimated, for it is one of the few kavyas in Sanskrit literature, the authors of which have given a poetio account of the events in the lives of their patrons. The direct references to historical events contained in it were collected by Dr. Bühlor in the article above referred to: “A number of princes and peoples, whom Sindhurâja is said to have conquered, are presented in X, 14-20. Among the names mentioned are found a prince of the Hôņas of the same race as he, with whom Siyaka waged war, and a prince of the Kosalas. Further is mentioned the subjection of the inhabitants of Vagada, of the eastern part of the province of Kacch, of Lata, middle and central Guja. rât, and the Muralas, of a people in Southern India, that is perhape identical with the Keralas, the inhabitants of Malabar. The word of an Indian court poet, when he speaks of his lord's victories, must not be put in golden scales. Every Indian hero must have made his dig. vijayaydtra, his march to the conquest of the world.'"1 This last remark of Dr. Bühler has been falsified in several instances by recent historical researches. Indian poets may have been fond of exaggeration but we should not brush aside their account as untrustworthy, unless it is disproved or rendered unlikely by other, incontrovertible evidence. Unfortunately no inscriptional records of the reign of Sindhuraja have yet been discovered, but from what we know of the reigns of his predecessors and successors, his wars referred to by Padmagupta do not seem to be improbable. We know, for instance, that both Siyakaand Muñja3 had waged wars on a Hûna king, and that the grandfather of Bhaskara, who engraved the Sanskrit dramas at Ajmer in the twelfth century, was born in a family of Hûna princes and was a favourite of King Bhoja.. The Hûna princes defeated by the Paramára and Kalacuri kings must have been reigning in some part of Central India. We know, again, that Bhoja's authority was acknowledged in Lata till 1086 A.D. at least. As a matter of fact, Dr. Bühler also has acknowledged that "the expeditions against the Hana, against Vågad, which belonged to the kingdom of the CAlukya of Aphilved, and against Lata where ruled the dynasty of Barapa, ...... were not at all unlikely." The same can also be said of the wars against the Muralas and Komalas. As I have shown olsewhere,& Murala need not be identified with Kerala, but must be placed in the northern part of the Nizâm's Dominions. The king of Kosala defeated by Sindhurája must have been one of the Gupta or the Sarabhapur dynasty that ruled at Sripur in the Contral Provinces.
To the above list of kings and peoples vanquished by Sindhuraja we might add the kings of Kuntala and Aparantaka or Konkana. Sindhurdja's victories over them have not
11.A., XXXVI, p. 171. 1 The Udepur Prasast of the kings of Malwa, E.I., I, p. 228. 3 Kauthern Plates of Vikram Aditya V, 1.A., XVI, p. 18 f. 4 1.A., XX, p. 201.
Proovedings of the Poona Oriental Conference-Tilakwada Platos. 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, XI, p. 369.

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been noticed by Dr. Bühler. Padmagupta thus describes the former event?:- "Who (Sindhurâja) with his sword red with missiles took back his kingdom (svardjya) which was occupied by the lord of Kuntala, who had overrun all directions, just as the sun, whose har. binger is Aruna, assumes possession of the day that was before enveloped in dense darkness spread in all directions." The use of the word antarita (occupied) in connection with svardjya (kingdom) shows that the lord of Kuntala had annexed some portion of the Paramára king. dom, and that Sindhurája won it back. Kuntala is well known as the name of the Southern Maratha Country, which was then ruled over by the Later Calukyas.8 Tailapa, the founder of this dynasty, had defeated, imprisoned and afterwards beheaded Sindhurâja's elder bro. ther and predecessor, Vâkpati Muñja. Tailapа seems to have next annexed the southern portion of the Paramâra kingdom, which we learn from Merutunga's account, extended as far as the Godavari.9 Padmagupta is naturally silent about these reverses sustained by his former patron whom he held in great veneration ; but we need not, on that account, doubt the veracity of his statement that Sindhurâja won the territory back soon after his accession. Tailapa died soon after Muñja, in 997 A.D., and his son Satyasraya, though a worthy successor of his father, found himself soon involved in a protracted struggle with the Cola king, Rajaraja the Great. It was only in 1007-1008 A.D. when Satyasraya inflicted a crushing defeat on the Coļas, that the danger of Coļa invasion disappeared. During these troublous times, when Satyasraya's attention was directed to the south, Sindhuraja must have recovered the territory lost by his predocessor, Vakpati Muñja. The Kalvan plates of Yasovarman 10 show that Paraméra supremacy was acknowledged in the Svetapada country (the northern part of the Násik district) in the time of Sindhuraja's son and successor Bhoja.
Sindhurdja's victory in Aparânta or Konkanall is also very important for understanding the events described in the Navasáhasánkacarita. The Silâhâras of North Konkaņa were for a long time the feudatories of the Rantrakūtas. They do not seem to have readily submitted to the later Calukyas, after the overthrow of the Råetrakůtas, for the plates12 of Aparajitadeva dated Saka 915 and 919, though he calls himself Mahasamanta therein, give the genealogy of the Rastrakûtas, and not of the later Cálukyas, and contain expressions of regret for the overthrow of his former suzerains. After 997 A.D. he may have submitted to Satyasraya, for we learn from the work of the Kanarese poet Ranna that Tailapa's son, Satyasraya, "routed the lord of Konkana and extended his kingdom as far as the sea." When Aparajita fled and entered the sea he desisted from slaying him. Hemmed in by the ocean on one side and the sea of Satyasraya's army on the other, Aparaditya trembled like an insect on a stick both the ends of which are on fire. Satyaéraya burnt Ambunagara in Aparaditya's country and received twenty-one elephants from him.13 Aparaditya seems to have died soon after. He had two sons-Arikesarin, alias Kesideva, and Vajjada. From the Bhandup plates of Chittarkja, we learn that the latter, though younger, succeeded to the throne, super. ceding the claims of Arikesarin.16 It seems that Arikesarin called in the aid of Sindhurâja to gain the throne of which he was the rightful claimant. Sindhuraja's invasion of Aparanta must, evidently, have been directed against Vajjada, to place his elder brother on the throne of northern Konkaņa. No inscriptions of Vajjada have come down to us. His father, Aparaditya, was on the throne in 997 A.D. If the above reconstruction of the history of Konkana १ आक्रान्तदिङ्मण्डलकुन्तलेन्द्रसान्द्रान्धकारान्तरितं रणे यः। स्वराज्यमलारुणमण्डलायो गृहीतवान् दीधितिमानिवाहः॥
Hihafta 1, 74. * E.I., XII, p. 144 f.
Smith-Early History of India, 3rd Edition, p. 395. 10 E.I., vol. XIX. 11 Natasáhasan kacarita X, 19. 1. C. V. Vaidya--History of Mediaval Hindu India, vol. II, App. VI; E.I., III, p. 271. 13 L.A., XL, p. 41. I afera TISTA: stafa E.I., XII, p. 262.

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--
is correct, Arikesarin must have gained the throne in the first decade of the eleventh century. Vajjada could, therefore, have reigned only for a short time. We know that Arikesarin continued on the throne till 1017 A.D. at least, for the Thana plates, in which he calls himself the lord of the whole of Konkana, were issued in that year. We shall see later on that he sent a large army under his son to help Sindhurâja, evidently out of gratitude for the help he had received from him.
After disposing of the direct references to Sindhurâja's victories, let us turn to the story of the Naveedhasárikacarita.
Sindhurája, while hunting on the slopes of the Vindhya mountains sees and falls in love with Sagiprabha, also called Asuga, a daughter of the snake king Sankhapala. She has for her friends Patala, the snake princess, Mâlyavati, the daughter of a siddha, and Kalâvati, the daughter of a king of Kinnaras. Sasiprabha, after her meeting with the king, is carried away by invisible snakes to Bhogavati in the nether world. The king flings himself into the stream of the Narmada to follow her, and on the other side reaches a golden palace. The river goddess Narmada receives him hospitably, and tells him how he should win Sasiprabha. When she was born, it was predicted that she would become the wife of a ruler of the middle world and bring about the death of Vajrånkuša, a mighty enemy of the snakes. Her father laid down the following condition for her marriage, viz., that her suitor should bring the lotus with golden flowers which grows in the pleasure garden of Vajrankusa. Narmada tells Sindhurâja that at a distance of fifty gavyitis lies the town of Ratnavati built by Maya, the architect of the Asuras, where reigns Vajránkusa, the prince of demons. Finally Narmada prophesies that the king will meet the sage Varku on his way to Ratnavati. He then sends a message to Sasiprabha by Ratnacüda, a snake youth who had been cursed by a sage to become a parrot, but was released from that state by Sindhurája. Then the king accompanied by his minister Yaśobhata, also called Ramångada, starts for Ratnavati. On the way they reach the grove of the sage Vanku. There they converse with the sage and meet Sasikhanda, the son of Sikhandaketu, a king of the Vidyadharas, who had been transformed into a monkey, but regained his original form by the favour of Sindhurája. In gratefulness Sasik handa brought his troops to help the king in his 'expedition. The king then proceeds, sees a wood and then the Trimârgga (Janga). He also meets an army led by Ratnachda. The allied armies surround the town Ratnavati. A battle is fought. Ramangada, the minister of Sindhurâja, kills Visvankuśa, the son of Vajránkuśa. The king himself kills Vajränkuśa. The town Ratnavati is stormed and taken. The snake youth Ratnacûda is made Governor of the kingdom of the Asura king. The king takes possession of the golden lotus flowers and proceeds towards Bhogavati. He presents the golden flowers to Sasiprabha and marries her. Sankhapala makes the king a present of the crystal Sivaliriga made by Tvashtsi. The king returns to Ujjaini, and then to Dhårå, where he establishes the crystal Sivalinga.
The brief analysis of the poem given above will show that Padmagupta has chosen to follow the method of Rajasekhara 15 in describing some incidents in the career of his patron in a romantic and miraculous way, rather than that of Bana, who presents the life of his hero in a more direct, though poetically embellished manner. Padmagupta is not the only foilower of Rajasekhara's method. Soddhala, the author of the Udayasundari Katha and Bilhana, who composed the Vikramarkadevacarita, have followed it in their respective works. As Dr. Bühler has remarked, "the story from the personal history of Sindhurája, which represents the true object of Padmagupta's work, is unfortunately surrounded with so thick a mythological covering that it is impossible, without the help of accounts containing only sober facte to give particular details with certainty."16 If we read between the lines
15 See his Karpuramañjari and Viddhaddlabhanjikd. 16 L.A., XXXVI, p. 171.

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however, certain historical facts stand out with prominence. The poem is evidently intended to celebrate Sindhurdja's victory over Vajrâñkusa, in which he was aided by a Vidyadhara prince and a Naga chieftain, and his matrimonial alliance with the latter. As Dr. Bühler surmised, "the Naga princess Sasiprabhå was not a snake goddess, but the daughter of a king or chief from the far spread race of Naga Kshatriyas."11 To this we might add that the Vidyadhara prince also is not a semi-divine being. He is evidently a Silahara king; for the Silâhâras trace their descent from Jimûtavahana, the mythical prince of the Vidyadharas. 18 Vajránkusa again is not a prince of demons, but a chief of aborigines, perhaps Gonds, whose capital, Ratnavati, must be looked for in the hilly regions not far from the Narmada, for we have a valuable hint for its location in the speech of the river goddess that it lay at a distance of fifty gavyúlis or 100 krosas, i.e., 150 to 200 English miles, from the place where Sindhuraja crossed the river. 19 After conjecturing the snake princess to be the daugh. ter of a Naga king of Rajpûtânâ or Central India, Bühler remarked "To venture further on this point is not advisable while we have no assistance from inscriptions."'20 I will now try to identify these kings from inscriptional evidence. From the direct references to Sindhurâja's victories in the Navasáhasánkacarita, which have been discussed above at the beginning of this article it is clear that this campaign of Sindhuraja must be placed late in his reign, probably towards the end of the first decade of the eleventh century; for he is described in this work as having already vanquished the kings of Kuntala, Kacch, Lata, Aparanta and Kosala, as well as a Hûna prince. The poet's description that he had to cross the Narmada on the way, shows that the country of Vajránkusa lay to the south of that river. Similarly the city Bhogavati of the snake king must be looked for in Patala, i.e., to the south of Malwa. We cannot, therefore, agree with Dr. Bühler who thought that he must be a chief of Rajputânå or Central India. Besides there is no mention of Naga chiefs in those regions in the records of the eleventh century, while we know from inscriptions that Naga princes were then reigning in two regions in the Central Provinces, viz., the Kawardha and Bastar States. From the Bora mdeo temple inscription" we learn that Gopaladeva was ruling in the region now known as the Kawardha State in 1088 A.D. Rai Bahadur Hiralal identifies him with the sixth ruler Gopaladeva of the Phaņi- or Någavamsa mentioned in the Mandava Mahal inscription at Chaurå.22 Sankhapala, the father of Sasiprabhâ, may have been meant to represent one of the ancestors of Gopaladeva. It is likely that he bore a name ending in pala, as we find several such names of the descendants of Gopåladeva recorded in the Mandava Mahal inscription. We know that Sanskrit poets were in the habit of coining names bearing some resemblance to those of their contemporaries who figure in their works.23 Besides the short distance of the Kawardha state from the slopes of the Vindhya Mountain, where Saśiprabhå had gone for sport, would make this hypothesis quite plausible. There are, however, some other considerations against this identification. No inscriptions of the ancestors of Gopaladeva have yet been discovered, and it is not known if any of them was powerful enough to make the matrimonial alliance with him advantageous to Sindhurâja from the political or strategic point of view. We know from the Navasálasdi kacarita that Sindhurâja had already overrun Kosala, which must be identified with Chattisgadh of modern times. Besides, Gopaladeva uses the Kalacuri era in his inscription, and it is likely that his ancestors
17 Ibid., p. 172. 18 Cf. The Bhandup Plates of Chhittarajadeva, E.I., XII, p. 250. 19 satisfa c t it maafa alifafafar far a a ataforvaa 11 LX, bl. 20 L.A., XXXVI, p. 172. 21 R. B. Hiralal, List of inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, 2nd ed., p. 174. 23 Ibid., p. 174.
28 See my article on Yuvarajadeva I of Tripuri' (Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, XI, p. 370), where Jhave shown that the charactors Bhågurdyapa and Virapala in the Viddhaddlabhaid are intended to represent Bhakomitra and Bappuga, known from Kolacuri and Råetrakta jnecriptions.

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also were subordinate to the Kalacuris of Tummâna. They are not, therefore, likely to have allied themselves with Sindhuraja against their lord, the contemporary Kalacuri king of Tummana, who, as we shall see below, was on the side of his enemy. Lastly they do not, 80 far as I know, call themselves lords of Bhogavati, the capital of the Naga king, to which Sasiprabhå was led by Nagas after her meeting with Sindhurâja. These considerations make the other hypothesis of the identification of Sankhapala with the ruler of Cakrakotya seem probable.
We know that the princes of Cakrakotya call themselves Nagavamsis and lords of Bhogavatî.25 This dynasty produced some powerful kings towards the end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century. Their capital, Cakrakûţa or Cakrakotya, often figures in inscriptions, which shows the strategic importance of that territory. The Vikramarkadericarita of Bilhana 20 states, for instance, that his hero Vikramaditya VI went to Cakrakůta and Kalinganagara, evidently to form a triple alliance with the kings of those countries to thwart the ambitious schemes of the contemporary Cola king, Virarajendra.27 What was the object of Sindhuraja in forming the matrimonial alliance recorded in the Navasáhaadikacarita? We have seen that soon after his accession Sindhuraja found a favourable opportunity to regain the lost territory from the contemporary Calukya king. In 1008 A.D. Satyasrava died. His successors, Daśavarman, Vikramaditya V and Ayyana, who reigned for a short period of seven years (from 1009 to 1015 A.D.) do not seem to have been sufficiently powerful. There was thus no danger of the Paramkra kingdom being invaded by the Câlukyas. But the weakness of the Calukya kings had added to the strength of Råjarâja the Great and his ambitious successor, Rajendracholadeva I. It was probably to check the onward march of the Cola king that Sindhuraja with commendable foresight entered into the matrimonial alliance with the king of Cakrakotya.28
That alliance must have benefitted the other party also. One of its objects has been explicitly stated in the poem, viz., the subjugation of Vajrånkuša. The demon-king must be none other than Vajjûka29 (also called Vajuvarman in one record 30), the lord of Komo Mandala. We know from the Ratanpur inscription of Jâjalladeva I (1114 A.D.) that Vajjúka wave his daughter, Nonalla, to Ratnadeva. 29 The marriage alliance must have made Ratnadeva very powerful, as is suggested by a passage in the above inscription.31 Hence we find this lady's name mentioned in the records of Ratnadeva's successors, 32 much in the same way as the name of Kumaradevi is mentioned in Gupta inscriptions. Vajjûka was, therefore, a contemporary of Ratnadeva's father Kamalar&ja, who contributed to the prosperity of Gangeyadeva, as described in the Amoda plates of the Haihaya king Prithviraja.33 Vajjaka was thus a junior contemporary of Sindhurâja, as we know that Bhoja and Gångeyadeva flourished in the same period. 34 The Någavamsi kings of Cakrakotya were often at war
2* Cakrakotya has been satisfactorily identified by R. B. Hiralal with the central portion of the Bastar Stato. See Inst of C. P. Inscriptions, p. 150.
35 Ibid., p. 148. 26 Vikramdåkaderacarita, IV, 30. 27 1.A., XLVIII, pp. 144-3.
28 This king must be identified with Nripatibhushana, whose inseription is dated 1023 A.D. See Erra. kot Telugu inscription at Jagdalpur (List of C. P. Inscriptions, 2nd ed., p. 166.)
29 THUS THA T yar gal THE TRICa ufuffen 242221 II E.I., 1, p. 22. 30 a TR F4 ft ITHTHUSGARTEN G UT: Il Amoda plates of Prithvideva
I, E.I., XIX, p. 79. 31 Note alia fuftent 32 Cf. Amoda Plates of Jajalladeva II, E.I., XIX, p. 209.
33 metafora Taifa : I translate this line as above, differing from the Editor of the Amoda Pletes. See E.1., XIX, p. 76.
31 Gangoyadeva was defeated by Bboja. See Dhar Prasasti of Arjunavarroa deva, E.)., VIII, p. 08.

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with the Kalacuris of Ratanpur. We know, for instance, that Jâjalladeva I of Ratanpur35 and Someśvara of Cakrakotya 36 claim victory over each other. It is, therefore, likely that at this period also the ruling princes of the two dynasties were on inimical terms and, therefore, the Någa chief sought the aid of Sindhuraja against Kamalarâ ja and his ally Vajjúka of tho Komo Mandala.
The identification of Vajjûka with Vajránkusa is rendered probable by the mention of the hermitage of the sage Vanku, which lay on the way to Ratnavatî, the capital of Vaj. ránkusa. Dr. Bühlert proposed to connect the name Varku of the sage with the geographical name Vanku of the Nagpur prasasti, verse 54. The two have no connection whatever, for Vankshu (as read by Kielhorn) mentioned in that verse of the prasasti is the name of a river of the north, on the banks of which, softened with filaments of saffron, the king of the Kîra country is said to have been taught to sing the praises of the Paramara king Lakşmaņadeva,38 while the hermitage of the sage Vanku was situated, as we have seen, to the south of the Narmada. It is noteworthy that the late Prof. Kielhorn, who has edited the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica, followed Lassen in reading Vankshu, and not Vanku as proposed by Dr. Bühler. I connect the name of the sage with that of the god Vankesvara, whose temple was erected in Tummâņa before the time of Ratnadeva.39 Knowing, as we do, that the names of deities are often derived from those of the individuals who erect temples in their honour, 40 it is easy to conjecture that the temple of Vankeśvara may have been erected by some one named Vanku, and he may well have been a sage as stated in the Navasáhosánkacarita. We can at least infer that the idea of locating the hermit. age of a sage named Vanku must have suggested itself to the poet when he heard of the temple of Vankeśvara in Tummana. This temple was so well-known that Tummana, where it was situated, is called in one record Vanko-Tummana.1
We know that a son of Kokkalla I of Tripuri founded a kingdom in Tummaņa. From a remark in a charter of Jajalladeva I it appears that his descendants had to desert it after some time. It appears that towards the close of the tenth century Kalingaraja, a scion of the same dynasty, again occupied Tummâna and made it his capital. The place was, therefore, a flourishing one in the time of Sindhurája, and it is not surprising that the latter occupied it before marching on Ratnavati, the capital of Vajránkusa, which must have been situated not far from it. The close similarity between the names Ratnavati and modern Ratanpur in Chattisgadh, tempts one to identify the two. From the records of the Kala. curis of Ratanpur we know, however, that Ratanpur was founded by Ratnadeva or Ratnaraja," the son-in-law of Vajjúka, and if this statement is correct it could not have been in existence at this period. Beglar" has recorded a tradition current in Ratanpur that the place was, in ancient times, called Manipura, which is mentioned in the Mahabharata as the capital of a Näga king by whose daughter, Chitrangada, Arjuna had a brave son named Babhruv hana. 45 As our poet has slightly changed the names of persons and places figuring
35 See Ratanpur Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva, E.I., I, p. 32. 38 E.I., X, pp. 25 f. 37 1.A., XLVIII, p. 172. 3 Nagpur Prasasti, E.I., II, p. 182. 30 Cr. श्रीवकेशसुरालयप्रभृतयो रत्नेश्वरायास्तथा। यत्रोबानमसरव्यपुष्पसुफलं चारूच्चमानं वनम् । रत्नेशेन ससौधसयनिचि
473 freeHT: f r a: Tot 14:11 E.I., 1, p. 32. 46 Compare, o.g., Nohaleśvara dedicated by Nohala, the wife of Yuvarjadeva I of Tripuri.
*1 fagtagorretnigFhru : 1 afrTigreita 40177 24:1 A copper-plate of Ratnadeva II, Ind. His. Quarterly IV, p. 31.
12 TA ETT: :m a : Treits i STATE a fare il E.I., 1, p. 32. 43 C4.
S on ya Tar: tr asfat Fhiamartwi Farheitsraufa ftati ibid., p. 32. * A.S.T. Cunningham's Reports, vol. X, p. 216. 16 cf, Adiparvan, adhyâya 215, and Advamedhika parvan, ad. 95 (Bom. Ed.)

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in his narrative, Ratnavati in the Navasihasárikocarita may represent ancient Manipura which received its modern name when, in the next generation, Ratnadeva transferred his capital there from Tummana. Ratanpur is at a distance of about 45 miles from Tummâna and must have been included in the Komo Mandala ; the name of the latter has survived in the modern place name Komo, which is about 30 miles north of Ratanpur. We do not know exactly the route Sindhurdja took in marching on Ratnavati, or the place where he crossed the Narmada. If he crossed it somewhere near Måndb&ta, Ratanpur would be about 200 miles distant from the river as described in Padmagupta's poem.
It now remains to say a few words about the identification of the Vidyadhara prince, Sikhandaketu, who sent his son Sabikhanda with a large army to help Sindhuraja in his campaign. As we have seen above, Arikesarin probably owed his crown to the active help of Sindhurája. Feelings of gratitude may have induced him to send his son with military assistance. The name Sikhandaketu is evidently suggested by the other name of Arikesarin, viz., Kesideva, which occurs in the Bhandup plates of his nephew Chittarajadeva.
Sindhurâja seems to have died soon after this expedition. He was succeeded by his son Bhoja. According to Merutunga, Bhoja reigned for the long period of fifty-five years. He must, therefore, have come to the throne when quite young. It seems that Arikesarin*7 also died about this period and was succeeded not by his son (that he had one is clear from the Navasáhasánkacarita), but by his nephew, Chittardjadeva, who must have usurped the throne, knowing full well that the young prince Bhoja of Dhara would not undertake a campaign in such a distant country as Konkana to help the son of his father's friend, Arikesarin. Subsequent events proved that Chittaraja had miscalculated; for Bhoja invaded Konkana in 1019 A.D. and won a decisive victory, which he commemorated by issuing two copper-plates. This campaign of Bhoja, when he was scarcely out of his teens, has puzzled many scholars. Mr. C. V. Vaidya writes: "Why Bhoja fought with Konkaņa in his early age does not appear (he must have been about twenty at the time) and how he went so far from his kingdom remains to be solved, though the fact of the conquest oannot be denied." Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar *8 thinks that the expedition was undertaken to avenge the murder of Muñja. This reason does not, however, appear convincing, as Mufija was murdered about 995 A.D., while the expedition took place in 1019 A.D.,i.e., twenty-four years later. Even supposing that Bhoja's object was to avenge the murder of his uncle, why should he invade Konkana ? The rulers of Konkaņa do pot seem to have acknowledged the suzerainty of the later Calukyas. As stated above, their copper-plates give the genealogy, not of the later Câlukyas but of the Rastrakūtas, and express regret for their downfall. We prefer, therefore, to account for this campaign as suggested above. The Betma plates show that Bhoja ocoupied Konkana for a while, and he may have placed Arikesarin's son on the throne, but the latter seems to have been soon dethroned by the CAlukya king Jayasimha III, who conquered Konkana before 1024 A.D., evidently to place Chittaraja again on the throne. The Bhandup plates of the latter show that he was secure on the throne in 1026 A.D.
Inscriptional evidence has thus corroborated in all important details the account of Sindhuraja's expedition in Chattisgade as given in Padmagupta's Navasáhasári kacarita.
46 It may be noted that some records of the Paramaras were issued after bathing in the Narmada at this holy place. To the east of Mândhâtâ lay the country of Codi, which Sindhuraja does not seem to have entered on this occasion.
17 His Thana plates are dated in Saka 939, i.o., 1017 A.D 1 1.A., XLI, p. 201.

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LALLA VÅKYANI. (The Wise Sayings of Lal Ded.) BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR.
(Continued from vol. LXI, p. 16.)
In addition to those 'Wise Sayings of Lal Děd published in the Royal Asiatic Society's Monograph entitled Lalld-Vakyani by Sir George Grierson and Dr. L. D. Barnett, which were rendered into English verse by the late lamented Sir R. C. Temple, Bt., I have already published in the pages of the Indian Antiquary (vide vols. LIX, LX and LXI) some sixty others that I managed to collect from time to time. Further research has enabled me to discover fifteen more sayings of this prophetess, which I now publish.
(1) Agaray grazum ; wuga-winey der sagimo :
Oraki keripdyi zagat wuzum yora ti kenk mě surum no.
I roared slike a river at the source ; I irrigated the field with flood-water. By the mercy of That Side (i.e., God) the world got awakened ; (yet) on my
part I did not meditate on anything.
(2) Damiy dydthum shabnam piwan ; damiy dyúthun pirán súr;
Damiy ditham anighata ratas, damiy dyúthum dohas nur; Damiy dsas lokat kord; damiy sa paris jaudnd par;
Damiy deas pheran thordn; damiy sapanis dazil skr.
At one time I saw dew falling; at another time I saw hoar-frost falling; At one time I saw the darkness of night ; at another time I saw the light of
the day; At one time I was a young girl ; at another time I was a full-grown damsel ;
At one time I was moving about; at another time I was burned to ashes. [The meaning is that nothing lasts in this transitory world.]
(3) Kawa chak diroda aniney batoh !
Truk ay chuk ta andaray atah. Shiva chuy ati tay kun mo gatak;
Sahaza ! katki mydni kartu palak.
Why art thou feeling with thy hand like a blind person !
If thou art wise get inside. Siva is there; do not go anywhere else;
Friend ! put thy trust in my word. (4) Kus, ha nili! Mony na pakan pakan?
Kus, ha máli! Insy na wulgin Srement ? Kus, ha mdli I lovy na maran ta zërdre !
Kwe, ha máli 1 Kony na kardis nindd ! Zal, ha mali i lary na paban pabda.
Surya Ilony na wulgar Sumeru. Tsandrama Mony na mardn ta zdrods.
Manosh Ideny na barn ninda.
Who, O father! is not tired of going (and) going!
Who, O father is not tired of going round Sumera !

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!
103
Who, O father! is not tired of dying and being reborn ?
Who, O father ! is not tired of backbiting? Water (in a river) is not tired of going (and) going (i.e., flowing perpetually).
The sun is not tired of going round Sumeru. The moon is not tirod of dying and being reborn (i.e., of waning and waxing).
Man is not tired of backbiting.
(5) Lal bu drayas dorey dorey
Quluf thavit wachas ; Yus nun nercy su phut krerey :
Khyun diyton Yachas !
1. Lalla, wandered from lane to lane
With breast locked up (i.e., silent): Whoever showed himself got drowned in a well :
Let him be devoured by a Yaksha !
(6) Na práyas ta na záyas,
Na khěyam hand M shonth. Shan chas pata tay
Satan chas bronth. I neither gave birth to a child nor was I born;
I neither ate endive nor ginger. I am behind six (enemies, namely, lust, wrath, desire, arrogance, delusion and
jealousy). Ahead of truthful persons.
(7) Ora li Panay, yora ti Panay;
Patay wd nay rozi na záh. Panay Gupt ta Panay Gyániy;
Panay Pånas múd na záh That side He (i.e., God) is Himself ; this side, too, He is Himself;
He never remained behind. He is Himself Invisible and Himself Omniscient;
He never died to Himself (i.e., is Everlasting and Omnipotont).
(8) Ora ti Panay; yora ti Panay ;
Panay Panas chu na melán. Pratham atsěs na muley dánay:
Suy, ha máli! chay ashcar zán.
That side He is Himself ; this side (i.e., as man) he is Himself ;
He Himself (as man) does not join with Himsolf. In the first place not even a grain will penetrate into Him (He being so infinitesi
mal) :
That is, O father! a wonderful knowledge. (9) Sat-sangay pavitra dhorum ;
Navi sati rúzas trapurit bar; Drashi dashamiy dwdr prazalovum ;
I kadashi tsandramas karam lay,

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Dwadashi mandala děh shamrovum, . Triyodashi tribeniy návam kay, Teaturdashi tsudah bhavan shamdvum,
Purna-pantsadashi teandran karum uday, Akdoh bhogiy pán sandárum.
Rasati ruzas kalpan travit Suy, ha mali ! karam putlën puz. By association with the good I tied on the kusa grass (for the purification of my
finger); On the ninth (day) I truly stayed with doors closed; On the tenth I lit the tenth house,
On the eleventh I made acquuintance with the moon; On the twelfth disc I subdued my body;
On the thirteenth I washed my body at the confluence of three rivers : On the fourteenth I subdued fourteen worlds ;
On the fifteenth I found the moon rise; . On the first I gave sustenance to myself.
I peacefully remained with cares cast awayThat, O father! was my worship of idols.1
(10) Treshi buchi mo kreshandwun;
Yani tshiy tani sandhdrun deh. Phrit canis dharun ta párun?
Kar upakarun suy chay kriy. Lo not make thyself crave [for water and food] by thirst and hunger;
As soon as thou becomest depressed, refresh thyself. Fie upon thy fasting and the breaking of thy fast!
Do good to others, that is thy duty.
(11)
Tail cho 10Mzomala la tatag ;
Tsálun chu mendinën ghatakár ; T sálun chu pan panun kadun gratay
Hišta, mali, santosh ; wodti panay.
Tu endure is lightning and thunderbolt ;
To endure is darkness at midday ; To endure is to sift one's self through a grinding mill
Be, O father I content; (wbat is destined to come) will come of itself.
(12)
Teay, Deva, garlas ta dhartiy arazak;
Teay, Deva, ditit kranzan pran; Tsay, Deva, thani rustuy wazak.
Kus záni, Deva, con pariman?
Thou, O Lord! pervadest the whole as well as the universe ;
Thou, O Lord I gavest life to bodies; Thou, O Lord I ringest without pealing.
Who can, O Lord I know thy proportions ? 1 In this saying Lalla speaks of different stages reached within berself while practising yoga on succeegive days

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(13) Umay âdi tay Umay surum; Umay thurum panun pân.
Anit trávit Nit ay bhásum:
Tavay provum Paramsthân.
The syllable Om is the beginning, and I meditated on Om;
I made myself with Om.
Having left the perishable [body], I found the Imperishable (God): By doing that I attained the Supreme Abode.
(14) Yati buh gayis tati ol Suh;
Tati dyathum Mol Suh. Kanan tshanit wol Suh;
Suh tay Suh, Suh tay Suh; Suy Suh, tay buo Fusuh.
Where I went there He is ;
There I saw That Father (God).
He has got rings in His ears; He and He, He and He; He is He, and who am I?
(15) Zanam pravit viboh na tshoḍum;
Loban, bhogan bharam na priy; Sumuy dhár setha zonum;
Tsolum dukh, wav, polum Day.
Having taken birth, I searched not aggrandisement; Desires [and] enjoyments I liked not;
I considered moderate food enough;
I bore pain [and] poverty, [and] worshipped God.
RANDOM NOTES ON THE TRIVANDRUM PLAYS. By E. H. JOHNSTON, D.LITT.
(Continued from p. 99, supra.)
II.
111
In the following notes I quote in full the passage discussed and as a rule Professors Woolner and Sarup's translation, taking the plays in the order in which they appear in the latter. Pratijnayaugandhardyana, Act i, p. 13. Hamsakah-Tado paccaadapparaṁ dâņi bhattáram pekkhia anena mama bhada hado, anena mama pida, anena mama sudo, mama vaassa tti annahâ bhattino parakkamaṁ vannaanta savvado abhiddudá de pává.
A famous passage, and one of the very few where the translators have gone palpably wrong. The point lies in the use of anyatha in the sense of ' falsely,' for which there is plenty of authority. An amusing play on the double meaning occurs in Mattavilása, p. 7; Devasoma objects to the Kapalin's description of the road to salvation, Bhaavam nam tahd bhanidavvam. Aghante mokkhamaggam annahd vannaanti, The saints describe the road to salvation differently.' The Kapalin deliberately takes her to mean annahd in the sense of 'falsely' and replies, Bhadre te khalu mithyddrstayah, 'Quite so, my dear, their views are wrong.' The meaning of the passage above is that the wretches ran up on all sides towards the king, misrepresenting his valour by saying, ' He murdered my brother,' etc.

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16., Act iii, p. 47. The Vidûşaka says he has seen the king in prison. The scene proceeds :Yaug.-Hanta bhoḥ. Atikrântayogakşemá rátriħ. Divasa idáním prati pályate.
Ahah samuttirya nisa pratiksyate
Subhe prabhâte divaso 'nucintyale Anågatårthâny aśubhani paśyatám
gatan gatan kálam aveksya nirvrtih 11 Rum.--Samyag bhavan aha. Tulye 'pi kalavisese nisaiva bahudoşå bandhanesu. Kuluh,
Vyavaháreşv asádhyanam loke vipratirajyatum
Prabhâte dratadosânám vairināṁ rajani bhayam 11 Tr., I, 25. "Yaug.--Alas! There is no security at night. Now we must wait for the day.
When the day is over, we look for the night : When the dawn is
bright, we look forward to the day. Our satisfaction to see time
ever passing, must see in troubles the advantages that are to come. Rum.-Well said. Though time is all alike, the night is full of obstruc
tions. For The night is a terror to foes who cannot succeed in their enter. prisos, or are unpopular in the world and find out their error in
the morning. The translators suggest that this enigmatic passage is out of place and should come at the end of the act, but there is no obvious place to insert it there, and I think it can be so understood as to fit in here, remembering that it comes after a long passage in which the three djsguised characters have been speaking in elaborate riddles, which were ingeniously explained by Ganapati Sastri, so as not to be understood by casual hearers. The editor's gloss on this passage is far from clear to me, but I accept his interpretation of some of the words. The time is in the early afternoon and the reference to night and day must therefore be understood to be metaphorical; by night'I take Yaugandharayana to refer to the time during which the conspirators have been lying in concealment without seeing the king, who has all the time been in great danger of his life. The compound atikrántayogakşemd is difficult, and I can find no analogy to the translators' construction of it. If the text is not corrupt (e.g., it would be easier to read atikránta sayogakşemam rdtrih), it would seem preferable to take atikranta in the same sense as in atikrantavigraha in Act ii, p. 36, lit. the night has its security in the past,' i.e., 'is safely over.' Similarly the day' is the time for action and pratipályate should be understood as parallel with pratikayate and anucintyate in the verse; that is, the time for action is now awaited' means we must think about action now.' Hanta then can be taken in its ordinary acceptation, not in the rare sense of 'Alas!' To put it in plain language, the minister says, 'Up, my friends; our time of concealment and worst danger is over and the king is still safe. So far so good ; now we must consider our plans of action. This provides the cue for his next speeches, in which he questions Vasantaka about the king's state, in order to ascertain the possibilities of the situation.
If this interpretation is correct, the verse should agree in sentiment. Samutirya implies passing successfully and anucint does not mean 'look forward to,' but ponder on.' The drift of the first hemistich is : after one has passed the day successfully, i.e., had a period of fortune, one expects the night, a time of danger and difficulty; when the dawn comes without the danger having materialised (subha), one takes thought for the day, i.o., as it is the period of action, plans are to be made for action then. In the second half the trouble. some word is anagatartha, where I think artha must mean occasion,' i.e., whose occasions are still in the future.' Translate therefore, 'To those, who foresee evils in the womb of the future, to observe the mere passing of time (without the evils being realised) is in itself bliss.
Rumanrat, who is an honest, thickheaded fighting man, is naturally all at sea with this, hard saving and taking it literally, comments, Quite true. To people in prison, though

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all time is alike to them, the night in particular is full of danger.' Dosa in the sense of clan. ger,' evil consequence,' is well authenticated and occurs twice more in this play and not infrequently in the Buddhacarita ; there may be a pun also, bahudosá, very dark. The following verso must be so explained as to illustrate this statement. In the first place vairin cioes not mean exactly foc,' but a man who has an enmity or feud with someone else'; thus DC, i, 6, nirvairá vimukhibhavanti suhrdaḥ, without cause of enmity, etc.,' and Dhúrtesvitasanváda, p. 11, párthivdnin .anyonyabaddhavairanim. The second line thore. fore means, 'The night is dangerous to men who have a feud with anyone else, since by day. light they can see (and avoid) sources of trouble. The first line then defines the daylight dangers which they can avoid. Vyavahara means here not 'enterprise' but 'lawsuit,' and asádhya, which surely cannot have an active meaning, is used in the pejorative sense of sú. dhaya so common in the Kaut. Arthasastra (see Meyer's translation, p. 528, n. 5); cf. also Dúlaghatotkaca, 51, párusyasádhya, and Saundarananda, ix, 13, mantrasádhya. The English equivalent is hard to find,do down,' 'remove from one's path,' 'ruin,' etc. A pratirajya. tám is difficult, for raj does not occur with prati according to the PW except once in the causative and in any case it must mean, not 'unpopular,' but who take no pleasure in.' One could divide va pratio, but in either case it is not clear to me how by taking or not taking pleasure in the world one avoids the danger of a vendetta. Rajyatâm is the editor's emendation for Orajjatám and I would prefer the conjecture, equally good palæographically, of vú pratirájatáń: even so the PW gives only one reference for ráj with prali. It is notoriously dangerous to kill prominent people openly for fear of causing disaffoction. The first line therefore means that daylight dangers do not trouble men who are not to be worsted in the law-courts or who stand much in the world's eye.'
The passage is one of great difficulty and certainty is impossible, but I think my con struction of it keeps closer to ordinary Sanskrit usage and fits the context exactly.
Ib., Act iv, p. 62. Nirodhamukta iva kysnasarpáh. Tr., I, p. 30. Like snakes that have just sloughed their skins.'
I can find no authority for the use of nirodha in the sense of snake's skin and do not see why it should not be taken in the ordinary meaning of confinement' (cf. iv, 10, and 12 in this play). Snakes when captured are put in a pot and often show signs of great acti. vity, if let loose. Once I had the fortune to be present when a party of Nats brought in :) number of snakes in chatties for despatch to Kasauli, and to witness their transfer from the pots to a travelling box, a ticklish operation when a lively hamadryad (king cobra) was in question, who for two hours kept attacking all the operators, before he could be boxed. This experience is apposite; for kranasarpa apparently can only indicate a hamadryad. The confining of snakes in pots is an old Indian custom, referred to at Saundarananda, xv, 56 (cf. ib., ix, 12, and note thereon in my translation). These last passages refer to the activity and wrathfulness of snakes in such circumstances, and make my explanation of the simile more probable.
Svapnavísavadalta, iv, p. 36. Vid isakah - (Ardhvam avalokya) hi hi saraakalanimmalo antarikkhe pasdiabaladevabdhudansaniaṁ sarasapantis java samahidam gacchantim pekkhadu dáva bhavam.
Ganapati Sastri's later edition for students is not available to me, but I find that later Indian editions read pasadiabaladevao and the translators accept this text, I, 53 Jester.-- (Looking up) Oh, look, your Highness ! Do you see this line of cranes advancing steadily along the clear autumn sky, as beautiful as the long white arms of the adored Baladeva ?'.
It will be noted that the words 'long white' are added by the translators to make the comparison clear. Now this passage is clearly a reference to Saundarananda, x, 8:
Bahrayale tatra site li drugo
sanksiptabarhah sayilo mayuraḥ 1

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Bhuje Balasydyatapinabahor
vaiduryakeyūra iva babháse || That it is put into the mouth of the Vidûşaka shows that Bhåsa is criticizing (with justice, be it said) Ašvaghoşa's comparison as a frigid conceit. This verse contains the word dyata twice and, as the translation shows, we want in the SV some word meaning 'long,' outstretched,' to make the comparison clear. Further pasddia° (prasddita) seems to me very odd in the context, and I think therefore that Ganapati Sastri was on the right lines when he gave prasdrita as the cháyd for pasdia in the original edition. Only his text wants correc. tion to pasaridao; this is the word always used for outstretched arms. The curious position of the participle in the compound may well have puzzled the copyistand led to an emendation.
Bhasa refers quite clearly twice elsewhere to Asvaghosa's poems, viz., at PY, I, 18, to Buddhacarita, xiii, 60 (of. Saundarananda, xvi, 97), as pointed out by Ganapati Sastri, and in the well-known verse quoted from the SV by Abhinavagupta, the place of which has now been determined (Thomas, JRAS, 1928, 887 ff.), to Buddhacarita, i, 79, as pointed out by Morgenstierne (Über das Verhältnis zwischen Carudatta und Mechakatid, p. 14, n. 2). The latter comparison proves that tadanena is correct in the Bhasa verse, for it=Ašvaghora's radena, the exact meaning of which I shall discuss in the edition of the Buddhacarita which I hope to bring out in due course. There are several passages in the other plays, particu. larly in the DC, which recall Asvaghosa, but the ideas and forms of oxpression are found too often elsewhere to be safe evidence of direct allusion to the Buddhist poet.
This passage of the SV illustrates Bhåsa's fondness for subtle allusion and shows that he relied on the education and quick wits of his audience to take up the point at once. Another, not obvious, joke is to be found at the beginning of Act iv, p. 29 (tr., I, 51), when the Viduşaka says he is so well off in the palace of the king of Magadha that he might be experiencing all the joys of anaccharasamviso Uttarakuruváso. It is true that the land of the Uttarakurus is an earthly paradise, famed for its pleasures of the table and of love, but the jester has mixed up his mythology. The Apsarases live among the gods in Paradise, not among the Uttarakurus, who have their own special women.
Daridracârudatta, Act ii, p. 45. Cetah - Ham, vippaladdho hmi, váddananikkhamidapuvvakade onamia paoharde kannaúrassa paripphando ajjude jena na dittho.
Ganika - Lahujanassa sulaho vihmao. kim de usseassa karanan. Tr., I, p. 88. Page.--Oh, I am so disappointed that my mistress did not see Karna
pära's valiant deed. If only she had seen, leaning forward
from the casement with bobom bowed ... Courtesan.--Feather-headed people are easily amazed. What is the
cause of your excitement ? This translation follows the indication afforded by the Macchakafikd, which gives the page's name as Karnapura, but seems to me to miss the point. In the first place the meaning 'valiant deed' for parispanda is based on a passage in the Parcarátra, which I explain below, and is opposed to the regular use of the word. As it is not adequately dealt with in the dictionaries, a few quotations of its use may be made. It is specially used in philosophical works, replacing the earlier vispanda, which means 'activity,' movement. The latter is only found in Buddhist sources, o.g., in Pali, Digha, I, 40, paritasitavipphanditan, Atthasdlini, 323, and Visuddhimagga, 448, kayavipphandana, and in Buddhist Sanskrit, Buddhacarita, xiv, 22, karmabhih .. cittavis pandasambhavaih, Jatakamála v 18. mabuddhivispanda. samdhitena .. karmand, and xxvi, 40, manovákladyavispandoul, Satasahasrıkåprajña páramitá, 67, sarvasattracittacaritavispanditàni, malamadhyamakaldrikás, 307, 1. 10, vispandah tariracepta. The MBh. substitutes niepanda for it at xii, 12704 and 12780. Later parispanda took its place and is used as a synonym for kriye in the Vaibesika sense, but limited to the mental or physical motion of an individual. Thus Vacaspati Miśra on Yogasitra, i, 9, denies

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parispanda to purus, and on Samkhyakariká, 10, defines sakriyam as parispandavat : similarly Kumarila in the Atmavdda section, 74 ff., of the Slokavárttika. The later Buddhist philosophers do the same ; e.g., Trimsika, p. 32, 1.21, celandya's citla parispandálmakatuit, and Abhidharmakosa, vol. V, 280, n. 2, parispandam akurvad api. These quotations prove that parispanda does not mean an actual deed, but a movement of the body or mind, activity or motion, kriya, as opposed to act, karma. Therefore when PR, Act ii, p. 32 (tr., I, 128), has drata parispandandria yodhapurnadnári karmáns, we must translate the deeds of the warriors whose activity has been witnessed.'
It is not justifiable to assign any meaning here to parispanda, which is not consistent with this range of meanings, but we are forced to do so if Karnapura is a proper name. But need it be so? It does not occur again in the DC, and if it were not for the later play, surely we should all construe, 'Oh, I am disappointed that I did not see (lit. by whom was not seen) the shaking of my mistress's ear-ornament, as she leant, etc.' He kills two birds with one stone, by implying, not only how much he has lost by his mistress's not seeing him, but also how excited she would have been to see him. This translation gives a more natural sense to yena and one might compare Pratimánátaka, iv, 22, yena.. na drstah. Sadraka's version, which spoils the point by reproducing the second intention only of the page, has also the same construction, rancidd si jde ajja kannauraassa parakkamo na dittho. Though there seems to me no reasonable doubt of the correctness of my rendering, the explanation is incomplete unless we can account for the change in the Macchakatika. It is perhaps significant that Avi., Act iii, p. 34, has the term kanndüraceda (MSS. kanneurao) for a 'harem servant and that kanneurassa is a variant reading of the passage under discussion. Possibly in Sû. draka's text of the DC kapnädrassa had been corrupted to karndüracasa, which might be understood as equivalent to kapndüraceda, and he may have objected to giving a courtesan's servant such a title and therefore turned it into a fanciful proper name. The Myochakatika does not always darken counsel as here, but is sometimes able to suggest a correction of the DC's text. Thus, following Filippo-Belloni (Festgabe Jacobi, 133), at Act iii, p. 57, where the MSS. offer the alternative readings, bhigyam and drastavyam, the two should be combined on the authority of the later play to bhdmisthan dravyam. Again at Act i, p. 18, Vasantasenå says it is specially dark by the side-door asambhoamalinadde, which can only mean 'because it is dirty (obscure ?) from lack of use.' Probably however it is corrupt, the phrase recurring in a more natural sense at Act iv, p. 84, and being transferred here by error. Sadraka has altered the sentence somewhat, but I infer from his reading that his text of the DC had asarjoamalinadáe, because it is dark where there is a break in the wall (for the door).' The wall would be white and the door would make a darker patch in the night.
The grandiloquent terms of the servant's speech suggest that the author is taking off a similar description in some bdvya, such as Saundarananda, vi, 2, 8d... gavaksam ikramya payodharábhyam .. harmyatalal lalambe mukhena tiryainatakundalena, or cf. Dhúrlavitasanudda, p. 5, 1. 11. Probably such a description was a commonplace in kavya and we can hardly identify any particular original now. It is the inappropriateness of such language in the servant's mouth that determines the tenor of the courtesan's reply. Vismaya means * arrogance,' and the sense is, Feather-beaded people soon get bumptious. What's the reason for your highfaluting (or bombast)?'
Ib., Act iii, 6. Sajjalaka defending theft says:
Kaman nicam idam vadantu vibudhah suptepu yad variate
vjóvastepu hi vañcaná paribhavaḥ sauryam na karkasyatd1 Saddhind vacanfyatápi tu varam baddho na seviñjalir
margas caiga narendrasu ptikavadhe purvari krto Draunind 11 T.,I, 91:
Let the wiseacres call it low, this business when folks are asleep, for the shame of cheating those that are trustful comes from daring, not cruelty. Independence though of ill

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report is better far than the folded hands of servility. This was the road that was taken of old by Drona's son when he slew the sleeping kings.'
Two of the words require some explanation. Paribhava, 'shame,' is hardly possible, the proper meaning being 'contempt,' 'insult.' I would prefer to take it to the earlier use of paribhú, not uncommon in the epics and occurring in this very play at iii, 4, in the sense of master,''get the better of.' Paribhava is not recorded in this sense, except possibly at Saptasataka (ed. Weber), 366, but there is no reason why it should not have it. The compound therefore should mean 'getting the better of by deceitful means.' Kárkaśyata is an odd form; the meaning of cruel' for karkasa only appears in the later lexica and is due apparently to a misunderstanding of the statement that krûra and karkasa are both synonyms for 'hard' (e.g., cf. the Amarakosa). The proper meaning is firm,' 'hard'; in the Ramayana it often signifies steadfast' in battle, and it is common later, especially in erotic literature, of the firmness of women's bodies or the hardness of their minds. One possible meaning here is therefore 'hardness of mind,' 'insensibility to moral issues,' and atikarkasa is so used in the next verse. The alternative is to apply the Amarakośa's synonym of sahasika, one who does deeds of violence,' more particularly 'a robber' as opposed to a thief, who avoids violence (cf. Meyer's translation of the Kaut. Arthasástra, p. 801, note on 303, 37). Sajjalaka calls his theft sahasa in the next act, p. 74, and sahasika, Act ii, p. 37, means robber.'
Turning now to the construction, I see only one way of interpreting the verse, as it stands; for I agree with the translators in rejecting Ganapati Sastri and Morgenstierne's solution of construing sauryam na bhavati, kárkaśyata bhavati. The construction with kamam is unusually frequent in this play, occurring twice again, at i, 13, without any corresponding particle in the main sentence, and at i, 18, where hi introduces the main sentence. If Sûdraka's text read hi in this latter passage, he found it difficult, for his corresponding verse reads tu. Hi may govern the whole sentence, i.e., Vasantasenâ, you are perceived now; for, although you are not seen in the dark. , your perfume.. will betray you.' Alternatively it may be taken as introducing the speaker's asseveration against somebody else's belief or argument, a usage not uncommon in the dialogue of plays, but generally coupled with tena and never elsewhere following kâmam, i.e., though (you think) you are not seen in the dark (I say) your perfume, etc.' This would do here, although the wiseacres call it... I say it is heroism, not violence.' In the other plays PN, iii, 5, has the regular kamam.. tu, but Dútaghatotkaca, 14, kâmam.. hi, unfortunately in a verse, the sense of which in its context is not clear to me (the difficulty lies in tulyarûpam, whose equivalence to yuklaripam, as suggested by the editor, is impossible in itself and reduces the verse to nonsense).
But I regard this method of interpreting the verse as doubtful, and it has the disadvantage of not explaining tu in the third pada, while the fourth pada follows clumsily on the third, being rather an illustration of the proposition contained in the second. Accordingly I would suggest that the second and third pâdas have been transposed. This must have happened at a very early date; for Sûdraka, whose alterations of the verse shows that he felt the same difficulties in it that we do, has the same order as the text of the DC. With this slight change the whole verse falls into order and is entirely free from objection. The translation would run, Let the wiseacres, if they like, tell us this sort of behaviour to folks asleep is a low affair, yet independence though of ill report is far better than the folded hands of servility. For getting the better of the trustful by deceitful means is heroism, not unjustifiable violence, and this was the road the son of Drona took when he slew the sleeping kings.' Another, but perhaps inferior, alternative is to amend the second påáda so as to make it a parenthetical explanation of the opinion of the vibudhah in the first pada. Thus the reading might conceivably be viśvaste hi na, etc., let the wiseacres call it low, on the score that getting the better of the trustful by deceitful means is not merely not heroism, but has not even

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the merit of violence (or, firmness of mind ?).' Theft is not heroism ; it does not even postulate the possession of the personal qualities required for robbery and is therefore low. Sa. draka may have had some such reading; for he modifies the second pada so as to give it this effect (. cauryan na sauryan hi tat), while getting rid of the dubious karkaśyatd. The standard text of his play spoils the effect of this by substituting, in the third pâda, hi for tu, which is required to counterbalance kûmam, but improves the fourth by reading margo hy esa. If we carry out the transposition I propose, this latter amendment is unnecessary.
16., Act iii, p. 56. The Vidûşaka says he cannot go to sleep, kattavvakarittikidasamkedo via sakkiasamanao. This was conjecturally amended later by Ganapati Sastri to kattavvakaratthikidasamkedo, etc., accepted by the translators, tr., I, 92, 'A Buddhist monk that's made an assignation with a servant girl.'
Kartavyakarastri = paricárika is highly improbable and a knowledge of Buddhism would have shown that the conjecture was entirely unnecessary. The reference is to the practice known as jagarika (sce Rhys Davids-Stode's Pali Dictionary s.v.), keeping awake at night to induce mystic meditation, of which a clear account will be found at Saundarananda, xiv, 20 ff. Kaltabbaka in Pali means the task an aspirant has to perform to become an Arhat (Theragath1, 330) and is the equivalent of karaniya in the formula of Arhatship. Sanketa is properly either a characteristic trait' (Maha vastu, I, 78, 1. 10, cf. note) or is a synonym of vyavahůra ani sarurti, 'truth as seen by ordinary men,' 'worldly usage' (Milamadhyamakakûrikás, 28, n. 1, and 492, 1. 11, and Mahivyutpatti). In classical Sanskrit riktiks ig rare and late (PW and Schmidt's Nachträge); but Buddhist tradition understood the root ric to mean' purify' (Mahâvastu, I, 531), and ritta in Pali means 'emancipated' (Suttani. påta, 823). The phrase is deliberately perhaps a bit of a jumble to make fun of the Vidůsaka, but the literal translation is, like a Buddhist monk who has been emancipated from worldly knowledge by following the path to Arhatship,' namely by practising jagarika. The passage helps to date the play as early, because it indicates a time when the Hinayana was still tourishing and familiarity with its practices could be presumed in a non-Buddhist audience. Like several others, it also shows that it is dangerous to take the words dramana and bhiksu in a non-Buddhist work as necessarily referring to Buddhist monks, unless qualified by Sakya or a similar word, or to assume that any reference to Buddhist mendicants can only be depreciatory.
Ib., Act iv, p. 79. The Vidûşaka, describing the glories of Vasantasena's house, says nánapattanasamägadehi admiehi puttad vdianti. Tr., I, p. 100, Visitors from various towns are busy reading,' following Ganapati Sastri's cháyd of pustakah.
Agâmika is a difficult word; the editor took it to be agama and glossed sastrajña, which seems entirely out of the question. The translators (like Filippo-Belloni. I.c.) take it as equivalent to âgantuka. The only authenticated meaning is relating to the future '; could it therefore mean 'fortuna-teller' here, the same as adesika? But paffana (or pattana) is perhaps significant, for it means a big commercial centre,' 'mart,' from which trade radi. atos. Thus dgåmika might be a name for travelling traders and this gives point to Dr. Morgenstierne's comparison with the description of a similar palace in the Brhatkathaslokasan. graha, x, 99-102, where Gomukha's passage through the numerous courtyards is obstructed by the various craftsmen pressing the virtues of their wares on him. The question then arises what to make of puttad. Substantial amendment is impossible, sinee Sudraka's addhavdcido..potthao in his much elaborated version proves that he understood pustaka hore. This last is a rather late loan word, introduced perhaps by Iranian-speaking invaders about the beginning of our era, and the earliest occurrence in literature is apparently in Kaut. Arthasástra, ii, 7, in the sense of 'ledger,'' register.' Are we to understand traders dictating the writing up of their ledgers? But this is hardly general enough for a very brief description, though it might well find a place in a more elaborate one. Moreover it demands the amendment putthad or potthad. If we adhere to the text, we could understand putrald,
1 Accopt proforably the explanation at Abhidharmakoóa, vol. V, 260, n. 2.
3

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which could only mean 'puppets.' Such a reference would be very interesting, but again is hardly probable. There is however another alternative and that is to refer it to the Prakrit word potta, meaning clothes' at Jacobi's Ausgewählte Erzählungen, 31, 8, and Karpuramanjari, i, 27, which would be spelt putta in the DC's Prakrit; potti is used in the former work, 59, 30, for bathing wrap,' like Hindi potia. This seems to me to give the best solution, though it involves the admission that Sûdraka, if he read puttaa, understood putthad. I would translate, 'Travelling merchants from the various marts are advertising their cloths.'
Karnabhara, 15. Of galloping horses, suddenly stopping, utkargastimitâñcitákṣivalitagrivârpitâgrânanaḥ. The editor suggests aksa for aksi and the translators follow this and render, II, 37, They prick thoir ears and slightly arch their necks, strung with beads, and rub them with their muzzles.'
But is it necessary or right to amend? The PW quotes two instances of añcita applied to the eyes from the MBh. and, to judge from Mallinatha on Raghuvamsa, v, 76, it simply means bright, beautiful,' a development perhaps from phrases such as bhrúbhedâncitalocana at Dhûrlavițasamvada, 12, 1. 14. Stimita also surely requires the retention of aksi. I understand the compound to mean, With ears pricked, bright eyes fixed, and muzzles resting on their arched necks.' They do not rub their necks, but are holding them wellarched, as if suddenly pulled up, or like horses with a bearing-rein.
Avimaraka, Act v, 5. Avimâraka, reproving the Vidûşaka for making fun of him, says :Na te na buddhir mama dûşanîya
yena prakamam bhavatásmi hasyaḥ |
Tr., II, 97, No blame to me and none to thee, if I should make thee laugh.'
Surely na.. na is a strong affirmative used ironically, as at PY, Act i, p. 9, in Rumanvat's remark to Udayana to dissuade him from attempting to catch the fatal elephant, na hu de elavanâdînam vi disagaanam gahanam na sambhavaniam, not (tr., I, 10) 'Quite possibly you might catch, etc., but 'Of course you could catch, etc.' This outspoken remark of the blunt soldier is commented on by Yaugandharayana in his next speech. This hemistich also illustrates the rule when gerundives take the genitive of the agent and when the instrumental (Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, § 66 Remark). I would translate, 'Of course it is right for you to disparage my intelligence, so that I am to be laughed at by you as much as you like.'
The rule should be applied in two other passages. At PN, Act i, 31, cîramâtrottariyânâm kim. dréyam vanavasinám, the translation (I, 166), Those who dwell in forests clad in coats of bark need see nobody,' presupposes the instrumental (and the emendation, ko drsyo?). The meaning, as the context shows, can only be, Those who dwell in forests clad in coats of bark have nothing worth looking at (by others); this brings out the point of the coats of bark as opposed to the ordinary gorgeous attire of princes. Similarly Balacarita, Act i, 28, runs :
Kárgány akáryanya.. marânâm tvaya bhavisyanti balani loke |
The translation (II, 120), following the editor's conjecture of akhilamaránâm for the missing letters, has, "The deeds of all immortals, good deeds and bad, will be forces in the world through thee. This is ingenious, but is defective as affording no application to the next hemistich, which asks Krsna to display his powers by making himself light so as to be easy to carry. Palæographically one would expect that the first påda should end aparâmarânâm, the likeness of the two syllables accounting for the omission, and the acceptance of this conjecture facilitates the translation. For, applying Speijer's rule and noting the references in the PW for akarya with the genitive (under akarya a) and for karya with the instrumental (under karya la), we get a rendering which is more natural and fits in admirably with the context, namely, 'The manifestations of power in the world, which are beyond the competence of the other immortals, shall be porformable by thee'; Krsna is then adjured to begin manifesting his powers at once.

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MISCELLANEA. SOME NOTES ON NAMES IN HINDU | Darvi ca. This is wrong, for every namo in the text GEOGRAPHY.
is in the plural, as is seen in the noxt name, Vanavd).
Ddrvica and Vanavdì make one grammatical unit: 1. Alipura of Gupta History.
grafia-a : The Darvas aro the wellOn the situation of Alipura of Gupta history (cf. known member in Darv=Abhisdra. The Vanavih JBORS., XVIII, 29) we have a Purånik pioce of aro the people of 'Vanu,' i.e., Bannu; and Dárvica evidence to help us to locate it in Madradesa. The is the exact equivalent of Dårvisa (=the Darviša, Vayu Purana, which closes its historical review at or Darvos khel of the frontier). Their neighbour about 348 or 350 A.D., 1 is a Gupta work. In its Vanu,' is thus the present Banu or Bannu. chapter on the geography of India (ch. 45) it men.
3. The Vatadhanas of Hindu tions the Ali-Madras among the 'Northern Coun.
Geography. trios' (desah udfcyan, verses 115-121): 79Tfa- The Vâtedhånas were Vrâtyas, like the Licchavis Aga (verse 120). The Ali-Madras were evi.
(Manu, x, 21), that is non-orthodox Hindus. They dontly a subdivision of the Madras; and evidently
wore a definite community; and tho Puranas count Alipura was the town of the Ali-Madras. The en. them amongst the peoples of northern Hindu India, counter of Candra Gupta II with the Sakidhipati
or Bharata varga, e.g., the Matsya (ch. 113. 40: (saka emperor) thus took place in Madra-desa. TATOTEUTRTA), Varahamihira couples them with 2. Bannu in Hindu Geography.
the Yaudhoyas: aTaTaTTT: (Brhatsanhita,
xvi. 22). They have remained unidentified. In the Maha-Bhdrata, Bhisma parvan (tho chapter The Prokrit equivalent of Vajadhana would be cited by Wilson in his translation of the VimuPdfahdna, which is obviously our Pathan. The form Purána, ii, 139-190) we find the Bahlikas, the Pathan, instond of Pathan, I have found still current Dårvica-Vänavas and the Darvas (p. 175)2 together. in the speech of villegors in Northern India. Dárvica has been broken up in the printed text as
K. P. JAYASWAL.
BOOK-NOTICES. STUDIES IN COLA HISTORY AND ADMINISTRATION, LIST OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS PROTECTED UNDER
by K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI. University of AOT VII Ox 1004 IN BIHAR & ORISSA (A. S. I. New Madras, 1932.
Imp. Ser., vol. LI), by M. H. KURAISHI, B.A. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri's first theme is the his 13 x 10 in.; pp. xvi +-310; with 163 illustrations toricity of Karikala Cola. After briefly discussing in the text, 6 maps and plans, and 6 divisional the evidential value of early Tamil literature, antiquarian maps in pocket. Govt. Press, Caland the colophons and commentarios associated cutta, 1931. with it, he examines the sourcos in chronological
This volume treats only of the monuments order, and traces the evolution of the Karikala declared to be " protected," so the reader will logond from the earliest records down to the seven- find therein no reference to many sites of archeoloteenth century. His next subject is rural ad gical or historical interest not so declared. But ministration. He points out what many writers it is much more than a list.' as in the case of the fail to make clear) that the Tamil sabhd was in
Tamil sabna was in more important sites useful historical summaries no senso popular assembly, but an essentially have boon given, and the descriptions of the various Brāhman affair, devised for the governance of
monuments contain all essential details, including Brâhman villages. The interests of the laity
any associated inscriptions. As specially useful found expression in the úr, the nagaram, and the
features may be noted the references under each nadu. Ho then reviews the history of the sabhdis
monument to departmental, and some other, of Nâlûr and Uttaramêrûr, es recorded in in
accounts previously published, and to the num. scriptions, which range through several centuries,
bers of the photo-negatives in possession of the And concludes with a detailed revision of Ven
Archæological Department. Most of the illuskayya's rondoring of the now famous Parantaka
trations have been clearly produced. Comparatively epigraphs of Uttaramērür. His last essay is full accounts have been given of the Old Rajgur, on a Cola feudatory, Naralokavira by name, his Nalanda, Rohtasgarh and Khandagiri sitos, and achievements and charities. The whole series
of Maner. A plan of the Nåland area would of studies is a model of lucid criticism.
have been welcome. The chief defects noticed
F.J. R. Are the typographical errors, and mistakes due 1 Seo JBORS., XIX (1933), p. 121-122, 131. 2 anita 4799 caf' in Southern Text, bk. VI, ch. 9. 54. (Kumbakonam ed., p. 15.) 3 Hall, V.P., ii, 175, n. See McCrindlo, Ptolemy, p. 141, whore Po-na of Fa-hion is taken as Banu.

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apparently to want of local knowledge and ac. of tho shrines, many of them originally cave tem. quaintance with other available literature. To ples, on the famous hill of Chitaldrug. Dr. Krishna's give a few instances, threo of the names of the excavations at the adjoining site of Chandravalli defenders of the Arrah House' (p. 139) have are reserved for a separato monograph. boen incorrectly spelt. No officer named Nan In Part III (Numismaties) Dr. Krishna throwa (p. 140) played any part in the battle of Buxar fresh light on the coinage of the Hoysalas and tho (vide details given in J BORS., Mar. 1926). Bându early râjas of Mysore, and on provincial issues Ghâţ is not one of the paths up the Rohtås hill during the Vijayanagara regime. The familiar (p. 148); Bindu is a village on the bank of the “Vira-Raya fanams," common throughout S. Son river, 2 mi. Ssw. of Daranagar. Buchanan India, he traces to the Hoysala, Vira-Ballala III. Hamilton's (then Buchanan) reference to the Under Part IV (Manuscripts) Dr. Krishna sumfallen bridge at Sher Shah's tomb is dated the marizos, inter alia, & Kanarese poem of about 5th January, 1813 (vide J BORS., 1925, p. 293), not 1570 A.D. commomorating "Kampila Raya,"
1832 (p. 187). The Karna chaurà house in the and his fights, not only with the forces of Muhammad Monghyr fort lies NE. of the large tank, not SE. Tughluq, but also with the Hoysalas and the (p. 208). The words "Damdama Kothi or Bathing Kakatiyas. The account tallies closely with those Ghat" in brackets after the words "the Point" of Firishta and Nuniz of tho fighting round Kampili on p. 209 should have been omitted : the Damdama and Anegundi a few years before the foundation Kothi was not at the Point, which is the name of of Vijayanagara near-by. the projecting corner overlooking the Kastahe. Part V (Epigraphy) is inevitably the bulkiest rani Ghâț. Mir Jumla did not go through the section, for it includes the comploto vernacular "Sherghâti passes” (p. 212) to turn Shah Shuja's text of each inscription, with notes, and in somo position in Monghyr fort.
cases full translations. The year's harvest in. Tho idea of preparing antiquarian maps for cludes 117 inscriptions. These are arrangod topo. Ouch division was an excellent one, but it is a graphically, and a list is appended, tabulatod by pity they were not drawn more accurately. As dynastios, of all inscriptions for which a dynasty they are, they contain numerous errors, not only can be assigned. The gem of tho collection is a in the spelling of place names, but also in the brief record of Mayurasarman, the Brahman positions of sites.
founder of the Kadamba dynasty, onumerating C.E.A.W.O. sight kingdoms over which he was victorious, viz.,
Traikuta, Abhira, Pallava, Pariyâtra, Sakasthana, COMPARATIVE TABLES OF MUHAMMADAN AND
Sondraka, Punâta and Maukhari. No mention CHRISTIAN DATES, compiled by Lt. Col. SIR
is made of Satavahana, Gupta, Ganga or Vaka - WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G.,
taka, and on the strength of those omissions Dr. C.B.E. 71 x 5 in. ; 32 pp. London, Luzac & Co.,
Krishna would date this inscription about 258 1932.
A.D., i.o., after the Satavahanas had fallen and These tables, which enable students of Oriental
before the other three empires arobe; a century history to convert dates in the lunar months of the
earlier than the date usually assigned. Whether Hijra era into their corresponding dates in the
this dating is corroct or not, it is certain that
this Christian era, have been printod in a handy little
Mayurasarman's achievement was a bigger thing booklet that will fit in & coat pocket. They will be
than was hitherto suspocted, and not unworthy useful to readers who have not at hand other works of the eighteen horse sacrifices ascribed to him. containing such information, e.g., Wollaston's
Another record of first-rate importance is a grant
Another English-Persian Dictionary, in the Appendix to
by one Avidhêya of a village now in Kolhapur which very similar tables are given.
State. This ruler Dr. Krishna skilfully links up C.E. A. W.O.
with the early Rastrakūtas of "Manpur" in the ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF MYSORE, ANNUAL
Central Provinces, and the puzzling Sarabhapur REPORT for 1929, by Dr. M. H. KRISHNA, Pp. vii grants of Chhattisgarh. For the grant ho suggests +317; 20 platos. Govt. Prose, Bangalore, 1931. the dato c. 516 A.D., and cites in support some
This report differs in form and contonta from well known Calukya-Reetrakūta conflicts recorded ita predecessors. Printed on excellent paper, in early Calukya grants. strongly bound and similar in size to this journal, Mysore has been well served by her archæolo. it is in itself a neat and handy volume. The plates giste. Lewis Rico's corpus of nearly 9000 in. are well chosen, and (with three exceptions) each scriptions is a unique foundation; Mossrs. R. bears references to the pages on which the subjects Narasimhachar and R. Shama Sastri, in their illustrated are discussed. The printing is good; annual reports explored with scholarly crafts. the index all that it should be. The subject matter manship the artistic and literary aspects of Kanaroso is arranged under five headings. For Part I (Ad. culture, and in this, his first report, Dr. Krishna ministrative) four pages suffice. Part II (Survey makes it quite clear that the national tradition of Monuments) contains brief descriptions of various is in safe hands. temples, Jain and Hindu, and an exhaustive account
F.J.R

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121
PLACES AND PEOPLES IN ASOKA'S INSCRIPTIONS
BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BARRISTER-AT-LAW. I. Asoka's Paladas and Andhras, and the so-called Råja-Visaya. 1. ROOK Series Proclamations, Section XIII, 1 mention the (1) Paladas and (2) Andhras, which have not been correctly identified. No definite proposal has been put forward about the Paladas; and the Andhras have been taken to be the Dakşiņa patha Andhras. As I shall show below, the Paladas were in Afghanistan and are well-known to Sanskrit geography as Paradas, and there were their neighbours Northern Andhras, according to the Puráņas.
Palada-Palida. 2. Asoka's inscriptions have two main forms of the name of the Palada community :
1. P[ajlada (at Kalsi).
SPalida [at Shahbâzgashi];
4. Parishda (at Girnår, which is only a dialectic variant of Pálida). Curiously enough, the Puranas also have these two forms, as Parada and Parita. The Matsya (ch. 113, 40-43), describing the northern countries' (desah udichyah), has :
गान्धारा बनाव सिन्धुसौवीर-मद्रकाः।
Te gat:yfarer RET ETT: N (41) The Vayu, in the corresponding place (ch. 45, 6. 116), gives :
गान्धारा यवनाचैव सिन्धुसौवीर-भद्रकाः।
T: ferrari far-me: * Here Parita has the hard form for the Palida of Asoka. Parada is the general form in Sanskrit literature, as we shall see below. In the Vayu text, Wer: is a mislection for 2 : On the Pulindah (which occur in the same group in other authorities, we should recall here that Dr. Hall noted years back, in commenting on the Sindhu-Pu. lindas,' that there were northern Pulindas as well as southern Pulindas.. They are, I think, the modern Povindah clan of the Afgháns. The form Kulinda is also well-attested (see the citations on Khasas by Sir George Grierson in L.S.I., JX, Pt. 4, pp. 3-5). It represents the Kuninda of the coins. In fact, one MS. of the Vayu reads Kuninda.5 Possibly at an early stage the Kunindas lived in the region of the prenent N.-W. Frontier Province. Hara. pitrika, is a corruption of the well-known Hara-harika, which I would take as a Sanskrit name for Arachosia. The Sakah Druhyth (=Hradáh, the lake people ') of the texts evidently represents the people of Seistan-Drangiana.
Location of the Paradas.
3. Ptolemy's Paryetae are our Paritás-Palidas. Ptolemy's treatment shows that they were in Afghanistan. It should be noted here that, in the previous verse, the Vayrı has A paritsa (=Afridis), distinct from Parita).
1 Hultzsch, Inscriptions of Asoka, p. 211. ; J. Vidyasagara's ed., Calcutta, 1876, p. 393. 4 Bibliotheca Indica ed., vol. I, p. 351.
4 Wilson and Hall's Vishnu Purdna, vol. II, p. 169, notes, where he cites the Ramdyana, Kikinda XLIII
5 Anandabrama ed., p. 138, MS.T. 6 Encyclopaedia Brit. (11th ed.) I, p. 316.
बाडीका वाटयानाश्चाभीरा कालतोयकाः।।
RATTAT 174 [C]reft: ll A., p. 138. Their identification with the Afridis is due to Mr. Jayachandra Vidyalaikära. JBORS., XVIII, 99, 97. They are the same as the Aparytac of Darius and Herodotus (III, 91). I have heard Chazni mon pronounce ing the name as a parti' and 'aparit.'

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Sanskrit authorities group these people along with communities most of whom are identical with those mentioned by Asoka. They also afford data for their location. This will be better understood by comparing the following lists :
Asoka's inscriptions.-Yona-Kambojas (-Kamboyas), Nabhaka-Nabhapamtis
[Gandharas of RP., V.), Bhoja-Pitinikas (=Rathika-Pitinikas of RP., V),
Andhra (=Adha) - Paladas. Råmåyana (K. 43, 4.12).-Kamboja-Yavanas, Sakas, Varadas (=Paradas). Manu (10, 44).-Kambojas, Yavanas, Sakas, Paradas, Pahnavas, Cinas, Kiratas.
Daradas, Khasas. 10 (The reading Pahnava interchanges with Pahlava in the MSS.) Maha-Bharata. Sakas, Kambojas, B&hlikas, Yavanas, Paradas, Kulingas, Tangadas 11 Harivassa.-(Yavanas), Sakas, Tukhåras, Daradas, Paradas, Tangaņas, Khasas,
Pahlavas, and other barbarians' (Mlecchas) of the Himalaya.13 Here, in the Harivanía, we have an express location in the Himalaya for the Paradas. 13 A passage of the Maha-Bhdrata (Sabha p., ch. 52, 2-3) also locates them between Western Tibet (Mandara) and evidently the Hindukush (Meru) range, on the river Sailoda, 14 which can only be the Kunår. I cite here the text :
मेल्मन्दस्योर्मध्ये शैलोदाममितो नदीम्। . येते कीचकवेणुना छायां रम्यामुपासते ॥ खषा एका समाचाहाः प्रदरा दीप-वेहवः।
Tein store agat: rugat: 15 They dealt in 'ant-dug' gold (cf. IA., 4, 225). There can be little doubt that the valley of the Kunår-Chitral river is meant here. By the process of allocation of knowo territories to some of their neighbours, the Paradas would seem to have occupied the area between the region at present peopled by the Kafirs (called Lampikas in Sanskrit literature) and the Mohmands, in the periods of Asoka, of the Ramayana text, and of the Mânava Dharmasastra.16 They seem to have been allied to the Aparitas, for the form Parita is very near them, and the Maha-Bharata (Bhinma p.) reads their corrupt variants Aparantd) and Parantah together :
बाडीका बाटधानाब भाभीराःकालतोचकाः।
अपरान्ताः परान्ताव पड़वा [ परवा अर्ममण्डलाः॥ If this be compared with the Vayu text quoted above, it will appear that the A parantah and Pardntah of the Maha-Bharata stand for the Aparitas and Sadras of the Vayu.17 8 Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, i, 142-145.
The countries mentioned are expressly 'northern (verse 1) and in the Him Alaya : काम्बोज-यवनांश्चैव शकाना पत्तनानि च । अन्वीक्ष्य बरदाश्चव हिमवन्तं विचिन्वय ।
In the previous verse, there are the Mlecchas, Pulindas, Sarasenas, Prasthalas, Bharatas, Kuru, and Madrakas. These Kurus and Madras must be the Uttara-Kurus and Uttara-Madras. The former are located by Ptolemy in the Pamirs. The Purápas mention the oxistence of colonies of Kshatriyas' in that region (Malaya 113. 42).
10 ctus at () - start: 01:14:1 YRGT Farfar: fra GT: EIT: 1
The Chinas are the Sina race of Gilgit (L.S.I., IX, 4, p. 5, n. 5). The Daradas aro the modern Darda; the Kiratas are the Kirantis of Nepal.
11 L.S.I., IX, Pt. 4, p. 3. Tangapapura was near Badrinath GarhwAl), se L.S.1., ibid., n. 6. 13 8440 ; L.S.I., ibid., p. 4. 13 L.S.I., ibid., p. 3. 14 Probably the origin of the classical stories of the river Silas. 15 Southern text, ch. 78, verses 78-79. 18 L.S.I., ibid., p. 4. 17 Wilson and Hall, Vishnu Purdpa, ii, 16.

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The Northern Andhras.
4. It seems certain that there was a community called Andhras in the north. The Matsya, in the opening verse on the enumeration of the northern countries,' has Pur Andhras just in the place where Aparitas are given by the Vayu :
बाहीका वाटधानाथ श्राभीराः कालतोयकाः।
पुरन्ध्राव शूद्राच पडवाश्चात्तखण्डिकाः ॥ The Bhagavata (IX. 20, 30) includes Andhras in a list of northern peoples :
ART-UTT ATT ATT ATT TT-Nirnayasagara ed. (1923), p. 414. I am not in a position to ascertain whether any tribal name in Afghanistan at present corresponds with Andhra. It may, however, be pointed out that in the north of Afghanistan, about a hundred miles to the west of Balkh, there is the district of Andha-khui marked on the map; and according to the Matsya the Pur Andhras were in the Balhika group. 18
The Amdhras of Asoka seem to have been the northern Andhras, as he mentions allied and neighbouring units in pairs, e.g., Yona-Kamboja, Bhoja-Pitinika, Rathika-Pitinika, Amdhra-Pálida. In the Hathigumph& inscription of Khåravela we have the Rathikas and Bhojakas together (E.I., XX, 87), as they were neighbours. Thus we may consider the Amdha-(Andhra-)Pálidas to have been neighbours.
These northern Andhras were self-governing (see below), while the Dakşiņa patha Andhra, according to the evidence of the Asokan inscriptions and of the Asokan stúpas noticed by the Chinese pilgrims, seems to have been under the imperial government.
Definite Location of the Northern Andhras and Påladas in the Puranas. .. 5. Fortunately we are not left merely to infer the situation of the Andhras and Paladas from mere strings of names or from a reference to such a comprehensive term as Himavat, 19 which included the Hindukush, the Pâmîrs and Tibet. The Puranas furnish data for a more definite location. There is a section in the Purápic geography of Bharatavarşa which deals with the watershed of a system of six rivers, three of which flow to the east, and three to the west. All these rivers had their sources in a lake system called Bindu-eara, situated in the region known as Himavarşa (literally, the snow country'),20 The three rivers flowing westwards are the Sita (spelt also Siud), Caksu and Sindhu -
सीता चक्षुश्च सिन्धुश्च लिस्वा वै प्रतीच्यगा (
(See Matsya, ch. 120, 40; Váyu, i. 47, 39; Rámāyaṇa, Bala k., 43, 11-14.) The countries by the side of each of these rivers are given in detail (Matsya, verses 40-49: Brahmånda, ii. 18, 41-49).21 The Sindhu is undoubtedly the Indus. The Caksu is the Oxus, the Fo-tsy of Yuan Chwang,22 It should be noted that the Chinese pilgrim describes the Oxus region and the countries lying between it and the Indus (on the Indian frontier).in Hindu terms, which tally with Hindu geography. The Bharatavarşa of the Purânas extended up to the southern bank of the Oxus, and was larger than the present-day India in that direction.
18 I have ascertained since from Nazarkhan, an Afghan of Sarafta, Ghani, that Andhert or Andhrt is a most warlike Gilzai tribe in Afghanistân.
19 E.g., in the Ramdyana, Ki. 43. There is a distinction between our Himalaya and Himavat.
30 Varça is, literally, a tract of country subject to its own system of rainfall, i.e., having & distinctive climate. The Purâpas, however, bose these divisions on culture, that is, on individual, characteristic civilisation.
21 The Brahmanda text has become more corrupt. 22 Life, p. 196 ; Berl's Si-yu-ki, ii, 289.

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The name Calou ('eye ') is a sanskritisation of the original name of the Oxus, viz., Aksu, which had been understood as aksu (=Skt. akşi, eye'). In Sanskrit literature we come across its other form, Vaksu (also Varikçu), which is the origin of the Mongolian Baksku, Tibetan Pakshu, and Chinese Folsu or Po-isu and is preserved in Valshan (modern Wokhôn.) Its neighbour, mentioned several times by Yuan Chwang, is spelt both as Sita and Sita (cold '). There is no room for doubting the identity of Cakşu with Aksu, i.e., the Oxus, supported, as this is, by the alternative and real form, Vakshu. The countries on the Caksu. as named in the Puraņas, are :
(1) Cina-maru (Vaya), Vira-maru (Matsya); (2) Kalika 23 (Váyu), Nangana (Matsya); (3) Sarva-malika2* (Vayu), Salika (Matsya); (4) Tuşâra (Tukhára)-cum-Andhra (Vayu), Tuşâra (Motsya); (5) Tampaka? (Vůyu), Barbara-Anga (Matsya); (6) Balhava (Brah. múnda), Pahnava (Vayu), Yaghna (Matsya) ; (7) Parada (Matsya), Pârata (Brahmanda), Darada (Vdyu): (8) Saka (Väyu, Matsya): Khasa (Brahmanda).26
Now, avoiding the question of the identification of each of these items, which is outside the scope of this paper, we are on firm ground in regard to Tuşâra, which is a well-known spelling for Tukhara (like Şasa for Khasa). Tukhára is sufficiently described by Yuen Chwang,?? who visited all parts of the area that was included in ancient Tukhara, i.e., the districts of the present Afghầnistân that go by the names of Tokhâristân and Badakhshân. The Tukhåra country does adjoin the Oxus, and does extend to the valley of the Chitral river, the country of the ancient Daradas and Cînas (=Şinas), on the east, and marches on the west with Balkh, which it once included within its limits. The Purâņic description would place Parada (the Palada of Asoka) between Balhava (Balkh) and Darada and Khasa (Dardistân), that is to say, the Paradas would be located in what is now Badakhshân.28 The Andhras were next to Tukhåra. They too were by the Oxus. In the time of Asoka there were no Tokhârîs there, and probably the Andhras and the Paradas were neighbours, the two peoples occupying the area between And-khui (Afghân Turkist) and the frontier of Chitral. It seems that the Paradas became insignificant in the early Gupta period, when the Vayu was written in its present form, as it gives their neighbours, the Daradas, in their place, contrary to the Matsya, which was closed in the Kushån-Andhra period (c. 250 A.D.). The neighbours of the Paradas, called Ambasthas by Varahamihira (FE-CGT: XVI, 22), were not the Ambrışthas of India proper, but the people whom Ptolemy (xviii, 3) calls Ambantai and places in the Paropanisadai, to the north of the Parietai (see his map in MoCrindle, p. 8). Ptolemy gives the other Ambastai separately.
23 Tala in the Brahmanda. 24 Masa-malika in the Brahmánda. 25 Lamydka in the Brahmanda. 26 The texts of the Matsya (c. 250 A.D.) and Vayu (c. 350 A.D.) are given below M. 120 : अथ वीरमरुश्चैव कालिकांश्चैव शूलिकान् ।
GRITURIT PUNT [] CTT 411 45
एतान् जनपदोश्चक्षुः प्लावयित्वोदधिनता। 46 V. i. 47: अथ चीनमरूं व नङ्गणान् सर्वमूलिकान् ।
साभांस्तुषारांस्तंपाकान् पनवान् दरदान् शकान् ।।
एतान् जनपदान् चक्षः प्लावयन्ती गतोदधिम्'। 44 Cf. Br. II. 18 : 444 &arata e
मद्रांस्तुषारॊल्लम्याकान् बाइवान पारटान् खशान् ।। 46
2011 37919: 14 fall 47 27 Life, pp. 195-196.
28 We should, however, note that Yuan Chwang's Varadosthana was probably somewhat farther south (see Si-yu-ki, ii, 285). Varadasthana would mean the land of the Varadas,' the form Varada being & softer development of Parada. The form is met with as early as in the Ramayana.

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For our period, Manu is a better guide; and Manu's Code gives exactly the same situation as the Matsya, viz.:
Pâradas
Palhavas Cinas Kirâtas Daradas Khasas (X, 44).
This means that in the time of the Code (c. 150 B.C.) the Pâradas and Palhavas extended up to the Cînas (Siņas) and Daradas (Dards). Here Palhava seems to me to be a form of Valhava (Balkh), v changing to p, a change well known in Prakrit and in the area concerned. This Palhava of Manu has nothing to do with Parthia.
Monumental Evidence of Aśoka's Rule on the Oxus.
6. Yuan Chwang includes the countries by the upper Oxus as well as the Pâmîrs in Jambudvipa, just as the Purânas include them in Bharatavarsa. When Aśoka mentioned Jambudvipa, he probably referred to a division greater than Bhâratavarsa. The then AllIndia, i.e., the India up to the Oxus (his empire) was included in it: it was something like Asia.2" That Aśoka ruled up to the Oxus is proved by his stúpa which Yuan Chwang saw in the Antarâpa, or Andarâb, country: "There is one stúpa built by Aśoka-raja" (Life, p. 195).
Palhava-Sveta-Hana (White Huns)
Maru Cina (XVI, 38).
Purânic Enumeration of Oxus Countries.
7. The name Vira-maru (Matsya) was changed into Cina-maru (Vayu) owing to Chinese political influence reaching up to Persia in the first century B.C., embracing the 'desert country' (Russian Turkistân). By this maru (Cina or Vira) were meant the waste lands of Turkistan commencing above And-khui on the Oxus. This is also suggested by Varâhamihira's record:
Cola (i.e., northern 29a) - Avagana (=Apagana=
Afghan)
This maru was in Zend called Mouru, which survives in the name Merv. The Puranic enumeration seems to run from west to east. Taking the tract between the Oxus and the Paropamisus-Hindukush, the Puranic names may be equated with the modern names thus:corresponding to Maru (Cina)
Kalika ? Andhras
Valhava Pârada Saka
Khasa
Desert
Kerki
And(h)-khui Balkh
Badakhshân Shighnân-Wakhân
37
""
33
33
""
125
35
22
Pâmîrs
""
In the time of Asoka, the districts of northern Afghanistan now known as Andkhui, Mazar-i-Sharif and Khulm seem to have been under the Andhras, and Badakhshan under the Pâradas.
Name of the Country of the Paradas.
8. The correct form of the name of the country is Parada (Varada), and of that of the people, Pârada, as Valhava would be the place name, and Vâlhaveya (and Vâlhîka) the name of the people. The present-day Bâradzai, a Durrânî tribe, allied to the Yusuf-zai, seems to be their representative.
The a-Raja-Visaya of Aśoka.
9. There has been a misreading and misappreciation of a term in Rock Series XIII. In connection with these self-governing communities, the emperor, after noting the success
29 Otherwise it would be identical with Bhâretavarsa; but it seems that a term was designedly adopted to indicate a wider area. In Hindu geography Jambudvipa is made up of several vargas, including Bharatavarga. I shall show in my note on the Aparâmtas of Asoka that he employed technical terms of Hindu geography. The wider significance of the name Jambudvipa dates from a time anterior to Asoka and the name is to be found used in that wider sense in the Buddhist canon as well as in the Epics. 29a Cf. Ency. Brit. (11th ed.), XIII, 330.

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of his measures in the kingdoms of his foreign neighbours, outside his empire, records his success with regard to certain communities 'here,' i.e., within his empire. To take the translation of Hultzech :
"And this (dharma-vijaya, i.e., 'conquest by morality') has been won repeatedly by Devânâmpriya both (here) and among all his borderers, even as far as ........... where the Yona king named Antiyoga ..............
"Likewise here in the king's territory among the Yonas and Kambojas ...... "30
In the king's territory' is a translation of raja-visayamhi (Girnar). The second member of th phrase had been misread by Bühler as visavaji (Kalsi). I have compared the letters of the edition, and satisfied myself that Hultzsch's reading is correct. What Bühler read as ji is really si; and it has to be read along with višava as visavaşi (=Skt. vişaye), corresponding with the Girnar visayamhi.
But the grouping of the two words hidd and lája-(vićavasi) is wrong. It should be hidalájavisavaşi (fearannutf ), that is to say, it is hida-, or hida., a-raja-visaye (i.e.,
here, in the non-monarchical tract'). The Girnår version has also hida, not hida (see plate, p. 26).31 At Kalsî we have both the forms, hida and hida, but Girnar has only hida (for Skt. iha). It is thus clear that hidárdja (hida a-raja, or hidd a-raja) is engraved. This sort of sandhi is well known in Asoka's inscriptions (cf. Hultzsch, pp. lviii, lxxiii)..
[In the term a-raja vigaya, vişaya probably has a technical meaning. It was a part of the empire, a province or a governorship, an administrative unit, like the visaya of AntaraVedî of the Guptas. There was probably a province of these republics, a separate imperial administrative unit, a protectorate province, like the Central Indian Agency of our day.)
II. Aparâmta, not Aparâmta. 10. There is misapprehension with regard to another word. In Rock Series V, the text has been taken as aparámtá, and as meaning "western neighbours,' taking the word as made up of apara+anta. It might also be analysed as a-para +amta, i.e., the 'home' or inside neighbours; or possibly as avaratanta, the 'inferior' neighbours. But these interpretations must be given up as inadmissible, for the reading is A parámta (at Girnar, Aparata ; at Dhauli, Apalanta), i.e., 'the peoples belonging to Aparânta.' The Apalama of Kalsi is therefore to be taken as used just like the Aparántâh of the Purânas. Aparanta is a term used by Hindu geographers : it means the division of India called 'Western India.' This Western India is thus described about 250 A.D. (Matsya Purana, 113, 49-51):
कुलीयाश्च सिरालाश्च रूपसास्तापसैः सह । auffae [ T ]33 PRESTATI [ ]34 farat atrore-ar#ET: 1 भारुकच्छाः स-माहेयाः सह सारस्वतस्तथा ॥ काच्छीकाश्चैव सौराष्ट्रा आन" अर्बुदैः सह । इत्येते अपरान्तास्तु Cf. Brahmånda, ii, xvi, p. 27 (Venk. ed., verses 51-62). X X X X X X X X targ's fata सूारकाः कलिवना दुर्गला x कुन्तलैः सह ।
पौलेयाश्च किराताश्च रूपकांस्तापकैः सह ॥ 60 50 Inscriptions of Asoka, 1925, p. 48. 3) The point has been missed by Hultzsch owing to the vowel sign not being prominent.
33 Hultzsch translates as 'western borderors,' Inscriptions of Asoka (1925), p. 10. I had previously Auggested this rendering (Hindu Polity, 1924, 1. 43); but this is not maintainable, as we shall presently see.
38 °, corrected from the Vayu toxt. 34 to, corrected from the Váyu text. 8 अपरांस्तान् in the printed text is an obvious misreading.

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तथा करीतवव सर्वे व करंधराः।
frente part of armore-ort # 61 i सह-कच्छा :स-माहेया: सह सारस्वतैरपि। कच्छीयाश्च सुराष्ट्राबानाबार्बुदैः सह ॥ 621 ra YITA........ Cf. Văv4, 45, 128-131. ... ... ... ... ... ... W ie anfaat सूर्पकाराः कलिवना दुर्गाः कालीतकैः सह । पुलेवाब सरालाश्च रूपसास्तापसैः सह । तथा तुरसिताश्चैव सर्वे चैव परस्कराः ॥ मासिक्याचाच ये चान्ये ये चैवान्तरनर्मदाः। भारु कच्छाः समाहेयाः सहसा शाश्वतैरपि । कच्छीयाश्च सुराष्ट्राश्च भनाबार्बुदैः सह ।
rua eta (=wetara 11. The extra line in the Vayu gives a definite datum in eo (miscopied as utora: ), i.e., from Sarparaka, the modern Sopara, which is described as the capital of Aparánti in E.I., XI. The name probably owed its origin to Sürparaka having been the port for sailing to Assyria (Süra). Petar: are the modern Kaochis, the Gujarati-speaking people living in Cutoh (Kacch), popularly known as 'Kaoch-Bhaj.' SamdheydI have subdivided as sa-Maheyah, with the people of the Mahi valley.' Sarasvata refers to the river Sarasvati, still bearing its old name. It is to the west of the Mahi. Cf. Varahamihira:
मानाईद पुष्कर-सौराष्ट्रामीर-गृह-रैवतकाः।
per f e rdit afat : 1 (31) According to the above text, Aparanta, lit., 'the western end,' extended from Nasik to the Ran of Kaoch, including the area now called Parkar (=Paraskara) on the northern edge of the Ran. It is for the most part identical with the Gujarat country, with probably a later extension beyond the Tapti river (Tapakaih saha).28
III. Asoka's Aparanta? 12. Now, who were Asoka's Aparâmta ? The inscriptions are not very helpful here; in fact they are positively confusing, as will be seen from the extracts quoted below :Girnar . Yona-Kamboja-Gandháránan (1) Ristika (incorrect for Ráslika)
Plejtenikanan ye vd pi amñe Apardid (2). Mansehra .. Practically the same as above, except that it reads Rathika-Pitinakana. Kalai . Yona-Kamboja-Gandhalanan e od pi anne A palamud. Shahbâzgashi. Yona-Kamboya-Gandharanam Rathikanan Pitinikanam ye va pi Apa.
ramta. Dhauli .. Yona-Kambocha-Gandhalesu Lathika-Pitenikeou e vd pi aṁne A palamid.
It will be noticed that GirnAr, MAnsehra and Dhauli would describe at least the second group (Rastrika-Pitinika) as Aparantas, and would seem to indicate that there were other Aparântas among whom Asoka carried on his propaganda of positivism. Shahbagashi, on the other hand, would indicate both groups as non-Aparanta, while Kalsî knows only the first group, and will make them Aparantas ! The first group, we know from the Ramayana downwards, to be udicydh (Northerners), and never Westerners. We have to regard Kalsf
36 AnandAsrarna text: HIE
" सम्परीता ias misrending for the अपरांता of the Mataya. 38 Jayamangala, commontator of the Vatsyâyana Kdmantra, similarly describes Aparanta 2.6 bordering on the Western Sea. (
SHIKI:) and (next to it) Lata,' which lies to the weat of Western MAlava, i.e., the Vjjayanf country ( referat de :)

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as defective, in omitting by mistake the mention of Rastrika-Pitinikánam. Similarly the Shahbazgarhî text is to be considered defective as omitting by mistake añe (other) before Aparamta. The mistake at Shâhbâzgarhî shows that in Gandhara [Province] the engraver or writer on the rock did not know that Rathikas and Pitinikas were Aparamtâs or that they were neighbours, for he makes them separate and does not group them. The mistake also shows that Yona-Kamboja-Gandhâra, which the writer knew well, were not Aparamtâs. The writer at Kâlsî, who does not use the form Apalaṁtá but has Apalamta, missed or omitted the real Aparântas and employed the non-technical apalamta, and writing as he was in the upper Siwâliks, he might correctly call the Peshawarîs and Kâbulis 'the Westerners.' The true text is at Girnår, Mansehra and Dhauli, according to which, read in the light of Shahbazgaṛhî, the peoples to whom Aparâmtâ applied were the Rathika (Rastrika)-Pitinikas(Petenikas).
Having Pitinikas as one of the parânta administrative units, we can safely infer that the next neighbours, the Bhojas (Bhoja-Pitinika, Rock XIII), were included in the other Apar. ântas.' We have thus three communities who were Aparântas:
Bhojas
Râstrikas
Pitinikas
The Râstrikas were the connecting link between the two, and must have been in a position from which they could link the Pitinikas and the Bhojas with themselves. Thus, if we can fix the localities of the other two, we can guess the position of the Pitinikas almost to a certainty.
For a period of less than a hundred years after Aśoka, we have the evidence of Khâravela (E. I., XX, 79) that "all the Rathikas and Bhojakas" fought against him together. This shows that there was more than one Rathika republican chief and probably more than one Bhojaka republican chief, and that the two were distinct, though closely allied. They were probably, therefore, close neighbours: Bhoja-Rastrika-Pitinika made really one group. Location of the Raṣṭrika, Pitinika and Bhoja States.
13. According to a passage of the Mahá-Bharata one had to cross the Chambal to reach the Bhoja state and the Nava-Râstras or Nine Râstras.39 According to another passage, the Bhojas were between Karûşa and Sindh (Sindhu-Pulindakas).40 The Bhojas were allied to Krisna's kinsmen, the Andhaka-Vrisnis, and migrated with them to Western India from Śûrasena. They must have settled near them, that is near Kathiawâr. The position suggest. ed by the Maha-Bharata 39 is below Sindh and to the west of the Mâlavas, with whom are associated the Karûsas (ATGATHTH, Matsya, 113. 52). By crossing the Chambal one came into the Mâlava country. The locality thus suggested is between Sindh and Malava. The limit of the Malavas in Western India was Mount Abu, Arbuda, (Arbuda-Málavah), i.e., the Aravali range. Leaving the Bhojas here, let us see if we can be more definite about the Râştrikas or Lathikas.
Our best guide here is Ptolemy. He places Larikê between the mouth of the Mahi river and the peninsula of Kathiawâr (McCrindle, p. 38) and extends its dominions from the mouth of the Narmada (Barygaza) to the east of Indo-Skythia or Sindh (McCrindle, p. 152). Ptolemy's Poulindai, whom Yule places to the NE. of the Ran of Kacch (McCrindle, p. 157), are the Sindhu Pulindas of the Sanskrit texts. Lárika is an exact rendering of Ráṣṭrika in its Prakrit form.
We have thus on the authority of Ptolemy (c. 150 A.D.) Larikê extending from Bharoach to the Gulf of Kacch, i.e., the modern Gujarât (west of Western Malwâ). Larikê seems to have extended up to the river Sarasvati-noted by Varâhamihira as the limit of Western India (rfect react af:)-which rises from the Aravali hills and falls into the Gulf of Kacch. Ptolemy s limits of Larikê coincide with those of Lata-desa of Sanskrit 40 Bhiama parvan, cited by Wilson and Hall, V. P., ii, 158 (ch. IX, 38-40).
39 Sabhd, ch. 31 (1-7).

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writers (Apara-Málava-paścimena Lâța-desa). The names Lâthî, a State in Kathiawâr, and Rathi, a caste name among Mârwârî (Mâlav-war) Vaisyas preserve the ancient Râthika. Pitinika.
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14. The Pitinikas, for the reasons indicated above, should have lived somewhere between the lower courses of the Mahi and Sarasvati rivers. Now, about 40 miles to the south-by-east of Ahmadâbâd lies the modern town of Petlad, in what is now part of the Baroda State. The old name of this place was Petila (see A.S.R.W.C., 1920, pp. 47, 60). Petila Petina. I think there can be little doubt that in this name we have a survival of the ancient Pitinika, Petinika, Petenika (omitting the suffix), and that it suits the location otherwise suggested. 404 Bhojas,
15. The Bhojas, who, according to the Mbh., Bhisma-p. list, should have resided below the Ran of Kacch, must have occupied Kacch. The popular name, Kacch-Bhûj or Kacch Bhoj, for that peninsula preserves the tradition. The Râstrikas, in the middle, extended up to the frontiers of the Pitinikas and the Bhojas. The Bhojakas, a caste, are today mostly found in Cutch and Kathiawâr.41
Maha-Rastra in Daksinapatha.
16. The Mahâ-Râştras were, according to the Puranas, in the Dakṣinâ-patha (Vayu). They were thus not an Aparânta people. The Râstrikas should not, therefore, be identified with them. It is probable that some of the Rathikas and Bhojas moved down to the other side of the Satpura hills, and settled there. But their chief home, especially in Aśoka's time, was to the north of the Narmada, in Gujarât proper, from Kathiawâr to Kacch.
Râștrikas and 'Abiria.'
17. In the time of the Periplus (c. 80 A.D.) the very area called by Ptolemy' Larikê ' was called 'Abiria.' It seems that the Abhîras of Gujarât were the Râştrikas of Asoka and the Yadavas of the Mahd-Bharata. Again and again in that area we find republicans. In the time of the Maha-Bharata they are Andhaka-Vrişņis and Bhojas (Yadavas); in the time of Asoka we have the Râstrikas and Bhojas; in the time of Khâravela we have the Rathikas and Bhojakas; in the time of Samudra Gupta we have the Abhiras, while a contemporary Purâpic text designates the Saurâstras and Avantyas-Abhiras '43; in the time of Kumara Gupta I and Skanda Gupta we have the Pusyamitras there. These were all one and the same or allied people, with different names at different times.
Râṣṭrika-Bhojas.
18. The treatment of these two in Aśoka's inscriptions shows that to some extent the Bhojas were identical with the Râstrikas, for in Rock P. V and Rock P. XIII they interchange like the Nabhakas and Gândhâras. It seems that the Bhojas were amongst the Râstrikas, as the Nabhas were amongst the Gândhâras.
IV. Aśoka's Republicans.
19. The Saurastras, who had been a republic (samgha) at the time of Kautilya's Arthasâstra, soon ceased to be so in the very time of Chandragupta, who had a governor in Surâstra (modern Sorath). Their political status was changed. Hence we do not find them in Aśoka's republican list. Kâmbhoja, which had been a republic in early Maurya times, was still so in Asoka's time, but the Ksatriya-Sreņi ceased to be so. The enumeration in the Arthasástra is followed in essence by Aśoka, the Arthasástra's list being :
Kâmbhoja-Surâstra-Ksatriyaśreņi and others' (Kautilya, Bk. X.)
The Kâmbhoja of Kautilya probably included the Yavanas and the Nabbas, and his Surastra probably included the Rastrikas.
20. The second list of Kautilya is :
(a) Licchavika-Vrijika - Mallaka (Eastern India),
40a Fora Pettani from Gujarat in the seventh century see Moraes, Kadambakula, p. 65; March, 1925, p. 83. 41 Enthoven, Caste and Tribes of Bombay. I am thankful to Mr. Hira Lal for this reference. This
caste is the remnant of the ancient Bhojakas.
42 Bhagavata (Of. Vishnu) in Pargiter's PT., p. 54; JBORS., XIX, 149-150.

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(6) Madraka - Kukura --Kuru -- Pañchâla and others (Eastern Ponjáb to Madhya.
desa) who lost their political status by the time of Asoka, though the Madrakas reappear in the succeeding centuries and continue up to 350 A.D. (i.e., the time
of Samudra Gupta) as republican. The republics with political powers and full autonomy in the time of Asoka are a limitert list (R. P. XIII): (i) the Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Nabhas and Nábha-Pamtis, the Bhojas and the Pitinikas (the Rathikas were under the Rajjukas of the king, like any other imperial district, according to the Yerragudi inscription-IHQ., IX. 112) and (ii) the Andhras (on the Oxus), with the Påradas. The latter are found under a king, Paradan shah, in 293-294 A.D. (Paikuli Inscription, pp. 117-119, Berlin, 1924.)
Bhâratavarsa and Himavarsa. 21. Asoka's line of demarcation is Meru (Hindukush) with Nişadha (Paropa-Nisad). Those to the south of the Meru-Nişadha frontier are (i)the above, and those to the north of them, in Himavarşa (Imaus), are the (ii), $ 20.43 The territory commencing from the Hindukush is counted by Asoka in his India, which was something like Bharatavarşa. The Greek writers have preserved the tradition that some reckoned India from the the Hindukush, and some from the Indus or the Kôphen. The latter was what the Puranas call Kumâridvípa. Asoka's Oxus Province was in his Jambudvipa, which had been a well-established term before his time, as the Pali canon shows. The Oxus Province we find included by the Purâņas in Bhåratavarsa and Jambûdvipa--on the other side of the Jambû river. It seems that the Jambû river and Meru (Hindukush) constituted the limits of Maurya India, otherwise Asoka would have started his arája-visaya enumeration with the Andhra-Paladas. Up to the Hindukush we find an actual Hindu population : Sasi-gupta was a ruler there in the time of Alexander. Asoka's dividing line has a geographical meaning, which is explained by the Greek authors writing on the limits of India, and the Hindu divisions of Bhäratavarsa and Himavarşa.
The Kamboja of Asoka. 22. Kamboja (Girnar, Kalsi and Mansehra, V and XIII), with its variants, Kamboya (Shahbâzgarhî, V, XIII) and Kamboca (Dhauli. V), is the Kâmbhoja of the Arthasástra (Bk. XI. c. 135). The regular form, however, in Sanskrit literature, from Yaska and the Ramayana down to medieval inscriptions, is Kamboja (country) and Kamboja (people). ** The form Kamboya suggests that in Asoka's time the name was pronounced thus in the country itself. From this, Kamboh,' the name of a numerous Hindu caste found in the Panjab *5 is derived. Their tradition is that they came from Gajni (i.e., Ghazni), 'near Kambay.'46
Kathbuja and Kabul, 23. The origin of the word is kambu, neck.' Both Kambu-ja (and its derivative Kamboja), born in Kambu,' and Kamyou-la, of Kambu,' may be derived from kambu. The area where Kabul is situated is just like the neck of a water-pot or a conch. K&bul seems to be identical with the ancient Kamboja. Its capital, according to the Buddhist 8úlras, was Dvaraka. 7
The Yavana-Kambojas were between the Yavanas (Yonas of Asoka) and the Gândháras. These Yavanas were pre-Alexander Yavanas, who are noted in the same position in the Ramayana (Kişkindha, 43, 11-Kamboja-yavanans caiva) and in the Páli canon
43 It is definitely clear that the Hindur named the two ranges, and it was their nomenclature which the Greeks found in use. In the Puravio geography Meru and Nişadhe are adjoining, and between them tho Jambu Rivor flows (Vayu). Thoir Jambù-tree was probably the blue plurn, which is associated in India with Turkistán ( dld Bokhand, the round fruit from Bokhara)' and which in shape appears like the jdmun fruit of India proper.
41 OY. Wilson and Hall, Vishnu Purana, references in Index. 45 Rose, Glossary of Tribee and Oastes of the Punjab and North-Western Frontier Province, ii, 442 18. 48 Ibid., p. 444. 17 Rhy Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 23-28.

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(Yona-Kambojusu). 8 These Yavana-Kambojas of the PAli texts had no Brahmans according to the canon and Asoka (R. P. XIII): they had only free men and slaves, which is an accurate description of a Greek community. The Páli form, Yona-Kamboja, would mean that these Yonas were in the Kamboja country and a part thereof. In 1919 I had pointed out that these were pre-Alexander Yavanas, the Yavanas of Panini and Manu, for Manu treats thom as & Hindu tribe; and I identified them with the community at Nysa, below the Hindukush (Meru), with their president Akoubi (A.Kaubhi). The latter official presided over the people who dwelt between the Hindukush and the Kubh& (Kábul) river, i.e., to the north of that river. They claimed kinship with Alexander's Greeks, which was acknowledged. Patañjali notes their janapada: Naisyo nama janapadah (M. IV. I. 4 on P. 4. 1. 170). From Arrian we get some light on the identification of
The Yona-Karnboja-Gandhåras of Asoka (R.V). In the edicts those are grouped together, which means, they were all neighbours situated in this order. The enumeration is scientific, being in geographical sequence, from west to east, which is confirmed by Arrian (I):
"The regions beyond the river Indus on the west are inhabited, up to the river Kophen, by two Indian tribes, the Astakenoi and the Assakenoi, who are not men of great stature like the Indians on the other side of the Indus, nor so brave, nor yet so swarthy as most Indians...... The Nysaioi, however, are not an Indian race, but descendants of those who came into India with Dionysos..... The district in which he planted this colony he named Nysain (=the Naibya janapada of Patanjali) ...... and the city itself Nysa. But the mountain close by the city, and on the lower slopes of which it is built, is designated Méros (Meru)........ In the dominions of the Assakenoi there ig a great city called Massaka, the seat of the sovereign power which controls the whole realm. And there is another city, Peukelaītis (Puşkalavati), which is also of great size and not far from the Indus. These settlements lie on the other side of the river Indus, and extend in a western direction as far as the Kophon."
Arrian, in the above passage, indicates that Puşkalavati was easternmost in this enumeration, and his Assakenoi, or the Asvakas, were on the Kabul river and between the Nysa Yavanas and Puşkalâvati. Now Puşkalâvati was in Gandhára. Asoka's Kambojas were between the Yavanas and Gandhâra. The Kambojas of Asoka and of the Sanskrit and Pali texts thus occupy exactly the same position as Arrian's Assakenoi (Ašvakas). We thus get another name for the Kambojas, i.e., Asvakas. The Kambojas were famous for their horses, and as cavalry-men (asva-yuddha-kusalah);60 Asvakas, horsemen,' was the term popularly applied to them.
Gandhara. 24. Arrian, starting his enumeration from the Indus westwards, mentions the Astakenoi first, which means that they were in Gandhârs. The Astakaa are the well-known Astakarajya, the Confederacy of Eight.'51 They are now represented by Hashtnagar, the
Eight Cities' tract on the lower Swat in the neighbourhood of Puskaldvati (Chårsadda). The Gandhára of Asoka was divided into two parts, (1) on the eastern side of the Indus, with Takşasilá as capital, which was an Imperial Province, and (2) the Båjaur and Swat region under autonomous (city) states, with Puşkalâvati as the biggest town amongst them. They formed a league of eight city-states. Now, in Rock P.V. we have the Gandharas, and in Rock P. XIII we have in their place in the arája-vigaya group) the Nabhaka-Nabhapamtis(=parkti). Here the section of Gandhåra which was not under direct imperial rule was distinguished by these two names. Precisely in this region (Bajaur-Swat) we have now the Nahaka community and the Nahaki Pass. Nåhaka is the exact equivalent of Nabhaka.
18 Majjhima, ii, 149 (pointed out by Mr. C. D. Chatterji). These Yonas-Kambojas had only two varna. (castee), vie., drya (free men) and dása (elare); and one could change to the other.
49 While delivering my Tagore Law Lectures before the Calcutta University. See Tagore Lectures, (1919), p. 83 ; Hindu Polity, i. 147-148.
60 Mahd-Bhdrata, Santi p., 105. 6 (Kumbakonam ed:) 61 Cf. C.H.I., p. 355, n.

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I have given other reasons elsewhere" for placing the Nabhaka and the Nabha parkti, or Nabha lines,' in Gandhára, on the authority of the grammatical literature, where they appear as Nabháka and Urna53 Nabha, Parkti is a synonym of seni, line,' which is often used to denote a league of republicans. The Nábhakas and Nabha-pamtis had their confederacy of eight city-states. If we take the second member as Nabha Pami(as we already have the Nábhakas), the Pamti would be the Pamtis ' in league with the Nabhas, and would be identical with the Paktyes or people of the Paktyika or Paktyike country named by Herodotus.54 The Nabhas occupied the country just to the south of the gold-trading Dardistânis,
Nabhaka and Nabhåka occur as designations of Rishis in the Rigveda. Nabha-nedistha Månava is well-known as one who was left out in partition by his father, Manu. Nábha. nedistha, nearest in descent,'has retained that meaning in the Avesta (Vidic Index, i. 442). The Nabhas appear to have been a Vedic community.
The Nábhas are now the Pathâns of the Swát valley. Their seat (dhana) was the 'way' (páța, or váļa), and Pata-dhana or Váța-dhana was merely a descriptive title, not an ethnic name, as Pathân or Pâthân is today. It was evidently the ancient Nabhas or Nabhakas who were described by Varkhamihira as the city states' (grûmc-rástrani) of the Vatadhanes, who are located along with the Yaudheyas and Trigartas, etc. :
Traigartta-Paurava-Ambasha-Párata-Vatadhana-Yaudheyah, Sarasvatu-Arjundyana- Matsyardha-gráma-rastrâni (Byihal-S., XVI, 22). V. Asoka's International Conquest by Dharma, and his so-called
" Ashashu” (Correctly, Ashurshu=' in Syria'). In Rock Proclamation XIII we have (quoting Hultzsch's translation) "and that Dharma-vijaya ("Conquest by Dharma) of Devânâmpriya has been,
again, obtained (a) "here (ila, idha); (6) "and in all the antas (frontier states of neighbours-shaveshu cha arteshu); (c) “Ashashupi yojanashateshu (K. reading of Hultzsch) where the Yavana king
Amtiyoka (lives or rules) (yatra Artiyoko nama yona-laja (Shahtazgashi); (d) "beyond this Antiochus (where) the four kings (rule)....(param cha tena
Atiyokena chature rajani,.... (Shabbâzgashi); (e) "to the south-in Choda-Panda down to Ceylon (Tambapani);
(1) "similarly here in the non-monarchical vishaya-amongst the Yonas.. (etc.), everywhere (i.e., in all the above places) Devânâmpriya's Dharma-anushasti (in. struction or command on Dharma) is followed ; (0) "and even there where the envoys of Devânâmpriya do not go (the peoples)
having listened to the Devânâmpriya's Dharmarutan (the law of conduct,) ridhanan (authoritative rules and ceremonies) (and) Dharmánućasti
(Dharma commands) obey them (anuvidhiyamte)." We may note, in passing, that dharma-rutan is a technical term of Buddhism,55 meaning the seven points of proper conduct (satta vuta-padan), viz., supporting one's parents, revering one's elders, kind language, abstinence from backbiting, abstinence from selfishness, truthfulness, and restraining anger (Dh., 185, 186, 189). This is in effect the Dharma preached by Asoka 56 Here the conquest of Dharma by the emperor in his own empire, including
63 Hindu Polity, i, 145.
63 Compare the modern name, ONA (Pashtu, Unra), of the lofty ridge in eastern Swat identified by Air Aurel Stein with the Aornos of Alexander's campaign (A. S. I. Mem. 42, pp. 89, 00).-C.E.A.W.O., Jt.. Editor.
54 See Cary's trans., iii, 102 ; iv. 44. 68 Childers, Pali-English Dictionary, p. 591, 8.0., vuta padan. 66 Pillar, VII, EE, HH, Hultzach, p. 138 ; Rock, III, IV, IX, XI, XII, G.; Brahmagiri.

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protectorates, and outside, is described. The outside area was composed of two classes, viz., (1) the countries to which imperial envoys were accredited, and (2) those countries which did not possess that political dignity. Some of the countries to whose courts Indian ambassadors were deputed are noted by the mention of their rulers by name in the case of the Greek sovereigns) or by the mention of the States (e.g., Choda, Pamda and Tambapaņi (Ceylon). 57 There were states where Asoka's envoys did not go ; and one of these must have been the Satiyaputra which is mentioned in R.P. II, but is omitted in R.P. XIII from the list of the higher international states. The enumeration of the states in India follows a geographical order. The Satiyaputra state is placed between Kerala and Pândya, and we can be certain of its position as being in the Tinnevelly district. satur (old form Satiyir) in that district probably marks their capital. It was in this district that was situated the port of Korkai or Kolkai, near the mouth of the Tamraparņi river, whence vessels sailed for Ceylon. The states in (6) to (e) are definitely named, and are implied to be ambassadorial states. The states in (e), i.o., in Europe and Africa, are given, evidently, in the order of their individual importance.
Ashashu.' (c) Bihler's and Hultzsch's reading] has been translated thus (Hultzsch, p. 70) :
"even as far as at (the distance of) six hundred yojanas, where the Yona
king named Antiyoka (is ruling), and (d) thus :
"and beyond this Antiyoka (where) four-4-kings (are ruling). ..." Ashashu pi is taken as d-shashu pi, and rendered "even as far as six." There are serious objections to this interpretation. Pi is after ashashu, and not after yojana-shateshu. Why should six' be emphasised! If distance was to be stressed, then why was not the greater distance of the countries beyond that of Antiochus given! Then, we have a falat Kalyi, not
a l; if a (up to,' as far as ') was intended, we would expect á, as in R.P.II (Girnar: a-Tambapani), and in R.P. IV (Dhauli : d-kapam). Excluding Kharosthi versions, where long d is always omitted, we have nowhere a used for d, and everywhere å given in full force (Pillar II : &-pana). As Asoka's Conquest of Dharma' certainly extended beyond 600 yojanas, there would be no sense in giving the lesser distance of the place where Antiochus lived or ruled if distance was to be emphasised.
Correet Roading : Ashurshu. The second letter is not sha, but shri. See the plate of Shahbâzgarhi (Hultzsch, pp. 68-69).58 The u- mark to the first sh at Månserå is also clear; it is only a little more slanting and a little irregular (see Hultzsch's plate opposite p. 84). Its third and last occurrence at Kalsi (plate. p. 50, line 6) has a very thin tail to the bottom of sh. We have thus at Shahbazgashi and Månserå Ashuo, and at Kalsi, Ash(u)'. Further we may distinguish on the top of the second sh at Kalsi a wavy horizontal line, distinguishable more easily in the plate of Bühler (E.I., II, p. 460), and a clear r added to the bar of the second sh at Shahbazgashi and Mansera. The complete word, thus, is Ashurshu, and the base Ashur.
Now Ashur or Ashu should be in a position from where 'beyond 'which) one could get into the territories of the four neighbouring kings' (ami pa-tájáno, 69 Girnar; samanta lájáne, Dhauli und Jaugada). Such a position would be the sea-coast of Syria or Asia Minor, but as the first neighbour of Antiochus is the king of Egypt in the inscriptions, we have to take the country of Ashur as Syria, and probably not Assyria. Here, as in Herodotus, Syria is called Ashur (Assyria), not Shur.
67 Tambapant is undoubtedly Ceylon. According to Hindu geography, Tamraparna (Tdmravarna) wag & dvipa separated from India by ses (Matsya, Ch. 113; Vayu, Ch. 45, 70-78). The expression ava,
down to,' denotes that in the south (nicham) it was the southernmost state. The river Tamraparpi is in the Pandya country, and Panda is already separately mentioned. Megasthenes also has Taprobane for Ceylon (McCrindle, p. 62), which corresponde to Tambravan.
68 If Ashu is the form, it would correspond to the proper-name forms found in the cuneiform docu. ments of the reigns of Antiochus I and his father.
59 Not admipari ndjdno, as Hultzach roads. There is no annavdra; 860 plate, p. 4.

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ON THE REIGN OF KRSNA II, THE RÅSTRAKŪTA.
BY NALINI NATH DAS GUPTA, M.A. SPEAKING of Prithivirama, son of Mērada, who was the first of the Rattas to attain the position of a Great Chieftain (Maha-Samanta), during the reign of the Rastrakůta king, Kranarajadêva, the Saundatti inscription of the Rattas, dated in 1096 A.D.,' incidentally refers to his Rastrakůta patron, and in doing so maintains that "seven hundred and ninety. seven years of the Saka era having elapsed, in the Manmatha samvatsara, that king caused a temple of Jina to be built in the village of Sugandhavarti and allotted to it eighteen nivar. tanas." The date referred to corresponds to 875-76 A.D., and the context, which is replete with a brilliant description of a great king, is evidently applicable in so far as the builder of the said temple is concerned, to Krenarajadêva, and not to Prithivirama, who was no 'king' at all, and hence no claimant to all those superior royal epithets. According to the following lines of the same inscription, Pșithivîrâma himself, too, had had erected shrine of Jinêndra, the locality of which, however, is not precisely known. Now, the only king of the Rastrakûța dynasty with the name of Krsnarâja who could possibly reign in or about the above date was Krşņa II, son of Amôghavarşa I, and the late Dr. Fleet, who edited this inscription, first admitted it. But since the Kanhêri inscription of 877-878 A.D.3 of Amoghavarsa I's reign appeared prima facie in conflict with the reign of his son in 875-76 A.D., he later on "applied it as furnishing a date for Krşņa II as Yuvarâja under his father Amoghavarsha I...." But that again fell short of consistency with the imperial titles that have been used of Krşņaraja. So he ultimately concluded that (1) the king who caused the temple to be erected at Sugandharvarti in 875-76 A.D. was
not Kronarja, but the Mahasamanta Prithivirama;
the very "date of A.D. 875-76 cannot be an authentic one for Prithivirama; for we know, from another of the Saundatti records, that he was the grandfather of a certain Santivarman................who was the ruling Mahâsâmanta in December, 980 A.D. and the range of a hundred and five years for the three generations is far
too great"; (3) ."the real patron and sovereign of Prithivirama must have been Krishna III",
whose earliest known date is 940 A.D., and that the Saundatti record of 1096 A.D.
"makes a confusion between Krishna III and his ancestor Krishna II."S But if two generations of kings could be on a throne in 8146 and in 911 A.D., as were Amoghavarga I and his son Krsna II, and if the Rastrakůţa Chieftain Nandaråja, or Nannar. Aja, alone could rule for a period of at least 78 years, as is evinced by his Tiwarkhed and Mult&i plates, a hundred and five years for the three generations might not be far too great. Secondly, Dr. Fleet overlooked the fact that the long reign of Amoghavarşa was not a continuous one, which is borne testimony to by the versions of the Praśnóttara-ratnamaia 8 and an inscription found at Aihôle by Fleet himself. The fourth line of this
1 Jour.Bo.Br.R.A.S., X, 194-98. 3 Ibid., p. 200. 3 1.A., XIII, 135-36.
Ibid., XXXII, 220. 5 Ibid.
• As indicated by the Sirur and Nilagunda inscriptions of the 52nd regnal year of Amoghavarşa I, and dated in 866 A.D.-1.4., XII, 216 f.; E.I. VI, 98 f.
7 1.A., XII, 222. 8 1.A., XII, 217-18, and XIX, 379. 9 1.A., XX, 114.

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ON THE REIGN OF KRSNA II, THE RASTRAKOTA
135
inscription reads : Sri-Amoghavarsham nava-rajyam--géyé, i.e., while the glorious Amoghavarsha is reigning again,' and there are several copies of one, viz., the Digambara Jaina, recension of the Pra Inôttara-ratna malá, a short treatise on the rules of good conduct, of which the concluding verso runs as follows:
Vivékákt-tyakta rajyena rájñeyam Ratnamalika rachit-Amoghavarsena sudhıyam (or su-dhiya) sada.ankritih.
"This garland of gems, an excellent ornament for the earned, was composed by king Amôghavarsha, who gave up his kingdom owing to his discriminative knowledge " 10 (or, as the late Sir R. G. Bhandarkar put it, "in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit in him.")11
Thus, there might well be a temporary break about 875-76 A.D. in Amoghavarga I's reign, when Kršņa II might have acted as the king. We have now at our disposal also the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarna I, according to which he had, even before 871 A.D., the dato of the plates, relinquished his kingdom more than once.1?
An analogous instance of a king renouncing the throne out of spiritual fervour and again occupying it is furnished by Sron-tsân-Gâmpô, the Charlemagne of Tibet (seventh century), who, when a son of his reached the thirteenth year of his age, abdicated the throne in his favour and retired into solitude to pass his days in meditation, but resumed royalty when the son died at eighteen. 13 What exactly led Amoghavarşa I to resume royalty after ceding it time and again cannot be divined, but in any case, we are not justified to correct or modify the text of the Saundatti inscription of 1096 A.D.
Amôghavarsa I had embarked upon a disastrous campaign against the (Eastern) Calukyas, and the fire of his prowess is said to have burnt the Calukya race.'14 Contest with these Calukyas of Vengi seems to have been a very significant event of Krsna II's reign. Gunaka-Vijayaditya III of this dynasty 'having made the firebrand Krşņa frightened and distressed, burnt his excellent city,'15 (Mânyakhêta). The Sirur and Nilgunda inscriptions of the time of Amôghavarsa I refer to his being worshipped by the lord of Vengi, 16 and the terrible invasion of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III must have taken place after 866 A.D. the date of the two inscriptions, and probably also after the death of Amõghavarse I. On the other hand, the catastrophe had befallen the Rastrakūtas before 888 A.D., when GunakaVijayaditya had ceased to be a king, and Bhima I, his nephew, had been on the Calukyan throne. This, we should note, brings the date of the real accession of Krsna II within > narrower limit, which extends from 877-78 A.D., the last known date of Amôghavarsa I, to 888 A.D., the first known date of Krsna II.
The Vêmalurpadu plates of Ammaraja II disclose the fact that Kreņa II later on went to wreak his vengeance upon the Eastern Calukyas by falling upon Bhima I and overrunning the land of Vengi, but that the latter succeeded in freeing his territory from the Rastrakata aggression. 18
We need not seriously doubt that "...............the support which Kokkala (I, the Cedi king) lent to Akálavarsa (Krsna II) was given in all likelihood at the time when the latter was defeated, and his capital Mânyakhêta occupied, by the Eastern Calukya king
10 I.A., XIX, 379. 11 Bom. Gazetteer, vol. I, Pt. II, p. 201. 12 E.I., XVIII, pp. 248, 255. 18 JASB., 1881, pp. 221-22. 14 E.I., IV, 287, vv. 13-14. 15 1.A., XII, 221. 16 Vang Arga- Magadha-Málava. Veng=idair archits Tidaya dhavalah. 11 1.A., XX, 102-103 ; Duft's Chronology of India, pp. 81 and 279. 18 E.I., XVIII, 231 ; 1.A., XX, 103.

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Gunaka-Vijayaditya III."19 But the question is if Kókkala I married his daughter with Krona II,20 prior or posterior to the help be rendered to the Rastrakata prince in the South.
The former alternative, however, would give us a reason why Kókkala should help Krsna, and facts seem to corroborate it. King Indra III, grandson of Krona II, died in 917-18 A.D., leaving behind two sons who had attained such age as to succeed him on the throne. Supposing Indra III died when about thirty, at the earliest, we get at 887-88 A.D. as the hypothetical date of his birth, at the latest. His father Jagattunga II, who, though he did not reign, may yet be said to have lived for at least some twenty-five years, for he, too, had got two sons in Indra III and Amoghavarga III. Thus Jagattunga may be supposed to have been born sometime in the first half of the seventh decade of the ninth century A.D., if not earlier, and his father, Krena II, had been wedded to the daughter of Kókkala I anterior to that, while the onslaught of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III on MAnyakhêta could not have possibly taken place so early. Kókkala I thus seems to have succoured Krona II as his son-in-law, and this most probably not during the lifetime of Amôghavarga I.
From the Bångarh grant of Mahipala I, the 9th of the PAla monarchs, as also some other PÅla inscriptions of Bengal, we know that Rajya pala married the daughter of a certain Tunga of the Rastrakūta family.21 Prof. Kielhorn identified this Tungs with Jagattunga II.22 An inscription found at Bôdh-Gaya "records the dedication of a repository for aromatics and incense, or a well-scented temple (i.e., Gandhaku/t) for the service of Buddha" and "the dedicator was a king named Tunga, grandson of Nanda, & RAhtor prince of the race of Rastrakūta") who once took or held the fort of Manipur................"28 The late Mr. R. D. Banerjee opined that the father-in-law of Rajyapala was this Tunga of Magadha, of the Bodh Gaya inscription. But it does not necessarily follow from the Bodh Gaya inscription that Tunga, grandson of one who was in the possession of Manipura, had been the lord of Magadha. He, as a Buddhist, might well have visited Bodh Gayà in course of a pilgrimage. Granting, however, he had succeeded in carving out a principality of his own in Magadha, it would come to mean that Tunga's usurpation of the Magadhan soil followed either from the hands of the (Gurjara) Pratih&ras or from those of the Palas themselves. But, in any case, he who had tried to make intrusion and establish supremacy in Magadha, could not be friendly with the Palas, and thus no matrimonial alliance was possible between these two houses at that time. Again, the description of Tunga, as it is in the Bangash inscription ("the high (tunga) high-crested (utturiga-mauli) moon of the Rastrakata family (Raptrakuf-anvay= indu) 35 makes it indubious that the father-in-law of Rajyapala, far from being a petty prince, like Tunga of the Bodh-Gay& inscription, did belong to the Imperial Rastrakata family. "Tunga' is a general opithot borne by the Imperial Rastrakūtas, 46 and Krona II was called Subhatunga, with whom Mr. N. N. Vasu identifies the father-in-law of Rajyapala." This appears to be more tonable than Prof. Kielhorn's identification with Jagattunga II, in view of the fact that the latter did not come to the throne at all, while Kroņa II had actually been a contemporary of Rajyapala's father, Narayanapala, whose reign covered the latter half of the ninth century.
10 E.I., VII, 29. 30 1.A., XII, 260, 263. 21 Cf. E.I., XIV, 329, v. 7-8; JASB., LXIX, pt. 1, p. 69 33 JASB., LXI, 80, n. 9. 33 R. L. Mitra, Bodh Gaya, Ch. V, inscription No. 8, p. 194. 34 Bdriglar Itima, vol. I, 2nd ed., p. 216; Mem. A.S.B., vol. V, p. 62. 35 JASB., LXI, 80. 28 Cr. tho Karhad Plates of Kropa III, v. E.I., IV, 287. 37 Variger Jdtiya Itihdsa, Rdjanya Kanda, p. 108.

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MISCELLANEA.
137
MISCELLANEA, INDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT recorded by Hsuan-tsang was one which, according LITERATURE.
to Oppolzer's Kanon der Finsternisse (1887), occurred Djdwd, 11 Jaargang, Nos. 5 and 6 (1931). These on the 4th May 248 B.C. M. D. Sidersky, in the parts contain a general survey of the indigenous
issue before us (pp. 295-297), now points out that the industries of Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok. The tables on which Oppolzer worked have since been survey is the outcome of a resolution passed at A
rovised by C. Schoch (1928), and that eclipses visible meeting of the Java Institute in 1928. The com.
in the East occurred on the 4th May 249 (not 248) mittee nominated to deal with the subject drew up
and the 15th June 942 D.C. He suggests that the and circulated questionnaires formulated in a
story related by Hsuan-trang may have referred to methodical manner. The induetries have been tabu.
the latter eclipse, which would have been almost lated under 26 heads, and the information gathered
total in the vicinity of Baroda, and sufficiently by the inquiries has been collated and systematically
noticeable at Benares and the neighbouring areas, presented by regencies, divisions, districts and sub
and that the interval of about seven years since districts under each of those heads. Appended is a
Adoka's pilgrimage (? 249 B.C.) to the spots sacred summarised tabular statement, arranged according
to the memory of the Buddha might have been to administrative divisions, i.e., on a geographical employed in the construction of the legendary basis. The result is a valuable record for purposes
84,000 stúpas. It is important that the correct of reference and for the use of any person interested
dates of these eclipses should be thus recorded. in a particular industry or handicraft.
The article entitled "18 WAķwak Japan?" by Bulletin de rÉcole Française d'Extrême Orient,
M. Cabriel Ferrand proposes a most interesting
solution of the origin of this peculiar name, so fami. XXXI, Nos. 1 and 2, Jan.-June, 1931.- In this number
liar to us from the accounts of the Arab geographers M. G. Coedde contributes another three of his 'Cam.
and others, as well as of the location of the people bodian Studies.' In the first he presente revised read.
described by it. M. Ferrand's unrivalled knowledge ings of two Sanskrit inscriptions (1) from the knoll of
of the Chinese and Arab geographical texts onables Thápmuối, and (2) from Tà Prohm (Bati), which have
him to establish, convincingly we think, that the hitherto boon regarded as 'Cambodian 'inscriptions,
islands, or the country of the Wâķ-wåk was not but which, he now conclusively shows, should be
Japan, as M. J. de Goeje was dispored to hold. He relegated back to Fou-nan times, and ascribed to the
traces the application of the name not only to a fifth century A.D. These inscriptions, one of which
locality in the Eastern Archipelago, but also to the names the two last kings of Fou-nan, Jayavarman
south-east coast of Africa, and he cites the opinion and his son, Rudra varman, while the other (the
of Mr. R. N. Hall, who had long studied the question older) names a king with the title "moon of the
in thore parts, that it was derived from the Bantu, Jinonge of Kaundinya," are of interest for more
who applied it to the Bushmen in mimiery of their than one reason. They confirm the information
speech, ns being like the bark of the baboon (which derived from Chinese sources as to the spread of
closely resembles was-wak). We seem to have here Indian culture to the East and the favour which Hinduism and Buddhism enjoyed there, and they
further evidence of the intercommunication in early
times between the Malay Archipelago and Madeprove that it was not the Kambujas who introduced
gascar And the south-east coast of Africa, as well as, the custom of recording inscriptione on stone.
perhaps, of the conception, preserved in the mape of Rendors of the L.A. will be interested to notice the
Ptolemy and the Arab cartographers, that the almost exact similarity (to which M. Coedés has
continent of Africa extended eastwards, enclosing drawu attention) between the aksaras used in these
the Indian Ocean on the south. M. Ferrand is ininscriptions and those of the Uruvupalli coppor.
clined to hold that the Pandanus utilis (the walud plates of Sir Walter Elliot's collection, described by
of Madagascar) was the original of the legendary Dr. Fleet at pp. 50-53 of vol. V (Feb. 1876) of this
vik-wak tree, and that the essociation of wealth in journal.
gold with the people so called points to Sumatra In the second note (26) M. Coedès shows that the
(the golden island '). In fact he concludes that foundation of Koh Ker and the installation of the
the Oriental Waķ-waķs were inhabitants of Sumatra, royal god (styled Tribhuvanesvara) must be ante. whom he would identify with the Pakpaks, a Batak dated by seven years, i.e., from 928 A.D. (according
tribe that dwell in what the Dutch call Pakpakland, to Aymonior's reckoning) to 921 A.D. The correc
& territory in the north-west of the Tapanuli protion raises some interesting points, which have been
vince, in the north-west of Sumatra, not very distant indicated.
from the Baroeg islands (the Balús of the Arabs and Journal Asiatique, CCXX, 2, Apr. June, 1932.- In the P'o-lou-che of the Chinese travellers). our issue of Jan. 1932 (vol. LXI, p. 17) we referred Acta Orientalia, 1X, Pte.ii andiii, 1931.-This issue to A note by M. Robert Fazy on the subject of an is devoted to a most valuable and scholarly work, eclipse of the sun in the time of Asoka. M. Fazy viz., a translation from the Tibetan, with introduce suggested that the eclipse reforred to in the story tion and notes, by E. Obormiller of Leningrad of the

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Uttaratantra, the fifth of the five treatises ascribed ! Bengal who lived and wrote in the time of Lake. to tho Bodhisattva Maitreya, with commentary by manasena (twelfth century A.D.). The references are Aryasanga (fourth-fifth century A.D.).
interesting de indicating the spread of Buddhist In vol. XI, Pts. i and ii, M. Obermiller similarly culture at the period, and also because, as the writer' presents & translation of the fourth of those notes, quotations from Buddhist works are weldoni treatises, the Abhisamayalurkára.
to be found in the commentaries on the classical The first of these treatises ascribed to Arya poems, grammars and lexicons. Maitreya, the Sutra-lamkara, was edited and trans
The much-debated question of the origin of Zara. lated (1911) into French by M. Sylvain Lévi from @
thuštro is the subject of another paper by O. G. von manuscript brought by him from Nepal. The second Wesendonk, who, while drawing attention to avail. and third treatises, the Madhyanta-vibhanga and the ablo evidence and the more recent views expressed Dharma-dharmaid-vibhanga, remain to be translated.
by others, comes to no very definite conclusion. The Uttaratantra is perhaps the most interesting of
He thinks it may be regarded as not at all unlikely all five, as containing an exposition of the most
that Zarathuětra, though his field of work lay in doveloped monistic and pantheistic teachings of the
eastern and north-eastern Irån, was a Mede; and later Buddhists and of the special theory of the
that all that can be said with absolute certainty as Essence of Buddhahood, the fundamental element
to his epoch is that his activities long preceded the of the Absolute, as existing in all living beings.
establishment of the kingdoms of the Medes and M. Obermiller is to be warmly congratulated upon
Persians. the appearance of these two translations, which place students of Buddhism under a deep obligation
In another article on "The Morphology of Sansto him. The work has been adinirably performed. krit,' which will appeal chiefly to students of lin. and we only wish that it (and perhaps certain other guistics, Max Walleser concentrates attention on the volumes of the Bibliotheca Buddhica) could be made
CARO of the locative sing. mase. neutr., citing a large available to scholars at smaller cost.
number of suggested parallels or examples from Zeitechrift für Indologie und Iranistik, IX, Pt. 1,
Various Asiatic and eastern European languages. 1932.--Among the papers in this number is one in
The question raised as to the use of particles to which Th. Zachariao cites and comments upon a
specialise or individualise the purely verbal concep. number of quotations from Buddhist Sangkrittion merits research in other families of languages. texts in the works of certain commentators of
C. E. A. W.O.
BOOK-NOTICES.
JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA, 800 B.C.-526 A.D.,
by CHMANLAL J. SHAX, M.A. 11+71. xxiv+ 292 pp. 26 plates and two mape. Longmans, 1932.
In this work, a thesis submitted to the University of Bombay for the degree of Master of Arts and which appears as No. 6 in the series of "Studies in Indian History of the Indian Historical Research Institute " the author disclaims any pretensions to discoveries of his own or to having in any way ex. tended the limits of oriental scholarship or research. What, however, he has done with considerable success is to follow, in the form of a continuous history, the fortunes of Jainism for some thirteen hundred years. To this history he sets two limits, one geographical, the other chronological, dealing with north India only and not beyond 526 A.D. when the list of canonical works was finally drawn up by the Council of Vallabhi. In his introduction the author points out the neglect that Jainism, despite its antiquity, had suffered at the hands of orientalists, but acknowledges how interest in that religion has been stimulated by the works of Jacobi, Bühler, Hoernle, Charpentier and Thomas. He discusses the question of the founder of the religion
and accepts the view of Jacobi that Mahavira was not that founder. He considers that the historicity of Parsva is undoubted and that he lived, in all probability, about 800 B.C. He then sketches the historical background and political conditions in the time of Mah&vira, recounts the main incidents of his career, and details the basis of his teaching and the principal Jaina tenets. There is no minimizing of the schisms which rent the early church, and a brief account is given of the principal schismatics and of the epoch-making division into the Svetâm. bara and Digambara sects. To the vexed questions of the cause and date of this separation the author contributes nothing new, but points out that the idea that this occurred about the end of the first century A.D. is not entirely supported by the Mathura sculptures. In reviewing the relationship of the Jainas with the rulers of northern India from 800 B.c. to the end of the Mauryan period ho endeavours to prove that they were generally either Jainas themselves or entertained friendly feelings towards that faith. The tradition that Chandragupta (Maurya) became a Jaina towards the end of his life is accepted, and the plausible suggestion is offered that the silence of the

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BOOK-NOTICES.
139
Brahmapical writers touching that powerful monarch | periods Jainism was the most powerful religion in may have been due in no small measure to that the north." The period, however, between the decay very fact. Close acquaintance is evidenced with all of the KushApa power and the rise of the Guptas the leading authorities, but whon the author turns is one of the darkest in Indian history, and records to Jainism in Kalinga he has to fall back upon of Jainism are lost in the general gloom. Even in lose reliable sources, the principal being the Khê. Gupta times there is little in the way of inscriptions ravela inscription. Perhaps no epigraph has ever or other archeological evidence to prove that been subjected to such scrutiny with so little Jainism was more than tolerated under these finality, and this section of the work, like the essentially Brhåmanical rulers. The auvhor seems readings of that inscription, is very largely conjec. to feel he has been unduly bold in his assertion, tural and open to criticism on points of fact and and in the very last paragraph of the book writes interpretation.
with commendable caution : "However, until the The Author atresses the importance of the numerous Jains inscriptions and manuscripts Mathurs inscriptions for the history of Jainism which exist overywhere in the north are collected in north India, affording as they do evidence of
And translated and until plans are made of the the flourishing state of that religion in the Indo
architectural remains and statistics gathered, it is Soythian period and throwing light upon the religion
idle to speculate upon the extent and strength itself. Nevertheless we consider it unlikely that in
of Jainism in the north or about its vicissitudes this period Jainism was, in Mathurâ itself, a serious
during its existence there." rival to Buddhism. though it was certainly more A full and careful index and an invaluable bibliotenacious of life, for from later inscriptions wegraphy add to the merit of this woll-balanced know that the Jaina establishment on the Kankali and serviceable work.
H. HARGREAVES. mound existed until the Muslim conquest, by which time all the Buddhist buildings had long fallen to BRAHMAN : eine sprachwissenschaftlich-exegetischruin.
religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung. By JARL A survey is made of Jaina literature, and the
CHARPENTER, PH.D., I, II. Uppsala Universitets author discusses how far the Digambara belief that
Araskrift 1932, Program 8. 97 X 8 inches : the Siddhanta was completely lost or forgotten Pp. iv+138. Uppsala : A.-B, Lundequist. after the great famine in Magadha is justified, and In the Rigveda even more than in other depart. notes the evidence furnished by the Mathura ments of Sanskrit literature our exact comprehen. inscriptions on this point. Ho maintains that sion of the text is continually obstructed by the "the Jaina literature of the period under discussion occurrence of words and phrases evidently used by does not yield to any other Indian literature either the writers in a precise connotation, which is only in quality or variety," and he has some justification apparent to us in somewhat vague outlines. Fore. for this belief.
most among such words stands brahman, and the The last chapter deals with the sculptural,
formidable task awaiting him who would elucidato architectural and pictorial contributions of the
it is apparent from the subtitle of this monograph, Jainas to the history of North Indian Art in general.
of which we have here the first two parte, dealing This contribution is, we consider, small. We are
with the philological and exegetical sides of the ques. prepared to accept the author's dictum that there is
tion. Success obviously depends on the possession no such thing as a Jaina stylo of architecture or
of specialist knowledge of Indo-European philology
and of & complete mastery of Vedic and Avestan sculpture. But there are nevertheless Jaina
literature, and, as few scholars can rival Professor monuments and sculptures. Touching the images in the Mathura Museum, Vogel writes that they
Charpentier in this combination, his views will are far inferior to contemporary Buddhist images
carry unusual weight. Those, whose knowledge of and that their
the points in issue is of a purely general nature, like conventionalism and uniformity
the reviewer's, can only judge his theory by seeing will appal even the most enth.sinatia admirer of Indian art." No Jaina paintings of the period
whether it makes Vedic religion more intelligible : treated are preserved, and those u od to illustrate
any attempt therefore to estimate its value must be the work are from a thirteenth century manuscript,
deferred till the appearance of the third part of the and thus have no direct bearing on the subject
memoir, which will deal with its bearing on the under consideration. In this connection we note
history of religion.
The author starts with a brief consideration of the that the twenty-six plates are unnumbered and
various solutions propounded in the past and never once referred to directly in the text.
dovotes & number of pages to demonstrating the In his conclusion the author writes, from the daye untenability of Hertel's propositions about this of PAndva or from 800 B.C. down to the conversion and other words in terms which are certainly draatio of the great Vokrama by Siddhagena Divakars to but not, in my opinion, unjustifiably so. In tho the beginning of the Christian era and to some end he dismisses Hertel's theories as empty extent even throughout the Kushina and Gupta fantasies, not to be taken seriously, and decide

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that he has shown himself lacking in the capacity of the rules and restrictions which the caste system to deal with the exegois of the Veda and the Avesta involves, of the penalties which are provided for and with comparative philology. The case for the their breach, and of the way in which they are prosecution is supported by abundant evidence and enforced. The material thus provided has hitherto the verdict will surely be accepted by most Sanskrit remained inaccessible to the general public. Mr. and Iranian scholars.
O'Malley, who was Superintendent of Conaus in His own views may be briefly stated, though Bengal in 1911, has now worked up this and other justice cannot be done to them in a few lines. In material in the excellent little book under review. the first place he accepte the equation Sk. brahmans He gives a very clear exposition of the social con. Av. barsman, whose sponsors have been Haug ditions which prevail under the régime of carto, and Hillebrandt, and holds that the original meaning and shows how & mar must regulate his whole survives almost intact in the latter word. From the Ilfo according to the standards laid down by the meaning of a bundle of grass,' used mainly as community to which he belongs. He enumerates sacrificial strew, which may possibly still be traced many typical rules and restrictions and describes in one or two Vedie passages, we got the derived the penalties which a man may suffer for neglecting sense of magic carried out by such grus, still to them, and the way in which alleged offences are be found in the use of the muñja girdle. Thence dealt with, and the penalties imposed and enforced. it comes to signify generally 'magie,' magic rite,' In some parts of the book references are freely * magie action, magie spell.' A large number of given, but in others they are omitted. For Rigvedie verses are critically examined, and it is instance, no authority is quoted for the statement shown that such a range of moaninge gives them a that some castes' insist on a man marrying outmuch more forceful sense than they bear under the side his caste' (p. 2) and that some 'subcastes' ordinary indefinite interpretations. Finally it is also do so (p. 4). The book does not containe suggested that the word then developed on two definition of caste, but there can be no doubt that lines, firstly into hymn' and secondly into the endogamy is its most essential fosture. There mystic sense which is so well-known to us. In the are occasional exceptions to the general course of the discussion interesting sidelights are rule, but no group which prohibits endogamy can thrown on many passages, and bibliographical refer. be regarded as a true caste or subcaste. The ences are given on a generous scale. This inade rule of exogamy applies to the smaller groupe quate summary will have entirely failed of its (gotras) which in the aggregate make up the casto object if it does not induce readers, who have any or subcaste. interest in the Voda, to set to work at once on the
The chapter on the Untouchables' is of special atudy of an admirable book. In the reviewer it
interest at the present time. The people thus gave birth to the wish that, since the late Professor
designated are themselves divided into a numbor
of castes' which are just as exclusive as the higher Macdonell died without giving us his eagerly await.
Hindu castes. The only thing they have in common ed translation of the Rigveda, Professor Charpen is the slur of untouchability. This they can escape tier would step into the breach, and let us have the by conversion to Islam or Christianity, as mencomplete English translation, which we need 80 tioned in the footnote on p. 159. much and for which his learning and his command In the thoughtful chapter on modern tendencies of our language so admirably fits him.
more prominence might perhaps have been given E. H. J. to the rapid disappearance of communal restrictions
amongst the educated classes in towns, who often INDIAN CASTE CUSTOMs, by L. 8. 8. O'MALLEY,
dine freely not only with Hindus of other castes,
but also with Muhammadans and Christians. C.I.E. Cambridge University Press, 1932.
E. A. GAIT. The peculiar Indian institution known as Caste' has attracted widespread attention, and the num.
MEDIEVAL INDIA: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CON. ber of books relating to it is legion. Some writers,
DITIONS, by A. YUSUF ALI, M.A., C.B.E. Oxford such as Senart and his German critics, Dahlmann
and London, H. Milford, 1932. and Oldenberg, have discussed the way in which
This booklet, of about sixty pages all told, con. the caste system originated. There are many booka
tains an English worsion of four loctures delivered containing A description of individual castes, of originally in Urdu. Mr. Yusuf Ali defines medieval which Risley's Tribes and Castes of Bengal is one India as the period between Harsha and the Mogul of the earliest and best-known examples. But Empire, and he illustrates the life of the time by hitherto there has been no general and compre.sketching first the seventh, then the tenth and hensive account of the actual working of the caste
eleventh, and finally the fourteenth century, more Rystem and of its influence on the daily life of
attention being given to social than to beonownie
detail The main object of the lectures was to the people. A mass of information on this subject
arouse the interest of the hearers, and direct them is to be found in various official records, and 08.
to the sources of information, and they are well pecially in the series of reports on the census of calculated to serve this purpose in their English 1911, when the Census Commissioner invited the dress. Provincial Superintendents to make a special study!
W. H. M.

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INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
1:::::::
: 1: 1: 1: 1: 1: 1: 1: 1:
INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN. BY L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. (MALARAJA'S COLLEGE, ERNAKULAM). The affricates and fricatives occurring in initial positions of native Dravidian words are the following -
I. () The affricate c- and its voiced variety j.
(6) The dental affricate ts- and its voiced variety dz-. (c) The dental sibilant-fricative 8..
(d) The palatal sibilant-fricative s.. II. The labial fricative v.. III. (a) The velar fricative x [x] (b) The glottal fricative or aspirate h..1
I [A] The distribution of initial c-, j., 8., and 6. among the dialects :--
Clj. 118Tamil Malayalam Kannada Telugu Kodagi Kui Gòndi Kurukh Brahôi
*=of common occurrence.
t=of rare [B] The phonolic values of these sounds :
It would be necessary for the Dravidist who concerns himself with the history of these sounds to have a clear and definite idea of their precise phonetic values. The remarks made below regarding the values of the sounds of the southern dialects (Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, and Tuļu) are the result of personal observations made by the present writer. I have of course not had the help of instruments in analysing the peculiarities of these sounds, but I have tried to fix the common features of the enunciation of each pound by observing closely as many native speakers as possible. For the desoriptions of the sounds of Kûi, Gôndi, Kurukh and Bråhùi I have had to rely on grammars dealing with these speeches.
The fricatives of this group are st and s.. The voiced varieties of the sound do not occur initially in any of the dialects of Dravidian.
The difference between 8- and s., while unmistakable to the speaker and to the hearer, has rosisted easy and summary definition by the phonotician, probably on account of the fact that several varieties of &- could be produced, not all of which could be grouped together in one category on the basis of the features of articulation involved. Prof. Jespersen has pointed out (Lehrbuch der Phonetik, page 46) that no two phoneticians have definitely agreed in regard to the difference between 8 and s. He has tried to get to the root of the matter by laying down the following rule: "There are two chief types of & [J]. sounds which differ in the manner of production but which have something in common, whereby they differ from 8. sounds; and that, therefore, should be the characteristic feature of difference,
1 I have already dealt with the secondary glottal fricative of Dravidian in two previous pepers of mine published in the columns.
* The voiced variety of this sound, viz., 6 (=dx] easily morges into the affricato j (=z) in the contexts in which it may be presumed to have coourred. E, the voicod fricativo, is unstable in modial positions aloo.

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viz., the portion of the tongue which articulates is not the same as that which lies in normal rest-position exactly opposite to the point of articulation on the mouth-roof. In the case of 8-, if I may so put it, a portion of the tongue becomes active towards the region of the mouth-roof exactly opposite, while if the same portion of the tongue becomes active with the neighbouring region of the mouth-roof, é is produced; with one qualification, however, that when the region of the mouth-roof involved is that of the teeth, 8 is invariably produced."
Prof. Jespersen has noted two main varieties of & -one produced by the anterior portion of the foreblade of the tongue working against a region of the mouth-roof which lies farther back than that which, in rest-position, lies opposite to the foreblade of the tongue. This is the initial sound in English shed, shall, etc. The other variety is produced by a portion of the tongue-surface farther back than in the above, operating against a more forward region of the mouth-roof.
So far as Dravidian is concerned, I have noted the following peculiarities. In Tamil where - in initial positions is general, except in Tinnevelli and Jaffna, the fricative is produced by the raising of the middle of the foreblade of the tongue against the region of the mouthroof somewhat behind the teeth-ridge where a slight hole-like passage is formed through which air is allowed to escape. The sound approximates to the first variety of described by Jespersen, but the point of articulation appears to be a little more forward than that of the English sound. This is the value of - in Tamil words like så (to die), sinna (small), etc.
But, as we shall see later on, Tamil has an affricate c [=cs in IPA script) which is constituted of a plosive element and a fricative é. This fricative element in [o]is always produced in Tamil at a still more backward position than in the variety described above, so far as both the region of the mouth-roof and the portion of the tongue-blade are concerned. The region of the mouth-roof is almost the middle portion of the hard palate, i.e., the same point at which the plosive element (c) of [cs] or c of geminated medial cc of Tamil is produced.
In Malayalam, initially, c alone is used, while s occurs only medially in native words. The greater frequency of c in initial positions of native words has led to all &. sounds being enunciated on the model of the fricative involved in the affricate, i.e., at a slightly more backward position than for Tamil initial &.
Telugu, Kannada and Tuļu & is, so far as I could see, like the Malayalam sound produced at the position where the front stop element of the affricete c is produced.
The Dental Fricative. &is produced in all the Dravidian dialects with the foreblade of the tongue directly raised against the combined region of the teeth and the gums.
The Affricates. There are two groups belonging to this class (1) c =cl) and (=z), both of which appear in initial positions in Kannada. Tulu
and Telugu, while the voiceless variety alone is present in initial positions in
Malayalam. (2) ts and dz which appear as the variants of initial c. and j. in Telugu before the
dorsal vowels a, o and u. There appears to be little doubt that these sounds are genuine affricates, and not stops as they are usually described to be. In group (1) the plosive element e orj is discernible in
3 Sanskrit is a true dental, cand j are produced with the "upper flat surface of the tongue" against the palatal region, while in the "flat of the tongue operates against the forward part of the palatal arch." (Whitney's Grammar, pages 16 and 22.) The descriptions of the sound c() given by Tamil grammarians may be cited here:
Tolkåppiyam, Sutra 89 of Elutladigaram : F8 E SOLGT Freeri"and A are
produced with the middle of the tongue and the palate." Nonnul, Satra 79: "C and A are produced with the middle of the tongue and the middle of the
hard palate." For Tel, ts and dz, cf. Nannaya's Sūtra (10) : addantyurtáluvya cur vakrasydnmithasatarnatca

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143
the contact and release of the tongue-blade on the region of the mouth-roof whose position is denoted by 'g' in Jespersen's alphabetic notation. Immediately after the release of the stoppage, a fricatives or 2 follows, so that the sounds are homorganic with two constituents, viz., the plosive and the fricative.
In the peculiar Telugu affricates ts and dz, the plosive and the fricative elements are der tal.
Telugu c and j appear to be slightly more forward sounds (i.e., between the positions 'f' and 'g' of Jespersen's notation), than the Malayalam or Tamil variety. In fact these Telugu sounds retain their values only when the front vowels i or e follow them immediately. If the immediately following vowel is dorsal the plosive element c or j changes into t ord, and the fricative é or ź changes to 8 or 2. This is why Telugu words always possess in initial positions the affricates to or dz when they are followed immediately by dorsal vowels.
[C] Occurrence of these sounds in initial positions in different dialects.
Tamil.-The same symbol denotes s and c in Tamil ; while used singly it has the value of g+ and when geminated it is evaluated as cc [ Eccl]. cor cc usually never occurs in initial positions in Tamil. The value of é is general for this Tamil initial fricative, whether followed by a frort vowel or a dorsal vowel.
In the colloquial of certain districts and certain communities, however, this fricative becomes a dental 8, when it is immediately followed by a dorsal vowel, e.g., sappadu (meal), sollu (to speak), suttu (surrounding).
It may be noted that in these colloquials the dental 8. is almost never heard when followed immediately by the front vowel -i or -e.
Sanskrit initial 8. is transcribed by the Tamil symbol for for c except by Sanskritknowing schdars, who use a foreign granthåksara symbol (w) for this purpose. Sanskritknowing persons or those who come in contact with them give the correct value to initial 8. of Sanskrit words, even when it is transcribed with the symbol for & in Tamil; but among others sometimes the symbol has been confused with its native Tamil value, so much so that & Sanskrit word like sakala, transcribed as #56 in Tamil is given the value sagala. Tad bhava words like singam (from Sanskrit simha lion'), are always pronounced with initial sexcept by pedants and purists. Cf. also the Tamil tadbhava adaptations éantôdam (from Skt. santosa), sulutti (from Skt. euşupti), etc.
Kannada.-Native words appear to have initially both c-5 and 8-. The value of é for initial sounds does not usually appear in native words. The symbols for these sounds are all separate, the alphabet of Kannada (unlike that of Tamil) being modelled on the Sanskrit system.
célu, tel (scorpion) .. .. .. cf. pan-Dr. tel. cadar., kedar (to be dispersed) .. cf. Tam. Sidar., Tuļu kedar-, jadat. ciccu (fire)
.. cf. Tam, kittu, kann, kiccu, Tel. ciccu. cikka (small) .. .. .. cf. Tam. dir., Malcirukkan (boy). cio-, cốp- (to peel) .. .. cf. Tam. 6% -. ciric- (to titter) .. .. .. of. Tel. kêr., Mal. cirikk-. cembu (bronze vessel) .. .. cf. Tam. sembu. sdy- (to die) .
.. cf. Tam, sd-, Br. kah.. (sweet)
.. cf. Tam. 16, tên. sír, cîr., kir. (to become angry, to hiss)
.. .. cf. Tam. biru, Br, kireng (abuse). 4 In certain districts (e.g., Tinnevelly) c. appears to be the value given to initial of Tamil. 5 Initial j. in Kannada native words occurs in jén (honey)
--cf. Tam, tanjir, gir- (to scratch) -
kfr. jari- (to slide) -
dari

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suttu (round about) .. .. cf. Tam, fut't'ru.
sôl., tolag. (to fail) .. .. cf. Tam. t6l.. Tuļu.-Initially c-, 3-, 8. and 6. are found, the last-mentioned in the colloquial of certain communities) alternating with 8-.
célu, tēlu (scorpion) .. .. cf. Tam. tel. carce, tarce (coconut-tree) .. of. Tam, tålai. cadpu (leanness) .. .. .. cf. Mal. cadappu. cint. (to burn) .. .. .. of. Tam, tiy. (to scorch). cQ (alternating with sú, ta, fire').. cf. Tam, tú (bright). combu (bronze vessel) .. .. cf. Kann. cembu, Mal. cembu and Tam.
lembu, all these being from kem
(red). coli, soli, tól (skin)..
.. cf. Tam, t6l. jinj, diñj. (to be crowded) .. of. Tam, tingu. jiræ (small)
.. cf. Kann. kir, gir, cinna (small), Tam.
biru. ofr. (to hiss)
... of. Tam. Siru. sudu (burning) .. .. .. cf. Tam. sud-al. suli- (to be peeled)
.. cf. Tam. toli. 82, tl, he (fire) .. ..
.. cf. Tam. ti, Tam, tu (bright), Brâhui
ta-be (moon). seli, teli (to become clear) .. cf. Tam teļi. Note.-Tulu has a large number of sub-dialectal words with initial 8.. A number of words appear in Tuļu with the dialectal alternants t., 8., or h..
This sound alternates in some cases sub-dialectally with s-. of (sweet) .. .. .. .. cf. Tam, ti, Kannada sf (sweet). bird. (to correct) .. .. .. cf. Tam, tiru-ttu, Kann, tidd..
dett- (to be spoiled) .. .. of. Tam, kedu. Note.- followed by dorsal vowels is absent in Tuļu, except in Sanskrit borrowings with initial -
Telugu.--Native words usually show c- (before front vowels), ts. and dz- (before dorsal vowels). C. (before front vowels) : cin-is. (to tear) ..
.. cf. Tam. kir., Kannada gr. citou (fire)
.. of. Tam, kiccu and Kannada ciccu. citt- (small) ?
.. cf. Tam. siru, , Kannada cinna. cinna (small) cirta (anger)
.. of. Tam. Afr.. civvu (to peel)
.. cf. Tam. Hiv. cir- (to scratch)
.. cf. Tam, kir. con- (red)
.. cf. Tam. tem-, Kannada kem-. cêya (hand).. ..
.. of. Tam. kas, Kann. gey, Gô. kai. cevi (ear) .. ..
.. of. Tam. bevi, Kannada kibi, Gondi
kavi, etc. j- before front vowels is very rare in native words.

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.
145
w
Bee)
..
ts (before dorsal vowels) - Laats. (to die)
.. .. cf. Tam. éd., Kann. ad-, Malto ke-,
Kurukh khe, Br&hQi kah.. tsüd- (to see)
.. .. cf. Tuļu tú, sú, Gô. sur, Kui sur. dz (before dorsal vowels) :
dzár- (to slide) .. .. .. cf. Tam, tafakk- (to slide).
dzálu, kaluva (river, etc., stream).. cf. Tam. tál (canal), kål- (to flow). 8. appears in words like sudi (whirl).
Kai.—- is most common initially in native words of this dialect; neither &- nor Cappears. salba (to go) ..
.. cf. Tam, tel. sava (to die) ..
.. cf. Tam, ed. semba (to be sweet)
.. cf. Tam. tô, đêm (sweet). siva (to give)
cf. Tel. tiye-, Gôndi si., Kurukh ci'i.. súnja (to sleep) ..
cf. Tam. tung-, Brahûi tagh (to sleep). supa (to spit)
.. cf. Tam. tupp-, Kurukh tup- (to spit). sura (to see)
.. cf. Telugu taud (to see). 3. Bxamples of j- words are rare.
Gôndi.-The affricate in initial positions is rare in native words. 6. appears to be completely absent.
Instead, 8- is very common. In respect of the occurrence of initial fricatives, therefore, this dialect agrees with Kûi. 8.sdi (to die)
.. cf. Tam. 68, Tuļu saj. (to die), etc. si (to give)
.. cf. Kui si. súr. (to look out for) .. .. cf. Kui sûr (to see). surr (to cook bread) .. .. cf. Tam. bud. (to burn). sirit- (to be set on edge) .. .. cf. Tam., Kann. tiri. (to be turned).
sikati (darkness) .. .. .. cf. Tel. cfkatli (darkness), Tam. ti (fire). Native j. words seem to be very rare..
Kurukh.-Judging from the lists of words in Grignard's Dictionary, one might say that C- occurs in native words.
cicc (fire) .. .. .. of. Tam, kittu, Kann. ciccu. ci'i (to give) .. .. .. cf. Kui and Gôndi of.
cir (to scratch) . . .. cf. Tam. kir, Tel. cir. Most 8- words appear to be foreign borrowings.
Bråhdi.-Complete lists are not available. I have selected the following from Bork's valuable compilation " Vorarbeiten zu einem Br.- Wörterbuch," and from Sir Denys Bray's "Grammar." An examination of these would show that the affricate is represented.
(to understand) .. tar Se
.. cf. Tam, teri- (to know). cuna-k (small, child) .. .. of. Tam. Sinna (small). 8. :-Initial 8-in native words appears to be a rarity. The following may be native :sil (skin)
.. .. of. Southern II (akin), Tuļu sl, col.

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[D] The possible mutual relationship of these initial affricates and sibilants.
The following significant facts may be singled out as emerging from an examination of the lists given above :6) The affricate c appears to be widely prevalent in initial positions ; Kannada Tuļu,
Telugu, Malayalam, Kurukh and Bråhûs show C-, and among these Malayalam, Telugu and possibly Brahûî and Kurukh favour only c., while Kannada and Tuļu
show a fairly large number of instances with c-. (ü) 8- appears exclusively only in Kai and Gôndi. (ii) 8- appears to have become generalized in initial positions in Tamil. (iv) It will be noticed that c. and its voiced variety - are in most instances followed
by front vowels. We shall see below that these affricates are due to the palatalization of k-(9-) (is most instances) and of t. (in a few others), cognates with ke- and t- being widespread in the Dravidian speeches. The few very rare cases of c- followed by definitely dorsal vowels (as in the rare sub-dialectal Tuļu cht (fire) alternating with td and st) are presumably due to analogy with other C- words, as we know that such instances of c- followed by back vowels are far less popular and common than their counterparts with s-, which are invariably
met with as popular variants of such rare cases with c- in the same dialect. Initial &- and 8..6 ) Wherever the affricates and sibilants are traceable to the palatalisation of k. or
of t., the process of change phonetically could not be otherwise than c>8>
(see below). (is) Tamil initial & colloquially sometimes changes to d., when followed by dorsal
vowels. The foreblade of the tongue, under the influence of the dorsal vowels, move forward here to the dental position. The secondary character
of the dental 8- is obvious here. (ii) The greater frequency in Tuļu and Kannada of 8.7 forms followed by dorsal
vowels also indicates here the action of dorsality. (iv) The production of the dental affricates of Telugu is directly conditioned by the
immediately following dorsal vowels. Cf., e.g., rasulu, the plural of rafi. In all these cases, the dental , appears to be secondary. It is prima facie possible, therefore, that 8. in initial positions arose originally as a development of older sounds and became generalized in initial positions in the central Dravidian dialects Küi and Gondi.
Relationship of c-, the affricate, to the sibilants.
(1) Phonetically c- is more closely related to s. than to 8-, since c- itself is composed of the front plosive (o) and &. The point of articulation is the same for both c. and y, and in palatalization (of k- and t-) the affricate is anterior to 8.
• The so-called "change" of sto .cor -cc-(vide Kittel's Gr. of Kannada, page 178) in compounds like muccere Emutsere), muocdl (Emu-tadt), is probably not a "change" or even a "reversion," but only a preservation in such compounds (where the initial component has a short vowel) of the older value of the affricate c.
7 Vide my paper on "Tulu Initial Sibilants" in QJM, January 1932.

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INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
147
(ii) This relationship accounts for the two values c and & given to the symbol of Tamil." When the symbol appears singly in initial or medial positions, it is evaluated as é, while geminated ** in medial positions is pronounced as cc ( = )
That the initial 6- of Tamil (in at least a number of instances) is not original with reference to C- occurring in other dialects in corresponding positions, but may be the resultant of a uniform simplification of the affricate, is what we are led to infer from the following facts - (a) the occurrence of c- in initial positions in all Dravidian dialects (either partially
or exclusively) except in Kui and Gôndi where, as we have observed above,
the dental 8- corresponding to cor - has become uniform ; (6) the uniform occurrence of c- in initial positions in the dialects of Jaffna and
Tinnevelli, and in Malayalam, a dialect closely allied to Tamil, -which in this particular feature probably reflects an older stage common to these two
dialects; (c) the traditional view of Tamil grammarians that stands for c[ S ] and not for . ; (d) the historical development of these sounds, which (as we shall see below) points
on the whole to the affricate being anterior to the sibilant wherever palataliza
tion has occurred. All things considered, therefore, it would appear that in a very large number of cases of palatalization the relationship of the affricate c- [ c )and the fricatives &- and 8-in initial positions would stand thus :- C + $. 8.
Among the dialects, generally speaking, the affricate sound is most widely prevalent in initial positions.
The palatal sibilant appears generalized in initial positions only in Tamil, and in Tuļu it alternates with a sub-dialectally.
The dental 8. has become generalized in initial positions in Kûi and Gôndi only, while in Kannada and Tuļu, it appears beside other sounds.
[E) Probable historical origin of the affricates and sibilants.
As the above postulate is made merely on the basis of the occurrence of the sounds in the different dialects, it is bound to be tentative till it is confirmed by the actual historical development of these sounds in the past.
The question of the origin of these sounds has, therefore, to be examined next; and this can be done only with reference to initial sounds of allied forms of different dialects.
(1) The initial affricates or sibilants of a number of Dravidian forms appear to be connected with k-8 followed by front vowels. A number of instances have already been indicated in the lists given above; the following are others ::
C-, or 8. Kannada kes-, kem- (red)
Kann. cenBrâbûî zisun (red)
Tam, sem
For a detailed discussion of the instances in Dravidian of the palatalization of original k-to affricates and sibilants, see my paper on "The ke dialects of Dravidian," Educational Review, August 1931. A line of demarcation could be drawn between Tamil, Mal. and Telugu on the one hand and the rest of Dravidian on the other, in respect of palatalization of k in a number of "criterion-words." Cases of initial j. ultimately traceable to k- also exist, some of them being voiced from c., and others being directly connected with 9. (k.).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ AUGUST, 1933
Mal. con
Kurukh xês (red, blood) Malto tes (red)
Kannada kibi (ear) Tuļu kebi (car) Gôndi kavi (ear) Kurukh xebda Brahûs xaf
Tamil sevi Mal. cevi Tel. ceri
Tel. kittu (fire) Kann. liccu Tam. kittu Tulu. kiccu Gôndi tis
Kurukh cicc Tel. ciccu Kodagu ciccu
Kann. kip, itu (small) Tel. lir Tulu linna
Tam. siru Brahaf cunak Telugu cit, cittKann. cir
Kannada ketta (to chip of)
Tam. Settu Mal. cattu Tel. celku
Kannada key (to do) Gôndi ki Tel. goy Kail Brahaf ka- (to do)
Tam. sey Mal. cey Tel. cey
Kann. key (field) Burgandi key Tuļu key
Tam, sey Tel. ce-ns Mal. cay in pun-coy, nan-cay
Kannada biro, kero (tank)
Tam. Sipas Mal.cara Tel. certo
The following facts may be noted in connection with this change -
(a) The sibilant & appears more commonly in Tamil in the above instances, the
affricate c- in Tel. and Mal. mainly; while Kannada (along with Tuļu and the central and north Dravidian dialects) shows k. more commonly. The change, however, is not absolutely uniform, since on the one side k- forms are met with in Tam., Tel., etc., and on the other, instances of palatalization occur in Kann., Tuļu, etc.
(6) The influence of the front vowel is undeniable in these instances in changing k
into the sibilant or affricate. Phonetically, palatalized k. becomes (c-), i.e., the stoppage of the plosive is formed in the region of the mouth-roof, by the posterior portion of the foreblade of the tongue. As this [c] is very unstable

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INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
149
in Dravidian, it should easily have changed to [c], i.e., C-, with the production
of the sibilant-fricative s. (C) In the above view, therefore, k. could be considered to be original.
If it is asked why this change did not affect all instances of k- followed by front vowels, we can only suggest that, judging from the above instances which are very ancient (their antiquity being attested by their occurrence in all dialects), the change was possibly active only at one particular stage in the past in connection with words where the palatalizing influence of the front vowels was strong. It is also possible that certain phonetic factors prevented the change in other cases; these factors are indicated by me in my paper on the " k dialects of Dravidian."
(2) k- in the following corresponds to the affricate or sibilant in their cognates; but it will be noted that in some dialects, in the stead of a we have front vowels also, so that the change here of k-to the fricative or affricate might have been through the palatalizing influence of the front tonality of a as attested by the existence of alternating front vowels in some dialects. Brahui ka (to die)
śd-, ed- of the south. (u) Kurukh khé (to die)
| Gòndi Bái. Malto qe (to die)
Kúi sá.
Tulu sái. We have to note in this connection that, (a) there are absolutely no instances in Dravidian of the change of k. to affricates or
palatal fricatives, when followed exclusively by back vowels, k. in such positions being invariably retained in the southern dialects and being changed (in some
instances) to 2. in Brahûî, Kurukh and Malto; (b) that even in this group the basic vowel of some of the extant forms is definitely
palatal, '-a fact which attests the probable association of front tonality with
the radical vowel of the common original base; (c) and, therefore, it is possible that the affricates and fricatives in this group resulted
from palatalization. (For further details, see my paper on "The k- dialects
of Dr." in the Educational Review, August 1931.) (3) The correspondence of initial e followed by front vowels to affricates and fricatives is observable in the following inter-dialectal comparisons. It will be noted that, while we can classify, on a dialectal basis, instances of a similar correspondence in the case of k. fol. lowed by front wowels, and roughly demarcate the "k- speeches ” of Dr. from the "non-kspeeches ” (vide supra, page 148), no such demarcation is possible in the case of t. followed by front vowels.
We can only cite the few instances available from the dialects. (a) Kannada ..ceļu, tēļ
cf. Tam, leļ. of-, ! (to be scorched)
Tam.-Mal # (fire). Brâhùi
ti-n (scorched). jên (honey)
- Tam. An (honey). Tulu ..fikk-, cikk-, tikk- (to be crowded) cf. Mal. tikk- (to be crowded), cint-, fint., sint. (to burn)
- Tam.. Mal. # (fire). caree, tároe (coconut tree)
Tam. tļai.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(AUGUST. 1033
célu, telu
Tam, tel, Kann, tel. Brâhủi telk. fi, si (sweet)
Tam.-Mal, tên (sweetness. Loney)
connected with sim.. ti (sweet). Kurukh ti. (to be sweet), Tel. tiyya
(sweet), etc. cé-, beside (sub-dialectal) te- South Dr. téy. (to be rubbed). Kui ..seh- (to be entangled)
cf. tikk- of Mal. above. semba (sweet)
ở ct. tên, tố (sweet) above. sí -- (to scorch)
. Tam - Mal. ti (fire), Kann sik (burnt
black). 81. (to give)
Tel. tiy (to give). Br. lin. Gôndi ..si- (to give)
Vide above sikați (darkness)
Tam.-Malti (to be scorched) Kurukh ..ci. (to give)
see sî of Kúi and Gondi above. Instances of this type are found in Tuļu, Kúi and Kannada. Even in these dialects the change is not uniform and regular, as they possess numerous words with an unchanged - in initial positions followed by front vowels.
(6) A few forms with initial t- (followed by dorsal vowels) of some dialects correspond to forms of other dialects with initial sibilants. (i) Ancient forms
Tuļu 81, ha (to see) Tel. Isúd- (to see) ..
cf. Tuļu tu (to soc), Malto tond.. Kui sur.
tund. (to sco), Kiinn fór (to be Br. húr.
visible). Tam, tond's. Gôndi sûr (to look out for), húr (to
seo) (ii) A few others where the sibilants corresponding to t re found in Tulu ani Kui mainly.
Tulu solika, alternating with toli cf: Tam. togral, toli. tól (skin). Tel. (skin).
tôl, Kann. tól. Kannada soli, tôl, togal (skin) Tuļu sól-, tól. (to be defeated)
cf. Tam. tôl. (to be defcated), folai (to Kann. 8ôl (
fail), Kannada tolagu, Tel. Inlangu. Tuļu supu.
cf. Tam. tupp. Kurukh tup.. Kui sdnja (to sleep)
.. cf. 8m, tàng- (to sleep): Brahi tigh
(to sleep); lúngan (asleep); Kurukh
tungul (dream)? Kann soge, toke (tail, feather) .. .. cf. Tam, tôg-ai (tail>peacock). (iii) Apart from the above, there are a few instances of the sub-dialectal alternation of 1., 8. (and h-) in Tulu, when followed by front vowels, as in teļi-, seli., heli (to become clear), and in the adaptations, (from Skt.) sēja, tēja (lustre), sirta, tirtha, etc. Palatalization cannot be postulated here, in as much as the intermediate stages with c. or . are not represented either in Tuļu or in any other Dr. speech. I would ascribe the change of t-> 8. here to analogic fricatization.
Kai supa
(to spit)

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INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
151
(i) The correspondences of t. forms to others with initial sibilants or affricates do not appear to be very extensive or widespread inter-dialectally.
(it) 1. forms are retained extensively in large numbers in all dialects except in Tuļu, where t-alternates with s. or h-in a large number of instances.
(iii) The problem of the relacionship of t- to the initial sibilants and affricates is one beset with many difficulties. Few as are the instances that raise this question, the chronology of the change will have to be determined separately in each instance. This, however, is not now possible owing to lack of materials, and so we have to content ourselves with a few general perspectives.
t-in connection with front vowels in medial positions is known in the dialects to change into the sibilant or affricate (cf. Tamil adittu, adiccu, 'having beaten,' etc.) on account of the influence of the vowel which raises the point of articulation of the tongue from the dental region to the alveolar position. A similar change (i.e., of palatalization) may safely be postulated in at least a few cases for the correspondences of words with t- followed by front vowels on the one hand, and their cognates with initial sibilants or affricates on the other.
(iv) So far as the parallels with immediately following dorsal vowels are concerned, two sub-groups may be distinguished (pointed out as (b) (i) and (ii) above, viz., one, comprised of in ancient group of instances occurring in all dialects; and the second, consisting of a few instances in Küi and Tuļu chiefly, and rarely in Kannada; (b) (iii) is an exclusively Tuļu group.
Is it possible for us to envisage the view that Dravidian intitial t- may here have been secondary to 8. ?
(1) Tamil appears to have adopted and assimilated some Sanskrit words having initial fricatives, by changing these into t-, e.g., Skt. brî Tamil tiru ; send (army) tånai. (11) Tuļu changes initial 8. or C- of some Sanskrit words into t-, e.g.,
Skt. sanci - Tuļu tanji
sangati , tannati. » candana
tannana. Besides, a few cases of secondary t-(taisai 'to die,' teļ- Page #164

152
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( August, 1933
These facts make it difficult for us to propound the view that would regard to as secondary to the sibilant.
Nevertheless, one cannot completely rule out the bare possibility of at least rare cases of initial t- (in unrecognizable ancient loan-words) being secondary to the sibilant : Cf. for instance the suggestion raised by the correspondence: Tam. tan (cold) in tannir (cold water)
Tulu san Tuļu sali, cali IA jala, jala (water). Nothing unequivocal can therefore be said in regard to the relationship of all t- words and their cognates with initial affricates and sibilants; but in my opinion one may tentatively postulate fricatization in (3) (6) on the fairly firm ground available for us, viz., that the t. forms here, which are undoubtedly native, are so very widespread in the dialects and that the corresponding cognates are so few and so restricted in occurrence.
1. Palatalization of k. and t. before front vowels.
Tam. &. Tel., Mal., [Kann., Tuļu] C[Kann., Tuļu j., as in Kann. jir, gîr and in Tuļu jadar., gedar-]
~ 9-(-) [Kann. 8- alternating with c- and k-, as in sir.,
cit., kir. 'to be angry '] [Tuļu ś. beside c-, e.g., sett-, cett and Tam, ked.)
(2) [Kann., Tuļu c. beside (-) [Tuļu j. beside d- (-)] [Kann., Tuļu 8. (a few only)]
[Kủi, Gôndi 8- (<*>-<*c-<4) II. Fricatization of t.
Tulu, Tel., Kũi, Gôndi 8- (in forms for "seeing "') tSub-dialectal Tuļu (Kûi, Kann.] 8- in (b)
ii t Tulu 8-in (b) iii before front vowels to analogic
fricatization. [F] Conclusion.
(i) The initial affricates and sibilant fricatives of Dravidian do not (so far as we can see) appear to be original in a large number of instances,-a fact which emerges from the confrontation of inter-dialectal instances and from our reconstruction of the probable history of these sounds.
(1) A number of these sibilant and affricates result from palatalization of an original k. which changed initially to the affricate ch through the stage of the unstable palatal plosive (c), and then in certain dialects developed into s. or 8. (as the case may be).
(iii) Another group 3 (a) was possibly the result of the palatalization of older t- by front vowels.
(iv) A very small group of forms mainly confined to Tuļu and Kûi show the dental sibilant s., which, so far as we can judge now, seem to be due to the fricatization of originalt.
111111111 111
d-()

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The results we have arrived may all be graphically represented thuis.
AUGUET, 1933 )
Before front vowels
Before' back vowels
INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
c- Mal., Tel.; less frequently, | Kann., Tuļu
retained in south
and central Dr., and changed to x. in Br., Kur. and
Malto.
Roteined in the k- dialects of Dr.
+ Tamil
8+Rarely in Kann., Tuļu
and in Tam. colloquial

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154
Before front vowels
Before dorsal rowels
→ Tuļu, Kann., Kurukh
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAKY
$-+Sub-dialectally Tuļu
.
8.Tuļu, Kúi, Gondi, Kannadi
Retained in a large number of instances
in all dialects
Note
Generally retained
in all dialects
The instances illustrative of the palatalization of tare only a few in the dialects concerned.
Becomes fricatized to
&- in some instances chiefly
in Tulu and in Kûi.
| AUGUST, 1933

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AUGUST, 1933 )
INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN -
155
II.
THE LIP-FRICATIVE V[A] Distribution.
A marked cleavage is noticeable among the dialects. While Tamil, Malayalam, Kúi, Telugu and Gôndi show almost exclusively the fricative v. initially, the other dialects, Kannada, Tuļu, Kurukh and Bråhui, show b- instead of v. in initial positions of corresponding words.
Tamil and Malayalam completely fight shy of initial b- in native words. In KV and Telugu, the usual rule favours v., but in a very small number of words 6. appears on agcount of the influence of certain phonetic factors capable of being defined in each case. Initial b. in Gôndi native words is confined to a few interrogatives, where b. is a secondary development.
[B] The phonotic values of the Dravidian fricative v-.
Though the old Tam. grammars describe the sound as a lip-teeth one, in Tamil and Malayalam the usual value given to it is only that of a bilabial, where the lips remain far moro apart than for [w] and make only a slight movement towards each other. There is a slight rounding of the lips also, though never to the extent that we find in the enunciation of English (w).
While the uneducated masses use only v. in Kannada and Telugu, educated speakers sometimes bring out the lip-teeth sound [v] by raising the lower lip towards the upper row of teeth. This [v] does not however possess the tenseness associated with English [v]
The voiceless varieties [F] and [f] are not heard in Dravidian except in Toda and in Cochin State Böya.
The fricative v should be distinguished from the dorsal glide 0, which characteristically appears in connection with dorsal vowels in Dravidian. While there is an appreciable forward and upward movement of the lips in the production of the full bilabial v, this movement is only very slight in the production of the glide.
This glide appears in initial and medial positions of Dravidian words in connection with the dorsal vowels a, u, o.
[C] Occurrence of v..
Tamil v- appears only before the front vowels - and -e and before the vowel - with a front tonality,
Words beginning with vu- or vo- are absent in Tamil, though words beginning with u or (and a also have the dorsal glide o. incorporated initially in actual speech.
Malayaļam : The remarks made above are true of Malayalam also.
These two dialects have so great an aversion to initial 6- that Sanskrit words with initial b. are adapted with initial u. or more commonly p-. For example:-Mal. vályam for Skt. bályam (childhood); Tam. válamma! for Skt. balamba, a name ; Tam. putpudam for Skt. budbuda, etc.
Telugu : This dialect shows v. in most cases where v- appears in Tamil and Malayalam. In few a instances b. appears - Tel.
Tam.-Mal. bandi (cart)
vandi benga (sorrow)
Base veg. belanku (brightness) Base ve! Whether these words are borrowings from Kannada or not, one cannot say owing to the uncertainty surrounding the chronological history of many Dr. forms like these. If they are really native in Telugu, one can only suggest that the nasal sounds in these words

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Auatst. 1933
may have exercised a regressive influence on an original -, and by inducing closure of the lips converted it to b.. It is to be noted that such instances, with initial b. (corresponding to v. of Tamil) are remarkably few in Telugu.
Tulu, Kannada, Kurukh and Bråhui :
There are absolutely no instances of native forms with the full initial bilabial - in these dialects; in their stead b- forms are found.
Kui : v- forms are predominant, and they correspond regularly to the v. forms of Tamil. Malayalam. A few instances of b- forms are the following:
bondi (for the sake of)......cf. Mal. vendi in phrases like ayálku vêndi (for his sake). bêndi (contrariness)........cf. Tam. vênda (not necessary), Kann. béda.
bai, imbai (who?) where Aphesis has operated. Gôndi: v. forms are regular. A few b- forms are the following: -The interrogatives : b6l, bôr (who ? ), bega (why?), bappor (when ?), etc., etc.
It is not easy to explain the initial b. of these Gôndi words ; either, these forms are the results of aphæresis (as in Kûi bái, who,' from imbai, eto.), or the initial b. is the development of the on-glide - appearing before an original interrogative particle a with a dorsal tonality. Cf. Tulu vá (which ?, what ? ) from a.
[D] Probable relationship of v- and b..
The conspicuous cleavage appearing among the dialects raises the question as to which of these two sounds may be the original in Dravidian.
In this connection the relationship of -v- to -b- in medial positions of Dravidian words may be significant.
The fact that Sanskrit b- appears sometimes as v. in Tamil Malayalam need not at all raise the presumption of b. being the original in native words also. The fondness of Tamil and Malayalam for v might sufficiently account for the adaptation of Sanskrit b as v.
The problem can now be approached only from the standpoint of native forms.
An ancient affix -- does duty in Tamil, Kannada and Telugu for the formation of certain grammatical categories Future-aoristic tense, noun-derivatives, causatives, etc.. Tamil shows the use of this v in its most elementary state in such cases, and these are confirmed by analogies in the other dialects also. In Tamil, Kannada and Malayalam this v changes into b (and sometimes into p) under certain conditions - These latter are :
(a) The influence of a neighbouring nasal, e.g., kán (to see)+v, producing the future stem kánb-; un (to eat)+v> unb..
(6) The influence of accent in kåritas leading to the closure of lips and the conversion of -v- to the geminated surd -pp-, e.g., karita bases like edu (to take), kuli (to take a bath), etc.+-v- give the future stems edupp-, kulipp., etc. A similar phenomenon is observable in the bases of vi- causatives of Tamil also. The base-extensions ---, .. and .p- of Kởi furnish instances of a parallel change :Normal
.. .. .. .. .. sáva (to die) Influence of nasal ..
Stinb- (to eat)
.. .. .. unb (to drink) Karitas and causatives .. .. .. ..tô8p. (to show). These facts raise the question whether v- may not have been original in initial positions also, and the initial - words corresponding to Tamil words with initial v- may be secondary. The exact reasons for the uniform development of initial b. in what we might term the
b. dialects of Dravidian” (Kannada, Tulu, Kurukh, Brahui) remain, however, to be investigated and clarified further.

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AUGUST, 1933)
INITIAL FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES OF DRAVIDIAN
157
III. THE BACK FRICATIVE X
The sound transcribed as kh by Sir Der.ys Bray in his Grammar appears to be the velar : while the Kurukh sound (also transcribed as kh) seems, from the description given by Father Grignard, to partake also of the value of the uvular spirant x. I have represented both these sounds with the symbol 2-9 in the following lists.
South and Central
Dravidian k.
Kurukh :-
Kurukh k
Brahôi !
Bråhûi k.
Malto q- (x)
1
xan xaf
xan relvu
cf. xảrar
xe
tad (child)
xes (red)
cis-un (red) xuttxulo (to fear)
lxal
? zel (field)
kan (eye)
..xan Kann.) kibi (ear) cf. web-da
Gôndi kavil kåy- (to be hot).cdy Kann.) kandu (child), cadd
etc. kay. key (hand).xekka [Kann.j kes. (red ces (red)
kutt- (to dig)xutlkul-ung. (to
be shaken) kal (stone) .daj (mud,
earth) cây (fruit) xâm koy (to reap) coy.
kål (leg) .. xedd (foot) kond. (past par-cond-(to bring
ticiple of ko!. to together) take on,' appear. ing in kondu vd 'bring!' and in the contracted forms kond,'bring here!'
etc. Gôndi kors-(to sprout) xôr. (to shoot
out new leaves)
zanj:
roy
xed (leg)
? cf. cul (womb)
cf. car. (to
sprout out) war-un (green)
ka- (to go)
kd. (to go)
cf, ka-1 (to go, move);| kal (stalk, branch,
leg) [Kui) ků (motion par
ticle] kada. (to cross) .. [Gôndi] kar. (to go
across)
kat-la- (to
take across) katt- (to cross
river)
9 Sir Denys Bray describes the sound (p. 28 of his Gr.) thua :"kh is pronounced like the Persian-Arabio the, i.e., like ch in German and in the Scotch word loch."
Kurukh kh is described by Grignard thus : "Ile bottom of the throat and the upper portion of the windpipe being kept well open, pronounce the sound h; the resulting broad sound will be a satisfactory approximation to the pronunciation of th."
Droose's description of Malto q- shows that it may be identical with Kurulu.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ AUGUST, 1933
South and Central
Kurukh - Kurukh k- Brahmi gì Brahûi kDravidian k
Malto ki? (below)
kiya, kita
ki., kekida. (to lie down)
(below)
kid. (to put to kur-ugu (to be shor.
bed)
kur. (to roll kir. (to turn tened)! kir. (to turn
up); kurr. (to round) back)
be shortened)! kirugir. (whirling) kill. (to pinch) ..
kiss- (to pinch) [Kúi-Gôndi) kis. (to
pinch) kúd. (to be joined)
kud-(to string,
thread) cf. s., sai, etc. (to
khe- (to dio)
kah (to die) kc. (to die) die) Tam, kar-ai (bank of
karrak (river river)
bank) The following points are noteworthy in the above list :
(a) The velar fricative x- of Kurukh and Bråhui is a special development in these north Dravidian speeches ; Malto in corresponding positions shows also r. None of the southern and central Dravidian speeches show 2- in initial positions but only k. (or g- in some dialects rarely). 2- in Kurukh. Brahûi and Malto may very probably be secondary growths in these dialects. The factors which influenced this secondary change in these dialects are not clear; but possibly the frequency in Kurukh and Brâhâî of loan-words (Persian and Arabic) with initial x. may have been a contributory factor.
(6) Both in Brahải and in Kurukh there are words with k-(II in list above) corresponding to k- words of the rest of Dravidian. What exactly prevented the change here of the original Dravidian plosive kto X-, as in the other words adduced in the list, is a matter demanding enquiry. It is possible that (i) the spirantization was more active before back vowels than before front ones, and (ii) the existence of certain Indo-Aryan loan-words with k- may have exercised in some cases a preventive influence.
MISCELLANEA. FRANCISCO PELSAERT IN INDIA. word regarding the genesis of the Fragment of When I was preparing for publication the version Indian History, which he gave to John de Lact, of Pelseort's Remonstrantie, mnde in conjunction and which the latter printed in his De Imperio with Professor P. Geyl (Jahangir's India, Cam. Magni Mogolis (Loiden, 1631); the question whethor bridge, 1926), I was able to find very fow data to that Fragment is Pelaaert's work thus rerrains show the extent of the personal experionce on which undecided. Pelsaert based his observations. The gap is filler! Polsaert was one of a party sent, under the lead to some oxtont by incidental reference to him in of Wouter Heuten, from Batavia to India on the the MS. diary of Pieter van den Broeke (BPL 053 Nieuwe Zeeland, which reached Masulipatan in the in the library of the University of Leiden), and the autumn of 1620. The party travelled overland to following facts taken from this source may be of Surat, where they arrived on 6 Dec. that year; interest to students of the period.
Pelsaert's rank was then onderkoopman, that is, It must be promised that van den Broeke was a junior factor. On 20 Jan. 1621, he started with a vory unsatisfactory diarist, apt to record trivialities caravan for Agra, as assistant to Heuten, who had at length, and to ignore important occurrences in been chosen by van den Broeke to take charge of the which he played # conspicuous part. No inference Agra factory whatever can be drawn from his silenco : we have On 28 Sept., 1623, Pelsaert, now ranking as factor, merely to be thankful for what he gives, and regret arrived in Surat with a caraven of merchandise from that he did not give us more. Among many other Agra. He worked for the next six months in the omissions, it may be noted that he did not write a Surat factory, and on 22 March, 1624, he was sent

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August, 1933]
MISCELLANEA
159
to tako charge of Agra, as senior factor, in conse. P. 30, n. 2. Professor Hodivala suggests that the quence of Houten's death.
reference is to Mungipattan on the Godavari, a place He appears to have como down again with a well known in history, and for a long time famous caravan in the spring of 1626. On 25 Feb. in that for its fine cotton fabrics. year & caravan reached Surat under Hendrick P. 33, n. 3, 4. Cashaer is probably for Kishtwar, Vapour ; on 23 March & second caravan followed, the district lying S. and SE. of the Kashmir valley. the factor in charge of which is not named ; and on Lamoo must be corrupt. It would be easy to read 19 April & return caravan started for Agra under Jamoe, i.e., Jammu, the district S. of Kishtwar, but Pelsaert and Vapour, so presumably it was Polsaert Jammu did not extend to the border of Kabul, who brought the second caravan.
which at this time was formed by the Indus. Alter. He loft Agra finally in the spring of 1627, after natively, the same may be a perversion of Lahor : making over charge of the factory to Vapour. A the Mogul province of that name, which included portion of his caravan teached Surat on 12 May, Jammu, lay 8. of Kashmir, and extended to the and a week later ho arrived in person, exceedingly border of the province of Kabul. ill. He must have spent the rest of the year in u. 6, 7. Poncie is Punch. Bangissa must be Gujaråt, and on 23 Dec, he sailed for Holland as
Bangash, now in Kohat and Kurram, classed in senior factor on the Dordrecht.
Jarrett's Ain (ii. 407) as a túmán, or subdivision, of It will be seen from these data that Pelsaert had Kahul. The correct name of its ruler at this time travelled gix times between Surat and Agra, and has not been found. that he had spent a yoar in all in Gujarat ; his
1. 9. No such names have been found to the N. oxperience was thus much wider than might be
of Kashmir. The first two strongly suggest the inferred by readers of his Remonstrantie.
villagos of Pampúr and Bijbrår, but these lay SE of Srinagar, for Jahangir (Memoirs, ii. 170, 171)
haltod at them on his way to the source of the This opportunity may be taken to place on record Jholum. Conceivably Pelsaert put them in the some corrections and additions to the information N. because he know that the general course of the given in Jahangir'a India, most of thom contributed river is from NE. to sw., and did not romember or suggested by Dr. L. D. Barnett, Sir Richard Burn, when writing that in Kashmir it flows from SE. Professor S. H. Hodivala, and Sir Walter Hose. to NW. INTRODUCTION. P. ix, 1. 10. For end of
1. 23. The larger river is the Jhelum, or Bihat. 1627' read 'spring of 1697'
Virnag is at, or near, its source : Achiauwel must P. x, 1. 23. Van den Broeke's diary shows that
be for Achibal, or Achval, described by Jahangir he landed at Surat on 4th October, 1620. P. xi. The facts given on this page can be supple.
(Memoirs, ii. 173): Matiaro may be for Watnár,
a short distance NE. of Virnag. Saluwara is pro. mentod from the foregoing note.
bably Jahangir's Shalamar (ii. 151); the stream TEXT. P. 3, note 2, and p. 57, n. 1. For Amil
from it flows into the Dal Lake, whence a channel read Hâkim.
runs through the city. P. 7, n. 2. In the MS. the words 'zelel' and 'tsey'
1. 29. Swindossaway is much altered in the MS.. are separated by a comma, but Professor Hodivala suggests that this may be a mistake, and that they
and it is impossible to say with certainty what the form ono name, jalálsai, of the same type as 'dy.
copyist finally intended; possibly it represents the sucksoy' or 'kissoresoy', given but not explained
spring above the Dal Lake which is properly named in Hobson.Jobson (8.0. Piece-goods): he explains
Chashma Shahi, and is a popular source of drinking. these forms as proper names followed by the Persian
water (Impl. Gaz. xv. 77). allix .dsd, like ', so that we should have Jalal.
P. 34, 1. 8. The stronghold is presumably the hill like ', Dilsukh-like ', . Kishore-like'
known as Hari Parbat, which was fortified by Akber Chaukhamba is the name of a mahalla in Benares,
(Impl. Gaz. xxiii. 99). and this may be the origin of tsookhamber', the P. 38, last line. Cantuwary must represent Professor would prefer to take the word as a per. Kishtwar, though the distance is much under-stated. version of charkhanas, or 'chocks, but the Dutch Jahangir wrote (Memoirs, ii. 138) that the saffron script of the time could scarcely be misread in this of Kishtwar was better than that of Kashmir (in way.
the narrow sense). P. 19, n. 1. Tzierila must represent Hind. P. 41, n. 2. For between Surat and the sea', chharild, which in Blochmann's Ain (i. 74) is given read 'two miles above Surat'. as a synonym for Persian ushna, a sweet-scented P. 42, 1. 13. The correct name of the Governor moss, used as an ingredient of the incense called was Jam Quli Beg (The English Factories in India, rihaf:d. Pipel is for pippali, long pepper.
1622-3, p. 211). P. 27, n. 2. For cassa in this passage, read caffa, P. 42, n. 1. The statement that Poleert had not 4 word used in contemporary Dutch for a kind of been in Gujarat for some years is incorrect, as velvet.
shown above.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
August, 1933
P. 45, 1. 6. Moynsol is Hind. mainsil, rod sul. into o, and the Pashtu origin given in this footnoto phide of arsenic.
appears to be more probable. P. 45, n. ). Several suggestions have been made
P. 59, n. 1. This is probably for Rajpipla, a that the name given to spikenard is a corruption of State lying NE. of Surat, mentioned in Jarrett's ketaki, the Sanskrit name of the screw.pine, now
Ain, ii. 251. usually called keord, but no explanation has been P. 61, n. 3. Tziurewardar must represent Hind. offered why the name of an Indian shrub yielding chauiribardar, carrier of the fly-switch'. The only a perfume should have been applied to a moun. variant selwider would be Persian jilaudár, 'groom'. tain herb yielding a valuable drug. It seems more P. 63, n. 1. Pelsaert knew Persian well, and the reasonable to look for the origin of the text name phrase 'in their rich poverty 'may possibly be an in the Himalayas: the recorded local names of echo of Persian fugr.ghans, which is used of a dar. spikenard are quite different, and I suspect the truth wesh in the Tusuk-i-Jahangiri (p. 286 of Syud to be that a mistake was made, either by Pelsaert Ahmud's Aligarh text), and was rendered by Rogers or by the druggists in Agra fun whom he obtained 'rich in his poverty. hie samples, and that the word in the text repre. P. 63, n. 3. Mosseroufs probably represents mush. Pents kutki, or kútl:1, a local name for the Himalayan rif, the designation of an official concerned with gentian, which grows in the same region as spikenard, accounts. and yields a valuable drug (Atkinson's Gazetteer of P. 65, n. l. The word printed as mosseri is altered the Himalayan Districts of the North West Provinces, in the text, and can be read as mofferi, i.e., Persian i. 737, 743). Apparently this name is not altogether mufarrik, an exhilarating drink. Dutch writers precise, for in Platts' Urdu Dictionary it is applied sometimes used .j for final -, 90 falonj may represent to both hellebore and aconite, and its application Persian filúnfyd, probably a preparation of opium to epikenard is a quite conceivable accident. (see The Memoirs of Jahangir, i. 308 ).
P. 54, n. 2. Urdu dictionaries give a warning P. 71, n. 1. For Mr. Beni Madho, read Mr. Beni interjection po-isl (the pyne' of Hobson-Jobson), Prasad. which is presumably the same as phoos: The P. 83, n. 1. The initial h. of henteenis is clear in derivation from Sanskrit pafya given in the diction the MS., but it may well be the copyist's mistake for aries is not, however, acceptable to modern echol, giving kanchani, a well-known class of public lare, because there is no warrant for the change of a
women.
W. H. MORELAND.
BOOK-NOTICE. GMANATHA AND OTHER MEDIEVAL TEMPLES IN the photographie plates in Burgess's Report on KATHIRWAD.-A.S.I. Imperial Series, vol. XLV. the Antiquities of Kathidudd and Kachh (1876), By H. COUSENS, M.R.A.S. 13 x 10 in. pp. v with which they compare unfavourably. Still +92; with map, 106 plates and 8 illustrations it is convenient to have illustrations of these in text. Calcutta Govt. Press, 1931.
monuments collocted together under one cover Vr. Cousens has dealt with some twenty-five like this. The plans and drawings of architectural mites in the Kathiawad peninsula, but bave in features, on the other hand, have been admirably respect of the remains at Somanatha Pattan and delineated and produced. A few of the sites at and near Thân, and the Jaina temples on the described are not marked on the map, which shows Satrunjaya hill, the accounts are short, and can.
neither hills nor rivers. Inefficient proof-reading not be said to furnish much fresh information of
is perhaps responsible for many defects in the particular interest. The introduction and de.
transliteration of Sanskrit and Arabie words. scriptive text runs to 87 pages, the great bulk
Surprise will be felt at the statement (on p. 18) of the volume consisting of plates, of which there
that "the Mahabharata makes no mention of are no less than 106. Many of the plates are in.
Somanátha or of any other shrine in this neigh. distinctly reproduced, and five of them seem to
bourhood." have been prepared from the negatives used for
C.E.A.W.O.
1 In Hindi the forme posh and pos are also used (suggesting Persian posh).-C.E.A.W.O., Jt..Editor.

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ETTEMBER, 1933) THE EXTENT AND CAPITAL OF DAKŞIŅA KOSAL 4
161
THE EXTENT AND CAPITAL OF DAKŞINA KOSALA.
BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, M.A. ABOUT half a century ago General Cunningham endeavoured to fix the boundaries of Daksiņa Kosala, to which he gave the alternative name of Maha-Kosala, without stating where he found that name. He described its extent as comprising "the whole of the upper valley of the Mahanadi and its tributaries from the source of the Narbada at Amarkantak, in the north, to the source of the Mahanadi itself near Kanker, on the south, and from the valley of the Wen-Ganga, on the west to the Hasdo and Jonk rivers on the cast." But these limits, he added, "have often been extended, so as to embrace the hilly districts of Mandla and Bâlâghất, on the west up to the banks of the Wen-Ganga and the middle valley of the Mahanadi on the east, down to Sambalpur and Sonpur." “Within its narrowest limits the province was 200 miles in length from north to south and 125 miles in breadth, east to west. At its greatest extent, excluding the tributary territories of Orissa, it formed a square of about 200 miles on each side. At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit in 639 A.D., he describes the kingdom as 6,000 li, or 1,000 miles in circuit, an extent which could have been attained by inclusion of the district of Vakåtaka, on the west comprising the present districts of Chånda, Nagpur and Seoni. With this addition the kingdom of Moha Kosala would have been just 300 miles from west to east."
Since the above was written, full fifty years have passed away, during which several inscriptions have been found in and out of the so-called Maha Kosala country, and a number of books on ancient historical places have also been written, but none of them seem to fix the boundaries of that country more definitely than what the father of Indian Archæology did. The latest book by a great antiquarian, which takes cognizance of this matter is Mr. R. D. Banerji's History of Orissa, published in 1930, which states that "in medieval ages the country to the west of Khiñjali was called Maha Kosala or Daksina Kosala and was subject to the Somavaṁsis and the Haihayag of Tripuri and Ratnapura." This description does not give any definite idea as to how far it extended in any of the four directions, not even on the east, where it is stated to have abutted on Khiñjali, in view of the fact that Mr. Banerji had a very confused idea of the limits of Khiñjali, as has been pointed out in J BORS., XVI (1930), pp. 113 ff. He does not state the limits in the other three directions, which he has left to be inferred from the vague statement about a region subject to the Somavamšís and the Haihayas. The Haihaya kingdom extended far and wide. To the north or northwest lay their original capital at Tripuri in the heart of the Dahala country which extended to the banks of the Ganges. If that is to be taken as the northern limit, it would go far beyond the Vindhyas in the region of Uttarapatha, while Dakşina Kosala was admittedly one of the earliest Aryan colonies in the Dakşinapatha or country south of the Vindhyas. After all, Mr. Banerji was concerned with Orissa, and perhaps it was sufficient for his purposes to point out that the western boundary of the country he was dealing with, marched with Dakşiņa Kosala.
1 The old Sanskrit literature does not seem to mention it. There are 1 umerous references to that country, which is either designated Kosala or Dakpina Kosala, in order to distinguish it from Oudh, whose old name was Kosala or Uttara Kosala. Wo find a king bearing the name of Mahakoeala in the line of kings of the latter country, but he does not seem to have given his name to any country. In a country watered by the MahAnadi containing villages with names such as Mahl Samunda (samudra), and bounded by or having in close proximity countries, forests or hills named Maha Kantara, Mohirdetra, Mahabhoja, Mahavinayaka (a hill peak in Jaipur Zamindari) Mahendra (mountain), etc., it perhaps soemed appropriate to call Dakgina Kosala Maha Kosala, especially when its area exceeded that of the northern Kosala, although Yuan Chwang assigns an equal extent to both.
2 Cunningham's Archæological Reports, vol. XVII (1881-82), pages 68-69. 3 R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, vol. I, p. 7. 4 JAHRS., vol. IV, p. 162.

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(SEPTEMBER, 1933
Inscriptions found in the old Chattisgarh Division, which included the districts of Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur, the last of which is at present relegated to Bihår and Orissa, mention several gift villages as situated in the Kosala desa. The kings are spoken of as Kosaladhisa, Kosaladhipati, Kusalanarendra, etc. This indisputably proves the identity of Kosala with the three districts named above. The area covered by these districts, including that of the Feudatory States attached to the Chattisgaph Division for administrative purposes and excluding the Bastar State, which epigraphical data show did not form part of the Kosala country, works out to about 45 thousand square miles only. This falls much short of the extent of Kosala as recorded by the Chinese pilgrim. The boundaries being thus shut out on the south by the Bastar State and on the north by the Vindhya mountains, the conclusion is unavoidable that the country extended to the west up to the borders of Berâr, thus absorbing in it the districts of Bhandara, Bâlâghất, Chindwârâ-cum-Seoni, Nagpur, Wardhâ and Chândâ, comprising an area of 30,000 square miles. Cunningham, in order to complete the area on the Chinese pilgrim's scale, included a part of the Vakataka country, which he placed in Berår, but it is not necessary to do this, inasmuch as the deficiency can be covered by some States of Orissa bordering on Sambalpur, in which Somavamsi inscriptional records have been found, which prove that they formed part of Kosala deśa as mentioned in them. I have summarised these in the appendix to my article on the Sirpur stone inscription (E.I., vol. XI, pp. 198 ff.) These are the states of Patna, Sonpur, Bâmrå and Rairâkhol, the combined area of which aggregates 6,000 square miles. With this addition the total area would be some 81,000 square miles, which would give a circuit of 6,000 li, or 1,000 miles. It would then appear that Dakşiņa Kosala at the time of Yuan Chwang's visit comprised an area lying between 850 and 78° E. Roughly speaking, this coincides with Cunningham's identification with a slight modification. If we cut out the portion of Berår included by him in the west, and extend the eastern boundary by including a few Feudatory States, we get exactly what we require.
To the north the boundaries ran a little below Amarakantaka, which the Mekalas occupied, as we find them mentioned separately both in the Puranas and in epigraphical records. The Matsya and Vayu Puranas, when enumerating the dwellers in the Vindhya region (farza ze faarfera: ), say :
मालवाश्च करूपाश्च मेकलाश्चोत्कलैः सह । - - - - - - - - - -
तोशलाः कोशलाश्चैव त्रैपुरा वैदिशास्तथा ॥ In the Balaghat plates of th, V&kataka king Přithvishena II belonging to the last quarter of the fifth century A.D., it is stated that his father Narendrasena's commands were honoured by the lords of Kosala, Mekala and Malava.? Amarakantaka, the source of the Narmada river, is the highest peak of the Mekala range of the Vindhya mountains. Indeed an alternative name of the Narmada is Mekala-sutâ or Mekala-kanya, daughter of Mekala.' The range runs for about 130 miles in a south-westerly direction to Khairâgash, indicating the tract which the Mekalas occupied, to wit, portions of Rewa State, Bilaspur, Mandala and Balaghat districts and that portion of the Raipur district which is covered by the Feudatory States of Kawardha, Chuikhadân and Khairâgaph. In the Vayu Purána, however, there is a mention of Pancha Kosalas, of which the Mekalas were one. Thus it would appear that there were semi-independent border chiefs subordinate to Kosala proper, the central portion of which comprised the present Raipur and Bilaspur districte.
5 The formation of a separate Orissa province has been recently sanctioned, and the Sambalpur district will be included in the new Province ero long.
6 A circuit of 1,000 miles in a perfect circle would give 79,545 square miles. Obviously Kosal was not a perfect circle, nor were the boundaries limited to the extents of the prosent units. They would require lopping off in certain directions and a bit of expansion in others.
7 E. I., vol. IX, p. 269. 8 Pargiter, The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 3.

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THE EXTENT AND CAPITAL OF DAKŞIŅA KOSALA
163
We shall now proceed to locate the capital of the Kosala country. In the earliest times, when Nala, king of the Nişadha country, was ousted from his kingdom, he started towards the south, and leaving his wife Damayanti in the forest to take care of herself, he moved on and arrived in the territory of the Karkotaka Någa, who was evidently the ruler of the Nagpur country. He afterwards reached the capital of Kosala, and took service as a charioteer of Rituparna, the then king of that country. The only ancient town which could have lain on the line of Nala's march having traditions of visits from the heroes of Mahabharata times is Bhåndak (old Bhadravati), 16 miles north of Chånda town, the present head-quarters of the district of the same name. That this alone could be the residence of Rituparna is proved by the fact that Nala once drove the latter to his friend the king of Vidarbha, whose capital was at Kaundinyapura, in approximately 11 hours,' in a chariot with only four horses. Now the distance between Bhandak and Kaundinyapura is about 80 miles as the crow flies. Allowing 20 miles for the inevitably circuitous route taken by a horse-drawn vehicle, the speed of nine miles an hour is a plausible and even creditable performance for the horses under a good driver. The other known capitals of Dakşina Kosala are Sirpur (old Sripura) in the Raipur district and Tummâna and Ratanpur in the Bilaspur district. The first of these is the nearest to Kaundinyapura, but it lies as many as 250 miles away in a straight line on the map. This would give a run of 23 miles an hour for the chariot, and if the windings of the road are taken into account in the same proportion as in the case of Bhandak, the pace would amount to 29 miles an hour for a continuous run of 11 hours without any change, which is impossible. In fact this rate would exceed the motor car speed attainable in these days, if not beat a railway train. But what we are concerned with is whether Bhậndak continued to be the capital until the advent of Yuan Chwang in 639 A.D.Cunningham, without having the foregoing data before him, tried to locate the capital from the bearings and distances noted by the Chinese pilgrim. The latter came to Kosala from the capital of Kalinga pursuing a north-westerly course of about 1,800 li, or 300 miles. For reasons best known to himself, Cunningham fixed the capital of Kalinga at Rajamahendri, from where he drew a straight line exactly to the north-west and found Chanda, an important town with a fort and a circumvallation wall at a distance of 290 miles. Chåndå was once a Gond capital, but long after Yuan Chwang's visit. It had, however, gathered some indefinite traditions which fitted his object, and he decided that it was the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim. Later on, Fergusson 10 proposed Wairagarh in the same district as the more likely place, but what is missing in both these places is any trace of remains of the Buddhistic monasteries and temples which Yuan Chwang so prominently mentioned. The latter states clearly that "there were 100 sanghárúmas there and 10,000 priests. There was a great number of here. tics, who intermixed with the population and also Deva temples." At Bhandak one may see even today a rock-cut Buddhist cave in a fair state of preservation. There are also nume. rous remains of Hindu Deva temples as well as Jain temples. An inscription found in the Bhandak cave shows that a line of Buddhistic kings belonging to the Panduvamsi line ruled in that place down to the ninth century A.D. (JRAS., 1905, p. 621). This discovery is of great importance inasmuch as Yuan Chwang mentions specifically that the king was of the Kşatriya caste and deeply reverenced the law of the Buddha. Traditionally Bhandak was a very big city which once extended up to Bhatála, 11 some 20 miles distant. The ruins lying between these places seem to indicate some connection between them.
In these circumstances when I happened to refer to Nagarjuna, to whom a cave is dedi. dated on a hillock at Ramtek, I proposed Bhåndak as a still more likely place for Yuan
. Pradhan's Chronology of Ancient India, p. 147. 10 JRAS., 1875, p. 260. 11 Nelson's Chanda District Gazetteer, p. 571.

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Chwang's visit than Chândâ or Wairagarh, giving in a footnote my reasons for that suggestion. The matter rested there, until 1928, when that footnote attracted the attention of my esteem. ed friend, Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham, C.S.I., who asked me whether, with my fuller local know ledge of the country after the lapse of a score of years, I still stuck to that opinion, pointing out at the same time certain difficulties which the description given by the Chinese pilgrima raised. I admit that I have found it very difficult to reconcile these, but I have endeavoured to reconsider the question and put on record what my acquaintance with the country sug gested a country which I have travelled through from the source of the Narmadá down to the Godavari and from the Bâmrâ state of Orissa to Berår.
[ SEPTEMBER, 1933
In the first place, General Cunningham fixed Rajamahendri as the capital of Kalinga, but later investigations show that it was at Mukhalingam on the left bank of the Vamsadhara, 18 miles from Parlakimidi in the Ganjam District. 12 In that case three other reputed capi. tals of South Kosala would at any rate require consideration before they can be summarily rejected, as Mukhalingam would place them within the distances and bearings recorded by the Chinese traveller. These are Sirpur (old Sripura) in the Raipur district and Tummâna and Ratanpur in the Bilaspur District. All these lie to the north-west of Mukhalingam, but from Rajamahendri they would lie slightly east of north.
The distances are as follows:
Sirpur Ratanpur
Tummâna
From Rajamahendri.
370 miles.
434
450
It may be noted at once that Tummâna and Ratanpur did not become capitals until the ninth century A.D. or still later. The first was founded by a descendant of Kalingaraja, a younger son of a descendant of Kokalla I of Tripuri, who flourished about 875 A.D. and the second came into existence when Ratnadeva, a later descendant of Kalingaraja, transferred his residence to Ratanpur, which he named after himself. So, what remains to bo considered is the claim of Sirpur as the seat of the Somavamsi kings and their predecessors. In the beginning of the seventh century A.D., a line of Rishitulyakula kings ruled there. The Arang plates 13 of Bhimasena II give his genealogy for six generations. These were issued in Gupta Samvat 282, or 601 A.D. This at any rate establishes the fact that Sirpur enjoyed the honour of being a capital in the fifth century A.D., when the 5th ascendant of Bhimasena II must have been on the throne. It was just 38 years after the Arang record that the Chinese pilgrim visited the capital of South Kosala. In view of the fact that Sirpur even now possesses two images of the Buddha inscribed with the creed of his religion and numerous remains of Vaisnava and Saiva temples, it presents itself as a strong rival to Bhandak, whose Buddhistic cave, carved out of the rock in the Wijâsan hillock, had ranged me in its favour, taking into consideration also the fact that an inscription was found in that cave mentioning a line of Ksatriya kings, though belonging to a later date. The Rishitulyakula of Sirpur was deva guru-brahmana bhaktaḥ, and as such out and out Hindu. It does not appear probable that it had changed its religion within the short interval of 38 years, unless it was superseded by another dynasty, which apparently, could not be other than the Somavamsî one of the Pându lineage, which played a conspicuous part in the history of Dakṣina Kosala before the advent of the Haihavas. Several inscriptions of kings of that dynasty have been found,
From Mukhalingam. 221 miles. 284
300
12 Madras Provincial Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 228. For a collection of various views on the subject see an article on Kalinga in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, vol. II, pp. 196 ff. Rajamahendri is said to have been founded by Rajaraja Narendra (1022-1063 A.D. of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty and called after his surname, Rajamahendra (op. cit., vol. III, p. 144.)
13 E.I., vol. IX, pp. 342 ff.

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the oldest being that of Tivaradeva, who has been connected with Udayana, 14 a common ancestor of the Somavamsis of Sirpur and the Buddhist kings of Bhåndak. The time of the rise of the Somavaṁsis of Sirpur falls about Yuan Chwang's visit, so it is within the bounds of possibility that an ancestor of Tivaradeva, who is described as prapta sa kala-Kosaladhi. patyaḥ (i.e., who had acquired the supremacy over all the Kosalas, or the whole of the Kosala country) may have held sway at Sirpur, and that he might have been a Buddhist, or at any rate well affected towards Buddhism. Tivaradeva himself was '& most devout worshipper of Visnu '15 and was unweariedly worshipped by mankind in respect of his religious austerity.'
So far, then, the claims of Sirpur and Bhandak stand on almost an equal footing. We have now to consider other points mentioned by the pilgrim, and see how they fit in. If the capital of Kalinga, whence Yuan Chwang travelled to the capital of the Kosala country, was at Rajamahendri, Sirpur is out of the question in view of the fact that its distance even as the crow flies is 370 miles, which is much in excess of what the pilgrim has recorded. 16 The bearings would also vary, as Sirpur is slightly east of north, and not north-west, from Rajamahendri. But if we take Mukhalingam close to Kalinganagaram or Kalingapattanam as the capital of Kalinga, as proposed by Fergusson and accepted by Vincent Smith and others, the difficulty which arises is how the pilgrim made it out to be 1,400 or 1,500 li from Kung-yü-t'o to Kalinga. Kung-yü-t'o has been identified with the Kongoda of the inscriptions, situated somewhere between Katak in Orissa and Aska in the Ganjam district, close to the Chilka lake. The distance, however, from there to Mukhalingam would be less than 125 miles in a straight line, and even if the windings of the road are taken into account, as they should be, still the distance could not amount to 1,400 or 1,500 li. It was perhaps this consideration which induced Cunningham to identify the capital with Rajamahendri. If, however, Mukhalingam was really the capital of Kalinga, the claims of Chåndå or Bhandak vanish, as their distance in a straight line would exceed 330 miles.
And now we have to take the data of the return journey into consideration. The pilgrim states that from Kosala he travelled south (Travels) or south-east (Life) through a forest for above 900 li to the An-to-lo country. This country was above 300 li in circuit and its capital, P'ing-k'i (or ch'i)-lo, was above 20 li in circuit. The country had a rich fertile soil, with a moist hot climate; the people there were of violent character, their mode of speech differed from that of Mid-India, but they followed the same system of writing. There were twenty odd Buddhist monasteries with more than 3,000 brethren. Near the capital was a large monastery with a succession of high halls and storeyed terraces containing an exquisite image of the Buddha. From An-to-lo, or Andhra, the pilgrim continued his journey south through wood and jungle for over 1,000 li to T'e-na-ka-che-ka, which is identified with Dhanakataka, the present Bezwada. The distance between Sirpur and Bezwada in a straight line is 350 miles, and that between Bhandak and Bezwada 270 miles. The traveller has recorded it as 1,900 li, or 316 miles. This again would appear to put Sirpur out of the question. In these circumstances it seems immaterial to locate the capitali? of Andhra, which lay somewhere midway between the capital of Kobala and Bezwada. The pilgrim's remarks in regard
14 E.I., vol. XI, pp. 184 ff. 15 Floet's Gupta Incriptions, p. 298. 16 Watters, Yuan Chwang, pp. 198 and 341.
17 The distances and bearings would point to Warangal (ancient Orukkallu, with the tradition of having been once the capital of Andhra), but how this name could be represented by P'ing-chi-lo in the Chinese language cannot be easily oxplained, unless Warangal had a different namo in the seventh century. P'ing-ch's cannot be Vengi, howsoever much it may resemble it phonetically, as it would be too far away from any Kouala capital, and too near Bezwada.

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to the nature of the country he traversed, its people and language apply equally to both the claimants. Proceeding from Sirpur towards Bezwada, we cannot avoid passing either through Bastar, or through the Agency tracts of the Madras Presidency, apparently called Mahakântâra (the great forest) at the time of Samudragupta's conquest : and they remain primeval jungle upto the present day. The chief inhabitants are Gonds and Khonds (Küis), still continuing in the wildest state. They have several times shown violence against authority by open rebellion and murder, or by merciless maiming of the limbs of their enemies, even during the British régime. When the Kûis once cut off the heads of Koltas, an Oriya cultivating caste who usurped their lands, they, on being asked why they did it, replied: "Koltas are goats, we are tigers, why should we not kill them?” The spoken dialects of these tribes are Dravidian, quite distinct from the languages of Mid-India, and in the southern area towards the Godavari, they are replaced by Telugu. The Någavamsi kings who ruled this country about the tenth century invariably recorded their grants and orders on stone or metal in Telugu characters to the south of the Indravatî river, while all records referring to the same kings found to the north of that river are written in Nagari characters. In the case of Bhåndak, it may be noted that the whole of the tahsil lying in the southernmost part of the Chånda district, viz., Sironcha, is Telugu-speaking. In fact it is the only tahsil in the Central Provinces in which the recognised court language was till lately Telugu. The tahsil abuts on the southern portion of the Bastar State and presents the same type of culture, the characteristics of which have been described above. The southern portion of the Chåndá district is full of dense forest. The writer of the Chândå District Gazetteer says—" At times it must be admitted that the interminable stretches of the gloomy forest oppress the imagina. tion and the traveller is glad to emerge for a space into the more open haunts of men and welcomes the uninterrupted view even of an Indian sun."18 It would thus appear that the country bordering on the Godavari river was an out-crop of Telangana, or Telugu country, lying on the south of the Godavari, and was "Andhra land with Andhra culture, tradition and language," as Pandit Nilakantha Das, M.A., puts it (see JAHRS., vol. II, p. 25); and a traveller returning from Bhandak or Sirpur was bound to cross it on his way to Dhanakataka (Bezwada).
As to the pilgrim's description that Kosala was surrounded by mountains ar.d was a succession of woods and marshes, I think it is literally true. The country was bounded on the north by the Vindhya mountains and on the south by those just described, and the other two sides 'were similarly wooded as they are today. In fact this country was called Dandakåranya in Rama's time, and Mr. G. Ramdas tells us that Dandaka is a Dravidian term meaning full of water.' Wells were unknown in this country till recently. The country was full of tanks and lakes throughout its length and breadth, and there are still some places in the Drug district, formerly a part of Raipur, where marshes still survive.
From what I have said above, it will have to be admitted that there is some mistake in recording the distances or interpreting their exact value, 19 whether one fixes the capital at Sirpur or Bhåndak. To my mind, both the places seem at present to have equal claims to the honour of a visit from that great pilgrim of China, but Bhandak seems to possess more tangible evidence than Sirpur.
18 Nelson's Chanda District Gazetteer, p. 8.
19 We have as a rule accepted 6 li to a mile. In a footnote on page 332, vol. II, of Watters's Yuan Chwang, M. Foucher's opinion is quoted that the expression about 50 li,' se used by Yuan Chwang, is ordi. narily an approxiinate equivalent for a day's march, which was variable in length, but averaged about 4 French leagues, or nearly 10 English miles; but Giles in the Oxford Dictionary lays down 10 miles de equivalont to 274 li.

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PROCLAMATION OF ASOKA AS A BUDDHIST, AND HIS JAMBUDVIPA.
BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BAR--AT-Law.
(a) Explanation of the phrase "gods made mingled with men.' THE Rūpnåth Series Proclamation (Hultzsch, pp. 166, 228), miscalled 'Minor Inscriptions,' is the most important proclamation of the emperor. In this he issues his proclamation as an open Buddhist' (praksa Sake; Maski-Budha Sake). He has no more hesitation in openly owning his religion which formerly the traditional constitutional position of the Hindu monarch prevented him from owning. He had preached the positivism of the Buddha's system, calling it his own, but now his conscience was moved to make a public declaration ; and this declaration he couples with the result of his positive propaganda, summed up in one sentence :
“Those gods who during that time [i.e., his pre-conversion tirae) had been un. mingled (with men) in Jambudvípa have now been made (by me) mingled (with them)."
(Hultzsch, p. 168.) Hultzsch calls this enigmatical, and seeks to explain it by reference to Rock Proclamation IV, where the king mentions his shows of divine scenes (divyani rúpáni-Girnar). Prof.F.W. Thomas (C.H.I., i. 505) takes it to signify that the king " brought the Brahman gods to the knowledge of those people in India, i.e., the wild tribes, who had formerly known nothing of them."
The meaning is, as we shall presently see, something different. The sentence is a masterpiece of epigrammatic statement, disclosing the great literary power of the emperor and at the same time intimate acquaintance with the traditional lore of the orthodox Hindu system. Asoka turned back, surveying in the simharaloka fashion, and saying to his orthodox countrymen, I, your king, have brought about the treta-yuga in Jambudvi pa.' His sentence puts in a summary form the Puranic description of the Golden Age of morality :
Cf.
Saptarshayo Manus chaiva adau manvantarasya ha, prárambhante cha karmmani manushya daivataih saha
-Váyu, i. 61. 164. Men acting with the Devas (manushya daivataih saha) initiate an order of perfect Dharma :
Manvantaradau prägeva tretäyuga-mukhe tatah púrvan devds tatas te vai
sthite dharme tu sarvasah || (165). The same orthodox Hindu tradition is to be found in the Dharma-sútra of Åpastamba (2. 7. 16): saha deva-manushya asmil-loke pura babhivuh. In other words, Asoka points out that he has brought about a new epoch, the ideal epoch. This was obtained through his approaching the Buddhist Samgha and by his own prowess' or 'exertion' (parakrama).
And this revolution was brought about not only in India but over a larger area, Jambudvipa, which obviously included the countries of some of bis non-Indian international neighbours and the countries which had not the privilege of receiving his envoys, where his dharmanusasti, dharma-vutan, and his vidhana or dharma-vidhana were being followed, and which had become subject to that form of his conquest which alone gave the emperor pleasure and satisfaction, i.e., his Conquest of Dharma (Rock P. XIII). The Jambudvipa of Asoka thus meant an area larger than India, and it certainly included his own people on the Oxus.
2 Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, ii. 45. He was bound by his coronation oath to protect the orthodox traditional religion. 2 Tretdyuga was essentially an imperial period :
serat fra TH Thart: 1 MB., Bioma, X. 11.

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The implication is that the privilege which was confined by the orthodox system to the land of India, the privilege of having the moral yuga, a privilege which is expressly denied by the orthodox system to the countries outside the limits of Bharatavarsa, was made available, and demonstrably so, by the emperor to all, even to the Mlecchas.3
There was justification put forward here along with an open avowal of a non-Vedic or anti-Vedic system of religion, though at his coronation Aśoka must have taken the oath to protect and follow the ancient orthodox religious system.
Aśoka's Originality and Greatness.
Aśoka thus stood before his countrymen as the holy Indian emperor from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean-from Ceylon to Greece and Egypt-and as having brought about a new ethical order, and this also amongst those whom the sastras of his country had regarded as spiritually disenfranchised by the very law of primeval creation. The Buddha opened up Buddhism and sannyâsa to the whole of the non-Brahman Hindu community; Aśoka opened his Dharma to the whole of humanity. Without Aśoka, Buddhism would have remained an intra-mural religion confined to India, a Hindu religious system confined to the Hindus, just like Jainism. Probably it did not occur to the Buddha to make Dharma available to the Mlecchas. The conception of a world-religion and enfranchisement of the whole world enabling the whole world-Indian and non-Indian alike-to partake of the truth, the positivism, of Buddhism, a truth which Aśoka valued as the highest truth, was the originality of Aśoka, not of the Buddhist Church as he founded it. He truly became an allworld conqueror, the Dharma-cakrvartin cver the known world. He, in the words of his race, caused the initiation of a new manvantara, a new kalpa, in the world. He expressed the hope that this new order (his Dharma) would last for a long kalpa, sincerely bequeathing it to posterity by the testament of his inscriptions.
(b) Jambudvipa.
The name Jambudvipa is found in Buddhist Pâli sutras as well as in Sanskrit literature. Its earliest definition in Sanskrit is to be found in the Mahabharata and then in the Matsya Purana (c. 250 A.D.) They, however, avowedly borrow the geographical matter from the earlier edition of the Purana text. The geographical material of the Puranas is of a very early date, which we shall presently see, and is probably even more important than the historical.
Jambudvipa, according to the description therein given, comprised almost the whole of Asia. It is wrong to translate it by India.' I have pointed out above, on the basis of the inscriptions, that Asoka's Jambudvipa included a much larger area than India, i.e., than India-cum-Afghanistan. Now let us take the data of the Matsya.
(a) India Proper is called by it Manavadvipa (Ch. 113. 9-17), which some Puranas call Kumaridvipa, named after Kumari, a name which survives in our present day' Cape Comorin.' It gives the measurement of this dvipa from Kumârî to the source of the Ganges."
3 There are four yugas in Bharatavarga-MBh., Bhisma, X. 3; Visnu P., II. 3. 19. वह स्वर्गापवर्गार्थं प्रवृतिरिह मानुषे। Matrya, 113. 14.
यतो हि कर्ममूरेषा ततोन्या भोगभूमय : Vimmu, II. 3. 23.
Bhisma, XII. 41. Matsya, 123. 9, and various other passages. Both have cited mostly identical
verses.
5 In one place the MBh. employs the term in lieu of Bharatavarea (Bhisma, vi. 13), but this was, as the commentator has rightly pointed out, due to the leading position of Bharatavarea in Jambudvipa; throughout its treatment the MBh. takes Bharatavarea as one of the varsas of Jambukhanda or Jambudvipa, like the Purâņas, citing the very texts mostly. The MBh. at places condenses the Puranic text. The real source of the Ganges, according to the Purâņas, lay in a lake in Tibet.

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(b) India Proper was a part of Bharatavarsa, which extended in the north up to the valley of the Oxus (113. 40-43) (120. 43-46). The Bharatavarșa division goes back to the time of Megasthenes. See, for instance, Frag. IV of Schwanbeck (Strabo, XV. i. ii; McCrindle, p. 48):
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"India is bounded on the north by the extremities of Tauros, and from Ariana to the Eastern Sea by the mountains which are variously called by the natives of these regions Parapanisos, and Hemodos, and Himaos, and other names, but by the Macedonians Kaukasos."
This larger area of India, i.e., Bharatavarsa goes really beyond the Maurya times. This is to be gathered from Herodotus, who says (iii. 102):
"There are other Indians bordering on the city of Kaspatyros and the country of Paktyke, settled northward of the other Indians, who resemble the Baktrians in the way they live. They are the most warlike of the Indians and are the men whom they send to procure the gold [paid to the king of Persia], for their country adjoins the desert of sand."
(c) Bharatavarsa along with other varsas made up Jambudvipa. They were, according to an earlier Purânic division cited by the present Purâņas, four, and according to another division, seven in number (Matsya, 112. 7). Varga meana 'country' (112. 26) divided and bounded by mountain ranges. There are several mountain ranges in the continent of Jambudvipa. One, to the north of India, is called Nișadha. I take it to be the same as the Parapanisad of the Greeks, variously spelt as Parapamisad and Paropanisad." Parap probably represents parva, which means a section of a range, according to Purânic geography. The Niṣadha and Meru were in close proximity, as a river (Jambu) is mentioned as situated by the south side of Meru and the north side of the Nisadha (Meros tu dakshine parive Nipadhayettarena tu-Váy, 46, 23).
There is no doubt that the Puranic Meru is the Meros of Alexander's historians, and the river is probably the Panjshir." According to the Purâņas it was a gold-producing area and its peculiar gold was called Jâmbûnada.
The central part of Jambudvipa is the country of the Pâmîrs, 'Meru-land.' Its range is Maha-Meru (the Larger Meru). The region to the south of the Pâmîrs is sometimes called Himavarsa, 10 which Yuan Chwang calls Hima-tala.11 Probably it is this word that we find in the Greek form Himaos. The Snowy Range' of the Hindus seems to have included the mountains of north-western Afghanistan, and was more extensive than our 'Himalayas.' Cf. Yuan Chwang (Life, pp. 197-198):
"
"From this country, again going east across mountains 700 li, we reach the valley of Påmir. This valley is about 1000 li from east to west, and 100 li or so from north to south. It lies between two ranges of the Snowy Mountains.....The soil is always frozen....12 In the middle of this valley is a great lake, 200 li from east to west, and fifty li from north to south. It lies in the centre of Jambudvipa...."
7 McCrindle, Invasion of India, p. 58, n.
8 a-parváņas tu girayaḥ, parvabhiḥ parvataḥ emritáḥ-Vayu, 49. 132.
9 The local tree of this area, bearing sweet juicy fruit called jambu in the Purdnas, is probably the plum tree. According to a passage of the Vimu, the geographical trees-e.g., jambu, sdka-were indi. cators of particular mountain ranges [on maps] (Vayu, II, 2, 18: 4 ft) For Hindu maps, see MBh. Bk. vi (Bhisma), ch. 6; 2, 39, 56; Megasthenes, p. 52.
10 Also Haimavata (Gk. Hemodos); sometimes separate from India, but mostly part of it: e.g., इदं तु भारतं वर्ष ततो हैमवतं परम् । Bhima, VI. 7; इमं हैमवतं वर्ष भारतं नाम विश्रुतम् । –Matsya, 112.28.
11 Life, p. 196: "Again going from Mung K'ien, entering the mountains and travelling for 300 li or so, we come to the country of Hi-mo-ta-lo: this also was a part of the old Tukhara territory. 12 Cf. Mataya, 114. 19.
2

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This, along with the account of the Oxus and Sita rivers which follows, is almost a verbal corroboration of the Puranic description of the Påmirs. The four large divisions of Jambudvipa are :
N. Uttara Kuru, situated to the south of the Northern Sea (Uttara samudra). S. Bhårata. E. Bhadrâsva (up to the sea, i.e., China).
W. Ketumala (up to the sea, i.e., Asia Minor). Ketumála is identified by the later Hindu astronomer Bhaskara Acarya, who calls its Westernmost town Romaka, i.e., Constantinople. The Purâņic description fully bears out this identification.
According to the second division of Jambudvipa referred to above, in which seven varsas are enumerated, it becomes clear that the whole of Asia minus Arabia is included in Jambud. vipa. By or below the Nişadha there was Hari-varsa. This country, Hari, is thus identical with the name and country called Haraiva or Hartva by Darius, i.e., the country from Meshed to Herat, the Ariana of the Greeks. The old name survives in the modern Heri. The next varga or country in the Puranas is a large area called Ilåvpita, which must go back to the Elamite empire. Ilabrat was the chief messenger of the gods, or the god of the winga' (cf. Mythology of AU Races, vol. V, Semitic, by S. Langdon, p. 177). To the Tibetan region and adjacent parts the Puranas give the name Kinnara- or Kimpuruşa-varsa, probably owing to the inhabitants being nearly devoid of moustaches and whiskers. To the north of the Påmirs there are two parallel divisions, Ramanaka (or Ramyaka), i.e., the country of the * nomads,' and Hiranya, which evidently stand for Central Asia and Mongolia, as the country to their north, Uttara Kuru was known as reaching the Northern Soa. Uttara Kuru thus represents Siberia.
Thus the four larger divisions are really the four most distant countries-India, Asia Minor, China and Siberia, and the seven consist of
1. India (with its frontiers on the Pâmîrs). 2. The Herat country. 3. Tibet. 4. Ilavrita, from the Pamirs and Herat (probably) to the Persian Gulf. 5. Central Asia. 6. Mongolia
7. Siberia. Arabia is counted as a different dvipa. It is bounded on three sides by the sea. A dvipa, according to the Puranic description, should have seas on (at least) two sides. Arabia is called Puskara, which according to the Puranas, is the only dvipa which has no river and only one mountain. Its name, Puşkara dvipa, the 'lako dvipa,' is probably due to its being regarded as having inhabited land on all sides, surrounding an area of sand which represented a dried-up sheet of water.
The Puranic division of the then known world is thus ancient. It stands to reason that the ancient Hindus must have known their neighbours. Tho Puranas show a minute knowledge of Mid-Asia. Their name, Nila, for a large range of mountains is a translation of the Chinese name, 'Blue Mountains'; and their 'Golden Mountains' represent the Altai Mountains, the Mongolian name for which (Altain-ula) means the mountains of gold.' The Puranas assert that in the Central (Pâmîr) Region there was a very large lake, called by them Bindusara, which was the source of the Oxus and several other, named, rivers. Modern
13 C.H.I., i, 338. 11 Enc. Brit. (11th ed.), XIII, 332.

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research has shown that Lake Victoria is the remnant of a much larger lake that covered the valley in former ages. The Purâņas say that the Oxus falls into the Western Sea,' by which they mean the Caspian. We now know that the Caspian was much larger in past ages, and included the present Sea of Aral. The Purâņas call the Turkistán desert the desert of the sea. These facts and the very ancient names Ilavrita and Hari-varpa prove that the Puranic geographical data of Jambudvipa are much earlier than the time of Asoka, and that the name which Asoka used had long been established for the major portion of the known world. As the Purâņas seem to have different names for Egypt (Kusa-dvipa) and Europe (Krauñca. dvípa) we have to neglect Bhaskara Acarya's view (which is much later in date) that Jambud. vipa included the whole of the northern hemisphere [the northern hemisphere according to him being land and the southern hemisphere being sea).
Following the definition of the ancient Purâņas, it seems that Asoka's Jambudvipa was confined to Asia, and his success was more marked there than in Greece and Egypt, for in his summary of result he particularises Jambudvipa.
MEAN SAMKRANTIS.
By A. VENKATASUBBIAH. In his paper on The Brahma-siddhanta of Brahmagupta, A.D. 628; Mean System, published in vol. XVII of the Epigraphia Indica, the late Mr. Robert Sewell observed that, in India, details for the calendar, that is, of tithis, nakpatras, samkrantis, etc., were certainly calculated till the eleventh century at least everywhere, and for several centuries thereafter in some places, on the mean, instead of the true or apparent, motions of sun and moon. And he therefore published in that journal many tables by means of which one can calculate and demine, according to the Arya and Brahma Siddhantas, the moment when mean samkrántis occurred, and mean lithis, nakşatras, etc., began and ended.
Tables LXXVI and XC in these papers give the exact moment of occurrence of the mean Meşa-samkranti according to these Siddhântas, while tables LXXVII and XCI give the periods of time that intervene between this moment and the moments of occurrence of the other mean samkranis. Tables LXI and LXXXII, on the other hand, give the moment of occurrence of the true Mesa-samkranti according to these Siddhantas, which moment is quite different from the moment of occurrence of the mean Meşa-samkranti. Now, the moment of occurrence of the Mesa-samkranti marks the commencement of the solar year; and it hence becomes evident from the above tables that Mr. Sewell opined that the compilers of the mean-system pancangas according to the Brahma, Arya and other Siddhantas put down in their almanacs as the time of commencement of the solar year, the moment of occurrence of the mean, and not of the true, Meşa-samkranti, and that they made this moment the basis for their calculation of the moments of occurrence of the other mean samkrantis.
To take a concrete instance, Mr. Sewell gives in tables XC and LXXVI the moment of occurrence of mean Meşa-samakrânti, according to the Brahma and Arya Siddhantas, of Ky. year 4287 current (A.D. 1185) as 15hrs. 54m. 54s. on Monday, 25th March, and 16h. 55m. 08. on Tuesday, 26th March, respectively, while in tables LXXXII and LXI, he gives the moment of occurrence of true Meşa-samkranti of the same Ky. year and according to the same Siddhantas, as 11h. 45m. 418. on Saturday, 23rd March, and 13h. 22m. 30s. on Sunday, 24th March, respectively. It is therefore apparent that, in Mr. Sewell's opinion, the compilers of the mean-system almanacs by the Brahma and Arya Siddhantas for the Ky. year 4287 current had put down in them Monday, 25th March, and Tuesday, 26th March (and not Saturday, 23rd March, and Sunday, 24th March) as the day on which the solar year commenced and that they calculated from these days the days on which the mean Vrsabha, Mithuna and other samkrantis occurred.

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There can be no doubt that Mr. Sewell had good grounds on which he based the above opinion; and it is hence all the more remarkable that in the few dates that I have met with which seem to cite mean samkrantis, these mean samkrantis are calculated from the moment of occurrence of true, and not mean, Meşa-samkranti. These dates are but five in number and are the following:
1. Date of Arsikere inscription of the time of ViraballAļa II (Ep. Car., V. Arsikere 93 ; p. 344): Saka 1111 Kilaka, Pusya-amávásya, Bhanurára, vyati páta-samkramana.
Saka 1lll current Kilaka by the southern luni-solar system. In this year, Puşyaamåvåsyd (i.e., the amávisyd at the end of the amanta month Pusya) ended on Tuesday, 20th December, and Monday, 19th December, A.D. 1188, according to the mean and true systems of working. No samkranti, mean or true, was associated with either of these two days; and the date is hero irregular for this year. It is likewise irregular for the northern luni-solar Kilaka also (concerning the use of northern luni-solar Jovian years in S. India, see my Some Saka Dates in Inscriptions, p. 4 ff.); for, in this year, Pusya-amâvâsyå began, by the mean as well as true system of working, on Monday, 3rd December 1184, and ended on the next day, Tuesday, 4th December, and there was no samkranti, mean or true, associated with either of these days. In the year following this northern luni-solar Kilaka however (regarding such years, see p. 35 ff. in op. cit.) or the year but one preceding the southern luni-solar Kilaka (see regarding such years, p. 45, op. cit.), true Mesa-samkranti, according to the Brahma Siddhanta, occurred at llh. 45m. 4ls, on Saturday, 23rd March 1185 A.D., and the mean Makara-samkranti, counting from this moment, occurred 273 days 22h. 39m. 6s. later on Sunday, 22nd December 1185, at 10h. 24m. 478. The mean Puşya-amâvâsyå too began on this Sunday at 14h. 17m. 0s. The mean Meşa-samkranti occurred on Monday, 25th March, at 15h. 54m. 548, and the mean Makara-samkranti, counting from this moment, at 14h. 34m. 0s. on Tuesday, 24th December 1185, on which day the mean tithi Puşya-ba l ended and ba-2 began. The true Makara-samkranti too occurred on that Tuesday at 3h. 52m. 31s.
It is thus obvious that Sunday, 22nd December 1185 A.D., is the equivalent of the date1 given in the inscription, and that the compiler of the almanac from which the details of the above date were taken had given in it Ilh. 45m. 4ls. of Saturday, 23rd March 1185, as the beginning of the solar year and calculated from that moment the moment of occurrence of the mean Makara-samkranti.
2. Date of another Arsikere inscription of the time of Viraballala II (Ep. Car., V. Arsikere 90 ; p. 343): Saka 1111 Kilaka, Puşya-amavdsyd, Somavára, vyalipáta-samkramana.
It will be seen that the details of this date are identical with those of no. 1 given above with the exception that the weekday here is Monday, and not Sunday. Since we have also seen above that on Sunday, 22nd December A.D. 1185, the equivalent of date no. 1, Puşyaamåvåsyå began and ended on the following Monday, it is obvious that this Monday, 23rd December A.D. 1185, is the day denoted by the inscription. According to the Arya Siddhânta, the mean Makara-sankranti occurred after 273 days 22h. 39m. 228. counting from the moment of occurrence of true Mega-samkranti (13h. 22m. 30s. on Sunday, 24th March 1185), at 12h. Im. 528. on this Monday; and the mean tithi Pusya-amâvâsyå too ended on this Monday at 14h. 27m. 28s.
In my above-cited book, I have given Monday, 24th January A.D. 1183, as the equivalent of this date (p. 100; no. 126) and also of four other dates. Comparison with date. no. 1 given above, however, shows clearly that the equivalent of this date is Monday, 23rd December 1185, and not Monday, 24th January 1183. In the same way, the former Monday
The mention of vya ipdta in this date, and in the following datee, is honorific (see in this connection op. cit., p. 19); for, the yoga vyatfpdta can, in no circumstance, occur in conjunction with the tithis citad in these dates.

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is the equivalent of date no. 127 also in op. cit. (Saka 1107 Visvdvasu, Pusya-amavusya, Monday, vyati páta-samkramana; Saka 1107 expired=Visvävasu=A.D. 1185), while the latter Monday is the correct equivalent of dates no. 125, 129 and 128 in op. cit. The first two of these three dates mention the year Sobhakft and Saka 1106 current and 1105 expired [=A.D. 1183) while the year Plavanga mentioned in the third must be understood to refer to the northern luni-solar year of that name, which corresponded to A.D. 1183.
3. Date of Bidare inscription of the time of the Hoysala king Narasimha I (Ep. Car., VI. Kadûr 72; p. 46): Saka 1084 Citra-bhanu, Puşya-purnima, Adivara, uttarayana-samkramana-vyatipata.
Saka 1084 expired=Citrabhånu by the southern luni-solar system. In this year, mean Makara-samkranti calculating from the moment of true Mesa-samkranti, occurred according to the Arya Siddhanta, at 13h. 14m. 225. on Sunday, 23rd December A.D. 1162, and calculating from the moment of mean Meşa-samkrånti, at 16h. 46m. 528. on Tuesday, 25th December. The true Makara-samkranti too occurred on that Tuesday at 6h. 16m. 488. The mean tithi Pugya-su 15 ended on the above Sunday at about 3h. 34m. 88., while the mean tithis associated with the above Tuesday were Puşya-ba 2 (ending) and Puşya-ba 3 (beginning). It is hence evident that this Sunday, 23rd December 1162, is the regular equivalent of the date given in the inscription.
4. Date of Bela våla inscription of the time of the above king (Ibid. Kadür 16; p. 8): Saka 1094 Khara, Margasira-su 14, Somavára, uttarayana-samkramana-vyatípáta.
Saka 1094 current=Khara ty the southern luni-solar system ; for this year the date is irregular. In the previous year however (regarding such years, see op. cit., p. 31 ff.), mean Dhanus-samkranti, according to the Arya Siddhanta, occurred at 4h. 23m. 208. on Monday 23rd November 1170 A.D., when calculated from the moment of occurrence of the true Meşasamkranti, and at 7h. 55m. 56s. on Wednesday, 25th November, when calculated from the moment of occurrence of the mean Meşa-samkranti. True Dhanus-samkránti too occurred on this Wednesday at 23h. 31m. 08.
The mean tithi Margasira-su 14 began on the above Monday at about 4h. 16m. 328., while the mean tithis associated with the above Wednesday were Mårgasira-su 16 (ending) and ba-1 (beginning); and it is thus obvious that the above-mentioned Monday (23rd November A.D. 1170) is the equivalent of the date given in the inscription.
Regarding the epithet uttarayana applied to the Dhanus-samkranti, see op. cit., p. 25 f.
5. Date of the Anekere copper-grant of Viraballala II (Ep. Car., V. Cannardya paptapa 179; p. 462): Saka 1113 Saumya, Pusya-ba-11, Adityavára, uttarayana-samkramana.
This date has already been discussed by me on p. 126 in IHQ., vol. 4. As I have said there, the date is irregular for Saka 1113* which corresponded to Saumya by the southern luni-solar system. In the following year however, mean Makara-samkranti, according to the Arya Siddhånta, occurred at 19h. 4m. 228. on Sunday, 28rd December A.D. 1190, when caloulated from the moment of occurrence of true Mesa-samkranti, and at 22h. 36m. 628. on Tuesday, 25th December, when calculated from that of mean Meşa-samkrånti. The true Makara-samkranti too occurred on that Tuesday at 12h. 6m. 488.
The mean tithi Pusya-ba 11 began on the above Sunday at about 13h. 51m. 238., while the mean tithis associated with the above Tuesday were Pugya-ba 12 (ending) and ba-13 (beginning); and it is henco obvious that the equivalent of the date given in the inscription is Sunday, 23rd December A.D. 1190.3
? The calculations in this paper have been made with the help of Mr. Sowoll's tables referred to above; and in connection with dates 2-6, it may be observed that the results are the same if one use the Surya, instead of the Arya, Siddhanta.
The hours, minutes and seconds given above should in all cases be counted from the moment of mear Lanka sunrise on the daye mentioned.

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These are the only dates that I know of in which mean samkrantis seem to be cited ; and it becomes clear from what has been said above that these mean samkrantis have in all cases been calculated from the moment of occurrence of the true Meşa-samkrânti. In other words, the compilers of the professedly mean-system almanacs from which the details of the above dates were taken, had given in them as the beginning of the solar year, the moment of occurrence of the true and not the mean Meşa-samkranti. This is, on the face of it, inconsistent ; and the question hence arises in one's mind, why should this have been so? Why did the compilers of professedly mean-system almanacs give the moment of occurrence of the true, and not the mean, Meşa-samkranti as the beginning of the solar year? The only answer that suggests itself to me in this connection is this: As is well-known, it is explicitly stated in the Arya and Brahma Siddhantas that, though the Ky. era began at mean sunrise on Friday, 18th February B.C. 3102, the year that began on that day (Ky. year 1 current or 0 expired) was the luni-solar year, and that the true solar year really began on Tuesday, 15th February B.C. 3102, at 20h. 27m. 30s. and 19h. 52m. 22s., respectively. It is easily conceiv. able therefore that a jyotişika who wanted to compile a mean-system pañcânga for, say, the Ky. year 4000 expired according to the Arya Siddhanta, would have chosen the above-given moment as his starting point, and by adding to it 365.2586805 (length of the solar year according to the Arya Siddhanta) x 4000 days, arrived at the result that the solar year Ky. 4000 expired began on Thursday, 22nd March A.D. 899, at 13h. 47m. 38. With this moment as basis, he would then, by adding to it 30.438223 days and its multiples determine the moment of occurrence of the mean Vrsabha, Mithuna and other samkrantis, and at the end, by adding 30.438223 days to the moment of occurrence, so determined, of the mean Minasamkranti, arrive at the result that the mean Meşa-samkranti of the Ky. year 4001 expired occurred at 20h. Om. Os. on Friday, 21st March A.D. 900. This however happens to be the exact moment of occurrence of the true Meşa-samkranti. And thus the moment of occurrence of mean Mega-samkranti, determined in this manner by the jyotişika aforesaid, would be identical in every case with that of true Meşa-samkranti, due to the circumstance that this jyotisia took as his starting point 19h. 52m. 22s. of 15th February B. C. 3102.
At the same time, it is also conceivable that another jyotisika may have taken as his starting-point Oh. Om. 08. (i.e., exactly 6 A.M.) of Friday, 18th February B.C. 3102 (at this moment began the mean-system solar year Ky. I current according to the above two Sid. dhåntas), and by adding to it 365.2586805 X 4000 days, arrived (as Mr. Sewell has done) at the result that the solar year Ky. 4000 expired, according to the Arya Siddhanta mean system, began on Saturday, 24th March A.D. 899, at 17h. 20.m. Os., and calculated from this moment the moment of occurrence of the mean Vrşabha, Mithuna and other samkrantis. These moments are, naturally, different from those determined according to the former method and also from those determined according to the true system of working.
This difference in the moment of occurrence of the mean samkrantis leads, in its turn, to a consequence that we must take account of: it causes a difference in the names of lunar months. Thus, to take an instance, I have said in connection with date no. 1 discussed above that, according to the Brahma Siddhanta mean system, mean Puşya-amâvâsya began at 14h. 17m. Os. on Sunday, 22nd December 1185 A.D. According to Mr. Sewell's method of calculating mean aamkrantis, however, the month of Margasira was adhika in this year (see his table XC) and the mean tithi that began on the above Sunday was not Puşya-amâvâsya, but Margasira-amavasy. According to the Brahma Siddhanta true system too, that tithi was Margasira-amâvâsya ; but the intercalated month was not Margasira but Bhadrapada (see his table LXXXII). On the other hand, according to the method of calculating mean samkrantis that was adopted in connection with the five dates given above, there was no intercalation at all in the year A.D. 1185, and the mean tithi that began on the above Sunday was Pusya-amâvâgy& ; but the month Caitra was intercalated in the next year, A.D. 1186-7.

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The difference in the method of calculating mean samkrantis has thus, in this instance, led to a difference in the names of fivc lunar months; and what, according to one method, are the months of adhika-Mârgasira, Margasira, Puşya, Magha and Phålguna, are, according to the other method, the months of Margasira, Puşya, Mâgha, Phalguna and adhika-Caitra respectively.
As already observed above, however, I have not up to now come across any date which cites a mean samkranti calculated according to the method adopted by Mr. Sewell, while, on the other hand, the five dates given above cite, clearly, mean sankrantis calculated according to a different method. It would be well therefore if computers of Indian dates, and especially those that use Mr. Sewell's tablos referred to above for this purpose, bear in mind that there is a method of calculating mean samkrantis which is different from that adopted by him, and that the employment of this method leads, not only to a difference in the time at which the mean sankrantis took place, but, occasionally, to a difference in the years in which intercalary months occurred, and in the names of lunar months also.
THE LUNAR CULT IN INDIA.
BY V. R. RAMACHANDRA DIKSHITAR, M.A. In an informing note on the Traces of Lunar cult in India' in the Rivista degli Studi Orientali, vol. XII (1930), Professor Giuseppe Tucci makes the following observation. “While sun worship was widely spread in India, it does not appear that the moon was ever raised to the rank of an independent divinity, or that it ever had its own temples and its own devotoes." (Translated from the original Italian by Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham in the Ind. Ant., Jan. 1932, p. 17.) An endeavour is made bere to show that the lunar cult was as old as the solar cult, and the moon enjoyed an independent status like any other deity of the Vedic pantheon. The worship of the moon, like that of the sun, must be traced back to the Vedic period of India's ancient history. It is generally known that orthodox tradition classifica the Yajurveda samhita into four kandams. These are the Prajapatikandam, Saumya kandam, Agneya kandam and Vaišvadeva kandam. Of these, the Saumya kandam is in honour of the moon, who is raised to the rank of divinities like the Prajâ pati-, Agni- and Viśvadevas. The texts of the Samhita which are devoted to the elaboration of sacrificial ritual mfer to the moon as an adhipati of the sacrifice, and hence a devata. If the evidence of the Yajurveda-samhita teaches us anything, it is that the moon is raised to the rank of a yarña or sacrificial deity and is undoubtedly a Vedic god. There is again the invaluable testimony of the Brahmana literature where tho moon is looked upon as an independent divinity. In the Taittiriya Brahmana we have what is known as the Somasuktam, and this súktam is celebrated in honour of the moon (II, viii, 3). These hymns in praise of the moon can be favourably compared to the Rudrasuktam, Puruşasúktam and other Vedic súktams of much importance. Added to this is the statement that the presiding deity of the sadhotd in the sacrificial literature is no one else than Candra or the moon-god. (Ibid., II, ii, 11-12.) Besides their use in the gajas or sacrificos, they are used in connection with a number of ceremonials attending the innumerable vratams or special vows and the installation of images in temples, much adumbrated in the Purana literature and the Agama treatises as well. (See the Malaya. purana, ch. 265, 24.)
The Puranas, which are rogarded as the fifth Voda according to the tradition transmitted in the Indian religious and secular works, make claborate references to the different aspects of the lunar cult. The moon is one of the ten dig-pålas or the guardian deities of the directions. (See the Matsya Purana, ch. 266-26.) He is the lord of the twenty-seven naksatras (Ibid., ch. 23. 1 ff.) and is one of the nine planets which go by the name of navagrahas. (Ibid., ch. 93-10.) He is above all the 6şadhipati. or the lord of oceans and plants. (Ibid., ch. 266, 25.)

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Let us now turn our attention to the vast treasures of Tamil literature of South India, and try to find out whether the Tamil literary tradition has anything to corroborate the above statements and to throw fresh light on the topic under discussion. The Tolkáppiyam, which cannot be later than fourth century B.C., has a significant expression, arumuraiválttu, or in praise of six deities or persons. Perhaps Ilanko-Adigal follows this custom it one ex. amines carefully the opening lines of that epic, the Silappadikáram. The author of the Silappadikaram mentions these six in the following order: moon, sun, rains, world, sages and the king of the land. (Canto T, II. 1 ff.) It is of particular interest to note that the Tamil classic of the second century A.D. begins with an invocation to the moon god. (See M. Raghava Aiyangar's Tolká ppiya Poruladhikúra Araicci, 2nd ed., p. 129, note.) According to the celebrated commentator Naccinarkkiniyar, the Vallivälttu is the hymn in praise of Valli or the moon. (See the gloss on Tolk. Puratt. sútra, 33.) It will thus appear that from the time of the grammarian Tolkappiyanar, if not earlier, the moon came to be recognised by tho Tamils as one among their different deities, and a place of high honour is given by the prince-poet Ilanko Adiga! to the moon (tingal). But what is more important and most interesting is the unmistakable reference to a temple of moon. The tamil expression for that temple is Nilákkottam (Canto IX, 1. 13), which existed in ancient Puhâr or Kâvêripattanam. Here is an explicit statement of the existence of a temple dedicated to the moon which cannot be disputed. According to Ktesias (400 B.C.) there were temples dedicated to the sun and moon, ac a distance of 15 days' journey from Mount Abu, After quoting this authority Mr. C. V. Vaidya further remarks: "There was a temple of the moon at Prabhåsa." (History of Mediæval India, vol. I, p. 255.) These evidences bear ample testimony to the existence of moon temples in India and moon worship both in the north and the far south.
Though the temples of the moon have disappeared, the worship of the moon still continues. A relic of the old custom which is frequently referred to in the Sangam works and later Tamil literature goes by the name of Piraitoļutal, literally, the worship of the moon. (See Kuruntogai, stanza 807. Irayanar Ahapporul, sútra 7, p. 67 and the stray but rare stanza quoted in the same page : Naladiyar, stanza 176: See also the Perumtogai collection of M. Raghava Alyangar, p. 32.) Here is a stanza praising the moon, technically entitled devapáni. That this class of poems existed is seen from the comment of Arumpadavurai Acáriyar on the line 37, Canto VI of the Silappadi kdram.)
In this connection the Tirukkovai, which deals with Ahapporul, is worthy of note. The Tirukkovoi, of Manikkavá akar of the ninth century A.D. belongs to the high class works on Hindu mysticism which ordinarily seem to be texts on love poetry. (See author's Studies in Tamil Literature and History, pp. 99-101.) The stanza (67) gives a glimpse of social life in ancient Tamil land. It was a custom with the ancient Tamils, and this is current even now, to watch the moon rising on the second day after the new moon day. This seeing of the moon is religious in character and tantamount to the worship of the moon. The maid waiting on the lady love, innocent of the fact that her mistress had already enjoyed, though secretly, her husband's company, urges her to come out and pay her respects to the moon. But the mistress refuses to worship the deity, thus giving a sure hint that she had her own husband, who is to her all god. Incidentally we are introduced to a great truth and its practice in the Tamil land that chaste women do not worship any god except their own husbands, whom they worsbip as their god. It may be well to bear in mind that this was the great maxim taught by Tiruvalluvar in his thought-provoking treatise the Tirukkural (see the kuralvenba,
55)
To return to the subject proper, the lunar cult was known in early Tamil India, as well as in Vedic India. There were temples dedicated to that deity, though such instances have become extinct. The worship of the moon as a planet, as a digpála and as the lord of the vegetable kingdom is still largely prevalent.

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MISCELLANEA
MISCELLANEA.
IMPORTANT FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION FOUND AT MAHASTHAN (BOGRA DISTRICT).
(The following note on the Mauryan Brâhmî inscription recently found at Mahasthân in the Bogra district was read by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar at the Symposium of the Asiatic Society of Bengal held on the 2nd January 1933.)
This fragmentary but most interesting inscription in Mauryan Brâhmi was discovered, on the 31st of November 1931, by one Baru Faqir of the Mahas. thangarh village in the Bogra district of Bengal, not far from a mound which was being excavated by the Archæological Department.
The fragment, as it is, contains six lines of writing in the Brâhmf Alphabet of the Aéokan records. The language is the same as that of his Pillar Edicts, that is to say, it was the language of Madhyadeśa influenced by Mâgadhi, or rather the court language of Magadha. The purport of the inscription is briefly as follows. Some ruler of the Mauryan period, whose name is lost, had issued an order to the Mahâmâtra stationed at Pundranagara, with a view to relieve the distress caused apparently by famine to a people called Samvargiyas, who were settled in and about the town. Two measures were adopted to meet this contingency. The first apparently consisted of the advance of a loan in gandaka currency, and the second of the distribution of dhánya, or paddy, from the district granary. A wish is expressed that the Samvaṁgîyas will thus be able to tide over the calamity. With the resto. ration of plenty they were asked to return the money to the Treasury and the grain to the Granary.
It will be seen that this epigraphic record is of great historical importance. In the first place, it establishes the identity of the present Mahasthân with the ancient Pundranagara. The last line of the inscription clearly shows that it was fixed into the structure of a Granary which could not have been far from the place where the stone plaque was found. The Granary was thus situated in the present area of Mahâsthân. And as the Granary originally belonged to Pundranagara, there can be no doubt as to Mahasthan being identical with Pundranagara. Cunningham, with his topographical instincts, had long ago identified the two on the evidence of the Chinese pilgrim, Yuan Chwang. But his identification had remained more or less uncertain for want of epigraphic evidence. But the find of our record now leaves no doubt on this point. The second point of historical interest that we have to note is the manner in which the state in ancient India endeavoured to combat the ravages of a famine. Mention is made in this inscription of the distribution of dhanya, or unhusked rice. This paddy obviously must have been used as seed for sowing operations, and, also when husked, must
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have served the purpose of food. It may, however, be asked: why money was at all distributed among the Samvargiyas? In this connection we have to remember that in East Bengal, where nature is so plentiful, a famine can take place only through the inundation of a river. Mahasthân, that is, Pundranagara, is situated on a river, namely, the Karatoya. And when a town is settled on a river, the floods cause devastation not simply to the crops in the fields, but also to the buildings and huts which are perched on its border. To meet this contingency, a money grant has to be made to the people whose belongings have been washed away or seriously affected by the floods. This is perhaps the only explanation that can be given of the disbursement of gandaka coins among the Samvargiyas. What again we have to note here is that this disbursement of money and this distribution of unhusked rice were made to this people without any interest. If they had been charged with any, surely there would have been some reference to it in our record.
Perhaps ours is not the first known inscription which relates to the putting up of a granary as a safeguard against scarcity of food. Of practically the same period is an inscribed copper-plate found at Sohagaura, about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur (I.A., XXV, 261 f.). A cursory glance at its contents will convince anybody that it refers not to one but to two granaries, and that this plate is an order to some Mahâmâtra, stationed apparently at Sravasti, to open the two granaries and distribute their contents when any dire contingency called for it. In fact, the idea of counteracting the ravages of a famine by the erection of granaries and storehouses is pretty ancient in India, and it is not therefore a matter of surprise if the Mahasthân inscription also adverts to the measures commonly employed by the State to combat the devastation caused by a famine in ancient Bengal.
Let us now see what further light our record throws on the ancient history of Bengal. It is a pity that the first line of the inscription has not been preserved. The name of the ruler, if any was mentioned, is thus lost irretrievably. But as the alphabet and the language of our record are exactly like those of the Asokan edicts, it is not impossible that he was a prince of the Mauryan dynasty. We have already seen that the language of this epigraph is the language of Madhyadesa influenced by Mâgadhi. It was really the language of the Mauryan Court in Magadha, which, owing to its outgrowing imperialism, had spread not only over the whole of Madhyadesa but also over parts conterminous with it. In fact, it had become the lingua franca of almost the whole of North India. We now see definitely that this lingua franca had spread even to Bengal and was in vogue there as early as the fourth century B.c. as our inscription conclusively proves
3

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it. It is true that Brâhmanism took a long long n. 100). Just as the eight confederate clans, of time to spread over Bengal. The Aryan culture whom the Vajjis were the most important, were seems for the first time to have been disseminated called collectively the Samvajjis, or the united in ancient Bengal by the Jainas. It is curious to Vajjis, it is not at all unreasonable to conjecture note that whilo Bihar and Kosala were taken by that there were confederate clans in East Bengal Buddha and his adherents Bengal was selected who were similarly conglomerated under the collecby Mahavira and his followers for their proselytising tive term of Samvamgiyas. This shows that the activities. It is true that no traces of this original most prominent of these at the beginning was tho Jainism are now left in Bengal. But oven as lato Vamgiyas, after whom the confederation was styled as the middle of the seventh century A.D. the the Samvargiyag, or the united Vamgiyas? The Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang testifies to the Nir. second point to be noted here is that the pooplo of grantha Jainas being numerous in Pundravardhana East Bengal are now called Vargas, and it may now (Ann. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., XII, 104 f.). Only the be asked where was the necessity of coining from it other day a copper-plate charter was discovered & name which is an obvious derivative from it, during excavations at Paharpur in Bengal, dated namely, Vamgiya. If we now turn to the Vayu G.E. 159=477 A.D., which registers a grant for the and Matsya Puranas and study the chapters dealing worship of Arhats at a vihdra situated not far from with Bhuvana-vinydea, we find that they mention this place and presided over by the disciples of the the two allied clans, Pravangas and Vangeyas. But Nirgrantha preceptor Guhanandin (E.I., XX, 61 f.). be it noted that none of them has been called Vauga. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to Socondly, the second of these names comos so close Jainism and especially Nirgranthism, having been to the Vargiya of our inscription that our inscrip. provalont in Bengal up till the seventh century A.D. tion being earlier than any one of these Purdnas and This at the most may explain the employment of being a genuine record of the time, Vangiya must the Brahmi alphabet in our inscription, but the use doubtless be considered to be the original name and of the court language of Pataliputra is a clear indi. the reading Vangeya of the Purdnas thus becomes a cation of Bengal, at any rate North Bengal, being corrupt form of it. Again, the fact that Pravangas included in the Mauryan dominions.
are coupled with Vangiyas (wrongly called Vang@yas) The last point of historical interest that we have in these early Purdnas shows that they were con. now to consider is: who were the Sarvamgiyas, federated clans and fell under the Sarvargiyas. supposing that was the namo really intended. And, further, the reference to the Sarvargiyas in Samvargiyas in the first place remind us of Sam. connection with Pundranagara goes to indicate that vajjis. We know that to the account of Fu-li-chih
the Pundras also belonged to the Samvargiya con(=Vriji) by Yuan Chwang a noto is added by the
federacy. And just as in the time of the Buddha commentator, saying that “Fu-li-chi was in North India,' and that the north people called it the
the capital of the Samvajji confederacy was Vesali, Sam-fa-chih (or Samvajji) (Watters, vol. II, p. 81).
which was the head-quarters, not of the Vajjis, but On this point Boal makes the following pertinent of
of tho Lichchhavis who were then prominent, it comment: "The country of the Vrijjis or Sam
seems that in the time of our inscription the capital vrijjis, i.o., united Vrijjis, was that of the confede. of the Samvarngiyas was Pundranagara, which was rated eight tribes of the people called the Vrijjis the head-quarters, not of the Vangiyas, but of the or Vajjis, one of which, viz., that of the Lichchhavis, Pundras, after whom it was undoubtedly called dwelt at Vaibali" (Beal, Records, vol. II, p. 77, Pundranagara.
BOOK NOTICES. BUDDHIST LOGIC: Volume II. By Tr. STCHER and others. The author, as is well known, believes
BATSKY. Bibliotheca Buddhica XXVI. 9X 6 firmly in the impossibility of translating Sanskrit inches : pp. vi + 469. Academy of Sciences of philosophical treatises with any degree of literalness the USSR: Leningrad, 1930.
and in previous books he has paraphrased with the Some thirty years have passed since Professor greatest freedom, but with results that were most Stcherbatsky first began to write on the subject of decidedly open to criticism. For when strong views Buddhist logio, and the two volumes of the present are held about contentious matters, it is difficult to work, of which the second is the first to appear, con be objective in paraphrasing and to avoid tenden. tain the matured fruit of his researcher during that ciousness; the views colour the translation and give long period. Here we have the materials on which it a misleading effect. When also a text is not the first volume, not yet in the reviewer's hands, is quite correctly apprehended, too free & rendering based, namely a translation into English of Dharma. may result in something which bears no resemblance kirti's Nydyabindu and Dharmottara's commentary, at all to the original. In the present work, however, accompanied by several appendices containing ex. he has successfully avoided these pitfalls and does tracta on points of importance from Vacaspati Miéra) so by keeping in fact much closer to the text than

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179
he has been accustomed to do. The Nyayabindu referring to these passages is that Dharmakirti and and its commontary is straightforward enough in his commentator use ordinarily and of set purpose appearance, but the exact significance of each term vocabulary which would enable their theories to be and argument is singularly difficult to grasp in its professed either by realist or by idealist Buddhists. entirety and still more difficult, when graspod, to
Each party could put their own construction on the render accurately and intelligibly. Yet here an language without impairing the force of the arguextraordinary measure of success has been attained;
ments, but I would hold that in certain cases the for this is undoubtedly far and away the best actual method used in the translation to force tha translation of any Sanskrit work on logic that we views of one party, the idealists, into the toxt is have, & veritable tour de force, when we remember open to criticism as befogging the issues and that that English is not the author's native language
more straightforward rendering would have been and that complete mastery of its idiomatic peculiari
more accurate and more comprehensible. tieg is indispensable for & precise reproduction of
This may be illustrated by a point to which the subtletios of the original. Even if occasionally
more competent hand than mine (La Vallée Poussin, there are lapses in grammar, they are no hindrance
Maanges chinois et bouddhiques, vol. I, 415) has to understanding and an Englishman is the best
drawn attention, Professor Steherbatsky's transla. person to bear witness to the high quality of the
tion of serpya by 'co-ordination with the impli. achievoment. Much of the success, it should bo
cations he draws therefrom. The term is confined added, attained in making Dharmakirti's and Dhar.
almost entirely in this work to perception. This mottara's position comprehensible is due to the
latter is divided into two distinct stages, firstly the admirable notes, which bring out clearly the impor
action of the sense organ, which rosults in an exact tance and originality of Buddhist logic by means of
reflection of the objoct, always hore called pratibhd sa comparisons with modern German and English work
and secondly, the action of kalpand, the constructiva in this domain.
imagination, which constructs an image out of the In the absence of the first volume a discussion of
reflection. This image is regularly called ábhain gonoral principles would be out of placo, but in by which is indicatod a lack of oxact noss or reality, reviewing a book which will be read with the closest its nature as a product of imagination : in the ono attention by spocialists and which may be earnestly | passage (text, p. 8, 2) whore avabhidea is substituted recommended to all students starting on the study for it the ta is probably interpolatod, so that we of Indian logie, it is not otiose to indicate one or should read drthabhásd. In the text, p. 15, 8 ff.. two points to which with diflidence I am inclined to the image is described as the shape (dkdra) that the tako exception with diffidence, not merely because mind takes and thereby through the likeness (sdrúp. it is a case of impar congressus, but also because in ya) to the object the cognition of the object is some casos disagreement may be due not to diffor completed (arthapratitisiddhi): 'co-ordination fails encos on matters of substance but to the failure of to express adequately this process, whose original the translation to give exact offeet to the intentions purpose was to explain how cognition took place oi Professor Stcherbatsky. I notice he is reluctant without actual contact between the mind, the sense to admit that artha usually means simply the object organ and the object. Incidentally the theory of to which pratyaksa is directed, without any philo. the reflection of the object cannot but strike one sophical implications as to the nature or reality of as possessing remarkable analogies with the classical the object; for instance text, p. 7, 12-13, is correctly Sâmkhya theory of the action of citi in the puruşa. given literally in a footnote, but the construction A minor matter is the translation of mátsvivdha. put upon it in the translation seems to me to go kramopadesavat (text, p. 2, 24) by ' like the instruction about the occurrences of ekdrthasamaritam, which means some ritual to be followed at the (re)-marriage ceremony thing like 'associated with & single object,' is of one's own) mother'. Whether krama can mean translatod the first time 'as its implication,' and ritual I need not discuss, but why 'one's own the second time 'inherent in the same object,' so mother'? There are two alternatives, either by putting a wrong complexion on the whole passage.taking máts as equivalent to mátrgráma, a common Similarly the long and important discussion of Buddhist term for women generally, and undernegation in the chapter on svarthánumána is very standing that widow marriage is entirely disapproved hard to follow, because a number of different trans- of, or, in view of the fact that the Kamasutra's lations are tried for dréya and adsdya, in order to section on the punarbhú proves the second marriages import the idea, which is quite irrelevant to Dhar. of women not to be uncommon or to be considered mottara's argument, that to a Vijñânavadin drøya objectionable in certain circumstances, by translat. means, not something real, but something imagined. ing mait as one who has borne children to her first When the author finally abandons the attempt and husband and inferring that remarriage was im. Bettles down to the equivalent sensibilia,' he be proper in such cases only. comes intelligible again and gives us the precise But, taken all round, the translation is remarkably offect of the text. The point I would make in successful for its accurate reproduction of the

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arguments of the original in intelligible form and Nothing in this book is likely to make the latter constitutes a contribution to the subject of the recede from their verdict that the Tantra cannot be highest importance, for which all of us, whether held to have any real value as religion or philosophy specialists in logic or general students, cannot but and that in some aspects it is, as the author states be deeply grateful to the Russian scholar.
in his preface, the product of diseased minds. E. H.J.
On one point we may be all agreed, that, whatever
its other deficiencies, it did give rise to an art, which, AN INTRODUCTION TO BUDDHIST ESOTERISM. By if by no means of the front rank, has produced a
BENOYTOSH BHATTACHARYYA. 10X74 inches : body of work of definite aesthetic value, and Dr. pp. viii + 184. 12 plates. Oxford University Bhattacharyya's publications with their admirable Press, 1932.
illustrations have done much to bring this home to Till recently it has been impossible to form any everyone. detailed idea of Buddhist Tantrism
E. H. J. for want of original texts. The Baroda Oriental Institute has now published some of the most important in edi. tions, which are readable but not up to the best GEOGRAPHY OF EARLY BUDDHISM, by BIMALA standards of scholarship through failure to correct CHURN LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D. 94X6 in.; faulty MSS. by reference to the Tibetan translations xxi + 89 pp. ; with sketch map. London, Kegan and through omission to consult the few European Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1932.38.. publications on the subject. The obecurity of the
This little volume, which contains a fairly comwording is such that our knowledge has not been
plete collection of such geographical information as advanced as much as it should have been, and Dr. Bhattacharyya's brief sketch is accordingly wel.
is to be found in the PAli Buddhist texts, will be of come. To what extent does he lead us to modify
use to research students, inasmuch as it furnishes our previous views ! At the end he remarks, 'The
carefully collated references to the texts in which Tantras should be regarded as the greatest contri
the names are found. Students of Indian history bution of India to world culture,' a statement at and geography are constantly confronted with the entire variance with the rest of his book, which tende difficulty at times insuperable of identifying the to prove the exact opposite. It is in fact hard to territorial divisions and sites mentioned in the old disentangle from the curious ferrago of which most texts. The limits of countries (deda) and other Tantric works consist those elements which are geographical divisions have altered from time to original and important, nor does the author give us time, and their very names changed, while capitals all the help he might. For he is evidently insuffi
have been transferred and sites abandoned for ciently acquainted with the results of recent research
various reasons. Any evidence that will help to on the Vijfknavada system, to which Buddhist
determine the geographical conditions at definito Tantrism owes its philosophical framework, and I
periods is, therefore, of value. Though we cannot doubt the possibility of making definite assertions
find that any fresh identification of importance has on points of doctrine till one of the leading treatises,
been disclosed, we welcome this little compilation preferably the Guh yasamdja, has been translated
by one who has devoted so much time and labour and explained to as in all its implications and double
to the furtherance of Buddhistic research. The meanings in the light of the many commentaries
sketch map, however, has not been prepared with extent in Tibetan.
sufficient care. Meanwhile, from what Dr. Bhattacharyya has to
C. E. A. W. 0. tell us, the main principles would seem to be (1) absolute submission to the guru, (2) belief in the possibility of attaining magic powers, (3) belief in O ORIENTE PORTUGUES, April, July and October, salvation by the shortcut of such powers, (4) the release of aspirants and Yogins from all principles We recently welcomed the revival of this journal, of morality. These magic powers are evidently the organ of the Permanent Archaeological Commis. closely connected with the phenomena of hypnotism, sion of Goa. The issues before us contain much as appears from an excellent thesis just published that is of interest to local antiquarians. From the by Dr. Lindquist (Die Methoden des Yoga, Lund, nature of the case, most of the matter is ecclesiasti. 1932); originally the practice of Yoga was under cal, but in the wider field of Indian history we may taken to make the understanding of certain religious notice the text of an agreement made in 1686 truths a part of the personality by the process of between the Viceroy and some rebellious vassals of auto-suggestion, but what was once a means has Sambhaji, and the exploration of a shrine of Siva, developed in this school to an end in itself. Natu. which was destroyed in the eighteenth century, and rally there will be a difference of opinion between which appears to date from the days when Goa was those who accept the claims of the Tantrists at their in the possession of Vijayanagar. face value and those, the majority, who do not.
W. H. M.
anom
14h1 1932.

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THE MÅNDOKYOPANIŞAD AND GAUPAPADA.
BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH. The Mandukya is one of the ten 'major 'upanigads, the other nine being the Tsavasya, Kena, Katha, Praena, Mundaka, Taittiriya, Aitareya, Chandogya and BrhadArapyaka. Though it is the shortest of the ten, and in fact, of the hundred-and-eight upanigade, it is esteemed to be the best. Compare, for instance, Muktikopanigad I, 26-29 :
Måndakyam ekam evdlam mumsıkşund vimuktayo | 26 || tathd py asiddham cej jñanam dasopanişadam patha jħidnam labdhod 'cirad eva mamakam dhamu ydoyasi || 27 | tathapi drdhatd no ced vijñanasyañjanúoutu! dodtrimidkhyopanişadam samabhyasya nivarlaya || 28 |
videha-muktdv icchd ced astottara dalam patha "The Mandúkya alone is sufficient to lead aspirants to liberation. If even so (i.e., even after reading it), knowledge is not attained, read the ten upanişads ; you will then soon obtain knowledge and attain my abode. If even then, O son of Añjana,' there is no firmly-established knowledge, read again and again the thirty-two upanişads and return (to my abode). If there is desire for videha-mukti (liberation after leaving the body), read the hundred-andeight upanişads."
The Mandákya consists of but twelve sentences, and the first seven of them, in which the teaching of the panipad may be said to be complete, are found with little or no variation in the Nyaimha-purva-ta pini (4,2), Nrsimhottara-tapinis (1) and Råmottara-tdpinf upanişada also, while the substance of their teaching is given, in the same words mostly, in the Yogacddamani (72 ff.) and Narada-pariurájaka (7,3 ff.) upanişads.
The Mandukya has, as is well known, 215 kårikås or compendious verses attached to it, which form an appendix or supplement to it. These verses are grouped into four prakaranas or sections known as Agama-prakarana, Vaitathya-pra', Advaita-prao, and AlatasAnti-pra', which contain 29, 38, 48 and 100 vcrses respectively. The verses of the last three prakaraņas are to be read one after the other regularly, but those of the first are not. They are interspersed among the sentences of the Mândikya in the following manner : 188. 1-9 are interposed between sentencee 6 and 7, 788. 10-18 between sentences 7 and 8, and vse. 19-23 between sentences 11 and 12, while vs. 27-29 follow sentence 12.
According to the opinion current among scholars of the Advaita school, the sentences of the Mandokya alone are fruti (i.e., divine revelation), and all the 215 karikas are written by Gaudapada, the teacher of Govinda-bhagavatpada, who was the teacher of Sri SankarAcarya, the founder of the Advaita school. According to the scholars of the Dvaita school of Sri MadhyAcârya (or Anandatirtha), however, the karikas of the last three sections only are to be attributed to Gauda pada, while those of the first prakarans (which, as we have seen, are interspersed among the sentences of the Mandúkya) form an integral part of the Mandikya Upanipad, and have thus the character of fruti.
It is my object in this paper to show that both these opinions are wrong. For, not only the 215 kårikås, but the twelve sentences that comprise the Mandokya also have been written by Gaudapada, as comes out clearly from Sankara's commentary on the Mandukya and GK :*
1 The citations made in this paper from the ten major upanigads are based on the AnandArama editions ; those from the other upanipads are based on the Nirnayasagara Preus edition of the Hondared and Eight Upanipads published in 1913.
: 1.., Hanuman. The passage is addressed by Sri Rama to him. • This upanigad containe, with many additions, the last five sentence also of the Mapdokya. • i.o., Goudapkda-karikas

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(1) After twos benedictory stanzas, Sankara begins the commentary proper with the following sentences :
om ity etad akçaram idam sarvam tasyopavyákhyanam | vedantártha-sára-samgraha. bhůtam idam prakaraṇa-catustayam om-ity-etad-akparam-ity-ady árabhyate ata era na Pythak sambandhábhidheya-prayojanani vaktavyáni yany eva tu vedante sambandhabhi. dheya-prayojanani tány eveha bhavitum arhanti ..........tatra távad om-kara-nir. nayaya pratiamam prakaranam agama-pradhanam átmatattva-pratipatty-upaya-thutam ! yasya dvaita-prapañcasyopažame 'dvaita-pratipatta rajjvám iva sarpádi-vikalpopakame rajjutattva-prati pattih | tasya dvaitasya hetuto taitathya-pratipddanaya dvitiyam prakaranam tatha 'dvaitasyapi vaitathya-prasariga-praptau yuktitas tathátra-darianaya trtiyam prakaranam advaitasya tathatva-pratipatti-pratipaksa-bhalani yani vadántarány avaidikáni teşám anyonya-virodhitvád alatharthatvena tad-upapattibhir eva nirdkaranaya caturtham prakaranam
He states clearly in the first two of these sentences (a) that the work that he is going to comment on begins with the words om ily etad aksaram idam...., (b) that it consists of four sections, and (c) that the work with its four sections is an epitome of the teachings of the Vedanta. In the last five of the sentences cited, he states (1) that the first section explains the significance of the syllable om and the nature of the atman, and consists mostly of propositions ; (2) that the second demonstrates with reasons the falseness of dualism ; (3) that the third shows with reasons the rightness of Advaita ; and (4) that the fourth shows how the very arguments, urged by opponents of Advaita belonging to non-Vedio schools, are mutually destructive and serve only to firmly establish Advaita.?
The words om ity elad aksaram....cited by Sankara form, as can be seen, the beginning of the Mandakya ; and it bence becomes clear that, in Sankara's opinion (1) the Agamą. prakarana began with these words, and not with atraite sloka bhavanti || bahis-prajño vibhur visvo....as believed by present-day pandits of the Advaita school, and (2) that all the four prakaranas have the same author. In other words, it is clear that the twelve sentences comprising the Mandûkya are, in the opinion of Sankara, of the same nature as the verses which, with these sentences, form the Agama-prakarana, and that they have been written by the same person as wrote the 215 karikas.
(2) That the Agama-prakarana began with the words om ity etad akşaram...., and that they were writton by the author of the karikás is, further, made plain by two observations of Anandagiri. When explaining GK. IV. 1, Anandagirl writes : ady-anta-madhya-mangala granthal pracariño bhavantity abhipretya aday om-károccáraparad ante para-devalaprandmavan madhye'pi para-devata-rupam upadestaram pranamati. The words adáv omkanocodranavat used here refer to the om that stands at the beginning of Mapdükya : em ity dad akparum idan.. ... Similarly, when explaining the second stanza, yo visvátmá vidhija-visayan....that oocurs in the beginning of Sankara's commentary, Anandagiri ob. serves: anye tu adya-slokam mila-slobántarbh diam abhyu pagacchanto dvitiya-ślokam bhâsyakára-praritam abhyupayanti | tad asal wttara-blokeşv iva ddye'pi bloke hhapyakıto vydkhyana-pranayana-prasargátom ity etad aksaram ity-adi-bhapya-virodhác ca.
Anandagiri's reference here to other commentators (ifkdkdra) who looked upon the first benedictory stanza, prajildnanšu-pratánaih athira-cara-nikara-tyapibhin.....as 'Lelonging to the original,' and regarded the second stanza only as written by Sankara, is of much interest in this connection. This first stanza is plainly benedictory in character, and strikos
This in nocording to the opinion of Anandagiri. How himaelf however reposted in his Hied on Sankars's bhdpya that there were some Andledras among his predecesor who thought that Sankara wrote ono benedictory stanza cnly.
• i.o., more statemente unaccompanied by ons proving them.
1 And he thus indiontee that the work with its four sections is a unity oonceived and excoutod se cording to a well-arranged plan.

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a personal note with its ' I bow to Brahman'; and since none of the hundred-and-eight upanişads, with the exception of one,& begins with any benedictory verse, it is clear that the other commentators also, referred to by Anandagiri, must have held the opinion that the work before them, begnaing with prajñaná níu-pratinaik, containing the sentence om ity stad akşaram idam...., and ending with namaskurmo yatha-balam [GK. IV. 100d) was wholly written by Gaudapada. In other words, these commentators must have believed that the twelve sentences that are now regarded as comprising the Mandûkya Upanişad formed part of the Agama-prakarana which was written by Gauda pada (and which began with the stanza prajñanambu-prakánaih).
Parenthetically, I may observe that Anandagiri's objections against the first stanza forming part of the original work are not unanswerable. For, it is possible that it did really stand at the beginning of Gauda pada's work and that Sankara began his commentary with the explanation of the words of the work proper (i.e., of the sentence om ity elad aksaram idam. ....) not thinking it worth while to explain the benedictory verse. His statement that the words om ity etad aksaram.... mark the beginning of the work would not be incorrect, as the work proper really begins with these words. And then there would be no need to search for an explanation (that given by Anandagiri, as also the two mentioned by him is given by other commentators is not very satisfactory) as to why Sankara wrote two benedictory stanzas having the same meaning. Moreover thestanza prajñanámsupratánaiḥ....faithfully reflects the opinions of Gauda på da, is just the one that he would write if he wanted to, and is in all respects well suited to stand at the beginning of Gardapada's work.'
(3) That all the four sections are written by the same author, and that the first section includes the twelve prose sentences (now known as the Mandokya Upan.) as an integral part, is made plain by the cross-references also that Sankara makes in his commentary. Thus, in his commentary on GK. I, 6, he observes, “Similarly the author20 writes below vandhyaputro na janati” and refers to GK. III, 28cd. In his commentary on sentence 12 in the Agama-prakarana, he observes, “Similarly, the author writes below, asramas trividha hinah [GK. III. 16)." While explaining GK. II. 1, he writes, “It has been said above, jñáte dvaitam na vidyate (=I. 18]”; similarly, in his commentary on GK. III. 1, he writes, "The (result of the) full comprehension of the significance of the syllable om has been declared above in the statements prapancopaśamah sivo 'dvaita. .atma (=sentence 12] and jñáte dvaitan na vidyate." The latter passage is referred to again by Sankara in his commentary on GK. IV, 73, where he has observed, "It has already been stated above, jñáte dvaitam na vidyate."
It will be noticed that in the words cited above from Sankara's commentary on GK. III, 1, he makes no distinction between sentence 12 and GK. I, 16. Similarly it can be seen from the words, "Thus the author has said below, jñáte draitam na vidyate," that occur in his commentary on sentence 7, that he makes no distinction between the verses and prose sentences of the first section, but holds them to be the writing of the same author. These cross-references thus show that Sankara holds that the verses in GK. II-III, and also the verses and prose sentences in the Agama-prakarana, are written by the same author.
& The Niralambopanişad ; but there is no personal note in its benedictory stanza which reads, namas Sivdya gurave sac-cid-Ananda-múriaye nisprapañcaya bảntdya nirdlanıbdya tejase.
. For it indicates what the subject matter, purpose, relation, etc., of the book are. Compare in this connection Anandagiri's observation : arthad apekṣitam abhidheyddy-anubandham api súcayati.
10 There is no word in the original that corresponds to "author.' Sankara merely uses the verb dah, leaving the subject to be understood. We can supply the word frutih as subject if we like (one has to do 90 frequently in similar circumstances in Sankara'corumentaries on the fardsya and other upanigads) or the word Gcáryah (teacher), granthakarta (author), or similar word. For the reasons shown, we canach supply the word érulih, and I havo therofore supplied the word "author' as subject.

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(4) Who this author was, is made plain by the following verse which is found at the end of Sankara's commentary on GK.:
184
prajni-vaisákha-vedha-ksubhita-jalanidher veda-námno 'ntarastham bhútány álokya magnâny avirata-janana-graha-ghore samudre karunyad uddadharam tam idam amarair durlabham bhutahetor
yas tam pûjyabhipujyam parama-gurum amum pada-pâtair nato 'smi ||
"I bow and prostrate myself many times at the feet of my grand-teacher," that one who is adorable among the adorable, and who, seeing the world sinking in the ocean that is terrible with the crocodile of unceasing birth, out of compassion for it, extracted from the ocean named Veda, by churning it with the churning-stick of his discernment, this nectar (i.e., this work) which is unobtainable by gods."
We know from other sources 12 that this grand-teacher was Gaudapâda; and since the Veda, like the ocean, is fourfold (consisting, as it does, of the Rk, Yajus, Sâman and Atharvan), it is indicated in this stanza that its essence, too, which Gaudapada extracted, is a four-sectioned work. In other words, this stanza too indicates that Gauḍapâda was the author, not only of prakaranas II-IV, but of the Agama-prakarana also.
(5) The fact that Sankara regards the prose sentences and also the verses that comprise the Agama-prakarana as the work of Gauḍapada, is sufficient by itself to show that he did not regard them as śruti. This is made plain by the word prakarana also which he has used in the sentence vedantartha-sara-samgraha-bhútam idam prakarana-catustayam om-ity-etadaksaram-ity-ddy arabhyate which has been cited in (1) above. The significance of this word is well brought out in the following explanation13 given by Anandagiri: "The commentator explains his object with the words vedanta....Is the work that he is going to comment upon a sastra or a prakarana ? It is not the first; for it does not deal thoroughly with all the matters that appertain to the subject treated of. It deals with one matter only, and is therefore a prakaraṇa."
This discussion about sastra and prakarana and about the propriety of classifying the work in question under either of these two heads is very significant. It shows unmistakably that the work in question is written by a human author and is not a éruti text. Sruti texts are supreme and stand above all classification; and it would be regarded as sacrilege were one to examine a śruti text and declare in what particulars it satisfied, and in what other particulars it failed to satisfy, the definition of a sástra or prakarana ; 14 compare the maxim,
11 Or 'great teacher' parama-guru means 'grand-teacher' and also great teacher.'
13 Works like Vidyaranya's Sankara-dig-vijaya. According to these books, the line of succession is as follows:-Vyasa, Suka, Gaudapada, Govinda-bhagavat-påda, Sankara. Each was the immediate teacher of the one next mentioned, and the immediate disciple or pupil of the one previously mentioned. Gauda. pada was thus the immediate pupil of Suka, and the immediate teacher of Govinda-bhagavat-pâda. This succession-list seems to me to be dubious; the more so, since, according to the above-named work (5, 94 ff.), Govinda-bhagavat pâda is identical with Patanjali, author of the Mahábhárya; and hence I do not feel sure that Gaudapada was the grand teacher of Sankara. Prof. Winternitz, on the other hand, has observed (Geschichte der ind. Litteratur III, 430, n. 3) that 'the order of succession-Gaudapada, Govinda, Śankarais above suspicion.'
13 kim idam sastratvena vá prakaraṇatvena vá vydcikhydsitam nadyaḥ sastra-lakṣaṇábhávád asya aśástratvát eka-prayojanopanibaddham ateşártha-pratipadakam hi édstram | atra ca mokṣa-lakṣaṇaika-prayojanavative'pi našeṣartha-pratipddakatvam na dvitiyaḥ prakarana lakṣandbhávád ity déankydha vedanteti | éástram vedanta-sabdárthaḥ tasyartho 'dhikari-nirnaya-gurúpasadana padartha-dvaya-tadailya-virodha-parihara-sadhana-phalákhyaḥ | tatra sdro jiva-paraikyam | tasya samyag-grahaḥ samgrahaḥ samsaya-viparyásádipratibandha-vyuddsena tad-updyopadeso yasmin prakarane tat tatheti ydvat | tatha ca édstraikadesa-sambaddham sástra-káryantare sthitam idas prakaramatvena vydihydium istam nirguna-vastu-mátra-pratipádakatvát | tat-pratipadana-sakṣepasya ca káryantara todi prakaranatva-lakṣaṇasya cátra sampurnatvád ity arthaḥ
14 Nor is it necessary that one should first explain one's reasons in setting forth to write a commentary on a fruti text. As explained by Sayana at great length in the introduction to his commentary on the Bgveda-samhild, it is the duty of every deija (twice-born one) to learn the Veda with its meaning; and hence one needs no apology for writing a commentary on the Veda.

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niyoga-paryanuyogánarha bhagavati srutih. Sankara, assuredly, would not be guilty of such sacrilege ; and his carefully-chosen words therefore make it plain that the four-sectioned book that he is going to comment upon is not a śruti text, but the work of a human author.
Compare in this connection the sentences tad idam Gitá bastram samastavedârtha-sárasamgraha-bhutam and vedanta-mimamsá-sástrasya vyácikhyasitasyedam adimam sútram that oocur in the introductions to Sankara's commentaries on the Bhagavad-gîtd and Brahmasutras respectively; and note the use of the word éastra in both sentences and that both these books are written by human authors (i.e., are not śruti). Contrast, on the other hand, the introductions to Sankara's commentaries on the nine 'major 'Upanişads, and note that in not one of them is the word sastra or prakarana used.
It must be observed, however, that Anandagiri interprets the word prakarana-catustayam in Sankara's above-cited sentence as prakarana-catustaya-visistam. That is to say, he dissociates the epithet om-ity-stad-aksaram-ity-adi (after which, according to him, we have to supply the words Mandakyopanisad-atmakam vákya-dvádasakam, or other similar words) from prakarara-catustayam (to which it plainly belongs), and wants us to understand that the discussion about bastra and prakarana is concerned with the four sections of Gaudapada's kärikds and has nothing to do with the Upanişad which begins with the words om ity etad akgaram.
But Sankara's words are quite unequivocal, and the word om-ity-etad-aksaram-ity-adi is plainly an epithet of prakarana-catustayam. If, as Anandagiri implies, Sankara had used it with reference to the 'Mandukyopanişad,' he would without doubt have said om-ity-stadaksaram-ity-adyd Mandalyopanipad, s, for instance, has been said by Narayanâsramin (see below); and hence Anandagiri's explanation is tantamount to saying that Sankara is á clumsy writer and does not know how to write properly.
The fact is, Anandagiri is one of those that believe (see below) that the Måndakya is an upanişad or Sruti : and since the above-cited words of Sankara indicate only too plainly that it is not a fruti, he tries, by means of the above explanation, to reconcile these words with his belief,
The explanation, however, is patently clumsy and can convince no one; it only shows up in greater relief the sharp difference between Sankara and Anandagiri, and also bears testinny that the above-cited words of Sankara indicate unmistakably in the opinion of Ananda in too that the work beginning with the words om ity stad aksaram....is not sruti.
(0) Chat neither the prose sentences nor the verses that comprise the Agama-prakarana were regarded by Sankara as śruti is made plain, further, by some other considerations also that are based on his works, that is, on his commentaries on the nine 'major 'Upanişads, the Bhagavad-gita and the Brahmasútras : for I follow the general consensus of opinton in believing that these are the only undoubtedly genuine works of Sankara.
(a) In the course of his commentary on the Brahma-sâtras, Sankara has had occasion to make hundreds of citations from śruti texts including the Rgveda-samhita, Taittiriyasamhita, V&jasaneya-samhita, Aitareya-brahmana, Satapatha-brahmana, etc., and the upanigads. He has made numerous citations especially from the upanişads, not only from the nine major 'ones (i.e., Isavasya, Kena, Katha, Prasna, Mundaka, Taittiriya, Aitareya, Chåndogya and Brhad-Aranyaka), but also from the Svetåsvatara and Kausitaki upanigads. Even the Jabalopaninad is citod by him more than once; but the Mandokya is not quoted even once, nor is the name Mandakya mentioned by him even once. See in this connection Deussen, Sechzig Upanishada dos Voda (1906), p. 574: "It is remarkable that Sankara has not made any use of the Mandakya Upanişad in his commentary on the Brahma-sútras "; see also the index of quotations given at the end of vol. 38, SBE (Trans. of Sankara's abovenamed commentary).

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This observation holds good of Sankara's commentaries on the nine major' upanisads and the Bhagavad-gîtâ also; in these commentaries, too, Sankara has quoted freely from the śruti texts, especially from the nine 'major' upanișads named above, and the Svetâśvatara and Kauşîtaki upaniṣads. He has not cited even one single passage from the Mândûkya.
The objection that the Mândûkya is a very short upanisad dealing only with the letter om and its mátrás, and that hence there was no occasion in which Sankara could, with propriety, quote passages from this upanisad, is not tenable. The savâsya Upanisad too is almost as short as the Mandukya; and yet Sankara has cited passages from it on scores of occasions. Similarly, though the Mandukya deals only with the letter om and its mâtrâs, there are occasions when citations from it would be quite apposite. Thus, for instance, in the his commentary on the Vaiśvânarâdhikarana (1. 2. 24 f.), Sankara has cited three passagesone from the Chandogya and two from the Ṛgveda-samhitâ, to illustrate his statement that the word vaiśvânara is used in the Veda in different senses. Now this word is used in the Mandukya (3), and there can be no doubt that a citation of this passage would be quite apposite in this connection. Similarly, there are passages in the Chândogya, Brhad-aranyaka and other major upanisads which treat of the letter om and with the jágrat, svapna and suşupti conditions, and in explaining which, citations from the Mândûkya would therefore be quite appropriate.
One should contrast with these Sankara's commentary on the Mandukya and note how he has cited from the Chândogya, Brhad-aranyaka and other major upaniṣads many passages parallel to those he is explaining.
The fact then that Sankara has not cited any passage from the Mândûkya in his other works or even mentioned the name Mândukya, shows quite plainly that he did not look upon the Mandukya as a śruti text.
(b) This is shown, further, by a comparison of Sankara's. introduction to his commentary on the Mandukya and GK with the introductions to his commentaries on the nine major upanisads. In the case of these upanisads, Sankara has, it will be seen, used the words śrutih, upanisad, mantra or brahmana15 and thus indicated that he looked upon these texts as śruti; but there is not one word found, either in the beginning or elsewhere, in his commentary on the Mândûkya and GK that would even remotely indicate that he looked upon it as a śruti text.
(c) On the other hand, it is very significant that Sankara has, in the latter, often cited śruti texts, not as mere parallel passages, but as authorities for the statements.made. Thus, for instance, when explaining the word ánanda-bhuk in Mandûkya 5, Sankara writes, eso'sya parama ananda iti śruteḥ; in explaining sarvesvaraḥ in 6, he writes prana-bandhanam hi somya mana iti śruteḥ; in explaining daksinaksi-mukhe vievo in GK. 2, he writes, indho ha vai namaisa yo'yam daksine'ksan purusa iti śrutch; in explaining sarvam janayati pranas cetomsûn purusaḥ pṛthak in GK 6, he writes, yathornanabhiḥ yatha'gner visphulingá ity-ádi-sruteḥ; in explaining ekátma-pratyaya-sáram in 7, he writes, álmetyevopásíta iti śruteḥ; and in explaining turyam tat sarva-dṛk sadá in GK. 12, he writes, na hi drastur dister viparilopo vidyata iti śruteḥ....nányad ato'sti drastṛ ity-ádi-érutch. 16 In all these instances, it will be noted, Sankara has cited the respective śruti passages as authorities on which are based the statements contained in the Mândûkya and GK. I. If he had regarded these as śruti, then these statements
18 Of these words, fruti is a generic name and is synonymous with Veda; mantra and brahmana denote the two subdivisions of the Veda (compare Apastamba-srauta-sutra, 24. 1. 31: mantra-brahmaṇayor vedandmadheyam), while the word upanigad is applied to some select portions of the Veda that deal, not with ritual but with the knowledge of Brahman. That Sankara understood by this word a part of the Veda, ia made plain by the discussion in his commentary on Mundaka 1.1.5.
15 The áruti pascages cited here by Sankara are, respectively, Brh. 4. 3. 32; Chân. 6. 8.2; Brh. 4.2.2; 1. 4. 10; 14 17 2.1.20 1.1.7 4.3.23 and 3.3. 11.

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themselves would have been authoritative, and there would have been no necessity to establish that they are based on sruti texts and are therefore to be accepted.
In the introductory portion of his commentary, when speaking of the prayojana (aim), Sankara writes: advaita-bhavah prayojanam dvaita-prapañcasydvidya -kytatvád vidyaya tadupalamah sydd iti brahma-vidyd-prakdéandyasydrambhaḥ kriyate" yatra hi dvaitam iva bhavati," " yatra ványad iva syat tatrányo'nyat pasyed anyo 'nyad vijaniydi," "yatra tv asya sarvam dimaivdbhdt tat kena kam pasyet kena kam vijaniyad" ity-ddi-Arutibhyo 'ayarthasya siddhih. He says in this passage (1) that the end desired is advaita : (2) that dvaita (dualism) is the result of avidyd or wrong knowledge and disappears in the light of vidyd: (3) that the work in question treats of this vidyd ; and (4) that, hence, when wrong knowledge and its result dvaita disappear, advaita will be perceived as said in the fruti passages yatra hi....and other similar ones. The fruti passages cited here by Sankara are Brh. Up. 2. 4. 14 (or 4. 5. 15); 4. 3. 31 and 4. 5. 15 : and the word advaita oocurs in the continuation of 4. 3. 31 (.e., in 4. 3. 32).11
Now, the same thing is said in Mândikya 12 also; and the fact that Sankara has not referred to it in this connection shows that he did not look upon it as śruti. If he had regard. ed it as bruti, he would surely have mentioned it here and not had recourse to the Bph. Up. for an appropriate fruti passage.
Similarly, in the next paragraph but one, Sankara asks himself the question, How does the understanding of the syllable om lead one to a knowledge of the dtman ? 'and answers :
It is so said in om ity etat etad alambanam, etad vai Satyakdma, om ity atmånam yuñjita, om iti Brahma, om-kara evedam sarvam and other similar sruti texts.'18 The same thing is said in Mandákya 1 : om ity etad akwaram idam sarvam....also; and the faot that Sankara did not inolude it among those cited shows that he did not regard it as fruti.
(d) In the course of his commentary on the Brahma-stras, Sankara has had oocasion to cite a karika from the Agamaprakarana (Vs. 16 : anádi-mayayd supto yadd jivah prabu. dhyate ajam anidram asvapnam advaitam budhyate tada) when explaining 2. 1. 9. He does not say there that it is fruti, but introduces it with the words atroktam vedántartha-sampra. daya-vidbhir dcdryaih, and thus distinctly says that the verse in question was written by : human author. Compare his commentary on 1. 4. 14, where he cites GK. III. 15 (mrl-lohavisphulingddyaih....), introducing it with the words tatha ca sampradaya-vido vadanti. A comparison of the two introductory sentences shows that Sankara made no distinction between the kårikås in the first and third prakaraņas, but looked on both as the work of a human author. 19
II. The considerations set forth above thus make it plain beyond possibility of doubt that Sankara regarded the Mandukya and the 815 karikas as the work of the samo human author. But, it may be objected here, Sankara, after all, is but one of the many
11 4.3.31-2 rend as follows: yatra od 'nyad iva sydt tatrdnyo 'nya padyed anyonyaj jighred anyo 'nyad rassayed anyo 'ngad vaded anyo 'nyao chrnuydd anyo nyan manotidnyo 'ngat opred anyonyad vijainfydd salila eko draspd 'dvaito bhavaiy epa brahma-lokah samrdf..... And it is this word advaita that has been repeated by Saakars in the sentence advaita-bhdual prayojanam cited above and later on in the sentence advaitam iti fruti-kr to vidno na wyde that ooours in his commentary on GK. I. 3.
18 The passages cited here are, respectively, Katha 2.15-17; Prana 5.2; Mahan Ar yana 24.1; Taitt. Up. 1.8.1, and Ohân. 2.23.4.
1. The words atraite flokd bhavanti ocour four times in the Agama-prakarapa when introducing the karikh : and Sankara in his commentary too uses the same word (Aoka) when referring to them. Soo Pp. 25-1, 26-2, and 32-1 (the figures refer to the pages and line of the commentary in the sooond AnandAsrama adition af 1800), and compare also his observation pranddi-slobandys pratyakay paddedha-vydáchydna. ...on P. 88 in connection with somo k Arikla in GK. II. In the commentaries on the nine major upanipad, bow. over, Raikara usually paraphragon Maka by the word mantro; and the fact that he has not done so even ongo in his commentary on the Agame-prakarans is it seems to mo, further proof that he did not look upon either the Mandokya or tho karikas contained in that prakarana as trwi.

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commentators on the Mândûkya whom we know of; and though his testimony deserves credit, it is overwhelmed by that of the other commentators who have all said plainly that the Mandokya is a śruti text (while even Sankara has nowhere said in so many words that the Mandúkya is not a fruti text). Thus Madhvâcârya writes in the course of his commentary iti mandika. rūpi san dadarśa Varunaḥ śrutim; and Kûranârâyana begins his commentary with the words mumuksor adhikarino nikhila-kieka-nivștti-ptirvakam paramånandåváptaye samasta-vyastapranava-prati pádya-bhagavad-upâsanam vaktum pravrtteyam upanigad. Nåråyaņdéramin too begins his commentary with the following words : om-ity-etad-aksaram-idam-sarram-ityadya Mandukyopanisac catuh-khanda | tâm khandasah pathitva 'traite sloka bhavantiti catuh. paryayair Gauda padácârya Narayanánugrahena sloka-racanayd vydcacakşire tena bruti. tad-vyakhyd-ghatitam prathamam prakaranam fruti-pråyam eveti tatra chándasândm upanigad. dyavaharaḥ pravýttah evam tad-vicárátmaka-prakarana-traye 'pi vedantartha-sára-samgraha-bhatam idam prakarana-catustayam ata era na pythak sambandhabhidheya-prayojanani vaktavyäni 0
Similarly, Sankarananda writes Mandukyopanisad-vyakhyam karisye pada-carinim in the beginning of his commentary; and Anandagiri himself, in his fika on Sankara's commentary on the Måndükya, refers to it as upanişad or sruti on many occasions. Compare, for instance, p. 2, 3: Mandukyopanişad-arthåviskarana-paran api flokán; 4.21: dvitsyena Mandúkya-sruti-vyakhyana-rupena ; 12, 1: artham upapád ya tasminn arthe érutim avatarayati...... śrutim vyácaste ; 12, 9: tasyetyádi frutim ava tarya ; 12, 10; bhutam ity-adi-śrutim gyhítvá ; 22, 1 : vyakhydyamâna-brutau ; 25, 1: acáryair Mandukyopanişadam pathitvd.21 Thus these commentators, though belonging to different schools of Vedanta, all agree in saying that the Måndükya is a fruti text; and the testimony of Sankara, as against that of these other commentators, can be of but little account, moreover, the archaic style in which the Mandûkya is written resembles closely that of the Chåndogya, BȚhadaranyaka and Kausitaki Upanişads and shows that the Mândûkyopanişad too, is, as indicated by its name, an upanişad or éruti text.
These objections are very plausible; but, as regards the latter, it must be observed that not all books written in an archaic style are sruti texts. The C'araka-samhita, for instance, that has come down to us and that was edited by Drdhabala (see Winternitz, op. cit. III. 546 and n. 1) still retains abundant traces of the archaic style in which it was originally
20 Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Tanjore Sarasvati Mahal Library, p. 1064, no. 1656 ; in the third sentence I have corrected the reading drutis tad-vyákhyd. into frutikad. vydlhyd-. The meaning of this passage is as follows: "The words om ity etad aksaram idam sarvam.....mark the beginning of the Mandakyopanigad which consists of four sections. Reading it in sections, the teacher GaudapAda, through the favour of Nardyans, explained it by means of verses which are in four series and are introduced (after each section of the upanişad) by the words atraite flokd bhavanti 'In this eonnection are read, the following verses.' Thus, since the first section consisting of the fruti and its explanation is preponderatingly fruti, the practico grow up among Veda-knowers of calling it 'upanipad. Similarly in the case of the latter three prakaranas too that treat of the same matters. This collection of four prakaranas is an epitome of the essence of the VedAnta-Alatra. And therefore there is no need to state separately (in words) the object aimed, the subject treated of, and the relation (between the subject and the book)."
31 Anandagiri however is not quite consistent in his views. In the passages just cited, he refers to the Måndkys as bruti, while in his explanation of GK. IV, 1 (cited for above) he holds that the words on ity etad akşaram......(beginning of the Mandukys) have been written by the author of GR. IV, that is, that the Mandokya is the work of a human author.
This inconsistency seems to be due to the fact that Anandagiri lived in a time when the MAndokya was regarded as an upanipad by every one. This therefore was the view of Anandagiri also; but since he undertook the work of writing a Mad on Seikara's commentary on that work, in which commentary Sankar he plainly indicated (as we have seen above) that the Mandokya is not a fruti toxt, his explanations some times reflect his own beliet, and sometimes that of the bhdayakdra.

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written; and this book, as we know, is not a sruti text at all.22 And, as regards the other commentators referred to above, even the earliest of them is posterior by at least three hundred or four hundred years to Sankara, who is thus the earliest commentator that we know of on the work in question. As such, therefore, his testimony deserves far more credit than that of the other commentators; and when there is a conflict between the two, we have neces. sarily to give credence to the former and reject the latter. Now, though it is true that Sankara has nowhere said that the Måndükya is not sruti, he has said that it and the 215 kârikâs have been written by the great teacher' (parama-guru). This statement effectively negatives the idea of the Mandûkya being śruti, and it becomes plain that the Mandukya is not a śruti text,23 but that it forms part of a work, which contains, besides, the 215 kårikås, and which was written by a human author.
In that case, it may be asked, what about the circumstantial account given by Madhva out Varuna, in the form of a frog, seeing the Mândukya? We answer, it is all pure concoction. The Harivamsa does not contain the passage cited by Madhva or anything similar to it. Nor is there any possibility of its containing it ; for, apart from other considerations, the Mândükya was, as set forth above, written by a human author and not "seen" at all by any seer.
The charge has often been brought against Madhvâcârya that he is addicted to the fabrication of evidence, and that he very frequently cites passages from books which do not. and did not at any time, exist. Appayya Dikşita, in his Madhva-mata-vidhvamsana, has compiled a small list of such books cited by Madhva which includes Caturamatha, Matha kaurnarava, Kaundinya, Måndavya, Markandavya, Maudgalya, Pausyâyana, Sautrayana, Saukarayana, Katharayana, Párásaryâyana, Madhyamdināyana, Kásárara, Kauşára, Kaupayana, Brhad-uddalaka, Auddalakayana, Kausika, Sauvarnya, Valsa-gaupavana, Bhallaveya, Agnivebya, Caturveda-Sikha, Caturveda-Samhita, Parama Srutih, Adhyatma-narayana. samhita, Brahmavai karta, Bhavisyat-parvan, Mahd-samhita, Mayatantra, Branmatantra, Narayanatantra and Purupottamatantra. Similarly, the Virasaiva writer Nirvana too, when criticising Madhva's views in his commentary on the Kriyására, uses the words (p. 24) sravacanaprakațita-vaidika-márgánanuguna-bhagavatalvenabhimata-eva-kapola-kalpita-rocane, and thus gays that Madhva's quotation from the Bhagavatatantra is fabricated by Madhva. His words, iti tad anadhita-veda-gandha-Bhallaveya-Katharayana-Matharayana-sruti-Vyomasamhi. tadhinam na bhavati kim tu prasiddha evopanişadi....on p. 33 too seem likewise to indicate that he considered mythical the Katharayana-sruti and the other above-mentioned works cited by Madhva.
The justness of this charge is borne out by Madhva's commentary on the Mandûkya. In this commentary (Kumbakonam edition), Madhva cites passages from Padma, Byhateamhita, Harivamia (in the plural), Mahayoga, Varáha, Prakásika, Markandeya, Brahmatarka, Garuda, Brahmanda, Mahatmya, Samkalpa, Pratyaya, Pratyanard, Mahopanişad, Praakta-fruti and Atma-samhita, and many other works. Of these, Mahopanigad is the name of an upanipad ; Padma, Garuda, Vardha, Markandeya, Brahmanda and Harivamia are the names of well-known Puranas, and Brhat-samhita the name of Varaha-mihira's wellknown work. No works are known bearing the names Prakasika, Brahmalarka, Mahatmya,
» It is interesting to note that, like the Mandukya, the Caraka-sa qahita too has, at the end of many of its sections (chapters), verses that are introduced by the words atraite or atraite floked bhavanti. This is the case with Vatayâyana's Kamastra and Kautilya's Arthaddatra also works which were, like the Mandakya, written in the early centuries of the Christian era.
** It is the accepted canon of tho Mim&msakas that the sole criterion of whether & text is druti or not, is its being known by the name of fruti among the Veda-knowers from time immemorial (brutitvena anadi. lodla-bigla-vyavahdrah). Such usage is not seen in the case of the Mandokya ; for not only was it not known as frito Sankara, who has commented upon it, but it is actually stated by him that it is the work of a human author.

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Samkalpa Pratyaya, Pratyahara, Mahayoga, Prakața-fruti and Atma-samhita. The passages rited by Madhva from the Harivamsa, Mahopanişad and Byhat-samhitd are not found in the books mentioned bearing those names, and are evidently fabrications of Madhva. So are, likewise, the citations from Prakata-śruti and other mythical books 2 ; and to judge from these, it is also very probable that his citations from the Padma, Garuda and other Purâņas are likewise fabrications.
It is of interest to note' in this connection that, according to Madhva, the Mândukyopanişad is in praise of the four-formed Narayana, and the four forme praised of Narayana. namely, visva, taijasa, prdjna and turiya denote, respectively, Ganesa, Indra, Rudra and Narayana himself.
III. From the colophon at the end of Sankara's commentary on prakaranas II (iti.... Sarkara-bhagavataḥ kytau Gauda padiyagamasústra-bhåsye) and IV (iti....Sankara. bhagavataḥ kylau Gauda padiyagamasastra-vivarane), we learn that the work comprising the Måndûkya and the 215 kårikås bore the name of Agamasastra and was written by Gauda pada 25
The title Agamasastra means the sastra founded on the agama,' i.e., Veda, and refers, without doubt, to the upanişads, on which, as a matter of fact, the book 26 is based. There is hence no doubt that Gauda pada chose this title for his work in order to show that it was based on the Veda and that it had for its object the establishment of Advaita as the only true doctrine and the refutation of the teachings propounded, on the one hand, by Avaidikas like Buddhists, and on the other hand, by Naiyâyikas, Vaiseșikas, Sankhyas and others, who, though acknowledging the authority of the Veda, yet taught doctrines opposed to it.
The word agama in the title agama-prakarana, on the other hand, seems to be used in a two-fold sense ; and the agama-prakaraña seems to be so called because (1) the teachings contained in it are based on agama, i.e., the upanişads, and also (2) because the prakarana consists mostly of agamas, i.e., mere propositions or statements that are not accompanied with reasons.
IV. It is this title Agama-sastra, it seems to me, that has led to Gauda pada's work being regarded as śruti. This happened as early as the middle of the eighth century .D.; for, as pointed out by Walleser (Der Aeltere Vedanta, pp. 21 ff. ; see also Winternitz, op. cit. III,
24 The only other alternative is to believe that copies of these works existed in a library to which Madhva had access, that these cupies were unique, and that no other writer except Madhya (whether anterior, posterior or contemporary to him) had accese to that library. This is impossible, and hence one cannot but conclude that Madhva fabricated evidence on a large scale.
For the rest, it is also moet improbable that works could have existed bearing such names as Samkalpa, Pratyaya, Pratyahara, Mahatmya, Prakata-fruti, Prakadikd and other similar namee.
It is also most improbable that the Padma contains the passage, dhydyan Nandyanam devam pranavena samáhitah mandako-rupi Varunas tudva Harim avyayam which Madhva cites from it. The story of the Mandukya having been seen' by Varuns when he had assumed the form of a frog, is, as said above, an invention of Madhye ; and the Padma purâna, As originally written, cannot therefore know anything about
it.
26 This is shown by the words Gaudapddlya-bhasya dgamasdetra-vivarane found in the colophon of the third prakarana also. The colophon at the end of the first prakarana reads (in the above-cited edition) iti....Sankara-bhagavata kertdu dgamaldstra-vivarane Gaudapádlya-kdrikd-sahita-Mandalyopanigad-bhds. ye.....; but there is no doubt that the last of the above-cited words (Gaudapddlya-) has been added later by some one, in the same way as the headings atha Mandukyopanişat and Gaudapddlya-kedrikdndə sa-kolam avataranam have been added by the editor on pp. 11 and 25.
26 That is, the first prakarana in it (the other three prakaranas are mostly argumentative); this is based on Bph. Up. 2. 1 and 4. 3; Praina IV (see in this connection Sankara's commentaries on these passages), and similar pastages in the Chandogya and Kaupîtaki upanigads. Compare also the numerous references to the upanipads in GK. II-IV and the expressions wedánta niscayah and vedanteau vicaksanaih in GK. II. 12, 31.

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431, n. 1), the Buddhist writer Santirakṣita 27 refers to GaudapAda's work as 'upanisad. bâstra' and thus seems to have believed that Gauda pada's Agama-sastra as a whole (i.e., all the four sections of it) was an upanişad or śruti text. This opinion was current among some pandits in the time of Narayanaśramin28 also, whose words I have cited above; and I remember to have seen a printed edition of the 108 upanişads in which it was stated at the end of each prakarana, sti Mandúkyopanisadi prathamam prakaranam, dvitiyam prakaranam, etc. Similarly, the four prakaranas were treated as four upanişads in a manuscript examined by the late Prof. Albrecht Weber who writes, 20 "The Mandukyopanisad is reckoned as consisting of four Upanişads, but only the prose portion of the first of these, which treats of the three and half matras of the word om, is to be looked upon as the real Manddkyopanisad, all the rest is the work of Gaudapeda." The verses cited far above from the Muktikopanisad too show that the author of that text also regarded the 215 kårikås as forming part of the Mandukyopanişad ; for, his statement that the Mandukya alone is enough to lead one to liberation cannot, obviously, refer to the twelve seatences only of the Mandúkya, but also to the kårikås80, which prove that dvaita is false, and advaita alone, real. It is likewise interesting in this connection to note that the editors of the Brahmasútra-sankara bhanya with three commentaries that was published by the Nirnayasågara Press in 1904 have, on p. 320, said that the karika myl-loha-visphulingádyaih....is Måndů. 3. 15.'
I do not know when the view began to be current that the prose sentences in Gaudapåda's Agamasastra formed an upanigad, and when the name Måndakya81 was applied to them. As we have seen above, this is the view held by Anandagiri, Narayanasramin and other writers of the Advaita school, and also by Rangaramánuja of the Visiştâdvaita school.
The view that the Måndûkyopanişad comprises not only the twelve prose sentences found in the Agama-prakarana, but the 29 kårikås also occurring in it, secms to be a still later development. This is the view of Kûranarayana,32 and perhaps of Doddåcårya or Mahacârya also, both of the Visintadvaita school 88; and the words of Narayanaśramin cited above show that he too was aware that some Veda-knowers' regarded the whole of the Agamaprakarana as constituting the Mândukyopanişad. According to him, this view had its origin in the fact that the Agama-prakarana with its 29 kårikas is preponderatingly sruti, while the opinion that all the four prakaranas constituted the upanişad, had its origin in the fact that all the 215 kårikås treat of the same matters as, and are associated with, the Mindúkyaśruti; see note 20 above.
17 This writer was born in 705 A.D. and died in 765 A.D. according to the account given in 8. C. Vidydbhopapa's History of Indian Logic, p. 323.
28 The exact time in which this author lived is not known; but he mentions Sankera and Anandagiri, and is therefore later than both.
19 History of Indian Literature (translation of John Mann and Theodor Zacharice), 1802, p. 161. In the manuscript in question, the four prakaranas of the Måndükya form the upanipads numbered 25-28.
80 Compare in this connection the following observation of Deuseen on p. 533 op. cit.: "Dass die Muktikå von diesen 108 Upanishaden in erster Linie Måndakya empfiehlt, ist, wenn wir die in der Sammlung einbegriffene karike des Gaudspada darunter mit erstehen, von dogmatischem Standpunkte aus begreiflich; beide bieten eine vortreffliche Uebersicht der Vedântalehre."
31 The nearest approach to this name that is met with in the Carana-vyiha is Mandakeya ; and t is is there the name of a sdkhd of the Rgveda.
33 According to Madhva, the prose sentences only constitute the Mandokyopanipad ; but the 29 karikas in the Agama prakarena too, though not forming part of the upanipad, ere bruti; chey were seen by Brahma originally, and Varuna, when he saw 'the Mindikya, added the karikas after the various khandas of the MAndokya. Compare the stanzas, pramdnasyá pramdnam ced balavad vidyate mune Brahma-drafan ato mantran pramanam saliletoaral atra Hold bhavantiti cakdraioa prthak prihal || 'cited' by Madhva from the Garuda in his commentary on the Mandukya.
35 See Mr. B. N. Krishnamurti Sarma in Review of Philosophy and Religion, 2, 66-6.

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It is hinted by Narayanaśramin in his above-cited words that the epithet om-ity-etad aksaram-ity-adi in Sankara's observation (vedántartha-sára-samgraha-bhatam idam prakaranacatustayam om-ity-etad-akşaram-ity-ady drabhyate) at the beginning of his commentary refers really to the Mândûkyopanişad and should not be construed with prakarana-catustayam, which, as also the word vedántartha-sára-samgraha-bhutam, refers to the four sections of Gauda på da's kårikås. This interpretation is, as already pointed out above, quite untenable. In addition, it may be observed that, in case Narayanaśramin's (and Anandagiri's) view is correct, there would be no necessity at all for Sankara to discuss about sastra and prakarana in the beginning of his commentary. It would have been enough if Sankara had made the usual observations (compare the introduction to his commentary on the Kathopanişad) about the meaning of the word upanigad ; and since the four sections of the kårikås form an appendix to the upanipad, there would be no necessity to discuss anywhere about sastra and prakarana. Moreover, one finds it difficult to believe, as Narayanaśramin and Anandagiri ask one to do, that Gauda pada began his work baldly and strangely, with the words atraite éloká bhavanti. No one has ever begun a book in this manner, and it is certain that Gaudapada too would not.
V. It is, as already observed above, very doubtful if Gauda pada, author of the Agama. sastra, was the grand-teacher of Sankara. In his commentary on GK I, 9, and I, 12, Sankara gives alternative explanations of pâdas cd and the word sarva-drk respectively; this hardly seems consistent in one who was a grand-pupil of the author, and indicates, on the other hand, that there was a fairly long interval between the writing of the book and of the commentary. Similarly, Professors Belvalkar and Ranade too have observed on p. 96 of their History of Philosophy (vol. 2): "The Karikâs have been actually quoted by several early Buddhistic commentators of the Madhyamika school, and dates make it impossible that they should have been produced by a teacher's teacher of a writer of the eighth century, as San. karácârya is usually taken to be." Dr. Walleser, too, similarly opines (op. cit., p. 5 ff.) that the Karikas were written in about 550 A.D. which also makes it improbable that their author Gauda pada was the grand teacher of Sankara.
Dr. Walleser has also expressed (1.c.) the opinion that Gaudapâda is not the name of a man, but is the designation of a school, and that the Kårikås are the work of this school. This opinion seems to be endorsed by Professors Belvalkar and Ranade also who observe (1.c.);"Further, seeing that even the author of the Naiskarmyasiddhi, Suresvarâcârya, refers to these Karikas as expressing the views of the Gaudas as contrasted with the views of the Drávidas (Nais. IV, 41 ff.), a doubt can be, and has been, legitimately expressed as to the authenticity of the tradition which makes an author by name Gaudapâda (the pupil of Suka and the teacher's teacher of the great Sankarácarya) responsible for these so-called "Mândûkya Karikås.'"
This view is based on a misapprehension of Naiskarmyasiddhi, IV, 41-44, which reads as follows:
karya-karana-baddhau táv iøyete viéva-taijasau prajñah kdrana-baddhas tu dvau tau turye na sidhyatah ||41|| anyatha grhnatah svapno nidra tattvam ajánatah viparydse tayoh kşîne turiyam padam aśnute || 42 | tatha Bhagavatpadiyam udáharanam : susuptákhyam tamojñanam bijam svapna-prabodhayoh ". átma-bodha-pradagdham syad bijam dagdham yathábhavam || 43 ||
evam Gaudair Drávidair nak půjyair ayam arthaḥ prakásitaḥ As explained by the commentator Jñanottama, the first two of the above-cited stanzas are from the Gauda pada-kårikås (I. 11; 15) and the third from Bhagavatpada's (i.c., Sankara's) Upadeśasahasri (17.26 of the metrical version); and hence the words Gaudaih and

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Drávidaih do not mean by the Gauda people and Drávida people' but by the Gauda teacher and Dråvida teacher,' i.e., 'by Gauda pada and Sankara.' The meaning of stanza 44ab, therefore is, “This has been thus explained by our revered teachers, Gaudas-pâda) and Sankara"; and there is no mention in this stanza of the Gauda people and the Dravida people.34
For the rest, it also becomes plain from the Brhadaranyakopanipad-bhagya-vártika of the same author, namely, Sureśvara, that he knew well that the Gauda pâda-kårikås were written by the teacher named Gauda pada. See, for instance, 1. 4. 389 (p. 510): anibcita yatha rajjur iti nyayopabrmhitam sphutârtham Gauda padiyam vaco 'rthe 'traiva giyate | ; 2. 1. 386 (p. 951) : nihéesa-veda-siddhanta-vidvadbhir cpi bhasitam | Gaudácáryair idam vastu yatha 'smábhiḥ prapancitam Il; and 4. 4. 886 (p. 1866): slokamś ca Gauda pádáder yathoktárthasya saksinah | adhiyate trayatnena sampradaya-vidaḥ svayam. The second of the stanzas cited here shows that pada in Gauda pada is added only for the sake of respect (compare the words bhagavat-pada, acarya-pada, pújya-páda, pitr påda, etc.), and that the real name is Gauda only. It is very probable that this was not originally a personal name but was an epithet applied to the teacher in order to distinguish him from other teachers, and that, in course of time, it wholly supplanted his personal name. Naişkarmyasiddhi, IV. 44, cited above affords another instance of this word Gauda being used as a personal name.
VI. There is thus not the least doubt that there existed a teacher known as Gaudapå da, and that he produced the work known as Agamasastra. As observed above, this work is a whole, conceived and executed on a well-arranged plan. It is the purpose of the work to establish the reality of Advaita ; and this it effectively accomplishes, positively, by showing in the first prakarana, that the atman in the turiya condition, when the world has disappeared, is identical with Brahman, and, negatively, by showing, in the last three prakaranas, that Dvaita is unreal.
This work is thus the earliest systematical work on Vedanta that has come down to us. And it says much for the genius of Gaudapåda that he should have picked out, from the heterogeneous mass of teachings contained in the upanigads, that about the jágrat, svapna, and suşupti conditions, as the one that would directly prove the truth of Advaita, given it clear-cut shape in the Agama-prakarana, and made it the corner-stone of his system of Vedanta.
The value of this achievement is by no means lessened even if Gaudapâda borrowed some theories, arguments, stanzas and even passages from various other writers; for, after all, it is his genius that has bound all these diverse elements into a single whole.
It follows from this that the writers who have interpreted passages from Gauda pada's work in a non-Advaitic sense are merely deluding themselves and are in the wrong; for, it must he remembered that, in case the passages in question have been borrowed by Gaudapâda, whatever their original meaning may have been, they are interpreted by Gauda pada in an Advaitic sense, and used by him to support his exposition of the Advaita philosophy.
The Agama-sastra contains, as already pointed out by Deussen (op. cit., p. 574), all the essential teachings (máyá váda, ajáti-vada, rajju-sarpa-drstânta, etc.) of the Advaita system. Sankara 35 has but elaborated and systematised these teachings, in the same way as Plato did those of Parmenides; and Deussen's comparison of Gaudapáda and Sankara with Parmenides and Plato is, now that we know that the Mândûkya too is the work of Gaudapada, true to a greater extent that was thought of by him.36
.84 nah pujyair Gaurlair Drdvidai) is equivalent to nak půjyair Gaudácáryair Drávidacáryaih; the plural here is honorific.
35 And it is perhaps this fact that gave rise to the tradition that Sankara was the grand-pupil of Gaudapâda.
36 Lately, there have been published by Mr. B. N. Krishnamurti Sarma two articles entitled 'New Light on the Gaudapáda Karikas' and 'Further Light on the Gaudapâda Kårikås' in the Review of Philo. sophy and Religion (2. 35 ff. : and 3. 45 ff.) in which he hag endeavoured to show that not only the Mândükya but) the 29 karikás also of the Agama-prakarann were regarded as sruti by not only Madhva and Karanarayana, but by Sankara himself, and also by Anandagiri, Fureśvara, Madhusudana Sarasvati and other advaitin writers. I shall therefore review on another occasion the argumente employed there by Mr. Sarma.

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KASHMIRI PROVERBS. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KARMA.
(Continued from page 76 supra.) Athaci ungaji pants che na dain Wishey. The five fingers of the hand are not all equal. (Used as meaning that all people are not alike, or that all do not attain the same
rank in life.)
Bhatta chu batlohiy záts; Jaldai tatán tah jaldai tardn. A pandit is of the nature of a brass vessel, [Which) quickly gets hot and quickly gets cold. (This is said with the meaning that a pandit spends his money, when he gets it,
too quickly, so that he soon comes to penury : this is regarded as a characteristio of the pandit class.)
"Bhardts máj! gub kus!" “Yws buth chalnay bhata khiyi; Branda petha muthar kari; Dohali nendar kari; Gratta tala of khiyi." "Mother Earth I who is heavy?" "He who eats food without washing his face [is dirty); [He who) urinates at the door-step [is lazy); He who sleeps during the daytime [is slothful]; He who eats flour from the millstone [is greedy)."
Dari kin ang tadmut, tonti kèt maadla phutaj het. A grey goose flying in by the window, carrying in his bill a packet of spices (for use
when it is killed and cooked). (Said of a desire unexpectedly fulfilled.)
pamb Delinyuk Jambazporyuk drándar. The Dumb of Délina ameroed for Jambazpura. (Said of an innocent person involved in trouble instead of another who is really
guilty. Dolina and Jambazpura are two villages in the Baramula Tahsil, five miles apart.)
Gagur pakan hul hul, Par panani odj kun syud. The rat runs in a zigzag course, Yet straight towards its own hole. (Sald of a person who looks a simpleton, but is very careful where his own intereste
are concerned.)
Goras dyou ndyid zangi : Dupnas : "Buh ti be-malay toa ti be-malay." A barber came across a priest; The latter said: "I carry on business without capital; thou too art conducting
business without capital (1.e., we are both equal).

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Gor diván wudi ta wachas
Kambari-pachas dráv na kenh.
The priest is beating his head and breast
[Because] the fortnight of śraddha did not last long.
(Referring to the first half of the month of Asoj, when Hindus make offerings to the
priests in the name of their ancestors.)
Kansen zithi ta zithen kansi gatshan deani.
The young should have the elders, and the elders the young.
(Such a combination means happiness.)
Kashir che par-dwârac.
Kashmir is for outsiders.
(Outsiders have always exploited Kashmir, as its history shows. Its own inhabitants have ever been sadly neglected by unsympathetic foreigners.)
Káv ai chelzen sazi sabaney, Kavas krankněl teali na záh.
Aslas tah kaminas khislat naney
Hani lut kandilas gond bani na záh.
If a crow be washed even with vegetable soap,
Its black colour will never be removed from the crow.
The noble and the mean will disclose their intrinsic natures;
A dog's tail can never change into a crest by being kept in a case.
Lúc kani che baji kani tal věpán.
A small stone fits in beneath a large stone (and then the latter becomes well laid). (This is used as meaning, e.g., that an officer cannot work properly without the help of his subordinates.)
"Májiy! mám hai oy."
"Myon, hov putra, boi."
"Mother! my maternal uncle has come."
"Yes, son, my brother."
Muth myûth katas;
Sas myûth Bhattas;
195
Nendar mith drâlid-katas.
Beans are sweet to a ram;
Pulse is sweet to a pandit,
Sleep is sweet to a lazy young man.
Nagara nîrit Pândrenthan.
Going out of the city to Pândrenthan.
(Said of going a very short distance, as Pândrenthan is quite close to Srinagar. The saying, however, can also be interpreted as meaning: Without leaving home, know thyself, i.e., be religious and pious without making any show.)
Pints-kini dapan Wulur pázah.
A finch boasts of draining the Wular Lake. (Said of a vain boast.)

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Pitari gay mitsari-kandi-atsana báz rozan na; Pitareni gayi martsa-pipini-nateana báz rozan na. The male collaterals are like thorns : they will but prick (i.e., cause harm). The female collaterals are like tops; they will but dance (i.e., mock). (Collaterala
are often envious of one another.)
Qarzan chu db-s-hayat comut. Debt has drunk the water of immortality, (A debt must be paid sooner or later; it remains a debt till repaid.)
Qarzun larza. Oh, the terror of debt! (Beware of contracting debt. Cf. Gulistán, chap. III,
tale 9:
بتمناي گوشت مردن به که تقاضاي زشت نقا بلن
"It is better to die for want of meat than to endure the rude importunities of the
butcher."')
Shuri kor káv kedv ; bab větheu. Baban kur káv káv; shuri dup bab mateu. The child cried 'Caw, caw'; the father was delighted. The father cried 'Caw, caw'; the child said his father bad gone mad.
Trakar che na kansi hanz mde zi pde kares. A scale is nobody's maternal aunt, that it should be prejudiced in weighing. Trats trita ta tre pantshiy. Slowly, slowly, and three partshiy earned. (Slow and scanty earnings. Partshiy is the plural of pintshu, which is equal
to 2 bhaganis, or 16 kausis).
Wodapuryuk begharaz. An apathetic (person) from Wodapur. (Used of a person who takes no interest in anything. Wodapur is a village in the
Uttarmachipura Taboil, the inhabitants of which are famed as being too simple to take an interest in anything.)
Wagamyuk Gopal. Gopal of W&gâm. (Said of a very familiar person. Wagam is a village in the Sri Pratap Singhpura
Tahsil, where lived a man named Gopal, who used to visit everybody, generally uninvited.)
Yatay na pakay : natay takay. At one time I would not walk; now, on the contrary, I would run. (Said of a lazy person, who has suddenly become excessively active.) Yusuy swad phalis suy chu gurnas. The same taste is in one (grape) as in a bunch of grapes). Zar gau khwar. Gambling is ruinous. Zar tasadduq-s-sar. Wealth is meant for one's enjoyment.

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Ani hanza kori sat. The seven daughters of the blind woman. Note.-A blind woman beggar gave birth to seven daughters, and with the birth of
each daughter she bega: to get more alms. (Cf. the English proverb, 'Give and
spend, and God will send.') Bhatta chuy guli-kutsur, kanji panas ta goji likan. The pandit is (like) a man cutting out kernels from water-chestnuts--the shells [he
keeps) for himself, and the kernels [he sells) to the people. (A pandit is unselfish.) Dharmas karên tsoci. He changed his religion into bread. (Said of an irreligious, worldly man.
Dosi pethi jaka-tak. To run a race on the top of a wall. (A hazardous attempt.)
Dumattas rinz layin. To shoot pellets on to a dome. Cf. Gulistán, Ch. 1:
پرتر نیکان نم گیری پر کم بنیادش بد است تربيت نا اہل را چون گرد گان برگنبد امت
“A person having an evil origin shall not receive the enlightenment of the good; To educate the worthless is like throwing balls upon a dome" (they will always roll
down again). Kali-yoga-ci baji-maji. Elderly mothers of the Kaliyuga. (Said of young girls who have become mistresses of houses.)
Kancipaji chas gae. Yasi gav tasi gao. The sound of an ear-ring (falling down) occurred. It occurred to whomsoever it did occur.
Kerih na khuta chu kentsháyi ján. Something is better than nothing. Kritsa kori baji-máji ta phoka-něciv muqaddam. Lasses collecting krite (a kind of yam, Dioscorea deltoidea) have become mistresses
of houses, and simple lads, village headmen. Máji mâsi ta kori kus käsi! To the mother (and) to the maternal aunt (it has happened thus), so who can
prevent it (from happening) to the daughter Mali sozayi lori progas där käsit: lamisanzi hashi dupas dar yiyas běyi; kår kasit suzna zi beyi yiyas na. A father shaved his beard [and] sent it to his daughter as a present in place of money
on the occasion of a festival; her mother-in-law remarked that he would grow

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his beard all right again; he did not cut and send his own head, lest he might
not get another. Note.-Hindu mothers-in-law were very exacting in taking customary money pre
sents on the occasions of different festivals from their daughters-in-law's parents. These presents have now been greatly curtailed, thanks to the efforts of social reformers.
Me che pananěn masan hanz khabaray. I am fully acquainted with my maternal aunts (i.e., you need not trouble to give
me any description of them).
Mitras gatshi tasund aib buthis pet wanun. A friend should be told his faults to his face.
Mitr lágit shatru. An enemy in the guise of a friend. (Cf.' A wolf in lamb's skin.' Cf. also “Evil-doer behind your back, Sweet-tongued in your presence ; Give up a friend of this ilk As a pot of poison concealed by milk.") Or ma gatsh yuri wola Do not go there, come here. (Said of attracting the rabble.)
Rupayi nishiy chè witán rupay. A rupee comes to a rupee. (Cf. the English proverb, 'Money begets money.') Note.-A simpleton heard this proverb and thought that if he had a single rupee
he could amass a fortune easily. He got one and went to a banker's shop. The banker had at that time a heap of rupees, which he was busily counting. There was a small hole in one of the walls of the shop. The simpleton hid himself behind this wall and thrust his rupee through the hole towards the banker's money, thinking that, by doing so, the rupees in the heap would be drawn towards his, and he would take them away. But his rupee accidentally slipped from his fingers and got mixed with the banker's money. Now the simpleton began to cry at the loss of his rupee. People collected and inquired the cause of his distress. He explained the whole thing to them. They smiled at his simplicity and told him that the proverb was true enough. Instead of the banker's rupees coming towards his rupee, his went to them, and so the proverb was fulfilled.
Saif-Ullah Mirani safar. Baif Ullah Mir's [long account of his] travels. (Used in reference to long and tedious descriptions, e.g., of a man's troubles and
woes.)
Thak gav zi phak gav. Stopped and stagnated. (E.g., always taking out of the purse and never putting in soon empties it.) Tshotun ledu zi holsun du. Exhaustion came and putrefaction set in. (Said, e.g., when a man's income begins to decrease and he becomes involved in
difficulties.)

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MISCELLANEA
Ya zarav nata birav
Either suffer or else get away.
(Cf. the English proverb, 'What cannot be cured must be endured.')
Yithi pîra khota chu be-pîray jún.
It is better to be without a priest than with such a priest.
(Bad principle is worse than no principle.)
Zyûth gav byûth.
Too lengthy results in a dead stop.
(Cf. the British proverb, Too much is stark naught.')
MISCELLANEA
INDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT LITERATURE.
Acta Orientalia, XI, Pt. III (1933).-In this issue M. Mironov continues his interesting notes on Aryan Vestiges in the Near East of the 2nd Millenary B.C.. dealing with names of persons, gods and places found in the Amarna letters (Palestine and Syria, 1380-1350 B.C.), and among the Mitanni (1475-1280 B.C.) and the Hittites (1400-1280 B.c.), and adding linguistic remarks on the phonology and morphology of the names, many of which have a special interest for Indian readers. Some guarded observations are made on the evidence revealed by this material. M. Mironov regards the Indian character of the numerals noted in the Hittite documents as obvious,
and he points out that it seems possible to assign the forms to a particular stage of development of the Indian language, the date of those documents being known with fair precision (viz., not later than 1200 B.C.). Though the material be too scanty to permit of definite conclusions, he considers the forms "may be assigned to the language of the Veda, but they do not seem to be archaic, i.e., to belong to the oldest strata of the Vedic language." He is led to the view that the facts seem to corroborate the conclusion drawn by Sten Konow from the (supposed) fact of the Asvins being mentioned in the Boghazkeui documents as groomsmen, that the extension of Indo-Aryan civilization into Mesopotamia took place after the bulk of the Bgveda had come into existence, and the oldest portions of that collection should accordingly be regarded as considerably older than the Mitanni treaty.
In the same issue Prof. Rapson replies to the arguments of Prof. Lüders (Ib., X, pp. 118-125) regarding the date in the inscription on the Amohini Tablet at Mathura, and gives some additional reasons in support of his view that the decimal figure in the date is 40, and not 70 as Prof. Lüders thinks.
Acta Orientalia, XI, Pt. IV (1933) contains a paper by I. Scheftelowitz on 'The Mithra Religion of the
199
Indo-Scythians and its Connection with the Saura and Mithra Cults,' in which he sets forth in consider.
able detail the numerous analogies between e cult duced into India, and quotes many references that as originally practised by the Sakas and as introcult in India and the effects of Brâhmapical inthrow light upon the spread and development of the fluences. Many aspects of this interesting subject, which had been so succinctly and ably outlined in Pt. II, Chap. xvi, of the late Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's Vaisnavism, Saivism, etc. (Grundriss series) will be found to be elaborated in this paper. The difficult question of the period at which the cult was actually started in India remains, however, to be definitely solved.
Zeitschrift der D.M.G. (N. S. XI, Pts. 1 and 2), 1932.-In a paper entitled 'War Marco Polo auf dem Pamir,' W. Lentz states his reasons for holding that Marco Polo did not cross the Pâmîrs, as hitherto generally accepted (e.g., by Yule, Cordier, Stein and others), but, having roached Ishkashm, he turned north by the valley of the Ab-i-Panja as far as the Wanj valley, and ascending it and crossing the Akbai Sitargi entered the Khingåb valley, whence he passed over the Gardani Kaftar into the Alai valley, which he followed, in a more or less easterly direction, and so on to Kashgar. He holds with Benedetto, that Scasem, and not Casem, is the correct reading, and that M's town was Ishkashm, and not Kishm. Marco's Vocan (one MS. reads Voca), hitherto always equated with Wakhân, he locates in the Khingåb valley, to portions of which we find the name Wakhia (upper' and 'lower') locally applied, according to Stein (Innermost Asia, II, 890). Suffice it to add here that, while the suggested route is attractive as being less perilous, there are many objections to accepting this as the route described in Marco's narrative, even as it appears in Benedetto's revised text.
C. E. A. W. O.

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BOOK-NOTICES
MAHARANA KUMBIA: SOVEREIGN, SOLDIER, SCHOLAR, by HARBILAS SARDA, M.L.A. Second Edition, 1932, pp. xxvi + 234. Vedic Yantralaya, Ajmer.
The first edition of Maháráná Kumbha by Mr. Harbilas Sarda was published in 1917, and was welcomed by all students of Rajput History as a work of absorbing interest. The book has now been re-written and enlarged into the present edition, so much so that it is practically a new work.
The book is divided into sixteen chapters. The first three deal with the "Guhilot Family of Mewar," "Rana Kshetra Singh and Laksh Singh" and "Mahârâna Mokal." The next eight chapters discuss the history of the reign of the illustrious Mahârânâ Kumbha of Mewar. Chapter XII sets forth the achievements of the Mahârânâ, while Chapter XIII describes Kumbha's monuments. In Chapters XIV and XVI, the author has estimated the position of Kumbha respectively as a scholar and as a sovereign. Chapter XV gives a summary of nineteen of the more important inscriptions of the time of the Maharapa, along with a short note on the coins issued by this ruler. A valuable appendix is added, which not only gives the text of seven of the inscriptions of Kumbha, but also quotes an interesting passage from the famous Ekalinga-mahatmya. Not the least important feature of the book is the Index, which the first edition sadly lacked. It is by no means free from foibles and inaccuracies, some of which we will notice shortly, but it cannot be denied that, taken as a whole, the book is a scholarly production, is written in such a style that it roads like a novel and is much more of a history than a compilation of history of which we have recently more than one instance, so far at any rate as Rajpûtânâ is concerned.
Another interesting feature of the book is the way in which the author has tried to prove the partial and untrustworthy nature of the accounts of some Muhammadan historians, especially of Firishta, which is chiefly relied upon by European scholars. The author has impartially shown that Firishta has, in instances more than one, either remained silent about or slurred over the defeat
of a Muhammadan king by a Hindu ruler. But we regret to note that the pleasure from the perusal of the book is somewhat marred by the numerous misprints, and the general absence, and, in a few cases, the improper use, of diacritical marks. We also regret that some of the views of the author cannot be acceptable. Thus, following an impossible theory about the "Krita-Gupta Eras," Mr. Sarda has placed the date of Mihirakula's battle
[ OCTOBER, 1933
with Bâlâditya in "about 131 A.D." (p. 54)! We are also unable to accept his view that "Prithviraj, king of Ajmer, ruled the whole of Northern India" (p. 82) or that the Chauhan king Visaladeva, uncle of Prithviraja, "conquered the whole of upper India" (p. 196).
Mr. Sarda does not believe that the "chivalrous" Rão Rápmal entertained any idea of appropriating the throne of Chitor (p. 61). Yet he speaks of the brutal murder of Raghavadeva who was "loved throughout Mewar for his high character, courage, manly beauty and patriotism" (p. 41), and also refers to the gradual rise of the Râthod nobles, to whom "all positions of confidence and trust as well as those of political and military importance were bestowed" (p. 59).
In spite of these differences of opinion which are by no means of a serious nature, we have no doubt that it is a work worthy of a scholar and that it will be read with much interest and profit by a lay. man also. We hope that, like Hemâdri during the time of the Yadavas of Devagiri, or Sâyana during the Vijayanagara rule, Mr. Sarda will find time to write more books of this nature.
D. R. B.
GANGA-PURATATTVANKA. 9 x 7 in.; 337 pages. Published from the Gangd Office, Krenagarh, Sultanganj, dt. Bhagalpur, 1933. Rs. 3.
Kumar Krsnananda Simha of Banaili and the editorial staff of the new Hindi illustrated monthly magazine Gangd are to be congratulated on the enterprise and success shown in the publication of this special archeological number of their journal, which contains a large number of instrucancient and medieval Indian history and culture, tive papers dealing with various aspects of including archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics, linguistics, scripts and painting, etc. We find here papers by some of the most distinguished Indian scholars of the present day, such as Rao Bahadur S. K. Aiyangar, Rai Bahadur Hiralal, Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, Dr. N. N. Law and many other well-known names. Some of the articles furnish useful summaries of the far-reaching results of the explorations carried out in recent times at Mohenjodaro, Nålandâ, Basarh, Paharpur and other sites; others describe archaeological treasures preserved in some of the principal museums, while a few are of a more speculative character. Many of the papers are illustrated. The volume provides in a handy form a mass of information for the Hindi-reading public, not otherwise readily available to them in that language,
C. E. A. W. O.

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FURTHER LIGHT ON RAMAGUPTA
FURTHER LIGHT ON RAMAGUPTA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., HEAD OF THE SANSKRIT DEPARTMENT, NAGPUR UNIVERSITY.
IN his interesting article on A new Gupta King,'1 Professor A. S. Altekar has cited and discussed the following passage from the Kavyamimamed of Rajasekhara
cem estafa: manfaat te geverftet यस्मात्खण्डतासो निववृते श्रीराम (1. सेन) धुतो नृपः। तस्मिन्नेव हिमालये गुरुगुकोण करे गीयन्ते तव कार्तिकेय ! नगरस्त्रीणां गणैः कीर्तयः ॥
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In discussing the bearing of this passage on his reconstruction of Gupta history he has remarked as follows:-"The verse is addressed to Kartikeya, who is obviously Kumaragupta I of the Gupta dynasty. Kumâra and Kartikeya are synonyms; peacock is the vahana of the deity and we know that Kumâragupta has struck some coins of the peacock variety. The unknown poet of this stanza is contrasting the prosperous condition of the house under Kumâragupta with the dire distress to which it was reduced under Sarmagupta." As the version of the incident given in this verse differs in some material points from the account of the same found in the works of Bâņa, Visakhadatta and Sankarârya, Prof. Altekar is constrained to add as follows:-"Unfortunately we do not know who the author of this verse was, when he flourished and whether he had any reliable historic tradition to rely upon," and, again, "it is not therefore unlikely that with a desire of having a romantic background and developing a poetic contrast, he may have permitted himself a little liberty with history by changing the name Saka into Khasa."
These two statements involve a contradiction which Prof. Altekar has failed to notice. The verse cited above was evidently composed by some poet who was a contemporary of Kartikeya, who is addressed and whose exploits are praised therein. If this Kârtikeya was Kumaragupta I, his court poet had undoubtedly "reliable historical tradition to rely upon." We must, therefore, suppose that he wilfully took a liberty with history and that his contemporaries had so completely forgotten the incident in Râmagupta's life within the short period of one generation that they allowed the poet to do so. Such a supposition is, however, unwarranted. If we read the verse carefully, we would find that the king Kârtikeya who is eulogised therein must have belonged to some other dynasty. No court poet of the Guptas would have thought of making such a contrast, and thereby focussing people's attention on that deplorable incident. As in the Sanjana Plates, the author of this verse is evidently referring to some king of another dynasty who achieved glorious success where Râmagupta ignominiously failed. Who then is this Kârtikeya? No early king of this name is known to history. The Candakausika of Aryakşemiévar, which was staged before a king named Mahîpâla, mentions his other name as Kartikeya in the Bharatavâkya. 3 Ibid., p. 243.
1 JBORS., XIV, part II, p. 223.
2 Ibid., p. 242.
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, who has discussed this question in the Malaviya Commemoration Volume (p. 194) takes far as one word and locates it near the village Baijnath in the Almora district, U.P. According to him the verse is addressed to Candragupta, who is not named therein. This is hardly convincing. We must remember that Rajasekhara has cited the verse as a type of muktaka, which means a detached stanza, complete in itself. When such stanzas are addressed to kings, their names are invariably inserted in them. (See, for instance, the 194 stanzas in praise of various kings collected in the subhasitaratna-bhandagára, Nirnaya Sagar Ed., pp. 118-128). We must, therefore, take Kartikeya as voca. tive and try to locate the scene of the event in some other way.
6 येनादिश्य प्रयोगं धनपुलकभृता नाटकस्यास्य हर्षाद्
वस्त्रालङ्कारहेम्नां प्रतिदिनमकृशा राशयः सम्प्रदत्ता: । तस्य क्षत्रप्रस्तेर्भ्रमतु जगदिदं कार्तिकेयस्य कीर्तिः पारे क्षीराख्य सिन्धोरपि कवियशसा सार्वमग्रेसरेण ॥

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Scholars are divided on the question of the identity of this Mahîpala. Professors Sten Konow, Keith? and S. K. Aiyangar8 take him to be of the Gurjara-Pratihåra dynasty of Kanauj, while Prof. R. D. Banerjee identifies him with Mahîpåla I of the Pala dynasty of Bengal. The latter view is, however, impossible for the following reasons :
(1) Mahipala I of Bengal was a Buddhist, and was not therefore likely to be transported with joy as described in this drama over the story of Hariscandra. There is no peculiar Buddhistic trait anywhere in the drama--neither in the nåndi, nor in the body of the play.
(2) None of the inscriptions of this Mahipala give Kartikeya as his other name.
(3) This Mahîpåla of Bengal is not known to have been hostile to the Karnatas. In the Candakausika, however, the Sätradhâra quotes the following gatha, which, he says, is known to those who are conversant with tradition:
यः सश्रित्य प्रकृतिगहनामार्यचाणक्यनीति
जित्वा नन्दान् कुसुमनगरं चन्द्रगुप्तो जिगाय । कर्णाटत्वं ध्रुवमुपगतानद्य तानेव हन्तुं
दोर्दाढ्यः स पुनरभवच्छ्रीमहीपालदेवः॥ The late Prof. R. D. Banerjee tried to explain this verse as referring to the invasion of Bengal by Rajendra Cola; for " in those days the people of Bengal could not distinguish between Kannadas and Tamils." This argument is not convincing. It is more probable, indeed, almost certain, that Mahîpala of the Candakaušika was the first king of that name in the Gurjara-Pratihåra dynasty of Kanauj. (1) We know that he was a follower of Hinduism. He calls himself a devotee of the sun in his inscriptions. But he was not a sectarian, for he secured the image of Vaikuntha (Vişnu) which was afterwards placed in a beautiful temple at Khajuraho. The Pratihåras called themselves Suryavaṁsi, and traced their de. scent from Laksmana, the brother of Rama. It is but natural that Mahipala I should be overjoyed to see the life of one of his illustrious ancestors Hariscandra represented on the stage, as described in the Candakausika. (2) Like his father and grandfather, Mahîpâla I bore several names, Harsa,10 Vinayakapala and Herambapâla. 11 He was also probably known as Candapala. Candapála is the hero of the Prakrit drama Karpuramañjari of his court poet Rajasekhara. He is also probably referred to by the alternative title Pracandapândava of Rajasekhara's other drama, Balabharata, which was staged before him. Aryakşemisvar also seems to refer to him by the canda in the title Candakausika of his Sanskrit play. Both canda and pracanda are used several times in the two dramas Candakausika and Pracandapandava. It is again in the fitness of things that Mahipala I, the son of Nir. bhayaraja (Mahendrapala), should call himself Candapála. Now Canda is one of the names of Kartikeya, 12 and so it is no matter for surprise that Aryakşemisvar calls him Kartikeya in the Bharatavákya. The verse from the Kavyamimamsd cited at the beginning of this article describes one Kârtikeya who was either a predecessor or a contemporary of Rajasekhara. As stated above, no king of that name is known to have flourished before the age of Rajasekhara. It follows, therefore, that this Kartikeya is no other than Mahîpåla I of Kanauj. It may at first sight seem strange that Mahîpåla should be known by three such names as Harga, Herambapála and Kartikeya, denoting the three deities Siva, Ganapati and Kartikeya. But we have an analogous instance in his grandfather, Bhoja, being called Mihira (the Sun) and Adivardha (Vişnu). 6 Das indische Drama, p. 86.
7 Sanskrit Drama, p. 239. 8 J.I.H., II, p. 341.
9 JBORS., XIV, Part II, p. 520. 10 1.A., XV, p. 138.
11 E.I., I, p. 134. 13 Canda is included in the names of Kartikeya well-known in three worlds' in the Mahdbhdrata. Vana. parva adhydya, 232 (Bom. Ed.)

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(3) The gåtha in the Candakausika speaks of Mahipala's hostility to the Karnatas. We know that Mahîpåla I of Kanauj was obliged to leave his capital when it was devastated by the Râstrakûta king Indra III.13 Mahipala afterwards regained his throne with the help of a Candella king, who was either Harsa or his son, Yasovarman. Aryakşemiśvar has evidently composed or incorporated the gatha in his play to please his royal patron, who must have been smarting under his humiliating defeat. The Karnatas mentioned in that gåtha are evidently the Kanarese Rastrakûtas of Malkhed, who were again assisted by his Kanarese foudatory, Arikosarin Calukya, as stated by the Kanarese poet Pampa.
We have thus soon that Kartikeya whose exploits are described in the verse from Rajašekhara's Kavyanimárned was Mahipala I of Kanauj. But did this king ever bring any part of the Himalayan territory under his sway? Professor R. D. Banerjee considered him incapable of any conquest.1" It is no doubt true that Mahipala's power declined towards the end of his reign, owing probably to the conquests of Yuvarâjadeva I of Tripuri and Yasovarman Candella. But we have no evidence to suppose that he made no conquests. On the other hand the Khajuraho inscription 15 of Yasovarman states that Mahipala had secured the image of Vaikuntha from a Såhi king of Kâbul and the Panjab on the strength of his army of horses and elephants. Rajasekhara speaks of several wars of Mahijala in the following verse in the Pracandlapandava :
नमितमुरलमौलि: पाकलो मेकलानां रणकलितकलिग केलिन्ट् केरलेन्दोः।
- अजनि जितकुलूत : कुन्तलानां कुठारो हठहतरमठश्रीः श्रीमहीपालदेवः॥ One of these wars was against the king of Kulûta. Kulûta was a kingdom on the right bank of the Sutlej, south-east of Kashmir and north-east of Jalandhara,16 . One of these conquests may have been described in the verse in the Kavyamimářsd.
The next question that presents itself in connection with that verse is, how far is the version of the incident about Dhruvaswamini given in that verse historical ? Professor Altekar is of opinion that the author of that verse took some liberty with history in describing it in that way. We may readily agree with him when he says that dattvă in that verse should be taken to mean dātum anumatya, for Dhruvaswamini was never actually handed over to the enemy. Ramagupta only consented to do it as stated in the Deví-Candragupta. The author of that verse had to compress so much matter into four lines that he may have taken that liberty. His purpose was to bring out a contrast between the glorious success of Mahi. pala and the ignominious failure of Ramagupta, and it was immaterial whether the queen was actually handed over to the enemy or whether that calamity was averted. But in other respects the verse may be taken to state the version of the incident as it was traditionally known at the time. It would lose all its point if the incident about Dhruvaswamini and the conquest of Mahîpåla had occurred in different places the former at the capital of Råma. gupta in the plains, and the latter in the Himalayan hills. Besides, the context in which that verse occurs in the Kavyamimanså shows that it was based on tradition (kathottha). Like Båna, Rajasekhara also had historical sense. It is unlikely that he would cite a verse to illustrate how a present incident should be described by putting it in relation to a past event known from tradition, if the tradition had been materially changed or distorted in that verse.
After all, have we got incontrovertible evidence to prove that the version of the incident given in the Kavyamímarnsá is incorrect? It states that Ramagupta went on an adventurous
13 The Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, E.I., VII, pp. 26-47. 14 JBORS., vol. XIV, p. 519. 18 कैलासागोटनाथ : सुहृदिति च ततः कीरराज : प्रपेदे, साहिस्तस्मादवाप द्विषतुरगबलेनानु हेरम्बपाल:। तत्सूनोदेवपालात्तमय
हयपते : प्राप्य निन्ये प्रतिष्ठां वैकुण्ठं कुण्ठितारि: क्षितिधरतिलक : श्रीयशोवर्मराज: 16 Cf. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p. 162.

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expedition to a Himalayan country. His progress was checked, and he had to retreat ignomi. niously after handing over Dhruvaswamini to a Khasa king. This account is not contradicted by any passages cited by Professor Altekar. None of them gives us any clue as to the scene of the incident. Professor Altekar supposes that it was in the dominions of Ramagupta, on the ground that in one of the passages Råmagupta is represented as having consented to hand over Dhruvadevi to the Saka king for the safety of the people (prakrti).»7 Frun the verso in the Kavyamímánsá, however, it appears that Râmagupta was accompanied by his family, and possibly by his minister and other retinue, when he entered the Himalayan coun. try. It is these people whom Ramagupta wanted to save. In a passage from the DevíCandragupta quoted in the Singaraprakása 18 cited by Professor Altokar the place where the incident occurred is called Alipura. As Mr. R. Sarasvati 19 has pointed out, this is corroborated by the passage in the Hargacarita20 where the reading aripura is evidently a mistake for alipura. If this view is not accepted there would be tautology in the expression éatroh skandhaváram alipuram. Again, skandháváta does not necessarily denote a camp. It also means a capital.21 So the expression can be taken to mean 'Alipura, the capital of the enemy.' This Alipura must have been situated somewhere in or near the ancient country of Kuluta. It is also possible that the real name of the capital was Nalinapura, as stated in a manuscript of the Hargacarita. If so, it may be identified with the Teng-kuang mentioned by Heüan-tsang, which was "apparently a little to the west of the modern Jalalabad." As Watters has pointed out, one name for the city was Padmapura ( lotus city ') which is only a synonym of Nalina pura. It is easy to imagine how Nalinapura was in course of time read as Alipura and then as Aripura. As we have seen above, Mahipala had conquered Sahi, the king of Kabul and the Panjab, and forced him to surrender a beautiful image of Vişņu. The identification of Nalinapura with Hsuan-tsang's Teng-kuang is, therefore, sup. ported by the passage in the Kavyamimářså as well.
In the Kdvyamimånad the enemy who reduced Ramagupta to dire distress is called Khasa, while almost all other authorities name him Saka. As we have seen, the author of this verse flourished in the tenth century, when the Khasas were ruling in Nepal. They are mentioned in an inscription at Khajurahoo as vanquished by Yasovarman Candella. If the correct reading is Khaba, we have here an instance of anachronism, for, as Professor Altekar points out, the Khasas were not so powerful in the fourth century as to dictate terms to Ramagupta. It is, however, more likely that Saka is the correct reading, as Rajasekhara, who was well read, must have known this incident from the Devi-Candragupta and other works, and is not likely to have quoted a verse in which the tradition was distorted. In that case the Saka onomy must have been the Kushân king who is referred to as Daivaputra Shahi Shâhânushåhi in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta. We know that the Kushåns were ruling over the Panjab and Kâbul till the fifth century A.D.
11 प्रकृतीनामाश्वासनाय शकस्य भुवदेवीसंप्रदानेऽभ्युपगते राज्ञा रामगुमेन अरिवधार्थ यियासुः प्रतिपन्नभुवदेवीनेपथ्यः कुमार
चन्द्रगुप्तो विज्ञपयत्रुच्यते । 19 asfalgaray: 791: F rufogt 194441971401 I.A., LI, p. 183. 19 Ibid. 20 अरिपुरे च परकलत्रकामुकं कामिनीवेषगप्तश्चन्द्रग्रतः शकपतिमशातयत् । 21 CH. Harracarita, p. 153 (Nirnaya Sagara Ed.). 22 Mr. K. P. Jayasval also locates the place in the Doab of Jalandhara.-JBORS., XVIII, p. 29.
In support of my suggestion, I may also refer to what Sir A. Cunningham wrote regarding the ancient capital of Kuluta in his Ancient Geography of India (p. 163) "The present capital of the valley is Sultan. pur': but the old capital of Makarsa is still called Nagar, or the city, by which name it is most gonerally known.". .
28 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, 1, p. 188. 14 E.I., 1, p. 222.

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Let us next consider the objection that Professor Altekar has raised against the above identification. He says: "Chandragupta II must have taken the first opportunity to retrieve the honour of his house by destroying or at least defeating the Kushans. . But are there any indications of Chandragupta II having led any military expedition in the Punjab. None whatsoever." But this absence of evidence is at best a negative argument, and is not conclusive. Unfortunately we have very little knowledge of the events in Candragupta's reign. He may, for all we know, have proceeded against the Kushân king and reduced him to submission but spared his life, as later on Harga seems to have done in the case of Saśánka. There is no evidence to suppose that the war against the Satraps of Ujjayini was the first campaign in which he was engaged. We know that the Satraps continued to rule in Malwa till 388 A.D. at least, i.e., for more than ten years after Candragupta's accession. During this period he may have been occupied other places e.g., in the Panjab and Kashmir, subjugating the Kushåns. It is noteworthy that the minister Amrakardava, who made a gift to the Buddhist monastery at Sanchi, describes himself as a FREEC619:25 The many battles in which he had won renown were not evidently all of them fought in Malwa.
I have thus tried to prove that (1) King Kartikeya to whom the verse Ta a , etc., is addressed was Mahîpåla
I of the Gurjara Pratihâra dynasty of Kanauj; (2) The incident of the surrender of Dhruvasvamini occurred either near the
Jalandhar Dodb or near Jalalabad. (3) The Saka enemy who reduced Ramagupta to such plight was the Kushån king
who ruled over the Panjab and Kåbul.
A CRITICAL STUDY OF ISOPANIŞAD.
BY PROF. F. OTTO SCHRADER, PH.D., KIEL. "No knowledge without virtue" may possibly be the thesis propounded in the conclusion of Kena Upanişad; yet it is isā Upanişad that first deliberately teaches the samuccaya doctrine. The importance, however, of this precious little text for the history of Indian thought is still greater in that it is also the first gospel of that karma-yoga which is often erroneously believed to have appeared with the Bhagavadgita only.
Karmayoga is clearly taught in verses 1 and 2 of this Upanigad. These verses (as also 9 to 11 ; see f..n. 29) are a protest against that well-known growing tendency of the Upa. nişads to denounce acts as a hindrance to liberation. Acts, says our Upanişad, should be done by all means (kurvann, evoha), and life may even be enjoyed (bhuhjithab), supposing we renounce ahamkara (instead of the acts) by constantly realizing that the Lord is in every thing. Tena tyaktona is one of the rare absolute instrumentals occurring in Sanskrit literature (see Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, 372), and it means " by renouncing it (the world, jagat)," viz., in favour of the idea that the world is entirely God's. This meaning persists, however we explain f&dod syam. It is emphasized by the second half of 2 which I understand thus : evam eva na cdnyathetah " na karma lipyats nare" iti tvayy asti, i.e., “In this very way, and not by any method different from this, it (the teaching) does hold true with thee that karman
36 V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 4th ed., p. 290. 1 Belvalkar, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. II, p. 177.
? Two commentaries (viz., Anant Ac Arya's and Balakridad eo's, which together with that of Ra. macandre I consider the best on Ian Up.), explain tena by Idd, and tyaktena by dattena, with dhanena under. stood. This 18, no doubt, a very tempting suggestion, because it facilitates the connection with the following påda (ito 'dhikamp md grdhaḥ, A.); but this moaning of tyaj is unfamiliar to the older as well as the later Upanigade.

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does not adhere to the soul."3 This need not be a wholesale condemnation of the fourth âśrama, but it clearly dispenses with it as a conditio sine qua non of liberation.
Ísávásyam may be either isa + vâsyam or isá + âvâsyam. In the former case the underlying root could only be vas" to put on, to wear (a garment)" and not vas "to dwell" which is intransitive and would require a locative (absent in our passage). Vasyam, again, cannot be a simple gerundive, because vas ácchâdane has no non-causal passive forms, but must be a gerundive of the causal; and thus isá vásyam idam sarvam could only mean "All this is to be clothed with God," i.e., by the imagination of the adept. However, vas âcchâdane, both with and without one of the dozen or so prepositions it may take, is conspicuous by its absence in the Upanisads where its meaning is always expressed by other verbs, such as paridha, ácchad, sampracchad. And so there remains as the most likely padaccheda îśá+ avâsyam and the meaning "to be inhabited by the Lord ", i.e., " to be looked at the Lord's abode ". The meaning would also result in the compound Isávásyam-isasyâvusayogyams. The pantheistic idea expressed here of God being in everything is of course well-known from innumerable passages (such as those on the antaryamin), while the more philosophical idea of the world being enveloped by, i.e., contained in God may be instanced by the phrase visvasyaikam pariveştitáram occurring thrice in Svetasvatara Up. and by the epithets viśvávása and jagannivása. That both ideas (sarvesu bhûteşu tişṭhan; átmani sarváni bhútáni) were perfectly familiar to the author of our Upanisad, is clear from his giving them side by side in stanza 5 (tad antar asya sarvasya tad u sarvasyasya bâhyataḥ), and once more in
stanza 6.
Stanza 3 is evidently directed against materialists and atheists. This stanza is connected, by way of contrast, with stanza 6 (note the tu). The intervening two stanzas (4 and 5), with other metres, are consequently quotations and may have been interpolated by a later hand.
One more quotation (but hardly interpolation) seems to be stanza 8, where the omission of one word (yathalathyataḥ) and the reading vyadhát (comp. paryagât) for the ill-suited imperfect vyadadhat would heal the metre, though merely as to the number of syllables. Here Sankara takes paryagât in the intransitive sense (samantad agát, ákâśavad vyâpity arthaḥ), and he declares sukram, etc., to be neuters (in the nominative) which, however, should be understood as masculines (!): "He (the atman mentioned in 7) is all-pervading, is the pure one. ... (he) the kavi . . . . has allotted. . . . ". A partial improvement on this interpretation is Râmacandra's who, while accepting paryaçât-jagad vyapyásít, takes
3 The word asti, though spoiling the metre, has a function here; it may but need not have crept into the text from a gloss.
Only with one of the prepositions upa, anu, adhi, á it becomes a transitive verb with its adhikarana in the accusative (Pânini I, 4, 48).-The Védic root vas "to shine" (comp. usas and, probably, vásudeva) with its causal vásayati and also the denominative vásayati "to perfume" (from vása "perfume") may be left out of account here. The latter would, indeed, give a good meaning (essentially agreeing with our own conclusion), but it is (as the doubtful form vásyanti, Keurika Up. 19) rather too late for our Upanisad.
5 Except vasita and vasitavya, which, however, occur in the epics only (see Whitney, "Roots").
6 Vaste being Atmanepada, its causal vdsuyati really means "to cause (somebody) to dress himself " and should, therefore, be expected to be construed like vaste, i.e., with the accusative of the thing to be put on (vastram vaste). But this construction is confined to its literal sense (as found, e.g., in Manu VIII, 396). More frequent, from Rgvedic times, is vásayati "to clothe with, to envelop in "(Atm.: "to clothe one's self") construed with the accusative of the direct and the instrumental of the remote object (see Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.).
7 Colonel Jacob's Concordance has for it the sole passage fédvdsyam which should not be there.
8 The verb duas occurs also in Chandogya Up. V, 10, 9 and, later than 16A Up., in Nâdabindu, etc. It has been recognized in our passage, so far as I know, only by Balakrsnadasa (a follower of Nimbarka). Other commentators speak, indeed, also of vasa nivase, but, instead of thinking of the preposition, give no further explanation or a forced one, e.g., by means of bahulaka.

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Sukram, etc., as true neuters (yad brahma paryagát .... ), but connects saḥ with kavih, eto., as referring to the same Brahma in its aspect as the personal isvara. Another improve. ment would seem to be possible by looking at śukram, etc., as adverbs; but considering the sparing use made of adverbs in Sanskrit it must be doubted that the passage has ever been understood in this way. On the other hand we may, as most commentators do, understand śukram, etc., as accusatives dependent on paryagát conceived transitively with the atmavid of the preceding stanza as its subject. As a matter of fact, parigâ (as also parigam) cannot be shown to have ever been employed without an object (excepting only the post-Christian parigata " spread out, diffused "), and Sankara's forced explanation, as any others based on it, must therefore be rejected. It is clear, moreover, that for fixing the meaning of an Upanişad passage no commentator can be more authoritative for us thair the oldest traceable paraphrase of it in the Upanigads themselves, i.e., in our case, Brhadaranyaka Up. IV, 4, 13: yasyanuvittah pratibuddha atma .... sa visvakt sa hi sarvasya karta ....). Still, such constructions as in Ramacandra's second suggestion, viz., yah sukram.... brahma paryagát sarvabhávena jñatarán . . . . sa brahmajñaḥ kavih ...., are certainly not ad. missible. But we need only turn to another Upanişad for the definite solution of our problem. Kathaka Up. V, 8, which is evidently the source of our passage, runs: ya esa suplesu jagarti kamam kamam nirmimånah tad eva śukram tad brahma, etc. 10 Here we have the neuter noun bukra ; here we have the masculine corresponding with the neuter (yah ... tad)11; and here we have the correspondence with arthân vyadadhat. I, therefore, regard yáthatathyato'rthan as corrupted (through a gloss) from yo'rthan, because the omission of the relative pronoun is utterly improbable here, and construe: yah kavir .... arthán vyadhat (for vyadadhát; see above) (tat) sukram akayam.... apa paviddham sa (átmavit) paryagát, i.e.: "He has reached the bodiless .... Essence 12 (which is also the ... Sage who has allotted ...".
For the interpretation of stanzas 9 to 11 and 12 to 14 first of all four general points have to be noticed, viz. (1) that the two triplets are meant to be exactly parallel ; (2) that the four terms vidya, etc., are all of them ambiguous, and that, therefore, though in 9 and 10 and in 12 and 13, respectively, they are, of course, used in the same sense, they may be used in a different sense in 11 and 14, respectively; (3) that in the second half of ll'and 14, respectively, the gerund is more likely to mean simultaneousness than previousness, because the two phrases motyum tarati and amrtam aśnute are generally used without a shade of difference in the Indian religious language ; and (4) that by the word anyad in 10 and 13 more likely than not the same reference is intended as by tad in 11 and 14.
The use made of Is Up. in Brhadaranyaka Up. IV, 4, 10 ff., is quite evident : after stanza 10, which is identical with IAA 9, and stanza 11, which is fsâ 3 slightly modifiod, there follows 12 which is essen. tially the same as Iś& 7, and than, with the same metrical change as in tsa Up. from the anustubh to the trieţubh, the paraphrase referred to above of Isa 8. Finally, there is a correspondence in both the meaning and the last three words of stanza 15 with ISA 6. Brhadaranyaka Up. is as a whole of course older than ISA Up., but the whole section IV, 4, 8-21 introduced by tad ete flokd bhavanti is evidently a mere modley of quotations (modified or not) from Tsa, Kena, Kathaks and one or two unknown texta.
10 Note the celebrity of the phrase tad eva hukram tad bralma. It is reposted in Kathaka Up. VI, 1, and Svetåkvatara IV, 2, and also used in Mahånår&yapa I, 7, MaitrAyapa VI, 24 and 35, and (with the puruga placed above brahma, as in Bhag. Gita XIV, 3) in Mundaka III, 2, 1.
11 Comp. Kathaka Up. VI, 17: tam vidydc chuleram amplam. Considering the mahâvâkya ayam dimd brahma it is strange that Sankara could not avoid having recourse to linga vyatyaya.
13. Or "Light"; comp. Balakronadasa: fukramp vidvabljap tejah.
18 Instead of the neuters we could, of course, have masculines by regarding bukram as an adjective and supplying tam (or levaram or paramdamanam) instead of lat. But the series of epithets used here is of the kind found generally with the neuter brahman or aksara only, and the Upanigads distinguish between hukra, which is a noun, and fukla, which is an adjective.-It must also bo doubted that the advaitic turn of Bhadaranyaka Up. IV, 4, 13 (300 above) is in agreement with tho (more thoistic) spirit of tsa Up.

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Now, from (1) it follows that vidyaya and avidyaya, respectively, of stanza 10, which are parallel to sambhavát and asambhavát in 13, have been preferred here merely for the sake of the metre to vidyâyáh and avidyayah, respectively (which are, indeed, the Madhyandina readings), and that it is wrong, therefore, and unnecessary to assume with Prof. Deussen
a bold ellipsis." We have here the instrumental of comparison which, though absent from classical Sanskrit, is known from archaic and epical literature. 14 Our third point also is in conformity with actual usage, as every Sanskritist knows. The two remaining points will come out in the course of our inquiry.
Of the two triplets, the one on sambhúti and asambhúti is the less problematical, because it gives us synonyms, and we may, therefore, expect to facilitate our further task by taking it up first. In doing so we follow the Mâdhyandina recension, which has the two triplets in the reverse order to that found with the Kanvas and in most editions of the Upanişad. Which order is the original one can, of course, if at all, not be decided as long as we are in doubt as to the original meaning of the stanzas.16
In my opinion stanzas 12 to 14 Kånva counting refer to the nature of the Absolute (brahma-svarúpa) or, respectively, the condition of the liberated. They are an answer to the doubt expressed in Kathaka Up. I, 29: yeyam prete vicikiteå manusye : astity eke nayam astiti caike.10 The Absolute, says st. 13, is different from both sambhava "existence" and asambhava "non-existence."17 which can only mean that in regard to the common meaning of the word existence (jayate 'sli vardhate viparinamate 'paksiyate nasyati) the Absolute is neither (merely) "existent" nor (merely) "non-existent." Accordingly, in st. 12 those may be meant who (without being materialistsi) adhere to (wpásate) some sort of súnyavada, 1' and (2) those one-sided pantheists who believe God to be the world and nothing more... Stanza 14,
16 Soe Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, § 107, and compare especially the instrumental connected with the Vedic preposition paras " beyond " (o.g., in paro mátray) and with anyatra "except " in Buddhist Sanskrit (and in Pali), with thidyate "keeps aloof from," and (occasionally) with adhika ; also the instrumental with sama, samána, etc.
15 It might be conjectured that either recension had originally but one triplet, viz., the one te which it now gives the first place; that is to say, that the Upaniçad started with a single triplet ; that this was modified in a later school, and that finally either school added to its triplet the one of the other school. But this is such a complicated hypothesis that it could be only accepted if we had still a trace of this evolution, e... if manuscripts of one of the two recensions would have but one triplet, which is not the case.
16 Which passage does not refer to ordinary death, as Sankara would make us believe, but (as already noticed by Deussen) to what the Upanipad calls the Great Passage (mahún sámparáyah), viz., from the ea msåre to what is beyond it. See B. N. Krishnamurti Sarma's paper "A Critique of Sankara's Rendering Yeyam prete" in the Annamalai University Journal, vol. I, No. 2.
17 Sambhawa means, indeed, "birth, production," etc., but then also "existence" in a quite general sense, as can be proved by many passages. Sambhúti, again, meens primarily “birth, origin," etc., but in the Brahmana period also "growth, increase" and thus may also stand for existence generally.
18 Materialists are, no doubt, the dtmahano jandh of st. 3, the villamohena mudhdh of Kathaka Up. 11. 6 (comp. 14A Up. 1: ma grelhah kasyasvid dhanam). For, to them our Upanipad holds out the asurya lolah : and the Asura, as is well known, is the typical materialist denying immortality in any senge : "avam loko, nasti parah" iti mani (Kathaka Up. II, 6; comp. Bhag. Gita XVI, 8 and 20).
19 Comp. Balakrepadora : ye.... pra pañcábhávam brahmábhyu pagacchanti te andham tamah pravidanti .... na hi kevalavimvdbhavatmakam brahma kimtu bruh maita svasaktyd nánákáram avalam. bate. The present-day Southern Buddhists seeing only the negative side of Nirvana also belong to this clase.
20 1. e.: who do not see that God is also sarvasyasya báhyatah, viz., with his transcendent "three quarters." They are worse than the Besambhuti-upasakas, because they confine God to his worldly " quarter." Balakrena is inconsistent here in explaining: ye sambhútycim tutpattyán ratah karyamatram eva vastu manyante na karanardpam iti. Considering his definition of the asambhůtivada he ought to have said : ye daktirú pam eva vastu manyante saktiman paramefvaro nástity avadhdrayantah. For, even materialism, exrepting perhaps its crudest form, admits of some sort of karanarúpam vastu (evabhdra).
--To understand with Sankars and most other commentators asambhúti as the avyákrta prakrti (whose worshippers are the ak para-upasakas of Bhag. Gita XII) is tempting, indeed; but then sambhúti must be explained as God Brahma (so Sankara) or the devas, which is far from convincing and moreover Tenders st. 14 unintelligible.

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finally, holds out liberation to those who understand the teaching of st. 13: they are liberated through vináša or becoming non-existent to the world and through sambhúti or becoming existent as to their true nature.91
Turning hence to the second triplet (the first in the current editions), I shall begin by trying to explain it as immediately connected with the first, i.e., as referring to one more problem of the very nature of the first but subsidiary to it and therefore dealt with in the second place only in the Madhyandina (=original ?) recension. I mean the problem raised, in Bphadåranyaka Up. II, 4, 12, by Yajñavalkya's statement na pretya samjñüsti. It is clear that here again not ordinary death is the topic, but the "Great Departure" of the liberated. Now, does this event mean cessation of consciousness in the absolute sense ? Undoubtedly not a few philosophers have understood it like that, though, as a rule, without denying the post-mortem existence of the liberated. I need only mention the jadátmaváda attributed to the Mimamsakas and others, and the asaññiváda recorded among other heresies in Pali texts; and even in Buddhism itself the death of the liberated implies the complete cessation of consciousness. But Yajñavalkya did not understand it in this way. For him the liberated becomes so to speak Superconscious: he loses wh:t we understand by consciousness and obtains instead the "mere" or unlimited consciousness of the One which, being “ without a second," can have no objects of consciousness. And after Y. also all Vedântic systems agree in teaching that in final death limited consciousness is exchanged for unlimited consciousness. Assuming, then, for the moment that vidyd can, and in our triplet dces, mean consciousness, everything is clear: the Absolute is different from both consciousness and unconsciousness, i.e., in the usual meaning of these words (st. 10); a man believing it to be unconscious will sink down in the samsåra, while the one who believes it to be conscious (and thus not the Absolute but only a highest person) will sink to still deeper depths (st. 9); but he who understands the teaching of st. 10 (excluding from God, the superconscious, both unconsciousness and limited consciousness) will "cross death" through the loss of his individual consciousness and “enjoy immortality " through superconsciousness (st. 11).
This interpretation of the vidyA-avidyå triplet is, apart from its starting point,22 essentially that of Balakrsna, who, while explaining the vidya-upasakas to be those who look at their Self as an object of knowledge (svútmânam jñanavisayatvenopdeale), declares the avidya-upasakas to be such people as avidyam jñánábhavam átmánam upåsate, the result being some sort of sûnyavada or jad&tmavâda. For, an atman that has no other than the empirical consciousness (vidyam-pramánaprameyádivyavaháram, B.) belongs through it to the world of experience. But can vidyd mean “consciousness”? This meaning is not known to me from any other passage; yet, considering the fluctuating use, in the older and even later language, of most words denoting " to know " or "knowledge "28. I consider it possible, indeed, that our poet has here taken the liberty to make vidya a synonym of samvid.
21 Change of term or meaning, respectively, in third stanza of triplet (see above, p. 207, last para) : “becoming non-existent" (vindóa) for non-existence" (asambhuti), and " becoming existent." (sambhúli) for "existence" (do.).-All commentators understand saha as one word. But, the particle ha " verily, indeed " being exceedingly frequent in the older language, we should rather road sa ha.
23 Which is with B. : yon manasd na manute (Kena Up. 5).
23 Rominding one of the English "to know " which moans both German erkennen and wissen, to come to know and to have a knowledge of. Sanskrit vid also, though generally used as a present perfect, may as well mean to come to know, to become aware, to be conscious; compare, e.g., the frequent vidám cakdra, or Bhadâranyaka Up. I, 3, 2 te 'viduh, or ibid. IV, 3, 21 na bdhyam kimcana veda ndntaram "is not conscious of anything external or internal,"

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There is a passage in the Ânandavalli of the Taittiriya Up., viz., its sixth anuváka and beginning of the seventh, which so strikingly approaches the view I have taken above of the two triplets that I cannot help reproducing it here in full : asann era sa bhavati asad brahmeti veda cet asli brahmeti ced veda santam enam iato vidur iti || (comp. Isa 12.13). (tasyaisa eva sarira átma) (interpolation). athậto 'nupraśnah (a “subsidiary problem," see above, p. 209) | utávidvân (i.e., as one without consciousness) amum lokam pretya kaécana gacchali áho vidvin (as a conscious being) amum lokam pretya kaécit samainuta u 112) 80 'kâmayata bahu syam prajá yeyeti sa tapas taptvá idam sarvam asrjata yad idam kimca (comp. Isa la-b) tat srstvå tad evanu prâvisat (comp. Isa la : Isavasyam) | tad anu pravidya sac ca tyac cábharat (ie., both prapasca and prapañcâbhâva, nature and the supernatural, not merely one of them ; comp. Isa 13) niruktam câniruktam ca nilayanam cânilayanam ca vijñanam cavijñanam ca (consciousness and unconsciousness=ordinary and transcendent consciousness; comp. iśå 10) satyam cânstam ca (explanation follows) | satyam abhavat (i.e. :) yad idam kimca (viz., the prapanca; soe above) tat satyam -(empirical reality) ity acaksate (and, consequently, anstam=asat=the supernatural) tad apy eşa śloko bhavati asad vi idam agra dsit, tato vai sad ajáyata (i.e. : sambhava from asambhava, the supernatural being the non-existent from the worldly point of view) , otc.25)
It now remains to be seen whether in the Kânva text the different position of the triplets may not be an indication of their having from the start been understood there in a different way. One thing, I believe, is certain, viz., that here not the same sort of logical sequence (confirmed by Taitt, Up.) as in the Madhyandina text oan be established. With the Mâdhyandinas both triplets belong to metaphysics; with the Kanvas the second (on sambhúti, etc.), whatever it may mean therę, 26 can also only belong to this province, but the first may well for them have always had an ethical rather than metaphysical bearing. For, the very fact that the vidya-avidya triplet stands first here seems to exclude from it a meaning of these terms which cannot (as it can in the Mâdhyandina text) be derived or guessed from the preceding verses. Here, then, vidya and avidya were in all likelihood understood in a less uncommon sense which might even have come in vogue already in the Madhyandina school as an optional explanation. For, it was well-nigh inevitable that the triplet came to be referred to "knowledge" and "ignorance," or para vidya and aparå vidya, or karman, respectively, and so it is, indeed, understood in all commentaries preserved to us (with the sole exception of Balakrşnadasa's, so far as I know) in spite of the difficulty arising from anyad in st, 10 for which in this case some other word than brahma must be supplied.
This view of the triplet can be substantiated by several Upanişads. Kathaka Up. speaks of vidya and avidya as " widely different” (II, 4) and understands by vidya that “wisdom" (prajñana, II, 24), i.e., atmavidya, which cannot be gained by tarka (II, 9), pravacana, medha, and bahuórula (II, 23); and it calls avidyd the ignorance of the sensualist
38 It is not possible here to understand vidvdn and aviduin in the ordinary sense, because we have every reason to assume that at the time of Taitt. Up. the necessity of jñana for moka was no longer ques. tioned by any body, the problem being only whether karman too was uecessary, and how long. Moreover the context shows that vijñanam (line 11) can only mean consciousness, as in sloka 2 (quotation!) of Taitt. Up. II, 5, the parallelism of which with verse 3 of our triplet is evident.
26 It is hardly possible to make out the age of this section in relation to Iba Up. I am inclined to believe that these anuvâkas are earlier than Iba Up.(though not, perhaps, as a part of Taitt Up.), but Dr. Belvalkar classifies them (Taitt. Up. II, 6-8) as a late interpolation in the Anandavalli, which, as a whole, he is probably right in regarding as posterior to 1så Up. (Hist. of Ind. Phil., vol. II, pp. 98 and 135).
38 Possibly it meant the same with them, originally, as with the Madhyandinas ; but see the commen. taries. How enigmatic the whole Upanipad had become also to the Madhyandinas is shown by Mahidhara's constant alternative explanations. I do not propose to discuss here the various views about the triplet. Not one of them gives complete satisfaction. Mehidhara, e.g., starts with whe seemingly excellent idea of understanding asambháti as & denial of reincarnation (which, by the way, does not exclude the belief in a continuance after death), but then finds himself compelled to explain sambhali as the atman!

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(II, 4; vitlamohena mudhaḥ II, 6, the kâmakámin of Bhag. Gitá II, 70), who prefers enjoyment to spiritual welfare (preyas to śreyas, II, 2), and the mock-wisdom of philosophical materialism (II, 5-6). So also Maitråyaņa Up. (VIII, 9) calls avidydd or "falge learning" the doctrine imparted to the Asuras by Bphaspati (Sukra). Munclaka Up. understands by avidya (1, 2, 8-9) the aparii vidya of the Karmakanda (I, 1, 4-5), speaks with contempt of the pious vaidikas (1, 2, 1-10, source of Bhag. Gità II, 42 ff.), and denies brahmaloka to be acces. sible through karman (násty akytaḥ krtena, I, 2, 12)—which seems to be the very attitude declined in Isa Up. 2, Vidyd appears in Mundaka Up. as samyag-jñana (III, 1, 5). In Kena Up. also vidyd is atmavidyú (12), and this higher wisdom is expressly stated to be different from empirical knowledge (3 and 11).37
On this basis, then, we have the choice of understanding vidyd and avidya either as dtmavidyd and any other vidyd (orthodox or heterodox), or (viz., abrahmanavat, Anantacarya) as atmavidyd and karman. But, since in those texts vidyd, as contrasted with avidya, means always dtma- or brahma-vidyd only, we are Net at liberty to understand by it, as Sankara does, the polytheistic theology (devatavigayam jñanam) which he contrasts here as a higher science (vidya) with the sacrificial or lower science (avidyd) with which it is connected. For, the sacred text he refers to for it (viz., vidyaya tad drohanti vidyaya devalokab na tatra dakşind yanti | karmand pitslokah) does not support his view, because devaloka, as the terminus of the devayana, is in the older Upanişads the world" from which there is no return," as is clear from even the quotation itself; and we cannot help admitting that the conjunction impossible except for a fool, according to Sankara, of the knowledge of the Absolute with any other knowledge or with karmanS8 has actually been performed by the author of our Upanişad who was hardly a fool, though a strong advocate of that very theory of jñânakarmasamuccaya so passionately combated in the later Advaita. We may, however, concede to Sankara that a juxtaposition of what is phalavat and aphalavat (karman and vidya) is not likely in a passage like ours. But this leads us just to deny that the noun to be supplied for anyad in st. 10 is phalam. Phalam is unlikely also because of the forced construction it demands (ellipsis), avidd and vidyd, being not themselves phala or not phala but only productive or not productive of such. Curiously enough, this has been overlooked by all except Kûranarayana, a follower of Ramanuja, who supplies the word moksa-sadhanam which is, indeed, quite acceptable. One more supplement, viz., kevalam, for both vidyd and avidya, is employed by all commentators, and this is really indispensable for making sense of the triplet. Now, vidyd being atma- or brahmavidyd, avidyd must be either non-Vedântic philosophy or karman (with the science relating thereto); and, as liberation is in our Upanişad taught to result from vidyd and avidyd Combinod, this combination can with a champion for karman not well be one of brahmavidyâ and anviksiki, or the like, but only the well-known one of the jñana- and the karma-kânda. And so we may now explain the triplet as follows.
The Upanişad, as already stated, begins with a vigorous protest against naiskarmya. After dealing, as equally necessary, in stanzas 1 and 2 with the Way of Works and in 3 to 8 with the Way of Knowledge it takes up their mutual relation in the triplet on vidya and avidya. Those who neglect or reject vidya, it says, are condemned to darkness (low births), and those who pride themselves with vidyd, rejecting Action, are condemned to still greater darkness (9), because they are worse than the man who has no knowledge but does his duty,29
21 Kena Up. 3 and 12 seem to correct sa Up. by removing the instrumentals of st. 10 and the apparent obecurity of st. 11, but the third and fourth khanda of Kena Up. are undoubtedly prio, to Isa Up. The chronological relation of Kathaka and Mundaka to Ifa Up. is not clear (Dr. Belvalkar thinks they are later); Maitråyapa Up.is, of course, later.
28 Yad atmaikatvavijñanam tan na kenacit karmand jñanantarena vd hy amidhah samuccicirati.
39 The preference given here to the avidya-upasaka is in conformance with the polemical attitude taken from the outeet by our author.

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Neither by carana alone nor by vidyâ alone can the goal be reached (10), but he who recognizes and practises both until his end, is by both together released from rebirth (11).
There is in the Vişnu-Purana (VI, 6) a remarkable story (referred to by Râmânuja in his Sribhâsya) which makes use, though not saying so, of the triplet as explained above.
There were two kinge, we are told, called Khåndikya and Kesidhvaja, of whom the former was a great authority in the karmamärga, while the latter was well-versed in atmavidya. But Keśidhvaja wanted liberation and for this purpose took also to sacrifices (iyája so 'pi subahan yajñán), viz., in order to "brahmavidyam adhisthaya tartum mrtyum avidyaya." At one time, being at a loss concerning a prayaścitta, he asked for and obtained instruction from Khâņdikya, whom he then, at his request, rewarded with âtmavidyâ in the place of a dakşiņa, and so at last both of them were in possession of the twofold means of liberation.30
I said that in the Kanva recension the connection of the first with the second triplet is less evident than with the Madhyandinas. Still, here also the connection can be easily established, viz., by means of the question whether the double effort expected of the mumuksu in the first triplet is really worth being made, if it results in a state which according to some philosophers is tantamount to non-existence.
. To return now to the problem of the different position of the triplets in the two recensions, I would say that this discrepancy is less difficult to be accounted for on the supposition that the Madhyandina text is the older one.31 For, then we could assume that the position of the triplets was intentionally reversed by the Kanvas, because of the greater importance they attached to the vidy& avidyå triplet in the sense in which they understood it, after the original meaning had been forgotten or put in the shade by the new one. On the other hand there is this to be said in favour of the Kåņva text, that in it the position and meaning of the said triplet is in harmony with what seems to be the principal object of the author of the Upanişad, viz., the inculcation of samuccaya82 ; and that, looked at from this point of view, the position of the triplets as found with the Kånvas might appear to be the original one, as it could høre be accounted for by the author's wish to deal first with the practical, and for him more important, problem of the mokşasadhana before dealing with a merely theoretical doubt. In this case, then, the Madhyandinas, without (rather than with) changing the meaning of the vidyâ-avidya triplet, would have reversed the position of the triplets in favour of what appeared to them the more logical order. There is, however, one serious drawback in this second hypothesis, viz., its inability to refer the words anyad and tad occurring in both triplets to one and the same word and the only one which can be supplied for them without difficulty and from the wording of the Upanisad itself. The first impression of the unbiaseed reader, and the last after having carefully examined everything implied, must, in my opinion, inevitably be that both these words in either triplet cannot originally refer to anything else but the Absolute (the brahman called tad in st, 4 and 5, and śukram in 8). The Absolute our author meant to say-is neither merely existent and conscious nor merely non-existent or unconscious (st, 10 and 13), but is rather both (st. 11 and 14), viz., the latter from the worldly point of view and the former in a higher (metaphysical) sense, i.e., within its own realm which is not really accessible to definitions (yato vico rivartante).
30 The point of the story has been entirely missed by Prof. Wilson, because he was not aware of its source.
31 That is to say, in this particular point, but not necessarily as regards the readings vidydydh and qvidydyan.
39 Note the emphasis laid once more on works in the concluding section of the Upaniyad (st. 17).

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NOVEMBER, 1933)
INDUS AND ETRUSCAN SIGNS COMPARED
213
A COMPARISON BETWEEN SIGNS OF THE INDUS SCRIPT' AND SIGNS IN THE
CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM ETRUSCARUM.
BY DR. GIUSEPPE PICOOLI. As Orientalists are aware, there has been discovered, up to April 1931, in the basin of the Indug, at Mohenjodaro' and Harappa, an ancient script in syllabic writing. I propose to show that certain characteristic signs recurring in this script will be seen to be identical with those found on various Etruscan utensils and monumental remains.
For the present we shall consider all those puzzling signs, which, while not identified with the elements of any Etruscan alphabet, can be compared with similar signs in the records of the Indus script, a's also those characters and initial letters of typical Etruscan alphabets which are found in the Indus script. It will be well to note, in advance, that in the case of the Etruscan remains the signs are generally found isolated, on the inside, on the edges or on the bases of the bowls, cups, pottery vases or other objects pertaining to the tombs. The same signs or marks appear, moreover, at the top and at the foot of epigraphs, on tomb covers, on small clay pyramids, on partition walls (e.g., in the Cavone di Fantibassi), and, finally, on the squared blocks of travertin of the Etruscan walls of Perugia.
With these prefatory remarks, we may turn to the comparative tables, A and B, reproduced on the annexed Plate, in which are shown those signs of the Indus script(col. A) which in their forms and arrangement recall corresponding signs in the Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum and the Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarums (col. B). The identity of the signs in the two columns is clear and definite, inasmuch as the correspondence between them is remarkable. Possibly the solution of some Etruscan problem may provide a more reasonable explanation than that the resemblance is a purely fortuitous coincidence.
Let us now compare individual signs of the CIE. (which have been indicated by Arabic numerals only) with signs of the Indus script (indicated by Roman numerals). Rather than follow a purely consecutive order, I shall follow the criterion of greater rareness or singularity, some of the Etruscan signs standing out as peculiar and not represented in any hitherto known ancient alphabet. But first of all, attention may be drawn to the theory of the introduction by the Etruscans into Latium of the Greek alphabet of the Chalcidian Ionians. Since the classical tradition tells us of two types of Greek alphabets, characterised respectively by their similarity to, or dissimilarity from, the Phoenician and Pelasgian alphabets, it remains to decide which of these two types of Greek alphabet it is that the Etruscans handed down to us. Perchance the signs of our Indus script may be able to give us some enlightenment in this connexion. It should be noted as not irrelevant to our investigation that the latter script has come to light from the 'Indus Valley Civilization,' in which peoples of various races and cultures must have come together, among whom were also people of Mediterranean Race.' There have, further, been discovered there a variety of relics of inestimable value for the study of Egyptian, Babylonian, etc., cultures, as may be seen from the shrewd observations of the eminent writers who have contributed the several chapters in the great work published by Sir J. Marshall.
1 Sir John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, 3 vols., London, 1931; Mustrated London News, 1924 and 1926; Annual Reports, A.S.I., 1923-24 et seq.
In JRAS., April 1932, p. 486 f., G.R. Hunter, after several visits to the site, has collated and arranged, with their variations, all the signs in his note entitled "Mohenjo-dard Indus Epigraphy." The Roman numerals in col. A of the accompanying Plate correspond with those given in Mr. Hunter's "Sign List" (ib., pp. 494-503).
· Carolus Pauli, Corpus Inacriptionum Etruscarum, Leipzig, 1893-1902. A. Fabretti, Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum, Turin, 1867; id., Supplementi I, II, III.
In this paper these two works are referred to by the initiala, CIE. and CII, respectively. • V. Helbig, Bull. deir Inst., 1883, p. 169 .
6 The races of tho 'Indus population are thus specified in Marshall's work :-(1) Proto-Australoid, (2) Moditerranean Race, (3) Mongolian branch of the Alpine Stock, and (4) Alpine Race.

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Confining ourselves here to the script found at Mohenjodaro, we may note that it contains signs in common with the Vikramkhol inscription, and with old inscriptions found especially in Central Asia, Mesopotamia and Egypt. For some of the signs an Asiatic provenance has been unmistakably established. Certain signs, again, have been interpreted as meaning
son', sun', 'moon', 'temple', 'king', 'god '; others as representing charms. In particular Prof. S. Langdon has noted that:
(1) the Indus inscriptions are to be read from right to left; (2) some of the signs must be independent of the phrases or words; (3) certain signs are similar to those of ancient inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Egypt, etc.; (4) these it may be possible to interpret with the aid of old Sumerian; (5) the Indus script is predominantly syllabic.
It is indeed interesting to find linguistic affinities with words of the Sumerian, Elamite and other kindred tongues, and between certain signs and letters of the Brahmi script. Take the instance of the Indian (Sans.) word mudra, Gk. Múdpos, a lump of (hot) metal', Sumerian mudru, comb'. Now the sign representing a comb occurs frequently both on the ancient Hyderabad pottery and on that found in the Indus Valley.
In the CIE. also we find a syllabic script predominant, reading from right to left a prevalent feature, and in certain inscriptions several signs which should be regarded as independent or separate from the lines of script, etc.-a few coincidences, not fortuitous, these, which must not be overlooked. Nor must we forget the "Etruscan affinities in a Ras Shamra tablet " pointed out by the late Dr. A. H. Sayce, where that illustrious scholar agrees with the present writer in some of his grammatical and lexical remarks, and where he considers the Etruscan words aisar, aesar, eiser, god ', quoting in evidence kiooi. Geoi, ünÒ Tup'pinov (Hesychius), as related to A. 8.7 of the tablet referred to.
In this connexion reference should be made also to the cases of material correspondence between, for example, the Etruscan iluu of the famous Devotio' of Monte Pitti (Campiglia Marittima) and the Akkadian l-lum, a family or clan name, which also occurs frequently in Sumerian epigraphs; with the Hittite láni, the name of a divinity in several hieroglyphic inscriptions ; with the Chaldean Ilou, a name for the supreme deity found in inscriptions in Asia and Mesopotamia ; with the Yoruba Ilo-, Ilu-, roots of place and family names in Northern Nigeria
Availing of the decipherment of some signs of the Indus script which decorate some pieces of pottery excavated at Mohenjodaro and Harappa, we shall try to interpret the corresponding signs of the CIE. For the present the following brief notes are recorded for consideration
(a) The signs II, VI, X, XXXVIII, XLII, XLIII in col. A are numerals. These signs occur respectively under the base of a small vase", CIE. 3316 ;" on a piece of broken tufa stone", CIE. 5019; " under the base of vases", CII. 2260e; "on the upper side of a weaver's weight ", CIE. 8368 ; in the Cavone di Fantibassi, “just half-way along the trench", CIE. 84270;" on the neck and on the middle of an oinochoe", CIE. 8304;" under the base" of the saucers, CIE. 8302 and 8303 ; "on the walls of the excavated way", CIE. 84270 ;
6 Indian Antiquary, LXII (1933), p. 58 f. 7 JRAS., 1932, Pt. I, p. 43 f.
8 Cf. my paper on the "Metodo etimologico-combinatorio per l'interpretazione dei testi etruschi " in the Actes du deuxième Congrés International de Linguistes, Geneva, 1933.
The sign IIa (col. A) engraved, for instance, on the cup CIE. 8066 is usually confused with the sign IIb or the sign VI. Hero, however, we have to deal with two different signs, inasmuch as that of CIE. 8066 is a syllabic sign, while those of CIE. 5089, CII. 2260V, etc., aro numorals, rather than "lapidary's marka," as will be seen when I deal with this question.

Page #227

Plate
Indian Antiquary
B (Signs from the CIE. and CII.)
(Indus Signs.)
8368
11 V, V, V, V, 6. Y, V; 8066 V, 2468 V, 3516 4, 8188 V; IIIU,U,V,V
| 3807 U. o. U sao V VI Ý, V;
s010 226oo ů 40se Vi VII 010
4706 T opo II 素,案,並 x +, Y, Y.
Y, 64278, 04, Ya 292 T 8307
8529 4; XVI XXVI ®,0,0,0,0); 4715 B, ** 8,2204 4732 XXIX 0, 0, 0, 0,19,0;** , 35220, 4722 0 8550
0,0,0,2, 4731' 0, 4788 , 8800 V; XXXVIII IIINHI 8304 lil, Wil; XLIII Ili 8302, 8305 !, 8202; 83248 );
85230 \; 84278 - Il;
8018 ; LII ), 3,6,7,141
3315), 0033 ), 8292), 3318 ),
4731° /, 3060 , 4715 <, 4781 <; LIX 1;
35081, 84278, € T; xxX, * & *2.200* , 5222 , 4733 I, I; LXXXIII A,K, B0; v241 A
-
XLIII III, W;
XLIX lition;

Page #228

Indian Antiquary
Plate (contd.)
(Indas Signs.)
в
(Signs from the CIE. and CII.)
LXXXIV
,
DJ
2260" 24, 8057
;
LXXXV Mi
8356
LXXXVI H; LXXXVIII 1,1,1,E,F,
C, E, F, I, 1,1
:
XCIA,
8299
XCII ķ XCII1 D);
Xov X, Y, ti
* 2218
3321° D, 0; 2324€ X, 8435 X, 4716 X, 4726 +, 3309 X, 3319 + 47318 +, 4947 t;
XCVII A, A; XCVI.11 X;
cm A; cxv O; CXVI ^, ^ L 9, 1,; CXVII N, W, u, W; cxx 7, F 1,17
cxx V ; CXXIII WII, W;
35210 7 2280* 818313512 W, 8292 18186 N; 5323* ; 8888 ( 3319 * 2260* 1; * 2260% 8
CXXVIII
;
*
*
сxxxy 8.

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NOVEMBER, 1933]
INDUS AND ETRUSCAN SIGNS COMPARED
215
go also under the lines of the inscription CIE. 2458 and in the middle of the stone is found the same sign as II, and which, from its form and position cannot be considered to be a letter forming part of the inscription itself.
(6) The sign XCV in col. A is an ideograph, and probably a title, with its two variations respectively, which are indeed frequently met "in the middle of the base" of the saucer, CIE. 8324; "on the inside" of the cup, CIE. 8435; to the right and beneath the inscription on the "sepulchral tile", CIE. 4715; in the middle and beneath the inscription on the" sepulchral tile", CIE. 4726 ; "on several isolated blocks of travertin of the Etruscan walls of Perugia", CIE. 3309 and 3319 ; on top of the "sepulchral tile", CIE. 4731"; "on the front of the tomb ", CIE. 4947, to which the numeric value of X was assigned.
(c) The signs CXIX in col. A are regarded as the initials of some name or else of a solemn formula. These appear (“once only ") upon the blocks of the Etruscan walls of Perugia, CIE. 33234; as a component of a monogram engraved on the cup CIE. 9339 ; as a component of another monogram " beneath the bases of the vases ", CII. 22601.
The sign CXX, which is also frequent in the Etruscan alphabets, might have the value of o; the sign CXIV=1, 6, as in Brâbmi; the sign XXIX open at the bottom probably represents (......), that is to say, a repetition of the sign LII. So the two vertical strokes, rather long and straight (thus: || ), especially when found by themselves on certain Etruscan objects, might represent the number XX.
(d) The signs ( >, very often accompanied by + x, which are found isolated at the end of various Etruscan inscriptions, may also be interpreted as 1, or perhaps as the initial of some name or solemn formula. The same may be said of the sign II engraved upon the cup CIE. 8066.
The following call for separato consideration
“ The form of a letter which is not Faliscan", CIE. 8296, identical with the sign III (col. A); the design of a "waggon ", CIE. 4706, similar to VII ; the sign CIE. 8529, which was connected with the Greek y, identical with XV; the sign CIE. 4722, which was regarded as th conjunct, similar to XXIX; the last letter "not closed" of CIE. 4788, identical with XXIX6; the sign" on the front of the tomb "likened to the form of a “number representing 100” similar to LX; the sign CIE. 8069, which is perhaps only an initial of the type of XCVI. In like manner we may associate with CXVII the sign CIE. 8183, which was interpreted as a Faliscan m, or a Latin M (=1000); and so also the sign CIE, 8377, which was connected with the Latin X or the Faliscant, may be found in the Indus sign XCVIII.
Finally attention should be drawn to the “circular "10 shape of the Etruscan alphabetic elements, comparable with the Indus forms II, III, LII, in which is reflected a common origin with the same signs that appear in the ancient inscriptions of Mesopotamia.
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, PRESIDENT OF THE SRINAGAR MUNICIPALITY (Retired.) KASHMIR is a land of striking contrasts. Its snow-clad and sunlit panorama of moun. tains, its mirror-like lakes and sparkling springs, its silvery rivers and streamlets, its emeraldgreen dales and hills—in short, its varied scenery of vast grandeur and little beauty-spots while charming those in pursuit of worldly pleasure and enjoyment, afford peace of mind, mingled with blins, to those striving for the attainment of a higher purpose, the solution of the riddle of life. This land has produced, in the past, many saints and seers, among both Hindus and Muhammadans, who preached virtue and moral truths with such eloquence and poetic power as to sink deep into the hearts of the people.
10 Prof. S. Langdon (vide Marshall's work cited above) thinks their circular shape and sequence are unusual, and that "they were probably manufactured in Mesopotamia."

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Amongst such saints was the famous Nand Fishi, alias Shaikhu'l-'alam or Shaikh Nuru'ddin of Tsrår, about whom a Persian poet has fitly sung thus -
شیخ نورالدین کے نور از خاک ار آید برون
گونا گون ز روح پاک اور آید برون فیض
"Shaikh Naru'd-din-lustre beams forth from the dust of his grave,
"A variety of grace flows out from his holy soul." A brief outline of the life of this renowned saint has already been given by me in this journal (vide vols. LVIII and LIX). A mumber of his sayings, which I have been able to collect, are reproduced with English translations, below. Pregnant with eternal truth and eminent wisdom as they are, they show that he was not only a great seer in the world beyond but also a sage humanist, whose mission in life was to teach the highest morals in sweet, terse and inspiring language. These wise and vivid sayings represent ancient culture, and display what is best and finest in humanity. Their study stimulates theological and philosophical thought. They contribute to the evolution of human ethics and, moreover, possess a poetic charm dominated by measureless power to moralize and spiritualize. In short, they are an ideal gift of olden times to the modern age, full of perennial interest and value to deep thinkers, as well as to philologists and Oriental scholars, whose aim is to make history relive for us by their researches into things antique.
(1)
Adam akuy ta byun byun war
Ak layi mukhta la ak layi na hấr. Tsandun ti dar, arkhor ti dår,
Arlehor ási na barkhurdar.
Man is the same [but) of different qualities;
One is worth a pearl, another is not worth a shell. Sandal is wood, arkhor is wood, (but]
Arkhor is not of any use. No carpenter in Kashmîr will work with the poisonous arkhor (Rhus Wallichit). The sap of the green wood causes weals and blisters.
(2)
Adana archana karay no mě tas,
Wuni pyom tsetas grēki vizi nún.
I performed no devotion to Him (God) in my younger days;
Now, at the moment of boiling (food), I have remembered [to obtain) salt. I.e., too late.
(3)
Akis ditut narma ta khasay,
Akis jandah palds nay. Akis ditut barni-nyásay,
Akis tsur dy doran Lhdsay.
To one Thou (O God) gavest shawl and linen,
To another not even a rag quilt. To one Thou [O God) gavest [enough for enjoyment] just near his own house
door, To another thieves came running from such a long distance as] Lhasa
and stole all he possessed).

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NOVEMBER, 1933
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI
217
Asiye la buchis bhojan dizey.
Nanis pritsh zi na kya chay zát. Tava sate, sisa gun puni pravizey.
Há Nandi ! sukry râviy na záh. If thou canst afford, provide the hungry with food. Do not inquire from the nude what his caste is (i.e., of whatever caste he
may be, clothe him). By doing so, thou shalt obtain virtue one thousand times over.
O Nand! a virtuous deed shall never be lost.
(5)
wwal bhangi-kon wopun maidanay;
Chis kághaz karán dasit kyět ; 'Ilmuk kalima likhuk ada tasay.
Su kath zats av wasit kyět ? In the beginning the hemp plant grew on a plain ;
It was beaten down and made into paper; Then (after undergoing such affliction) the word of learning was written on it. Which class was it degraded to ? (i.e., on the contrary, it became elevated
and eonsecrated). Butha chalit, bânga parit;
Kawa zana, Rishi ! kyah chuy wasawas. Desham rust 'umrá bharat ; . Daftam tce namáz karal kas. Having washed thy face, thou hast called the believers to prayer; llow can I kuow, O Fishi! what thou feelest in thy heart, or what thy
bows are for? Thou hast lived a life without seeing (God);
Tell ine to whom didst thou offer prayer. 1. c. a hypocrite). Gin!h kyil zai yiru wasun,
Khar lyik zani sala sund zyuth. Shint kyůh záni lolun ta rasun,
Hanth kyih pini prasun kyuth. What does a kite know of swimming ?
What does an ass know of the prey of a tiger? What does a pious woman know of murmuring and being disploased ?
Does a barren woman know what labour is?
(7)
Grah yeli asiy kúsun Shahas
Téli ho sapadiy Tázi Bhalli kin.
When the King (God) wills to remove ill-luck from thee,
Then it will be like Tazi Bhatt's arrow.
Explanation.-Tazi Bhatt rose to high position under King, Zainu'l-abidin (1421-72 A.D.). He was originally a poor man. The King once placed a ring upon a wall and issued a proclamation that whoever could shoot an arrow from a certain distance struight through the ring

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should receive a reward. The best archers in the kingdom tried, but none succeeded. One day Tâzi Bhatt, who was passing that way, firing his arrows in all directions in a most reckless fashion, came to the place where the ring was suspended, and, more from a playful feeling than from any thought of accomplishing the difficult feat, let go an arrow, which, to his great astonishment, passed clean through the ring. He was immediately conducted to the presence of the King, who praised him and gave him the promised reward.
Gudanic rani chay til ciraghas :
Gudanic rani chěy bâghac hiy: Gudanic rani chěy nara-phah Magas :
Gudanic rani chěy panani ziy: Gudanic rani chěy brand sangilas.
Doyim rani chěy milan drot: Triyam rani chěy hay zan krilas :
Tsúrim rani chěy gharibas ghato!.
The first wife is (like) oil to a lamp;
The first wife is (like) a flower-bush in a garden; The first wife is like the warmth of a fire in January February ;
The first wife is (like) one's own earnings. The first wife is (like) a step up to the door-chain.
The second wife is (like) a sickle (applied] to the roots; The third wife is (like) soot on the front door;
The fourth wife is (like) darkness to the poor.
(10)
Haras nindar piyam yutam pava gom;
Káras doh grinz isám na ak. Adana gharey kádaz me wah gom,
Nit pathas mě hěkim na tsak. Teli pyos fikri yěli Wafun koh gom ;
Put âm bor wati kudum na thak. Tsyunum na yutam mandeněn doh gom,
Zyúnum na ken'sha lajim patay hak. I fell asleep in Har (June-July) until the stream of water dried up;
On no single day did it appeal to me to work. While yet forming, the alluvial deposit (in the stream) got washed away;
I could not carry turfed earth to the fields. I came to my senses when Watâyan became difficult to ascend like a hill ;
The load pressed [heavily) on my back, but I did not take rest on the way; I did not see until the day finished at noon;
I did not gain anything until a cry to halt reached me. Harum kykhtdm mě, Hara gutshum.
Sor kaji trávit tamiy kaji drás. Par kun pakan ta wath mukajim:
Lajim buchi ta taway as. Something was shaken from me; I desired to find God.
I came with that desire, after abanroning all (other) desires. In going towards the East (i.e., towards God) the path cleared for me; I got hungry, and therefore I came.
(To be continued.)
(11)

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NOVEMBER, 1933 ]
BOOK NOTICES
219
BOOK NOTICES. THE HISTORICAL INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTHERN INDIA, 5 and 6 all refer to the same person, while No. 4 is
by ROBERT SEWELL. Publishod, under Orders the river of that name. Some references to Vonke. of Government, by the University of Madras. tappa of Keladi appear under "Venkatappa," Edited by S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A.,
others under "Keladi," and there is no cross refoHon.Ph.D. Pp. xiv + 451 ; map. Madras, 1932.
rence; and so forth. Rs. 10.
The Madras Government, with their usual readi. Robert Sewell always saw the forest, however!
ness to promote S. Inciian research, havo financed numerous the trees. His Lists of Antiquities is a
the publication. model survey, topographical, condensing in handy
F.J. R. and intelligible form a mass of information, still invaluable, for every district and taluk in the Madras Presidency. It is a pity that his lead was ETUDES D'ORIENTALISME, publiées par le Musée never followed. His history of Vijayanagar is a
Guimet à la mémoire de Raymonde Linossier.
2 vols. 10 X 6 in.; pp. vii+502, with 70 plates masterpiece of shrewd scholarship. Although much
and numerous illustrations in the text. Paris, new material has come to light since 1900, when it
Ernest Leroux, 1932. was first published, there is little in it that requires correction, and its reissue in facsimile a quarter of a The graceful prefatory words of M. René Croussot
and the papers contributed spontaneously by so century later is evidence of its soundness.
many distinguished French scholars, which fill these The last fifteen years or so of Sewell's life were
two handsomely illustrated volumes, bear testimony devoted to preparing the volume now under review. to the high esteem felt for the brilliant young lady He was well equipped for the task by years of patient to whose memory they have been dedicate.. Menwork on the intricacies and pitfalls of Indian chro. tion can be made here of only & fow papers that nology. Among the many thousands of inscriptions may specially appeal to our Indian readers. The recorded in S. India (up to 1923) Sewell wisely
first, by the late Raymonde Linossier herself, is a concentrated on those which he "vetted" sound.
collection of descriptive labels, serving, when thus A few undated records of outstanding historical value
printed collectively, as & catalogue, of the Tibetan are also included in this collection. The inscriptions
paintings in the Loo collection--models of what
such descriptions should be-that will be very use. are arranged in chronological order, and are corre.
ful to students of Tibetan Buddhist iconography. lated with the general trend of Indian (and Sinhalese)
Then there is a suggestive paper by Madame Foucher history by the frequent insertice of short explana
on a type of coinage of Pancala, in which she has, tory paragraphs at appropriate points. The record
correctly, we venture to think, interpreted the egins with Aboka ond ends with Queen Victoria, figure on certain coins reproduced by Cunningham covering just over 300 pages. It is proceded by a (cf. C.A.I., Pl. VII, nos. 12, 13 and 15), not as Agni short introduction to the early period up to the nor as a 'five-branched tree,' but 88 & five-hooded second century A.D., and succeeded by an exhaus någa. Mme. Foucher, in seeking an explanation of tive series of dynastic genealogies, with annota.
this symbol, draws attention to the snake legends tions, which runs to nearly 90 pages. Sewell is never
Associated wh Pancala, and suggests that we may
have here evidence of a connexion between coins and dogmatic or argumentative; the academical contro.
the patron divinities and religious sites of the towns versies with which Indian history bristles he leaves
where they were minted. We think, however, it alone, simply stating that "authorities " differ.
should be considered whether this may not have The value of this work can hardly be overrated.
been a dynastic symbol ; and in this connexion at. It supplies the foundation and framework for the tention may be invited to the views contained in reconstruction of S. Indian history, and brings into Mr. K. P. Jayaswal's article on the History of one view the unceasing interplay of cultural and India, c. 150 A.D. to 350 A.D.' (Pt. I, Ch. iv) in politicalforces through a period of over two thousand JBORS., XIX (1933). years. It is a unique source-book of permanent In the paper entitled 'Mesopotamian and Early worth.
Indian Art: Comparisons,' Dr. C. L. Fabri has pre. Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar's editing is judi.
sented, with useful illustrative sketches, & series of
striking parallels in selected elements of Indian art, cious. Sewell's text he leaves untouched, indicating
viz. (1) the Ziklurrat motif, (2) the sun disc, (3) the in short footnotes such modifications as are needed.
sacred tree, (4) the jug of superfluity, (5) the lion He also contributes a map and an index. The index
and the bull, (6) the throne with the lion leg, (7) is a little puzzling in parte, 0.g., there are 16" Krish- winged animals and other fanciful creatures, (8) the nas," and it takes time to sort them out; entry hair curls of the Buddha, and (9) the mekhalá girdle. No. 1 refers to three different persons ; Nos. 3, The correspondences revealed are quite patent, and

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we shall look forward to the publication of the gap with the dynasty of the Bharasivas (Nava comploto material collected, of which this paper Någas) of the (Yadava) stock of the Nagas, who ruled contains but samples. Dr. Fabri would emphasiso at Padmavati (Padam Pavâya in the Gwalior State), two conclusions, firstly, that a long connexion be. Kantipuri (Kantit, Mirzâpur dist.) and Mathuri, tween Indian and Western Asian art must necessarily and the early Vakatakas, Vindhyasakti, Pravarasens be supposed, and, secondly, that "it is not Porsia,
I and Rudrasena I. Ho contends that it was the or at least not only Persia from which Western
Bhârasivas, who had ten afvamedhas to their credit, elements of Indian art are borrowed, but both
who freed the Ganges valley and northern India Persian and Indian art have borrowed from com. from the anti-Brahmanical Kuşadas, re-establishing mon source, mainly independently from each other :
Hindu escondancy and Brahmanical culturo on and this accounts for the partial similarities as well orthodox lines, and that the Vakatakas, who were as the great differences of Persian and Indian art Brâhman, but connected by marriage ties with the alluded to by recent authors."
Någas (the son of Pravarasena I being married to In another paper M. René Grousset points to
the daughter of the Bharaśiva Bhava Naga) succood. corrospondences between the Pala and Sena art of
ed to their heritage and maintained it, until Samudra India and that of which examples are found in
Gupta, by dofoating and killing Rudrasona I, supCoylon, Java, etc. Consideration of the analogies
prossed the dynasty, which, however, regained presented leads him to envisage & diffusion of tho
importance afterwards in the time of the later lator ("Bengali ") art of the Påla and Sens periods
Vâkâtakas. He is also of opinion that the Imperial not loss important than that recognised in tho cases
Guptas took over and carried on the administrative of Gandhåran and Gupta art. It would be intorest.
and cultural system of the Vakatakas. ing, ho adds, if historians of Indian art, instead of The Bharasivas appear to have had capitals 'at considoring the art of India proper, of Central Asia Mathurâ and Campavati (which latter placo Mr. and of Insulinde each soparately, were to deal with Jayaswal equates with Bhagalpur). The dynastic all three simultaneously, showing for cach of the title Vâkâţaka Mr. Jayaswal takes to mean simply schools (Gandhâra, Mathura, Gupta, Pala and Sonn) 'of Vakata'; and this place, Vakåta, he finds in the how their influences had spread to the shores of ancient Brahman village now known as Bågåt, in Turther India.
the north of the Orchha State, some 6 miles east of M. J. Hackin gives a very brief survey, illustrated
Chirgaon in the Jhansi district. by 12 plates, of the more recent discoveries made by
Among the numerous fresh ideas presonted in this tho French archeological mission to Afghanistan at
valuable monograph should be mentioned that of Kakrak and Bâmiân. M. Jean Przyluski discusses
rocognising the era of 248-49 A.D. (commencing the symbolism of the animals sculpturod between
5 Sopt. 218), sometimes called the Traikutaka or the tho whools on the capital of tho Asokan column at
Chedi Era, as the Vakataka Era, established Sarnath with his wonted fertility of suggestion.
probably by Pravarasena I to commomorato the riso The sculptures at Mamallapuram have inspired two
to power of the founder of the dynasty, his father short papers, one by Dr. Vogel suggesting a remini.
Vindhyasakti. scence of classical art, and the other by M. JouveauDubreuil on the "Descent of the Gangos."
This bold, and in many respocts brilliant, essay to C. E. A. W.O. elucidato one of the most puzzling periods of Indian
history will be welcomed by all Indian scholars
interested in the history of their country, as explain. JOURNAL OF THE BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH ing many difficulties that have hitherto defied soluSOCIETY, vol. XIX, 1933.
tion, and as forming a basis for further research, to In the current year's volume of this journal wo be confirmed, modified or amplified as may be found find a most important contribution by Mr. K. P. necessary; and whether the main conclusions be Jayaswal to the history of India during what has accepted or not, rocognition must be expressed of the been described as the dark period,' viz., roughly, wide research and remarkablo aptitude for collating from 150 to 350 A.D., or the period intervening and interpreting scattered items of evidenco shown between the breaking up of the Kuşâna ascendancy by the author. As an example of this may be cited in the north and of the Andhra dynasty in the south the contents of Appendix D, in which is discussed and the consolidation of tho empire of the Imperial the evidential value of the exploration and finds at Guptns. Ly skilfully piecing together and intor. Bhita, the important site to which attention was preting in the light of numismatic, epigraphical and first directed-as in so many cases--by Sir Alexander other evidence the scanty references to be found in Cunningham. certain Purâņas, Mr. Jayaswal now fills this wido
C.E. A. W.O.

Page #235

DECEMBER, 1933]
NEW LIGHT ON CHARLES MASSON
NEW LIGHT ON CHARLES MASSON.
BY FRANK E. ROSS. Among explorers of Asia during the first half of the nineteenth century the name of Charles Masson is by no means the least noteworthy. Historians have noted his work and given him due credit-but have been unable to clear up the mooted question of his nationa. lity. The recent discovery of the Masson MSS. in the India Office at London enables the author to reveal Masson's origin and to fill in several gaps in his career.
James Lewis, for such was Masson's real name, was born in Aldermanbury, Middlesex, England, on February 16, 1800. His father, George Lewis, of London, married Mary Hopcraft, of Northamptonshire, on March 6, 1799. George Lewis became a Freeman of the Needle Makers' Company in February 1799 and a Liveryman of that Company in November 1800.
In 1821 James Lewis enlisted in the British Army and embarked on board the Dutchess of Athol, January 17, 1822, for Bengal. While serving as a private soldier in the Bengal Artillery he attracted the especial notice of Major-General Hardwicke, commandant of that corps, who employed him in arranging the Hardwicke collection of zoological specimens. As a trooper in Captain Hyde's First Brigade of Horse Ar:illery Masson served in the siege of Bharatpur. Shortly thereafter he and a fellow trooper named Potter deserted, July 4, 1826, and went to the Panjab.
Taking the name of Charles Masson, Lewis began a long and distinguished career of exploration and antiquarian research in Central Asia. British officials whom he encountered in his travels were told that his name was Masson and that he was a native of the State of Kentucky, U.S.A. Never thereafter (1826) did he use the name Lewis. His nationality was sometimes contraverted (Asiatic Journal, London, April 1841), but not authoritatively; officials of the East India Company kept their own counsel.
Traversing Rājputānā, Masson entered Bahāwalpur, journeyed to Peshāwar (1827), and through the Khaibar Pass on the high road to Kābul. From Kābul he went to Ghazni, where he interviewed Dost Muhammad Khān, Amir of Kabul. Proceeding to Qandahar, he made a remarkable journey to Shikarpur via Quetta and the Bolan Pass. He then visited the Panjāb, and finally voyaged to Persia via the Persian Gulf. At Beshire (1830) he prepared lengthy memoranda of his travels for the British Resident, printed in George W. Forrest, Selections from the Travels and Journals preserved in the Bombay Secretariat, Bombay, 1906, pp. 103-187.
Proceeding to Urmara, on the Makrān coast, Masson sustained himself by the practice of medicine, until his professional reputation declined, following an injudicious prescription of sea water for a purge. Travelling through Las Bela and eastern Baluchistan to Kalāt, he was the first white man to climb the heights of Chahiltan, near Quetta, whose misty legend he recorded.
During the next few years Masson engaged in archæological excavation and exploration in Afghánistān. By 1834 he had obtained many ancient coins, which he transferred to the Government of India for preservation in the East India Company's museum at London, in exchange for an allowance. Thus financed, he continued his work with notable success, which he described in articles and letters in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Cal. cutta, April, July, 1834, April 1835, January, March, September, November, 1836, Jaruary 1837 and in a valuable "Memoir on the Topes and Sepulchral Monuments of Afghanistan," printed in H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antiqua: A Descriptive Account of the Antiquities and Coins of Afghanistan, London, 1841, pp. 55.118. By 1837 tho Masson collection of coins totalled between fifteen and twenty thousand. It “proved a veritable revelation of unknown kings and dynasties, and contributed enormously to our positive knowledge of Central Asian history” (Thomas H. Holdich, The Gates of India, London, 1910, page 394).

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In 1834 Masson made his peace with the East India Company and became a political correspondent of the Government of India (Parliamentary Papers, Indian Papers, No. 5, 1839, No. 131-II, pp. 19-22; and Masson MSS.). The Governor-General of India recommend ed to the Home Authorities that a pardon for his desertion be extended to Masson" in the event of that individual's fulfilling the expectations which are entertained of him " (Bengal Secret Consultations, June 19, 1834).
In Kibul Masson collected information about Afghan affairs and forwarded it to Government via the Khaibar Pass and Captain C. M. Wade, British Political Agent at Ludhiana). He remained in the Afghān capital until the failure of the Burnes mission, when he returned to India (1838). Burnes he considered a bungler, and he severely criticised the Afghān policy of Lord Auckland, the Governor-General. He resigned the employment that he had long felt to be "disagreeable," "hopeless and unprofitable," and denounced the service of the Government of India as "dishonourable" (Narrative, post, 1842, III, 484, 486).
During the First Afghan War Masson went to Baluchistan, intending to resume his explorations. He arrived at Kalāt shortly before an outbreak against the British occupation, and upon his return to Quetta he was arrested by Captain J. D. D. Bean, British Political Agent, on suspicion of being disloyal and of being a Russian spy (1840). He was treated with brutality, according to his own account. Little food was provided. Once he was given sheep's entrails, "a mess... ...which any dog in Quetta might have claimed for his own" (Narrative, post, 1843, pp. 259-260). Upon his eventual release he returned to England.
In London, where he arrived in February 1842, Masson wrote a Narrative of Various Journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Panjab, 3 volumes, London, 1842, and a Narrative of a Journey to Kalāt......and a Memoir on Eastern Balochistan, London, 1843. The two works were combined and reprinted in 4 volumes, London, 1844. Masson also published Legends of the Afghan Countries, in Verse, with Various Pieces, Original and Translated, London, 1848, and read papers before the Royal Asiatic Society: "Narrative of an Excur. sion from Peshawer to Shah-Báz Ghari" and "Illustration of the Route from Selucia to Apobatana, as given by Isidorus of Charax" (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London, volumes VIII, 1846, and XII, 1850).
Masson's work was peculiarly distinctive and valuable. A shrewd observer of all matters political, economic, scientific, and social, he took the role of an Afghān traveller, clad in native garments. He lived and travelled not with the chiefs but with the people, a manner never since duplicated in Afghānistān and a method which gives "a peculiar value” to his works. There is scarcely a place in the Kābul area which he did not visit and describe. Many of the names and events he mentioned were so unfamiliar to his contemporaries that he was called "fanciful" (Calcutta Review, August 1844, page 449). For many years his work re. mained unchecked, but was finally proven to be "marvellously accurate in geographical detail” (Holdich supra, page 348). Half a century later, after twice invading and occupying Afghanistān, the British authorities possessed no knowledge of the country that they could not have obtained from Masson (Ibid., page 362). For fifteen years Masson was "an irreclaimable nomadic vagabond." His life was constantly in danger. Often he fell among thieves. Once he was stripped of clothes and money and left "destitute, a stranger in the centre of Asia....exposed....to notice, inquiry, ridicule, and insult" (Narrative, supra, 1842, I, 309.10). But if there were hardships, there were also consolations : occasionally Masson paused in his travels to comfort a lonely female in some far away corner of Asia (Ibid., I, 375).
The Court of Directors of the East India Company indicated its approval of Masson's work by a donation of £500 (India Office Collection No. 97,534) and a pension of £100 per annum, beginning in January 1845 (Minutes of the Court of Directors, January 15, 1845) Upon Masson's death in 1853 the Court of Directors gave his widow a donation of £100. (Ibid., March 15, 1854).

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DECEMBER, 1933]
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI
223
WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI
BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL
(Continued from vol. LIX, p. 32) Kaliyuga apazer dițhim tosan ;
Santěn handi ghari dyűthum pasun wáv. Mahazanan bharut bhatta dyúthum na pośdn ;
Kozanan dyúthum myúth maz ta pulav. Páz dithim jath kanan kasan;
Raza-hamsas runan dishim káv. During this Iron Age I found liars prospering;
In the house of the pious I found grief born of poverty. I did not find the good getting full meals;
I found delicious mutton and curry being served to wicked people. I found hawks tearing out feathers from their own ears ;
I found crows pecking at the swans. Kasiri pheryas andi andiy;
Kansi na hitum bränday nav. Jandas yěli hětsam karani paiwandiy,
Téli lokav dupum Nandey ndu. Mana yeli hyrutum, kath gayam banday.
Bu na kénh ta mě kyd nav. Akhir kanh chu na kansi hunduy
Khět zan tsalán prápiun käv. I wandered round Kashmir (doing no work);
Nobody asked my name from the door-step. When I began to mend my ragged quilt (i.e., began to work),
Then people called me by the name of Nand. When I remembered [God) in my mind, my speech stopped.
I am nothing. What is my name ? (nothing). In the end there remains no one attached to any other Just as crows fly away after eating the offering of food [so all depart from
this world). Khev ti mudiy, na ktheu ti mudiy.
Yemi zuvi karinam ziv děh náv. Yimau na khěv yim wanan rúdiy,
Timanay ada dráv Nandey náv. Having eaten food we die ; having fasted we die.
This life called me soul and body, Those who fasted (and) those who lived in forests,
They then were called by the name of Nand. Kodar phalis war-haji ganey
Påtsi-khaney kydh dima lat Hutimatis bhatas worzi-raney
Yiman pántsan che kuniy gat. Grape-seed, a knotty block of wood,
A linen quilt-why should I kick to press (and wash) it! Boiled rice turned putrid, & remarried wife
These five are of the same nature.

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Makka Madin mana gwar, nakha watha chay.
Haqqraf ta tsak már, Sahaza kray haviy teěy. Think in thy mind of Mecca (and] Medina ; this is the shortest way.
Turn to God, kill anger ; the Self will show thee (how to do rightly) an act. Mari dup mě kun " Zuva 1 kyd buwuy? | Kẽmh doh sẽ mê sai đoay đâu. Za zani becháy sodå wdnas;
Su sur ta panas panas gay." The body spoke to me: "O soul ! what has happened to thee?
Thou wert keeping company with me for some days. Two persons sat in a shop of merchandise;
When it was exhausted the two went away." Mo gatsh-Sekhas ta Piras ta Mullas ;
Mo běh gupan palani arkhoras satiy; Mo běh masjidan, jangalan cilas ;
Dam hěth áts kandi Dayas satiy. Do not go to Shaikh and priest and MullA;
Do not feed the cattle on arkhor (leaves); Do not shut thyself up in mosques (or) forests for 40 days (of lonely penance];
Enter thine own body with breath (controlled in communion) with God. sto más máras ta masas ta minas;
Sinuk kuu bodiy sinas tal. Nasaro I žán that Jan-Å farinas;
Ada ho ainas tsaliy mal. Nafsániyat chay nuqsan dinas,
Boviy na at saminas phal. Do not desire Alesh-meat, wine and fish;
The tree of thy chest will fotherwise) get buried under snow. O Nagar ! keep acquaintance with the Creator of life:
Then the dirt will be removed from thy mirror. Selfishness is harmful to religion ;
This land (of selfishness) will not yield any produce. 1 Note:- The play upon the three Persian letters, sín, shin and ain, is noticeablo in this saying. Panay myani tsirivi ago !
Laimay daga tay phulham na záh. Panay myánio há mana setho!
Doha khuta doha chay gani pothân. O my body (that art like) a knotted block of apricot wood!
I gave thee strokes, (but) thou never wert worn out. O my body (that art] sixty maunds in weight !
Thou art adding flesh every day. Note:-A Kashmiri man is equal to der. Phal dher trávit mal dher virtum :
Kal budh ganeyam din kyah ratay. Tiy harda lunam yi sonta wowum :
Sumbrit lagum panas satiy.

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DECEMBER, 1933]
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI
225
Having left a heap of grain, I winnowed a heap of dirt ;
My sense and understanding increased day and night. That I reaped in autumn which I sowed in spring;
Having gathered the harvest [good or bad], it remained with me.
Puz dapana kenh ti no chuney :
Apuz da pana, tawan piyey. Yi krit chi soruy wav ta lon
Yeli kara wuv karay khasey.
By telling the truth nothing will be lost;
By telling an untruth there will be loss. This act is like sowing and reaping
When peas are sown, then peas will grow.
Risi asan natan kresan
Nahaqq râtruc dễm kyệoa rất Katanay waluk; atha dy watan.
Woni kya grasăn chay Riban zát?
The Rishis will pine to get meat.
They wasted day and night for nothing They clad themselves (with cloth] without [the labour of) spinning ; they came
away with their fists clenched (i.e., with money greedily collected). Now, what good feature is there in the nature of Rishis
T səd yud karak, soruy con.
Yi lani dsiy ti anit diyi. Tsa yud karak myon zi myon,
Ada anmutuy cani atha niyt.
If thou hast patience, everything is thine.
Whatever is in thy fate, that will be brought to thee. If thou sayest “ It is mine", "it is mine" (i.e., showest greed),
Then whatever thou hast gathered will be wrested from thy hand.
Sarpas tsalzey astas khandas.
Sahas isalzey krohas tám. Wathawáras tsalzey waharas khandas.
At deka-lênie tsalgi but tâm ?
A snake may be avoided by moving a cubit's length [from it].
A tiger may be avoided by running away a couple of miles (from it). One may escape a devastation for a year.
From Fate how long can one escape ? (There is no way of avoiding one's fate.)
Til trávit labi yus záley
Kayi kazul athan phak. Ak khur wukhali ak khur ndvey
Púr pakit ta pachum tsak.

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Anybody who, having discarded oil, burns blue pine
Will get his body blackened with soot, and his hands will smell foul. [A man with] one foot on the bank and the other in the boat (will run the risk
of being drowned). En By walking towards the East (i.e., towards God) I left anger to the West
(i.e., behind me).
Tathyo! buth tsa kor khasak ?
Kydh bhaya pânuik asak nawey! Dunyaki sukhay kych ratsak ?
Tyut karith lagak moh tápaney; Him zan galak, cakak ta pěk ;
Paiô min zan lagak távey. Beloved! Why shouldst thou disembark !
What fear of the water is there to thee in the boat! What will avail thee the pleasures of the world?
At length thou shalt be exposed to the burning heat of spiritual ignorance ; Thou shalt melt and thaw as snow does ;
In the end thou shalt enter the frying pan like a fish.
Tsa chuk kunuy, nav chuy lacha;
Cani kirti rust ak kacha ti na. Zanam zonum Pohnuy pacha.
Ahara rust thavat macha ti no.
Thou art One, [but] thy names are a lakh (in number);
There is not a blade of grass without (i.e., that does not sing) Thy praise. This life I found (as short as] a fortnight of the month of Poh (December
January). Thou hast not left even a fly without food.
Tshánjám tran bhavanan biyi dati desan;
Neb ta nisan lubmas na kuney. Pritshám ada sadhan biyi tapa risan;
Tim ti buzit lajiyay rivaney. Dab yeli ditum rågan ta visiyan,
Ada Suy mě labum panas nisey.
I searched Him in the three worlds and ten directions;
I could not get a clue or a glimpse of Him anywhere. I then inquired from Saints and Rishis performing penances;
They too began to weep on hearing it. When I gave up desires and passions,
Then I found Him near myself.
Yahay kand záyi ta yahay kand dsey;
Zet pan wolum tula. Jachâm juryám hunari sdssy;
At na här lajim mula. Gom bhangi andar natsun gub gom śwásay:
Gayim kávan donta tsuran pula.

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DECEMBER, 1933)
THE WISE SAYINGS OF NAND RISHI
This body was born and this body will be [in future births) ;
By taking birth I degraded myself. I strove (and) tried by a thousand accomplishments;
It did not cost me a shell. It became like dancing in a plantation of hemp (i.e., useless), and my breath
became heavy; It happened as if crows separated and thieves united.
Yamilny dar lamiksy pon;
Timan don wapun makh. När gos tshela ta kar sapun,
Tati upadán l'al la athan phak.
Whence the timber, thence the wedge (i.e., both are of one and the same nature,
the latter helping to split the former); With these two, the axe was furnished with a handle (to cut the wood itself). The fire got extinguished, and the thing was done (i.e., the split wood was all
burnt). There rubies are found, and a bad smell sticks to the hands. Yemi vdnsi sandhya, tapasyd kar na;
Min ta mamas yas tad pana du, Kyah prov tami utam kula zena 1
T'amis hd sobi na Brahman ndo.
He who did not perform sandhyd [and] austere penances throughout his life;
He who could chew meat and fish, What did he gain by being born in a holy family!
He does not deserve to be called a Brahman.
Yenan vena ta wanan lati;
Kanan lugum pifun wdo. Taalit dyis panani dati
Deoa kuni nerem riti ndo. Ali me luthéo tatili niti
Ritan ti lydhiam dulan do. Mentha is growing on the banks of rivulets, and blue-pine in the forests ;
The wind is playing in my ears. I ran away from my native place
So that I might be called . Risbi.' Here I fared worse than there;
Something wrong has taken hold of the Rishia. Yin andra buda darian galiy,
Tim něbra zariy ta kaliy chiy; Tim toha ndra drdy Sihliy,
Ada timay la'l walaliy chiy.
Those who melt inwardly by pure vision,
They are outwardly deaf and dumb; They came out oool from a fire of chaff,
They, then, alone are precious rubies.

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[DECEMBER 1933
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
NOTE ON A STONE IMAGE OF AGNI, THE GOD OF FIRE, IN THE POSSESSION
OF SIR ERIC GEDDES. BY J. PH. VOGEL, PH. D.
visām rājānam adbhutam adhyaksam dharmanām imam Agnim ile.-Ṛgveda VIII, 43, 24. "Of settled tribes the wondrous king, The warden of eternal laws,
Agni I praise."
In the summer of 1932 Sir John Marshall drew my attention to a piece of Indian sculp ture belonging to Sir Eric Geddes, and, with the owner's permission, afforded me a welcome opportunity to inspect the original, which is preserved at the latter's country seat, Albourne Place, near Hassocks. I here wish to record my indebtedness to Sir Eric Geddes for kindly allowing me to examine the sculpture in question and to make use of it for publication purposes. The excellent photograph reproduced here (Plate I) I also owe to his courtesy. The sculpture is here published for the first time.
According to the information kindly supplied by Sir Eric it must have been about the year 1898 that the sculpture was presented to him by the well-known numismatist, Mr. H. Nelson Wright, I.C.S. (ret.). Concerning the locality from which it originates, Mr. Wright has been good enough to supply me with the following particulars in a letter dated the 10th October 1932:
"I came across it when I was camping as joint Magistrate in the Sirathu and Manjhanpur "Tahsils of Allahabad District, in the cold weather of '94-'95 or '95-'96. I can't remember "the exact findspot, but think it was near Kara in Sirathu Tahsil, though it may have been "near Kosam (Kausambi) in Manjhanpur. I found it lying about in a village, and negotiated "for its purchase."
The circumstance that the sculpture apparently comes from Kosam or from a place near by adds greatly to its interest. Thanks to the researches of Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni, the present Director-General of Archaeology in India, the identity of Kosam with the famous town of Kausambi, first proposed by Sir Alexander Cunningham, may now be considered as established.1 I presume that Kara in Sirathu tahsil is the fort of Kara, where the inscription was found which has contributed to the identification.
The stone sculpture, which on account of its style may be attributed to the 11th century represents Agni2, the Vedic God of Fire. The central figure is characterized as the Firegod by the oval of flames surrounding his head after the manner of a halo. The goat, too, standing on the right hand side of the figure, is the usual vehicle of the divinity in question. The god has a pointed beard, a moustache, elongated ears and a high head-dress, the matted. hair being gathered on the top of the head in the form of a top-knot (Sanskrit jala). This is still a well-known feature of ascetics in the India of to-day. He is dresssed in a single garment, the well-known Indian dhoti, which leaves the upper part of the body bare.
The abdominal development is another noticeable and rather conspicuous feature not uncommon among the gods of the Hindu pantheon. In connexion with such deities as Kubera, the god of wealth, and Ganesa, who is essentially a god of good luck, it is a characteristic requiring no further explanation. In the case of a god like Agni it is not so easy to explain. It may, however, be pointed out that, strange as it may seem, corpulency is sometimes associated in Indian iconography both with asceticism and wisdom.
1 Cf. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for the year 1926 (Leyden 1928), pp. 10-12.
2 Sanskrit agni(8) "fire", the same word as Latin ignis. The sculpture is made of grayish limestone. It measures 2 ft. 5 in. in height and 1 ft. 4 in. in width. The central figure is 1 ft. 9. in. high.

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Plate 1
Indian Antiquary
Image of Agni in the possession of Sir Eric Geddes.

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NOTE ON A STONE IMAGE OF AGNI
DECEMBER, 1933 ]
The ornaments worn by Agni are less compatible with the Indian type of the ascetic or rahi. But they are inseparable from royalty. There exists a close relationship, almost amounting to an identity, between gods and kings. The sculptor, while adorning his deity with the combined attributes of the raja and the rshi, has united in him the types of these two categories which are considered supreme in Hindu society.
229
The prominent abdomen to which we have called attention is supported by a girdle (Sanskrit mekhala). Besides this, we notice a broad decorated band passing over the left shoulder and under the right arm. The meaning of this object is not very clear. At first sight it might be taken to represent the sacrificial cord or janeo (Sanskrit yajñopavita), which is the characteristic emblem of the members of the Brahmana caste. The position of the band in question would agree with this assumption, but not its shape.
The ornaments to which we have referred consist of a necklace, somewhat defaced in front, a long garland hanging down from the left shoulder and thrown over the right hip, and bracelets both on the upper part of the arms and round the left wrist.
The right arm, which is broken off above the elbow, was probably raised in the attitude of protection3. At any rate, the right hand did not rest upon the body, as there is no trace of a break on the latter. The hand may have held a rosary or akşamālā which is sometimes associated with Agni images. The left hand holds a vessel.
The various figures of considerably smaller size which appear grouped round the deity in the centre, are no less curious than the main personage, and, partly at least, more puzzling. The goat, to which we have had occasion to refer, is the ordinary hircine animal, so common in India, with its beard, drooping ears, and small, slightly curved horns. It bears an ornamental necklace; its hind-quarters are concealed behind the legs of its master and were apparently left unfinished by the sculptor.
On the left side of Agni and under his left hand there is the figure of a male worshipper clad in a dhoti and wearing the usual ornaments. His high head-dress is somewhat reminiscent of Bharhut sculpture, although there can hardly be any connexion, considering that the present sculpture must be more than a thousand years later in date. The worshipper is shown with his hands raised and joined in the gesture of adoration. He is purely human in appearance and evidently represents a human devotee of the god, possibly the individual to whose piety the sculpture owns its existence.
The group which we have described so far is flanked by two goat-headed attendants, each of them holding an indeterminate object in his raised right hand, whereas the left is placed on the hip. These satellites wear a dhoti and arm-rings on the upper arms and round the wrists.
The remaining portion of the slab is adorned with six figures or groups of figures symmetrically arranged on both sides of the central image. There evidently exists a close connexion between the four single figures, all of which are shown in a slightly bent position, as if doing obeisance to the god Agni. The two figures above have their hair tied into a knot on the nape of the neck.
The left hand figure holds with both hands, two objects, apparently a sacrificial ladle (Sanskrit sruc- or sruva-) and a vessel of ghee(?) In the case of the corresponding figure on the right these objects are broken and no longer recognisable. Both these personages wear a broad band over the shoulder. The other pair of worshipping figures, somewhat smaller in size, is placed on both sides of the Fire-god about the height of his waist. A very remark
3 The technical name of this gesture (mudra) in Indian iconography is abhaya-mudrā (lit. the gesture of 'no-danger').
4 In the case of the right hand figure it is laid over the left shoulder, whereas the other figure wears it over the right shoulder. In both instances it passes under the right arm.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1933
able feature of the figurine near Agni's left arm is the position of the hands which are crossed. Can it be the attitude adopted by the Indian devotee when offering an oblation to the manes or ancestral spirits (Sanskrit pitaras, lit., 'fathers')5 Judging from this detail, we may perhaps conclude that the four figures last described are sacrificers, possibly representing various forms of the Vedic sacrifice, that to the manes coming last. This assumption agrees very well with the chief function of Agni as god of the sacrifice.
Between the two sets of worshippers, we notice two groups each representing an emaciated bearded person seated on a solid stool or bench, and apparently addressing or teaching a youthful person sitting at his feet. The teacher with his hair tied in a top-knot has the appearance of an ascetic. Round his knees and waist we see the strip of cloth (paryanka) still used by Indian ascetics of the present day. In sculpture it is usually associated with the cross-legged posture.
The meaning of these two groups is not very clear, but it deserves notice that the stool or bench on which the gaunt personage is seated somewhat resembles the Vedic altar (vedi), which is described as being slender in the middle. Hence a maiden with a slender waist is compared by Indian poets to such an altar! Can it be that the ascetic seated on the bench is Agni again as the sacrificial fire and at the same time the teacher of wisdom?
In order to account for the characteristics of the image described above, it will be necessary to give a sketch of the Indian Fire-god according to Vedic and epic literature.
"The chief terrestrial deity [of Vedic mythology] is Agni, being naturally of primary importance as the personification of the sacrificial fire, which is the centre of the ritual poetry of the Veda. Next to Indra he is the most prominent of the Vedic gods. He is celebrated in at least 200 hymns of the Rg-Veda [the whole collection consisting of some 1000 hymns], and in several besides he is invoked conjointly with other deities.
Though essentially a terrestrial god, Agni is sometimes said to appertain likewise to the other two spheres of the Universe. For he is identified both with Sürya, the Sun-god, and with lightning. He is said to be born in the highest heaven, although as the Fire of Sacrifice he is produced by the rubbing together of the two fire-sticks (arani), which are considered to be his parents. He is the kinsman of man, " more closely connected with human life than any other god." He is both the spark of vitality and the goblin-slayer (rakso-han). But his chief function is that of transmitting, in the form of the sacrificial fire, the oblation of the worshippers to the gods. Hence Agni is considered to be "the divine counterpart of the earthly priesthood." He is both the priest and the seer.
In the Ṛgveda "the anthropomorphism of his physical appearance is only rudimentary, his bodily parts having a clear reference to the phenomena of terrestrial fire, mainly in its sacrificial aspects."9 Hence the epithets applied to Agni in the earliest Veda, such as "butter-backed," "butter-faced," "seven-tongued," "thousand-eyed," do not find expression in later iconography. Even the epithet "flame-haired" does not really apply to the sculptural representation, which shows the flame as quite distinct from Agni's hair
5 According to the Vedic ritual the worship of the ancestors requires acts opposed to those practised in the cult of the gods. In the former the circumambulation to the left is prescribed (prasavya), in the latter that to the right (pradakshina).
6 A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 88.
7 Ibid, p. 95.
8 Ibid. p. 96.
9 Ibid. p. 88.

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DECEMBER, 1933 ]
NOTE ON A STONE IMAGE OF AGNI
231
and surrounding his head after the manner of a halo. The character, however, of Agni as the priest among the gods is clearly expressed in sculpture by his general appearance and attributes.
In the Rgveda, the god Agni is likened to, and sometimes identified with, various animals, particularly with a bull, a steed and a winged bird. But it is in the Great Epic that he appears 88 & goat. The explanation given by the American savant, the late Professor E. Washburn Hopkins is that Agni " is fond of women and is an adulterer, and for these reasons, he is presented as a goat ".10 Another explanation which I venture to advance is that up to the present day the he-goat and the ram are the animals generally used as victims in the animal sacrifice, the cow being excluded owing to its sacred character, and the pig on account of its being regarded as unclean. However this may be, the fact remains that in Hindu iconography the goat is both the cognizance and the vehicle of Agni. In the Mahābhārata Agni is called goat-faced (chagavaktra). This is of interest in connexion with the two goatheaded satellites in our sculpture.
Considering the great importance of Agni in the Vedic religion, it may at first secm surprising that images of the Fire-god are so very rare.
In the Calcutta Museum, which contains by far the largest collection of Indian sculptures, I can find only one specimen of an Agni image. It is No. 3914 which was described by Dr. Theodor Bloch as "a statue of Agni, riding on a ram (mepa), with two hands, one of which holds a rosary and the other a kamandalu [i.e., a gourd used as a water-pot.) Agni is represented as a corpulent dwarf, with a beard, and flames all around his body (From Bihar). 1'81' by 111' ".11
The Mathura (Muttra) Museum, too, contains only one example of an Agni figure (Plate II a).13 Here Agni has the usual pointed beard and halo of flames. He stands between two miniature attendants, one of whom has a goat's head. The upper corners of the sculpture are occupied by two garland-carriers hovering in the air. It is a curious circumstance that this image (height 2'7"), before being brought to the Museum, used to be worshipped by the Hindu villagers as the divine seer Nārada. On account of its style it may be assigned to the later Gupta period.
In the Indian collection of the British Museum I noticed two late medieval reliefs of blue stone representing Agni, which both belong to the Bridge Collection (Plate II c. d). In both these sculptures the Fire-god is seated on a lotus-throne. His raised right hand holds & rosary: his left, resting on the left knee, holds a vessel of some kind. He is bearded ; his head is surrounded by flames, and a goat is shown lying at his feet.
What I believe to be the earliest known image of Agni, is & sculpture in the Lucknow Museum (Plate II b), which seems to have been excavated by Dr. Führer and which was subsequently published by Mr. Vincent A. Smith. 18 It is made of red sandstone and measures 2'8' in height. Unfortunately it is badly damaged, the face, arms and legs being broken But there can be little doubt that it must belong to the Kuşāņa period (circa 50—250 A.D.
10 E, Washburn Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 103.
11 Theodor Bloch, Supplement Catalogue of the Archeological Collections in the Indian Museum Calcutta, 1911, p. 90.
12 J. Ph. Vogel, Catalogue of the Archaeological Museum of Mathurd, p. 99. No. D24. 04. Brindave C. Bhattacharya, Indian Images, pp. 278.
13 V. A. Smith, The Jain Stúpa and other Antiquities of Mathurd. Allahabad, 1901, p. 44 pl. LXXXVIII. The museum number is J 123.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1933
Dr. Führer called this image "a statue of Vardhamana surmounted by the Lambent Flc me of Sanctity," whereas Mr. Smith rejects this identification and calls it a "Statue of a boy with aureole of flames." On account of this aureole of flames, the corpulence of the figure and its hair-dross, I feel inclined to interpret it as an early representation of Agni.
Another Agni image in the Lucknow Museum (Plate III a) shows the Tire-god seated on a padmāsana with his goat lying in front of him. This very mediocre piece of sculpture, which measures 2'5' by 1'7", oame from Rudrapur in the Gorakhpur district, and seems to belong to the medieval period. 1*
In this connexion we may also draw attention to a fragmentary medieval sculpture in the Lucknow Museum (no. O 266) which was acquired from Sivadvāra, a village in the Mirzāpur district of the United Provinces (Plate III b). It shows two groups of attendant figures, placed the one above the other. A goat-headed attendant is to be seen in the lower group, while the upper group consists of two emaciated male personages, evidently ascetics, standing with the upper part of the body slightly bent forward and arms held straight down in front of them, crossed at the wrists. On account of these attendants there can be little doubt that the main figure, which is entirely lost, must have represented Agni.
Finally it should be remembered that certain Pancala copper coins belonging to the kings Agnimitra and Bhūmimitra bear the effigy of a standing male figure with a five-fold crest, which has been explained as a representation of the Fire-god Agni. Recently, however, Madame E. Bazin-Foucher has proposed another interpretation. 16 According to her the figure in question is a Näga, or more correctly the Nāga who according to a Buddhist legend related in the Divyāvadāna was the tutelar genius of Northern Pañcāla. The new identification seems very acceptable, and the images of Agni which are reproduced here may be said to confirm it in so far that none of them bears a five-fold crest like the one which characterizes the figure on the coins.
With regard to the scarcity of Agni images, it should be borne in mind that Hinduism, although derived from the Vedio religion, has & pantheon very different from that of the Vedic hymns. In Hinduism the supreme deities are Vişņu and Siva. The ancient Firegod Agni has lost the position which he held in Vedic times. No temples are dedicated to him, and his images are extremely rare.
Although his fundamental character is to be derived from the Vedas, wo shall have to turn to the Epics and Puranas to find a description of his characteristics corresponding to those of the images before us. Thus we find in the Matsya-purāna an account of Agni which answers to our sculpture in almost every detail. It runs: "Let one make the god provided with the sacrificial cord and having a long beard, with a gourd (kamandalu) in the left hand and a rosary in the right, provided with a canopy of flames, and with a goat as vehicle, blazing and standing in the fire-pit (kunda) and provided with seven flames on his head."'16
Other references to Agni from the Puranas or allied sources which will help to elucidate the doubtful points will be extremely welcome.
14 C4. B. C. Bhattacharya, Indian Images, plato XVII.
15 Etudes d'orientalisme publiées par le Musée Guimet à la mémoire de Raymonde Linossier, Paris, 1932. Vol. I, pp. 145-153.
16 Quoted by B. C. Bhattacharya, op. cit., p. 27, no. 4.

Page #249

Plate 3
Lodi
Antiquary
Fig..
Image ot Ayut of bluish basalt. (From Rudrapur, listrict
Comkhpur.) Lucknow Van H. 91.
Fix. b. Relief forraing part of the background of an image of Agni. Early medieval perinc. (From Sivadvāra, district Mirzapur.)
Lucknow mum. In. 266.

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DECEMBER, 1933)
THE SUMERIAN SAOAEA AND ITS INDIAN FORM
233
THE SUMERIAN SACAEA AND ITS INDIAN FORM.
BY B. C. MAZUMDAR. As illustrating the historical significance of the two Hindu social customs noticed in the following paragraphs, I would refer particularly to Professor S. Langdon's paper on "The Babylonian and Persian Sacaea " in the January 1924 issue of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
I begin with a description of the highly interesting custom of yearly rejuvenating, cr rather of securing longevity to the Raja or the ruling prince by observing & magical ceremony, which obtains in the Chauhan ruling houses of Sonpur and Patna in western Orissa. How very ancient this custom is, and how deeply it is connected with what prevailed once in olden days in Persia, should be considered.
On the Dasahra day, which falls on the tenth lunar tithi of the bright fortnight of the lunar month of Aévin at the end of the Devi Paja session of the season, a purohit or Brahman priest in the employment of the Raj family goes out riding a pony with a retinue of men selected for the purpose, declaring that he has become the ruler of the territory. The crowd in the streets hails him mockingly as the Raja, and the priest on the back of the pony, to demonstrate his ruling authority, imposes fines of some easily recoverable amount on this man and that man, according to a pre-arranged method. The mock Raja of the hour then returns to the Raj palace to doff his authority at a sacrificial altar, being jeered at by the crowd when thus returning; when the ceremony is over, the real Raja, or ruling prince, puts on his ceremonial dress and sits upon the Raj gaddi to accept tribute of honour from a large number of representative subjects of the State. That the purpose of this ceremony is to give a fresh lease of life to the ruler in a mysterious, magical way will, I anticipate, be very clear when the ceremony is compared with the old western Asiatic festival of Sacuca.
It may be noted here that the prehistoric Sumerians began their year in the autumn, when the festival of giving fresh life to the king bearing resemblance to the festival of the Chauhan rulers, had to be celebrated. Once in ancient India also the New Year commenced in the autumn. The term varsa meaning a year, is derived from the word tarça, rain and the New Year was once calculated as commencing with the asterism of Avini at the end of the season of rain. When the New Year began in the autumin, the first two months constituting that season were named Isa and Urja ; this calculation of the autumn scacchi by léa (Åsvin) and Orja (Kârtik) still prevails in India.
It was in autumn that the New Year festival was celebrated by the Sumerians, when there was a carnival of the Lord of Misrule,' and men and women were free to indulge in what may be said to be far from moral practices. At the end of this festival, lasting from five to six days, the king had to appear before the priest in a temple and after submitting to some mock blows from the priest, received from him his royal garments and other insignia, te reign over his kingdom afresh. During the five or six days of the festival a pseudo-king was set up; he moved about in the streets with a merry retinue, defying all rules of social decorum and decency. Professor Langdon gives us the report of Strabo and others that this pseudo-king, or 'King of Misrulo' was scourged and hanged on the final day of the festive session, and on the death of that scapegoat, who carried away the evils besetting the king, the latter, as I have mentioned, got a fresh lease of life to rule his kingdom. With a distinct object in view, I note here that I mentional many years ago in my paper on the goddess Durga, 1 that on the 3rd or navami day of the pije singing of obscene songs was once in vogue in Bengal.
Now it is very important to note that at a later period, many centuries before the Christian era, the time for the commencement of the New Year in Babylon and Assyrin was fixed at the commencement of the spring season. Even when this change in the calculation of the year was offected the old time reckoning of the year from the first day of the autumn
J.R.A.S., 1906, p. 355.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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season did not fall into disuse, and in the calendar two New Year's days were set down, one in the autumn and another in the spring, and on both those days the carnival referred to was celebrated. It is also of importance to note that this carnival fixed for celebration in the spring passed from Babylonia into Persia under the patronage of Anaitis or Ankhita.
As the Persian form of celebrating the carnival in the spring strongly resembles our Indian spring festival called Holi, I mention here the widely known fact that our samrat era begins in the month of Caitra, which is the Madhu month, or the first month of the vernal (madhava) season. It need hardly be stated that this reckoning of the New Year from the spring came into vogue in India very long ago, though the term samrat was not applied to the era to start with.
The old Persian way of observing the Sacaea may now be briefly described. When this carnival was celebrated in the spring, the king of the realm only nominally, or rather for appearance sake as observing the rules of the festival, ceased to rule temporarily, and a fool was chosen for the festive occasion as the bogus king. This bogus king, as Professor Langdon informs us, rode naked upon a horse, holding a fan and complaining on the heat. He was escorted by the king's servants and demanded tribute from everybody. Pots of reddened water were carried, with which all were bespattered, and the crowds in the streets enjoyed the fun very much. The people in general, men and women alike, are reported to have enjoyed these days in merry-making and in singing obscene songs, forgetting temporarily the usual moral habits of society. The fool, or bogus king, was bespattered with filth by the people, but he ceased to play the fool at the end of the carnival, and the real king reassumed his duties in a ceremonial manner.
We all very clearly see how our Holi festival agrees with the Sacaea in several details. In many villages in Bengal the practice still survives that a fool is dressed up in a funny fashion and is carried on a litter through the streets, the assembled crowd singing obscene songs and sprinkling reddened water on one another. This fool is called in Bengal Holir Raja, or the king of the Holi festival. It may also be mentioned here that in connection with the Holi festival in Bengal there is a ceremony called medá poda in which there is the symbolical burning in a hut of a lamb, an effigy of a lamb being made of rice paste. Another practice observed in many districts of Bengal should also be noticed. To celebrate the Holi festival an earthen manca is erected with three graduated floors, the top story being made the smallest. Access to the top floor, on which the idol of the presiding deity is seated for purpose of worship, is obtained by a winding staircase. The whole of this carthen manca looks almost like a Babylonian zikkurat in external appearance. It is well-known how throughout northern India the men go along the streets, sprinkling reddened water on everybody, and how they make indecent jokes at the womenfolk assembled by the roadside as onlookers. How there should be such a family resemblance between customs of Western Asia and of India, is not easy to determine.
Now it has to be carefully noted that of our Holi festival, which is so widely popular all over India, we get absolutely no trace either in the Vedic literature, or in the sacred texts of pre-Puråņic days. It cannot be that this festival of such wide popularity came suddenly into existence at some past time when the Puranic cults and practices commenced to come into force. Even though our very early religious works do not recognise it, we cannot but presume, looking to the existence of it in one form or another in all the provinces of India, that the festival with its main features must have been in vogue in India among the common people, while the Rishis and their orthodox successors were not disposed to recognise such vulgar rites. Independent growth of the festival in India and in Mesopotamia and Persia cannot be thought of, since the details are such as could not possibly originate in that manner. What relation, ethnic or cultural, subsisted in the remote past between India and parts of Western Asia, is a matter for serious research in the interest of the true history of our country. Attention need hardly be called to the importance to this inquiry of the results of the recent excavations at Harappa and Mohenjodaro and of Sir Aurel Stein's explorations between the Indus Valley and the Persian Gulf. I do not myself draw any inference from the facts set out above, but leave the question to scholars competent to deal with it.

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Page #254

Plate 6
Indian Antiquary
13,1
1
"NEOLITHIC" FIND-SPOTS
Fig. 14 SHOUL BOREY CELTS
Ar
+
GROUPS I DECEN HI PALA PLAH JL NILIAIS LV MALABAK Y TNCVELLY
"MEGALITHS"
Fig. 15 T
IS
MANTRA
S
PERCENTAGE OF MUSLIMS IN POPULATION
Fig. 15 OLER 50%.
21-50% EXPL!
11-20 6-10%
57. AND UNDEE Note: The contour lines=170oft.

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Plate 4
Indian Antiquary
.
5
BRITISH
MUCHAL
Fig. 2
Fig. 1
.
MARATHA
Fig. 3 THE DOTTED LINE --- INDICATES AREA IN WHICH MARATHI IS SPOKEN
THRUSTS
Fig. 4
DAROWIC
VONMV1
JPUTANI
w
MARATHI
KANARCSES
TELUGU
TULUI
R
MALAYALAM
LAMU
LANGUAGES
Fig. 5
BATTLE ZONES
Fig. 6
Munde sutliers Dravidian
Boundary of "L " lar:
» » "outer"
4.
-

Page #256

Rlate 5
Indian Antiquary
ET
KUSHAN
SUNGA 4.5+
P
V
EXPLMAT H HARAPPA z - ZMOS L- LORALA!
"CHALCOLITHIC
Fig. 8 FIND Sres...... . INDUS VALLEY SITES O
SANCHT - A TRIJUNCTION (9.200 B.C.- 500 AD)
Fig. 7
MD. MOMERJODARO
G- OUNGERIA
.
.
ROMAN COINS
Fig. 9 Berens 70 AD.. ATTER . +
@ CAPITAL CITY T. TANILA P. PLALA UUWAIN 3.SIVAHA BALOLA
MAURYAN INSCRIPTIONS
Fig. 10
A
CHINA
TIBET
ARAB
.
P. PALPUTRA A. AMMA M. MATHERN .. sa
GUPTA IMPERIAL INSCRIPTIONS
Fig. 11
IMPACTS
Flg. 12 More... Te CORTLINEF

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DECEMBER, 1933
GEOGRAPHICAL FACTORS IN INDIAN ARCHÆOLOGY
235
GEOGRAPHICAL FACTORS IN INDIAN ARCHÆOLOGY.
BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A. A trip to India raises two problems : (I) how to get there, and (II) what to do when you arrive.
I. Of the routes to India I need say little ; but an understanding of them is vital to problems of Indian archæology. From Europe you can go by ship (a) by the Red Sea, (b) by the Persian Gulf or (c) you can walk, if you prefer, through Persia. You can start from the Mediterranean or from the Black Sea (Fig. 12).
From China access is more difficult, for the impossible plateau of Tibet intervenes. China has struck westward along the great silk routes which led to Rome, first under the Han dynasty round about the beginning of the Christian Era, again in the 7th century under the T'angs, on the eve of the Arab irruption, and lastly under the late, lamented Manchus. The Chinese never got into India, though they got very near it, but their culture is saturated with Indian influences.
The eastern frontier is as difficult ; true the Burmese and Shans have ravaged Assam, and the Arakanese E. Bengal; but the flow of Indian influence is eastward, penetrating IndoChina and the isles as far as Borneo. The meeting points of Chinese and Indian culture are in Turkestan and N. Annam.
II. Having arrived in India, what is the next step?
British interests in India began with trade. (Fig. 1). Our base was the sea. After several abortive efforts, the Company secured a foothold in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. Calcutta brought us in touch with outlying provinces of the Mughal Empire, Bombay with the Marathās, and Madras with the French.
(1) From Calcutta, we advanced up the Ganges valley to Patna. Our next moves were to Allahabad, where Ganges and Jamunā meet, and up the Doüb to Delhi. Oudh lapsed only in 1856.
(2) In Madras our struggle with the French brought us (i) the N. Circars, centring in the Masulipatam and the Kistna-Godavari delta, and (ii) the domination of the Carnatic. A forty year's struggle ensued with Mysore.
(3) In Bombay we were up agninst a tougher folk, the Marathās, and a tougher hinter. land. Our thrusts were towards Gujarat, Poona and Delhi. Nāgpur lapsed in 1853. !
(4) The Indus valley failed to attract us till after we had boggled our First Afghan War.
The Mughals' base was Kābul (Fig. 2). Their first advance was on Delhi, via Lahore, and down the Doāb to Allahabad. From Lahore they thrust to Multān and the sea, and northwards into Kashmir. From Delhi via Ajmer they got to Gujarat; from Agra through Ujjain to Khāndesh; and from Allahabad into Bengal and Orissa. Then came a pause. The Deccan proved more difficult. They advanced in two stages, first on Ahmadnagar and Berār, then on Bijapur and Golkonda and on to the Carnatic and Masulipatam.
The Marătbă base was Poona, in the heart of the Marāthā country (Fig. 3). Thence they struck south-east as far as Tanjore, where they founded a kingdom ; north into Gujarāt, and through Malwā to Delhi. From Delhi they moved down the Ganges valley and northwest to Lahore and on to Multān. In Nagpur they were in their own country. (Their break through to Orissa was an exceptional military freak.). The states they founded in Gujarat (Baroda ) and Central India (Indore and Gwalior) and the little state of Sandür en route for the south, still survive.
All these 'thrusta' have one factor in common, although they radiated from such different bases (Fig. 4). Their objectives in each case were the centres of population and trade, where wealth accumulates. Of these there are four, in order of size 1. The Gangetic Plain.
3. The Kistna-Godavari delta. 2. The South.
4. Gujarāt.

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Now density of population is dependent on permanent factors, such as fertility of soil, water for irrigation and drainage, a reasonable climate and rainfall. Trade in turn is depen. dent on population, and on other factors, such as accessibility by land or water.
The movements of the British, the Mughals and the Marāhās are typical of all movement, racial and cultural, in India, the objectives and the routes by which they are attained are more or less the same. I say more or less' because all generalizations are ipso facto wrong. In India there are some physical factors which are not permanent, the rivers for example.
The plains of the Indus and the Ganges are covered with almost unfathomable silt. Borings 1,000 feet deep have failed to touch rock bottom. In such a plain the bed of a large river may be twenty or even thirty miles wide, and the river is free to oscillate within these limits. The Indus is the worst offender. I shall not recite the full dossier of its crimes. Its waters at one time flowed into the Rann of Cutch. One fine day it appears to have gone west, near the Sukkur dam. Perhaps it was demoralised by the desertion of its principal consort, the Jamunā, which is proved to have formerly flowed into the depression now known as the HakțĀ.
I shall not dilate upon the causes of this river shifting, a common phenomenon all over India. There is evidence of climatic changes within historic times and before history began, but its interpretation is debated. The hand of man had certainly something to do with it, digging irrigation channels and clearing silt. Deforestation, too, may have been a contributory factor, and rivers are apt to choke their own courses with the silt they bear. But the results are important to the archæologist, for the shifting of rivers involves the shifting of human habitation, and accounts for the deserted cities which are scattered all over the Indus basin and the delta of the Ganges.
Malaria, again, is a factor to reckon with. Of the history of malaria we know little, but we do know that vast tracts of country both in N. and S. India have been thrown out of occupation, even in the past century or two, by its ravages.
But these variations do not invalidate my contention that the routes followed by British, Mughals and Marathās are a constant factor in the genesis and growth of Indian civilization. The general pattern is simple, a sort of distorted 'Z'. Approaching by land from the northwest, the first thrust is through the Ganges valley, the second from Agra (or Delhi or Allahabad) through Mālwā or Ajmer toward some seaport in Gujarat; the third diagonally across the Peninsula towards Madras. Other thrusts, down the Indus valley to the sea, across the Deccan towards Masulipatam, or into the fertile valleys of Kashmir or Central India, are subsidiary. The deserts of Rājpūtāna and the broken country that intervenes between the valleys of the Ganges and the Godavari are avoided, except by refugees, for "the hills contain the ethnological sweepings of the plains”. This pattern emerges in most phases of Indian history and culture.
Consider Languages (Fig. 5). Indo-Aryan speech falls into two main categories, "Inner" and "Outer". Linguistic evidence indicates that the centre of diffusion of the "Inner " languages (the purest form) lies in the “Mid-land " (Madhyadesa) astride the Ganges-Indus waterhead, the home of W. Hindi. Westward and north-westward they pass through Panjābi to the "Outer” languages of the Indus Valley, eastward through the “Mediate " E. Hindi to the “Outer " languages of Bihār, Bengal, Orissa and Assam. But southward (along the middle stroke of the 'Z') they break through the "Outer " ring to the sea (Gujarati), separating "Outer " Sindhi from Marathi.
In Peninsular India, Marathi, advancing south-east (part of the way along the lower stroke of the 'Z') is brought up short by Dravidian resistence. The "Outer " languages of the Indus Valley are up against non-Indian influences, the Iranian speech of Afghān and Baloch, and the Dardic languages which survive from Kashmir to Kāfiristān. In the 'no man's land' between the Ganges and the Godavari pre-Aryan tongues of the Dravidian and Austric families still hold their own.

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Linguistic differences are as significant as linguistic affinities, for the border zones between the chief national languages are also controlled by geographical factors. Thus, the Gangetic plain falls into four main cultural areas (W. and E. Hindi, Bihār and Bengal), each with its own traditions and customs, each with its own groups of capitals, past and present; the Indus valley has three such areas (Sind, the Middle Indus, N. of Sukkur, and the Panjab proper, between the Jhelum and the Sutlej); Peninsular India has five (Maratha, Kanarese, Telugu, Tamil and Malayalam), and on the flanks of the Central Indian uplands are Gujarat and Orissa.
This grouping is reflected roughly in the traditional, but inexact, classification of Brahmans, the Sārasvata, Kānyakubja, Maithila, Gauf and Utkala of Upper India, the Gurjara, Mahārāştra, Karnāta, Andhra and Drāvida of the Peninsula. It is reflected, too, in the Military History of India (Fig. 6.) As the "cockpit of Europe" is Flanders, where the cultural currents of northern and southern Europe converge, so too, the cockpits of India lie in or near where a 'thrust ' impinges on a transition zone between one cultural area and another, 6.9., on the Jhelum, where the thrusts 'from W. and N. Asia emerge through the Salt Range: north-west of Delhi, on the threshold of the Mid-land; and round Agra, where they meet the routes from western India and the Gangetic plain; on the western borders of Bihār, round the gateway to Bengal, on the routes from Gangetic to western India, and on those across the Deccan to Madras.
The distribution of Religions is equally instructive. Early Hinduism arose in the Midland. Bihār, the home of Buddhism and Jainism, lay beyond the “Aryan" pale. Both these religions challenged " Aryan" orthodoxy ; both permeated all India. Buddhism lasted till the twelfth century in Bengal and in the Deccan; today it lingers only in the hinterland of Orissa. Jainism survives in Rājpūtānā, in Gujarat and in the Kanarese districts of Bombay, in S. Kanara, and in a little group of villages on the border of N. and S. Arcot-areas away from the main stream of Indian movement and remote from the land of its birth.
Islâm came to India (a) by land through Persia and (6) by sea. The Indus valley can be got at both ways, and is overwhelmingly Muslim. In the transitional zone of the Panjāb the percentage of Muslims falls below 50, and Hindu influences become active; the resulting compromise is the religion of the Sikhs. Passing into the Ganges plain the percentage of Muslims steadily declines from about 35 in the Sikh country to less than 10 in Bihār; then on the threshold of Bengal it suddenly rises again, culminating in about 80 in the GangesBrahmaputra doäb (Fig. 15). Elsewhere in India the percentage is less than 10, except for a slight rise round certain centres of medieval Muhammadan rule (e.g., Ajmer, Mandū, Ahmadá. bād, Daulatābād, Gulbarga, etc.) and on the west coast, where it jumps to 22 in Broach and 32 in Malabar. In the Marāthā and Tamil country, in Mysore and E. Hyderabad it falls be. low 6, and almost peters out in the coastal plain between Midnapur and Guntur, and the 'no man's land 'that lies behind it, zero being reached in Ganjām.
The trade of Broach and Malabar has been of world importance since the days of Augustus, and the maritime influx of Western influence is borne out by the distribution of finds of Roman coins (Fig. 9), by the settlement of Parsis and Ismailiâs in Gujarāt and Bombay, by the Syrian Christians of Tranvancore and Cochin (with their Pahlavi inscribed crosses) and by the Jews of Cochin.
With this pattern the archælogical evidence conforms, as a glance at the sketch map in the Imperial Gazetteer atlas will show. Roughly India falls into four major cultural divisions, (A) the Indus basin, (B) the Ganges basin, (C) the Central Belt of hills and desert, and (D) the Peninsula,

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A. THE INDUS BASIN.
The modern kingdom of Afghanistan is composite. (1) Herat belongs to Persia; culturally and, through most of its history, politically too. (2) Balkh (Bactria) in the Oxus valley connects up with Central Asia and China. (3) Kabul lies within the Indus basin, and is, like Assam, a cultural annexe of India; it was once a hive of Buddhism, and the seat of a Hindu kingdom. (4) Qandahar, the focus of Afghan power, controls the routes from Persia to India via Kabul and via Multan.
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Baluchistan is shared by the Baloch (of Persian origin) and the Dravidian-speaking Brāhuis. Makran, as a channel of communication, has been practically out of action since the days of Alexander, but in the third millennium B.C. it was fairly well populated, and it linked 'Chalcolithic India with Mesopotamia (Fig. 8). The westward penetration of Hinduism is to this day testified by the annual pilgrimage to Hinglaj.
Under the Achæmenids the Indus valley was Persian. Alexander came to India to assert his rights as a Persian king. Seleucus ceded it to the Mauryas, and when the Mauryas collapsed, the Greeks pushed in from Bactria, to yield it in turn to Parthians and Sakas from Persia. Then from Central Asia came the Kushans, whose sway lasted longer. Their heirs, the Shāhis, hung on to Kabul and Und till the coming of Mahmud of Ghazni, who was by culture a Persian. He annexed Kabul and the Panjab, and Sind acknowledged his suzerainty. His successors lost their Persian possessions to the Seljuks, and were finally pushed off the Iranian plateau by a Turkman raid, which left them only the Panjab. Then came Muhammad Ghori, whose armies smashed through the Indus and Ganges plains to the sea.
Yet the Indus Valley was not 'de-indianized'. The distribution of cultural impacts is not, however, uniform. Four main cultural areas may be distinguished, (1) the tract north of the Salt Range, (2) the Vale of Kashmir, (3) the upper reaches of the Panjab rivers (Central Panjab), and (4) the Indus Valley below the Salt Range (W. Panjab and Sind).
1. In the amphitheatre north of the Salt Range is the densely populated district of Peshawar, which might fairly be called the 'transformer station' in the transmission of cultural currents from Western and Central Asia. Here, on the lower reaches of the Kabul river, Alexander found the city of Puşkalavati. On the eastern rim of the basin was Taxila, with its Indo-Greek city of Sirkap and its Kushan city of Sirsukh, for centuries a centre of Indian culture and of the 'Hellenistic' art of Gandhara. Not far distant at Mansehra and Shahbazgarhi, are the only two Kharosthi inscriptions of Asoka.
The Kharosthi alphabet is an adaptation of Aramaic (the script of Persian officialdom) to the requirements of Indian phonetics. Its use in India, as against the essentially Indian Brahmi, is characteristic of the Indus basin, a distribution which anticipates the latter day rivalry between Persian and Nagari scripts.
The history of the Greek tradition in this area is vividly reflected in the coinage. Already in Bactria the Greeks had been to some extent 'persianized'. As soon as they crossed the Hindu Kush, Indian scripts and Indian languages appear on their coins. The gods remain Greek, though some Greeks, we know, became Buddhists, others Hindus. The Kushāns took up the Greek tradition, and added to it a cosmopolitan galaxy of cults, Iranian, Buddhist and Hindu. On the coins and monuments of the Kushans the process of indianization' can be traced in detail. Kanishka stood forth as the Constantine of Mahāyānist Buddhism; Vasudeva, his successor, was an ardent Saiva. With the decline of the Kushans Taxila waned, and a new cycle began far away in the Ganges plain. Of the rest of the Indus basin little neetl be said.
2. Kashmir, a cultural cul de sac, developed on her own lines the tradition of Gandharan art, evolving a style of architecture which is almost Hellenic in the severity of its ornament, and quite unlike anything to be found in India, Under Muslim rule Kashmir became even

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more eccentric; anything more un-Indian or more un-Saracenic than a Kashmir mosque it would be difficult to conceive.
3. The Panjab is sterile in relics of the past.
4. South of the Salt Range a line of Buddhist stūpas follows the course of the Indus almost to the sea, a faint but quite clear echo of Gandhāra. Hinduism flourished in the ancient city of Brāhmanābād and in the port of Tatta, too; a reflex apparently of the culture of Gujarāt. Sassanian contacts are frequently in evidence, and the cult of the sun, of which Multan was a centre, owed its vogue, perhaps, to Zoroastrian influence. The Arab conquest (711 A.D.), which extended to Multān, cut Sind adrift from Indian life. Of the Arabs nothing of note survives. Under the Delhi Sultanate art revived at Multan, with a Persian leavening which gathered strength till it culminated in the intensively 'persianized' tombs of eighteenth century Hyderabad.
B. GANGETIC INDIA.
The Ganges plain, as already noted, comprises four main cultural areas, (1) the Midland, the home of Western Hindi, (2) a transitional area centring in Oudh, where Eastern Hindi, mediate between 'Inner' and 'Outer' languages, is spoken, (3) Bihar, or rather the area of Bihāri speech, and (4) cast of the salient of the Rājmahāl Hills, Bengal, with extensions into Assam and Orissa.
From Vedic literature it is inferred that 'Aryan 'culture, cstablished in the first instance in the Panjāb, shifted to the Mid-land and then down the Ganges-Jamunā doab, and finally embraced Oudh and N. Bihār. At each stage it grew less like the culture of the Rig-veda, and closer to the India of today; in short, it became 'indianized'. This indianized culture flooded Bengal, Orissa and Agsam and pressed on to Indo-China. Its 'area of standardization' lay between the Sutlej and the western border of Bengal. It saturated Buddhism and Jainism, which re-interpreted but did not repudiate it.
Of the pre-Buddhist culture of this area, except for some scattered finds of stone and copper implements, archæology knows nothing. The earliest datable remains are Mauryan, centring in Bihār, and of them the best known are based on Persian models; in fact, some scholars would postulate a “Magian period of Indian history. But Asoka's free standing pillars differ in many details from their structural prototypes at Persepolig; in short, they are not Persian, but Indian.
On the fall of the Mauryas other centres of cultural activity arose. The history of postMauryan art can be traced at Mathură, in the opposite end of the Ganges plain, or at Sārnāth near Benares. Mathurā was held by the Kushāns : naturally evidence of Kushan influence and and the Greek tradition which the Kushāns carried on is there abundant, mostly Jain, and intensively indianized. But the Kushan tradition is not alone in the field. Another factor, which owes little to Greece or Persia, is operative, crudely at first, but destined to bear fruit in the art of the Guptas, and to crystallize in the curvilinear spires and exuberant decoration of the 'Northern Style' of architecture. Its place of origin we do not know; there are several types of spire, none of which can be assigned to any particular area. Quite possibly they were evolved from the simpler village temples of Bihār, and bent bamboo roofing may or may not be their prototype. The style survives most completely in the temples of Orissa, where Muslims are so few. It extends, with local variations, throughout Upper India, as far west as Sind, into the Bombay Deccan to Pattadkal, within the Kanarese border, to Ganjām on the east (Mahendragiri, Mukhalingam) and even to Himālayan Kängrā. The 'Northern Style', however, and the Hinduism for which it stands, were not alone in the field. Under the longlived Pāla dynasty Bihār and Bengal, distinct as usual, as the ruins of Nālandā and Pahārpur testify, preserved their native Buddhism till the Muslims came.

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With the Muslim conquest the centre of cultural energy shifted to Delhi. The Delhi Sultāns began by building mosques from the debris of temples. Then they set Hindu crafts. men to interpret Islamic forms. Under the early Tughlaqs there was a brief reversion to Islamic purism, but Indian feeling soon re-asserted itself, and the break-away of the lower provinces, Jaunpur and Bengal, involved artistic as well as political independence. The Hindu artists employed by the African Shahs of Jaunpur aimed apparently at novelty and attained it in the Egyptian-like 'propylons' of their mosques. The architects of Muslim Bengal never grasped the spirit of Islamic art, their mosques are ill-proportioned, their decoration overelaborate; the blend of the two cultures is less successful than elsewhere.
C. THE CENTRAL BELT.
The affinities of north Rajpūtānā lie with Delhi, those of south Rajpūtānā with Gujarāt. Malwa and Bundelkhan! are associated in language and culture with the Mid-land; Rewa and the little group of States to the west of it, which constitute Baghelkhand, speak a dialect of E. Hindi. They are in close touch on the north with Allahabad, where Ganges and Jamuna unite, and on the south with the upper reaches of the Narbada and the Mahanadi (the Chattisgarh plain). The Narbada marks traditionally the border between N. and S. India. Across it run the chief routes from Upper India to the Deccan and the sea. Culturally its middle reaches belong to Malwa. It is bounded on the south by the Satpura, Mahadeo and Maikal Hills, a cultural barrier dominated by Dravidian and Munda speaking tribes, which broadens out eastward into the Chota Nagpur plateau. Cross these three ranges, and you are among Marāthās, and Gonds.
The Copper Age culture of the Ganges valley extends oyer the Chota Nagpur plateau and southward into the Central Provinces as far as Gungeria, in Balaghat district, on the watershed between the Narbada and the Godavari. South of this it did not go (Fig. 8).
In the Mauryan period and after, the key positions were Sañchi and Bharhut. Bharhut is in Baghelkhand on an ancient route from Allahabad to Jabalpur. Sañchi lay apparently at the junction of several routes leading from the upper Ganges valley to Ujjain and thence to Paithan and the Deccan or westward to the sea at Broach (Fig. 7). Round Sañchi, where Aśoka carved his edicts, is grouped an instructive series of monuments. The Besnagar pillar is typical; the capital is of Mauryan pedigree, but the shaft is quite un-Persian; it records, in Brahmi characters, its dedication to Vishnu by Heliodorus, a Vaishnava Greek and envoy of King Antialcidas of Taxila at the court of a Sunga king. Near by is a record of the Andhras, co-heirs with the Greeks and Sungas of the Mauryan heritage. Sañchi plainly was the meeting point of Andhra, Sunga and Greek. Sañchi and Bharhut disclose the growth of Indian culture up to Gupta times; and it is in this Central Belt that Gupta art is best preserved (Fig 11). South of the Satpura-Maikal barrier, the Vakatakas took up the Gupta tradition. It was they apparently who passed it on to Ajanta, and from Ajanta the Calukyas, not long after, derived certain Gupta elements in their art.
As already noted, the Central Belt lay within the area of the Northern Style; and it preserves at Khajuraho, Gwalior and other places some of its finest examples. Under the Kalacuris of Jabalpur and Chattisgarh the Gupta and Northern styles were blended. The only part of the Central Belt in which the Muslims won a foothold was Malwa, and here, at Mandu, though not uninfluenced by the decorative taste of Gujarat, they followed Delhi models more closely than any other 'Provincial' school. Of the Gond kingdoms in the south (Mandla, Kherla, Chanda), which held Islam at bay till the eighteenth century, nothing of distinctive artistic interest remains.

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D. PENINSULAR INDIA. Though evidence of a definite chalcolithic culture is wanting in the Peninsula, remains of the Stone Ages and of a 'megalithic' culture are abundant. Palæolithic artifacts of early types and mostly of quartzite occur plentifully on and in the laterite of the Pālār plain behind Madras, and scattered over the Deccan plateau south of the Kistnā ; elsewhere the finds are not so numerous, possibly because they have not been looked for, but the distribution is wide. Neolithic celts of ordinary types are common in the uplands, especially around Bellary, and are also found in the plains, and the 'shouldered' type, characteristic of Malaya, have been found in the Godavari Agency and in Singhbhūm. "Pygmy' flints occur in Sind, Gujarāt, Bundelkhand and elsewhere. But in the present state of knowledge no inference can safely be drawn from these distributions (Fig. 14) of types so standardized.
The 'megalithio' culture, on the other hand, is more specialised, and cultural areas are well defined. Dolmens, kistvaens and stone circles are found all over the Deccan plateau from Nagpur almost to the Nilgiris and in the plains behind Madras. A rather different culture is found in the Nilgiris themselves. In Malabar the graves take the form of rockhewn tombs. Around Madras clay coffins are in fashion, in Tinnevelly urn burials. The grave furniture suggests that all these cultures are connected, and associated coin finds in N. Mysore and elsewhere indicate that the culture was in full swing at the beginning of the Christian era (Fig. 13).
So much for prehistory. The history of the Peninsula dawns with the edicts of Asoka at Girnăr and Sopārā in the Bombay Presidency, Jaugada in Ganjām and at four sites on or south of the Kistna (Maski, Kopbal, Siddhapura and Yerragudi). This distribution (Fig. 10) * suggests routes which follow the 'Z' pattern of other cultural distributions.
Gujarat is traditionally regarded as 'southern', though all but a little of it lies north of the Narbadā. Historically it is associated with Rajputānā, Mālwa and the Deccan. At Girnăr, in KĀthiāwār, are records of Asoka, of the Satrap Rudradāman and of Skanda Gupta. The Andhras, too, held part of it for a time. The coins of the earlier satraps bear legends in Greek, Kharosthi and Brāhmi script (all on the same coin), the Greek being used for transliterating Indian words. Cashtana's successors dropped Kharosthi, and their Greek degenerated into illegibility. These types the Guptas copied for their western provinces, substituting Hindu for Buddhist symbols. Gupta art did not reach so far.
Medieval Gujarăt conformed to the Northern Style', but enriched it with the most exquisite carving in stone. The passion for decoration, which transformed the severe traditions of Mauryan and Kushān into the exuberance of Sáñchi and Amarāvati, in Gujarat attained its highest expression, and had lost none of its vitality when Islām took possession. It is to this that the Muslim art of Gujarat owes its peculiarly Indian charm.
In the rest of S. India, there are five main cultural areas answering to the five chief lan. guages, Marathi, Telugu, Tamil, Kanarese and Malayālam.
1. In the Marathā country the early satraps and their successors, the Andhras, left something more than their signatures in the caves of Nāsik and Kārli. They transplanted there the tradition of Sāñchi and all that lay behind it, a tradition which inspired the sculpture and painting of Ajanta, till the Călukyas established their sway over the greater part of the Deccan and transferred the centre of Deccani life across the Dravidian border to Bādāmi. Centuries later, the Yādavas of Mahārāştra broke away from Kanarese rule, renewed contact with the North and dotted the lava plains with curvilinear towers.
2. As above noted, the Telugu Andhras' hold on Paithan placed them in touch with Sāñchi. In the Telugu country proper their capital was at or near Amarāvati on the Kistnā. Amaravati became a Buddhist centre probably in the second century B.C., and Buddhism

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throve there under the Andhras and their successors, the Ikşvākus. The stūpa was rebuilt or re-embellished more than once, and the sculptures, which now adorn the staircase of the British Museum, belong to its latest phase. Their affinities lie with Gandhāra and Mathurā, and it is probably through Sāñchi that they came. But here that culture struck no deep roots, and did not survive the Cālukyan conquest of Telingāna and its later absorption in the Chēla empire.
3. Meanwhile, in the Pālār plain, the Tamils got busy with rock-cut temples and launched Dravidian' architecture on its long career. Structural experiments soon followed, for the seventh century Pallavas were vigorous and creative, and by the end of the century the * Dravidian' type was established, owing little except its sculptural themes to any other culture. Under the Chõļas the centre of activity shifted to the plain of the Kávēri, and a new phase opens with the great temple of Tanjore. Later developments are rather obscured by wholesale rebuilding under the Vijayanagar emperors, who spread Dravidian architecture all over their Telugu and Kanarese dominions. After them, in the south, the Madurā Nāyakas elaborated the tradition of Vijayanagar; and it still dominates the southern half of the Peninsula.
4. In the Kanarese country, thanks to their geographical position, the Cālukyas of Bādāmi had several cultural alternatives from which they could choose. In and around their capital they experimented with the Ajanta tradition, the 'Northern Style' and that of their predecessors, the Kadambas, but the basic ingredient was Pallara. Then came a break. The Rāştrakūtas took over the Western Deccan (754-973 A.D.), and concentrated their artistic energies on a rendering of Cālukya models at Ellora. Their fall marks a new departure. The restored Cālukyas modified the Pallava tradition on 'Northern lines, and embel. lished it with a wealth of sculptural detail second only to that of Gujarāt. Their heirs, the Hoysalas, brought this new 'Chālukyan Style' to maturity, but it did not survive the destruction of their capital by the armies of Delhi.
5. The Malayālam culture of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore is an unsolved puzzle. The language is closest of all Dravidian languages to Tamil, yet it has the highest percentage of Sanskrit words of any Dravidian tongue, while Tamil has the fewest. The Nambūdris are the strictest Brāhmaṇs in India, and in practice the most unorthodox. It is possible that, secluded from foreign intrusion by the Ghāts, the Malayālis preserve a more ancient type of orthodoxy than the rest of India. The architecture, both Hindu and Muslim, except in the south of Tranvancore, where Tamil models prevail, is unlike anything else in India, and the ncarest parallels are in Kashmir. The archeological evidence is meagre and difficult to interpret, even the Pahlavi of the Syrian crosses. Yet no part of India has been in closer touch with the West.
Of the Deccan Sultanates, Aḥmadanagar and Berār (and the Bahmanis, too, according to Firishta) were of Brāhman origin ; Ahmadnagar, Golkonda and Bījāpur were Shiah; Bidar was Turki, from Georgia. None of them had much in common with Delhi, and, once the tie was cut, they were thrown on their own resources, and on what fresh blood they could import from Persia or Africa. Up to 1400 A.D. the Bahmanis followed Delhi models, due, no doubt, to the wholesale importation of Delhi craftsmen by Muhammad bin Tughlaq in 1329. Then Persian architects were imported, but with the decline of the Bahmanis indigenous influences came into play, for under the later Sultanates Indian craftsmen, Indian clerks and Indian languages were freely used.
The foregoing survey explains to some extent the unity and diversity of Indian culture. Northern India is an area of shifting boundaries. From the Salt Range to the seas there

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KASHMIRI PROVERBS
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is no substantial physical barrier, no clearly defined belt of cultural transition, except perhaps at Delhi and on the threshold of Bengal. In the south the boundaries of Tamil, Marathi and Gujarāti are well defined by wide zones of rough country. Mārāthi is separated from Kanarese and Telugu by the line between lava and gneiss. Only the Kanarese-Telugu frontier is ill-defined.
The geography of Upper India favours uniformity of culture, but the area is too vast for political cohesion; even the Mughals held it together with difficulty. The smaller and better defined geographical units of the Peninsula foster cultural variety and the development of conscious and politically well-knit nationalities. On the other hand, Northern India is open to the impact of foreign influences from the West and Central Asia. Such impacts, whether destructive or creative, reach the Peninsula either from Upper India (at reduced voltage) or by sea ; and the sea-borne impacts are rarely transmitted through the Western Ghats. The direction along which cultural currents travel is governed by permanent geographical factors. Their effect varies with the distance from source and the cultural medium through which they pass; but the medium is sufficiently continuous to ensure that, whatever changes may occur, the product is unmistakably Indian.
KASHMIRI PROVERBS. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR.
(Continued from p. 199 supra, and concluded.) Apis dani mushkil pěni.
A lump of flesh given to a person of low degree is difficult for him [to eat). fi.e., out of vanity he becomes more concerned to display it to others than to eat it himself.) Azmoomut gao povmut.
One [who has been) tested is (easily] vanquished. (e.g., even a proud person is apt to yield to a person who knows his secrets.) Begári ti gatshi bronchui gatshun.
Even to perform impressed labour, it is well to go early. (e.g., an old prisoner may become a warder, vested with authority over prisoners who have come in later.) Begari te gatshi ján páthi karani.
Even impressed labour should be performed properly. (i.6., it should be a first principle in life to perform with all earnestness the work we have to do. Cheniy phar ta gontsluan war.
Vain bragging and twisting of moustaches. (Used in the sense of smart clothes and empty pockets.' Cf. the Hindi, ghar ki kori múches hi můches hain.) Dohay doh chi na hihiy dsán.
All days are not equal. (Cf, Christmas comes but once a year.') Dudarhámyuk hak? [Is it the truth, or is it merely) drift wood of Dudarháma
Note.-Hak has a double meaning here, viz., 'truth,' and 'drift wood.' At Dudarhama, 14 miles north of Srinagar, drift wood is collected in large quantities from
the Sindh river. Jinnas ku-jinn.
A demon met by & more ferocious demon. (Said of & wicked person having to deal with a person more wicked than himself. Cf. the saying, 'diamond cuts diamond.') Kani kar káni ach kathin gilan, Sheth sds shaitan tut kut pilan. The one-eyed made a hard wink with his blind eye, How can even sixty thousand Satans attain to that height ? Kai, kaisur ta machi-těcal dushmane Paighambar.
The dark, the brown-haired and the freckled [is] the enemy of the Prophet.
Explanation.-This saying has reference to Shimar, one of Yazid's generals, who was of this complexion, and who slew Husain, the second of the two sons of 'Ali and grandson

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( DECEMBER, 1933
of Muhammad, on the plain of Qarbalâ ; hence a person of this complexion is reproached as being by nature vile and infamous. Kir gayi tir-yut kamân-kash kash kadės tyút thud wati.
A daughter is like an arrow, (which will reach as high as the archer can shoot it.
Explanation.-The marrying of a daughter to a great man's son depends upon the amount of the dowry that can be given her by her parents. Kakani kakani karahan ghara, amma yürabal-kákani dinak na karana.
The wives of brothers would live (peacefully) together, but the women who meet them at the ghat will not let them. (i.e., these women ever gossip and delight in sowing seeds of discord.) Kúris ta krúļhis chi sáriy khotsin.
All are afraid of the malevolent and the malignant. Me kun zan toe kun wuchan, sháris shor andriy asan.
Looking towards me, [but in reality) looking towards thee, the squint-eyed [is] tainted internally.
Note. Compare with this the Hindi proverb, sau moi phala, hazár men kana, sará lákh men encha-taná, meaning, of persons with leucoma in the eye, only one in a hundred ; of the one-eyed, only one in a thousand ; of the squint-eyed, only one in a lakh and a quarter can be trusted.' Cf. also the Shahâbâd proverb quoted by Mr. Oldham in Folklore, XLI, No. 4, p. 340. Navi nawán ta prani pránan.
The new are hecoming newer, and the old older.
Explanation. This is said, in jealousy, by old servants of new servants, or by children of a deceased wife in regard to their step-brothers and step-sisters. Purmut jinn.
A demon, and literate to boot. The idea being that a wicked person becomes worse if he receives a little education.) Pyud shal gau padar-sah.
A tame jackal is equal to] a lion. (e.g., a servant acquainted with his master's secrets and shortcomings becomes dangerous.) Qiblas kun gayam zanga.
My feet happend to turn towards Mecca.
Explanation.-Muhammadans bow their heads in prayer towards Mecca. To stretch the feet towards that city would savour of irreverence. The saying is used by way of repentance for rudeness towards an elder. Sháyi chukho zi jáyi chukho.
If at home, thou art in the safest] place. (Cf. the English proverb, East or west, home is best '; and J. H. Payne's line, Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home.') Tsúr gav tamácha 'Izrá'il.
A thief is a blow from the Angel of Death. Wanana wanana chu koh táni nashan.
Even a hill is worn away by talking and talking. (Said of a talkative, stingy person). Cf. the English proverb, Constant dropping wears the stone; also the Indian proverb, 'By continual use the rope cuts the curbstone of the well.' Woh ai tshana ta suda kami!
If I leap down (i.e., incur risk), what will be the gain ? (Cf. the English saying, 'Look before you leap.') Yuthuy zuwa tithuy suwa.
As much as I can afford I shall sew (i.e., make clothes to wear). (Cf. the English proverb, Cut your coat according to your cloth'; also the Italian, According to your pose govern your mouth.')

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BOOK NOTICES
BOOK-NOTICES.
BUDDHIST LOGIC: By TH. STCHERBATSKY, Vol. I. Bibliotheca Buddhica, XXVI. pp. xii+ 560. Academy of Sciences of the United Soviet Republics; Leningrad, 1932.
It was my privilege in the September number to review the second volume of this work, containing the translation of the Nyáyabindu and other passages in Indian treatises on logic, which provide the basis for the exposition of the system in this volume; and through the courtesy of the author the latter has been received in time for me to review it. But circumstances beyond my control debar me from attempting adequate appreciation of an epochmaking book, whose theories will be the subject of discussion for many years to come. The labour of a lifetime by a scholar of the first rank in that department of Sanskrit literature, which of all others is the most difficult to comprehend and which has moreover not yet been fully explored, is summed up here and is not to be pronounced on lightly. All I can do is to emphasize a few of the aspects which appear to me specially deserving of attention.
or
First let no one be put off by the title, thinking that a book on logic must of necessity be dry and repellent. For Professor Steherbatsky looks on it as a subject of the greatest importance and succeeds in communicating to his readers the thrill he himself experiences in its study. This I would attribute only secondarily to a gift for setting out his views cogently and attractively, and primarily rather to prolonged hard thought which has enabled him to unravel the leading principles from a mass of tangled comment, and to his knowledge of Greek and modern European thought by which he illuminates his subject with striking comparisons. The method is unquestionably beset with pitfalls. For under the rules governing Indian philosophi cal discussions the fundamental ideas are often not explicitly brought to daylight are bofogged by the use of terms which can be interpreted in more ways than one, so that, as we know from many examples, comparison with European systems may guide us to wrong conclusions. Such a chargo has at times been laid at the author's door with some degree of justification, but, just as ho avoided tendenciousness on the whole in translating the Nydyabindu, so here he shows himself conscious of this danger by indicating points of difference as well as of likeness, and only in occasional passages would I suspect him of reading into his philosophers a meaning they did not intend. The parallels indeed are worked out with such critical acumen, that his book may well exert considerable influence on European thought. For if we accept his views, we must look on Buddhist logic as one of the most original products of the Indian mind, or even as the most original. Dinnâga was, however, too much in advance of his times to make his basic principles generally acceptable to his contemporaries and succeeding generations, and thus it came about that his work has influenced the details of orthodox Indian logic to a greater degree than the lay-out of the system.
The treatment adopted by Professor Stcherbatsky is suited to Buddhist logic in a way that it would not have been to the more involved thinking of the
245
Nyaya-vaiseṣika system. The difference between the two, as he rightly emphasises, ultimately derives from the attention paid by the Buddhists to epistemology. As they took up detailed study of those subjects only which had a well-defined bearing on their beliefs, we must assume that the reason for this is to be sought in the philosophy of their religion. To have accepted the realist views of the Nyaya would have been fatal to their doctrines, and by demonstrating that knowledge expressible in words, whether derived from perception or inference had behind it only the authority of our imagination and did not necessarily correspond to any external reality, they made ready the path for Mahâyâna dogmatics. That logic was applicable only to the samerti plane of knowledge was thus no objection to its practice; na hi sam vrtisopánam antarena tattvaprásádasikharárohanam vipascitaḥ, as they were accustomed to say. Except where this principle of the two planes of knowledge is insufficiently recognised by the author, his arguments seem to me to be in the main conclusive. His explanation of the Buddhist theories on the perceptual judgment, inference and syllogism is novel, illuminating and convincing, epithets which apply equally to his description of their views of negation and relations. Nowhere else for instance are the exact implication of the trairûpya of the middle term so clearly brought out.
But is he really right about the nirvikalpaka form of pratyaksa? The object of perception is stated by Dharmakîrti and Dharmottara to be svalakṣaṇa, and the perception itself is necessarily limited to a point-instant, a kṣana; it is inexpressible in words and conveys meroly an impression of the senses, before the imagination starts to interpret the pratibhása, the image which the sense concerned imprints on that one of the five sensory consciousnesses which is related to it. It is this first instant of perception which alone is effective as being devoid of the aid of the imagination; its action is denoted by the indefinite word, arthakriyd, which is sometimes explained as paramarthasat. The term svalaksana is here translated by the Thing-in-itself, an unfortunate use of a Kantian term, which inevitably brings in associations foreign to Buddhist conceptions; and, basing his exposition on the late Tattvasamgraha (a work, of which we urgently require a good translation), the author concludes that these logicians looked on this part of perception as attaining ultimate reality. Some justification might be seen for this in the fact that the word nirvikalpaka applies also to knowledge that has reached the stage of omniscience, but it is quite certain that Dinnaga accepted the Mahâyâna doctrine of dharmanairátmya, prevalent in his day, according to which the analysis of phenomena into point-instants and dharmas was true for the samurti only and did not represent ultimate reality. In the Nydyamukha (tr. Tucci, 50) he opposes the admánya cognised by inference to the svalaksana apprehended by perception, and the lakṣaṇa, we are told (ib., 53), consists of many dharmas. This reminds me of Aávaghosa's phrase (Saundarananda, xvi, 48) that the elements must be considered sámányataḥ svena ca lakṣaṇena, "with respect to their general and

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specific characteristics." In fact Dinnâga's view is that porception apprehends only the visesas of an object, as opposed to Prasastapâda's doctrine that bare perception, álocanamátra, gives' svarûpa, that is, both the visesas and tho sámánya. The standard illustration of perception in the Nyáyabindu, that of nila, is perhaps significant; for according to the dogmatists the object, visaya, of each sense was divided into a number of primary varieties, nila being one such of rúpa. It looks therefore as if the specific characteristic apprehended by perception consisted of the dharmas making up one of these primary varieties. Arthakriyá again indicates that it is this first moment in perception alone which is effective and that it is so as determining our attitude to the object, whether of attraction or repulsion; it is therefore a correction the Nyâyaj view on this point and is paramarthasat, because on the plane of samurti the point-instant alone is real and everything else intellectual construction. How far later Buddhist logicians developed Dinnâga's theories on this aspect of perception seems to me a matter for further enquiry and on more rigorous lines than those followed by Professor Stcherbatsky, whose views about the thing in itself should for the present be regarded with much reserve.
[DECEMBER, 1933
enough, and nothing is to be gained by discussing the disputed matters, on which his views seem to me demonstrably wrong. But it should be stated clearly that his contention that Asoka was not a Buddhist is definitely incompatible with the evidence now available. If he had suggested on the strength of the edicts that we are mistakenly inclined to see too deep a gulf between Hinduism and Buddhism at that period, his view would have been worth considering; for it is possible to hold that Buddhism was not then regarded as further outside the Hindu fold than, say, the worship of Krsna that must have been already in its early stages. Those who like speculation might even think that in Aśoka's reign Buddhism reached the parting of the ways and took the road which lod both to its becoming a world religion and to its separation from Hinduism with the consequence of ultimate extinction in the land of its origin. I should also point out that no discussion of the Asoka legends is of any value which ignores, as is done here and in another recent publication I have been reading, Przyluski's now famous book on the subject, in which the original authorities are translated from the Chinese and brilliantly interpreted.
The above discussion suggests the one obvious weakness in his equipment, a certain blindness to the historical development of ideas. This is plainly
visible in his attribution to the earliest Buddhism of the dharma theory as set out in the Abhidharmakosa, and equally to my mind in his assumption that the form which the Sâmkhya system took in the classical period was already fully present in its original formu. lation. Buddhist philosophy and logic took many generations of laborious thinking to work out, and we cannot hope to understand either completely unless we are alive to the various steps by which they evolved. But the day for such understanding has hardly arrived yet, and will not do so till all the available texts are published and the higher criticism has been applied to them.
Though I have insisted on a side of the book which rouses a spirit of opposition in me, its real value is not impaired thereby, and I would observe that a work so powerful and so original cannot expect immediate and entire acceptance, and that it has advanced our knowledge to a degree that will take much time for assimilation. Our grateful recognition of the author's achievement will be best shown by a more prolonged critical consideration than I have been able to give it for the purpose of this review. E. H. JOHNSTON, THE MAURYAN POLITY. By V. R. RAMACHANDRA DIKSHITAR. Madras University Historical Series, No. VIII. 10x7 inches; pp. viii, 394. Univer. sity of Madras, 1932. The subject of the political institutions of the Mauryan dynasty is so well-worn, not to say thread. bare, a theme, that nothing that is both new and true about it is to be expected except from specia. lists, and the author of these reprinted lectures, who is clearly no specialist, would have been better advised to keep to the beaten track and avoid con. troversial matter so far as possible. In the passages where he does so, he shows he can write sensibly
Much space is given up in this book to a consider. ation-on faulty lines of the date of the Artha
sástra of Kautilya; as it is evidently not yet realised that there is no hope of arriving at a definite date till much more research has been done, it may be of use to mention those points which are fundamental. Firstly only two quotations in literature are of real importance; that from the Pratijñáyaugandharayana, assuming that the play is by a kavi of the first rank and that therefore it is Kautilya who is the borrower, gives us the upper limit, the author of the play being acquainted with Asvaghosa's Buddhacarita. The lower limit is given by Sura's Játakamálá, but is unfortunately uncertain in its effect (I never said, pace the author, that this work of Sura's was translated into Chinese in 434 A.D.) Next a stringent lexicographical examination is required for words such as pustaka, nirájana, nivi, etc., which seem to belong to a late period; the earliest occurrence of each word in other works or inscriptions should be noted. There may also be words which dropped out of use in a later period. elsewhere should be examined. Thus prakṛti was Further all technical terms and their earliest use evidently borrowed from that Samkhya school, which postulated eight prakṛtis as the primary constituents of the individual. Any cultural indications, such as the use of war chariots, must by considered. Finally, detailed comparison is necesSary of the exact stage of Kautilya's political catogories and legal conceptions. Important work has already been done in this last direction, but with inconclusive results for want of bearing in mind that, while the Arthasdstra is a unitary work, free from extensive interpolation, other legal and political works have had not the same fortune; much The indications at present point to some date in the circumspection is required in drawing conclusions. early centuries of our era, but it would be absurd to be dogmatic till some scholar of encyclopedic
knowledge and sound judgment is prepared to spend years examining the evidence.
E. H. JOHNSTON

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ENCYCLOPAEDIA MUNDARICA. By J. HOFFMANN, encyclopædia contains, for at present there is no in collaboration with A. van EMELEN. Vols. I-VII, means of reference to a particular subject other than A-J. 10X7; pp. xv, 2145. Patna, Govt. Press, reading through the whole vast work or knowing the 1930-32. Rs. 48.
actual Mundări word relative thereto. Of recent years considerable attention has been
R. L. TURNER, directed towards a group of languages spoken by three or four million people in the mountainous and LIVRO DA SEITA DOS INDIOS ORIENTAIS of Fr. jungle tracts between the Deccan and the Ganges Jacobo Fenicio, S.J. Editod with Introduction valley. These are the Mundā or Kol languages. and Notes by JARL CHARPENTIER, Ph.D. 10X 6 Attempts have been made to show their connection in.; pp. civ x 252. Upsala, 1933. with languages further to the east, with which it Fr. Jacobo Fenicio, who laboured in Southern has been alleged they form a so-called Austro-Asiatic India from 1584 to 1632, when he died at Cochin, group. On the other hand J. Przyluski, in a number appears to have been a man of rare intellectual of brilliant articles, has demonstrated that Sanskrit,
attainments and energy. The discovery that a and Indo-Aryan generally, borrowed at some early valuablo anonymous manuscript in Portuguese pre. period a certain part of their vocabulary from lan. served in the British Museum (Sloane MS. 1820) guages of this family. In these circumstances it was was written by him is due to Prof. Charpentier, who rogrettable that so little material concerning those with the help of Fr. G. Schurhammer ingeniously interesting, but rapidly disappearing, languages had traced its authorship. It is this MS. that has now boon collected. Indeed the only considerable col. been carefully edited with a very full historical oud lection was Campbell's Santali-English Dictionary. bibliographical introduction dealing with the growth But in 1929 thore began to appoor tho Santal Dictio. of European acquaintance with India, and particunary of P.O. Bodding, which marks & considerablo
larly with the early travellers and missionaries who advance on that of Campbell. And now, before have left records relating to its religious and social that has been completed, there has come the exhaus. life. An interesting feature of Prof. Charpentier's tive work of Father Hoffmann on a Mundāri dialect researches has been the identification of Fr. Manoel closely akin to Santali. This work, of which half Barradas as the probable channel through whom the has been published, is both dictionary and oncyclo. information recorded by Fenicio reached, and was paedia. The importance of these long articles both
utilised by, Faria y Sousa, Baldaeus and Ildephonsus. for linguist and for anthropologist cannot be over
The notes alono are & veritable mine of biblio. estimated. Not loss important for both is the
graphical information, and the Index enables the volume of illustrations which has already appeared ;
roador to identify many names that appear in nothing so instructive as this has appeared since Sir
puzzling forms in the Portuguese text. Prof. Goorge Grierson's famous pioneer work in his Bihar Charpentier has rightly appraised the value of this Peasant Life. If in the remote past Indo-Aryan
manuscript, and our only regret is that it has not borrowed from the Munda languages, in more recent
been found practicable to append, as originally times these languages have boon penetrated through
projected, an English translation for the use of those and through with the vocabulary of their Indo
not conversant with Portuguese. Aryan speaking neighbours. In many cases Fr. Hoffmann has indicated this, though there remain & considerable numbor of words certainly of Indo
INDIAN HISTORY POR MATRICULATION, by K. P. Aryan origin which he has left unexplained. On the
MITRA, M.A., B.L. 7X 4 in.; pp. x + 365; other hand ho often makes comparisons with the
20 sketch maps and numerous text illustrations.
Calcutta, Macmillan & Co., 1933. Dravidian languages, Oraon and Tamil. Those have
To give within the limits of a little volume like not much probative value: Oraon is an uncultivated language greatly penetrated by Mundi ele
this & connected survey of the history of the conti. ments, while Tamil cannot safely be used by itself
nent of India from prehistoric times down to the
yoar 1932 is a task before which most scholars would in attempting to establish original connection bet. ween Primitive Mundi and Primitive Dravidian.
quail, and Mr. Mitra deserves commendation for the
degree of success attained. The test of such 4 work No such comparisons will have much value until the
lies chiefly in the discrimination shown in tu selec. comparative grammar of tho Dravidian languages is mado.' Singhalese, which the author classes as
tion of matter for mention; and, on the whole, we
think discretion has been suitably exercised in this Dravidian, is of course Indo-Aryan, though it con
respect. The author has endeavoured to deal im. tains a considerable number of Dravidian and espe
partially with the thorny questions of racial and reli. cially Tamil loanwords.
gious differences that have so largely influenced the In a work of this character and of this high scienti.
history of the continent. The book is not a mere fie value it appears out of place to insert homilies on
List of events and dates; continuity of narretive has Roman Catholic doctrine, such as that on Marriage
boen steadily kept in view, and cultural and econoand Evolution, pp. 193-201, especially whon the
mic conditions have also received attention. The cost of production is borne by Government.
illustrations have been well choson. At the present rate of production we may hope for the conclusion of this great work in a comparatively short timo. When that time comes, may L'OEUVRE DE LA DÉLÉGATION ARCHÉOLOGIQUE EN We ask tho editors to place all readers, and especially AFGHANISTAN (1922-1932): 1, Archéologie boud. anthropologists, under & still further debt of grati. dhique, by J. HACKIN. 10+X 74 in.; pp. 79; tudo by adding a detailed index relating to the im- 61 figures. Tokyo, Maison Franco-Japonaise, mengo mass of anthropological material which the 1933.

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M. Hackin gives a brief summary (with references probably mark the situation of this town; but the to the detailed reports hitherto published) of the reasons given do not appear to be convincing. results achieved by the French Archeologicnl Dele.
C.E.A.W.O. gation at various sites in Afghanistan. The volume is illustrated by a number of excellently reproduced BULLETIN DE L'ECOLE VRANÇA 18 D'EXTRÊM plates. These researches were initiated under the ORIENT, Tome XXXI, Nos. 3 & 4. Pp. 355+ 709; expert guidance of M. Alfred Foucher, and continued 83 plates and 40 illustrations in text. Hanoi, by MM. Godard, Hackin, Barthoux and others. 1932. Interest will centre chiefly perhaps round the dis- The perusal of an issue of this fine publication coveries at Bâmiyân and the quantity and character always afforda both pleasure and instruction. of the finds at Hadda (the Hi-lo of Hsuan-tsang) Among the contents of the present number is a paper, some 5 miles south of Jalálkbid (the ancient Nagara- lavishly illustrated by good plates and drawings, by hâra), specimens of which are now on view in the M. J. Y. Claeys on "The Archæology of Siam". Musée Guimet, Paris. It may be said that the which will be of special interest to our readers in stuccos recovered from the latter site have revealed view of the references to Indian influences. The & development of 'Greco-Buddhist ' art of which difficulty of presenting a comprehensive account of the sculptures of GandhAra and Udy na previously the evolution of architectural design in Siam in known to us give no conception. Here we have not enhanced by the invasions of different race to which the traditional, almost stereotyped figures of Gan. the country has been subject. M. Claeys gives dhara, but figures evidently of actual living types- brief historie survey of the varieties of art that are of local rulers perhaps, of the uncultured inhabitants represented in the extant remains. The implementa of the surrounding regions, of 'Scythians' that of neolithic age resemble those found throughout the may have followed . Kadphises or Kanishka, and Indo-Chinose peninsula. The early colonists from possibly of Hunas and even Mongols. Attention is India, who carried with them their religion and cul. drawn to the affinities of certain figures with ture, probably met with aborigines of Indonesian examples of Grecian sculpture in the museums of type, such as are found in modern Cambodia and Europe, and some of the work reminds us forcibly S. Annam. These colonists seem to have come from of Gothic and medieval art. One is tempted indeed the east conet of India, judging from the type of to speculato as to what artistic developments might characters weed in the early inscriptions. From have been achieved in this region had they not been Chinese sources we first hear of the extensive king. suppressed by the inroads and devastations of the dom of Fou-nan; and some idea of its art is probably Húņas, and later of the armies of Islam. Short to be had from certain statues found at Sri T'ep, accounts are given of the excavations at Paitava
ons at Paitaval Primitive Khmer' art was introduced from Kam. and Begram, near the modern Charikar, and of the buja, which absorbed Fou-nan, while about the same sculpture, paintings and fragments of MSS. found in time in the NW. corner of the gulf was developed and around the grottoe at Båmiyan. Here and in what has been called 'the art of Dväravati', which the vale of Kakrak nearby, and again at Dokhtar.i. is exemplified as far north as Lamp'un. The in. Noshirwan, about 80 miles farther north, we meet fluence of Buddhism then becomes marked, and we with much evidence of Sasanian influence. The i notice affinities with the Gupta art of India. From dearth of finds at Balkh and its vicinity has been the 7th century the influence of the Srivijaya power described and explained by M. Foucher elsewhere. is seen, e.g., at sites on the Malay peninsula ; and
characteristics of Indo Javanese and Cham art are MEDIEVAL TEMPLES OF THE DAKHAN, by H. Cou. noticed. Khmer inspiration comes with the western SENS. A. S. I. Imperial Series, vol. XLVIII. extension of Cambodian power from the 10th to 12th 13X 10 in.: pagee iiix 85 ; map, 114 plates and 17 centuries. Meanwhile the T'aie were filtering into illustrations in the text. Calcutta, Govt. of India Press, 1931.
the Monam valley, and in the 13th century had This volume deals chiefly with temples in the
established themselves at Sukhot'ai, Lamp'un and Thana, Khandesh, Nasik, Ahmadnagar, Satara and I C'ieng Mai. It is the school of Sukhot'ai, where Sholapur districts of the Bombay Presidency, in Khmer and T'ai architecture became blended, that Berar and at Aundha in H. E. H. the Nizam's has handed down the classical type of the Siamesa Dominions which date from the period of the image of the Buddha. Thence also developed the Yadava rulers and their feudatorice, to which the architectural and sculptural types now known as term Hemadpanti has been rather indiscriminately
Siamese. M. Claeys points to the architectural applied. The descriptions contain more detail than is given in Burgess's Lists prepared in 1885 and
resemblance between (1) the Mahabodhi temple at revised by Mr. Cousens himself in 1897. Of the
Bodh Gaya and (2) that at Pagan, and (3) the Wat plates, 63 are reproductions of photographs of the
Cot Yot at C'ieng Mai, suggesting that Bodh Gaya templo, etcwhile 5l are plans and drawings of influence paesed to Pagan and thence overland to particular features. Many of the photographs are C'ieng Mai. Incidentally, we notice certain features wanting in definition of detail, which may be due to of the Wat Mahath'at at Savank'alok (v. PI. LXIX weathering and crumbling of the stone (Amygds and Pl. LXXI) that also remind us of the Bodh loidal trap) generally used, or to inexpert photo. Gaya temple, at all events before its "restoration" graphy or perishing of the negative, or perhaps to completed 1884). e.K. the doorways, one above the A combination of these causes. In an Appendix on Puri, the ancient capital of the
other, on two stages, the eight stages of the central Silahāras named in several inscriptions, the site of tower (there were eight tiers of niches above the which has not yet been satisfactorily determined, terrace at Bodh Gaya), and the stone railing that Mr. Courens suggests that remains traceable about a furrounds the enclosure. mile to the north of Marol village on Sålsette Island
C. E. A. W.o.

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INDEX.
Sc. stands for the Supplement The Scattergoods and The East India Company (continued from vol. LXI), pp. 203—278. I.A.V. stands for the Supplement On The Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars (continued from vol. LXI), pp. 103-186.
a in M. I. A. Ve. .. .. .. 1.A.V. 103--109 Ak-eu (Murghåb) riv., 85-88, 91; (Oxu) .. 124 Abhidharma of the Sarvaativading, find of an Alai, valley, silk trado route .. .. 88, 92-94 authentic fragment of the seven pádas of .. 17
Alichur Påmir route .. .. .. .. 88 Abhisekandtaka (attributed to Bhisa) .. .. 99 Alipura of Gupta history, the town of the Ali Ab-i-garm, vil. in Karategin valley .. .. 93
Madrag . . . .. .. .. 119 Ab-i-Panja, riv. (Upper Oxus) .. 82, 85, 87, 199
Alipura (Aripura) and Nalinapura .. .. 204 Abiria (of the Periplus) and the Raptrikas of alphabets, Greek 213; of M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 111-121
Asoka .. .. .. .. .. .. 129 Altai mountains, in the Puranas .. .. 170 Acaram Caram (Port. charão, varnish) Sc. .. 251
Alupa (or Aluve) family of Udayavara, rulers Account of Tibet, an ; the Travels of Ippolito
of Tuluva Desideri of Pistoia, S.J., 1712–1727 edited amarado (of Port, origin) a package, bundle So. 212
by Filippo de Filippi .. .. .. .. 78 Amarna letters, names of gods and of places Acta Orientalia, IX, Pts. ii and iii, 1931 (trang
in the .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 lation of the Uttaratantra in the) .. .. 138
Andhraa (of Asoka inscrips.) 121; suggested XI (1933) Pt. III, notes on Aryan
identity with the N. Andhras.. .. .. 123 Vestiges in the Near East of the 2nd Mil
Amity .. .. .. .. Sc. 221, 239, 273 lenary B.C. .. ..
.. .. 199 - XI (1933), Pt. IV, on The Mithra Ro.
Amoghavara I (Rågtrakūta) date and inligion of the Indo-Scythians and its con
scrips. of .. .. .. .. 134-136 nection with the Saura and Mithra Cults .. 199
Amoghavarqa III (Raptrakuta) .. .. 35, 36, 136 Acton, Francis . .. Sc. 207, 223, 254, 275 Amohini tablet, Mathur .. .. .. 199 Adams, Robt. .. .. Sc. 250, 252, 254, 256 Ambunagara, destruction of .. .. .. 102 Addison .. .. .. .. Sc. 226, 227 | Anandagiri, on the Mandukyopanigad 182, 183, Advaita School, and the Mandakyopanipad .. 181
185, 188, 191--193 Advaita Vedanta, the, in the Seventh Dentury .. 78 Anandatfrtha (Madhya) .. .. .. .. 181 Affleck (Afflack), Gilbert ..Sc. 203, 205, 206, 210,233 Anantacarya, on the féopanigad.. .. .. 205 affricates, and fricatives, initial, of Dravidian Andhra (An-to-lo) .. .. .. .. 165, 166 languages
.. .. .. 141-158 Andhras, Northern, and the Andhras of Afghánistân, Chas. Masson's exploration in 221, 222 Aboka, location of, in the Puranas .. .. 123 Afridis, the, and tho Aparim) .. .. .. 121 Andijân .. .. .. ..
.. 94 aftába (“ofton "), ewer .. .. .. Sc. 215 Angria, pirnte .. . Sc. 216, 222, 254 Ayamasastra and its Kárikds .. .. 190-193 Anne (2-Charlotte), several ships of the name Agha Nuri (Noores, Nunes) morchant Sc. 221,
Sc. 220, 222, 260 222, 232, 259, 270 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology Agha Perez, merchant .. Sc. 220, 270
for The Year 1930, note on contents of .. 77 Agni, god of fire, note on a stone image of 228–232 Anthropological Bulletins from The Zoological Agni, identified with lightning .. .. .. 230 Survey of India. No. I, by B. S. Guha Agni, identified with animals .. . .. 231 end P. C. Basu .. .. .. .. .. 40 ai (diphthong) in M.I.A.Vs. .. I.A.V. 121, 122 Antiochia of Margiana (Merv) .. .. .. 92 Aiyangar, Rao Bahadur, S.K., M.A., Ph.D. Antiquity, vol. VI, No. 23, Sept. 1932, on
Hindu Administrative Institutions in South links between India and Elam .. .. 18
India .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 An-to-lo (Andhra) .. .. .. .. .. 165 Akála varsa (Krana II) .. .. .. .. 135 anusvura, .. .. .. .. I.A.V. 126, 130 Akbar, emp., and RÂo Candrasen .. 29–34 Aornos, of Alexander (modern Ona) .. .. 132 Akbarndma, and the history of Rajputânâ 30, 34 Apabhra msa, retention of rin conjuncts I.A.V. 131

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250
INDEX
Aparårtas (=Aparårtas of Asoka) 125; (mean. 1 aydam (sound in Tamil) 46, 50, 51; (and Sang.
ing of the term) 126; (who they were) .. 127 krit) 52, 53 ; phonetic processes involved in Apardnta (=Western India) .. .. 126, 127 production of .. .. .. .. 54-56 Aparántaka (or Konkara) and Sindhuraja Aynsworth, Rowland (later Robt.) So. 204, 213, 236
101, 102, 104 A paritah ( ? the Afridis)..
. . . . . . 121 aphæresis, in M.LA.Vs. .. .. I.A.V. 145-148 apocope, in M.I.A.Vs. . .. I.A.V. 150, 151 Appayya Diksita, on Madhva .. .. .. 189 Arachosia, and the Sanskrit Hara-ndrika .. 121 a-rója viņaya (of Asoka), meaning of the term
121, 125, 126 Aravidu dynasty of Vijayanagara .. .. 1
Bactria (later Tokharistân) .. .. 82, 92
Badakhshan, Southern route through 82 ; (Tuk. Archæological Atlas of Greater India to be pub.
hâra co.) 83; (Badashan) .. lished by the Kern Institute .. .. .. 99
.. 84, 85, 87 Baddiga-Amoghavarsa III of Kuntala.. Baddig
35–37 Archeological Survey of Mysore, Annual
Badman, Capt. Jos. .. .. .. Sc. 271 Report for 1929, by Dr. M. H. Krishna .. 120! BAcât (in Orchha Stata), and VALATA
Bågå (in Orchha State), and Vakața .. 77, 220 archæology, of Siam .. .. .. .. 248 Bahárak, old capital of Badakhshan .. .. 84 Archæology, Indian, geographical factors in BalakrsnadAsa, on the Isopanisad 205, 206, 208
235—243 Balkh
_ .. .. .. 81, 92 architecture, of Kashmir 238-242 ; 'Northern BallAla III, Hoysala K... .. . 1-3, 11
Style 239 ; Dravidian .. .. .. 242 Ballappa Dapnåyaka (aliya of Harihara I) .. 1,3 Archiv Orientálný, vol. IV, No. 2, Aug. 1932 Bamiyan, recent archæological discoveries (on the god Vippu) .. .. .. .. 17
at
" .. .. .. 220, 248 Arikesarin, 35, 36; (Kesideva, K. of Konkane)
Bandar (wharf) .. .. .. .. Sc. 258 inscriptions of ..
Bandeja (bandana), salver, tray ..
102, 103, 107 ..
. Sc. 240 army, the Hindu, in the ninth century
Bangal and the city of Bangalo . 14
.. 43-45
Bangala, connotation of the word Arrian, his list of northern Indian tribes .. 131
Bangala, Bárld, 'Bangala and Bangala art, early Indian, and Mesopotamian, eto., its
Bangissa (of Pelsaert), Bangash in Kohat and spread to Further India .. .. 219, 220
Kurram, the Bankish,' of Sir T. Roe ... 169 * Ashashu' of Asoka, (correctly Ashurshu, i.e. Bannu (or Banu), and Vanu of Hindu geo in Syria) i .. .. .. 132, 133 graphy .. .. ..
.. .. .. 116 Asia, Western, ancient routes to hellenized Barnevall, Antonio
. . Sc. 232 parts of 81 ; and India, importance of ethnic Barret, Thos. .. . .. Sc. 258,259
and cultural relations between .. .. 234 Bastar State 104 ; and Cakrakotya .. .. 105 Asoka, places and peoplos in the inscriptions batica, (Port. batega, batica, & copper tray) Sc. 212
.. .. 121-133 battle zones in India, distribution of main 236, 237 Asoka as a Buddhist, proclamation of, and his
beathila (betteele), veiling
.. . Sc. 213 Jambudvipa 167–171. See also Inscrip.
Beavis (? Bevis), Arthur .. .. .. Sc. 237
Beck, Sir Justus tions.
.. Aspinall, A., M.A. Cornwallis in Bengal .. 19
Bell, Sir Charles, K.C.L.E., C.M.G. The Reli.
gion of Tibet . 176-178
.. Aspiration, in M.L.A.Vs. ..
39 .. I.A.V.
..
Bemmatturu-durga (mod. Chitaldroog).. .. 2 Assakenoi (of Arrian), an Indian tribe .. .. 131
Bengala, City of ..
. 43-45 Astakenoi (of Arrian), an Indian tribe .. .. 131
Benyon, Bern. .. .. .. .. Sc. 214 Asuga (Sasiprabha) .. .. .. .. 103
Benyon, Mrs. Grace .. .. Sc. 213, 214 Asvaghora, not the author of the Gandistotra 61,
Benyon, Richard .. Sc. 215, 216, 231, 240, 62: characteristics of his style 62, 69; 98, 114, 245
270, 271, 274, 275 Asvalas (the Assakenoi) .. .. .. .. 131 Benyon (8) .. Sc. 219, 220, 221, 249, 253 Atkins, Mr.
.. .. Sc. 248 (Binhao) .. .. .. .. Sc. 231 Atlas, archeological, of Greater India .. .. 99 Bernall, Sigr. Francisco .. .. Sc. 207, 209 Atwill, Mr. . . . . . Sc. 227 Berriman, Capt. .. .. .. .. Sc. 222 au (diphthong), in M.I.A.Vs. .. L.A.V. 125, 126 bozoar-stones, used as an antidote against Aupanişadas, as interpreters of the Upanigada; snakebite .. .. .. .. Sc. 277
in the absolutist ennae .. .. .. .. 78 Bezwada (Dhanakataka) .. .. 165, 166 avidyd (and vidyd), meaning of, in the flopani. Bhadrasva, suggested identification with China. 170
sad .. .. .. .. .. 209–212 Bhandak (old BhadrAvati), suggested capital of Avimdraka (play) .. .. .. .. 98, 118 Daksina Kosala
.. . 163-166

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Bhandarkar, D. R.
100
Hindu Administrative Institutions in South India (book-notice) .. Important Fragmentary Inscription found at Mahasthan (Bogra District) Maháránd Kumbha (book-notice) Bhârasiva dynasty Bharatavarga, location and extent of
123 125, 130, 168-170 .. 95-99,
111-118
Bhasa, thirteen plays attributed to
Bhattacharyya, Benoytosh,
An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism Bhima II, of Vengf, Calukya Bhimadêva II, Calukya, and his foudatory Cauhana Madana Brahmadêva, Kirâdu inscription, dated V.S. 1235, of the time of Bhita, exploration and finds at Bhogavati 103; suggested location of Bhoja of Malwa, patron of Kalidasa
Bhoja, k. of Dhârâ
Bhoja I of Kanauj, other names of Bhoja State, location of ..
Bhojas, the..
..
Bonnell, Jeremy Bonnell, John, (↑ Jeremy) Boone, Chas.
Bibliographie Védique by Louis Renou.. Bindusara, 1.
101-102 202 128 128-129 80 123, 170 Sc. 274 Sc. 203 Sc. 260
Boddam, Capt. Chas. Bolton, Capt.
..
.Bond, Capt. John Bonita, Sc. 205-208; (Bonetta) Sc. 209, 211, 215-218, 220-223, 226-229, 232, 240-242, 245-250, 252, 253, 258, 260-262, 266, 268-272 So. 215, 252-255, 257, 258 Sc. 250 Sc. 204, 213, 222, 229, 237, 239, 273 Sc. 216, 229 Sc. 216, 228, 229, 273 11
..
..
INDEX
177 .. 200 77
..
42 220 104, 105 73
..
..
180 Byqua (a goldsmith)
36
Boone, Capt. Thos. Boone, frigate
Boppa, (8. of Gauta)
Bouverie (Boverie) Bozai-gumbaz, junction of routes at Brahma Sûtras, Sankara on the..
Brahman: eine sprachwissenschaftlich-exegetischreligions-geschichtliche Untersuchung, by Jarl Charpentier Ph.D.
Brahmi script 59; and the Harappa seals 60; compared with other scripts Brampore
214, 215 Sc. 218
Bridgewater..
Britannia
Sc. 207, 208, 223 Sc. 219, 222, 260 Broeke, Pieter van den, his references to
Francis Pelsaert
Sc. 216, 217, 262
85 78
139
Brown, John
158, 159 Sc. 238 Brussells (Sarah) Sc. 235, 236, 261 Buddhism, rise of, in India and Tibet 40; of Asoka, its universal appeal 167, 168; early, the geography of
Buddhist Esoterism, An Introduction to
180 .. 180
Buddhist Logic, by Th. Stcherbatsky Vol. I Buddhist Logic, by Th. Stcherbatsky, Vol. II. Bukka I of Vijayanagara.. Bukkamma, w. of Isvara Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême Orient XXXI Nos. I and 2, Jan.-June 1931 (Cambodian Studies) Bulun-kul, 1.
137
91
burials, different types of, in Peninsular India 241 Burniston, Sarah,.. Sc. 203, 210 Burton, Aug.
Bc. 218
Butland, Mr.
Sc. 200
So. 224, 225
251
245 178 4,-11
6
Cadogan
caffa (Old Dutch) a kind of velvet Cairn pottery, characters of in S. India.. Cakrakotya, and the Bastar State Caksu (Oxus)
123, 124 East
Calendar of The Court Minutes of The India Company 1761-1673 by Ethel Bruce Sainsbury
Câlukyas and the Kadambas 80; of Anahilvåda and Sindhuraja 101, 102; of Vêngi and the Râşṭrakúṭas
Sc. 216, 227, 244, 254
159 60 105
39
135
Campbell, Mr. Camberwell
Mahipala I of Kanauj .. canderin (hundredth part of a tael) Candragupta Maurya and Buddhism Candragupta II and the Kushâns Capelan, the ruby mines district of Burma 'Captain Chinaman' See Chan Younqua. carabas (Pers. garába,) carboys,.. Cardigan
Sc. 246, 259 Sc. 214, 223 201-203 Candakausika of Aryal:semisvara Candapala, k. (hero of the Karpuramañjarî) and 202 Sc. 241 138 205 12-14
Carlisle, brigantine Carnarvan
Sc. 240 Sc. 274
Sc. 263, 271
Sc. 297, 223, 232, 234
Sc. 227 Sc. 204 88, 91 199 Cashaer (of Pelsaert), probably Kishtroâr ..159 caste-system, rigidity of, in the ninth century.. 16 Catherine (Katherine)
Carter, Capt. Roger Cartlitch, Mr. Cascar (Kashgar) Casem (for Scasem)
Sc. 222 Cauhan rulers of Sonpur and Patna, ceremony for securing longevity among..
Cave, Capt. Henry
233 Sc. 221
Cavone di Fantibassi, Etruscan signs from 213, 214 Central Belt, a major cultural division 237, 240 cerebralization, of 1, I.A.V. 151; connection
with r I.A.V. 152; of dentals I.A.V. 151-155 cerebrals, dentalization of I.A.V. 155; in As. I.A.V. 156
samese

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252
INDEX
.. 238
.
Ceylon, Kalidasa in 73; (Tambapani) .. .. 133 Comparative and Etymoloyical Dictionary of Chakmaktin, I. .. .. .. .. .. 85 The Nepali Language, by R. L. Turner, M.C., chaleolithic sites in India..
M.A. .. .. .. .. .. .. 38 Chamberlain (Chamberlayne) Francia Se. 203, Comsha (alias of a Chinose merchant) Sc. 263, 267
205. 208, 209, 227, 248 Concoption, Fr. Antonio della .. .. Sc. 241 Chambre, Capt. Jemes ..
. Sc. 262
confectio alkermes (an astringent medicine) Sc. 276 Chan Younque (Captain Chinaman) Sc. 222,
congo (or congho), a kind of tea Sc. 204, 213 229, 233, 248, 260
conjuncts, in M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. .. .. 129-132 Churlca .. .. .. So. 219, 222, 259, 270
consonante, in M.I.A.Vs. 1.A.V. 126-150 Charlottat . .. .. Sc. 205, 216, 220, 222
change of class of I.A.V. 151-159; Charpentier, Jarl, Ph.D.,
(conjunct) .. .. .. I.A.V. 132-137 Brelmaa: cine Sprach-t ieden.
Constantinoplo, and Romaka ..
.. .. 170 schaftlich-exegetisch-religions-ges.
Cony, Robt. .. .. .. Sc. 265, 267 chichitiche Untersuchung (book-notice) .. 139 Cooke, Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 249, 260 Livro da Soita dos Indios Orientais of Fr.
Cornwallis in Bengal by A. Aspinall .. .. 19 Jacobo Fenicio, S.J.
.. 247
Cossom flower (H. kusum, from the flowor of chatánk (sixteenth part of a ser) . Sc. 263
which a dye is prepared) .. .. Sc. 151 Chetti, Mula Bala, Indian merchant ..
Sc. 274
Court, Sam. So. 217, 218, 240, 258, 259, 271, 274 Chichiklik plateau
89-91
Courtney, John .. .. .. Sc. 256-258 Chick-pan-t'o (Tåshkurghan)
87, 89, 90
Cousens; H. Chien-Chih. T'an.Tan (the Chineso transcrip
Somandtha and Other Mediæval Temples in tion of thy Gandistotra) .. .. .. 61 Kathiawad
.. .. 160 Chihil.gumbaz .. .. .. .. 00, 91 - Mediæval Temples of the Dakhan .. 248 chilanchi (chalemche), brasa basin .. Sc. 215 Coventry .. ..
.. Sc. 253 Child, Sir Robt. .. ..
Sc. 203, 235 Cowan, Robt. .. . . . . . . Sc. 256 China, carly silk trade of .. 81, 88, 91, 92, 94
Cowlo (Chinese merchant) .. Sc. 240, 244 China flower soods.. .. .. .. Se. 204 Cragge, frigato
Craggs, frigate .. .. .. .. Sc. 227 Chinose Recidontally killed, and trouble caused Crampton, Mr. .. .. .. . Sc. 271
thereby .. .. Sc. 243-247, 266-268, 273 crasis (vocal sandhi) .. .. Sc. 120-122 Chitral, routes to .. .. .. .. 84, 85 Crawford, Robt... .. .. Sc. 244-245 Chittagong and the City of Bengals'.. 44, 45 crew potts (crew, obsoleto term for pot) Sc. 225 Cholas and administrative institutions .. .. 100 Crompton, Capt. Marm. Sc. 260, 262, 263, 268 chop, grand chop=license, so called from the Cudgen (Canton morchant) Se. 220, 222, 224 soal (H. chap) stamped thereon .. Sc. 268
Culgo hkfs. (a kind of rich silk cloth) .. Sc. 242 Christiany, Geo...
Cumshaw (merchant) .. .. .. Se. 223 Chi-mi-to (Kumedh)
Curgen ven, Peter .. . humedn)
.. . 92
Sc. 216 . Chunqua (Chounqua), a Canton merchant
cultural divisions of India, four major.. 237-242 Sc. 220, 222, 240
cutch (=catechu) .. .. .. Sc. 251 Chuntuck (with many variants), a viceroy
Sc. 263 Cinas (Sina raco of Gilgit) .. 122, 124, 125 Clark, Ed. .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 245 Cleeve, Mr. .. .. .. Coales, Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 270, 271 Cobaiba, copaive (an oleo resin, obtained from
the trunk of the Copaifera Lansdorfii) Sc. 276 Daberdie, Capt. .. Sc. 257, 259, 260, 273 Cobbe, Rev. R. .. .. .. .. Sc. 258 da Costa, Jos. .. ..
.. .. 226, 250 Cocks (Cox) 100. Sc. 227. 235, 238, 241. 247. 201 Dadiya Somaya, alias Somoya .. .. 1-3, 11 coins, the Masson collection 221; Pafcala cop
Dafdår, vil. in Sarikol valley .. per, and the god Agni 232; Roman 238;
Dakņina Kosala, the extent and capital of 161-166
dancing (stage-dancing) a profession Groek
.. ..
.. 16 .. .. .. .. .. 241 Cojce (KhwAja) George ..
Dandakaranya (applied to Daksina Kosala) .. 166
.. . Sc. 275 Colebrooke, Will...
Daradas (Dards) .. Sc. 218, 244, 245, 269,
.. .. 122, 124, 125 Daraut-kurghan (vil. on the Kizil-eu) .. 93, 94 271, 278
Dardic languages, vowel sounds in I.A.V. 103Collett (Collet), Joseph Se. 209, 210, 216, 217, 228
126; consonants, conjunct, in I.A.V. 132Comparative Tables of Muhammadan and Chris.
150; palatalization, zetacism L.A.V. 151; tian Datcs, compiled by Lt. Col. Sir Wolseley
change of class of, etc. 152, 156, 158, 165, 166 Haig .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 Dards, the .. .. .. .. 122, 124, 125

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INDEX
253
. Sc. 262, 270, 272
Emmerson M
Daridracárudatta (play) .. .. 97, 114
97, 114-118 Dutt, Nripendra Kumar, M.A. Darkôt pass
.. 85 Origin and Growth of Caste in India.. .. 19 Dartmouth .. ..
Sc. 227, 260, 263 | Dvaita School and the Mandukyopanipad .. "181 dates, Muhammadan and Christian, compara
tive tables of .. .. .. .. .. 120 Deane, John ..
Sc. 216 death, in the féopanişad ..
.. 208, 209 Defiance . ..
Sc. 233 De Imperio Magni Mogolis of John de Laet .. 158 de Laet, John, and Pelsaert .. .. de Matt. (al. Mattos) Joio Sc. 211, 215,
220-222, 230, 248, 249, 270, 272 e (short), of E. Hindi .. . I.A.V. 117–120 demities (finely woven cotton fabric) Sc. 242 East India bonds .. . . Sc. 236, 237 Domoro, Philip .. .. .. .. So. 223
East India Company, Calendar of Court Minutes dentalization, of in M.L.A.V. I.A.V. 151
of the, 1871-1673 .. .. .. .. 39 154 ; of other corebrals .. I.A.V. .. 155 East India Company, Chas. Masson's connec
tion with.. dentals in M.I.A.Vs. .. .. I.A.V. 155, 156
.
..
221, 222
East India Company and Foreign Trade Com. Derby .. .. .. .. Sc. 207, 210
missions ..
.. ..
.. Desideri of Pistoia, Ippolito, in Tibet ..
Sc. 214 .. 78
eclipse of the sun in the time of Asoka .. 137 Devaki (w. of Timma Tuluva) .. ..
education, limited to the upper classes in the Devapala (Påla k.) identified with Yuvaraja
ninth century .. .. .. .. .. 16 deva of the Viddha-salabhanjika ..
.. 37 Elam and India ..
.. .. .. 18 Deva RÅya I . ..
, 11 Elizabeth, brigantine
.. Sc. 213, 259 Doya Rêya II, of Vijayanagara
4, 6, 8, 11 Elwick, Nath Sc. 204, 228, 231, 237, 249, 250, Devkûr (fort, unidentified) .. 32, 33
253, 272 Devonshire ..
.. . Sc. 262 Emelia Dhanakataka (modern Bezwada) and Te-naka.
.. Sc. 249 che-ka .. .. .. .. .. 165, 166
Encyclopaedia Mundarica, by Frs. Hoffmann and Dharma, Asoko's international conquest by .. 132
Emolen .. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. 247
Enfield Dharmacakravartin (title of Asoka) .. .. 168
.. ..
Sc. 262
.. .. ..
epenthesis of vowels, in M.I.A.V8. I.A.V. 120-124 Dharmacandra (Indian Buddhist monk) in the
Essex . .. Sc. 223, 226, 238, 239, 261 Pamirs . . . . . . .. .. . 88
Etruscan signs, and Indus basin do. .. 213-215 Dhruvasvâmini, q. (in the Kavyamimdad)..
Études d'Orientalisme, publiées par le Musée 203—205
Guimot à la mémoire de Raymonde Linossier 219 Die Gesetze der Weltgeschichte : Indien, by Hart
Eyles
.. Se. 262, 269, 270, 272 mut Piper .. .. Dikshitar, V. R. R.
The Mauryan Polity .. .. .. .. 246 diphthongs in M.I.A.Vs. .. .. I.A.V. 121-120 disaspiration, in M.I.A.Vs. L.A.V. 171-176 Dixon, Capt. Thos. Sc. 215, 218, 229, 263, 269 Djåwd, II. Jaargang, Nos. 5 and 6 (1931) Fachad's canal,' near Sarikol .. .. .. 86 (general survey of the indigenous industrios
Falconer, Thog. .. .. .. Sc. 270, 271 of Java, Madura, BAli and Lombok) .. 137 Fame .. .. .. So. 253, 254, 256, 257 Dordrecht .. ..
.. .. 159
famine, in ancient India .. .. .. .. 177 Dover ..
.. Sc. 220, 222 Farghana, trade route to .. .. .. 94 Dragon Lake
Farmerio, Kath. .. .. .. Sc. 203, 210 Drake, Mr.
Sc. 249, 250
Fa T'ien (Fa Hsien, & monk of Nalanda, transDraper, Mr.
Sc. 249, 256
literator of the Gandistotra) .. .. .. 61 Dravidian languages, initial fricatives and affri.
Fazackerly Mr. .. .. .. .. Sc. 248
Feake, Sam. .. .. .. cates of ..
.. So. 253 .. .. .. 141-159
Fenicio, Fr. J., Jesuit missionary .. .. 217 Dravidic problems
.. .. 4658
Fenwick, Edw. Sc. 203, 210, 216, 217, 226, Dubois, Mr. .. .. . .. Sc. 248
234—238, 242, 262 Duke of Cambridge
Sc. 213, 255, 260 Fenwick, Eliz. ..
.. Sc. 203, 248 Dùnära Fort (capture of).. .. .. .. 33 Filippi, Sir Filippo do, editor of An Account Durga puja .. ... ... .. ... 233 of Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 79

Page #276

254
INDEX
.. 200
.
..
77
.
.
40
.
Firishta, suggosted untrustworthinose of his Godfrey, Peter Sc. 203, 204, 209, 214, 216, statements .. ..
217, 220, 226–228, 239, 248 Fitzhugh, Capt. .. ..
.. Sc. 210 Goëz, Benodict, in the Påmirs . . 87, 89–91 Fordwick .. ..
.. Sc. 262, 272 Gogull (=H. guggal, a tree producing an Foster, Sir W. Cornwallis in Bengal (book-notice) 19 aromatic gum-resin) .. .. .. Sc. 251 Fou-nan (kingdom)
.. . 137, 248 Golden Mountains (Purahic name for the Fowke, Mr...
· .. Sc. 249 Altai) .. .. .. .. .. .. 170 Fragment of Indian History, (attributed to Gondi language, the secondary h in 56, 58; 141, 145 Pelsaert) .
.. .. 158 Gonds, a Raksasa remnant .. .. .. 80 Frances ..
.. Sc. 227, 242, 243 Göpa Saluva .. .. .. .. 8, 10, 11 Frederick, Thos...
. .. Sc. 210 Gopa-Timma, and Tirumalai Deva .. 8, 9, 11 Froyre, Fr., S.J...
.. 79 Corå Badal of Chitor, suggestion regarding the fricatives, and affricates, initial, of Dravidian name .. .. languages . .. .. .. .. 141-158 Gordon, Capt. John ..
Sc. 239 fula (Port. fula, from Skt. phila), a flower Sc. 211 gorgorans (a ccarse material of mohair wool Pu-li-chih (=Vriji, in N. India, or Somvajji) .. 178 and silk) . .. .. .. Sc. 277
gosces, goshees (flowered silks) .. .. Sc. 225 Goafright, Capt. R. .. .. .. Sc. 262 Govinda IV, Râştrakata k.
35, 36 grado, change of, in M. I. A. Vs. I.A.V. 167–169 Great Påmir lake .. .. .. .. .. 87 Greek coins, in Indus basin .. .. .. 238 Green, Jo. .. .. .. .. ..
Griffin, David .. .. .. Sc. 243-246 Gait, Sir E. A.
Guerra, Fr. João Taveros de Velles, S.J. Sc. 240, 241 Origin and Growth of Caste in India (book-notico) 19 Indian Caste Customs (book-notice) . 140
Guha, B.S., and P. C. Basu, Anthropological Galchas (hillmen of the Oxus region), 83, 87
Bulletins from the Zoological Survey of India,
No.1 .. Garndhâras, of Asoka
.. ..
.. .. ..
.. .. 131
Guigue, (Guique) Fr.
.. Gandhara, of Aboka
.. 131, 132 ..
..
guild, Tamil merchant-guild in Sumatra .. 18 gandi, meaning of the term Gandistotra, edited and translated into English
Guillim, Capt. Wm. .. .. .. Se. 218 61-70
Gujarati dialects .. by E. H. Johnston, M.A., Litt., D...
.. . .
..
I.A.V. 164-166
1. Gariga-Purdtattvarka (book-notice)
.. 200
Gunaka-Vijayaditya III, E. Câlukya k. 135, 136
Gunda (s. of Vaiki Deva) .. 4-6, 10, 11 Ganges basin, a major cultural division 237,
Gunda II 239, 240, cultural areas in
.. .. .. .. .. .. 11 .. .. .. 239 garce (a grain measure) .. .. .. Sc. Gascoyne, Dr. Rt. .. .. Sc. 203, 204 Gauda, early connotation of the name .. 43 Caudajana, (as meaning Bengali speaking people) 44 Gaucapada and the Mandukyopanişad 181-193 Gaudapâda, 78; the name of a teacher, and not of a school .. .. ..
192, 193 Gauta (s. of Mangu Sâļuva) .. 4, 5, 9, 11. goel (earthy, mud-colour, Cf. Pers. gil) Sc. 2772, the Tulu letter .. ..
.. 4650 gelongs (silk crape)
Buddhien
.. .. Sc. 277 , secondary, of Gopdi .. .. .. Geography of Early Buddhism, by Bimala by Bimals
56-58
Hackin, J., Churn Law, M.A. .. .. .. .. 180 L'Oeuvre de la Délégation Archéologique en Geography, Hindu, some notes on names in .. 119 Afghanistan (1922-1932) .. .. .. 247 George, brigantine
.. .. Sc. 259 | Hadda, stucco finds at .. .. .. .. 248 George, Khwaja (Cojoe), merchant ..Sc, 273, 274 Haig, Lt. Col. Sir Wolseley, Comparative Tables Gez, river .. .. ..
of Muhammadan and Christian Dates comGhengiz Khan (or Latsang)
.. 79
piled by- .. .. .. . .. 120 Ghund, riv.
.. 88 | Halebid, and Triparvata of the Devagiri plates 80 Gibbons, Elihu,
.. Sc. 243, 244, 271 Hales, Sir Ed. .. .. .. .. Sc. 228 Gibbe, John
Sc. 274 Hambly (Hamley) ? Peter .. Sc. 235, 247, 261 gilams (gelongs) .. .. Sc. 277 Hammond, Mr...
.. . Sc. 227 Gilgit
hannow, black (? silk from Hanoi) Sc. 204, 232 Goa stones (Gasper Antonio stones, Josuit Hanoi .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 232
stones ; seventeenth and eighteenth contury Hanover (apparently two vessels of this name) medicinal remedy) . . .Sc. 223, 277
$c. 239, 260

Page #277

Haravarga (title of Yuvarajadeva, Pâla k.) Hargreaves, H.
Jainism in North India (book-notice) Harihara I
Harihara II
Harikela (Samatata-Vaiga) Harimà (w. of Tippa Saluva) Hari-varga (Ariana of the Greeks) Harnage, John Harriot (Heriot) Harris, Thos.
Hanson, Mr. (unidentified) Haraiva (or Hariva) and Harivarṣa Harappa, ancient Script on seals found at 60,
..
213, 214 37
Sc. 204-209, 211, 213, 215, 216, 218, 221, 228, 232, 237, 250 Harrison, Ed. Sc. 226, 237 Harry, Capt. John Sc. 211, 222, 229, 232, 240, 242, 243, 245, 246, 252, 257, 259, 260, 268, 273, 275 Hargacarita (in support of the absolutist theory) 79 Hart, Rawson Sc. 259
Hartford, brigantine Sc. 220, 222 Hastings, Francis, Sc. 209, 210, 228, 232, 237, 249, 250, 261 Hastings Sc. 240, 246, 247, 254 Heathcote Sc. 249, 250 hentseni, (of Pelsaert), probably Hind. kañcant, a dancing girl
Henwood, Thos. Heras, Rev. H., S.J.,
The Pallava Genealogy..
Hercules (servant of J. Scattergood) Hermanns, Horr, ..
INDEX
Encyclopædia Mundarica
Holi festival and the Persian Sacaea
Sc. 322 Houghton, Capt. John
170
20 Sc. 275 Sc. 248 Heron, Capt. Geo. Sc. 220, 222, 229, 231 Heuten, Wouter, expedition of 158, 159 Hill, Capt. J. Sc. 217, 227 Hill, Capt. Thos... Sc. 255, 256, 262-266,
Holland, Rich. Hope, John
..
Horden, Mrs. C.
Horden, Rich.
.. 138 1, 3, 11 4, 5, 11
43 8, 11 170, 171 Sc. 216
Sc. 260
Hi-lo of Hsuan-tsang (Hadda)
268, 273 .. 248 Himavarça, limits of 130; and Himatala 169 Hindi, some vowel sounds in I.A.V. 119-126 Hindu Administrative Institutions in South India, by Rao Bahadur S. K. Aiyangar, M.A. Hinqua, Joss, (merchant)
Hiranya, co. (Mongolia ?) Hisâ, route to
Horsmonden, John Houblon (Hublon) Sam:
100 Sc, 224 170 92, 93 Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, by Robert Sewell history, Vijayanagara, dynastic continuity in 1-11 Hittites, names of gods etc., among the 199
219
Hoffmann and Emelen, Frs.,
169 Sc. 266
.. 247 234 Sc. 216, 217 Sc. 253, 273 Sc. 224 Sc. 219, 220, 224, 249 Sc. 233, 234, 238 248 Sc, 204 205, 227, 239
255
Sc. 255, 256, 258, 259, 264-267 House of Austria Sc. 235, 236, 241 Hoysala-Sangama continuity in Vijayanagara.. 1 Hsüan-tsang, in the Pâmîrs 82-84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 169; and Aśoka's kingdom 123-125; on Kosala 161-166, 169; and the Jainas.. 178 Hubbard, Mr. Sc. 249 Sc. 227 Hugonin, Francis Sc. 217, 218, 220, 228-230, 240, 249, 250, 252, 253, 258, 259, 270, 271 Hui-sheng (Chinese pilgrim) 82
Hudson, Capt.
Humâyûn, emp., and Rão Måldeva Hûpas, the
29, 30 101 Sc. 276
..
Hungary water (an essence) Hunter, Capt.
Sc. 204, 227 Hun-t'o-to (of Hsuan-tsang, cap. of Wakhân dist.)
Hunza
Hutchinson, Capt. Wm.
83
86 Sc. 227
i in M.I.A.Vs. Ighizy Ar
I.A.V. 110-114 90 Ilâvrita (the Elamite empire ?) 170, 171 Illustrated London News Feb. 13, 1932, note on a link between Ur and Mohenjo-daro, etc. 18 Immadi Nrisimha 11 incarnate, (scarlet) Sc. 277 India and the East in current literature 17, 77, 137-138, 199 India, Francesco Pelsaert in 158-160 India, and Elam, links between 18; the lunar and solar cults in 175-176; history of, from the 2nd-4th, century 220; and W. Asia, importance of ethnic and cultural relations between .. .. 234 'All India' (Aśoka's empire) 125; ' India Proper,' (Mánavadvipa, Kumáridvipa) 168-169; ancient, famine relief methods in 177; South, administrative institutions in 100; historical inscriptions of 218 Indian archæology, geographical factors in 235-243 Indian Caste Customs by L. S. 8. O'Malley, C.I.E.
Indian History for Matriculation by K. P. Mitra, M.A.
140
247 97 136
213-215
Indian theatre, in the time of Bhasa Indra III, Râstrakuta k.
Indus and Etruscan signs compared Indus basin, a major cultural division 237-239; cultural areas in 238, 239 Indus Valley civilization 77, 213; population of
213

Page #278

256
ingrain (a fast dye) Innes (Ennis) Mr... Inscriptions
Places and Peoples in Asoka's Inscriptions
Aivarmalai
Allahabad pillar of Samudragupta Amoda, of Jajalladeva II
121-133
A Comparison between Signs in the Indus Script' and Signs in the Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum 113-115 Historical Inscriptions of Southern India. 219 Jalor Inscription of the Time of Paramara Visala, dated V. S. 1174
Kirádu Inscription of the Time of Calukya Bhimadeva II and his Feudatory Cauhana Madana Brahmadeva, dated V. S. 1235 .. 42 Important Fragmentary Inscription found at Mahasthan, (Bogra district) The Vikramkhol Inscription (Sambalpur district)
Aiholo
Amodâ, of Prithvideva I, Haihaya
on Amohini tablet, Mathura
Anekere grant of Viraballâla II
Bhandak cave
Bhandap, of Chittaraja
Bidare
Bilhari
Bodh Gaya
Boramdeo temple
Brihadamba temple, Devikapuram Candramaule vara temple, Tiruvakkarai
from Chattisgarh
Chinese, at Sümetash
Sc. 225 Sc. 257-259
.. 199
.. 173
of Aparajitadeva
Arang plate of Bhimasena II
.. 102 164 102, 103, 107
of Arikesarin..
Arsikere, two, of the time of Viraballâja II.. 172
of Asoka (Proclamations) Ataviragollava
at Attirala, Cuddapah dist.
167 38 6 .. 162 . 136
Balaghat, of Prithvishena II
Bångarh, of Mahipala I
Belavila, of the time of Hoysala Narasimha I 173
Benares, of Karna
Betma
37 107
Bhamar Mata temple, near Choti Sâdari
vil., Udaipur State
of Dâdiya Somaya
Deoli of Krona III
INDEX
Devagiri ..
Errakot, near Jagdalpur
of Gopâladeva..
of Gopa Saluva
Gupta, find spots of Hathigumpha, of Kharavela
Kadamba
Kalachuri
Kalvan plates of Yasovarman
58
134
38
204
..
105 .. 105
..
77 163, 164
102, 107 173 37 .. 136
104
7
7
..
.. 162
..
..
41
177
2
35, 36
80
105
104
8
240 123 80
..
**
...
..
888888
..
35, 37, 106
102
from Kâméévar temple, Aragalûr
Kandahår
Kanheri
from Kara fort
from Karda (Khândesh dist.) Karhad (Satara dist.).. Karnata, of Sriranga Râya Khajuraho, of Yasovarman of Krena Deva Raya Loboe Toewa
of Nripatibhûşana
from Paharpur Pallava ..
of Mahârâna Kumbha of Mahipala I of Bengal Mandava Mahal, Chaura Mauryan, find spots of.. of Mayûrasarman Mesopotamian Multâi, of Nandaraja at Nagavanna Perumal temple, Nagar, S. Arcot
of Nandaraja, Rastrakuta
of Narasimha
Nilgunda..
from Ramaswami temple, Ramapuram from Ranganatha temple, Srirangam Ras Shamra tablet
Râstrakuta
Ratanpur, of Jajalladeva I of Ratnadeva II Rúpnath series.. Sanjan .. Sanskrit, two Saundatti
Sinnamanûr (Madurâ dist.)
Sirpur (stone) Sirur
of Tippa Sâluva
of Tirumalai Deva
Tiruvellarai
7
44 134
.. 228 36, 37 35-37 10, 11
203
9
18 .. 200 .. 202 104 238, 239, 241 134 214, 215 134
::::
**
dist...
of Tivaradeva
from Sohagaura
from Somanâtheśvara temple, Melpâdi Somavamál, from Sambalpur.
Śringêrî matha..
Tamil
..
..
Irân, ancient routes to
Irkesh-tam (Russian frontior station)
Ishkâshm and Kishm
5,6
.. 134
5, 6 .. 135 105 178
100 7 9
..
..214 35, 36 37, 105, 106 106 .. 167 135, 201 137 134, 135
38 162 134, 135 .. 177 7
..
from Tiruvirattâneévara temple, Cuddaloro
162 .. 1, 3
3, 100 5, 6
8, 9
38
7 165 .. 137 135
Uruvupalli
Vêmalurpadu, of Ammarâja II from Venkatesvara Perumal temple, Tirumala Vijayanagara
Viraṭṭânêsvara temple, Tiruvadi
6
6
9 81 94
82-84; 199

Page #279

INDEX
257
..
84
ster
..
Sc. 237
...
.. 137
Isopan ipad, a critical study of .. .. 205–212 | KAfirs (Skt. Lampdkas).
129 Tavara Nayaka (son of Timma).. 6, 7, 10, 11 Kakrak, recent archaeological discoveries at .. 220
Kalachuris, and Retrakūtas 35, 37; of Ratan. pur . .
.. 106 Kala Panja (Wakhan) .. .. Kalidasa, doath of 73; and Bhasa .. 97, 98 Kambhojas, the .. .. .. .. .. 129 Kamboja of Asoka 130, 131 ; and Kabul
.. 130
Kao Hsien-chih, Chinese general .. 85. S Jackson, Jos. ..
Kapolan (Capolan) other variants of the name.. 12 Jackson, Capt. Peter Sc. 228, 235, 236, Karachi district, pro-historic sites near .. 77
238, 241, 261 Kare-tegin tract (Kunidh)
92-94 Jagattunga II, Rastrakata k. .. .. .. 136
karmayoga, in the flopanigad .. .. .. 205 Jahangir's India .. .. .. . 158, 159
Karnabhdra (play).. .. ..
.. 118 Jaimint Bhdratam (a Telugu work), and Saluva
Karnatae, and Mahipala I of Kanauj .. .. 203 history .. ..
KArtikeya (k. in the Kdvyamimdrsd, suggestod . Jainism in North India 800 B.C.-526 A.D.
identifications of) .. .. .. 201-205 by Chimanlal J. Shah, M.A. .. . .. 138
Kashgar 81 ; & trade centre 94 ; and Marco Jam budvipa, extent of ..'
.. .. 128
Polo .. .. .. 88; 85, 86, 89-94 Jambudvipe of Asoka ..
• .. 167-171
Kashmir, traditional connection of Asvaghopa Jánaksharana, of k. Kumaradása
. .
with 62 ; 68; birthplace of Nand Rsi 73
215, 216 Japan, and Wakwa ..
Kashmir, & cultural cul de sac .. .. 238, 239 Jardin, Capt. Villamont du. See Villeaumont. Kashmiri language, palatalization and zetacism
in Jayaswal, K.P.
.. .. .. ..
1.A.V. 159
Kashmiri proverbe Some Notes on Names in Hindu Geography .. 119
71-76, 194-199, 243-244
Kashmiri riddles .. Jennings, Wm. .. ..
.. . .. Sc. 215
.. 21-28 Katharine (Catherine)
.. .
.. Jerusalem Sc. 215, 218, 220—222, 228,
Sc. 220, 222 230, 248, 270, 272
Kaubambi, identified with Kosam (Allahabad dist.) . .
.. . Jesuit missions to Tibet .. .. .. 79
.. 228 Jesuits' bark (cinchona, quinine) . Sc. 276
Kdvyamimdrhed, identification of k. Kartikeya Jim utavahana (mythical Vidyadhara prince).. 104
in
.. .. .. .. .. 201-204 Jodhpur, and Rio Candrasen .. .. 29-31
Kawardha State .. John, ketch .. .. So. 235, 257, 260,273
Kaya Deva (SAluva)
.. 11 Johnston, E. H.
Kemeys, Capt. R.
Sc. 236, 250 Gandistotra, edited and translated into
Kena Upanigad ..
205, 211 English by-..
. 61-70 Kont, Mr. .. ..
.. .. Se. 242 Die Gesetze der Weltgeschichte Indien (book
Kebideva (Arikeserin) ..
.. .. 102 notice)
Ketumala (suggested identification with Asia Bibliographie Vedique (book-notice).. .. 80 Minor) .. .. Random Notes on the Trivandrum Plays
Koyra varga (title of Yuvarajadeva, Kalachuri k.) 37 95—99; 111-118 Khandut (site of the ancient Hun-t'o.to)
83 Brahman: eine sprachwissenschaftlich-exege
Kharapurlavara temple, Tiruppakadal tisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung.
Kharopthi records, finds of .. .. .. 17 (book-notice).. ... .. .. .. 139
Khasa and Saks ... .. .. .. 201, 204 Buddhist Logic, vol. II (book-notice) .. 178
Khórok (Russian hdqrs. on the Oxus) .. . An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism (book.
Khottigadeva, Rastrakta .. notice) .
Kilik pass .. .. ..
..
86 .. 180
. ..
. Buddhist Logic vol. I (book-notice).. .. 245
King, Hez. .. ..
. Sc. 256, 273, 275 Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research 80
King George So. 214, 260, 266, 256, 258, ciety, vol. XIX ..
. .. 220
262-266, 268, 270, 273, 275 Judith (Wirtemberg) .. . . Sc. 236
King William
.. .. . Sc. 216 Kinnara, Kimpuruga varga (the Tibetan region ?) 170 Kirantia (KirAtas) of Nepal .. .. .. 122 Kishm (for IshkAshm) .. .. .. .. 199 kittisols (sun-shades) .. .. .. sc. 242 Kizil-su or Surkh-Ab (the red river')..
.. 92
Kiz-kurghân, the maiden's fort Kabul, early Chinese mission to 82 ; suggested Kokeha (Vardoj) riv. . ..
identity with the ancient Kamboja .. .. 130 | Kokkaalls I (lord of Trikalinga).. 37, 135, 130 Kadamba Kula, The, by G. M. Moraes, M.A. .. 80 | Kök-moinak pees .. .. .. ..
.. 104
.. 170

Page #280

258
INDEX
Kök-torok pass .. ..
.. 86 Kol (or MundA) languages
.. 247 Komédoi mts. .. ..
92, 93 Koigoda (Kung-yü t'o).. ..
.. 165 Konkaņa (Aparantaka).
101, 102 Koh ker, date of foundation of .. .. .. 137 Kosala (Uttara Kosela, Oudh)..
.. 161 Kosala (South) Sindhurdja's conquest of .. 104 Kosalas, the . ..
.. 101 Koshun-kór (Påmire) .. .. .. .. 86 Kottakonda, siege of ..
. .. 4 Krishna, Dr. M. H. Archaeological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report for 1929
.. .. .. 120 Krsoa II, the Râstrakūta, on the reign of 134-138 Krena III, Rästrakůta, 35, 36, date of .. 134 Krena Deva Rêya .. .. .. 5, 9, 11 kaitekie (of Pelsaert), (=Hind. ketaki) the Pandanus odoratissimus ..
.. .. 160 Kulûta, kingdom S.E. of Kashmir Kumira and Kartikeya (synonymous).. 201 Kumaradása, k. of Ceylon, and Kalides .. 73 Kumaragupta I .. .. .. .. Kumåridvipa (=India propor) .. .. .. 168 Kung-yü-t'o (Kongoda) .. Kuninda (Pulinda) .
.. 121 Kuntala .. .. ..
.. 101, 102 Kuraishi, M. H. List of Ancient Monuments Protected under
Act VII of 1904 in Bihar and Orissa .. 119 Küranarayana on the sopanişad .. .. 211 Kurus and Uttarakurus . . . Kughans and Ramngupta Kyat-pyin (Kyêtryinlan) and Capelan..
Law, Bimals Churn, M.A., Geography of Early Buddhism
.. .. .. .. .. 180 Logg, John
.. . Sc. 213, 214 letters (double letters, consonants) L.A.V. 127, 128 Lewis, Rev. G. .. So. 205, 206, 226, 235, 236 Lima (Lemo) Capt. Manoel de .. .. So. 231 lines of 'thrust' within India, thoir objectives 235 Lists of Ancient Monuments Protected under
Act VII of 1904 in Bihar and Orissa by
H. M. Kuraishi B.A. .. .. .. .. 119 literature, India and the East in current 17,
77, 137-138, 199 literature, Sanskrit, gleanings from .. 14-17 Little Karakul, lake .. .. .. .. 91 L'Oeuvre de la Délégation Archéologique en
Afghanistan (1922-1932) by J. Hackin .. 247 London . Sc. 218, 221, 222, 228, 229,
271, 272, 275 Long, Rev. C. ..
.. Sc. 216, 217, 239 Long: Dr. .. .. .. .. .. So. 230 longevity, ceremony for ensuring it for Cau.
hån rulers of Sonpur and Patna . .. 233 lorcha (a small vessel used in the China coasting
trade) .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 241 Lord of Misrule' (Sumerian carnival) 233, 234 Lovell, Jog. ..
. . Sc. 263, 271 lunar cult in India .. ..
175, 176 Lusitania .. Sc. 215, 218, 220, 222, 228,
229, 233, 239, 253, 260, 270, 271, 273 Lyell .Se 247, 254, 262, 268270, 272, 273 Lyon .. .. .. .. 8o. 254, 272
.. 171
Macclesfield
Sc. 227, 238, 248 Machuk (=H. mechak), sulphate of antimony
Sc. 251
Mackett, Capt. w. .. .. .. Sc. 262 Lake Victoria ..
Mackmath, Capt. J. .. .. So. 220, 222, 223 Lal Děd, The Wise Sayings of (from vol. LXI. Mâdalia (Bhil chieftain) and R&o Candrason .. 31 p. 16) ..
Madana Brahmadeva, Cauhậna feudatory of Lalla-Vakydni (The Wise Sayings of -Lal Děd) Calukya Bhimadeva II
108–111 Madeiros (also written Madera, Maderas) Capt. Lampdkas (Kfirs) . .. .. .. 122 Luis de .. .. .. So. 218, 241, 259 Lano, Laurence .. .. .. .. Sc. 233 Madhvacarya (Anandatirtha) and the Man. Langar, in Oxus valley .. .. 83, 85, 86 dúkyopanigad 181, 188, 193; and the fabricaLangar-Kisht, Russian post at .. .. 84, 87 tion of evidence .. .. .. 189, 190 langungos of India, the main, thoir distribu Madras, the, and Uttara-Madras .. .. 122
tion .. . . .. . 236, 237 Madura, Sinhalese invasion of .. .. .. 38 Laportash, Mr. .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 264 Mods (Macedonian merchant) and Pamir trade Lárika (Prakrit rendering of Radtriku) .. .. 128 routes .. .. . .. .. 92-94 Larike of Ptolomy.. .. .. .. .. 129 Magha nakpatra, an insuspicious period for Larkana district, prehistoric sites near .. 77 travel .. .. .. .. .. Lathikas (Råstrikas) .. .. ..
.. 128
Mahabharata and Jam budvips .. .. .. La tsang (Chengiz Khan, Elouth Tartar ruler Mahakosala , k. of Uttara-Kosala ..
of Tibet) .. .. .. .. .. 79 | Maha-kosala, co. (Dakpipa-Kosala) . .. 161

Page #281

Maháráná Kumbha: Sovereign, Soldier, Scholar by Harbilas Sarda
..
Maha-Rastra, in Daksinapatha Mahasthân, ancient Pundranagara, find spot of a fragmentary Mauryan Brahmi inscription ..
Mahavira, and Jainism
Mahidhara, on the 1éopanisad
to
Malla Devi, w. of Harihara II
..
Mahipala, and Kartikeya of the Kávyamimámsá, suggested identifications of the king referred
Mallikarjuna Raya Maitrayana, on the féopanisad
Mangu, s. of Gupda, Saluva general Mánavadvipa (India Proper) Mándükyopanisad, and Gaudapâda Manipura (a Naga capital) Manston, Dr.
MSS., Skt., important finds of MSS. the Masson ..
::
INDEX
..
200
129
177 .. 138 210
Markham (Morcom) Mr... Bc. 258,
Mânyakheta (Râşṭrakûţa cap.) Mara and his hosts in the Gandistotra Marco Polo, in Wakhan and the Pamirs 84, 87, 88, 91; 199 Marianas ( Marianne or Ladrone isle.) Sc. 231, 232 Marinus, geographer 92, 93 259, 265 239, 249 Sc. 217 Sc. 227 125 29-31 Sc. 228 Sc. 260, 263
Marlborough
Sc. 238,
Sc. 271 Sc. 213, 248 Sc. 256 221, 222 85 73
maund, (man) of Kashmir Mauryan Polity, The, by V. R. R. Dikshitar Mayduna Somaya
201-205 4, 11
Martin, Capt. Ed.
Martin, Mr.
Maru (Zend Mouru), and Merv
Marwar, history of Mary
Mary Ann, brigantino
Mary Anne galley.. Massey, Ch.
Massey, Ed.
Masson, Charles, new light on Mastůj, riv. Matara, in Ceylon, murder of Kâlidâsa at Mathews (probably Thos. Matthews) Sc. 272 Matsya Purana, and Jambudvipa 168, 169 Maubert, John Sc. 216, 219, 222, 226, 235, 255, 259, 270 224 246 1, 2 Mayurasarman (Brahman founder of the Kadamba
dynasty)
Mazar-i-Sharif, trade centre
Mazedo, Capt. Francisco Cordoza de
::
8, 11 211
4, 5, 11 168 181-190 106, 107 Sc. 242 17 221, 222 135, 136
..
62-70
Sc. 220, 222, 231, 232
Sc. 218
Mead Rich. jun... Medapoda (a Holi pújá ceremony in Bengal).. 234 Mediaeval Temples of The Dakhan, by H. Cousens.. Medieval India: Social and Economic Conditions by A. Yusuf Ali, M.A... .. 140 131, 169 92, 125
Meru (Mêros)
Merv, co.
120 93
248
Mesa-samkranti
Mesopotamian art
171-174 219 metathesis, in M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 183-185 meynsel (of Pelsaert Hind mainsil), red sulphide
of mercury
.. 160
Mid-Asia, in the Puranas
Middleton, Will. Mildmay, Wm. Ming-taka pass Misenor, Capt. J.
.. 170 Sc. 259 Sc. 278
Mitanni, the names of gods and of places
Indian History for Matriculation
Mlecchas and Dharma
among
Mithila, revenue collection in
... 199 14 Mithra religion of the Indo-Scythians and its connection with the Saura and Mithra cults
Mitra, K.P., M.A.
Mongapatnam (of Pelsaert) probably Mungipattan, on the Godavari, famed for fine cotton fabrics...
Mongolia and Buddhism Monmouth..
Montagu, Monro, Duncan
Moraes, G.M., M.A., The Kadamba Kula
.. 247
Mocha factory
.. 168 Sc. 237
mofferi (of Pelsaert), Pers. mufarrih, an intoxicating drink
Mogok (hd. qrs. of the English Ruby mines Company) .. 13, 14 Mohenjo-daro, date of levels at 18; and Ur, links between 18; ancient script of 59, 60, 213, 214
259
86
Sc. 217
..
Trikalinga)
Mughals and Râjpûtânâ
Mukhalingam (site of cap. of Kalinga) Munda (or Kol) languages Murghab (Ak-su) riv. mûri (moorees), blue cloth
..
199
..
160
Sc. 236, 250 Sc. 238, 239 Sc. 241
Moreland, W.H., C.S.I., C.I.E.
O Oriente Português, No. 1. Dec. 1931 (booknotice) Medieval India: Social and Economic Con ditions (book-notice)
Francisco Pelsaert in India O Oriente Português, April, July, October, 1932 (book-notice) .. 180 Morrice Sc. 217, 227, 241, 242, 244 Morrice (Morris), Arthur, jun. Sc. 244 Morse, Dr. (author of The E. I. Co., trading to China) Sc. 243, 248, 258-260, 262, 263,
268, 271, 274 Mount Imaus, old station at 92, 94 Mountney, Nath. Sc. 238, 239, 248 Mourant, Fr., 8. J. Sc. 264 Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala (conqueror of
159 40
80
20
140 158
37 29-34 164, 165
247
85, 86, 88 Sec. 223

Page #282

260
INDEX
Muslims in India, percentages of, in different Broag
.. 237 Muztagh-atâ massif
Nuniz, on Saluva history Nysa, city.. ..
.. ..
6, 9,'TO .. 131
.
..
89,91
o in the M.I.A.Vs. .. .. .. I. A.V. 122-124 Oadham, Catosby .. .. .. Sc. 218, 229, 240 Oldham, C.E.A.W., C.S.I.
India in Current Literature .. .. .. 19 A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary
of the Nepali Language (book-notice) .. 38 n. n, changes in M.I.A.VS . I.A.V. 165-157 A Calendar of The Court Minutes of The East Nága (probably a Rak gasa subdivision) .. 60 India Company 1671-1672. (book-notice) 39 Någa Ksatriyas ..
The Religion of Tibet (book-notice) . . 40 Nagari pracariņi Patrikd vol. XIII, Pts. 1 and
India and The East in Current Literature .. 77 2, 1932, on the Bhårasive and Vakataka Panoramic India (book-notice) . .. 79 dynasties .. .. .. .. .. .. 77
List of Ancient Monuments Protected under Någårjuna, cave of, at Ramtek .. .. .. 163 Act VII of 1904 in Bihar and Orissa Någa va máis (princes of Cakrakotya) .. .. 106 (book-notice).. .. .. .. .. 119 Naish (Nash) Je. Se. 216, 217, 247, 248, 263, Comparative Tables of Muhammadan and
264, 266, 268, 269 Christian Dates, compiled by Lt. Col. Sir Naiza tish pass .. .. .. .. 85, 87
Wolseley Haig, (book-notice) . .. 120 Nala, k. of Nigacha .. .. .. .. 163 India and The East in Current Literature .. 137 Nalinapura (? Alipura, and Tong-kuang).. 204 Somanatha and Other Medieval Temples in Nancy, brigantine .. .. . Se. 274 Kathidwdd (book-notice) .. .. .. 160 Nand Rşi, Wise Sayings of 215-218, 223—227 Geography of Early Buddhism (book-notice).. 180 Nandaraja (Nannaråja) Rastrakúța chief . . 134 India and The East in Current Literature .. 199 Narasa Niyaka .. .. .. 6, 7, 10, 11 Gangd-Purdtattvärika. (book-notice).. .. 200 Narasimha (Nrisinha, Saluve uurper) 5, 6, 91
Études d'Orientalisme, publiées par le Musée Narayana, the four forms of .. .. .. 190
Guimet à la mémoire de Raymonde LinoNardyanadramin and tho Mándukyopanipal 191, 192 sier (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 219 Narayanavilasa, and Vijayanagara history .. 4
Journal of The Bihar and Orissa Research Naupur (vil. wost of Gilgit cantonment), Sir
Society, vol. XIX, 1933. (book-notice) .. 220 Aurel Stein's importent find of ancient Skt.
Livro da Seita des Indios Orientais of Fr. MSS. at .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Jacobo Fenicio (book-notice) .. .. 247 Navastíhasdákacarika of Padmagupta, historical Indian History for Matriculation (book-notice) 247 data in .. .. .. .. .. 101-107
L'Oeuvre de la Délégation Archéologique neolithic artifacts, distribution of .. .. 241 en Afghanistan (book-notice) .. .. 247 Nepali language, a dictionary of the . .. 38 Medieval Temples of the Dakhan (book-notice) 248 neruo de mado (unidentified).. .. Sc. 231 Bulletin de l' Ecole Française d'Extreme Newlyn, Robt. .. ..
.. Sc. 256, 257
Orient (book-notico) .. .. .. .. 248 Newman, Mr.
.. Sc. 248 om, significance of the term 182, 183, 186—188, 191 Nowsham, Capt. Thos... ..Sc. 227, 242—246 O'Malley, L.S.S. Nowton, Capt.
Sc. 248 ..
.. Indian Caste Customs
.. .. 140 New Year, various datos of
.. 233, 234
o Oriente Português, No. 1 Dec. 1931 .. .. 20 Nichols, Dem. .. .. .. .. Sc. 260
o Oriente Português, April, July and October
1932 .. .. .. .. .. Nieuve Zeeland ..
.. 180 .. .. .. .. 168
Origin and Growth of Caste in India, by Nri. Nightinyale .. .. .. . Sc. 262
pendra Kumar Dutt, M.A. .. .. .. 19 Nightingale, Sir Robt. Sc. 204, 207, 208, 226,
Orme, Alex.. Sc. 215, 218, 220, 228, 229, 233, 227, 237
239, 253, 270, 271, 274, 275 Nila Mts. of the Puranas.. .. .. .. 170
Orme, Steph. Sc. 215, 217, 220, 233, 239, 253, Ninneham, (Nilihauk, possibly Munchang,
260, 274 meaning gate-keeper) .. .. Sc. 267, 268
Osborne, Capt. Js. .. . . Sc. 260 Nirvana (Virasaiva writer) on Madhv& .. 189
Ostend India trade
.. Sc. 213, 214 Niedha, and the Parapanisad Mts. .. 169, 170 Ostenders, Sc. 228, 232, 235-238, 261, 262 Nunes, Aghå (Auga), merchant Sc. 221, 222 Oudh, (Kosala, Uttara Kosala) .. .. .. 161 Nunes (Núri) .. .. .. So. 232, 259, 270 | Oxford .. .. . .. Sc. 270, 272

Page #283

INDEX
261
Oxus, riv. (called Ab-i-Panja) 82-84 ; its Perry, brigantine .. ..
.. Sc. 271 true source 85, 86; 88, 92-94 ; (or Oakpu) Persia, anciont trado-routes through .. 81, 92
123-125, 170, 171 persolanas (Port. porcellana), fine carthenware Oxu basin, silk-trade routes through 81,
Sc. 211 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 921 Perugia, signs on the Etruncan walls of 213, 214 Oxur countries, Purânic enumeration of, evi- Petila (Petina), and the ancient Pitinika .. 129 donce of Asoko's rule over the . .. 125 Peukelaitis, Puşkalavati .. .. .. .. 131
Phipps, Mrs. .. .. .. .. Sc. 242 Phipps, Wm. Sc. 203, 209, 210, 213, 214, 219, 220, 223, 226, 227, 237, 239, 250, 253, 254,
256-258, 260, 270—273, 275. Piccoli, Dr. Giuseppe,
A Comparison between Signs of the Indus Soript and Signs in the Corpus Inscriptionum
Etruscarum .. .. .. .. 213-215 pico (Mal, pikul), a weight of about 1334 lbs. avoir. .. ..
.. .
So. 212 Padmagupta, Napaodhandrikacarita of .. 101-107
Pieree, Capt. R. .. ..
.. So. 271 paduasoy (padaswa), Chinese silk goods So. 240
Pinnell, Capt. J. .. .. .. .. So. 223 Pago, Sir Greg. .. .. .. Sc. 203, 227, 237
Piper, Hartmut Paingaága, riv. (Payoşni)
.. .. 37
Die Gesetze der Weltgeschichte : Indien .. 79 PAladA-PAlida (Skt. Paradah) of Asoka'a ing
pipel (of Polsaert), Skt., pippali, long pepper .. 159 crips. 121, 122; in the Purance .. 123, 124
pirates.
Sc. 216, 222, 228-230, 254 lithic artifacts, distribution of, in India.. 241 Piroirs. Fr. Jos. B.J. .. .. Be. 240, 241 pelangana (Port. word), a wash-hand basin Bc. 212 Pitinikas, suggested location of the 128, 129 palatalization in M.I.A.Vs. .. L.A.Va. 151, 158 Pitt, (probably, Geo. Morton Pitt). Se. 234 Pallava Genealogy, by the Rovd. H. Horas, S.J. 20 Pitt, Capt, w. G., So. 238, 239, 248, 254, 273 Pulavne and administrativo institutions .. 100 plum.' (slang expression for £100,000) 36.231 • Pamirs, on ancient tracks past the .. 81-94
Po-he (Wakhan) .. Poche
.. .. .. .. 82 Pamfre, in the Puranas 169, 170. See slao Marco
po-lo (of Polonort) the pyse' of Hobson Jobson, Polo.
warning interjection .. Pamirski Post (fort in Pamirs) .. .. .. 88
poisee (damask) .. .. .. Sc. 224, 225, 277 Panic Ala, snake legends of, and figures on coins 219
polygamy in the ninth century ... ..
.. 16 Pescar&trikas, and Vesistadvaita .. .. 78
Po-mi-lo (PAmir) .. ..
87, 88 Panjahir riv., probably the Puranic Jambu .. 169
Pomroy, Mr. ..
Sc. 248 Panoramic India
Pon (old religion of the people of Tibet) . 40 64 Panoramic Photographe, by W. R. Wallace
Poncie (of Pelesert) Panch .. pan (Port. pão), shde' of gold . Sc. 241
.. So. 227 Paradas, location of the .. .. 121, 122,
Powney, Capt. (? J.) .. .. Sc. 219, 222, 260 parda system, in the ninth century ..
Prabhse, moon temple at .. .. .. 176 pardao (Port.), a coin, usually a pagoda So. 211, 212
Prakrit, u90 of the single consonant, for the Parimala (Padmagupta). .. .. .. .. 101 doublo, etc. .. .. .. I.A.V. 133, 134 PAreva (suggested date of)
138, 139
PratApa, MaharAnA of Mewar.. .. 29, 34 Paryctae (of Ptolemy) and the Parit Mo PAlidae 121
Pratijñdyaugandhardyana (play) 96-98, 111, 112 Pathan and Vatadhana ...
Pratimdnášaka (play) .. .. .. .. 99 paunch (paunse) a kind of matting Sc. 225, 248
Praudha-Raya (7 the Pedarao of Nuniz) Payik (Påmire) .. .. .. .. .. 86 prehistoric sites in Larkana and Karachi disPayosni (three rivers so called) .. .. .. 37 tricts .. .. .. .. .. .. 77 Peacock, Capt. Eu. .. .. Sc. 227, 241, 242 Prince, Capt. Law. .. .. .. Pochoir, Andrew .. ..
Sc. 241 Prince Eugene (Camberwell galley) So. 214, 223, Podarao (? Praudha-Raya) and Narasimha
225, 226, 232, 247 Saluva .. ..
Prince Frederick .. .. ..
Sc. 216 pelonga, Nankin (Chinese silk goods)
. Sc. 225, 242 Princess Amelia
.. .. .. So. 217 Pelsaert, Francisco, in India .. .. 158-160 Prithivirama, Mah AsAmanta Peninsular India, a major cultural division Prosperous .. Sc. 219, 222, 229, 259, 260, 270
237, 241, 242 prothesis of consonanta, in M.L.A.Vs. I.A.V. 142, 143 Peninsular India, cultural areas in ... .. 241 provorbe, Kashmirf 71-76, 194--190, 243-244 Pennel, Capt. John .. So. 238, 239, 247 Ptolemy and the N. Påmir trade-route to the Pennicott (Pennycott), Wm. So. 238, 241, 247, 261 Oxus .. .. .. .. .. 81, 91-93 Percivall, Geo. .. .. .. .. Sc. 256 | Pugh, Mr. John .. .. .. Sc. 206, 239
..
6
..
.. 160
DOPOLNA. .
79
. 159
Powball, Sar.
..
125
Sc. 219, 222, 200
15
.. 119
..
6

Page #284

262
Pulindas, N. and S.
Pundranagara (the present Mahasthangarh) capital of the Samvaṁgiyas 177, 178 Purâpas, Northern tribes in, 121-124; googra. phy of
Purna, (Payogni) riv. Puskalavati, situation of Puskaradvipa, suggested identification with Arabia
Pyke. Isaac
Quinqua (alias Curigen)
suggested idontification of
Râmagupta, further light on
Råmangada (Yasobhata)
INDEX
170
Se. 217, 227
121
Se. 224
r, in conjuncts, Apabhra sa retention of I.A.V. 131 Radcliffe, Peter Sc. 213 43 14
Radha (W. Bengal)
raiyatu ár (system of revenue collection) Rajamahendri (suggested cap. of Kalinga)
Ramanaka, or Ramyaka (Central Asia ? )
Râmânuja, and the Acaryas of the Visiştâdvaita
school
125
37
131
163-165 Rajaraja the Great 102, 105 Rajaraja Narendra (reputed founder of Râjamahendri)
.. 164
Rajputânâ and Rão Candrasen
raja-visaya, so-called, of Asoka inscrips. 121 and a-rája-visaya 125, 126 29-34 Raksasa, the, dispossessed by the Aryans 60 Râmacandra on the léopanisad.. 205-207 Rama Deva, father-in-law of Harihara II,
4, 11 201-205 103 170
Rama Raja (Aravîți)
Ramayana some tribes named in Rangarâmânuja and the Mándûkyopanisad Rão Candrasen, a forgotten hero of Rajpûtânâ
78 5, 10, 11 ... 122
191
Rao Maldeva of Marwar.. rasa, original meaning of the term
Ras Shamra tablet, Etruscan affinities in the Râşṭrakutas, and the Kalacuris 35; overthrow of 102; and the Silâhâras 107; and the Abiria of the Periplus... Râstrika-Bhojas (? identity of the two peoples) Bästrikas (or Lathikas), location of tho
29-34 29, 30
97
214
129
129
129
Ratanpur, a capital of Daksina Kosala.. Ratanpur in Chattisgarh, and legend of
Ratnachûda (snake youth) Ratnavati, c. suggested location of 104; and Ratanpur 106, 107 .. 237 16 158, 159 Sc. 248
Renou, Louis
Bibliographic Védique ..
80
republics and republicans of the time of Asoka 129, 130, 133
14
163, 164 Manipura, 106, 107 103
religions of India, their distribution religious animosity, in the ninth century Remonstrantie, of Francisco Pelsaert.. Remswincle, Mr. ..
revenue collection in Mithila Richards, F.J., M.A.
The Pallava Genealogy, (book-notice) A Sinhalese-Pandyan synchronism.. The Kadamba Kula (book-notico)
Studies in Cola History and Administration (book-notice)..
Archæological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report for 1929 (book-notice)
ruby mines district of Burma (Capelan) routes to India ('impacts from the West and from the Far-East
Rudge, Ben. Rudge, John
..
88888888
38
The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (book-notice).. .. 219
21-28 Sc. 262 163
Geographical Factors in Indian Archeology 235-243 Richthofen, Baron, and Påmir trade-routes 92, 94 riddlos, Kashmiri Rigby, Capt. Chas. Rituparna, k. of Kosala river-shifting, effects of Rock proclamations of Asoka Romaka, Constantinople Roman coins, find spots in India Roshân, mountain territory
236
167
170 .. 237 88 12-14
119
..
120
sabhá, meaning of the word, in early Tamil literature
119
10
Sacaea, the Sumerian and its Indian form 233, 234 Sadasiva of Vijayanagara Saddharmapundarika find of a portion of MS. of 17 Sahasrarjuna (title of a Kalachuri k.) .. Sainsbury, Ethel Bruce
36
A Calendar of The Court Minutes of The East India Company 1671-1673 St. Francis (St. Francisco Hanari) St. Helena, dates in the history of St. Joseph
235 Sc. 203
Sc. 203
39 " Sc. 223 39 Sc. 246

Page #285

INDEX
263
Śaka and Khasa .. .. .. 201, 204, 205 semi-vowols and class consonants, intor-chango Sakota (supposed home of Asvaghose). .. 62 of, in M.I.A.Vs. .. I.A.V. 178-182 Såluvas oi Vijayanagara,
.. 1,4 11 Sena I, k. of Ceylon
Sena I, k. of Ceylon .. .. .. .. 38 Samatata (=the Lolta, Bengal) .. .. 43 Sena II k. of Ceylon ..
.. .. 38 sam kruntis, mean samkrantis .. . 171-175 Sère (China) ..
. .. 81, 91, 92, 94 Sampson .. .. .. .. Sc. 219, 221 Souqua (var. spellings), Chinose merchant Sc. 263, 267
. . . . . . . . Sc.258, 259 Sowell, Robt.. Sa rh vargiyas of Pundranagara .. .. 177, 178 Historical Inscriptions of Southern India .. 219 Salchi, importance of site at junction of Shah, Chimanlal J. highways . . . .
.
Jainism in North India 800 B.C.-526 A.D... 138 Sangama, five sons of .. .. .. 1, 4, 11 | Shaikh Nuru'd-din of TrAr. or Shailehu'l'Alam Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara 1. Hoysala- (alias of Nand Rşi) .. .. .. .. 216
Sangama continuity 1-3, Sangama-Saluva Sharma, Prof. Dasharatha, M.A.
continuity .. .. .. .. 4, 5, 11 The Advaita Vedanta in The Seventh Century 78 Sankara, his commentary on the Brahma Shaw Allum
.. Se. 219, 222, 270 Sútras .. . .. .. .. . 78 Sher ShAh, emp., defeated by Râo Maldeva 29, 30 Sankara, and the Mandukyopanişad 181-193; Shotbolt, Capt. Wm. .. .. .. sc. on the Ibopaniąad .. .. 206—208, 211 Shuffoild, Mr. .. .. .. ..
Sc. 248 Sankhapala (anake k.), suggested identification Shughnán, the Chinese Shih-ni .. .. .. 88
of .. .. .. .. .. 103-105 zibilants in Dravidian languages.. .. 146--154 Sanskrit literature, gloanings from .. 14-17 sibilants, conjuncts containing L.A.V. 138; Sanskrit MSS., important finds of .. .. 17 changes of .. .. I.A.V. 160-166 Santa (Sancta) Cruz . So. 231, 232, 240 Sikhandaketu (Vidyadhara) prince, and Ari. Sarah (Brusaslls) .. .. .. .. Se. 236 kesarin .. .. .. .. .. .. 107 Sarda, Harbilas.
SilAhåras of N. Konkana 102 and the Raptra. Mahdraad Kumbha .. ... .. .. 200 kätes .. .. .. .. .. .. 107 Sêrêz Pamir
.. 88 silk trade of China, and routes thereof 81, 88, Sarhad, in Upper Oxus valley .. .. 83–85
91, 92, 94 Sarikol, routes to and from 84, 86—89; (Sarcil)87, 91 Sinhala-dvipa, a suggested new identification 77 Sarum .. .. .. .. So. 223, 239 şiņas (Clas) of Gilgit 1 .. .. 122, 124, 125 sarvadhyaksa (possibly head revenue officer).. 14 | Sindhurája (patron of Padmagupta) and the Sarvananda, Pandit, on the various forms of Navasdhasdrikacarita .. .. .. 101-107
Bengal .. .. .. .. .. 43 Singeya Danpåyaka (two persons of the name) 2, 3 Sasikhanda (Vidyadhara prince) . 103, 107 Sinhalese-Pandyan synchronism. .. .. .. 38 Sasiprabha (Asuga, d. of Sarkhapala, and w. Sinqua (Chinese merchant) .. .. Sc. 240
of Sindhurâja) .. .. .. .. 103-105 Siren (of Tavernier) and Siriam .. .. 12 Sastri, the late MM. Ganapati, on the plays Siriam (in Burma) .. .. .. .. 12 attributed to Bhasa .. ..
.. .. 95 Sirpur (old Sripura) 162 ; a capital of Dakşina Śästri, K.A., Nilakanta,
Kosala .. .. .. .. .. 163–166 Studies in Cola History and Administration .. 119 Sita, (al. Sita) riv. .. .. 123, 124, 170 SatgRon and the city of Bengala' .. 44, 45 Sitwell, G. (Setwell) .. Sc. 203, 204, 209, 259 Satyakraya (s. of Tailapa). .. .. 102, 105 Siwna, and R&o Candrasen 29, 31, 32; and
Akbar 199
.. Saura And Mithra cults ..
.
.. .. 33 Skeper, IABAC ..
. Sawbridge, Mr. ...
.
... Sc. 272 .. .. . .
Small, Capt. Chas. Sc. 236, 247, 248, 264, 268, 269 Say, Capt.
solar cult in India .. .. .. 175, 176 Sayo, Mr. .. .. ..
271
solar year, commencement of the 171, 172, 174 Scasem (=Ishkdshm) ..
Somandtha and Other Mediæval Temples in Scattergood, Ars., (w)
Sc. 236, 242, 278
Kathidudd by H. Cousens .. .. .. 160 Scattergood, Caro. (d.) Sc. 216, 217, 221
Somers, Mr. .. ..
So. 207 Scattergood, Eliz., (d.) Sc. 213, 237, 242, 247,
sonants, hardening of, in M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 169-171 254, 278 Soulgard, Capt. ..
. .. So. 248 Soattergood, Elix. (aunt) Sc. 210, 227, 236, 237, 278 South Son Bubble Sc. 209, 226-228, 233, 235 : Scattergood, John .. .. Sc. 203-278 (or Company)
.. . Sc. 237, 238 Scattergood, Roger (u) Sc. 226, 236, 237, 278 Squier, Wm. .. .. .. .. So. 271 script, Brahmi ... .. .. .. 59, 60 Śrf Mara (Pandyan k.) in Ceylon .. .. 38 script, of Mohenjo-daro .. .. .. .. 59 Sri Ranga Raya, of Vijayanagara .. 10, 17 seals, cylinder from Asmar 18; circular, from Sruti (meaning divine revelation), use of the
.. .. .. .. .. .. 18 term in reference to the Mandukyopanigail Second Barr, at Canton... .. So. 269, 270
181, 184-191
199

Page #286

264
INDEX
..
39
.
..
78
**
..
..
93
Standard, Capt. J.
.. So. 273 | Tantras, their cultural value .. .. .. Stanhope .. .. .. So. 238, 239, 248, Tantrism in Tibet
253-255, 257 Tapti riv. (Payopi), battle on the banks of .. 37 Stanton, Eliz. . . . .. Sc. 256 Tarbdehi valley route .. .. .. .. ,90 Starke, John .. . . .. Sc. 240 Tar-bilshi vil. .. .. .. .. .. 91 Stcherbatsky, Th.
Tårim basin, trade and other routes through Buddhist Loyic, vol. I .. .. .. .. 245
81-83, 88 Buddhist Logic, vol. II .. .. .. 178 TArim basin, Chinese victories in 85, 88; 92, 94 steatite vase, fragment of, from Mohenjo-daro.. 18 Târim basin, W., Oases of .. .. .. 88 Stein, Sir Aurel, his excavations in Gedrosia .. 77 T&sh-Kurghân, chief place in Sarikol 85, 86; and On Ancient Tracks past the Pamire .. 81-94 Hsuan-tsang .. ..
. 87 ; 89, 90 Sterling, Wm. .. Se. 255, 259, 260, 272 Taun-murun pass .. .. .. .. .. 94 Stock fish (dried cod, hake or haddock) Sc. 223 Tawke, Capt. J. .. .. .. .. Sc. 260 Stone Tower, near Mt. Imous, Ptolomy's Taylor, Mr. (of Karwar) .. .. Sc. 253, 259 references to .. . 92-94 Taylor, Mrs. .. ..
.. Sc. 273 Stratford . .. Sc. 220, 222, 229, 270, 271 | Tazi Bhatt (famous archer of Kashmir) .. 217 Studies in Cola History
T'e-na-ka-che-ka, (Dhanakataka) .. .. 165 and Administration by K. A. Nilakanta Teng-Kuang (of Hsuan-trang), and Nalinapura . 204
Sastri .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Terek pase .. .. .. .. .. Success, brigantine . .. Se. 270, 271 Termez, ancient trade contre .. Sümet Ash, Chinese victory at .. .. .. 88 | Thabeitkyim .. Sunargaon (in Dacca dist.), and the City of
The Religion of Tibet, by Sir Charles Bell, K.C. Bengala'
I.E., C.M.G. .. .. Sunderland Sc. 211, 213, 216, 217, 227, 239 Theobald, Martha .. .. . . Sc. 216 Sung Yun (Chinose pilgrim) .. .. .. 82 Theobald, Thos. .. .. .. So. 229, 230 Suriştra-Katriyasrepi (tribes included in the
Thwaites, Capt. Joe. .. .. Sc. 223, 232 name) .. .. .. .. .. .. 129
Tibet, religion of .. .. .. .. .. 39 Burds, voicing of, in M.I.A.Vs... L.A.V. 167-169
Tibet, the travels of Ippolito Desideri of Pistoia, Burekvara, and the Gaudapáda Kârikis .. 193 S.J., in (1715-1721) .. .. Surkhan river
Tibetans, defeated by the Chinese in 785 A. D. 85 Surya, and Agni ..
. .. 230
Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land-en VolkenSasl (silk cloth) .. ..
Sc. 278
leunde, vol. LXXII, on a Tamil merchant. Sutton, Robt. ..
Sc. 256
guild in Sumatra .. .. .. 18 Svapnavdsavadatta (play) .. 95—98, 113, 114 Timma (Copa Timma, or Tirumalai Dova), prosyncope, in M.LA.Vs.
. 1.A.V. 149--151
genitor of the Tuluvas .. 5, 6, 10, 11 Tippa Deva Saluva (b. in. law of Deva Raya
II) .. .. .. .. .. 4, 5, 11 Tippa Saluve, family history, etc., of 5, 6, 8, 11 Tirumalai Deva, (Timma, Gopa Timma, Foun.
der of the Tuluva line of Vijayanagara) 8, 9,
11: (callod Tirumala) .. .. .. .. 10 Tirumalamba (d. of Krena Deva Raya, and w.
of Rama Rajn) .. .. .. .. 10, 11
29. 30 | Titianus (or Macs) .. .. .. .. Tabagdt-i-Akbart, and Rão Maldev
02
Sc. 213, 214, 221, 223, 226, 247 Tagharna plain of Sarikol .. ..
85 .. 85
Tobin, Capt. J. Taghdum-bach Påmir .. .
toilet (cover for a dressing-table, a shawl, now 84-86, 88 obsoleto)
. ..
. . . . .. Taghdum-bleh riv.
Sc. 225 Tokhari, the, conquest of Bactria by . .. 102
.. Tailapa (founder of the later Calukyas)
82
Tokharist An (earlier, Bactria) .. .. Taklamakan desert
82, 124 .. Se. 248 Talbot, Mr.
Tor-art pass
.. .. .. .. 90, 91 ..
. Torriano, Mrs.
Se. 232 Taldik pass.. .. ..
Torriano, Goo. Sc. 221, 222, 229, 232, 240, Talles Patree (1 H. thart and patari, plato' and
260, 262, 263, 268, 270
250, 252, 253, 268 leaf-platter') .. .. .. Sc. 201
272, 274, 275 Tambapani (Ceylon) .. .. .. .. 133
Tou-kiuo, Western, empire of the .. .. 17 Tamil language, the sound dydam in 46, 50-53,
57, 58 *Toygens', a powerful body appointod by the Tamils and moon worship
.. 176
emperor of China .. .. Sc. 264, 268 Tanan (a Hoysala) .
.. 937 .
1, 3 .
trade and population of India, centres of Tangi-tar valley.. ..
90, 91 Traikutaka or Cedi Era, suggested rocognition Tangi-tar riv. . . .
90, 91 ss the Vakataka Era .. .. .. .. 220
..
89
.. 81

Page #287

Sc. 203, 213, 254
Tron chfield, Ann, Trenchfield, Elihu, Sc. 203, 204, 216, 217, 219-221, 226, 233-236, 238, 242, 247, 248, 254, 260, 261, 275 Trenchfield, Eliz. (m. of J. Scattergood) Sc. 213,
260, 262
Sc. 217
Trenchfield, Eliz. (s.) Trenchfield, J.
Sc. 238 Sc. 234
Trenchfield, Nanny,
Trepopilore (Tripalore) Sc. 220, 222, 230, 232 treta-yuga established in Jambudvipa 167 Triaga Romana (a mixture of common resin and
oil of turpentine) Sc. 276 Trikalinga, suggestion regarding the meaning of the name
Triparvata, of the Devagiri plates, identified with Halebid
80 Sc.. 211, 215
Triplicane.. Trivandrum plays, random notes on the 95-99,
Ts'ung-ling, mountains ..
Tu-huo-lo (Badakhshan and other petty chiefships)
Tukhara (the Tokhâristan and Badakhshan
districts of Afghanistan)
INDEX
u, in M.I.A.Va. Ulúgh-rabát saddle
Una (Pashtu Upra), Aornos
upanisada, major...
111-118 88, 89
Encyclopædia Mundarica (book-notice) Turvasu, mythical progenitor of the Tuluva
race
Tugara (Tukhara)... Túzuk-i-Jahangirt, and Rao Maldeva tzierila (of Pelsaert), Hind. charild, moss tziurewarder (of Polsaert), Hind. cauńribarddr, carrier of the fly-switch
37
Tullie, Geo.
83, 124 Sc. 218
Tuluva co. (roughly modern S. Kanara) 7, 8, 10 Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara 1; and the Sâluvas .. 6, 10, 11 Tuluva-Araviti continuity in Vijayanagara 10 Tummâna, cap. of a Kalachuri k. 105-107; cap. of Daksina Kosala
..
Turkistan, Chinese Turner, Nath. Turner, R. L., M.C., M.A. A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepáll Language
Upton, Ar...
Upton, Capt. Wm.
Uttara Kosala (Kosala, modern Oudh) Uttara Kuru, suggested identification Siberia
163, 164 84
Sc. 249, 259, 261
82
with
38 247
9, 10 124 29 159
I.A.V. 113-117
91 132
181, 185, 186
Sc. 256 Sc. 222 161
160
170
Uttara Kurus, and Kurus Uttara-Madras and Madras Uttararamacarita ...
Vachaspati Miéra, social history from the works of ..
Vajjada, k. of Konkana
Vajjuka, lord of Komo Mandala
:::
Vandermersh (Dutch merchant) Vanga (E. Bengal).
14-17 102, 103 105, 106 103-106 220 77, 220
Vajrânkusa (demon prince)
Vakata, suggested identification with Bâgât Vakataka dynasty
41
Vakataka Era, and the Traikutaka or Cod: Era 220 Vakpati Muñja, patron of Padmagupta 101, 102, 107 Vakpatiraja (first Paramâra ruler of Mâlwa) Vallappa Dannayaka (s. of Dadiya Somaya Dannayaka, 1-4, Sc. 247 43, 44
43 43 43 106
265
Hoysala-Sangama
Sangama-Saluva
122 122 37
Vanga-bhasa, connotation of the term Vanga-desa, connotation of the term Vangala, and Bongal Vankêévara, g., and the sage Vaiku Vanki Deva (historical personage mentioned in the Vardhapuraṇam) Vaňku (sage)
Van Sueterlin, Heer Herm. Vapour, Hen. (factor at Agra) Varada (co. of the Paradas) Varadas (Paradas) Varaguna I (Pandyan k.) Varaguna II (Pandyan k.) Vardhapuranam (Telugu work), and Saluva history Vardoj, riv.
4, 5, 9 82, 84 43
Varendra (Varendri Gauda N. Bengal) Vatadhanas (of Hindu geography), Prakrit Patahána, and modern Páthán
119 78
Vedanta philosophy, in the eighth century Vedanta system, and Mandakyopanisad 182, 188, 193 vernaculars, on the Modern Indo-Aryan I.A.V. 103-186 Versova, on Salsette isle... Sc. 254 Victoria lake (Great Påmir) 87, 88, 171 Viddhasdlabhanjiká, of Rajasekhara, historical data in
vidyd (and avidyd) meaning of, in 1topanisad
4, 11 103, 106. Sc. 269
159 125
.. 122 38 38
35-37
209-212 184
Vidyaranya, and the advaita School .. Vijayanagara history, dynastic continuity in 1-11
..1-3 ..4-6 6-10
10
Saluvas and Tuluvas Tuluva-Araviti.. Vikramdrjunavijaya of Pampa, on BaddigaAmoghavarea III
35, 36

Page #288

266
Villeaumont (Velleaumont) du Jardin, Capt.
Sc. 269
Vinaya of the Mahâsârghikas, find of an authentic portion of
17
Vinaya of the Mûlasarvâstivâdins, find of an important birch-bark MS. of Vine, G.
Vira Ballala III (Hoysala k.)
17 Sc. 256 1, 2, 3 10,11
Vira Narasimha (Saluva)
Virapala (claimant to the throne of Kuntala) 35-37 Vira Raya..
11
Vira Virupaksa Ballâla (prince)..
3 I.A.V. 127
visarga, in M.I.A.Vs.
Visnu, g., suggestions regarding the name and the origin of
18
Vocam, or Vokhan (of Marco Polo), and Wakhan
84, 199 I.A.V. 103-126
vowels in M.I.A.Vs.
See also semi-vowels.
Vulture Peak, tho site of Buddha's mystic seances in the later Mahâyâna Sûtras..
Wake, J. Wake, Wm.
Panoramic India
INDEX
Wakhân 80, 83, 86; described by Marco Polo 84, 199
Wakhi (langungo of Wakhan)
Wakhis, the
84 83, 86 84-86
Wakhjir pass
Wakwak, suggestions regarding the origin of
the word
137
Wallace, W.R.
Widdrington Capt. J. Wigmore, Mrs. Anne, Wilkinson, Js. William Williamson Js. Williamson, Capt. Ed. Willison, Capt. Isaac Wilson, Capt. H.
Wilson, Capt. J.
Windsor
Winter, Capt. J.
..
..
65
Sc. 228, 229 Sc. 219, 253, 273
Walpole
Walsh, E.H.C.
An Account of Tibet (book-notice) Washington, Capt. Robt... weapons of warfare, early
78 Sc. 215 14, 15 263, 265 274, 275
Wendey, Rev. J. Sc. 210, 211, 233, 259, Wendey, Rev. Thos. Sc. 261, 269, 271, West, Mr. Whampoa (Wampo), a case of homicide at
Sc. 204
Sc. 243-247
79 Sc. 262, 274
**
Wirtemberg (Judith)
women, status of, in the ninth century Woodhouse, Capt. S.
Sc. 235, 238 15
Sc. 211, 215 Sc. 227
Woolley, Thos. Woolner and Sarup, Professors, Translation of the Trivandrum plays attributed to
Bhâsa
Worlidge, Capt. S.
Wotton, Capt. Thos.
Wright, Mr.
95, 97, 111 Sc. 222 Sc. 217, 255 Sc. 250
Wu-k'ung (Buddhist pilgrim) in the Pâmîrs Wu-sha, kingdom (Yangi-hisâr and Yarkand).. Wu-ti (Han emperor)
88
90
81
Wybergh Capt. Ch.
Sc. 229
Wycho, Bernard
Sc. 239
Wycho, Geo. Sc. 219, 221, 239, 255, 257, 271-273
..
Yadu, legendary ancestor of the Sâluvas 4, 9-11 Yajnavalkya, on death
209
91
Yaka-arik (Iaconich of Goëz) Yambuluk pass Yangi-dawan pass
90
99
90
86
Yangi-hisar, Hsüan-tsang at Yarkand, route to Yarkand (Hiarchan) Yarkand riv.
91
89
Yarkhun (Mastûj) riv. Yasin valley
85
Yasobhata (Râmângada, minister of Sindhuraja) 103 Yavana-Kambojas
Yeomans, Thos. Yeshil-Köl Yonas (of Asoka)
130, 131 Sc. 256 88 .. 131
Yuan Chwang (Hsüan-tsang) 123-125, 161, 169, 178 Yusuf Ali, A.
Medieval India Social and Economic Conditions 140 Yuvarajadeva I of Tripurî (? a Pâla k.) and the Viddhasalabhañjika of Rajasekhara 35-37
85
Sc. 263, 271 Sc. 206, 213
Sc. 238, 239, 248
Sc. 219, 221, 229
Sc. 203, 204, 219
Zarafshân (Yârkand) riv...
Sc. 207, 223 Sc. 261
Sc. 227
Zeitschrift der D. M. G. (N. S. XI, Pts. 1 and 2) on Marco Polo and the Pamirs .. 199 Sc. 221 Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik, reference to Buddhist culture in.. zetacism in the M.I.A.Vs...
Sc. 218
Sc. 217
89
138 I.A.V. 151

Page #289

JANUARY, 1933]
IAV. A.
[ $191.193
191. At the same time, all those languages have gone further than Pr., and many in. stances occur of vowel changes from that language on the same lines as those of Pr. from Skr.
Former writers on IAV. phonology have adopted the historical method, --i.e., they have taken Skr. as the basis, and have traced the changes of each Skr. vowel downwards into the IA Vs. This is the principle followed in Bs. Cp. Gr. and in Hl. Gd. Gr. Sc, also, in my articles on the Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars (ZDMG, xlix, 393 ff., 1, 1 ff.) I have taken Ap. as the basis, and have traced its development into the IAVs. In the following pages a reversed process will be followed. Each LAV. sound will be taken as the basis of inquiry, and its origin traced to Pr. and Skr. No attempt has hitherto been made to enable a student to trace directly the origin of an IAV. word. Hitherto he has had first to assume the Sanskrit original and to trace that through its subsequent developments. It is hoped that, with the aid of the following pages, he will no longer bo put to this difficulty. As to the comparative philologist pure and simple, who wishes to trace the development downwards, ho will find ample materials in the three works mentioned above.
IAV. A. 192. IAV. * or a-matra-. This, the shortest possible sound of a, is always derived from that letter, and its shortness is generally due to the stress accent falling on the preceding syllable (S$ 105, 139). Except in S. it occurs only as a medial letter, as in M, kár wat, a caw, B. ghorowa, a horse ; H. dúbala, weak. Sometimes this medial , or neutral vowel,- as it is called in such cases ($ 105) does not follow an accented syllable. Thus, it follows the accented syllable in B. dekh lak, he saw, but in the long form of the same word, dékhalikdi, it is thrown forward to the penultimate (or antepenultimate if ai or ai is looked upon as two syllables) and immediately precedes the secondary accent on the kài. In polysyllabic words of this kind in B. the main stress accent is not so strong as in trisyllables like dekhalak. The whole word is in fact treated as if it were a compound of dekhal + kai, owing to false analogy, -the word dékhal being the past participle from which the whole word is formed.
In S. every final a becomes", as in khát, a bed. This, again is due to the accent.
It may be mentioned that in M. spoken south of Punā, the neutral vowel does not exist, a fully pronounced a being used instead (LSI. VII, 21). Thus visarala for visarela, he forgot.
193. All the Dardic languages probably possess a-mātrā, but only in Kāšmiri do we find positive information concerning it. It here appears in two forms, viz., (a) as simply representing a which for some reason is imperfectly pronounced, and (b) as an independent sound with a value of its own.
(a) In this case it is often employed in Anaptyxis ; as in khar'c or kharc, expenditure. In such cases its use is optional. Also, as in S., every final a is pronounced as ', owing to the accent on the penultimate syllable. Thus gárd, a house. This final 4 is often dropped in colloquial Kš. and in compounds, as in går-valu, the master of a house. Finally, in order to assist enunciation it is often added as a termination to a borrowed foreign word which properly ends in a consonant preceded by a long vowel. Thus Ar. jahāz, becomes K. jahāza, and the Prs, nišān (also Prs, nišāna) becomes nišāns. From Skr. phēna-, foam, we should expect sTs. phin, but the word is phina; the Ar. futur, languor, becomes phutūra. So others. In all these cases the is simply an a shortened for incidental reasons, and does not epenthetically affect a preceding vowel as do the mātrā-vowels proper in Kš.
(6) The independent a-matrā forms an integral part of the language, and epenthetically affects & preceding vowel (see $$ 126, 164). It may occur in an accented syllable and even in a monosyllable such as gør, awakening of energy, gʻ8, ordure, and others mentioned below. In Tadbhava words it usually represents an original u, as in v dan., Skr. dhūnöti, shake out dust; rad., Skr. rūdha., develop ; rran, Skr. lūna., be worn away ; r tsah., Skr. cüsati, suck ; tson, Skr, cūrnikā, charcoal. If totsh, a trifle, is derived from Skr. tuccha-, then we
103

Page #290

§§ 194-197]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
a
have representing u as well as u. The vowel also occurs sometimes in Tatsamas, as in matra (sg. nom. mother), Skr. mutra-, urine, and stra- (sg. nom. sathar), Skr. sutra-, a string; but in words of this class, u generally becomes (§ 236). Specially instructive are the words tsah thou, and zah, two. In both these, the h is hu-e-muxtafi, and can be disregarded. The word ts" is derived from tu, through *tyu (§ 226a), with consequent zetacism (§ 326) to *tsū. Similarly, 2 is < du > *dyu> *zū.
While u in Tadbhavas generally becomes ", we now and then find it represented by i, as if the word were a Tatsama (see § 236). Examples are tsin and tsur, powder, both derived from Skr. curṇam. These are apparently words borrowed from India, and, being borrowed, have been treated as if they were Tatsamas.
This same sound of a-maträ occurs in the neighbouring Pašto, an Eranian language, and is there simply an original a of which the sound has been obscured, as in zr, thousand, Av. hazañra- (GIP. I, ii, 207), but no reason for the obscuration has been given. In Kašmiri, in some cases the origin is manifestly the same, as in words like V prakt. (Skr. prakata-), to be manifest, and pairs such as zar- or zrav-, endure. Here the reason for the obscuration is as little clear as in Pašto. In a few words the origin may perhaps be connected with the presence of an r or r, as in gah-, grind (Skr. gharsati); khas-, pull the hair (? Skr. kargati); Vn, sell (Skr. (vi)kriņāti). For other roots I can offer no suggestion. Such are:Vdy-(? Skr. Vdev-); regret ; Vhal-, begin to be in labour; han-, swell; har-, increase; Vhsav-, incite; lah-, lay-, be sufficient: Vlhan-, delay ripening; Vrkav-, drag along the ground; rs-, go silently; Vrt-, be good; Vsad-, endure; Vss-, break wind; st-, force in; k-, run quickly; Vts-, thrust in.
It may be added that this peculiar a-mātrā of Kašmiri is not found in the IAVs. It appears only in the Padari dialect of Western Pahari, which borders on Kašmiri, and, as there, it causes epenthesis (§ 165).
[ JANUARY, 1933
194. Dardic. This sound has only been noted in Kašmiri. It is merely the vowel "epenthetically affected by a following vowel. Thus, pr. r, good; fem. rts, pr. ts; masc. plur. rati, pr. raiti. See § 126.
195. IAV. a. There is no vowel of which the pronunciation varies so greatly in the IAVs. as a. See § 105.
As a rule a an original Pr.a, as in ghar, a house, < Ap. gharu, and in the examples given in § 190. The same is the case in Dardic, as in Ks. gara, a house.
196. aa. The shortening of a to a is common under the influence of the stress accent (sce § 171), as in H. kasis, from Skr. käsisaḥ; M. kamáū, that which earns, from häm, work. So in G., especially before an accented i, as in bhat for bhai, a brother; khainē for khāinē, having eaten. Also, when a finds itself in the antepenultimate of a Tbh. word it is shortened to a in H.P. and B. (Bh.). Thus, H.P. Rám wā; lg.fm. of Rām, N.Pr.; Bh. kháibo, I shall eat, from kha..
In those languages which possess the letter ǎ, it is usually a, not a, which is used when ā is shortened. These are principally Bg.B. (exc. Bh. which prefers a) and M. (see §§ 143, 171 b. d.) This, however, is not always the case, as in M. kamau, just quoted. So also Skr. cámarakam, a fly-whisk, Bg. cámarà; bālu, sand, EIAV. lg.fm. balua or tǎluă.
In Dardic, there are instances of the shortening of a to a. See § 176.
1 Cf. G.Ph., JRAS., 1921, 354.
197. a. According to Pr.Gr. § 115, this does not occur in Pr. In the 1AVs. it is common in unaccented syllables. Thus :
Ap.
Skr. vibhutih, ashes
104
STs. G.P.H. bhabút, or bhabhút, S. babhút.

Page #291

JANUARY, 1933
IAV. A.
( $ 198
paríksā, a test parikkha
G.M. párakh, s. párakh", H.P.L.
EIAV. párakh, G. also párekh. rniríks-, see v nirikkh
IAV. nirakh.. rvihár-, rejoice rvihár
H. r báhal-. So H. (dialect of upper Döāb) sakári for sikári, a hunter ; mathái for mithái, a sweetmeat (CE. R. matthi, below.) WPh. (Inner Sirāji), saráj for siráj, N. of a tract of country ; katáb for kitáb, a book; NL. bamár for bimár, sick; P.8Ts. puróhat for puróhit, a priest. The change is common in G. and R., and is not unusual in S. Thus vicára-, consideration
STAR.(J.), NG. yvacár-, consider. vighatyatē, he is vigádhai, cf.
G. roagád., but H. rbigar.. marred
samgalai (Hc.
iv, 113) adhikam, more
G.sts, ádakü, but H, ádhik. vikasah, yawning
STs.G. bakás. káthinah, difficult
sTs.G. káțhan, S. kathan". But this change also occurs in accented syllables in R. And G., and also sporadically elsewhere. Thus sithilah, loose sádhilu
M. sádhal, S. dháro, B. dhálī, but
M. dhitá, G. dhilu, H. dhila, A. dhil, EPh. dhílo, and so on. Cf.
however Pr.Gr. 115. pindah, a body pindu
R. pand; G. pandē, bodily. dinah, a day dinu
R. dan. vinā, without
R.sTs. bánă. mistikā, sweet mitthia
R. mátthi, a kiss, others mitthi,
mithi, &c. vikrayah, sale
G.STs. vákro. v likh-, write r lih., Pr. Ts.
G.R. r lakh-, but others v likhrlikh
(cf. $ 59). r mil-, meet r mil
G. r mal., others v mil-. migam, & pretence misu
G. mas. And so many others, in all of which the remaining IAVs. preserve the i. No instance of this change has been noted by me in Dardio.
198.a . This occasionally happens in unaccented syllables, but, as in the case of a < i, is common in G. and R., and also in P. Thus - Skr.
Ap. vidyut, lightning víjjulia
H. bijali, but B. bijuli. múkutam, a tiara (M.Pr. máüdo) sTs.G. mugat, P. múkat. sákunaḥ, an omen ságunu
P.L. ságan. mánusaḥ, a man
R.sts. minakh. So G. mánas,
but H. mánus (Page #292

$$ 199-2013
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[JANUARY, 1033
púnu
surúngā, a mine
sarúngā
L.M.H.B. suráng, Bg. suráng, but
S. siringhe. kutumbam, a family
sTs.G.H. kútam, S. kuțámbhu or
kútim". yúthakah, a herd júhàu
M. jathá, G. jathó, H. játha. (Cf. $59. púnah, again
G.R.M. pan, but. tulasi, N. of a plant
G.sTs, tálasi. mrtam, a corpse múdadaŭ
G. mádedů (possibly influenced by
Prs. murda). Similarly NG.kal for kul, a family; dakh for dukh, grief; hakhi for sukhi, happy. The cases of surúngā and kutumbam given above, are just the reverse of the Pr, rule, under which the first, not the second, u would be changed to a (Pr.Gr. 123).
As sporadic instances of this change we may quote Eph. V dak- for v cuk-, finish, and Skr. ikṣuḥ, Bg. ākh, but B. and H. ūkh, EH, ikh. With Pr. tum or tam, thou, we may compare G. tamē, you.
We have seen that this change occurs most frequently in P.G.R. All these languages are subject to the influence of Dardic. In Dardic we have S. kankoro-co, a fowl, but Gwr. kukur (Skr. kulkutah), and Wai. wasei, as compared with Av. būza-, Bx. wez-eh, a she-goat. The same change oocurs in Shb. (garunam, pana), and in Pašto ū> a before nasals and (GIP. I, ii, 208).
cf. Turner, G.Ph., 349.
199. a< . This change occurs sporadically in Pr. (Pr. Gr. $ 129). It is almost universal in the Nimadi dialect of Rājasthāni. Thus mã for me, in ; ága for áge, before ráhac for ráhēc, he remains (LSI. IX, ii, 60). In Eastern Pahāți e and a are frequently interchanged, especially in pronominal forms as in tyas-kő, tes-kö, tyes-kő, or tas-kő, of him. In colloquial Marāthi è often becoms a or ā, as in gharà or ghárå, for gháre, houses; mhanan or mhánān for mhánen, I say (LSI. VII, 21).
Few other instances of this change have been noted in IAV., and, in each case are colloquial corruptions not yet admitted to the literary language.
In Dardic the only certain instance that I have noted is Skr. 2.ka, Av. aēva-, Pahlavi ēv-ak, Prs.yak, Gwr. yak, Kť, ak-, Grw.My. ak, Grw. also ā, but others, ek, ev, ē, one. The Gwr. Via, V. Ves, Kh. r weg- (Skr, épati) is doubtful.
a < ai. For the weakening of ai > a, see § 180. 200. a<7, a Page #293

JANUARY, 1933]
IAV. A.
[ $$ 202-201
202. IAV. a. As a rule ā=an original Pr. a, as in IAV. ūgir, charcoal, Ap. angāru. Occasionally, however, it represents other Pr. vowels. Thus
å Page #294

$$ 205-208 )
ON THIE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
JANUARY, 1933
As for Dardic languages, I have not noted the sound in Kāšmiri, but it occurs in Şiņā, where it is freely interchanged with a, as in vrag- or pås-, see. When original, it seems to follow the same development as in the IAVs., as in mărõiki, to slay, å8, today, corresponding to IAV. V mir- and to āj respectively.
205. IAV.å. This letter represents the sound of a in 'call.' As a rule it stands for å or a when epenthetically modified by a following u-mātrā or by u, but is sometimes more independent in origin. Its corresponding short sound is o, q.v.
à also occurs in the Bhil forms of G. (LSI, IX, iii, 11), where we have, e.g., påg, for pag, a foot; pån, for pan, but.
206. å <ā. In some parts of India, ā is commonly pronounced, with a broad, intonation, as å. Thus in the Punci form of Northern Lahndā we have gēnå for gēnā, going, cahni for câhni, desirable; jana ni for janāni (zanāna), a woman; sätán for tätän, Satan; på ni for pāni, water; nen for neå, we are; giră for gira, a village, mārna for mārnā, thou wilt strike. So also in some forms of Bhil Gujarāti páni, water; à kh, an eye. Again in the Bāgri Rājasthāni spoken in the south-east Panjab, every à is pronounced å, written indifferently à or 7. Thus, kå kå, an uncle, for kākā, &c. (LSI, IX, ii, 148), and in Mārwāri Rājasthāni a, the termination of the obl. pl. is pronounced å, as in ghoda, by horses. A similar broadening is observable in northern Gujarāti (LSI. IX, ii, 394), where we have kår (karnal), an ear; tsädo for cãdo, the moon; pani, for pāni, water, and so on.
207. å Page #295

JANUARY, 1933)
IAV. A.
[$$ 209-211
209. IAV. ä. This generally represents an original Tbh. ai. We have seen (&$ 177, 180) that in Gujarati ai is weakened to ä, written asē, as in Jaipur, pr. Jäpur, N. of a well-known town. This ä-sound is especially common in Lahndā ($ 180), as in hä, for hai, is; par for pair, feet; rähnā, for rahiņā, through raihni (cf. § 152), to remain. So G. bätho (H. baitha), seated : khä, consumption (Skr. ksaja.); chä, he is ; nän, an eye ; mädö, fine flour; mänā, a kind of bird, a mainā '; vän, voice. In all these cases, both in L. and G., the vowel is commonly written a, into the sound of which it has a tendency to merge (cf. Bhn. 146).1
As regards Rājasthānī, in Mārwārī ai has a sound varying between ä and . In LSI. · IX, ii, 20, the sound is said to be almost like the a in 'hat,' and Dr. L. P. Tessitori, writing
from Jodhpur in Mārwār, in a private communication said it sounded to him "something like the e in 'step,' let,' 'get,' complexion, etc.," and compared it to the sound of the Italian è, is. If we represent his sound by ä, then Mw. jinai-rai, to a person, is pronounced jinä-rä, and bhais, a buffalo, is pronounced bhās. As in this dialect ē is often interchangeable with ai, it follows that it, too, often has this sound, though written ē. The same sound is heard in the mixed Bāgri dialect, lying between Mārwāți and Panjābi (LSI. IX, ii, 148). In Central Pahārī ai has frankly become a ($ 211).
We have seen (180) that this ä derived from ai is sometimes, under the influence of the stress-accent, further weakened to a, as in Northern Lahndā gatān, for saitān or sätān, Satan.
ä<ē. Just as ai>ä >ē, so we find, in the Punci and sub-Himalayan forms of Northern Lahndā, a tendency for ē, although not derived from ai, to become a. Thus, Himalayan L. naukarä-ki, for standard L. naukare-ki, to a servant, däna, for dēnā, to give (LSI. VIII, i, 507).
The same occurs in the NWL, spoken near Attock and to the north, where we have dillävicc, in the heart, as compared with the Northern Lahndā (Pth.) dille-vicc (ib. 543).
1 Seo Div. in GLL. 116, 162 ff. Div. describes the sound of this Glottor as like that in the English 'bat.' and (p. 175) quotos with approval Tossitori's statement that it is a wido sound of tho e-vowel, corresponding to the wide sound of a in the English word 'hat.' "The difforonce is mainly in the quantity, the Mar. wāri (and Gujarati) vowel being more prolonged in pronunciation than the corresponding vowel in the English word. To my own ear, tho sound is something between that of a and æ, but nearer the former, and this I find is borne out by Turner in G.Ph., passim, who represents it by the phonetic symbol €. I thoroforo employ the sign ä and not a.
210. I have not observed the occurrence of ä in any Dardic language except şiņā, but probably it exists in most. In s. it is often interchanged with e, and may be long or short. Thus, mel or mäl, buttermilk; cäi (cf. H. cābi, Portuguese chave), a key; cüi or cei (? cf. Skr. stri), a woman; çä (Skr. trayah), three; lal, known; lal (? cf. Av. raoidita-, reddish), blood; äsä (Pr. ēassa), of him ; dēinä, thou (fem.) givest (S.Ph. 8, 9, 14). Sufficient materials are not yet available for determining the circumstances in which this sound has arisen in şiņā, but in at least some of the above examples it seems to have been due to the epenthetic effect of a following i ory.
211. IAV. m. This sound is principally heard in Bengali. It however also occurs in Central Pahāri (Km.) as the representative of a Tbh, ai. Thus, baith, be seated, is pronounced both (LSI. IX, iv, 113). In this connexion, reference may also be made to the pronunciation of ai in Rājasthāni (Mw.) dealt with in $ 209, where the sound is something between ä and e.
In colloquial Bengali, especially in Eastern Bengali and the neighbouring Western Assamese, an e in the accented syllable of Tbh. words is usually given this sound (LSI. V, i, 29, 203). This is particularly the case when the following consonant is t, y, l, or a surd which is not labial. Thus, Bg. ék, one, pr. dek; dekha, see, pr. dlho or dekho ; géla, he went, pr. gielo or gydelo; EBg. déo, pr. diéo, give. In EBg. this is even the case in unaccented
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syllables provided the e or é is not final. Thus, dilen, he gave, pr. dilan. In the same dialect there is also a tendency to confound & with ä.
It will be seen that in Bengali a slight y-sound usually precedes the æ. In Tss. of the same language, yu following a consonant is pronounced æ. Thus tyāga, abandoning, pr. tæg; atyācāra, improper conduct, pr. ott cecār; hatyā, slaughter, pr. holvæ. In Tbhs, this sound is usually written ē, but, when it is desired to indicate the pronunciation by spelling, it is writton, as in Tss., as a post-consonantal yā. Thus dvakho will be found written dyākha or dyākho. So English words containing this sound are written with a y, as in myāds' mad'; byānk='bank'; ryānkēn=Ranken, N. P. Cf. $ 204 for å before a double consonant.
In Bengali Tss. ya following a consonant is pronounced e if followed by i ori in the next syllable ($239). If any other vowel follows, it is pronounced c. Thus vyákti, a person, pr! béleti, but vyákta, manifest, pr. bekto.
212. In Dardic, the sound æ has been noted in Kāšmiri and şiņā. In K. when the vowel a occurs in a monosyllable ending in an aspirated surd, it is pronounced æ, though written a. Thus krakh, outcry, pr. krækh, but sing. dat. kráki, not kroki. Some writers indicate this sound by ē, and write krēkh, kraki.
In $. the sound is rare. It occurs in the word æçi (Skr, aksi-), the eye, and in a few other words in which it is interchangeable with a oră. Such are ac or @c-, penetrate, and mányo or mænyo, the hip (S.Ph. 9, 14). In the word açi, there is clearly a case of epenthesis, and we observe the same in Kš. when the vowel a is epenthetically affected by a following i-mätrā. According to $ 126, in that language api is pronounced something like a pi. Perhaps, if we desired to get nearer the true sound, we should write api. Compare the Kš. ach', the eye.
IAV. I. 213. IAV. or i-mātrā. There is probably everywhere a tendency for a final i to be very lightly pronounced, or to be dropped (see § 146). In Bihari, however, it becomes distinctly a half-pronounced vowel or real i-mātrā (Mth. Gr. 4), as in Mth. gori, fair (fem.): dakhalành, he saw, dekhitahi, immediately on seeing (LSI. V, ii, 23). Regarding the possi. bility of these B. mätra-vowels being due to Dravidian influence, see $ 72.
We also find i-mätrü in Sindhi but there it is pronounced as e-mātrā, and will be discussed in $ 237. But in old Sindhi i-mātrā was used in anaptyxis, to separate the members of a compound consonant, as in marid" for mard", a man (S.Gr. 29).
We do not elsewhere come across IAV. i-matrā except in the Padari dialect of Western Pahāri spoken on the border of Kašmir, where it is certainly due to Dardio influence, and has, as in Dardio, an epenthetio affect on a preceding vowel. Thus, Pädari häith, an ele. phant, for *hạth.
214. So far as Dardic is concerned, i-mitrā is very common in Kāšmiri. It also probably exists in other Dardic languages, though the occurrence is masked by the various rough systems of spelling at present employed. Thus Bažgali duidt, hands, is almost certainly really dušt', with the epenthetically thrown back on the preceding syllable.
In Kš. s-matrā is hardly audible, but epenthetically affects the preceding vowel (see $$ 126, 164). As for the mātrā vowel itself, to a European ear, it seems as if a very faint i is sounded on each side of the consonant it follows. Thus ach', an eye, sounds like a chi or æichi ( 212) and gur', horses, like guiri. The Kt. s-mātrā invariably represents an old i, so that achi represents achi (Skr. *akpika), and gur', represents guri (Skr. ghöfikāb, see & 183).
In K i-mātrā is sometimes written y, as in süt or süty ( sahitë), with. This is merely a matter of spelling, and does not affect pronunciation.
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[ $215-216
215. IAV. i. This usually represents a Prakriti (s. 190).
isa. This occurred already in Pr. in unaccented syllables, especially in M., AMg. and JM. (Pr. Gr. 8 101). It also occurs sporadically in accented syllables (Pr. Gr. $ 103), generally due either to false analogy, or to the presence of an i in a neighbouring syllable.
In unaccented syllables it is frequent in Panjābi and Bihāri, usually appearing instead of the neutral vowel or by anaptyxis. Thus P. ráhina, H. náh nă, to remain ; náhir, Ar. nahr, a canal; páhir, a watch, H. pahar (Skr. práharah); B. (Bh.) úlità or ulta, reversed; lárikā, H. láraka, a boy ; ádimi, Ar, ádmi, a man; khárac, or kháric, Prs. arc, expenditure.
We have similar instances elsewhere, as in H. (Br. Dangi sub-dialect) bálik, for bálak, a boy; sūrij, H. ūraj, the sun. In the latter case, the y of sirya probably influenced the change.
The change is very general after kp, which is generally represented by ch or kh (for khy) in the IAV8. The palatal nature of these consonants was the exciting cause. Thus - Skr.
Ap. kpámā, patience chámā, khámā H. chimā, P.L.S. thimci. kpanam, & moment thanam
M. (dial.), S. khin, H.P.B. EPh. CPh.
chin. Compare :
krákoyati, he will bacchai, kañchaiH . khicai or kháīcai, he pulls. pull
(H.R. 40). It is also often due to the presence of a palatal vowel or consonant in a neighbouring syllable. Thus närángikā, an orange näráigia
H. naringi or naráigi. mfttikā, earth
G.H.P.L. mitti, S. mifi ; also mátti, &c.,
in most places. gandyati, he counts ganéi.
H.P. gin-, but S.L.gar-, Bg. (dial.) gun-, ámbalika, tamarind ámbaliū
H. imali. máijā, marrow
májja
S. miña (through manja, $ 185). kárkatilă, cucumber kákkadia. S. kákiri, but H. kákari, O. kákuri. kirana), a ray.
S.sTs. kirine, B. kirin, others kiran, &c. átasikā, linseed
álasia (Hc. 1, 211) S. ilasi, H. lisi or álasi. pascāt, behind
pacchā
Bg. pichë, H. pichi, and so on for others.
H. also pache. And so many others. It will be observed that the change is most common in Sindhi. It is also common in Rajasthāni, even on accented syllables, when there is not always an explanation for the presence of the i.
Thus, R. (J.) pindat, a pandit (metathesis);r sit, but H. V sar. (Skr. sidali), rot ; minakh (mānupa), & man; jin (jana)), & person. So the very general coll. IAV. nimak for Prs. námak (Sivend, nimik, GIP. I, ii, 384), salt; and S.STs. pirabh (Skr. párva-), a festival. Cf. OWR. Gr., § 2 (1).
Occasionally i is to be derived from an original Skt. ya, as in Bg.G. bhitar, H. bhitar (abhyantarē). In such cases, if the derivation is to be accepted, the IAV. words must be sTss.
216. In Dardic we find instances of i Page #298

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217. i i. See $$ 170 ff. In Assamese every i is pronounced as i, see $ 113. 213. i was probably helped by the custom in Drd. of prefixing ito a medial u, as in A, ustra., Bš. &tyur, V. ištiur, a camel, just as in English we say yu for u in such words as 'penury.' (Cf. $$ 193, 226a.) Possibly the same influence may have been at work in the IAVs., though no trace of it is now visible.
219. is. As the vowel does not occur in Pr., this change, of course, cannot be found in IAV. Tbhs. The vowel, has already become a, i, u, &c., in Pr. See Pr.Cr. $$ 47 ff. Cf, also S.Gr. iv.
But, as no intermediate Pr. is certainly known, we must compare Dardie directly with Skr. Here we find the Skr. generally represented by a, a change common in Indian, but rare in Eranian. Occasionally we find represented by other sounds, such as i, e, i, or, and re. Thus :
Skr. nrtwati, he dances: Bår nåt., Pas r wit-, V. Wai. Kl. Gwr. nat., s. r nutar
r nath., but Bš. r not-, My. Grw. nē.. Skr. krkaváku., a cock; Bš, kakak, V. ka koka, Ki, ka karak. Skr. rdré-, P.P.p. drsta- ; Paš. rlas, Grw.r lith-, see ; Trw. dit k dreta), seen (fem.) Skr. rkpa, a bear; Kh, orts (Tomaschek, Centralasiatische Studien, SWAW, 1880, 894),
Skr, reabha., a buil; Kh, reši. Cf. also Kh. lesi, a cow. The distinction is interesting. In CP. Pr. may optionally be changed to 1 (Hc. iv, 326). In Pr. initial becomes ri or (in Mg.Pr.) li (Pr.Gr., $ 56).
220. i iie. When the lettere is for any reason shortened, its proper represen. tative is e, and this is actually the case in EIAV. Thus béļi, a daughter, Ig.ím, béfiya. The same shortening also occurs in the west, especially in the colloquial language and in poetry, but in the literary prose language é is usually shortened to i. Thus, bițiya.
The western languages as a rule make no attempt to write a short e, writing i instead, but we see from Eastern Hindi and Lahndā, in which the difference is preserved in writing, that e and i are really interchangeable, or, perhaps, rather that e is in common use, although
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often represented in writing by i. Thus EH. dékhes or déthis, he saw; L. álche or áthia, said. In both cases the former of each pair represents the usual pronunciation, although owing to the vowel not being accented, it is not always easy to distinguish the exact sound. We hear the difference better in words like Bihāri ékarā, him. In the W Bh. dialect of that language the word is usually written ikarā, although the sound is still ekørā in the mouths of most speakers.
As regards Dardio we can only speak with certainty as to Ks. Here e and i are absolutely indistinguishable, and only natives who have made a study of the subject pretend to be able to see any difference between the two sounds, although a European can readily hear how a Kašmiri will at one time say, e.g., beh, sit, and the next moment say bih. Cf. Ps.L. 16. In Şină i and are liable to be interchanged (8.Ph., $ 24).
221. i ai. Cf. $ 180, where we have seen that ai is sometimes weakened to i.' The only instance of weakening to i that I have noted occurs in colloquial Assamose, when the ai is final. Thus kariba-lai, coll, kariba-li, for doing (LSI. V, i, 400).
In Dardie we have Kš. behi, he will sit, properly a present, and representing Skr. upavisati, Pr. uvaisai, and so in all other verbs.
222. Dardic. This is Kš, i epenthetically affected by a following vowel. When i is followed by u-mātrā or by u, it is pronounced yu. Thus, mil", reconciliation, pr. myul" ; gindun, pr. gyndun, he played. When it is followed by i-matră, it is pronounced vi, as in liv, pr. büy*, plastered. See § 126.
223. IAV. i. This usually represents an original i, but sometimes it represents the lengthened sound of i. See § 168. For the weakening of ai to i, see $ 180.
In Western Pahārī, which lies close to Dardic, i and ē are freely interchanged. Thus * si or sē, he; ik, ēk, one; bandi, bande, having divided ; boni, bónē, a sister; göhrci, göhrcē, household property, and so all feminines which elsewhere end in i.
As regards Dardic, in Kš. i and e, as in WPh., are absolutely interchangeable, exactly as in the case of i and e. Thus, the same man will say, or write, dorun or sirun, to arrange, in two consecutive sentences. Cf. P.L. 16, and $ 220 above.
We have lengthening of i in Skr. siras- ; Paš. dir, Ks. hir, a head (possibly under the influence of birpa); Av. nishidaiti, Skr, nişidati ; Paš. V ni-, sit; and Grw. jūbh, a tongue (borrowed from India). A change from ē to i occurs in Av. aēva.; Wai., Paš., Kh. i, one. Here ev has probably been contracted to i, as iv in Av.jiyvant. ; 8. jino, alive.
224. Dardic i. This is Kš. i epenthetically affected by a following u-mātrā or u. In such a case it is pronounodd yū, as in nils, blue, pr. nyüls. So the word bima, insurance, has its sg. gen. bimuks, pr. byūmuk". No other vowel epenthetically affects i. See $ 126.
IAV. u. 225. IAV. or u-mātrā. As in the case of final i, there is probably everywhere 'a tendency for a final u to be very lightly pronounced, or to be dropped ($ 146). In Bihāri and Sindhi, however, it becomes a distinctly half-pronounced vowel or u-matrā (Mth.Gr. 4, S.Gr.St. 10). Thus B. dekhidhw, let me see thee; dékhlah, I saw ; 8. árar", a coal. We have seen (§ 183) that in Kāšmiri nouns ending in had i-bases, and that the represents *yu < *ikah. Thus the obl. of Kš. gúru (for *ghóţikah) is guri. In Sindhi, on the contrary, nouns ending in have a bases, e.g., anaru, represents an older angārakah, and its obl. fem. is arara, not anari. There is this further difference between Kāšmiri on the one hand and Bihari and Sindhi on the other, that in the latter the u-mātrā does not usually epenthetically affect a preceding vowel (cf. however B. å, $ 207), while in the former, it has a very strong epenthetic influence.
U-matrā has not been noted elsewhere in the IAV8., except in the Pādari dialect of Western Pahāļi, in which that language is merging into Dardic. In Pāçari, the existence
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of u-matrā is disguised by the system of spelling. Thus gěőbhur, a son, is really for göbhart (Cf. Kš. wädur, &c., in $ 164).
In Dardic itself u-mātra has only been noted in Kašmiri, in which it is extremely common. As already said all masculine nouns with i-bases end in it in the sg. nom., and this class is the most important in the language, corresponding to the strong nouns of the IAVs. Also a number of nouns, of which wädur, already mentioned, is the type, with a bases had originally a final u-mātrā (see $ 164), and are even now often so written, e.g. uädur. All strong adjectives and all past participles also end in u-mātrā, as in ", good; bìth", sat. For the epenthetic effect on a preceding vowel, see $5 126 and 164.
226a. IAV. #. This generally represents a Prakrit u, see $ 190. There are, however, as usual, exceptions, for which see the following sections,
In Dardic, there is observable a tendency to pronounce an intervocalic u or u as if it were preceded by y (sometimes written i), exactly as, in such English words as singular,' or duty,' we say singyular,' dyuty. This insertion of a y-sound is most easily observ. able in Bašgali, where we have such words as tu or tiu, thou (cf. Veron iyu), and du or diu, two; but, as we shall see, it is also found in Kāšmiri and Khowār, and not improbably it will be discovered in other members of the group when they have been more thoroughly investigated. For further examples, see $296.
In Kasmiri, the reverse process,-i.e., a yż optionally becoming is also not uncommon. In such cases, the y is a secondary formation from for, which, by epenthesis, has become yu owing to a following u-matrā (§ 126). Examples are cir" (pronounced cyür") or cūr", squeezed ; sögu (pr. syūš") or sug", the lungs; ser* (pr. & yür), repaired; tizu (pr. tyuz") or tuzu, a radish; dir (for drir") (pr. dyūr", for dryūr) or drür, glue; kig" (for krir) (pr. kyūru, for kryūr") or krür", a well. In the last two we see that Kašmiri has the same difficulty in pronouncing yū after r that exists in English, where, e.g., we say 'rule' (not ryule ') and crude' (not cryude ').
With cyür" given above, in which the y is due to epenthesis, we can compare the K. chor (pr. chūr") or chyür", released, in which the y is not epenthetic, but follows the main rule of the optional insertion of y before ă, as given above. Such cases are necessarily scme. what rare in Kš., in which language a Tadbhava & generally becomes, as explained in $ 193.
In Kašmiri, there is a further complication due to the rule that, save in exceptional circumstances, a Tadbhava ty or dy becomes zetacized to ts or 2, respectively ( 326). We have seen that, in Bašgali, an original tù, thou, has become tiu or tu, and that an original dü, two, has become diu or du. In Kš., owing to this rule of zetacism, there is a still further change. The word for thou' is tú > tyü > tsü, and finally ts(h) (193), and the word for two' is dū>dyū > zū, and finally 2"(h) ($ 193). We see a similar change in Khāwār, in which the word for two' is jü, evidently derived from dū, through *dya. 226b.uPage #301

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IAV. U.
E §§ 227-231
ganayati, he counts
gandi ángulā
ángulika, a finger
It will be seen that in most cases the u is in an unaccented syllable immediately following the main stress accent, or else that it is due to the presence of another u or i in a neighbouring syllable or to a neighbouring labial semi-vowel or nasal. Cf., for the last, Western Pahāri (Gadi) kuma- for kama-, to work. In OWR. this change is not uncommon (OWR.Gr., § 2 (2). In Dardie this change also occurs. In East Eranian the change of a> o and of a to a is common (GIP. I, ii, 295).. In Afridi Pašto the change of a to à is universal, and in Waziri Pašto every a>ō. Thence the change to u is easy. Cf. Shb. ucavuca, osudhani, muta, &c. Similarly, Av. xara-, Bš. kur, V. kõru, an ass; Skr. gardabha-, Kh. gurdo-s, an ass; Av. zasta-, O. Prs. dasta-, Bš. dust, V. lust, Aš. dost, a hand; Av. aspa-, B. ušp, a horse; Skr. V vat, V. V but, share; Av. dantan-, Skr. danta-, Kh. don, §. don, Bs. dutt, Aš, dont, Wai. dut, a tooth.
Bg. (dial.) Vgun-, to count.
H. úgali, P. üguli, but M. águli.
227. ui. Here also the change occurs in unaccented syllables.
Ap. lóhiu
Skr. lóhitam, blood kúlṭini, a bawd tintiḍi, tamarind
H. loha, but B. lehu.
STs.O. kúttuni, but Bg. kúltani.
Bg. titul, O. tetuli, but A. tételi,
EPh. titri.
tintiḍi
Other examples are Bg. halud (haridra), turmeric, and O.B.M.G.P. giri, S. gerü, Bg.H. gerua, A. gereu; but L. geri, P. also geri (from Skr. gairika-), red ochre. Geru, &c. must be derived from gairuka-, and is hardly a fair example. It may be added that, like the L. and the optional P. forms, the -ika base also exists in Kš. ger" (<*gēri). That is to say that, while gairika- appears only in the North-West, *gairuka- seems to have been spread over nearly the whole of India.
Instances in which I have noted the change as occurring on an accented syllable are Bg. bunda, P. bund, bad, G. bund, bundu, M.L. bund, H. bid (Skr. binduḥ), a drop, and WPh. (Gadi) mul- for mil-, to be met. In the former the change is due to metathesis (§ 162), and in the latter it is probably due to the influence of the peculiar sound of joined to the. fact of the initial being a labial letter.
u Ks. rět, a month. The latter may be a sTs., but is not so necessarily. Note Sindhi rut,
a season.
229. uo>u, see §§ 178, 181. As an additional example we may quote Skr. lávanam, Pr. lénam, S. lún", but others lön, los, &c. In Central Pahari (Km.) initial v preceding i tends to become u, as in vi, or ui, he. Such a change is not uncommon everywhere, as in S. duárō, a temple (dēvālayakaḥ); duár", others duar, &c. (dodrom), a door.
115
230. Dardic. This is sometimes found in Kašmiri before i-mātrā, as in guri, pr. guiri, horses, but the apparent change is non-existent, the iri being merely the Kš. pronunciation of -ri. See §§ 126 and 214. Really, u in K. is never affected by epenthesis.
231. IAV. . This usually represents an original u, but sometimes it represents the lengthened sound of u. See § 168. For the weakening of au to u, see § 181. In Old Eastern

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Hindi poetry strong nouns with a bases (e.g., OH. ghorau u in bulisē (8229) is really >ü, and we should properly write būlice.
232. In Dardic generally ürü, but sometimes it represents other vowels. It must be remembered that in Kāšmiri, and probably elsewhere (Cf. G.Ph. 14), o and ū are absolutely interchangeable. The average Kāšmiri is unable to distinguish between the sourds of these two letters. E.g., he will at one moment say poś, and the next moment pūš, ard rot be aware that he has sounded them differently.
(a) Interchange. Av. karana., Skr, karna- ; $. kün, kön, Bš, kör, KI, kuro, but K, kan, an ear. Av. dantan., Skr. danta-; Wai. dit, others don, don, duit, &c., a tooth. Skr. puspa-, Kl. pūg-ik, Km. põg, but Trw. pašū, a flower. (6) Vocalization of labial consonant and crasis. OPrs. *ava- + r stā-; Kl. ušt, others ust-, ul-, uth-, &c., rise. Skr. svarna-; Bš, sūn, others son, sön, &c., gold Av. span; Wai. cũ, Paš. Süsi-ng, $. dî, Ks. hün", a dog. OPrs. r Xiyav., Av. r sav-; Wai. r cū., Grw. r co., go. Av. xivas ; Wai. &i, V. ašū, others do, &c., six. Skr. raabha-; Kh. rexi, a bull. Frs, kafa, Mazandarani, kas (GIP. I, ii, 353); Km. kūdi (base k88-), shoe.
An instance of elision of n with consequent crasis is Skr. mănuşa-, manusya ; $. mūg, others muš, mod, &c.
(c) Accent. Due to accent is Av. pura., Skr. pútra-; Wai, Kl. pūr, My. pūth, Trw. pūc, others pufr, piutr, pult, &c., son.
In K., ai followed by u becomes ū. Thus, in the base kait-, how much ? Masc. Sg. nom. kūtu, but f. kiits", see $236.
Regarding the change of ū to , see $ 193, and to i, $ 236. Regarding y prefixed to ă, see $ 226a.
233. Dardio ủ This sound has been noted only in Kāšmiri. Like y, it occurs only in words like gür', pr. gū'r', cowherds. As in the case of y, the sound of ū is really not changed by epenthesis, see &$ 126, 230.
Exceptionally, however, in a few words, when i is followed by ü-mätrā, it becomes ü. see $236. Thus:--Ks. kūr" (krūrab), cruel, fem, kür"; gūd", foolish, fem. gida.
Dardic ü. 234. This sound only occurs in Dardic and in those IAVs. that are under Dardic influence. It has the three grades of ", ü, and i.
Dardic ü or i-mātrā always represents an old final i. Thus, Kš, kar" m, she was made for me, is for an older kari-me. In Kašmir, even pandits, when speaking Sanskrit, pronounce a final i ori as ü (Cf. Bühler, Kashmir Report, JBRA., 1877, 25, 26). In fact, in Kš, ü-mātrā and i-mātrā are quite commonly confounded, and words, such as māj", a mother, are often written maji.
In Kš. most nouns of the 3rd declension, i.e., strong feminine nouns with i-based, end in ü-mäträ, so that the latter is the typical feminine termination of the language, just as u-mātrā is the typical masculine termination. Thus gur", a horse, gur", a mare (quasi Skr. *ghögikah, *ghôţiki, cf. $ 183).
Regarding the epenthetic effect of u-mātrā on a preceding vowel, see $$ 126, 164. When the letter a precedes ü-matrā, it becomes ü. Occasionally a mätrā () is followed by ü-mātrā,
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IAV. E.
($ 238-237
and it, itself, becomes a non-original ü-mātrā, which does not necessarily epenthetically affect a preceding vowel. Thus gåt.;*, is pr. gāt"", in which the ā is not affected by the following secondary ü-mnātrā. In fact this secondary i-matra has exactly the same epenthetic effect as the a-mäträ from which it is derived, and is written a-mātri in this work. See $ 193.
235. Dardie ü. In this work the sound of ü is represented by a followed by ü-mālrā, in other words it is the sound of a epenthetically affected by . Thus kar", pr. kür, she was made ; baqa, pr. büds, great (fem.). The masculine forms of these words are kør“, pr. kor", and bad", pr. bod", respectively. As ü-mātrā represents an original i, Ü therefore represente ai. Thus kürt is for kairi, and büd for baidi. Cf. $6 126. 164.
236. Dardie 1. This Kāšmiri sound, which is more nearly the long form of ü than any other sound with which I am acquainted, is represented in the Nāgari alphabet by ü, with a mark above it to indicate that it is, what native grammarians call, a prasiddha. Thus
tür", coldness. Regarding its pronunciation see $ 108.
This letter occurs in one very common word süti or sütin, with, and also in a few other words of rarer occurrence, such as tiir", coldness; printsh, twenty-five; klir fem. of kūru. cruel : thükü, fem. of thük, attacked by the horns of any animal; güd" fem, of güd", foolish; and Kš. r dör, hate, past part. fem. dup, but maso. dute".
When ai or ö is followed by ü-mātrā or i it generally becomes i. Thus the base kait-, how much ?, has its fem. küts", its masc. sg. dat. kütis, and its masc. pl. nom. kait or Lüti; but masc. sg. nom. lur, see $ 232. Here we see that i is derived from ai, epenthetically affected by a following i. So sie', is for sahitē, through saiti ; and punts"is for pañcavimšati-through *pañcis, *paiñcis (cf. H. paitis, thirty-five, and $ 251). • In other cases Ti is derived from t subjected to similar epenthesis. This is quite plain in klip (for *krüriki), and is also evident in thüls and guda.
The derivation of tiir is perhaps from trgāriki, *tuhāriki. This word preserves the u through all its inflections, e.g., pl. nom. ture, and hence must have an independent derivation, unlike that of klits. Cf. K. Gr. 62.
In Kāšmiri Tatsamas, an original generally becomes ii, as in rüp. (rūpa-), form ; cüd (cüda.), a crest; stire (sürya-), the sun. On the other hand, in Tadbhavas it generally becomes
This distinction, however, is not always observed. (Soe $ 1936.)
In K%. dialects, ll is interchangeable with , i.e., with a followed by i-mātrā or ü-mātrā. Thus, in the villages we hear söt', written sati, for' with,' and köts", written kūts", for (fem.)
how much !' In such cases the nom. pl. of "köts is kāts in the villages, while the nom. pl. of küts is kaitse in the standard dialect. See $ 232.
The sound of li is also heard in the IAV. Western Pahāți, where it is evidently borrowed from Dardic. Thus, WPh. biihn, a sister, for bahini >.baihpi.
IAV. e. 237. IAV. or e-matra. This vowel occurs in place of final i in S., being written i, as in mehete, a mosque (S.Gr. x, and S.Gr.St. 10). When used in anaptyxis the i-sound apparently remains, see $ 213.
We also find e-matrā in WPh. (Padari), where it is evidently borrowed from Dardic. Thus the, they were: kol, beat, koefni (fem.), beating. In the latter case it is clearly an instance of epenthesis.
In Dardic, e-mātrā is found in Ks. Here it is only a substitute for a-mātrā in circumstances under which a becomes e. Thus, a becomes e after it, and accordingly batarawun, to cause to be, becomes bañ rāwun. It thus has exactly the same epenthetic effect as a-mātrā. See $$ 126, 164.
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41 238-239
.
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
FEBRUARY, 1933
238. IAV. e. This vowel is either the shortened form of ē, or else is derived from a influenced by a neighbouring palatal, or from i influenced by a neighbouring guttural. In some languages there is a tendency for a neighbouring guttural to change even a to e, or o to ē. It probably exista, as a sound, in all IAVs, and certainly exists in A. Bg. B. EH. H. EPh. CPh. W Ph. G. L. and 8. Native writers deny that it exists in O., but this is very doubtful. Grammars of other languages are silent on this point, and nothing can be gathered from spelling, as there is no character in the Nāgari alphabet to represent the sound. In most languages it is represented by the character for long ē. EH. sometimes represents it by ya, and H. and L. by i (of. § 220).
It is well known that e existed in Pr. (Pr. Gr., $ 45, &c.; Bhn. IV, 14).
239.e<ă, ya. In the following we have an instance of a becoming e owing to the presence of an original palatal 8. Skr.
Ap. sábariki, a hill.
sávaria
H.EH. Séveri. tribe woman Such cases are rare, as a generally becomes ē (see $ 245). Here the ē has been shortened owing to its falling in the antepenult.
In Assamese we find the change of initial a to e (written ë) not uncommon in accented syllables, and without the necessary presence of a palatal. Thus sTs. axa or éxå. hope (Skr. ása); 8Ts. ádhār or edhär, the breast (Skr, ádhára); Tbh, ádhā or édhā, half (Skr. árdha. ka), Ap. áddhdu).
In Bengali we have e in the verbal termination en, as in kárilen, pr. k&rilen, he did (LSI. V. i, 30). This is derived from kárilani, cf. Bihāri kártlanhi. In the same language ya following a consonant and followed by i is pronounced e or ve, as in Ts, vyakti, a person, pr. bekti or bvekti (8211); ks being pr. khu, Bg.Ts. kpati, loss, is pr. khveti, and similarly we have Ts. vyatita, expired, pr. bétito (cf. LSI, V, i, 30). In H. EH. and EPh. vyakti becomes the sTs, bēkat. Again the change of a >e is very common in coll. Bg. under the influence of a neighbouring i. Thus, thákiyā, from, pr. theke; baciya, having escaped, pr. béce; dilam, I gave, pr. dilem ; aga, before, pr. égve.
In all these Bg. instances, the change is due to the neighbourhood of a palatal vowel or consonant.
In Eastern Hindi and the eastern dialects of H., e and ya are interchangeable. Thus he saw' is written in EH. dekhyas, dēkhes, or dekhis, but is pr, dékhes. As we go west and south into Bundelkhand we more often hear dēkhyas, but dēkhes is also heard. So we have EH. and H. (Bn.) tyahi or tehi, him.
In Eastern Pahāri, a, m, e, and ye are all interchangeable in words like tas-kö, tyas-kő. tes-ko, or tyes-kö, of him. In this language y can always be inserted before e or ē, as in tyes-ko, or as in garēko or garyēko, done. Every initial e must be preceded by y, as in yak or yek, often written ék, one (LSI. IX, iv, 22). In Central Pahāri, initial e is pronounced ye or ya by the vulgar, as in yetuk or yatuk, for etuk, so much (LSI. IX, iv, 114). This vowel is common in CPh., principally as a shortening of ē. See below. It is also common in Western Pahāri, in words such as tes, him, and others.
In Gujarāti, chiefly in foreign words, accented a before h is pronounced as e. Thus béher (Prs. Sahr), a city; déhsat (Ar. dahšat), fear; jéher (Ar, zahr), poison. So (Skr. sah.) G.sehevi, to endure. Cf. the next section and < (249). In the same language we have a >e under the influence of a neighbouring original i in words like bëhen (cf. Kš, béñe), a sister, and béhero, deaf, quoted in the next section. It will be observed that in both these cases the e is accented and followed by h, which fact has also contributed to the change (Cf. 88 240, 249).
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IAV. E.
(1 240-242
240. esi. The short e of Eastern Hindi (see above) is in the colloquial form of speech often interchanged with i; thus, dekhis, as well as dékhes. So also in Lahndā. In the literary forms of H. and P. i is always written for e. See $ 220.
The change of i toe is easy when a guttural letter precedes or follows. This is the regular rule in the Urdū form of Hindi, when iis followed by h or by the Arabic h or'. Thus gih, this, pr. yeh ; mihnat, toil, pr. mehnat, i'timäd, trust, pr. e'timad. So also Sindhi sharo, such, pr. ehaso; mihit, a mosque, pr. mehet; as other examples we may quote
Skr.. Ap. vibhānuḥ, brilliant vihánū
H. EH. berán or bihán, dawn. mithunah, a pair mihunu
M. máhun. práthamam, first padhavili
G. péhlü, but others páihilā or pahlā.
Here in G. there has been metathesis
of i and a. bhágini, a sister báhipi
G. béhen, but H. bahin, P. bainh. báshirdkah, deaf báhirdu
G. béhero, but others báhirā, bahera. hitakah, a friend .
R. (Rondwāļi) hetū or hetū. (?) Cf.
P.G. hét, friendship. Occasionally i>e in unaccented syllables. Thus Skr.
Ap. vidámbayati, vidamvéi
H. berái or biçái; M. berávi. he mocks nimántrakam, nimanidu
H. néAta, P. néada. an invitation śrgálah, a jackal siálu
B. nedl or sidi, o. seál, sál. In L. unaccented i and e are interchangeable, as in á kkia or ákheä, said.
241. e<. See $ 170, and, for the change ai>ē>e, $ 180. As explained in § 180, this latter change is very common in Gujarāti, in which language ä and e are much confound. ed. For a list of words in G. containing this short e (which we might also write a) see LSI. IX. ii. 344. In some few of these words, the e does not reprosent an original ai, but is simply & shortening of an original e, the reason not being obvious. Thus dhen, a cow; den, a debt, in both of which the 2 was originally long, of. Skr. dhënu-, H. denā.
In Marathi (Kön.), we often find a Pr. e preserved, even when a compound consonant has been simplified. Thus, tel, oil (M. Pr. tella-); set, a field (M. Pr. chelta.); ek or ék, one (M.Pr. ekkr.) (LSI. VII, 167).
The Central Pahāri rule (800 $ 173) under which ¿>e when preceding a short vowel in the next syllable, should also be remembered in this connexion. Thus moro, not mēro, my. In some dialects of CPh. the short final vowel is dropped, but the e nevertheless remains short.
Note also that in Assamese every written é is pronounced as e. In other words, ēdoos not exist in that language.
242. In Dardic the evolution of follows much the same lines ms in the IAVs. In Kašmiri e is generally written ya, and is often pronounced Ve. A is also commonly pronounc. ed as e after the palatal consonants e, ch, j, k, and s. Thus, Skr. Vitastā, K. Veth, written Vyath, N. of a river; bene (Cf. G. béhen $$ 239, 240), a sister, written byata ; V cemak., written camak, shine :v chek-, written chak, scatter; jeld, quickly, written jald ; Sehalucold, written jahalMoreover in Kš. i and e are interchangeable. Uneducated Kašmiris, especially those of Srinagar, seem to be incapable of distinguishing between these two sounds, and even oducated men will say both bifi and bene, almost at random.
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ON THE MODERN INDO ARYAN VERNACULARS
(APRIL, 1933
Ap.
For other Dardic languages we may quote, Eranian (WaxTV yav-, eat; Paš. Ve or u., but others yū., žu-, &c. Av. Grāyo, three; B. Kl. Kb. treh, others trē, tre, çē, cā, &c.; Eranian (Siyni) zēv, tongue : Ks. zēv, My. zēv. Cf. Prs, mēwa, Ks. mewa, fruit.
243. Dardice. This is K. e modified by epenthesis. See $8 126, 164.
244. IAV. ē. This usually represents a Pr. ē, or a Pr. e preceding a compound consonant simplified in the IAV. (see $$ 168, 190). As examples we may here quote 8. vēr", enmity (Skr. vairam, Ap. vēru); S. vej" (Skr. vidyaḥ, Ap. vejju).
245. éca, a. This occasionally happens under the influence of a neighbouring palatal letter. Thus :
Skr. válmalikā, silk. námaria
H. démar or smal; M. Gebari, with the cotton tree
ē shortened in the antepenult. ethá payati, he places thāvéi
M. thêv(cf. FLM. & 77), but K. thav.,
thit-. ámhrikah, foot
(amhiu, He. G.M.P.H.EH.Bg. édi, B. &di, heel.
iv, 288) sumdhih,
sandhi. (1) friendship,
S. sedh, friendship. (2) a burglar's mine
S. sándh, L. sandh, P. sannh, H.EH. sedh.
B. sēnh, Bg.O. sindh, A. sindhi, a mine. salyam, a dart
Bg. (?) sTs. sēl, H.P. sēl. in $ 239 we have seen how, especially in Gujarāti, there is a tendency for a to become e, and in connexion with this we may quote : mahişah, buffalo
Pr. m:this S. mëhs, G. bhês, others mhais, bhaie. váñganah, the
Bg. bēgun, but M.H.EH.B.P, bai gan, O. egg-plant
báigun. These, however, are rather instances of crasis, and of weakening of ai to ē (see $$ 177 ff.). The M, klerij (Ar. gārij), excluded, and hisēb (Ar. hisāb), an account, are hardly instances of this. Rather are they examples of the Ar. Prs. imāla (cf. GIP. I, ii, 33), and have been received into M. in their present forms.
The colloquial Benguli pronunciation of a or à as e has been noted in $ 239, and here we may add the colloquial Bg. sound of ai as ē. Thus khāitē, pr. khētë. Finally, in WPh. ai and ē are often interchanged, as in bētā, bäļā, or baitā, a son; rkhēc. or khaic, pull; sēti, from, probably < sahitē (cf. Kš. süt, with, $ 236).
Just as in Bg., EH. and elsewhere ($ 239) ya and e are commonly interchanged, and yā and é and ce in Bg. are often confused (211), so we find in many parts of India an interchange between 7 and yā. Thus, EH. ek dēs or yāk dyās, a country (LSI. VI, 14). The same is the case in the Banāphari form of Bundēli, one of the Eastern dialects of Hindi, and bordering on EH. Here we have words like kêr or kyār, of; khēt or khyāt, a field ; ēr or yār, & support. In all these cases, the ē is the original letter, and ya the secondary (LSI. IX, i, 477). So also in Marathi in cases like lya, or tē, vēlēs, at that time (LSI. VII, 22), and in the standard M. of the Könkan coast (LSI. VII, 65), where we have not only lyāk and lēk, but lyck, and lyök, a son; yēk or yök, one. In the mixed dialect of Khāndēs, half M. and half Bhili, there is the same ad libitum interchange of é and yā, as in tē or tyä, that (LSI. IX, iii, 204). In Eastern Pahari ē, yā, and yē are interchangeable, but the last two are now old-fashioned (LSI. IX, iv, 22), and in Central Pahāri (Kumauni) when ő is followed by a it becomes ya, as in myălă, but H. mēlā, a fair ($ 204) (LSI. IX, iv, 114). We find a clue to the origin of this change in the very common prothesis of y before 7, as, e.g., in M. ek or yēk, one; yêrê, to come, &c. See $294 post.
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IAV. AI.
( $$ 246-251
Skr.
246. In Dardic I have not noted any instances of the change of ă or yā to ē, but the prothesis of y before ē is very common. In Ks. y must be prefixed to every initial ē, and most people pronounce a medial é as if a lightly pronounced preceded it. Thus, Ks. er, wool, pr. yer; r mel., unite, often sounded meal.
247. è<*. We have seen ($ 240) how i sometimes >e. The change of to é is not frequent, and is due to a lengthening of e on account of accent. Thus :
Ap. nimbtikah, a lime
nimbúu Bg. Témū, others nimbu, &c. tintidi, tamarind
tintidi
Bg. ftul, but O. tétuli, A. tételi. The change of long i to é is confined to Northern Gujarati and to the closely related Western Pahāri. Thus, NG. märēs for māris, I shall strike; tego for Gigo, a husk; hedyo for hidyo, ho set forth; vei for viti, a ring (LSI. IX, ii, 394). In WPh. the two vowels are freely interchanged, see 223.
248. As regards Dardio, see $ 223 for the interchangeability of i and ē. In My. and Grw., has become ē, through i, in Skr. v nrt-, My. Grw. net-, dance, but others nat-, &c.
isai. See $ 180. It may here be noted that in Dardio s. ai and Ef are interchangeable (Ps. L. 86).
249. izo. We have seen (8$ 239, 240) that there is a tendency for a and i to become e before gutturals. The same is occasionally the case with 7. Skr.
Ap. róhitam, blood
lóhiu
B. téhu, but H. lóhe, Bg. lo. rõhitah, a kind
róhiu
P. B. réhu, H. rõhu, A. ro. of fish We might ascribe this change to the influence of the i in the next syllable but for the case of H. gehd, P. ghéll, A. ghehu, from Skr. gödhūmah, wheat. See $ 200. 250. Dardic. e. This is the Kš. è modified by epenthesis. See $$ 126, 164.
IAV. ai. 251. Regarding this diphthong, which represents a +i, not a+i ($ 110), see $$ 178 ff. There is considerable laxity in its pronunciation. In Bihāri, Eastern Hindi, Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi, it is almost a matter of the personal equation of the speaker as to whether it is pronounced as a true diphthong, or whether the a and the i are pronounced separately. In Sindhi it is a question of religion. When pronouncing ai in borrowed words Musalmāns make it a diphthong, but Hindūs separate the vowels. In indigenous words ai>ē (8.Gr. vi). So far as my ear can be trusted, in reading IAV. poetry the vowels are generally separated, and in common everyday communications it is much more common to write, e.g., baithai ( 18 ) he site, than baithai (4). The two sounds are so near akin that in ordinary rapid conversation it is impossible to say decisively which is used. On the other hand ai can be clearly distinguished from ai, which is not infrequent as a termination (§ 182) and has an altogether different sound. In some IAVs. (e.g., Bihāri) ai when final is often written ay, as in karai or karay, he does. This is merely a question of spelling.
In Bengali, Oriya, and Assamese ai is pr. oi. In the West there is a tendency to assimi. late it with ä, ē and < (8$ 209, 211). See also B.S.O.S., VII, 260.
According to the Central Pahāși rule (173), ā preceding a short vowel is itself shortened to å. Thus Hai, having come, becomes *ai. This finally becomes as, which is itself usually pronounced æ ($ 211) (LSI. IX, iv, 115).
While ai is almost always the result of crasis, now and then we find it with another derivation. Thus the common word bhūiyå, on the ground (thümi-) becomes bhaiya in Rājasthāni (J.). Again, the very common M.H.EP.B. bdigan, O. báigun, Bg. begun, the egg-plant,
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$$ 252-254]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(APRIL, 1933
has to be referred to the Skr. vinganah, so also in certain compound numerals formed with Skr. panica-, Pr. panna., five, and Skr. sapta-, Pr. sátta-, seven, the first a becomes ai in H.P. NB.Bg.O. and A. as in H. paštis, thirty-five, saitis, thirty-seven. This can hardly be due to epenthesis, as we have the same change in H. paitális, forty-five, and saitális, forty-seven. The reason of the change of a to ai in these cases is unknown to me.
202. In Dardic, ai, so far as its derivation can be traced, is due to epenthesis, as in My.ainch, Kš. ach', an eye, or to crasis, as in Bš. ai, is, and (?) the Dardic termination stai, stē, etc. (Ps.L. 27 ff.).
In Kš. ai is interchangeable with o, as in aith, or oth, eight (Av. ašta., Skr. asta-). The origin of the i in this word is obscure. Interesting, as compared with H. paitis, pastālis, quoted in $ 251, are Kš. påtsateh, thirty-five, and patsalājih, forty-five, pronounced pötsao in both cases. In püntsh, twenty-fiv, the ai or ö has become il owing to the following ü-mätni (§ 236). So Kš, rain, or rön, a woman's husband (? ramanaka-, through *rabanaka-, *rayanaya.) has its sg. nom. rön (written and pronounced rün"), ag. rön (wr, and pr. rin), abl. raini or röni, and the base kait- or köt-, how much ?, has its sg. nom. kaitu (written and pronounced kūts), its pl. nom. kaiti (wr. and pr. küt), and its fem. sg. nom. kaits* (wr, and pr. klits) (see $$ 126, 232, 236).
IAV. al. 253. This diphthong occurs only in Tss. See $ 110.
IAV. o. 254. IAV. 0. This vowel, pronounced like the first o in promote,' and not like the o of hot,' is most often a shortening of 7. But it also has other derivations. It is said not to occur in Assamese (8 113) or in Gujarāti (LSI. IX, ii, 329), but instances are given in G.Ph., such as kothár, a granary (p. 352), govál, a herdsman, sohag, good fortune (p. 355). In such cases it is due to pre-accentual shortening of 7. It has not been noted by Marathi gram. marians. M. (Kon) when written in the Kanarese character possesses signs for both o and 0. But the latter is really o, and has not the sound of o dealt with in this section.
oPage #309

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[§§ 255-258
255. ou. In Pr.u>o before a compound consonant. In IAV.u occasionally becomes o or ō, whether a compound consonant follows or not. Thus :
Skr.
múkham, face
cáñcuḥ, a beak
cáksuḥ, an eye pásuḥ, a beast émáśruh, a moustache
IAV. O
G. moh du, face; M. mohare, in front; P. mohar, H. mohara, vanguard. H. sōhar.
sùhaáru
chúrdu
Bg. chora, a dagger.
sùkhakáraḥ, pleasing ksúrákaḥ, a razor An interesting case is Skr. dváram, a door, Ap. duáru, Bg. dwar, written döyär, for an original dovär. In Bg. oya is pronounced wa; so that the word has returned to its original Skr. form (§ 134).
256. oo. This is by far the commonest origin of o. Cf. §§ 170 ff. As explained in those sections, the shortened form of ō is generally written u, except in EH. and B. where it is written ō, but the sound of o extends further westwards, and at least covers the whole Hindi and Gujarati area (§ 294), where we hear words like parosiya, a neighbour, here written parōsiya (H.Gr. 71). The sound probably exists in P. for it occurs in L., as in gohīrā, a lizard (L.Gr. 1).
When o in Bengali represents the shortening of ō, it is written as ō, not as a. Thus from kho-, khōyäila, pr. khowailo, he caused to lose.
The Central Pahari rule under which ō preceding a short vowel becomes o must be remembered (§ 173).
257. In Dardic the vowel o certainly exists in Bašgali, Ṣiņa, and Kašmiri. Its existence in other languages is uncertain, owing to extremely lax systems of transliteration employed in their grammars. In Bš, it is common, sometimes representing an original a, as in tapak bar odsi (Vats-), the gun went off, (odsi is possibly fem. of masc. adsä, which also occurs); and sometimes representing an original ava, as in v ošt- or ušt-, rise (0. Prs. *ava+rstā-). In $ its origin is uncertain. It occurs in bodo, a sacrifice, as compared with bodo, much, and is interchangeable with u, as in joto or juto, a chicken (S.Ph. §§ 16, 24). In K. o is always derived from a epenthetically affected by a following u or u-mäträ, and is then in this work transliterated as a. Thus agun, fire, pr. ogun; kar" done, pr. kor", See §§ 126, 164. Moreover in Kš. o and u are quite interchangeable. Many Kašmiris, e.g., spell kar", kur" or kur.
258. IAV. ō. This usually represents a P. ō, or a Pr. o preceding a compound consonant simplified in the IAVs. (see § 190), as in Ap boru, the jujube-tree, M. bor; Ap. kóttḥu, leprosy, G.H.B.O. kōdh.
ō chiefly occurs from epenthesis of u, as in :
Skr.
Ap. methadone
prabalaḥ, a sprout, coral
Ap. cân cũ cákkhủ
*páhu.
(mámail,
H.B.M. cöc, Bg.O. cot, L. cög. Bg. cokh.
H. põhě, cattle.
B.Bg.O. moch, A. moc (pr. mus), but G.H. müc, P.L. mucch, S. múcha.
mássu)
Sometimes the neighbourhood of a labial consonant causes the change as in:
Skr.
Ap. bákkaru
várkaraḥ, a goat
pavālu
M. bókar, B. bókara, others bakkar, bakarā, &c.
Bg.E.H., &c., poal, straw; M. povlt, coral.
M. (Kōn.) boin, a sister, others bahin, &c. mor-, for mar-, to die. The Thus, in Bg. and O, a final soto; Bg. chila, he was, pr. chilo
bhágini, a sister
Similarly B. (Nagpuria Bh.) sob, for sab, ail; change sometimes occurs without apparent reason. a, when sounded, is pr. as ō, as in Bg. chota, small, pr.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
APRIL, 1933
(LSI. V, 1, 30; ii, 378). In Assamese, a, especially when followed by i or u, has a sound between that of o and å. See $ 205. In A. 7, itself, is pr. u, while au sounds as 7 (8 113).
As in the case of o and wa, and wā are frequently interchangeable ($ 254. Cf. the interchange of e and ya, é and yā, $8 239, 245). In Eastern Hindi and the Eastern dialects of Hindi 7 and wā are interchangeable as in EH. mõhi or mwāhi, even me (LSI. VI, 14). So H. (Bn.) ghör or ghwär, a horse ; bolas or bwūlas, thou speakest ; tör or twär, thy (LSI, IX, i, 482). I have not noted this change in Eastern Pahāri, but in Central Pahäri the vowel o undergoes various changes of a character somewhat similar to the above. When o precedes o, it becomes o, which is pr. wo (not wo) by the vulgar. When it precedes a, the resultant o becomes wă. Thus rõl, a cake, and roto, bread. The latter is pr. rwoto by the vulgar, and its pl.is rwăţă (LSI. IX, iv, 115). In Märäthi (Kõn.), 7 of standard M. becomes wā or wo, as in pot or pwo, the belly ; sõnă or swānā, gold (LSI. VII, 65).
259. ö<ů. This has been already discussed under the head of o<ů ($ 255). Here we may add that in Western Pahāri (as in Kašmiri) 7 and ū are interchangeable. Thus gūā or gõā, gone.
ico. This occurs in M. (Kön.) when ő is followed by u, as in korn, for korun, having done (LSI. VII, 14).
260. i sau. Regarding the change of an too see 181. Here we may add that in Assamese and Sindhi, the two extreme eastern and western IAVs., au becomes 7. For A. see $ 113, for S. cf. köma or kaum", a clan (Ar. qaum (S. Gr. viii)). The same is the case in the dialects of the Ganges Valley, where the literary forms of speech have au. Thus H. dial. aur or or, and ; (dial. of Upper Döāb) londa, for laundā, a son; V dör-, for daur., run. Here also we may again refer to strong nouns with a-bases (including adjectives and participles). In Hindi (exc. High Hindi and Hindõstāni), in Rajasthani, in Eastern, Central and Western Pahāri, and in Gujarati, such nouns end in au oro, in Sindhi they end in u, but in other IAVs, in a. The distribution of au and õ is as follows. H. (Br.) has properly au, but in EBr.Bn. and Kn, it has 7. Thus Br. calyau, gone, EBr. calyö, Bn, and Kn, calo, R. (J.) G. calyo, EPh.CPh.(Gph.) calyo. In WPh. au, 7, u and à are in such cases interchangeable, as in gohrau, -To, -sü,or-, a horse; cohto or cohtà, a son ; bolo or bölā, said ; mikro or mālrā, our; cheltu or chelja, a kid; kēil or kēā, done. H. (HH. and Hn.) which are based on dialects bordering on P. have the P. termination a. Again in the Bagri dial. of R., which also borders on P., we find this termination sometimes written a, and sometimes written o, but pronounced å ($ 206). Finally in the Dāngi Br. of North-East Rājpūtānā, every au is interchangeable with o, and vice versa, as in maurā or morā, a son. We have seen that in WPh. o and u are interchangeable. So also are 7 and au, as in görā or gaurā, a horse ; mo, or mau, by me.
261. In Dardie the change of ă or of ă to o or o is not uncommon. See & 226b. We also often find va or ana weakened to o or 7, as in Skr. starna-, gold, Bs.As.. son, Wai. Gwr. son, Paš. sönā, Kh. sor-m; Sk, suz-, self, V. 38, Wai. ; Skr. pravat-, Paš. pörā, before ; OPrs.rfiyav-, Av. sav., go, Grw. co-, Wai.rcü-; Prs. lavand, Bš. lonē, a slave; Av.xivaš, Skr. $as-, six, BX, 80, Trw. so, Grw. do, My. goh, Aš. si, Wai. $ū, V. ušu. The change of to ő or or has been noted in B&r not-, dance (Skr.r nat.), and Kh.orts, a bear (Skr.rksa-). Medial f and bh are weakened to o in Prs. kafé, Gwr, koš-ar, My. Grw. koš, Kh. kauš, a shoe ; Skr. gardabha-, Trw. gadho, K. gardő-k, Kh. gardö-y, gurdo-x, an ass.
In Kt, 7 and are absolutely interchangeable. Only educated Kašmiris can distin. guish between the two sounds. Thus most Kāšmiris cannot distinguish between the sounds of põš and pūš (a flower), and will use one pronunciation or the other at random.
262. Dardico. This is the Ko, o modified by epenthesis, see $$ 126, 164. Whenever o is so modified it is always pr. as ii.
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1AV. O
[§§ 263-267
263. IAV. 8. This vowel has the sound of Ŏ in hot. Its nearest long sound is å, and hence, whereas in Standard Rengali nearly every a is pr. as o, in EBg. it is lengthened, and pr. as a (§ 205). In Assamese a is also generally pr. as o, but, especially before i and u, it is sometimes sounded more like a (§ 205). In Oriya (LSI. V, ii, 378) a is said by purists to be sounded like the u in nut,' but this is really not the case. The sound is practically the same as in Bg. So also, in both Bg. and O. a final a is pr. not as o, but as ō (§ 258). In a few Bg. words, a is pronounced as o (§ 254), but, as a broad general rule we may say that, except when final or when followed by i, a is pr. as ŏ in Bg. A. and O. In Eastern Bihari it also has a sound something like o, but tending towards the ordinary IAV. a, and in WB. the sound of a is firmly established.
The same sound also occurs in Rajasthani (Mārwäṛi), but as representing au, not a. In the same dialect ai is pr. ä or a (§ 209). Similarly au is pr. o, though written au. Thus (LSI. IX, ii, 20), maur, a stool, pr. mor, and paur, last year, pr. por.
In Central Pahari (Km.) when e and o precede o they become yo and wo respectively. Thus měro>myoro, and bojo>bwojo, but this pronunciation is considered vulgar (LSI. IX, iv, 115). I am informed the a is often pronounced as o in the dialect of the country at the foot of the Kumaun hills, which is continued north-westwards into the Jaunsar territory. Here we first meet Western Pahārī, in the form of Jaunsarī, in which a is always pr. as o, and is written ad libitum either ō or a. In the Jaunsari translation of St. Matthew's Gospel, it is everywhere written Ŏ in the Roman character, as in oso for uso, I am. The same pronunciation prevails over the whole WPh. area except in the NW. Thus Kth. osso, I am; Kl. ghor, for ghar, a house; but Cm. (NW) ghar, In the NW. we are approaching the border of Kašmir. If, however, we continue westwards along the lower slope of the Himalaya we come to the Punchi form of Northern Lahnda. Here again a>o, as in kond, for kand, the upper part of the back; jangut or jongut, a boy.
Turning new to the extreme SW. of the IAV. tract, we find that in M. (Kōn.) a is pr. o, as in võtsù, for vatsu, to go (LSI. VII, 21, 167).
264. In Dardic we find the vowel o common in Kašmiri, where it is written wa, as o is written in EH. and elsewhere (§ 254). Thus, doh, a day, written dwah. It is interchangeable with u, and most Kašmiris are unable to distinguish between the two sounds, so that doh is, as often as not, written and pr. duh. In fact, in Kš., o generally represents an original u, as in dod (Skr. dugdha-), milk; dokh (Skr. duḥkha-), pain. It only occurs as a medial sound, immediately following a consonant. Wa when initial, or following a vowel, has its proper sound. Thus sõbḥāva (Skr. svabhāvasya).
The sound probably occurs in other Dardic languages, but, owing to the imperfect systems of transliteration employed in the only grammars available, no certain statements can be made regarding them. It is rare in șina (S.Ph. § 15).
265. Dardic. This. is the Kš. Ŏ when epenthetically affected by a following vowel. See §§ 126, 164.
266. Dardic ö. This has been certainly noted only in Kašmiri. The methods of spelling adopted in the accounts of the other languages are too indefinite to allow the sound to be elsewhere identified with certainty. In Ks. it is usually the sound which a takes when epenthetically affected by a following i, i-mātrā or ü-mātrī. See §§ 126, 164. The diphthong ai is also commonly pronounced as ö, the two sounds being, in fact, interchangeable in K. When followed by u-mātru, ö becomes u, and when followed by a fresh ü-mātrā, it becomes . Thus, K. V dut, hate, past participle m. ditu, f. dut. I have not come across this sound in IAV.
267. IAV. au. Regarding this diphthong, which represents a + u, not a +u (§§ 110, 112), see §§ 178 ft. As in the case of ai (§ 251), in Bihāri, Eastern Hindi, Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi, it is almost a matter of the personal equation of the speaker as to whether it is
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§§ 268-271 ]
pr. as a true diphthong or whether the a and the u are pronounced separately. In S. borrow. ed words, au is generally retained as a diphthong, but in indigenous words the vowels are optionally separated (S.Gr. vii). Regarding the whole question, see the remarks on ai, which, mutatis mulandis, also apply here. The weakening of au to o, o, &c., is fully dealt with in §§ 178 ff. Here attention may be drawn to the pronunciation of au as å in Central and Western Pahari (§ 207), and to the other similar cases there mentioned. In Rajasthānī (Mw.) it is further shortened to ō (§ 263). When unaccented it is still further weakened to a in the Northern Lahnda sadágar, for saudagar, a merchant.
In CPh. au>au (pr. å), as in ghau, for ghau (ghala-), a wound; nau, for nau, a name (LSI. IX, iv, 115; cf. § 173). In WPh. au (a), o, u and a are interchangeable as the termination of strong masculine nouns with a-bases (see § 260). In Rajasthäni, which has a fondness for broad sounds, u becomes au in raukh, for rukh (Pr. rukkha-), a tree. This is, however, merely a sporadic case.
[APRIL, 1933
268. Dardic au follows much the same laws as in IAV. We have an instance of af being weakened to au in Prs. kafs, Kh. kauš, My.Grw. koš, Gwr. kös-ar, a shoe.
269. IAV. au. This diphthong occurs only in Tss. See §§ 110, 112.
C. CONSONANTS.
270. As a rule these have come down from Ap. unchanged. For the changes of Skr. consonants in Pr., see Pr.Gr. §§ 184 ff. (initial), 186 ff. (medial), 339 ff. (final), 268 ff. (compound).
As regards Single Medial Consonants it will be remembered that in this respect Ap. is in often in an earlier stage than literary Pr. (§ 64). Especially, intervocalic k, kh, t, th, may optionally become g, gh, d, dh, instead of being elided or, in the case of the aspirates, reduced to h (He. iv, 396, Mk. xvii, 2). To these Hc. adds p, ph, which can become b, bh, respectively.
271. Anusvara at the end of a word hardly occurs in Ap. When it does occur it is dropped in IAV. As regards anusvära followed by a consonant, see § 276 below.
Anunäsika, which is very common in Ap. is usually retained in IAV. As a termination of neuter nouns in a(k)a, it is only retained in M. and G., and sporadically in H. dialects. Thus Skr. pákvakam, ripe, Ap. pikka (y) or pákkau, M. pike, G. paku, but H.P., &c., pakka. Skr. maranakam, Ap. marandu, H. (Br.) maranau, the act of killing (§ 187). As a portion of the terminations hi, hu, &c., it is usually retained; thus, Ap. and OH. dharahi, they bear. Anunasika in the middle of a word is also retained; e.g., Skr. bhrámarakaḥ, a bee, Ap. bhátarau, H. bháura. In the IAVs. anunāsika is (especially in the speech of the vulgar) frequently aded to a long vowel. Thus :
kúpakaḥ, a well
hásikā, laughter
kúvàu hasia
H. kúa, ka, kúa, or kua. B.H. hási or hasi.
So also in other languages.
Regarding anusvära and anunäsika in Skr. and Pr., see Pr. Gr. §§ 179, 180. See also H1. Gd. Gr. § 23 for their mutual relationship in Skr., Pr., and IAV. Before a class-consonant m optionally becomes. the class-nasal in Pr., and, for the sake of convenience, is treated as such in this work. In the IAVs. a class nasal is commonly written as anusvära, when occurring before a consonant of its own class. This is only a stenographic mode of writing, and this anusvära has no connexion with the anusvära properly so called. This is almost the only case in which the anusvāra appears in the IAVs.; when it is written under other circumstances, it is an incorrect method of writing anunäsika (see § 188). Thus,, अंत, अंप mean अङ्क, असु, अण्ट, अन्त and अम्प, and nothing else. So also बांस is incorrect for बाँस, करहि is incorrect for करहिं हंस (Ts.) is incorrect for हन्स, and सिंह (Ts.) is incorrect for सिद्ध. In the EIAVS., in Tss., anusvära before a sibilant or his pronounced as i, under the influence of pandits. Thus hans (hané), sinh (dinh). Benares pandits say the same of Hindi, but no one else does.
.
The forms like and fer being Tss., though not phonographic, may be allowed to stand, it being understood that the anuseara is in these cases merely a stenographic representation of or respectively; but air and f, though commonly written are both wrong and misleading and aro avoided by all careful writers. In the written character anunäsika is commonly written as two dots, thus , in which the lower dot is merely a contraction of the half circle of
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[ $8 272-274
272. Visarga. As this has already disappeared in Prakrit, it also no longer exists in Tbhs. In Tss. it is still sometimes written by purists, but it is never pronounced.
In Old Hindi we find now and then Tbh. forms like dukkh, misery,' showing that the perception of the visarga has not altogether died away, and from it we also find in OH., by false analogy, a counterpart in sukkh, happiness,' although there was no visarga in the Skr. sukham.
As the sound of visarga has fallen into disuse in the IAVs., the sign for it is sometimes used to indicate sounds not provided for by the Nāgari alphabet. Thus, in Bihāri (Bh.) the word dakhdlá, you see, is often written 05:. On other occasions it is employed to indicate the glottal check caused by the chance elision of a termination. Thus, in a Mai. thili poem on the various meanings of the word hari, we have hari hariḥ giral (of af: fames ), for hari harihi giral, the peacock fell upon the snake. Here, the word which I have written harik is sounded with a smart glottal check on the final i, very much like the glottal check (sometimes called the entering tone') of Tibeto-Chinese languages. The elision of the final hi is simply for the sake of metre.
Regarding the pronunciation of visarga in the Sanskrit of Benares and in the modern IAVs., seo also Grierson, in JRAS, Centenary Supplement (October, 1924), pp. 117 ff. 273. As regards conjunct consonants, the following are the principal groups that occur(1) In Pr. and Ap. :(a) Double letters, kk, kkh, &c., including yy (Mg. Pr.), II, vv, & (Mg. Pr.),
and 88. (61) Conjuncts in which the first element is a class-nasal, rik, kh, ng, &c. (62) In which it is anusvåra, i.e., m (Mg.Pr.), ms, mh.
(c) Aspirated liquids, nh, mh, rh, lh. (d) Mg.Pr. conjuncts commencing with & or 8, 6c (Page #314

$ 274 ]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(JUNE, 1033
vowel is retained. In the EIAVs., with which the writer is best acquainted, this is certainly the case. Hundreds of examples will be found in Bihar Peasant Life. And so far as his inquiries go, pairs like Marathi bhitti, and bhit, a wall, are of far more common occurrence than a perusal of the dictionaries would suggest. Gujarāti is, apparently, the only language in which this simplification accompanied by compensatory lengthening is universal (LSI. IX, ii, 329), while in Panjābi, the rule is the reverse, and the Prakrit double consonant is retained without simplification.
There are exceptions to this general rule of simplification. In Dardic and in Sindhi, and also to a less degree in Lahndā (which is strongly influenced by Panjabi) a Pr. double consonant is apparently simplified, while the preceding vowel remains short. For some examples see $$ 97, 175, and JRAS. 1913, 143; 1925, 222. As the point is important further examples are here given. Sindhi caki, a mill; pako, cooked ; sikh" (bisya-), a disciple; sigho, quick; hacă (hatyā), murder; vache, a buffalo calf (Pr. vaccha-); gajan", to thunder; gujho (guhya ka-), hidden; r kal. (karlayati), cut; mitho, sweet; suto, asleep; bhar, boiled rice; 81t* (sattva-), strength; hath", a hand; vath (vastu-), a thing; atha (ast), is ; ladho (labdha.), received ; kan", an ear; upano (utpanna.), created ; sap", a snake ; jibhe, the tongue ; nibhāg (nirbhāga-), misfortune : kam", business ; sahası, a thousand. In S. the double consonants, 99, jj, dd, and bb are, however, usually retained under the forms g. 3. d, and 6, respectively (the word gajan", above is exceptional), and dd becomes d. Thus, ágo, front; aj", today; v chad (chárdati), release ; r ubár- (ujjválayati), boil; sádu (sabda-), a sound. But in S. under any circumstances there is no compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. In words like vāghu (vyāghra-), a tiger ; rāt, night; bāpha (bāspa-), steam; göthu (gostha-), a village, the long vowel is original, and this shows that there had not been Pr. forms like vagghö, ratti, &c., in which the vowel had been shortened before the double consonant. In other words, as in modern s., the Pr. from which S. is derived did not double its consonants when simplifying compounds, except in the case of gg, ij, dd, dd, and bb, --but substituted directly a single consonant for the Skr. compound, and retained the original vowel that preceded the compound in that language, keeping it long, when it was long, and keeping it short when it was short. This is a most important fact, and shows that, when studying the ancient Prakrits of the North-West we cannot apply to them the phonetic rules of the Indian Pr. Grammarians without first satisfying ourselves that they actually were in force. In India, vyāghrah > vagghu > brigh. In the North-West vyāghrah > rāghu > vāgh". In India bhaktam > bhattu > bhät. In the North-West bhaktam > bhatu > bhat" (Cf. JRAS. 1913, 143 and 1925, 222).
We find the same tendency not to double consonants while leaving the preceding vowel short, in some dialects of Lahndā. In Standard L., which is strongly influenced by the neighbouring Panjabi, as a rule double letters are preferred, although we do find words such as dabh (Ps drobh), darbha-, grass; but in the Khētrāni dialect, spoken west of the Indus, in Bilūcistān, we find words like sidhā (not sidha), straight; thakā (not thakka), weary; hath (not hatth or häth), the forearm ; pakhi, a bird ; vaca, a calf; makhi, a fly; patar, a leaf ; sukhā, dry. So also in Southern L., bordering on Sindh, we have ladhā, for laddha, got; dithā, for dittha, seen; sută, for sultā, asleep; latha, for latthå, descended. Again, in the Eastern L., of Jhang, we have hik, for hikk, one; tuså, for tussä, you, and so on. See also $ 175, where the same peculiarity is pointed out in Marathi (Kõn.), Bengali, Assamese, and Oriyā.
We have said that in S. (and Southern L.) the double 99, jj, dd (and dd), and bb, are retained under the form of g, j, d, and 1, "respectively, but these letters do not always represent double consonants (8 123). The preservation of other double consonants in these
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[ $ 275
languages is only sporadic, as in S. unn, wool (S. Gr. xxxiii, note 1). Panjābi and (following it) Standard Lahndā as a rule preserve the double consonant, with a preceding short vowel.
Regarding the nasalization of the resultant long vowel, see $$ 168, 185. 1 Ses Turnor, The Sindhi Recursives, Bull. s. O: S., III, 301. 275. (1,61) Conjuncts in which the first element is a class nasal. These may be divided into three classes, viz. - Hard conjuncts :
rik, sikh, ñc, ñch, n, nth, nt, nih, mp, mph. Soft conjuncts :
(a) unaspirated.ng, ñj, nd, nd, mb.
(b) aspirated. ngh, njh, ndh, ndh, mbh. The following rules apply : (A) For both hard and soft conjuncts.
(a) They may remain unchanged. Thus: Ap. ánku, IAV. ank, a mark.
Ap. cándu, IAV. cand, the moon.
Ap. sambhārēi, IAV. r sambhál-, support. (6) The class-nasal may be weakened to anunāsika, the preceding vowel being
then lengthened, if its position in the word permits it. ThusAp, ánku, IAV. ák, a mark. Ap. cándu, IAV. cåd, the moon. Ap. sambhárei, JAV. r abhár-, support, in which the first vowel cannot
be long on account of the accent on the syllable following. (B) For soft conjuncts only. When the nasal has been so weakened to anunāsika, it, with the following consonant, can again be optionally changed to the nasal of the class alone, or, if the following consonant is aspirated, to the aspirated nasal of the class, the vowel, if lengthened, remaining unchanged.' Examples are
First stage (Aa) Second stage (Ab) Third stage (B). Ap. cándu
can. Ap. sambhárēir sambhár- r sābhár
r samhárThe literary language usually has only one of these forms, some languages preferring one, and others another. But all three are more or less common in rustic speech. In Bihāri especially, even in the literary language, all three forms are often met with for the same word.
Occasionally we find a reverse process to that mentioned under head B., due to false analogy, a nasal becoming changed to anunāsika followed by a sonant of the same class as the original nasal. Thus in Rājasthani we find jin K Prs, zin), a saddle, pronounced and written jid. So, Skr. sākaraḥ, a hog, becomes in Western Pahāri (Kth.) sungro (through Ap.. sügaru) or sunkero. In Oriyā we go a step still further back, and every mh is pronounced mbh. Thuy amhe, we, pr. ambhē. So well-established is this custom, that in the India Office MS. of Mk., even in Pr., which is written in the Nagari character by an Oriya scribe, every mh without exception is written mbh. In connexion with this we may quote the form which mahipah, a buffalo, takes in IAV., viz., mhais or bhai's.
There are traces of all these changes in Pr. An anunåsika in the IAV9. generally corresponds to an anusvārs in Pr., and in the latter & nasal before any elass-consonant may be either snusvåra or the class. nasal (Hc. i, 30). In the former caso a vowel being long by position, cannot be lengthonod, while in the
cánd
cad
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§§ 276-277]
[ JUNE, 1933
IAVs., as anunâsika does not affect positional length, it has to be lengthened in compensation for the weakening of the nasal. Further, in Ap. mbh may optionally become mh (He. iv, 412), and m is weakened to (IAV. v, or b) (He. iv, 397). For further remarks on this subject see H1.Gd.Gr. pp. 27 ff, and Pr.Gr. § 267. Sometimes even in Skr. and Pr., the vowel is lengthened before a class-nasal, showing that there was once an intermediate form with anunāsika. For examples, see Introduction to Bühler's 2nd Edition of the Apastamba-Dharma-Sutra, Bombay, 1892, p. vi, n. With the change of n > "d we may compare the English 'sound' << sonus; 'thunder' < thunor; and 'jaundice' nh, see § 275. It will be observed that, as in nha-, the n and the h are sometimes separated for easier pronunciation. In M. not only has the separation taken place, but there has been metathesis of the vowels.
M.H.EPh. asu, CPh. aśü, but P. añjhu, G. aju, S. hañja, L. hañ. S. hañj or hañjh".
mh. Instances are rare of a Pr. mh surviving in the IAVs. grişmaḥ., the hot M. dial. gim.
gimhu
season.
The pronoun of the first person, ámhê, is represented by O. ámhě (pr. ámbhë, see § 275), M. ámhi, G. ame, EPh. hami, WPh. hame or hame, CPh. and H. ham, Bg. A. ami, and so on through other corruptions. By a reverse process umh becomes bh and then bh in:
gárhiä or gálhia, abuse
M. un, G. únhu; M. V unh-, be hot; S. unhāru, the hot season.
Most IAVs. V nhã- or Vnhar, P.H. also y nahu-, M. V näh-.
IAV. känh.
M. sün, B. sünü.
úsmā, excessive heat
úmhu
OH. übh.
rh, lh. Cases of these Prakrit conjuncts appearing in the IAVs. are very rare. The. only examples I know are:
gárhikā, abuse
}
gálhate, he censures paryástaḥ, reversed
palhatthu,
pallatthu,
pallaṭṭu,
palottu (Hc. ii,
68; iv, 258).
130
IAV. gāli, B. gārī, S. gäre, Ks. gāl,
abuse.
IAV. palat, palatā.

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[§§ 278-280
The second of these is, of course, a doubtful example of th. In the first example, the conjunct is treated as if it were rr or ll.
CONJUNCT CONSONANTS
278. (1, d.) Magadhi Pr. conjuncts. These can be expected only in EIAVS., and only sporadic instances have survived. In writing in the Kaithi character in B. st and sth are represented by st, th, respectively. Thus, drsta is written drist. According to Hc.. in Mg.Pr. a Skr. or Sr.Pr. # is represented by st. This is not the case in the eastern literary languages, but I have now and then heard an ignorant villager in the more inaccessible parts of Magadha, pronounce the very common word patță, a lease, pasta.' This is an interesting survival. It is difficult to get other examples, for it is considered so extremely vulgar, that, speaking to an official like me, the speaker always either at once corrects himself, or is corrected by the bystanders, and then becomes so ashamed of himself that no further philological information can be obtained from him.
The Skr. word grhasthaḥ, and its derivatives is pronounced girhast in B., and is commonly written girhast or gṛhast.
I know of no other examples, unless we may cite the tendency exhibited by Bg.0.A. and M: (which often shows Mg.Pr. forms) to represent a Skr. st by t and not by th (Skr. st > Sr.Pr. tth, but in Mg.Pr. > st), as in Bg.A.O.M. hat, a hand (not huth, as in H., &c.); M. hátti, Bg.O. háti, A. ha'ti, an elephant; but H., &c., hathi.
279. (1, e) Mg.Pr. yc, yj. These are only methods of writing c and j, employed by Mk. in order to show that they are clearly pronounced as palatals (Grierson, JRAS, 1913, 391 ff.). At the present day the EIAV. palatals are more distinctly and truly palatal than those of the West and South (Hl.Gḍ.Gr. 7 ff.). Hc. (iv, 292, cf. Pr.Gr, § 236) and the older grammarians represent this yj by y, and are silent about yc (cf. however Pr.Gr., § 217). This is best explained by the fact that Mk. belonged to Eastern India, the home of Mg. Pr., while Hc. belonged to the West. Mk.'s evidence regarding Mg.Pr. cannot be lightly disregarded.
280. (2) Apabhramsa retention of r. This retention of r in conjuncts has also survived sporadically in IAV., as in:
Skr.
prákataḥ, manifest
mitraḥ, a friend trayaḥ, three
Ap. prágatu (Hc. iv, 398)
Numerous other cases such as JAV. priya, beloved, can be cited, but it is always possible to explain them as Tss. The above is the only certain example for IAVS. generally, but, for Old Western Rajasthani, Tessitori (OWR.Gr., § 31) gives several examples, such as grahaï, he takes; trinni, three; trutai, he is broken; prāmai (prâpnoti), he obtains.
kgetram, a field
This retention of r is very common in Sindhi (S.Gr. xxxviii), Lahnda, and in Dardic (cf. § 286, 2). It is noteworthy that in the Vracada Ap. of Sindh (Mk. xviii, 4), the r of a conjunct consonant was always retained. In S. the accompanying dental consonant is generally cerebralized. Thus :
pútraḥ, a son
ptru (Ho. iv, 398)
mitru
IAV. prágat or páregat, M.H.B. also prághat or pár ghat, S. pára ghat".
khetru
131
S. pútru or púttu, L. putr, Wai, piutr, Kl. putr, Bš. putr, pitr.
S. mitr" or mittu, Kš. metr-.
S. tre, L. trae, Bš.Kl.Ks. treh, Wai. tre,
Kh. troi, S. çei, Gwr. Ole, Pas. hlē, hla.
S. Khetru, L. khelar.

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[JUNE, 1933
sutram, a thread
$, sú rể, sát, L. salr, Kp. stra. grámih, a village
grūču
W Ph. grå or girã, Bš. grom, Kl. grām.
Cf. Shb, agrabhuti. árdràlth, wet
Kadur. cládruh, ringworm
dádru
S. Jádhra or dádla. mantrah, a charm
múntru (Hc. S. mántru or mándr", L. mantar, a iv, 398, charm; Kl. mondt, word; Ki.
399) mâtr., a charm. candrah, the moon
cándu or cún. S. cand or cándr", L. candar, Kš.
dru (Hc. iv, 398) tsandur. Further examples of Dardie will be found in $ 286. It is noteworthy that in S. Ir and dr, especially at the beginning of a word, tend to become fr, dr, as in trē, three, drākke (Skr. drāksī), a grape (S.Gr. l.). This is very old, for Mk. (xviii, 6) specially states for Vrācada (i.e., Sindh) Ap. that initial t and d are optionally cerebralized.
I have not noted any instances of the Ap. change of compounded y tor (He. iv, 399; Mk. xvii, 3). Possibly Kl. ta-ra, s. ro, he, that, may be connected with the Ap. tram (tyad).
281. Conjunct Consonants in Dardic.
We have no Prakrit with which to compare Dardic, and therefore the comparison must be made directly with Sanskrit or Avesta. This of course opens out a wide list of conjunct consonants, which it would be impossible to consider in detail. We must confine ourselves to a few typical examples, and these, will be sufficient to show that conjunct consonants have not developed on the same lines as in India.
232. A. Conjuncts consisting of two-class-consonants (excluding nasals).
In Prakrit, the first member of the conjunct is elided, and the second member doubled, the preceding vowel, if long, being shortened. Thus, Skr. rakta., Pr. ratta., red ; Skr. avápta, Pr. avalli-, attained. In Dardic, as a rule, the first member is elided as in Prakrit, but the second member is not doubled, and the preceding vowel, if long, is not shortened. Thus, Skr. kukkuti., Gwr., AX. kukur, Paš. keukūr, Ks. kókur, Wai. kiukiu (with the common inser. tion of i before u), Grw., Trw. kugū (with the resultant k voiced, as is common in these two). So Skr. rakta-, Pr, ratta-, Ks. ral-, Trw. ied (with similar voicing), blood ; Skr. arvipta-, Pr. avatta-, but Kš, wala, arrived ; Skr. vitta (r vid-, lābhe), Kš. vel- (nom. sg. vyofu), possessed of ; Skr. bhakta ka-, Kš. batz-, boiled rice; Skr. datia., Kg. dit- (nom.sg. dyut), Trw. dit, given; Skr. matt-, Ki mit-, intoxicated; Skr. udgāta., Trw. ugat, gone way; and so hundreds of others. It will be remembered that the same rule holds in Sindhi, and, to some extent, in Lahndā. It did not, however, obtain in N.W. Prakrit, in which the ordinary Indian rule is followed (Konow, xcvii).
Semitatsama words borrowed from Sanskrit or from Indian Prakrit, sometimes follow the dēśya Indian custom of inserting a nasal when thus simplifying a double letter ( 185). Thus, Skr. sajja, Kš, sanz, arrangement; Pr. majjha., K. manz, in; Skr. nadvala., K. nambal, a marsh ; Pr. acchi, Paš. anc, My. ainch, an eye. So Skr, nidri, Kš, nendør, sleep, apparently through confusion of the Skr. Ts. nidrā and the Pr. Tbh, niddā, unless there was some Dardic Prakrit form of which we are ignorant.1
In a few cases it is apparently the second, not the first, consonant of a conjunct that is elided. Examples are, Skr. kubja., Pr. khujja-, but Ks. kob., hunchbucked (cf. S. Lubo, L. luba); Skr., labdha-, Ks. lab. (nom. sg. lab), received. Neither of these is convincing. The derivations from, and the connections with the Skr. kubja. are very obscure, and the Kš.
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($ 283
lab is evidently formed from the present base lab-, rather than, as we should expect, from the Sanskrit past participle.
In the only Prakrit work written in Kašmir with which I am acquainted, -tho Mahdrtha-manjari of Maheśvarananda,---every word that in Indian Prakrit would contain a double consonant has, in this dialect, a single consonant preceded by anusvåra. Thus the Skr. atma- appears as ampa- (not appa.), Skr. karta appears as kamidro (not katidy), Skr. nitya. appears as nimca. (not nicca.), and so hundreds of others. Regarding nender, 800, contra, Morgonstiorne in "Notes on Torwali" in Acta Orientalia, viii, 296.
283. B. Conjuncts of a nasal followed by a mute are generally treated as in Prakrit (including that of the N.W., Konow, civ), i.e., they are usually retained, but are liable to bo weakened to a nasal alone (Pr. Gr., 88 272 ff.). Thus :
ng. This is usually preserved, but is sometimes weakened to r. . or even g.
Skr. anguri-; BX, angyur, Kl. angurya-k, Grw. angir, Trw. angi, Kg. angeju; but Aš. anur, Wai. āgūr, V. igi, Ş. agui, a finger.
Av. angušta-, toe, Prs, angušt-ar, ring ; Bš, angusti, Wai, ãgušto, Kl. anguštar, Paš. angoc-ok, Kh. pul-ungušt, Grw, angusir, V. wõg-iy, a finger-ring.
Skr. anguliyakı-; AX, anusiamik, a finger-ring. Cf. the preceding.
Skr. angära-, charcoal ; KI. Gwr. Paš. Kh. angār, Bš. Trw. anga; but Ax, ana, Grw. āgār, My. $. agär, fire.
The weakening to g has not been noted by me in the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars.
ric. In the one instance in which this has been noticed, Prakrit custom (Pr. Gr.. $ 273). does not obtain. In Prakrit, when not preserved, nc>nn or nn; Pāli, an, nn, ññ. In Dardic, this ñc may > , & (cf. Kuhn, quoted in Pr. Gr., 1.c.), and is then liable to syncope.
Skr. Av. pañca-; Gwr. pants, Kš. pants, Aš. ponts, Paš, Grw. Trw. panj, Kl. Kh. ponj, My. pår, Bš, puc, Wai. pūc, $. puš, pūš, poi, V. uc, five.
nt is preserved in Skr. rvant, divide; Paš, want-e, a share, Gwr. r bent, divide; but>! in Agr mit, divide, V. but-og, Wai, map.ini, My. bat-hå, a share.
nd, in the only examples available, >d,n, a change unknown in the Indo-Aryan verna. culars not of the North-west. The change to n is rare.
Skr, danda-: Al. Wai, dón, Bš. dón, Trw. dan, a handle. Skr. randla., K. ran", maimed. Skr. palandu-, Kš. prān, an onion.
nt, as in Prakrit (Pr.Gr. $ 275), tends to become nd. This is liable (as in the modern Indian languages) to be further weakened ton. Sometimes, however, nt is preserved, and is then (also as in India) weakened to , t, t.
Av. dantan.. Skr, danta., Prs, dandan; Grw. K%, dand, Paš, dâd, dät, Kl. dand-oria-k. Trw. dan, Kh. don, s. don, My. dan, Wai, dat, Aš, dont, Bš. dutt, Gwr. dāt, V. let-em, a tooth.
Skr, dantz-, a tamed ox; K3. dåd, Kl. dön, . dono, Sindhi Jadu, a bull. See Turner, Nepali Dictionary, Add., s. v. däunu.
Av. antara, Skr. antar, Prs, andar; K. andar, Kh, andr-ēni, Trw, andarē, kl. udri-man, Wai, attar, Bater, within : Kl. (?) handi-n, a house.
Skr. mantra-; Kl. mondt, a word : K. matr., a spell. nth. This has been noted only in Skr. panthan-, Kl. pon, S. pon, Trw. pan, a path.
nd. This may be retained, or may be cerebralized to nd, which is then weakened ton or !, exactly the reverse of what happened in the case of nd. This well illustrates the facility with which cerebrals (or rather, in Dardio, alveolars) and dentals are interchanged in these languages.
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§§ 284-285 ]
[ JUNE, 1933
Prš, lawand; Gwr. lawand, Bs. lone, Wai. laver, a slave. In Paš. lawant, we have not only cerebralization, but the change of sonant to surd.
K. phan, a snare; cf. Hindi phand.
ndh. This becomes n in Skr. andhaḥ, Ks. anu, Trw. an, blind.
mb. Skr. nimbah, K. nemb", but in composition nem-, Azidirachta Indica.
We observe the reverse process of m becoming mb after a stress-accent in Av. kamarā, Ks. kambar, the loins; Prs. kumak, Kš. kombak, assistance; Ar. raml, Kš, rambal, geomancy; Skr. padmaḥ, Kš. pam- or pamb-, lotus (cf. § 284); Ks. bum or bumb, eyebrow; Skr. samakaḥ, Ks. sambu, equal, and so many others. Cf. pp>mp, in Skr. yapyayānam, Kš. zāmpāna, a litter. We find this even in Tatsamas, as in Ks. amarnath or ambarnath, a name of Śiva.
The above are the only conjuncts of uasal preceding mute that I have noted in Dardic. 284. C. Conjuncts of a nasal following a mute. In Prakrit, the nasal is generally assimilated, but kmatta or ppa, dma>mma (Pr. Gr. §§ 276-7). Dardic closely follows Prakrit in the following examples.
Skr. atman-1; Aš Wai. tanu, Trw. tanu, Paš, tani-k, Grw. tani, Kh. tan, My. ta; Kš. pāna, self. In S. tomo, we have tm retained with anaptyxis.
Skr. padma-paspa-, Kš. pam-pos, a lotus (cf. B. ab.).
In Prakrit, gngg; but in Ks., Skr. nagnaḥ>nan", naked.
In standard Prakrit, jña>jja or nna (nna), but in Magadhi Prakrit, in Paiśāci Prakrit, and in N. W. Prakrit (Konow, ev), it becomes ñña. So also, Skr. rajni, a queen, Kš. ran". On the other hand, Skr. tajjñānam is represented in Kš. by tagun, to know how.
1 Morgenstierne (Aš. Gr. 221) connects tanu, etc., with Sanskrit tanu-, self. As shown in Trw. Gr. § 129, I prefer to connect these words with atman-, Pr. atta-, appa-, sing. gen. attano. In N. W. Prakrit, also, this word became appa-, atta- (Konow, ev).
285. D. Conjuncts of a consonant (excluding sibilants) with a semi-vowel.
1. If the semivowel is y (cf. Pr. Gr. §§ 279-86), in Prakrit it is usually assimilated, the preceding consonant, if it is a dental, being palatalized (so also N. W. Prakrit, Konow, evi). In Prakrit a preceding t is very rarely not palatalized. In Dardic, when dentals are palatalized they usually become ts and z (occasionally & and %), not c and j respectively.
Skr. nrtyati; Paš.Vnat-, §. V. Wai. Kl. Gwr. nat., Grw.y net., Bs. Aš. Vnāt., Kš. nats-, Trw.nar-, dance, the cerebralization of the t and being due to the preceding r CE. Sindhi nit" (nitya-), but Prakrit nicca-, always; adit" (aditya-), the sun.
Skr. adya; Trw. aj, Ks. az, S. aš, to-day.
Skr. vadya-, a musical instrument; Kh. baše-ik, singing; Kš.y waz-, sound.
Skr. madhye becomes Pr. majjhe, which latter has been borrowed by Ks. where it be comes manz, in, with insertion of n (see §§ 185, 282).
In standard Prakrit, nya>nna (nna), but in Paisñci Prakrit and in N. W. Prakrit (Konow, cvi) it ñña. So Skr. dhanya-, Ks. daně, paddy; Skr. punya-, Kš. poñ, a virtuous act, and many others.
Initial ny generally appears in Kš. as ny, as in nyayukh, quarrelsome (nyāyaka-); nyūs, a lintel (*nyasa, see JRAS. 1914, 129). But both these may be Tatsamas.
In Prakrit, ry>jj. After i or i, ry>ra. It sometimes becomes ria, riya (so in N.W. Prakrit, Konow, evii). In Magadhi Prakrit ry> yy (Pr. Gr. § 284). In Dardic, ry becomes ri, with frequent syncope of the r. Thus, Skr. surya-; Kl. suri, Gwr. suri, S. suri, Paš, sur, My. swir, K. siri, Grw. sir, Wai, soi, B. su, Trw. si, Aš. so. None of these changes are met with in the languages of India Proper.
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CONJUNCT CONSONANTS IN DARDIC
[$ 286
286. 2. If the semi-vowel is (Pr. Gr. S$ 287-95), it is in Prakrit assimilated to the preceding or following consonant, which, if a dental, is often cerebralized. In Shāh bāzgarhi there was a tendency to preserve the r unchanged, as in para kramati, agra-, avatrapēyu, tramana, etc. So also in Apabhramsa (especially Vrācada Ap.) and Sindhi and Lahrdā (& 280). Similarly (except in Şiņā) the r is generally retained in Dardic, which in this respect follows N. W. Prakrit (Konow, cvi, ff.). Thus -
Skr. kraya- ; Kl. kre, purchase. Skr. kröda; KI, gro, breast,
Skr. grāma-; B$. grom, Kl. gröm, Aš, glām, My.lām, but Trw. gām, a village. Trw, is a frontier dialect.
Av. fra(pra)+ r di-, Skr. pra+r dā- ; Bš. Wai. V pre-, Aš. V pt., give; Kl. prau, Kh. prai, V. aphlē, he gave.
(9) Skr. prêgita- ; Bx. prēts-, hut V. r pēz-, go; Wai. prēšya, sent.
Av. brātar-, Prs, birādar, Munjāni werãi, Skr. bhrālr. ; Bš. brāh, bra, Wai, brā, Aš. bta, Kh. brār, Gwr. bliaia, Paš. lāi; but V. way-eh, Kl. bāya, Kš. bay , Trw. bhā. See also $ 287.
In Kš. the use of r after an initial consonant is often optional, as in broth or both drarakostha-), before ; grond or gandu , a log; grågal or gågal, destruction ; Sots-, purity, šrotsun, to become pure suddha-); šrāth or šāțh, a sandbank ; Irām, copper (Sindhi grāmö< tāmra. ? metathesis); zrādu or zad", a water-hole, and so many others (cf. & 296, for other Dardic languages).
With dentals, while the r is often preserved, we also find the common Indian change to a cerebral. An interesting example of the preservation is the Greek Spaxun, which has survived to the present day in the Kh. droyum, silver. Other examples of a dental fol. lowed or preceded by r are :
Skr. putra-, Av. putra-; Wai. piutr, Kl. pūtr, Bš. pift. Gwr. pult, Grw. put, Paš. puthlē, My. pūth, compared with Sindhi puţr", a son, Lahndā putr. See also below ($ 287).
Skr. trayah, Av. Grāyo; Bš. Kl. Ks. treh, Wai, trē, Aš. trä, Kh. troi, Gwr. Blē, Paš. hlē, Grw. thă (compared with Sindhi trē, Lahndā trie), three. See also below (& 287).
Skr, trika-, Kš. trak-, the backbone. Cf. Skr. mantra-, Kl. mondr, a word ; Ks. mậer-, Sindhi manțr", Lahndā mantar, a charm.
Skr. *ändra- (ända-, anda.), Kl. ondra-k, an egg. In Kš. hērat-, for sivarātrī, it is the dental that has been preserved.
As seen above, the change of tr to fr also.occurs in Sindhi. The Indian change to It has not been noted.
Av. marata., Skr. msta-, dead ; Bš. Wai. V mr., Gwr. r mi., My. Grw. Ks. r mar-, . rmir., Kh. V bri-, die ; Trw. mi, dead; Aš. mara, he died.
Av. karata-, Skr. krta-, done; Bš, kasā, he did.
Skr. gardabha-; Kl. gardo-k, Kh. gardo-y, but Wai. Gwr. Grw. gadā, Trw. gadho (for *gadaho), an ass.
Skr. hrdaya- (for *hardaya-), Av. zarad, Sarikoli zård ; Kš. reda, Kh. herdi, Gwr, hera, Paš, harā, heart.
The conjunct mn some imes becomes T, and sometimes, after the Indian fashion, be. comes n. Thus :
Skr. karna- ; Bš, kör, Wai. Kh, kär, Paš. kār, KI. keurd, kr8; My. kan, Ş. kön, Grw. kyan, Kš. Trw. kan, the ear. The n-words all belong to the Dard Group.
Skr. svarna- ; Kh. sor-m, v. šiū ; Kl. sūrā (i.e., sūnā), Bš. sün, son, Wai. Gwr. Ş. Aš. son, Paš. sönā, Kš. sõn, gold.
For the conjunct ru, see $ 289.
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[AUGUST, 1933.
287. 3. A still more peculiar treatment of the letter r in Dardic is probably due to non-Aryan Burušaski influence. This is the frequent interchange in writing of r with a palatal letter, especially with c or & or with j or . This is found not only in Dardic, but also in the Balti form of Tibetan spoken close to the Burušaski country. Thus, the standard Tibetan mgrom, Purik Tibetan grun, becomes the Balti žun, a feast (cf. § 319). This change, so far as Dardie languages are concerned, is most often to be found in Sina, spoken immediately south of the Burušaski country and immediately to the west of Baltistan, but traces of it are met with in other Dardic languages also. It is well known that the speakers of Dardic formerly extended over an area much wider than their present habitat. There are, at the present day, isolated Dard colonies in Tibet and in Northern and Eastern Afghanistan, and at least one Eranian language-the Ormuri of Waziristan (LSI. x, 123 and Grierson, MASB. vii (1918), 1 ff.)-has been strongly influenced by an old Dardic language now extinct. The Western Pahari of the Northern Panjab, although in its basis Indo-Aryan, also shows many traces of an early Dardie substratum. In all these localities we find examples of this exceptional treatment of the letter r. The change is probably in all cases, at least originally, to the cerebral corj described in § 117, but these sounds have themselves been identified only in Burušaski, in Ṣiņā, and (by Morgenstierne) in Tōrwäli, and, as there is no character corresponding to them either in the Persian or in the Nagari alphabet, they (or their variants) are represented in different ways in different languages. Thus, c is represented by ter, by tr, by 8, by sr and so forth, and j (or, with which, in Sina, it is interchangeable) by jr, dir, i, and so on. Moreover, in Ṣiņa itself, e and c, and j and j are sometimes dialectically interchangeable, and this adds to the uncertainty. Thus, in the standard Ṣiņa of Gilgit, the word for "woman" is cai, but in Gupis and Darel it is çai (S Ph. § 65).
Taking the letter r standing alone, we find it occasionally interchanged with or even with c. Thus, standard $ina ro, he, becomes žo in the Dras dialect (LSI. VIII, ii, 193). Similarly, we may compare the Lahnda dhi, a daughter, with Sina di. In the former, the pl. nom. is dhir-, and in the latter, the declensional base is dij-. So Lahnda Vrary-, cry out, Bs. rārā, or žary, noise; Hindi talwar, Bs. larwaj, a sword; Skr. madhura-, S. moro, Bă. maci, sweet; Skr. ratri-, Trw. zat, Aš. žatr, night; Skr. riti-, Trw. žit, brass; Skr. rakta-, Trw. żed, blood; Skr. Vrud-, Aš. Viu-, weep; and several others, especially in Tiw. and Aš.
Here, however, we are directly concerned with conjunct consonants, and in them we observe the same phenomenon. Thus :
Skr. putra S. Trw. puç, Grw. puc (probably puç), a son, in addition to the forms given above (§ 286).
Skr. stri, Waxi strei; Aš. istri, Ks. triy, but S. cai or cai, as above, Trw. çi, Grw. ši-gali, Paš. ma-ži, a woman.
Skr. trayah. Av. Grayō, Munjäni šarai; S. ça. Trw. ça, My. ca, V. chi, Ormuri sre, three, in addition to the forms given above (§ 286).
Skr. ksētra-; S. çeç, a field.
Skr. jämätṛ-, Av. zämälar-; S. jāmāço, a son-in-law.
Kh. dro, Bs, dru, zu, Aš, dro, V. zui, hair.
Skr. dirgha-; S. jigo (through *drigha-), Trw. jik. Ormuri cig, long.
Skr. dravya-; S. jap, property (§ 289).
Skr. drākṣā; S. jac, Trw. das, a grape.
Skr. ärdra-; S. ajo, Trw. öz (?), wet.
Skr. haridra, Pr. halidda, turmeric; $. halijo, yellow.
Skr. udra-; S. uju, Burušaski uju, an otter.
Skr. bhrātṛ-, Av. brätar-; S. ja, My. ia, Grw. ja, a brother, in addition to the forms given above (§ 286).
136

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CONJUNOT CONSONANTS IN DARDIO
( 88 288 289
In Sinā and Torwāli these changes, so far as examples have been identified, are confined to tr, dr, and br, but in Ormuri, the corresponding sound, written $T, represents not only ir and dr, but also kr, xr, gr, pr, mr, and sr. In that language, it does not seem to represent br.
It must be remembered (see $ 117) that cand represent other originals besides conjuncts containing 1. Thus c also represents an original kş, as in çēc, jac. above (see $ 290, 4), and i may also represent an intervocalic &, as in . manūjo, for Skr. mănuşa., a man.
It will be observed that this change, so far as observed, is most common in Siņā, which is geographically situated in the immediate neighbourhood of both Balti and Burušaski. A similar change is also found in Western Pahāri, which also immediately adjoins the tract in which Dardic is spoken. Thus, WPh. caun or cīn, three (trini); câmbă, copper (cf. K. trām); cis, water (Kš. trēš, thirst, a drink of water); picia, a paternal uncle (pitsvya-); khēc or khēts, a field (ksētra-) ; rāc, night (rātri); Vjoc, plough (Hindir jöt-, cf. Skr. yoktra-) ; causā (? cf. Hindi thörā), a little.
Two Dardic languages substitute thi, el, lt, or hl for tr. Thus, Gwr. thlē (? 612), Paš. hle (? 412), three; Gwr. pult, Paš. puthia (1 puslē), a son. The exact spelling of these words is, however, doubtful. There is a similar change to dhl, etc., in the Bhadrawāhi and connected dialects of Western Pahāri, for which see $ 319. Bhadrawāh is on the eastern border of the Dard country, and not far to its North-East there are dialects of Western Tibetan.
1 There does not appear to be any trace of this treatment in N.W. Prakrit. We may perhape, however, note the fact that, in it, intervocalie d, dh, t, and d are often written dr. dhr, fr, and dr, respectively. Konow (page c) suggests that this was done to indicate a fricative sound.
Regarding the similar change in Chinese, seo $ 37, Note 3.
288. 4. If the semi-vowel is 1, in Prakrit it is usually assimilated (Pr. Gr. 8 296). Similarly in Dardic we have Skr. phälguna-, Kš. phāgun, the name of a month. But sometimes it is the l that assimilates the other consonant, as in Skr. (Vedio) galda-, speech ; Kš. gal, a shout, Bš. gijji, a word, speech (with regular change of I to j before i), Trw.gal, abuse, cf. Panjābi and Lahndā gall, a word ; Skr. bilva-, Kš. bel (so Ardhamāgadhi Prakrit billa- or bella-), Aegle Marmelos ; Prs. galyam, BX, čalam, a turnip.
289. 5. If the semi-vowel is v, in Prakrit it is generally assimilated, but fra and dra tend to become ppa and bba, respectively (Pr. Gr. &S 298-300, and FLM., 133 ff.). In Dardic we occasionally come across, in the Dard group, instances of assimilation, as in Skr. sārra., general, Kš. samu (but Pr, savva-), but Kh. sauf, all; Skr. pūrva., K. pūr", east. But far more often the conjunct becomes p (cf. Cülikāpaisācika change of b p, the Girnar Pali tv tp, and the similar change tv >mp in N.W. Prakrit, Konow, 66). Thus -
Skr. pakva- ; K. pap, but Bš. pagi, ripe. Kh. põci is from the Skr. r pac-. Av. cvant-, V. pseh (for *cpeh), what?
Skr. catvārah, Girnar catpāro; Av. cavūro, Waxi tsābur, Ossetic tsippar; V. cipu, four. Others Sto, stā, car, cau, etc.
Skr. dravya- ; $. jap, property ($ 287). Skr. r carv. ; Kš. rtsāp., chew. But
Skr. Av. dvar., a door; Bš, bar, V. be. Aš. bēkā, Wai. ber, Kh. bēri, etc., outside, but V. tar-ekh, a house ; K.. bar or dar, Trw. der, a door.
In Skr, nadvala-, K. nambal, a marsh, du has become b, with inserted nasal (& 282).
In Prakrit, hv>(6)bh, but in Dardic we have b or P, as in Skr. jihvā; KI. Paš. Trw. jib, $. lip. Wai. jip. K%, has zev, and only the semi-Indian Grw. has the Indian jibh.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(August, 1933
It will be noticed that the change to p is most common in the Kāfir group, and especially in the case of V. So also, in V., v and b standing alone tend to become p. Cf. Bš, ev, V. ip-in, one. Cf. also Shāh bāzgashi padham (bädham).
290. E. Conjuncts containing a sibilant.
(1) Sibilant plus tenuis. In Prakrit, the sibilant is generally assimilated, and the tenuis aspirated (Pr. Gr. $ 301). This occurs only sometimes in Dardic, as in Skr. suska, śuşkala-, Av. huška-, Kš. hokhw, dry; but in Kh. we have cucā, in which sk>c, and in Trw. žugil, it has become g. Again, in Skr. bhāskari, Kš. būs', a kind of almanac, 8k> 8.
8p perhaps > , not pph as in Prakrit, in Skr. puspa- or (?) pusya-, a flower; Kš. poš, Bš, piš, Trw. pašu, but Aš, pasup.1
But sph> sva (so) in Skr. Sphatika-, Kš. sčțhaku, crystal, in which the aspiration has been transferred to the t. Generally, however, initial sph> $. Kš. ph, as in phut-, burst (Skr. v sphut-).
As regards sibilants with dentals, Eranian št and Indian of both generally follow Eranian custom; usually either preserving both conjuncts as st or sl, or else (rarely) weakening the conjunct to kh, x, k. Occasionally, especially in the Dard, or western, group, the Indian change to ()th is observed, but this is rare. Thus:
Av. angušta-, toe; Prs. angust-ar, a finger-ring; Bš,argušti, Wai, agusto, Kh. pulungušt, V. wögix; but Paš, angoc-ek, Grw. (Drd.) angusir, a finger-ring. Cf. Trw. (Drd.) angut, thumb.
Av, ašta-, Skr. asta- ; Bš. Wai. ošt, Kh. ošt, Aš. öst, Kl. Gwr, ašť, Paš, ašt, V. aste, ş. ãs, ast, ait ; Grw.ath, Trw. af, My.äth, Ks. öth (all Dard), eight.
Skr, dreta., seen; Grw. (Drd.) v lith-, see; Kš. dith, Trw. dit- (both Drd.), seen. Av. ustr. ; Bš. štyur, V. i$tiur, Gwr. My. ūx, Wai. ük, a camel.
Skr. ustra. ; Grw. üth, K. wüth, K.Kh, ut, $. ut, Trw. ud (all, except Kh., belonging to the Dard Group), a camel. Possibly all borrowed from India.
Av. paršti-, Prs. pušt, Kurdish pišt, Balõci phut, Skr. prstha- ; Aš. pişti, Gwr. pišți, Kš. pušt, Kl. pišto; Bš. pţi, kļi, Wai, (ya-)pati, $. piļu, phatū, Gwr, Kš. pata, My. pato, Grw. patā, Trw. pat, behind. It will be noticed that the change råt> t already occurs in the Eranian Baloci.
Similarly, st as a rule either remains unchanged or becomes 8t (8t, st). This is sometimes weakened to 4, 8, or h, and may then suffer apocope, but the Indian change to (t)th is raze, and hardly occurs except in the Dard Group. Similarly, str is either preserved, or is weakened to st, ts, 8, etc. With the preservation of st we may compare the Paisāci Prakrit kasata- for kasta., the N.W. Prakrit preservation of intervocalic 8t (Konow, cxi), and Shahbāzgashi preservation of st (samstuta-) and str (striyaka-, istri-).
Av, ast- (GNPE. 81); Kh. asti, bone. Av. zasta-, O.Prs. dasta- ; V. lust, Bš. dušt, dui, Aš, dôst, Wai, došt, hand.
Skr, hasta- ; Gwr, hast, Kh. host, Kl. Paš. häst, Paš. also hās ; (Dard). §. hat, Kš. atha, My, hã, Trw. hat, had, hand.
Av. staora- ; Kh. istor, horse. Skr. vistyta- ; Bx, vištr, Aš, vistară, Paš. vastār, V. wistar, great. Skr. nasta- ; Kš. nast, Paš, näst; (Dard) $. natu, Trw. nat, My. nath-ūr, nose.
Av. star- ; Kh. istāri, BX, rastă (metathesis), V. išti-kh ; (Dard) $. tārü, Kš. tārak-, Grw, tar, Trw. tā, a star.
0. Prs. Wava + sta- (cf. GNPE. 84), or Skr. ut +r stha., Sr. Pr. utthadi; As, r88t Wai. rödt., B. ust-, Kl. Gwr.rušt-; but . My. r uth-, K rwoth-, Paš. ur., arise.
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CONJUNCT CONSONANTS IN DARDIO
[ 1 290
0. Prs. *adi + r stā- (GNPE.84), Skr. adhi+v8thā.; V. r išt-, Grw. (Dard) rit-, arise. 0. Prs. stā, Skr. rstha-, stand ; Gwr. Sanaüm, Trw. thū, 8. (?) hanus, I am.
Skr. stri; Kl, istri, Ag. istri, Bš. Wai, ištri, V. westi, Kš. triy, Paš. sli-ka, hli-ka, Gwr. 8i-galĩ, 8. cãi, cải, Trw. gi (see 8 287), Grw. , a woman.
In K. the word hæstu, an elephant, when it is the first member of a compound word, regularly becomes has, as in hasi gan, N. of a place (hasti-karna-). Similarly, Skr. prasasta>K. phrest" (through * prahasta., *phrayasta-), sg. obl. phrēsi, excellent.
1 This form would exclude the derivation from pupya-, as has been suggested above. Cf. N. W. Prakrit pung- (Konow, cx).
(2) Sibilant plus nasal.
If the sibilant precedes a nasal, in Prakrit the latter is aspirated, and the sibilant disappears (Pr. Gr. 8 312). Thus, śmmh. But in N.W. Prakrit (Konow, cxi), and in Dardio, on the contrary, it is the sibilant that is preserved.
Thus :
Skr. *Kasmirikā, Ks. Kašir, Kašmir. Through *Kasviria. With this and the next of. Ptolemy's Kaspeira.
Waxi, spā, our (cf. Skr. asmākam, *asvākam); Kh. ispā, we, our; V. asē, we, as, our; Kš. asi, we; $. asei, our; My.za, our (see P. L. 46).
V. esmo, aso, I am. Cf. Lahndā kösā, lukewarm (kavosnab). In Māgadhi Prakrit, the 8 is also retained (Pr. Gr. 9 314). So, for a sibilant following a nasal. Arabic inşāf, Bs. esop, justice. (3) Sibilant plus semi-vowel.
When a sibilant is united with a semi-vowel, in Prakrit the semi-vowel is assimilated (Pr. Gr. 8 315), so that rs, éy, sy, ór, , šv, sv, all> 88 or Māgadhi Prakrit 68. In Dardic and N.W. Prakrit (Konow, cxi), following the general rule of the languages, the sibilant is retained. Cf. Sindhi vais“, a Vaišya. Thus -
Skr. sirsa- ; $. sīs, Kl. My. šīs, šið, a head. Skr, nasyati, he is being destroyed ; Kl. r näs-, die. Skr. paśyati, he sees ; Kh. V pog., $. My. Trw. Kir pad., see.
Skr. asya- ; Kš. ąsi, Gwr, hasi, Wai. āš, Bš. Kl. adi, V. i8, Bš. also azi, R. (dial.) āzī; but My. Grw, ai, Trw. ai, s. ai, mouth.
Skr. manusya- ; Wai, manas, Gwr. manus, V. mus, $. musā, Kh. mos, My. mas, Trw. māş, Grw. mēš; but Bš. manci, Aš. mats, Kl. moc, a man. $. manūjo and Kš. mahanfv* are from mănuşa-.
Skr. afru- (Pr. amsu-); Kh. ašrū, ş. so, Kš. qše, Bk. acu, tear.
Av. stav., Prs. šunūdan, Skr. rsru- ; Kl. V san-, V. Vnus- (metathesis), My. V sun-, hear.
Skr. évēta- ; Kš. chyąt, white. Skr. évāpada- ; Kš. *tāpat-Shāpat-, a bear. Skr. svarna-, Bx. Ax. sön, 8. Wai. Gwr. son, Paš. sönä, Kh. sor-m, KX. son, V. siū, gold. Av. span., Skr. évan-; Gwr. duna, Ks. hūn*, s. ait, Waitsů, kl. sēr, Paš. dur-ing, a dog.
But, as in the case of asmäkam, *asvākam and Ptolemy's Kaspeira, above, and also of kv, cu, tv, the v often becomes p (88 289, 851). So also Shāh bāzgashi spasunam and spagra(=svarga-) Thus : :
Skr. svasār- ; Kh. ispusār, Tirāhi spaz, Grw. išpo, šū, Trw. šū, Wai. sõ8, AX, Bš. sus, V. siusu, Gwr. sase, Paš. sãi, $. så, a sister.
Av. aspa-, Skr. asva- ; Bš, ušp, $. ašpo or (dial.) apě, Kl. häš, a horse.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(4) The conjuncts ks, š.
Regarding ks in Prakrit, see Pr. Gr. §§ 317 ff. It sometimes becomes cch and sometimes kkh. Pischel believed that when ks goes back to original és, Av. 8, it generally becomes cch, and that when it is an original ke, Av. xš, it generally becomes kkh, but he admitted that there are many exceptions to these rules. I believe that there is also a cross division, according to which in all Prakrit semi-tatsamas every ks is pronounced cch, irrespective of its derivation. This is certainly the case in the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars.
In Dardic, Av. x does not become (k)kh, but ch, 8, i.e., exactly contrary to Pischel's rule. As regards ks, so far as I have noted in Dardic, it always follows the example of xs. I have met only one certain instance of ke>(k)kh, viz. Kš. pakhi, a bird. This rests solely on the authority of Elmslie's vocabulary, and I have never met it elsewhere. If it is used in Kašmir, the long a shows that it is a word borrowed from India. Two other words are proper names, Lakhimi for Lakṣmi, and Lakhiman for Laksmana. These both occur in the Kāšmiri Rāmāyaṇa, which was originally written in the Persian character, and really represent transliterations of the words Laxmi and Layman as they are there spelt. The words Lakhimi and Lakhiman occur only in Nagari MSS. transliterated from the original.
Skr. pakṣin-; Kl. pachiyek, Gwr. pici-n, Grw. pasi-n; but Kš. pakhi (see above), a bird. Skr. aksi-, Av. aši; S. açi, (dial.) atshe, Kš. achi, Bš. Wai. ace, Aš. aci, Kl. Kh. ec, Gwr. itsi-n, Paš. anc (§ 282), My. ainch (§ 282), V. iii, Trw. asi, Grw. ith, an eye.
Skr. kṣudhā; Kš. chod, Kh. chui, hunger.
Skr. bubhuksā; Trw. bus, My. bucha, Grw. buthō (bubhuksu-), hunger, hungry. Skr. rksa-; Kh. orts, Aš. Bă. its, Wai. ōts, §. iç, a bear.
Av. xšvaš, Waxi, šād, Skr. şaş-; Kh. choi, S. sã, Kš. šah, Kl. šōh, Gwr. My. šoh, Grw. šo, B. šo, Wai. šu, Paš. 8, xe, V. ušu, six.
Skr. kṣira-, Av. ? xšira- (GNPE. 802), milk; Kh. chir, milk-white; Trw. chi, milk; Bš. ka šir (with anaptyxis), white. This last is a truly interesting survival of a very old form.
It will be observed that, in the case of Av. xšvaš, Skr. sas-, the Av. x8, Skr. s is represented in Șină by §. In all other cases, Skr. ks becomes e in Sina. Other Ṣiņā examples (taken from $. Ph. § 65) are çeç (kṣetra-, see also § 287), a field; çon (kṣaṇa-), leisure; dacino (daksina-), right (hand); maçi (maksika-), a fly; taçon (takṣan-), a carpenter. To this Lorimer adds that some people pronounce a final e like t, and with this we may compare Grw. ith (aksi-) and buthō (bubhuksu-), given above.
Skr. or Av. kk (282)
kt (282)
jj (282)
tt (282)
[AUGUST, 1933
1 Cf. the doubtful sign for this conjunct, a modification of that for ch, in N.W. Prakrit (Konow, cx). 291. To sum up.-The following table shows in a convenient form the results of the preceding investigation into conjunct consonants in Dardic. It shows how widely Dardic differs from the literary Prakrits of India Proper in this respect. Especial notice may be taken of the treatment of v (which tends to become p), of r (which is either preserved or becomes a palatal), and of sibilants (in which the conjunct is preserved), when each is a member of a conjunct. Nothing of this sort is observed in Prakrit or in the modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.
Prakrit. kk
tt
jj
tt
140
Dardic.
k, (once) g
t
(Kš.) nz t

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AUGUST, 1933 1
CONJUNCT CONSONANTS IN DARDIC
($ 291
Prakrit.
Dardic.
gg
dah
rig
(once) 6 ng, n, “g, 9 nts, nj, 2, 6, 8, i
ñc, nn. ng nd
nd
n, (?) ndr
Skr, or Av. pt (282) dg (282) bj (282) bdh (282) ng (283) nc (283) n! (283) nd (283) ad (ndr) (286) nt (283) nth (283) nd (283) ndh (283) mb (283) m (283) tm (284) dm (283-4) gn (284) jñ (284) ty (285) dy (285) dhy (285) ny (285)
nt, nd nth nd ndh mb
nd, d, t, t, n (once) n nd, 1, 2, n, (once) nt
m
mb, m m, mb 1, p, l-m m, mb
tt, pp. mm 99 jj, nn
72
cc
ñ, (once) 9 t; (with r) , 1; (Kě.) ts (K.) , (Kh. $.) 8, (Trw.) ; (Kš.) niz
jjh nn (N. W. Pr. ññ) Pp jj (N. W. Pr. ri)
py (283) rụ (285)
mp ri, r, i, or elided
vy (289) kr (286) gr (286) 2-T (286) pr (fr) (286)
kk (N. W. Pr. kr) gg (N. W. Pr. gr)
pp (N. W. Pr. pr)
br, bhr (286) tr (286-7)
bb (N. W. Pr. br.), bbh. # tt (N. W. Pr. tt)
kr, (once) gr (initial) gr, g, (once) gl, (once), 1 (all initial) h-, h-T, (all initial) pr, (once, initial) P, (once, non
initial) phl br, bl, 1, bí, 6, (once) w; (S.) i tr, (once), tr, lt, thl, el, hl, t, th ; ¢
c, ch, or ($.) ; 3, 2; (Kč.) ndar ntr, ndr
dd (N. W. Pr. dr)
nt
dr (287,289) ntr (283, 286) ndr, see nd It (286) rd (286) rdr (287) rn (286) ig (288) ly (288) id (288) lu (288) rv (289) kev (289)
th, t (N. W. Pr. rt) dd. dd (N. W. Pr. rd, d) dd, u nn
rd, dir ($.), (Trw.) (? :)
1,3
VU (N. W. Pr. rv)
1, (once, Kh.) f P. (once)
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ August, 1933
pph
Skr. or AV. Prakrit.
Dardic. cv (289)
ps tv, Gv (289) pp (N. W. Pr. PP) du (289) da
(once) mb dv (289) bb
b, d, (once) t hv (289) bbh
p, b, v, (once) bh $ (287)
($.) Ak, gk (290, 1) kkh (N. W. Pr. sk)
C, kh, 9 ak (290, 1) kkh
(K .) 8 8p (290, 1) Pph (N. W. Pr. :) 8ph (290, 1)
(initial) ph, (once, Kš.) 80 (sva) 8!, št (290, 1)
šl, sf, 8, (once) st, st, ($) $or $,
(once) 8, (once) X, (once) c, (§.
dial.) it; (both Dard group) th.! gly (290, 1)
8t, x, k str (290, 1) råt, rs! (290, 1)
št, 84, t, 8t (290, 1) tth (N. W. Pr. -88-)
st, 8, št ; (Dard group) th, e, t, elided str (297; 290, 1)
str, štr, st, tr, tl, al, (Ş., Trw.) s. (S.)
C, 8, 8 8m (290, 2) mh om (290, 2) mh (N. W. Pr. 8v, 8, m) 8, sm, (once) 2, (Kh.) sp sy (290, 3) 88 (N. W. Pr. ss) 8y (290, 3) 88 (N. W. Pr. 88, 2)
81, 8, , (s. dial) 2, (S. Grw. Trw.
My.) (final) eiided er (290, 3) 88 (N. W. Pr. :)
šr, 8, (once) c, ($.) 8 sr (286)
šr or š sr (290, 3) év (290, 3) 88 (N. W. Pr. sp)
8, chy, 8, sp, Šp, h, ts, (once) på sv (290, 3)
80, 80, 8u, siu, 8, sp, åp, s ns (290, 2)
(once) 8 ry (290, 3) 88 (N. W. Pr. s)
8, ($.) kę (290, 4) kkh, och
ch, c, (once) kh, 8, ts, (§.) $, (Kõhis
tāni) th kg, 8 (290, 4) kkh, cch
ch, c, ts, nch, ne, ž, (S.), (§. dial.)
tsh, (Köhistāni) th kş, x(290, 4) kth, cch (N. W. Pr. ? ks) ch, (Trw.) ch, (Bš.) k-š x8v (Skr.s) (290, 4) -
š, ch, x, ($.) 8 ADDITION OF CONSONANTS. 292. Prothesis. In Hindi (Br.) there is an instance of prothesis of g (LSI. IX, i, 274). It occurs in the demonstrative pronoun and its derivatives. In the Aligarh district, instead of the regular Br. forms wah, that; wā, (of) that ; uē, they ; uni, (of) them ; whå, there; we
ind used gu or gwa, gwa, gue, guni, and guå or riwā, respectively. Similarly in the series of numerals indicating one less than a decade, as gunnis, for unnis, nineteen; guntis for untis, twenty-nine; guntālis, for untālis, thirty-nine; gurañcās, for uñcās, forty-nine; gunhattar, for unhattar, sixty-nine; and so on. In the case of the numerals, the g might be explained is derived from the k of ēkõnavimšati. (AMg. Pr. egūravimsa-) extended to the other numbers
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ADDITION OF CONSONANTS
[ $$ 293-293
by analogy, but this will not meet the case of the pronouns. On the whole, therefore, I am inclined to consider this prothesis a survival of an old Aryan tendency to prefix g to u or w of which sporadic examples exist in widely separated Indo-European languages. Thus, Av. váta, Baloci gwät, wind; Av. visaiti., Bal. gist, twenty ; Skr. vidhavā, Latin vidua, Welsh gweddw : Latin vado, Italian guado, Provençal, guá, French gué; Latin vagina, Italian guaina, French gaine.
293. More common is the prefixing of h to words beginning with a vowel. In Central Pahāri, Western Pahari, Rajasthani, and the Bhil dialects, h is prefixed to aur (a para.), the common word for ' and,' 'other.' Thus CPh. (Km.) haur, others hör. In the NWIA Vs. (Lahndā and Sindhi) the same thing happens to the word for'a,' 'one' (Skr. ēka.), as in S. hiku, L. hikle or hik. Perhaps the same has occurred in Kāšmiri haktahar, someone, if it represents the Skr. ēkatara-. Prothesis of h is not uncommon in Dardic. See below.
294. In Marathi and the three Pahāși languages y is often prefixed to è, and w too, both at the commencement and in the middle of a word. Thus, M. yene, to come ; yēthe and ēthê, here; coll. M. ēk or yē, one (LSI. VII, 22); M. (Kön.) yergo=Latin ergo; cordo= Latin ordo (LSI. VII, 168).
In Eastern Pahāți e is ad libitum pr. ye or ya, as in tes-kö, tyes-ko, tyas-kő, of him ; garē or garye, they did. Initial & is always pronounced yě, as in bhayē for bhaz; yak or ek, one ; yeoţā, for e(k)otā, one ; yes-kő, for es-ko, of this. Similarly o and wa are interchanged, as in hos or hatvas, thou art (LSI. IX, iv, 22). In Central Pahārī initial e always has y prefixed, as in yetuk or yatuk, for etuk, so much. In § 166 we have seen how in Km. e becomes yā, and o becomes u/. In Western Pahāți examples of this prothesis of y are more rare, and those noted are found only in Pādari, a dialect much influenced by Dardic. Here we have pyith, the back, for pitth, dyittā, given, for dittā; rlyekh, write, for likh, and other similar cases. Finally, similar prefixes have occurred in Hindi in the two words yah or yeh, for i; this, and wah or woh, for u, that.
The prefixing of y and w is very common in Dardic. See below.
295. Prothesis of consonants in Dardic follows much the same lines as in the IAVs. In Kh. yec, an eye (others cc, ace, ach', ži, &c.) the letter y has been prefixed. With this we may compare the Eranian prothesis of x in words like Prs. Xām, raw; Xāya, an egg ; Xēš, a plough, &c. (GIP. I, ii, 67).
Prothesis of h is a common feature in Eranian (GIP. I, ii, 97, 209, 236, 256), and also occurred in Shāh bāzgarhi (hia, hida, hedisa-). We have seen how it occurs in NWIAV. In Dardic we have Ş. hagar or agar (angāra-), fire (ş. Ph. $ 49); KI. händu-n (Av. antara), a house; Gwr, hāsi (āsya-), the mouth; KI. hāš (Av. aspa-), a horse ; Kě, alun or halun to tremble.
Prothesis of y has been noted in East Eranian Pašto and Talcah (GIP. I, ii, 208, 298). We find it also in Drd. Paš. r yē, Ks. yi-, come (Av. v i.). It is probable that all these languages prefix y to è ort. This is certainly the case in Kš. In this language a word beginning with dor , always has y prefixed. Even when reading Sanskrit, Kš. pandits pronounce ēka. yēka-', and icchati'yicchati.' Even in the middle of a word & is pronounced vě by Hindus. Thus bēkh, another, is pronounced brēkh.
Prothesis of (w) also occurs in East Eranian (GIP. I, ii, 208, 298, 388). Cf. Shāhbāzgarhi vuta
Similarly Drd. Ş. rwa-, come (Av. a+ray); V. wögix, a finger-ring (Av. angus. ta); Kh. r weg., send (Skr. ris). In Kš., just as in the cage of y, no word can begin with ŭ or o. In such cases a w must be prefixed. Thus, K r woth,
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Bš. rwul-, arise (OPrs. *ava +vsta.); Kš. wüth, a camel (Skr. ustra-). A Kašmiri pandit pronounces Skr. ustra.wustra-'.
296. Insertion. In the IAVs. y and v are frequently inserted as Euphonie letters between vowels. These are dealt with in $8 177 ff. and in & 362. The insertion of any other consonant in the middle of a word has only been noted in Dardic and in IAVs. under Drd. influence.
Nasals are sometimes inserted, where in IAV. we might expect anunāsika (cf. & 184). Thus (for Drd.)
Av, aši., Skr, aksi- ; Paš. anc, M. ainch, an eye ; cf. H. akh. Av. azom, Talcah wuz, &c.; Bš. 8ts or onts, V. unzu, I, my. Av. aparmāyu-, Prs, burna, a boy ; Bš. parmen (doubtful), a child.
As in the IAVs. the semi-vowel y (or i) is often inserted in Drd. between vowels. Thus
Av. brātar-; Gwr, bliaia (for blia(y)a), Paš. lā(y)a, V. wa(y)-eh, Kl. bā(y)a, Kš. baly)", a brother.
This, of course, was also frequent in Pr., and from Pr. has descended into the IAVs., where it is very common. But this is not considered here, as the insertion took place in the Pr. stage.
In Drd., especially in Kf., y or i is very frequently prefixed or inserted before , o, just as in English duty' is pr. 'dyuty' (see also $ 226a). Thus:
Av. uštra.; Bš. styur, V. ištiur, a camel. Av. kuši., Skr. kulpi ; Wai kiuts, the belly. Possibly metathesis. Kš, kör., a girl, V. kiur, a child. Skr, mukha-; Bš. Wai, myuk, a face. Av. Skr, dira: Bš, dyum, dyor, Grw. dēör, far. Skr. anguri.; Bš, angyur, a finger. Skr. khura- ; B. kūr or kyur, Wai. kyür, a foot, Skr. kukkuta; Bš, kakyuf, Wai, kiukiu, a fowl. Skr. svarna.; Bš. sün, but V. giú, gold. Skr. rūpa. ; Bš, aru or ariu, V. iuri, silver. Av. putra., Skr. putra-; Wai, piutr, a son. Av. tüm, ta, Skr. tvam ; Bš, tu, tiu, V. iyu, Kš ts' (scc $ 226u), thou. Av. Skr, dva- ; Wai, du, but Bš. diu, Kh. jú, Kš.") (sec $ 226a), two.
The semi-vowel r is often inserted in Bš., as in trang (Prs. tang), a girth; rwrec (H. v bēc.), sell; So Kš. trām, S. ramo (Skr. tāmra-), copper: Kš, kryūr", krür", or kyür", a well (Skr, kūpa.) (sec $ 226a, 286). Tessitori (OWR. Gr. $ 30) has noted this in OWR. One of the examples he quotes is trabů, copper. Similarly in WPh., in the Satlaj dialects there is a pleonastic termination au or trau (=Skr. ta., Ap. da.); as in utstau or utstrau, high ; (Gadi and Pangi dialects) bhrukkhnā (H. bhūkhā), hungry; (Cameāli dinlect) bhēdd or bhradd (Skr. bheda-), a sheep; aggē or hāgrē (Skr, agrē), before ; r sikk:hr- (siks-), learn. We may compare with these the striving for distinct utterance shown in the English groom'>Anglo-Saxon guman. It may here be noted that in the WPh. of Bhadrawāh, which is merging into Ks., bhridhl or dh, a change due to Tibeto-Burman influence vide post ( 319).
In Northern Panjabi h is sometimes inserted, especially after . It is pronounced semething like an Arabic 'ain, and lowers the tone of the following accented syllable ($ 152). Thus whath, for räth, resolute; Rháno, for Ráno, N. Pr.; rháti, for ráji, by night (NP. Gr. v).
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[ $ 297-299
297. Sufficing. The letter h is sometimes added to a monosyllable ending in a vowel. This occurs in the Hindi yah, this, and wah, that, for i and u respectively.
In Northern Panjābi and in the neighbouring Northern Lahnda there is a tendency to add this to an accented syllable, of which it raises the tone ($ 152). Thus NP. jâh, NL. jäh, for jā, go thou ; NP. NL, dēh, for de, give thou (NP. Gr. v); NL. nå or nah, not.
In Kg. h is often written after a final short vowel, but is not pronounced. As in the case of yah, wah, above, it is exactly equivalent to the Prs. imperceptible h or hace muxtafi. Thus karih, for kari, abl, of karı, a bracelet ; chuh, he is, cheh, she is, chih, they (masc.) are, for cku, che, chi, respectively. The h is really added to prevent the vowel being pronounced as a mātrā-vowel, which is always written without the h in the native character. Thus afie, Skari, but a s a common spelling of kori. When suffixes are added, the his dropped. Thus chuh-+-m becomes chum, he is to me.
DOUBLING OF CONSONANTS. 298. The double consonants derived from Pr. are not mentioned here. These are discussed in § 274. We have seen that in most IAVs. (except in Panjābi and Lahndā) these are generally simplified, the preceding vowel, if short being lengthened. By a reverse process in dialectic Hindi and dialectic Gujarāti, when a long vowel precedes a single con sonant, there is a tendency to double the consonant and shorten the vowel. For examples and references see $ 174.
In Lahndā there is a tendency to double the final consonant of a monosyllable. This occurs not only when the doubling is etymologically justified, as in satt, seven; kann, an ear; gall (Skr. galdah), a word, but also in words where there never has been a doubling in any stage of the language, such as dill, the heart (Prs. dil, Av. zered-). This is no doubt due to • false analogy.
ELISION OF CONSONANTS. 299. Aphæresis. According to Tessitori (JRAS. 1913, 554; OWR. Gr. $ 94) an initial k is sometimes elided in OWR. Thus, from Skr. kidséah, Ap. kaïsa-, of what kind ? he de. rives the OWR, kisin or siu, what? This is the only approximately certain example that he gives, and, till further proof is available, I am at present doubtful as to the correctness of the rather important thcorics that he deduces from it, although it must be admitted that it offers a tempting explanation of the puzzling Gujarati so, what? I have not met any similar instance of the spheresis of any mute consonant elsewhere in the IAVs.
We occasionally come across instances of the aphæresis of a semi-vowel. Thus in Marathi v has a tendency to disappear before a palatal vowel, as in vistav or isto, fire ; vis or is, twenty ; this is especially common in rustic dinlects. The word vēl, time, drops the v, and then prefixes y (S 294), so that it optionally becomes yel. This is especially common in M. (Kön.) where we have, c.g., vikük or ilūk, to sell ; visakal or isekal, scattered ; r visar- or isar., forget ; vepür or yepür, business (LSI, V, ii, 23, 66, 169). We see a similar tendency in Western Pabări to elide both initial y and initial w, as in ad for yūd, memory; riste, for wāsté, for the sake (of). So also in Western Pahāri we have initial relided in r rac or r de, to be lost.
The same is also common in the Rājbamsi dialect of Bengali (LSI. V, i, 104). Here an initial r is clided as a rule, and a following a is lengthened. Thus, randhite, to cook, >ān. White, and rava, noise, > ho.
Aphæresis of his common in Western Pahāri. Thus hönā, to be, is generally represented by öņā, or some such form. So ha or å, I am ; ath for häth, a hand, and many others. Again it is very common in colloquial Gujarati and Rajasthāni, as in G. utö for huto, he was; û for hú:
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I; athi, for hathi, an elephant (LSI. IX, ii, 331). The same occurs in the Bhil dialects of G. which, like Western Pahari, show many traces of connexion with Dardic (LSI. IX, iii, 2, 158, &c.). In Panjabi and Lahnda we have khayina or khalina, to stand, derived from kharahōnā.
It will be remembered that there are traces of Dardic both in Marathi and in Western Pahari (§ 35).
300. In Dardic apheresis of consonants is much more common. Thus initial k is elided in Ar. qaht, famine, Gwr. hawat, As. awala, Paš. hawata-, wata, Bs. ot, åt, V. it, Wai. avot, hunger.
Skr. Av. V kar-, do, make; Kl. aro, Kh. ar-er, he made. Others retain the k.
Skr. jayate, he is born; Gwr. jai, Grw. yai, Ș aje; but Wai, oic, Kl. aya, Paš. ai, Trw. ai, a mother.
Skr. tvam, Av. tu; Bs. tiu, V. iyu, thou.
Skr. Av. pañca; V. uc, five. Here the p has been softened to w and then vocalized. Šiyni, Sarikoli (Talcah) Vyel-; Wai. Vatsh-, Bs. prets-, come.
Skr. haridra-; Ks. ledur", but Bs. adr, yellow. Here there has first been apheresis of h, and then apheresis of 1.
Skr. vimsati-, Av. visaiti-; Gwr. iši, V. zu, twenty. Cf. M. is in § 299.
Latin vespa, Russian osa; Bs. ušp-ik, a wasp; but Western Pahari (Jn.) bach, a hornet. Skr. hasta; Kš. ath", a hand. Prs. hamēša; Tir. mekha, always.
1 Morgenstierne (Aš. Gr.) derives this from Skr. abhukta.
301. Syncope of Skr. consonants was, of course, common in Pr. In Ap. (He. iv, 396; Mk. xvii, 2) most surds may optionally become sonants instead of suffering syncope, and universal elision is confined to sonants. We have nothing to do with this at present. Here we shall confine ourselves to syncope which occurs in the IAV. stage.
In Assamese a medial consonant followed by i is often elided. Thus sahite, pr. xoile (Cf. Ks. sut), with; kari, pr. koi, having done; nadi, pr. noi, a river; khujiche, pr. khuise, he wishes; bōlile, pr. buile, he said (LSI. V, i, 401). A medial consonant, especially a surd, is often elided in SE. Bengali (LSI. V, i, 292), especially when i follows. Thus, daio, for dakiō, call; aio, for asio, come; dua, for duba, a tank-hedge; deite, for dekhite, to see; beak, for bēbāk, all; haur, for svaśur, a father-in-law; khaiam, for khäiläm, I ate; and so others given in LSI.
In other languages such general rules cannot be laid down, but there are frequent instances showing that the Prakrit tendency to elide medial consonants is continued in the IAVs. In fact instances occur of the elision of a letter such as h, which is not elided in Pr. In the IAVs. the only instances noted by me are all sonant letters (including nasals and semi-vowels). No instance of the elision of surds has been noted. Nor has any instance of the elision of compound consonants (as in Skr, dhátri, AMg. Pr. dhái, IAV. dhai, Kš. day) been noted except in one or two sporadic cases. It will thus be seen that the IAVS. continue the Ap. rather than the Pr. tendency in this respect.
The letter g is elided in the NWIAVs. in one very common word, which gives rise to some confusion to the learner. In most IAVs. the Vle-; take, compounded with änä, to come, forms a compound läni, meaning to take and come, i.e., to bring. In Sindhi, Lahnda, and Western Pahari the la- has an altogether different meaning. It signifies 'apply' and is connected with the H. Vlagaw- or Vlaga-. This latter is the causal of the lag-, which is derived from Skr. lagyate, Pr. laggai. Hence Vlagaw has to be referred to a Pr.. laggavei. The infinitive form of this root in the NW. is S. lağain" or lain", L. lawan (causal
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[$S 302-303
of lāgan), Western Pahäri lānā. In S. and L. it will be observed that this is one of the rare cases in which a recursive consonant g (=gg) has been elided. Elsewhere in India the Pr. 99 has already become y.
In Sindhi d is occasionally syncopated in borrowed words, as in näkhu8 for Prs. näyudā, a ship master (S. Gr. xxii).
The one instance of the syncope of an IAV. nasal that I have noted occurs in Central Pahāri, mais, for mánupah, a man. Here the n has been weakened to anunäsika, the course of development having been mánuşhah, māns, mais. We shall see much clearer instances of the syncope of this letter in Dardic.
The semi-vowel y, in IAV. Tbhs., is in most cases only a euphonio letter inserted between two vowels as in Pr. For its influence in crasis, see $ 178.
302. We shall see (88 312 ff.) that, while in the EIAVs. and NWIAVs. r is a dental letter, readily interchangeable with a dentall, the r of Hindi and the allied intermediate languages is a semi-cerebral. In the EIAVs. and Dardie, (through l) is liable to be softened (mouillé) to y, but we do not find this occurring in the semi-cerebral of Hindi. In the latter language the semi-cerebral r is only clided when it forms a member of a compound consonant, as in Pr. (see § 307 post). But where the ris dental it not only tends to become y, but is often subsequently elided.
Where risa dental, the cerebral (d), and its close relation the cerebral?, tend to become dentalized to r, and then to disappear in the same way as that letter. As regards languages, the three Pahāri tongues follow the EIAVs. in their treatment of r. Marathi hesitates. The standard dialect prefers to retain r, d, and !, as semi-cerebrals, but in Berar and further towards the East we find ! showing a tendency to become r, y, and then to be elided (LSI. VII, 220). Dardic, as might be expected, agrees with Sindhi in the treatment of r, but carries it still further. S. does not elide r, though it frequently changes it to 1 (S. Gr. xxix), but in Dardic elision is frequent. Panjabi, Rājasthāni, and standard Gujaräti follow Hindi, and Lahndā as a rule follows Panjabi, but in both these two last-named languages we occasional. ly come across instances of Dardic elision.
As Dardic in respect of the elision of r is so intimately connected with the IAV. elision, I shall in this case depart from my usual custom and consider IAV. and Dardio together. 303. As examples of the EIAV. elision of r we may quote :
Skr. krtvā Pr. kária Mg. Pr. kália H.H. kári or kar, but B. kári or kai. So H. dhari, B. dhari or dhai, having placed ; H. par, B. pai, upon; A. painat (Skr. parinatal), mature.
In Rajbamsi and other dialects of Bengali medial r is often elided in words like maillām for mirilim, I died ; kalle (pr. köllë), or karilē, having done. It must, however, be stated that, except in the case of a few very common words, medial r is not often elided in the literary EIAVs. It is much more often weakened to l. Aphæresis of is more common. In the colloquial Bg. of rustics, is more frequently elided. As an example, I may quote my own experience. When I landed in India in 1873, I was familiar with literary Eg. but was quite ignorant of the rustic speech. I was posted to the District of Jessore, and was at once set to trying petty criminal cases. A name very commonly recurring in the depositions of rural witnesses was one which I wrote, as I heard it Shiddā.' It was not for some weeks that I discovered that it was written sardar. In other words, these rural witnesses cmitted a final r as we do in English. If either of the rs had been sounded I should certainly have recorded it.
In the Bhil dialects of Gujarati syncope of r is quite common. A list of references will be found in LSI, IX, iii, 2. Here we may quote the following:
kai, for kåri, having dono; kâini, for kårinē, having done ; máu, for mårū, I may die dūu, for dür, far; kå, for ghar, a house ; låhi, for bhåri, having filled; mäinu, for märinū, to
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strike; choo, for choro, a son; pantu, for parantu, but. According to Tessitori (OWR. Gr. §30), in Old Western Rajasthani r, when falling between two vowels of which the second is i, is occasionally elided. He quotes, e.g., Skr. sarira-, OWR. saira, the body.
$ 304 ]
In Western Pahari (Satlaj Group), the genitive termination is rau, but in some dialects ther is dropped. Thus ghore-rau or ghore-au, of a horse. In Lahndā (NW. dialect, Dhanni, bordering on Dardic) we have darü or dāō, from.
In the same localities medial is often elided. Thus Central Pahari (Grh.) upāinō, but H. uparana, to pluck out; Western Pahari kuri or kui, a daughter; dauṛna or dōņā, to run; WPh., P. L. Ks. V pa- for paṛ-, cause to fall.
In Central and Western Pahari medial or final 1 or very frequently suffers syncope, a euphonic w being sometimes inserted in its place. Thus CPh. bădal or badaw, a cloud; beliya or beiya, yesterday; calno or cawno, to strain; thol or thow, the lip, and many others (LSI. IX, iv, 115); WPh. (Jn.) gaano (pr. goano), to melt (H. galānā); bãa (pr. bão), hair (H. bal); (Sirmauri dial.) pitula or pitua, I shall strike. In Western Pahari. this syncope appears to be confined to these two dialects which immediately adjoin CPh., till we come to the Pangi dialect, close to Ks., where we find cases like mei, for mēli, having met.
In Gujarati (Bhili) there are several cases of syncope of (cf. LSI. IX, iii, 105, 110, 158, 204), such as doa, for dōla, an eye; V pay- for V pal-, run. Similarly, in the neighbouring Berāri dialect of Marathi, y and r are substituted for? (LSI. VII, 220).
304. Turning to the Dardic languages, we have numerous instances of the syncope of r and 1. The cerebral does not exist in these languages. In Torwäli, intervocalic r is always elided (Trw. Gr. § 4).
Av. duysar-, Skr. duhitar-; V. luštu, Bs. Wai. ju, Gwr. zu, Kl. chu, Trw. dhu, My. dhi, Grw. dui, S. di; but Kh. jur, žur, a daughter. Note also, L. (dial.) dhi, pl. dhiri, Ş. declensional base dij- (for dir-, § 287).
Av. Skr. mar-; My. Grw. Ks. V mar-, S. mir-, but Aš. mrem, mēm, I die, Trw. ma-, Gwr. Vmi-, die.
Av. Skr. kar-, do; Paš. kar-am or ka-m, I do; Aš. Vko-, Trw. V ka-, do; Grw. ker or ke-th, he made.
Skr. angāra-; Bs. ago or anga, Aš. ana, Trw. anga, V. an-ekh; but Kl. Gwr. Paš. Kh. angar, Grw. àgar, charcoal.
Av. sarah-, Skr. siras-; B. Wai. šei, Aš. Trw. ša, V. ji, Gwr. eau-ta; but Kh. sor, Paš. šir, Ks. hir, a head.
Av. zǝrǝd-; Aš. židi, Wai. zo; but Bă. zare, heart.
Skr. hrd-; Trw. hu, heart.
Skr. svasar-, Av. xanhar-, Waxi xüi; Tirahi spaz, Grw. išpō, Bs. As. sus, V. siusu, Wai. 808, Gwr. sase, Paš. sai, Trw. šu, S. să; but Kh. ispusăr, sister.
Skr. surya-; Bs. As. su, V. isi-kh, Wai. soi, Trw. si; but Kl. suri, Ks. siri, &c., the sun.
Skr. bhaskari; Ks. basi, a kind of almanac.
Skr. anguri-, anguli-; V. igi, Aš. añur or anu, Trw. angi; but Wai. agur, Kl. anguṛya-k, Bs. angyur, Grw. angir, a finger.
Bs. gol, V. gul, Wai. göl, S. kui, a country.
Skr. kāmalā, jaundice; Ks. kabal or kabay.
Intimately connected with the general question of the syncope of medial r, r, 1, 1, is that of the apheresis of r (§ 299) and the syncope of r and when forming a member of a new compound consonant (§ 307). See also § 325, where the connexion between Dardic r and l is discussed.
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[$$ 305 307
As regards Bš., sec Bš. Gr. xii, where Davidson quotes štarak or štak, today, as an example of the syncope common in that language.
305. Medial v is often elided in Sindhi, Hindi, Eastern Hindi, Bihāri, and Bengali Sometimes a cuphonic y or h is substituted for it. Regarding the change of ava>, au, ser SS 178. 181, 186. Skr.
Ap. nápitaḥ, a barber náviu
H. EH. S. nãi, B, mini, Ba, nối. di pàkah, a light diràu
EIAV. H. EH. diyà, s. dio jivaḥ, life
jivu, jíu
H. EH. ji, S. jiu. kú på kah, a well kúvàu
S. khūhu (with cuphonic h), L. khūh, P. Khih.
khūhā, H. EH. kúa, Bg. kuva (pr. kuă). In Kš. kryūru, krür (or kyūr") ($ 296), there has been not only clision of the original p. but also r has been twice inserted. náva, nine
Bg. nay. kumárah, a boy kúðaru (Hc. H. EH, B. kúar.
i, 62) In L. P. the post-position vicc, in, tends to lose its initial when appended to another noun; thus, ghar-vicc or gharicc, in the house.
306. Syncope of h is more common, as in Skr. sakhi, a female friend, Pr. sahi, S. G. shi, but M. Bg. 0. sai. This is very common in Ap. terminations in hi, hue, &c. E.g. Skr. ghótasya, Ap.ghódahi, OH. ghốdahi, H., &c., ghodai or ghódë. So also, Skr. patánti, Ap. páďahi, OH. pádaki, IAV. pádai or pádi. Other examples are S. sáu, upright, for sáhū (Skr. sádhu-); H. sáhrri, P. sáül, a kind of fish (Skr. sáphari); the frequent dropping of the letter h in H. R. rokah., say, as in kaihaü, for kahihar, I shall say; kai, having said. So H. (Bn.) rati-hai, for rahati-hai, they (f.) remain ; R. (Mw.) pälö (i.e., pailö) for pahilo, first; käno (i.e., kaino) for kahino, to say; siy, for sahāy, help; coll. G. kau for kahū, I say ; rem for Ar. rahm, pity. Cf. LSI, IX, ii, 20.330, 438. In G. h is omitted in writing in hundreds of words, but is nevertheless faintly sounded. A list, covering several pages will be found in LSI. IX, ii, 347 ff. In most of these the h is original, as in a(h)mē (Ap. amhē), we; kā(h)r (Hindi kahār), a palanquinbearer; vca(h). (H. V ch-), love; dē(h)li (Skr. dēhali), the front of a house ; põ(h)r (H. pahar). a space of three hours. In others, the derivations of the words themselves being obscure, we cannot say if the h is original or not. In R. an i is often inserted in compensation for the loss of h immediately preceding r as in sair for Prs. šahr, a city; jhair for Prs, zahr, poison.
In the process of elision of h, a neighbouring consonant is often aspirated. This is really a kind of metathesis. See $ 369.
307. In the course of development from Prakrit, new compound consonants have been formed by the union of two single consonants owing to the elision or light pronunciation of an intermediate vowel. In this way a return has to a certain extent been made to the consonantal system of Skr., and in the colloquial and dialectic forms of the IAVs. these tertiary compounds have developed into quaternary Prakrit forms, parallel in their development to that of the secondary Pr, from Skr. In the literary language these compounds seldom apnear. The constituent members are usually written as separate consonants with an un. accented vowel between, but in the colloquial language of dialectic forms of speech the intermediate vowel disappears and a true compound is formed. Thus literary marana, to strike, becomes coll. mārnā, and thence männā, with the necessary shortening of the vowel before the double consonant. The following examples have been selected from the pages of the Linguistic Survey. The most important and widely spread case is that of the past participle of verbs. The Skr. cálitàkaḥ, gone,>Ap. cálidu, H. (Br.) calyau. The ly is simplified to l in EBr. calau, and in the H. of the Northern Djāb and thence in Hn. calā.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
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As other examples, we may take the H. (Br.) bhej-dayau, he was sent. In coll. Br. this becomes bhed-dayau (LSI. IX, i, 280). Similarly Prs. xarc> Br. khaccu (ib. 307); CPh. nakhro or nakho, bad (IX, iv, 311); and W Ph. böllä, speaking, > bōta in the Pangi dial. (ib. 848). Compounds containing like xare, nakhro, above are specially liable to this change.
Thus
rj. H. (Br.) majjau, for mar-jau, die thou (LSI. IX, i, 583).
rl.
Musalman G. (LSI. IX. ii. 438) dolla-thi, for dorada-thi, with ropes. Here d becomes, which when doubled becomes ll.
rn. Musalman G. būnnu, for burnu, a door (LSI. IX. ii, 438).
rt. H. (Br.) call, for carat, grazing (LSI. IX, i, 300); mattù, for marat-u, I am dying (293): WPh. (Pangi), kata, for karta, doing (IX, iv, 852).
rd. Br. maddu, for mardu, a man (LSI. IX, i, 76); paddēs, for parades, a foreign country (531): Br. kad-dao, for kar-dao, did (307); CPh. kado, for kardo, doing (LSI. IX, iv, 311 ef. 230)..
rn. Br. mann, for muran, to die (LSI. IX, i, 307); CPh. manu, for maranu, I strike (LSI. IX, iv, 311); in Br. naukúnnu-sü, for naúkaranu-, from servants (LSI. IX, i, 280), the accent has first been changed in the dialectic form of the word to naukúranu-.
rl. CPh. (Grh.) ham mila, for ham marla, we shall strike (LSI. IX, iv, 311); G. (Bhili) may lo, for marlo, dend (LSI. IX, iii, 69).
18.
Br. Thikus-su, for Thakur-sa(hib), Mr. Thakur (LSI. IX, i, 303).
Closely connected with these is the assimilation of ln in Musalman G. gowānni, for yowalani, a herd-maiden (LSI. IX. ii, 438).
308. In Dardic as compared with Skr. or Av. there are many instances of medial consonants being elided, but, on the other hand, many medial consonants are retained which would be syncopated in IAV. As examples of retention, we may quote:
Skr. kṛkanaku; Kl. kakawak, V. kakoku, Bs. kakak, a cock.
Skr. misaka-, a month; V. masek-, the moon.
Skr. mukha-, face; Aš. muk, face: V. ti-mikh, before.
Skr. vantaka, vataka; V. butog, a share.
:
Skr. dirghn My. liga (through *drigha), long. In Dardic there are (with a few exceptions) no sonant aspirates.
Av. buza, Munjani wuz; Bs. wez-ch, a she-goat.
Av. bata-, a grave, Pahlavi, kat-ak, a house; Kh. xata-n, a house.
Prs. mudar. Šiyni mad: Ș. muli (for midi), a mother.
Skr. rupa- Ş. rūp, Gwr. rup, Ks. rop; but Kl. ruwa, Bs. aru, silver.
Turning now to cases of syncope, we may quote the following as examples. Cf. also apocope (§ 310).
Skr. chagala.; Ks. tshawul, a he-goat.
Av. duysar, Prs. duxtar-, Pašto, lur; Kh. jur, žur; Grw. dui, Bs. Wai. ju, Gwr. zu, Trw. dhu, Kl. chu, a daughter (see also § 304).
Av. azam, Samnani, ā, u; Aš. ai, Kh. awa, Wai. ye, Kl. Gwr. P. Trw. a, Grw. ya,
I.
Skr. Av. pañca-; S. poi, five. See § 283.
Skr. putra-, Av. putra-; V. pie, Trw. po, a son. See § 286.
Skr. catvāraḥ, Av. cabvaro; Grw. cor, Ks. tsör, Gwr. tsur, Paš. S. car; but V. cipu, Aš. teata, Bs. što, Wai. štā, Trw. cau, four.
Prs. madar, Šiyni, mad, My. mhai (for *mahi); but S. mali (see above).
Skr. manuga-; V. muš, S. muša, Kh. moš, Trw. mas, My. maš, Grw. měš, Kl. moch; but Gwr. manus, Wai. manaš, Bs. manci, Ks. mahaniv", a man.
Skr. dinārāḥ, coins; Ks. dyar (pl.), money.
For syncope of r, see §§ 303 ff.
For syncope of v, cf. Bs. kakak, above, and see § 305.
Many other cases will be found classed under apocope. They might also be classed as cases of syncope.
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CHANGE OF CLASS
( 309-312
309. Apocope. As nearly every IAV. word ends in a vowel, though that vowel is generally not sounded except in poetry (146), it follows that, strictly speaking, there can be little or no apocope of final consonants. It will, however, be convenient to include under this head the eligion of a final consonant, even when followed by a vowel, that is to say the apocope not of a letter, but of a final syllable. Thus the word bhais is really bhai sa, and if we say that the 8 is a pocopated so that all that remains is bhai, what has really been apocopated is not the letter s, but the syllable sa. What has happened to the 8 has been syncope, not apocope.
Even this kind of apocope is rare in the IAV8. In Rajasthāni a final h is sometimes a pocopated, as in de for deh, the body; mē, for mēh, a cloud (LSI, IX, ii, 173).
310. In Dardic, as we have to compare with Skr. or Av., and not with Pr., this apocope is observed more commonly. Thus
Skr. kukkuta- ; Kh. kūku, Wai, kiuksu (§ 157); My. küb8, Trw. Grw. kugu; but Gwr. kukur, Kši kökur, etc., a fowl.
Skr. sriga-, Bš. ši, a horn. Skr. kroda- ; Kl. grē, the breast. Skr. tāla; As där, Wai, ta, a father. Skr. vimsati; Bg. vitsi, Wai, viši, Ag. wiši, KI. bišs, Trw. Grw. My. bið, &c., twenty. Av. zarad- ; Bš. zare, Wai. zõ the heart. Skr. hrd- ; Trw, hū, the heart. Av. pāda-, Prs. pā, Skr. pāda ; Paš. $ pā, Bš. pd, Wai, pā-po, Kb. po-ng, Trw. pai, .
foot.
Prs, nana, Waxi nån ; Bš. nõr or nū, a mother. Skr. gāna- ; Paš. gē, singing. In Eranian, apocope of n is common after a long vowel (GIP. I, ii, 58). Aš. šim, Kš. šin, snow, but Bš. ši. For r and I, see § 304. Skr. upa--r vis- ; Ksr beh-, Trw. rok, but $. rbē, Grw.rbai., sit. Av. xšvará ; Ks šah, but Pax. ša, BX. Grw. šo, A. , Wai. 8, V. ušī, Trw. Pó, six. Skr. svasär. ; Bs. As. 8u8, Wai, sós, but §. 8d, Trw. Grw. ci, Pag. 8ãi, a sister. Skr. hasta- ; Paš. häs, My. hã, a hand. Skr. daśa- ; Kš. dah, ş. daii, ten.
Similarly in the Pangi dial. of Western Pahāri (close to Kašmir), *>hand is then a poco pated in bhai, for bhais, a buffalo.
As already said, most of the above may also be considered as instances of syncope, rather than of apocope.
Change of Class. 311. Change in class of consonants is chiefly that of dentals to cerebrals, but in Dardic there are also many instances of palatalization and zetacism. By zetacism is not meant tho development of the affricates ts and z from c and j, respectively, but the cbange to ter % of a consonant of an altogether different class, such as for d.
312. Dentalization of r and cerebralization of l. In the classical Sanskrit of the Madhya dēšar was a semi-cerebral letter and I a dental; but even in Vedio times was dialectically pronounced as a guttural or as a dental (Wk. 209; Whitney, on Atharva-věda Pritisakys 1, 20, 28). In addition to the dental 1, there was a cerebral I found in certain Vedic texts, and also in South Indian Sanskrit MSS. as an intervocalie letter (Wk. 255, ff.). The cerebral
is at the present day a frequently recurring sound in Dravidian languages and this, no doubt, accounts for its existence in South Indian Skr. and Pt.
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| OCTOBER, 1933
As Prakrit grammarians are silent regarding any change, we can assume that the facts regarding these letters in Māhārāstri Pr., and, co far as r and I are concerned, in Saurasēni Pr. were the same as in Skr. ; but in Māgadhi Pr. the semi-cerebral , was dentalized to l. Hoernle, in Gd. Gr. 12 ff., was the first to point out that in the EIAVs, and NIAVs. and in Sindhi, the letter is dental and not semi-cerebral, while in H. P. L. G. R. and M. it is still semicerebral as in Skr, and Sr.-M. Pr. Even 7, the character for dental r used in the Kaitbi alphabet of Bihāri is a modification of that for the Mig. Pr. dentala 1 (HI. 15), and it is noteworthy that G., which also employs the Kaithi alphabet, does not use this character, but retains a modification of the Skr. 7 (see Table in $ 135). We have seen that in Mg. Pr. semi-cerebral > dental l. Sinsilarly (Mk. comm. to xviii, 12 ard RT. III, iii, 12) in the Pascātyā, or language spoken by speakers of Ap. in the west (.e., Sindh), rard I were inter. cbangeable. We shall observe the same dentalization in Dardie. We thus ece that the EIAV. dental r is derived from the Skr. and Sr. Pr. cerebral r, through the Mg. Pr. dental l. This dentalizing process is still at work in i he EIAVs., in which there is at present a tendency to represent a medial WIAV. d or, i.e., a cerebral d or a cerebral r, by a dentall or a dental r. The case is much the same in Sindhi and Dardie..
(For the goneral question of the connexion between r and I, and especially for Marathi, see FLM $ 139 ff. For Gujarati exceptions, soo G.Ph. $8 52, 53.)
313. On the other hand, Marathi and WIAV., excepting Sirdhi, retain the Skr.-Pr. semi-cerebral r, which is rarely interchanged with the dentall. They have also the cerebral d and 7, the latter being a development of the former and interchargeable with it. In EIAV the cerebral t exhibits a tendency to become dentalized to EIAV. dental r, and rever rice versa, while, on the other hand, in the WIAVs., it is the WIAV. El mi-cerebral r which cws 4 tendency to become further cerebralized into the cerebral r, and rarely, if ever, vice rerea. Thus :
Ap. rrat-, fall V pad. EIAV. pay-orr pars; WIAV. r pad or v par..
never par: märjáralan, majjárau EIAV. maijárā, never majáļā; WIAV. mājáru or & cat
mījára. [In Bhn. 173 there are given some instances of cerebrald or becoming the semi-cerebral of Hindi, but they are not convincing. The examples are partly due to wrong derivation, and partly to the fact that H. dicticnaries include EH. erd B. werds with no indication as to the place of origin. The only dictionary which attempts to show this distincticn is Fallon's, and that was apparently not consulted. Bhn's examples are the following- mara, a corpse, said to be derived from Pr, madaa. But it is really the regular H. past participle of marë, he dies, and has nothing to do with mrtaka-madaa. The H. representation of mrtalah is muā. Skr. vidambana, mocking, H. birāna, to mock. This derivation is very doubtful. The real H. root is birāv-, which HI. R. 74 derives from Pr. virārēi. The H.P. R. representa. tive of Skr, nikațē, Pr. niadē, near, is nērē, not mērē as given in Bhn. Nērē or niyar is EH. and B. and has the Eastern dental r. The one word which can be accepted is H. par clãi>Pr. padichaa, Skr. praticchāyā, a reflexion. But this is an altogether exceptional case, as a Skr. prati., Pr. padi- is elsewhere represented by pa!, as H. pasõsi, Skr. pratitāsi, a neighbour. Ther of H. parachär, is probably due to confusion with Skr. pracchāyā, from which word it is in fact derived in Hn. Dictionary. There is, however, another language in which d (7) does perhaps become the semi-cerebral r, unless the ris dental. This is the M. dialect of the West coast, the 60-called Konkani Marathi (distinct from Kõn.). This dialect, as has been explained ($ 35), shows affinities with the language of the NW. that are wanting in Standard
Skr.
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M. Here we have ghōrā (M. ghoḍā), a horse; parula (M. pada la), he fell; avarā (M. ured). so much, and so on, a M. d being regularly represented by r (LSI. VII, 66)].
314. As it is now plain that the pronunciation of EIAV. and S. r is dental, while that of the other WIAVs. and M. is semi-cerebral, no confusion will ensue in future by transliterating both, as has hitherto been done, by r, reserving r for the true cerebrals and (h).
Skr. ¿láka, praise durlálitaḥ, a spoilt
child.
315. We shall shortly see that in Marathi, Gujarati, Panjabi, and other IAVs. a single medial becomes . But H. does not possess this sound, and hence for an original dental it occasionally substitutes a semi-cerebral r instead of .
Occasionally also the others do the same instead of substituting. Thus :
galam, an anchor
attálikā. a terraced
room
sálmaliḥ, the silk
cotton tree
CLASS CHANGES R AND L
Vjoal-, cause to burn kamalaku, dark kavalaḥ, a mouthful
glab, a jackal pippalaḥ, a pipal
tree
Vprajval-, burn
V pragal-, melt halaḥ, a plough
Ap.
salaha dulláliu
lángalu
attália
sávali
On the other hand the EIAVs. (especially B.) and S. very commonly change to dental r. and vice versa. Thus :
dhuli, dust sakhalika. a chain
dhúli sáňkhalia
vālēt
sávalai
kuvalu
eidin
pippalu
pajjalai
pagalai
halu
[§§ 314-313
H. sarah; but S. saráha (with dental r). H. dulár; but B. dulár (dental r), Bg. dulál.
H. G. lángar, M. negar; but S. lángaru (dental r).
G. P. L. atári, but M. atáli; B. atári (with dental r).
M. savari, sédari or stvari.
B. dhür, but H. dhul. Other EIAVs. use Ts.. sikali, Bg. sikal. O
EH. B. sikari, but H. kuli, A. xikali. EH. B.
bär-, but H. bal.
B. sawara, S. sawiro, but H. sawalā. B. kaur, but H. kaul.
153
EH. B. siar, but H. P. sial.
B. pipar, S. pipir", but H. P. pipal.
pajar-, S.
EH. B. pajir-, but H. Vpajal.. S. V paghir-, but H. Vpighal- or EH. B. har, S. har", but H. hal.
pigal..
The reason why there are so few Bg. O. and A. forms in the above is that these languages in most of the above cases use Tss. For Western Pahari there is the very instructive series Skr. janma, birth, with the n changed to a dental 1 in H. (Bundēli), and that again changed to a dental r in WPh. (Jaunsari) jaram. So also the dental character of the Dardic r is clearly shown by such words as Kš. sreh, love (Skr. sneha-), or srän, bathing (Skr. snäna-).
Bhn. 174 gives a striking instance of this dentalization, though without showing the reason for the difference of forms (Cf. Grierson, JASB. lxv. i, 1896, 1 ff). A frequent IAV. suffix for the formation of causal verbs is one which in G. takes the form ad, as in devid-, to cause to give. The same also occurs in M. as in bhewadav-, cause to fear, from y bhi-. In H. this becomes 1, through 1, so that we have Vdilav, to cause to give. But in S. and B. instead of d, we have the dental r, as in S. V diar-, cause to give; B. Vbithar-, S. Vwihar-, (H. Vbithal.), cause to sit; S. Vuthar-, dialectic (Kacchi) Vuthla-, cause to rise.

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[OCTOBER, 1933
316. Turning our attention now to IAV. I and I. We must first note that the latter letter occurs only in Marātbi, Gujarāti, Rājasthāni, Central and Western Pahăți, Panjābi, and Lahnda (all WIAV.) and also in Oriyā (EIAV.). In O. and probably in M. its existence is due to Dravidian influence. In all these an original medial single dentall becomes cerebralized to !, thus following the practice of the South Indian MSS. A medial double dental Il is, however, reduced to a single dental l, just as in some dialects of Pr. (Pr. Gr. 8 224) a single medial n>n, but a medial double nn remains unchanged. Konow (JRAS. 1902, 419) gives a number of instances from M. illustrating this rule, from which a few are given here :
(a) Medial single l. Pr. õlakkhai, M. õlakhan , to know ; Pr. käla, M. kal, time; Pr. kālaa-, M. kālā, black; Pr. dölaa, M. dölă, eye.
(6) Medial double u. Pr. kallam, M. kāl, yesterday ; Pr. ollaa-, M. ölā, wet ; Pr. ghallai, M. ghalang, to throw ; Pr. tella-, M. tēl, oil; Pr. bailla., M. bail, an ox.
Exactly the same rule holds in the other languages that possess !. The most striking instance is that of the Pr. calaï or callai, he goes. All these languages have a similar pair, viz., calai (calai) or cālai (callai). It is unnecessary to multiply examples. Cf. LSI. IX, ii, 20 (R.), 329 (G.); IX, iv, 116 (CPH.); and so for WPh.P. and L. A few typical examples may be given :Skr.
Ар. sódaśa, sixteen sólaha
G. sol, R. CPh. WPh. M. sốļā, P. L. soļa, o.
sóla; others sólah, &c. dadimah, a pome. dalimu G. dálam, R. dályü or daryu, CPh. W Ph. dalim granate
or dárim, M. dálimb, 0. dálim; but others
dálim, &c. kálakah, black kálau
R. G. kálo, P. CPh. WPh. L. káļa, 0. káļā,
others kālā, &c. bollai, he IAV. r böl-.
speaks kalyam, yester- kallu
JAV. kál, kalh, kal. day 317. In other languages a Pr. dental I usually remains 1 in H., but often becomce a dental r in EIAV. and S. Thus the B. word for a pomegranate is dārim. So haridrā, turmeric haláddā
H. haladi, EH. B. haradi. rájjuḥ, a string Ap. Mg. *láj. B. léjuri, A. léju.
judia sthálaḥ, great Pr. thoro
M. thor, great, but S. thólh", fatness. sariram, the Mg. Pr. salile A. Xaril.
body
In Bihār the rustics seem to be unable to distinguish between their dental and I, and constantly pronounce one for the other. Cf. the following pairs of B. words :
káriä and kála, black; thári and tháli, dish ; kérā and kélā, a plantain ; kapār and kapal, head; phar and phal, fruit; the English names Kelly' and Currie' both pronounced kári (Bs. Cp. Gr. i, 236); bar and bal, hair.
Finally, to quote a few instances of the changes of cerebrald to dentall from Bhn. 173:Skr. kröda, a lap, G. kholo, but (EIAV.) Bg. köl, B. kör (dental); Skr. cüdā, a lock of hair, Bg. cul, B. cūr (dental r); Skr. nigadah, a fetter, S. niar", nēra or nēlu (dental rand dental 1).
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CLASS CHANGES (DENTALS AND CEREBRALS)
318. To sum up. The following table shows the position as regards cerebral, semi. cerebral, and dental r, and of cerebral and dental l.
r-sounds.
Class.
l-sounds,
simple.
aspirated.
Dental
ELAV. r
EIAV. rh
Semi-cerebral
WIAV. r
WIAV. rh
Cerebral
IAV. T
JAV.
Th
!
Th
It must be remembered that NIAV, and Sindhi follow EIAV., while Marathi (except on the West coast) follows WIAV.
simple.
[§§ 318-321
IAV. I
aspirated.
IAV. th
There is one concluding remark to be made. A cerebral or semi-cerebral sound is a strong one, and not easily elided, while on the other hand a dental r is easily softened to y through 1, and is hence peculiarly liable to elision, as is in fact the case in the EIAVs. and in the NW., see §§ 302-304.
319. Before dismissing the question of r and 1, attention may again (cf. § 296) be called to the Bhadrawāh (WPh.) change of bhr and dr> dhl or dh, of gr> dl, and of tr> tl, thị, or t, as in Gadi bhrukkhna (with inserted r), Bhadrawāhi dhlukkho, Pangi dhukhā, hungry; Bhad. bhrā or dhla, a brother; Pang, bhrabbu, Bhad. dhlabbu, a red bear; Skr. bheda-, bhedra, Curahi bheddu or bhradd, Bhalesi dhledd, a sheep; Skr. vyaghra-, Kului barng, Bhad. dhlahg, Bhal. dlug, a leopard; Bhad. Bhadhla, Bhadrawäh; Skr, grāma-, Bhad. dlau, Bhal. dlau, a village; Skr. trayaḥ, Bhad. trai or llai, Pang. tlai, three; Skr. ksētra-, Bhad. tsheth!, a field; Skr. trika-, Ks. trak-, Bhad. thliggo, the back; IAV. tri, Bhad. thli, a woman; Bhad. ketrū or keṭlu, how many. All these WPh. dialects (exc. Kului) are spoken in the neighbourhood of Bhadrawah, and close to Kašmir and Western Tibet. The insertion of r has been discussed in §§ 286, 296, and the change of ir to tl has parallels in Dardic (§ 325). Curahi is a form of the Cameāli dialect of WPh., which is much influenced by Panjabi. Hence we need not be surprised to find in Curahi several instances of the change of the semi-cerebral r to the cerebral r or d, as in mardu (Prs. mard), a man; minda (P. mērā), my, and so on. We find this cere bralization carried still further in the neighbouring Bhadrawah dialects, as in ketru or keṭlü. The change of bhr to dhl, and of gr to dl has a different explanation. To the north and east of these dialects we find numerous dialects of Western Tibetan, In them, the change of br and gr to dr and thence to d is common (LSI. II, ii, pp. 54 and 70), so that these WPh. changes of bhr> dhl, and of gr to dl are probably due to Burušaski, conveyed to WPh. through Tibeto-Burman (§ 287.) In this case they can be compared with the Dardic (Şiņā) sounds represented by and j.
320. Cerebralization of other dentals, and dentalization of other cerebrals. In Prakrit there are several instances of t, th, d, dh, and n becoming cerebralized to t, th (dh), d, dh, and , respectively (Pr. Gr. § 218 ff.). It was specially common in Ardhamagadhi and in Jaina Mähäräştri (ib, § 219). There are also a few cases of cerebrals becoming dentals (ib. § 225). The most important instances occur in Paisaci and Culikäpaiśāci Prakrit. The same processes are carried further in the IAVs. Examples will be found under the several letters.
321. Reference must, however, be made here to the letter n. In Paisaci and Culikā. paisaci Prakrit this remains unchanged throughout. In Standard Pr, it is changed, whether initial or medial, single or doubled, to n; but in AMg. and the Jaina Prakrits the dental n may be retained when initial, and when doubled in the middle of a word (Pr. Gr. § 224),
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skr.
In Hindi, Eastern Pahāri, Eastern Hindi, Bihāri, Bengali, and Assamese ~ has disappeared, the only sound heard being n, though n is often written in Tss. In Oriya (which is influenced by Dravidian, in which is a common sound) Marathi, Gujarati, Central and Western Pahāri, Panjābi, Lahndā, and Sindhi the last named Pr. rule is followed. Here an initial n is always dental, and a medial n is cerebral n if it represents a Pr. medial n, but is dental n if it repre. sents a Pr. medial nn. The change of n > n thus follows the same rule as the change of 1>!, and occurs in the same languages, except that S. has ~, while it has not got! (see $ 316). There are hardly any exceptions to these rules. We may mention G. bên, not bên, a sister, and M. G. P. man, S. man', mind. As the rules are universal, one example of each case will be sufficient. Initial n or n Skr.
Ар. námi, a name návu or náðu IAV. não, &c. Medial n Skr.
Ар. pāniyam, water pāniyu H. EH. Bg. A. páni, B. páni ; O. M. G. R. WPh. P.S.
páni, CPh. pắni, L. paņi. Medial nn
Ap. páram, a leaf pánnu IAV. pán, exc. 0. pána, P. L. pánna, s. pán", in
various meanings connected with leaf. It may be noted that ņ also occurs in the Eranian Pasto, spoken immediately to the west of Lahndā. We occasionally find the sound of n represented by ! So, often in Lahndā and almost universally in Bažgali Käfir ($325). In the Kharia Thăr dialect of Bengali, bordering on Orissa, we also find this sound written in this way, as in maraş, for manus, a man; sūri, for suni, having heard ; and mūriş, for munis, a servant (LSI. V, i, 91).
322. Turning now to special cases, we may note that in Assamese no distinction in pronunciation is made between cerebrals and dentals. Possibly Tibeto-Burman influence is here at work. We shall see that dentals are confounded with cerebrals in Dardie. The same is the case with Gujarāti dialects (LSI. IX, ii, 438), in which they are interchanged almost ad libitum. It is also very common in Sindhi (Bhn. 183 ; Bs. Cp. Gr. 337). In the Khēträni dial. of Lahnda dentals are often changed to cerebrals, and in the Thali dial. d regularly becomes d (L. Gr. 2). For Marāthi, see FLM. $ 119. There can be no doubt that the local Indo-Aryan dialects of the North-West show a strong tendency to cerebralize dentals, or, at least, to confuse the two. This dates from early times, for Mārkandēya (xviii, 5), in his account of the Vrācada Apabhramsa spoken in Sindh, gives a universal rule that, in that form of Prakrit, initial t and d may optionally become and d, respectively. We thus see that Dārdie influence has also extended over the North-West in this respect.
323. With regard to Dardio, the general rule seems to be that, as in Eranian languages (P.L. 17) no distinction is made between cerebrals and dentals. The exact nature of the sounds represented by t and d is, however, a matter of some doubt. Not every observer is, competent to recognize the sounds with certainty, and even when such observers are available, their reports are contradictory. As regards Bažgali, Davidson says (Bš. Gr. xii) that he often found it impossible to decide whether in certain words an r or a t was cerebral or dental, and he adds that the same difficulty was experienced by one Azimullāh, a Naik in the Panjāb infantry. It is probable that, as a general rule in these languages, the sound of t and d is alveolar, but only for Sinā has the question been thoroughly discussed. According to $. Ph. $ 27, 30, 56, 69, in that form of speech the sounds represented by t and d are ordinarily alveolar,
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although, when initial in a few words, they seem to be slightly post-alveolar, though certainly not cerebral. Besides these, there is also a not very common true cerebral d-sound, which, so far as has been observed, is always medial, and is accordingly, as in India, generally sounded as a cerebral r. This last sound will therefore be discussed in § 325.1
Literary Kašmiri, and that spoken by the educated classes in large towns, preserves the distinction between dental and cerebral t and d in writing, but, even here, in poetry, a dental can rhyme with a cerebral. Thus, in the Rāmavataracarita, zith rhymes with dith (699) and with bithu (872), the final ü-matra of both words not being sounded. In some villages of Kašmir, the peasants make a sharper distinction between cerebral and dental, and alo possess a cerebral ? (§ 325).
Similarly, we have Bš. Vošt-. Gwr. Vust-, Ks. Vuoth-, rise, but Hindi Vuth-; Ks. dal or dal, a leaf-shoot; muš't- (musti-), a fist; dutak- or dutak-, cutting in two; kta-kal or kta-kāl (kala-kuta-), a certain poison, and others.
4
1 Lorimer's conclusions in S.Ph. are combated by T. G. Bailey in JRAS, 1924, 435 ff. But the latter's argumenta fall to the ground, owing to a wrong definition of the word cerebral.' See Grierson, JRAS., 1924, 656 ff. On the whole question of cerebrals and details in Kašmiri, see Grierson, in Hätim's Tales (London, 1923), lxxv ff.
324. The sound of cerebral n has, so far as Dardic languages are concerned, been noted only in the Kafir Group and in Spa. In other Dardic languages, an original, or Prakrit, cerebral has been decerebralized, and, as in Pé.Pr., is sourded as a dental n. In the Kafir Group, the cerebralization, as in Pağto, produces a sound which is practically identical with a nasalized r, which we find sometimes recorded as n, sometimes as "r, and ecmetimes even as 7. As in Pato in the Kafir group, this letter has generally arisen from r+n, as in Av. aparenāyu-, Bă. parmn, a child; Av. parana-, Bă. por, a leaf. In others the origin of the n is not so clear. Thus, Av. span, Skr. sun-, Kl. šēṛ, Paš. šuri-ng, but Gwr. šunā, Kš. hūn“, Ṣ. šữ, a dog; Av. vaen-ami, I see, but Wai. Vter-, Bs. war-, see; Skr. ghana-, dense, P.L. ghan or ghan, 8. ghana, numerous, Paš. gan, great.
In Sina, the sound of the cerebral is always secondary (S. Ph. §§ 72 ff.), that is to say, the cerebralization is (much as in Sanskrit) caused by the proximity of another cerebral sound. The word 'S na' itself is an example of this, the cerebralization of the n being due to the precedings. The occurrence of the sound in Sina is rare, and Lorimer (§ 73) has been able to collect only six other words in which it appears. There are, on the other hand, many cases in which n in the neighbourhood of another cerebral is not cerebralized. Burušaski, a nonAryan language lying immediately to the north of Sina, also possesses p, and apparently under the same rules. Lorimer has identified three of his seven Şiņa words containing as also occurring in Burušaski. These are Bur. sän, S sin, a Shin; Bur. çan, S. çon, leisure; and Bur. jin, S. jini, lines. Two of the remaining four are of Indo-Aryan origin,-Ş. dacino (Skr. daksina-), the right hand, and S. taçon (Skr. taksan-), a carpenter. Of the remaining two,- căn-, send, and jun, a certain plant,-the origin is unknown to me. In the two words of Indo-Aryan origin, the cerebral sound of n can be accounted for by the presence of the adjoining cerebral ç, for in other Şina words an original Indo-Aryan n is represented by a dental sound, as in Skr. karna-, Pr. kanna-, S. kön, but Kl. ku18 (for kuro) an ear, Skr. svarna-, S. son, gold. It is therefore probable that the sound of cerebral in Șină, if not in every case borrowed from Burušaski, is at least due to Burušaski influence.
It is certain that speakers of Burušaski once inhabited the whole Dard country (§ 37), and P. L. Barbour (JAOS. XLI (1921), 60 ff.) suggests that these people were early Dravidian or Munda inhabitants of North-Western India, who were thrust into Dardistan by the IndoAryan invasion from the West. If this is proved, it will account for the similarity in the cerebralization of n which is observed in Burušaski, Şina, and Sanskrit.
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325. We have seen ( 287) that in Dardic the letter r is often changed to c, j, &, or i, and is also liable to syncope. There are also instances of the interchange with l. Thus we have My. lam (grāma.), a fortified place : My. liga, $. jigo (dirgha-, through drigha-), long; Gwr. bliaia, Paš. lãi (Av. brotar.), a brother; Kh. rešū, a bull, lešū, a cow (vrsabha-) ; Gwr. pult, Paš. puthlē (putra-, putra-), a son ; Gwr. 4lē Paš. hlē (Av. Grayö), three; Kš. drür" or drūlu, skin; janjur' or janjulw, an angry face ; Ar. sair, Kš. söl, a stroll. Cf. S. r uthär- or (Kacchi dial.) ruthla-, raise. From this we learn (1) that in Drd. must be a dental letter, (2) that this accounts for the ease with which it is elided, and (3) that this accounts for the change to š, ; for l itself is, as we shall see ($ 326), liable to be palatalized to j. The origin of the last change may be foreign, but it could not have occurred in Drd. if were not first changed to l. We may put the second and third changes as follows:
(2) >1>y> elided.
(3) > >a palatal letter. The 1 is preserved from further change only when the r originally formed a part of a conjunot, and even then it is sometimes palatalized.
Similarly, I is sometimes liable to be changed to a dental (cf. Shb. arabhati, rocetu), as in Bš. angyur, Grw. angir (anguli. or anguri.); a finger ; K. braru (vidāla-), a cat. We have even cases like Kš. srün or šrān, for snāna., bathing, through *šlān.; and sreh, for enēha, love, through *sleh; and we may compare Western Pahāri jaram, for janma, birth. In these cases the r is evidently dental, but a cerebral, is also distinguished in the Kāfir Group, as in Wai, agur, Kl. angurya-k or (with syncope) ango, a finger. I explain the ? in this example as a survival of an original medial !. This sound still exists in the neighbouring Lahndā and Panjābi, and did exist in Paisāci Prakrit, and its survival here need not therefore surprise us, although in other Dardic dialects it has been dentalized to 1, as in Skr. gala-, L.P. gal, Kš. gal, the throat. As Bš. also possesses in other words, but with a different origin (286). the dental r of its angyur must be referred to a dental I, otherwise it would have *angyur (Cf. Grierson, ZDMG. LXVI, 82).
In Şiņā, there is a small number of words containing the sound of a medial cerebral d, as in bidiro, round. This d, being medial, is, as in India, commonly pronounced as a cerebral r (bişiro) (see T. G. Bailey in JRAS., 1926, 437). With one doubtful exception, probably due to borrowing (bado, great), none of these words have been identified as Aryan, while fifty per cent. of them have been identified as Burušaski (ş. Ph.&S 69 ff.) It is probable therefore that, in Şiņā, this sound comes from that language. On the other hand, in the allied Kāšmiri, which has been strongly influenced from India, there is a medial cerebral T, which Pandits write as an ordinary dental , making no distinction, in writing, between the two sounds. Kāšmiri also has the sound of the letter d, which is often certainly of Indian origin. Such, for instance, occurs in bud", old, which may be compared with the Hindi buddha. But besides this original cerebral d, Kāšmiri Pandits sometimes write their cerebral s as d, instead of the more usual t, saying that d represents the Village' pronunciation. The Kašmir peasants themselves have no hesitation in sounding every written medial d as ?, the change being one depending on locality and on the personal equation of the speaker. I have identified as Aryan only very few of the words in which the cerebrals of the Pandits occurs, and when we have a completo vocabulary of Burušaski, it may be found that most of the others have their origin in that language. Balfour (see $ 324) connects Burušaski with Dravidian or Mundā, and the first of the following examples is instructive from that point of view - Kš. kūr, also written küd(base kor-, köd.), a girl, pronounced kūr, by peasants, which may be compared with Mundá (Santali) kūri, a daughter. Similarly tshārun or tshāddun, (Peasant tshārun, to seek; gadun or gurun (Skr. r ghataya-), (Peasant) garun, to form; thar or the
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(Peasant) thar, the back, and several others (cf. Stein and Grierson, Hätim's Tales, lxxix).
Finally, we have seen ($ 275) that anunāsika followed by a sonant class-consonant is interchangeable with the nasal of the class to which the consonant belongs, as in cåd or can, the moon. So, in Pašto, the cerebral n is frequently written ! (i.e., d), and its pronunciation is identical in both cases. We meet the same system of representing the sound in the Kāfir dialects. What one observer hears and writes as », another hears and writes as ?. As examples, I may quote KI. er (i.e., šen), a dog (Av. span.); KI. kuro, for *kuro, (i.e., kuno), an ear (Skr, karna.); B;. r zär., for r zān- (Av. r ran., Skr. jänäli), know. See & 321.
Palatalization and Zetacism.
326. There are frequent examples of this in Dardic, but the subject has been thoroughly worked out only in Kāšmiri. In that language, under the influence of a following palatal vowel, semi-vowel, or mātrā-vowel, the following changes occur - k followed by ü-mātrā, e, or y >c
>ch >; tsh (optional)
> tsh
VVVVV
i, e, or y
To these Kš. pandits add h, which often becomes š when followed by i-mātrā, e, or y, but this is properly a reversion to an original form. The original letter is š (6), which becomes h when not followed by these letters, but remains unchanged when these letters follow it. Thus, Skr. ēkādasi, the eleventh lunar day, Kš. käh, but with u-mātrā added, dat. sg. kāšu. The influence of analogy has brought about the same change when the h is original, as in Skr. Kš. V sah., endure, past part. sgh", fem. sqš“. Examples in order of the other letters are -
Kš. r thak-, be weary ; past part. thals, fem. thacü. Av. r kar-, 'alcah v kar, r car.; Wai. că-st, he did. Cf. GIP. I, ii, 419.
Kš. rlēkh-, write ; past part. lękh", fem. ch. cf. Skr. mukhe; $. muco, before.
Kš. srõge, cheap ; fem. sg. sroja, pl. sroje. Cf. Av. gåv., Šiyni sav; Bš. aie, ašu, V. ie-št, a bull. Cf. GIP. I, ii, 300, 419.
Kš. rlos-, be weary ; logh or lotski, she was weary; löya or löfsh" (for lose) they (fem.) were weary; losov or lotshov (for lõsyov), he was weary.
Ks. rāt, night; sg. dat. ratsü; Ks. tar", hot, latser, heat ; Bx di-kli, V. ktosh, behind. Cf. Šiyni V yatt-, Bš. rats-, come, Kš. ats-, enter.
Kš. wõth", arisen ; fem. võtshü. Kš. ladu, built ; f. sg. lazi. Cf. Skr. duhitar., Gwr. zū, Kh. jūr, kūr, a daughter.
Kš. nan, naked; f. sg. naña; Skr. bhagini, K. befie, a sister; Skr. dhānyam, Kš. dāfie, paddy. Cf. the corresponding change in Ps. Pr.
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Ks. tsal, absconded; sg. f. tsaj. Cf. the Drd. change of (dental) to š, , as referred to above ( $325).
Ks. para, a board, pl. nom, pace. Cf. Skr. r bat, divide, Kl. baš, a share. Kš. kath, a stalk, sg. a bl. kāchi, pl. nom. kāche. Cf. L. (Khētrāni), uth, a camel, fem. uc. Kš. bod, great, f. badü, f. pl. nom. baje.
In northern Gujaräti, which we have often seen to bear traces of Dardic, gutturals, esp. when followed or preceded by i, e, or y, become palatalized. Thus dich ro, for dik"ro, a son; chetar, for khēlar, a field ; läjyo, for lāgyö, begun; paje, for pagë, on foot (LSI. IX, ii, 330). A similar change is observa ble in Marāthi of the North Konkan, which also often agrees with dial. G. in bearing Drd. traces. Thus gēlā or jēlā, he went ; ghēün or jhēün, having taken; kēlā or cēlà done (LSI. VII, 65).
Changes of Sibilants.
327. In Pr. the three uncompounded Skr. sibilants all became a dental 8, exc. in Mg. Pr, in which they all became a palatal é. Pischel in Pr. Gr. $S 25, 228, mentions a so-called Dhakki dialect in which the sibilants undergo other changes, and which, basing his supposition on the name, he locates in Dhakka in Eastern Bengal. Pischel was, however, misled by the very incorrect India office Ms. of Mk., and the name of the dialect is Tākki, not Dhakki or Dhakki, and is to be referred to the Takka country of the Northern Panjab (Mk. xvi, i ff. and comm. to xviii, 12. Cf. the v. 1. to Prthvidhara, on p. 493 of Goda bole's cdition of the Myochakarika).
In this sākki, as in the Gaurjari dialect of the Gurjaras who once ruled the country where it was spoken (see JRAS. 1913, 876, 882), original é and 8 remained unchanged, but original s became 8, as is now the case in Western Pahāļi (8 334).
328. In the IAVs. the same distinction as that recorded for Prakrit holds in the main. Bengali changes every 8 or to é, and Bihāri, although at the present day it has only a dental 8, always writes it as a palatal é, so far following the ancient Mg. Pr. practice ($ 29, note 1). Subject to certain reservations, elsewhere all the Skr. sibilants have become a dental 8. The two principal reservations are that in some languages, under special circumstances, this dental s has further developed into a secondary palatal é, and that in Pr. dialects é, or 8 sometimes becomes 1 (Pr. Gr. 88 262 ff.). So, also, we shall see that in some IAVs., an original sibilant is represented by an aspirate. Further, in Pr. an initial sibilant sometimes became ch (Pr. Gr. $ 211). The same occurs occasionally in the IAVs., and, much more frequently, we find in them a reverse process by which c or ch becomes a sibilant. This also oocurs in Pr. when ch represents a Skr. ts (Pr. Gr. 8 327 a). We thus find that the IAV. sibilants have two main sources, (a) they may be derived from a Pr. sibilant, or (b) they may be derived from c or ch.
329. Taking the latter case first, we shall begin by considering those cases in which, as in Pr., a sibilant has become ch. Thus, taking examples in which the change has already occurred in Pr., we have the very common IAV. cha or similar word for 'six.' So (Cf. Bs. Cp. Cr. i, 261).
Ap. sárakah a child chárdü H. P. EH. B. choka, ā, P. chohorū L. chöhur,
S. chok"da, G. chavo, chokoro, R. EPh. choro, CPh. choro, M. chau"da, Bg. chā, chărál (written chãoyal), &c. 0. chua, A. (a girl) chouāli; WPh. (K!) has fohrů.
Skr.
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But it must be remembered that in many of these (such as R. CPh. Bg. O. and A.) this is really a matter of spelling, as at the present day, in these languages, the ch is pronounced 8. So also Bhn. (188) quotes
Skr. sésah, end ; G. chéwat, chod, chéllo. Skr. *sallikä, rind; H. challi, châl.
From Skr. sàtradhárah, a carpenter, we have Bg. 0. chútár, and from Skr. Sáram, hemp, 0. chan, but in these cases the ch is pronounced 8.
Bengali chi.dren pronounce s as ch. Thus a baby learning to speak says "chab' for sáhib, a European. This illustrates the difficulty which an untaught Bengali throat experiences in uttering a dental 8. The change of ś to ch is not uncommon in Sindhi, especially in the case of borrowed words. Thus S. cháñcharu, Saturday (Skr. Sàniscára); chál or 8ála, would to God? (Ar. šā- Allāh); chabas, bravo ! (Prs. Šābaš); pa hāh, a king (Prs. pādšāk) (S. Gr. xvii). In Western Pahāri (Jn.) there is a curious sTs, chalyā nās (Skr. satya-nāša), meaning "utter destruction.'
330. The direct change of ch to f is rare. I have only noted it in Northern Lahndā and Western Pahāri-where it is considered vulgar,-in cases like ašņā, for achna, to come, gaśnā, for gachņā, to go. Here we have certainly instances of borrowing from Dardic, in which we find cases of ch > š. In WPh. we have also čohrū, a child, given above ($ 329). We shall see that in Marathi and Gujarāti ch often > dental 8. This dental is liable under certain circumstances to be palatalized to a secondary s.
331. The change of c, ch>8 is much more common than that of ch ś. Bhn. (178) confines it to Marathi, but it is much more widely distributed.
Commencing in the East, in Assamese every c and ch is pr. 8. So identical in sound are these two letters that in Bronson's dictionary ch is omitted, and only c written. Thus A. cârál, a candāla, pr. särál; māch (Bronson, māc), a fish, pr. mās, sācā, true, pr. Xösa; pice, pace (pr. píse, păse), behind ; micā, false, pr, misā ; bachari, a calf, pr. basarū; páchim, west, pr. pósim. See LSI. V, i, 400. An interesting example is A. sTs. súrti, for sruti, the Vēdas, which is written curti, because in the written compound &r, the sibilant is pr. as 8($333, 338.)
In Bengali ch is commonly pronounced as a dental 8, though many purists deny it. The pronunciation is most common in Bengal east of the Hügli river. To the west the true sound of ch asserts itself. As the rule is universal where it is practised a few examples will suffice. Such are māch, a fish, pr. mās; churi, a knife, pr. súri. So well established is this, that ch is employed to represent the sound of 8 in words borrowed from other languages. Thus Muchalmān, a Musalmān. So, the Bg. spelling of the Writer's name is Grirachan (cf. LSI. V, i, 31). In S. E. Bengal, also c is pronounced as 8. Thus cākar, a servant, pr. sūor (with elision of k, cf. 301); kharac, expenditure, pr. khóros (LSI. V, i, 292).
In Oriya ch is pronounced as tsh in the South. In the North, on the Bengali frontier, we occasionally hear the 8-sound of the latter language, and in a few words this obtains over the whole of 0. area, as in 0. chùtūr, pr. sutar, a carpenter (see § 329).
332. In Marathi uncompounded Pr. ch regularly becomes 8. This 8 in turn becomes & before a palatal vowel under a rule shortly to be given ( 334). The 8 or é is usually written as such, and is not represented by ch as in Bengali. Thus Skr.
Ap. iksuh, sugarcane úcchu
M. us mátsyah, a fish macchi
M. mas (cf. Bg. and A. above). kşúrikā, a knife chúria
M. súri (cf. Bg.) kşēlram, a field M. Pr. chetiam
M. sēt makşikā, a fly M. Pr. mícchia
M. māsi
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And so many others. For longer lists see Bs. Cp. Gr. i, 218; Bhn. 178.
In coll. Gujarātī there is a strong tendency to pronounce both c and ch as 8, and as we go north this gradually becomes the rule (LSI. IX, ii, 330, cf. 382, 412, 425). The change is often, but not always indicated in writing. Thus, pås for pac, five; uso for tlco, high : sārtu, for cürtwu, to feed cattle ; sõrū, for chôrů, a child; prísyo, for púchyö, asked. This occurs even when the ch is a secondary formation. Thus (LSI. IX, ii, 330) we have nāsyā nāchyä näkhyā, on being thrown. In the Kathiyawadi dialect, this 8, as in Marāthi, becomes ó before a palatal vowel, as in sētē, for chētē, far; sēdu for chēdu, a cultivator (LSI. IX, ii, 425, 426) (cf. $ 334).
The change of c, ch, to 8 is also common in the Bhil dialects of G., as in sôr, for cor, a thief; sörü, for choril, a child. Closely connected with the Bhils, are the Sondiās, who speak a corrupt form of Rājasthāni (Mlv.) much mixed with Gujarāti. They, too, change ch to s, as in sú kalo for chól"lo, chaff (LSI, IX, ii, 279). See also $ 339.
The change of c and ch to s is so common in coll. G. that careless writers write one for the other. Thus G. cāva sēt, for sāvacēt, conscious (LSI. IX, ii, 413).
In Rajasthani we observe the same treatment of cand ch. Thus sáleki, for cákki, a millstono ;rsar-, for car-, graze; sándan, for candan, sandalwood ; sās, for chách, buttermilk. This is most common in WR. and SR. (LSI. IX, ii, 4, 20), but the change is very common indeed, -almost universal-in Mw. The pronunciation is not indicated in writing, in which cand ch are in ordinary use, not 8.
In the closely connected Pahāși languages we also find traces of this change, as in EPh. and dial. CPh. r sak., for v cuk., complete (LSI. IX, iv, 49, 224, &c.). In WPh. (Jn.) ch and 8 are interchangeable, as in sásā or chášā, a hare; chátyānās or satyā-náé, destruction ($ 329). So WPh, generally, mānas or mānach, a man.
I have not noted any oases of the change of c or ch to a sibilant in Sindhi, but attention has been drawn to the reverse change in this language (8,>ch) (8 329).
There remain Bihārī, Eastern Hindi, Hindi, and Panjābi. In none of these have I noted any instances of interchange between palatals and sibilants, except in a few H. sporadic instances occurring on the border close to Rājasthāni. We are thus able to state that this interchange is very common in the extreme EIAVs. in M, G. and R, and Ph., and to a less extent in S. and (330) L. of the North-west. It is practically confined to the OuIAVs. The central languages from Panjābi to Bihāri show no traces of it.
333. Turning how to IAV, 8, we find, in the first place that in Bengali 6, 8 and 8 are all pronounced as é, whether in Tbhs. or Tss., though in the latter the original Skr. letters are usually written. Thus, nása, destruction ; púrufa, a man; éirgā, a horn ; r sul-, sleep, are pronounced nāśā, purus, singa, and sut respectively. In the compounds st, ér, sr, the sibilant is pronounced as a dental. Thus, stri, a woman, óri, fortune, pronounced stri and eri, respectively. So, also, in Assamese, although an uncompounded sibilant is pronounced as x, when it is compounded with another consonant it is pronounced as a dental 8. Thus, Xisyo, a disciple (written śişya); xástro, scripture (śāstra); Khristo, Christ (Khrista) (see $338). If, however, r precedes, the x sound is retained, as in dorxon, seeing (dassana). It is commonly said that in Oriyā the sibilants are pronounced as in Bengali, but this is only true of the dia. lect immediately bordering on Bg. Pure 0. has only the dental 8 (LSI. V, ii, 379).
334. In Marāthi, Toh, 8, whether descended from a Pr. 8 or from ch, becomes & when it precedes a palatal vowel. Under other circumstances the 8 remains unchanged. Thus Skr.
Ap. sálā, a house svila
M. sā! iksuh, sugarcane ricchu
M. us
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[$335 336
sfngam, a horn singu
M. sing satam, a hundred M. Pr. savam
M. 6 sindāram, red lead senduru
M. sedür And so many others. See Bhn. 178, 187, and FLM. & 155 for longer lists. In M. dialects, there is often no palatal 8, the dental sound being the only one used (ISI. VII, 23).
In Gujarāti, s generally follows the M. rule, but in the literary language somewhat capriciously. Thus, it has sing, a horn, and so or 80, a hundred, but there are also words like sidi, a ladder, and r sic-, sprinkle. We shall see that in NG. original :>h, but the 8 derived from ch (see $ 332) becomes & before palatal vowels and the semi-vowel y. Thus, téțē, for chēli, far: sédu, for chodu, a cultivator : pásyù, for prichyi, asked (LSI, IX, ii, 426) (cf. & 332).
In Rājasthāni (Mw.) the f-sound prevails universally, though not shown in writing. Every written 8 is pr. &; while, as we have seen c and ch have the sound of the dental 8. The language therefore has two distinct sibilants, viz., ś, represented in writing by 8, and 8, represented in writing by c and ch. Thus, sāw cēt, conscious, is pr. sāwasēt, and naiwasi, an inhabitant, is pr. närrisi. For further examples of c, ch, see § 332.
In some dialects of Central Pahāļi there is a tendency to changes to &. Thus, mais, for mais, a man (LSI. IX, iv, 218). In WPh. 8 and 8 seem to be almost interchangeable. Thus (Sirmauri) tesi or tesi (according to locality), him ; dēs, for divasa, a day;r nas. or nas-, go. Judging from the spelling of the specimens of W Ph, that I have been able to examine, an original Skr. & or p is represented in sTs. by 8, as in dēs, a country, manas (mānuga-), a man. Just as in Täkki Pr. (8 327) original é remained unchanged, but, for $, I have also come across spellings such as mānach, which would indicate a pronunciation manas', - again as in Takki-and also, such as mänukh. In the present state of our knowledge all we can say for certain is that in CPh. and WPh. both the 6-sound and the 8-sound exist, and that they appear to be used somewhat capriciously one for the other.
335. In Sindhi and Lahndā we shall see that sibilants generally pass into h; but the sounds of 6 and 8 also occur. In S., putting Tss, and other borrowed words to one side, 8 has become & in 67, a lion (simhab); sāhu, rich (sädhuh); and fikha, a spit (Prs. six). So, é represents a Skr. 8 in kas-, pull (Skr. kro-); kión", Krsna ; visu, the world (visayah). In Tss. we sometimes find 8 substituted for an original 6, as in soriru or sariru, the body. Similarly, beside vig, there is viss. The word corresponding to Skr. vēņa., disguise, is tēs, (S. Gr. xvi, xvii). In S. the dental 8 may represent an original 8, as in mās" (or māhs), flesh (mimsakam); or may, as shown above, represent & or $. Cf. dēs (or deh) (dēšakab), & country (8. Gr. xxx). But, as already said, the sibilants generally become h in S.
In Lahnda, the sibilant may be represented by 8, or, as in S. occasionally by 6, but ordinarily becomes h. As examples of & we may quote the change of 8 to é in bāh, a rich shopkeeper (S. säh"), and of to é in r kas-, urge on (ef, S. r kas-, above). As examples of 8 we can give dés, a country (dekah); rdas-, show (darśayati), jas, a laudatory ode (yabab); kēsi, name of a flower (kēšava-); r ghas-, rub (ghargati); kösā, lukewarm, (kavõsnab); mās, flesh (mammam); sip., sew (sivyati); sinnh, the Indus (sindhuh); has laugh (hasati).
336. There remain Bihāri, Eastern Hindi, Hindi, and Panjabi. In these there is only one sibilant, the dental 8, but in B. this is written, but not pronounced, 6.
We thus see that the lines of interchange of 8 and 6, and of the use of two sibilants, follow much the same as those of the interchange of c, ch and sibilants, and are confined to the OuIAVs. In fact, as a rough generalization we may say that in the IIAV8. (including P. and EH.) and in B. there is only one sibilant,-the dental, --while in the OuIAVs. (including R., and excepting B.) there are two sibilants, a palatal and a dental, the latter being often, and in some languages always, represented by c or ch.
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337. As regards borrowed words, in those languages wbich have only dental, 8, 8 and ở become that letter, although in Tss. ó is generally written. Thus H. Ts. nās, destruction, written nāśa ; Prs. šahr, a city, H. sahar. In those languages which possess two sibilants, ś and š are represented by s, and s by 8. Thus, M. Ts. nas, destruction ; sahr, a city; satya, truth; siddhi (334), not siddhi, success. Dialectically Prs. šis represented by sy, as in R. (Mlv. Kota) bidaryā, for Prs. pidšāh, through H. bādšah. In Tss. in P. H. EH. B. R. CPh. and EPh. uncompounded Skr. becomes kh. In fact, in the Kaithi alphabet, the character for kh is that properly belonging to $. Thus, yastha, sixth, pr. khasth. The same change is occasionally found in Sindhi. This, in North India, is commonly called the Benares pronunciation of , and is really a bad attempt to reproduce the sound uttered by Benares Vedic pandits when enunciating the letter. Thus:
Skr. bhấga, speech
sTs. P. H. R. CPh. EPh. EH. B. bhákhā, but S.
bhásā. mánusah, a man
P. R. CPh. WPb. mánukh (WPh. also mánus,
mānach see 9 332), H. EPh. EH. B. mānukh, S.
mānulch. In other languages (except those in which sibilants do not become x or h), in Tss. generally has a sound practically indistinguishable from that of 6, except in the mouths of purists.
When & forms part of a compound consonant in a Ts, it is everywhere sounded as ó (for 8), except by purists.
338. The change of a to h was rare in Sr.-Mg. Pr., but was not uncommon in M. Pr. and Ap. (Pr. Gr. 262-4). Similar changes are not uncommon in the IAVs., esp. in Assamese and in the NW. languages and those (such as Gujaräti dial, and Bhili) connected with them.
In Assamese all sibilante when uncompounded, or compounded with r, are pronounced as x. When compounded with y, they are pr. š. In other compounds they are pr. 8. As usual the spelling is that of Skr., although in A. Diey. Br. all sibilants are uniformly written 8. Thus,-xástra, scripture (sastra.); xisya, a disciple (siøya-); danxan, sight (darsana.); xangrám, a fight (sargräms.); xasthi, the sixth lunar day (anthi); xa, a hundred (cf. H. sau, &c.); xanlux, satisfaction (samtöpa.) (LSI, V, i, 401). A similar pronunciation obtains in the Bengali of the neighbouring parts of Eastern Bengal (LSI. V, i, 209).
In Standard Bengali all uncompounded sibilants become $. We have seen that in some parts of Eastern Bengal bordering on Assam they become x but in most EBg, and SEBg. they become h. Thus (LSI. V, i, 224) in EBg, in words not borrowed from Prs. we have häph, for såp, a snake; hakal, for sakal, all. So in SEBg. (LSI, V, i, 292), an initial sibilant often becomes h, as in hakal, all; hur (Prs. šor), noise.
339. So far for Eastern India. In the West, it will be convenient to commence with Gujarati. In coll. G. both band s are cominonly pr. h, and this is the rule in the North. Thus mánah, for miinas, a man; ho, for śő, a hundred ; híraj, for stiraj, the sun ; hû, for sü, what ?; dēh, for dēs, a country; hamajáró, for samo já vyo, caused to understand ; bárah, for báras, a year; hácū, for sácù, truo (LSI. IX, ii, 330). We sometimes meet the same change in Eastern and Western Bhil dialects, as in huno, a dog (cf. Ks. hon), but as in Central Bhili we here generally have the stronger aspirate x. Thus, Xona, for sönü, gold; bēx-, for bēs-, sit (LSI. IX, iii, 2, 11). So in the Ahīri Bbili of Cutch, xât, for säl, seven; dax ten; tap'yo, you will warm yourself (LSI. IX, iii, 63); in the connected Bāori of the Panjab xat, seven ; vix, twenty ; manuxo, a man; khēx (kēša-), hair (177); in the Siyalgiri Bhili of Midnapur in Bengal xob (sab), all; dēx, country ; barax, year (197); and other Bhili dialecta, such as Pardhi paixo (H. paisa), money: ximlina (G. sabhalinē), having heard (188).
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CHANGES OF SIBILANTS
[88 340-341
In Rājasthāni we have seen that s often becomes 6, but in the Mlv. dialect of the Sõndiäs, a wild tribe probably connected with the Bhils, s is universally changed to h. Thus, hagelo, for saglö, all; hataró (G. samrő), a daily portion of food ; häu, for sadhū, good, and so for others (LSI. IX, ii, 279). See also $ 332.
In Hindi. Eastern Hindi, and Bihāri there is only sporadic instance of the change of $>h in modern times. Such words as H. bahattar, seventy-two; OH, karihai, he will do, have come from Pr. (Pr. Gr. $S 264, 446, 520). Perhaps H. EH. B. gchál, for gośāli, a cow. house, may be taken as one of the few cases of a modern change. Another, more doubtful is B. põhē, cattle, !h in the Kļ. brāh or brūs, rhododendron. We may therefore say that the change of a sibilant to h or x does not occur in any of the Ph. languages except in the case of Gādi, where it probably came from the Panjāb.
340. On the other hand, in Panjābi, Lahndā, and Sindhi as well as in the Dardio languages the change to h or x is very common indeed. Many examples for P. and S. will be found in Bs. Cp. Gr. i, 259 ff. and Bhn. 175. So far as these two languages are concerned, the following list is partiy taken from them :Skr.
Ap. búsam, chafi búsu
8. búh", but P. L. bhússi, cf. however, P. brúhal,
a heap of grain freed from chaff,chaffed'. bisam, lotus-root bisu
S. bih u pavisati, he sits uvaisai S. vih, L. r bäh- or r bah-. visvásah, trust vissásu S. rēsáh", P. L. visáh. vimšatih, twenty vísu
S. viha, L. P. rih. visam, poison vísu
S. vih, L. viuh, P. vih or vis, the latter perhaps
STs. Cf. Kš. veh. Ifsa, thirst
lisa
S. trih, P. tih, but L. lass. króśah, a kos kósu
S. köh", L. P. kõh, and even P. sTs, karóh. dhrámsayali, he dhamsēi S. r dah-, L. P. r dhāh..
throws down (Hc. iv, 118) r kus-, tear vkus
S.P. r kuh-, L. r kõh-, to butcher. asunder aşādhah, N. of a ăsidhu
L. P. hähr, P. also harh, but S. ākhāru : but S. month
hāror hārhu, be summer. Cf. Kš. här. pausah, N. of a posu
S. põh", L. põh; cf. Ks. põh. month. And so very many others. This is specially common in Northern Lahndā, on the Drd. border, where even go universal a word as v sal-(s. reagh-, P. Vsakk-), appears as rhag-. Cf. Kš. r hek.
341. To sum up this part of the discussion,- we find that the change of sibilant to h or x occurs in two groups of languages, (1) in the extreme East (A. and EBg.), and in the NW. (S. L. P.) and in those other IAVs, which, for other reasons, we have shown to contain
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[OCTOBER, 1933
traces of connexion with Drd., viz., coll. G., esp. NG. and the G. Bhil dialects. In other IA Vs. the sibilant is preserved as a sibilant.
342. In Dardio, the interchange of c, ch with sibilants is rare. We see it occasionally in Ş., as in puš, five, and in Trw., as in ciš k cüci.), a woman's breast (cf. the corresponding NL change noted in $ 330). The Bš. što, Wai. šti, four, hardly falls under this head, as the words appear to be an instance of metathesis, cf. Kš. tsör. It is noteworthy that the corresponding Tukhari' word is stwar (see Grierson in JA. 1912, 345). In My. an initial cor ch tends to become , as in sar. (Av. Skr. y car.), graze ; sê war, iron (other Drd. cimr, etc.); saur, four; wail, a she-goat (chēla-). Instances of the reverse process are Kh.choi (other Drd. šo, šah, etc.), six ; Kh. cucü (suska.), dry; Bš., Wai. V cũ-, Grw. r co-(Av. r gav-), go; Bš. minci, Kl. moc (mănuşu-), a man; Kš. chon" (sinya.), empty; Kš. chal", (svēta-), white.
In Kš., before ü-mātri, y, or e optionally>s or tsh. Thus, rlos-, be weary ; los* or lotshu, she was weary ; löst or lotsha (for lose, they (feme.) were weary ; losov or lotshov (for losyõo), he was weary (8 326).
343. In these languages Skr. 6, and Eranian š are generally represented by š, while 8 generally remains unchanged. The principal exceptions are found in the Dard Group, in which, as we shall see, é, s and often become h.
The change of unprotected to follows Eranian, rather than Indian analogy, for in Ps. Pr. $> . Examples are :
Skr. sirga.; KI. My. šiš, $. się. Skr. V dré-; Pax Vlaš., Kš. v deg.
Skr. dasa-; Wai. doš, Kh. još, Ki. Gwr. Grw. My. daš, but Ks. dah, Ş. daii, ten. Cf. L. dah, S. dah.
Skr. vimšati ; Wai, viši, Gwr. iši, Kl. biči, Kh. bišr, Grw. My.bīš, but Bš. vitsi (for vici), ş. bi, bēh, Kš. wuh, twenty.
There are not so many examples of the preservation of original š. We may quote -
Av. nišhidaiti, he sits; Wai. Gwr. Kh. vniš., but Bš. V'niž., Kl. rnis, Paš. r ni(through nih.).
Indian y similarly becomes in Skr. tsabha.; Kh. rešu, a bull. Skr. esati : Gwr. Věä., Khr weš., send ; Wai, prešya, sent; but V. res, send. Skr. vişa-; Bš. wiš, but Kš. veh, poison. Cf. Skr. manusa-, Shb. manusa.
We have already given above several cases in which 5, , or š>c, ch, but as a rule (exc. in the Dard Group) these three sibilants, when uncompounded are represented by š as shown a bove. Compounded with other consonants they are also usually represented by š, see § 290. But in Şiņā medial >j (ş Ph. $ 67), as in Skr. manusa., s. manūjo (but Ks. mahanje) (S. mušā, a man, is from Skr. manusya-, see $ 290); Skr. mūşika-, ş. müji, a rat; Skr. pie, ş. rpij., grind; Skr. rosa-, Ş. roj or rög, anger.
Unprotected s is also generally preserved, although before a palatal vowel it tends to become š (cf. Bš. ešiPage #353

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CHANGE OF GRADE. VOICING OF SURDS
[$$ 344-346
344. The change of a sibilant to h occurs principally in the Dard Group, esp. in Şiņā and Kāšmiri. It also occurs sporadically elsewhere. It occurs much most frequently as a representative of ó or š. This is very common in Kš. Thus (initial) :
Skr. syūma-, Kš. ham", blackness ; Skr. simbā, Ks. hem, a pod ; Skr. éambala., Kš. hambāla, viaticum ; Skr. śuşka-, Kš. kokku, dry; Skr. sama., Ksr ham, extinguish ; Skr. érnga-, Kg.heng, a horn; Skr. kava, Ks. hap., a corpse ; Skr. Barikā, Ks. hār, & cowry; Skr. särikä, Kš. hārü, a starling; Skr. sarad., Kš. harud, autumn; Skr. Sivarātri-, Kš. hērat., N. of a festival ; Skr. āşādhah, Kš. här, L. P. hähr, N. of a month, S. hā", summer; Skr. siras, Ks. hir, but Paš. šir, a head ; Skr. sata-, Kš. hat., a hundred.
I have not noted any instances of initial š becoming h. When ó or is non-initial the resultant h is often apocopated. Examples are
Skr. u pavisati, he sits ; K rbeh-, Trw.rbih, My bhai. (for baih), Ş. Grw. rlai-; Skr. dasa-, Av. dasa.; Ks. dah, $. dãi, Paš. dē, ten ; Skr, vimsati., Kg. wuh, ş bi, twenty; Skr. pag., Av. xěruš; Kš. šeh, Aš. sü, şsi, Trw. so, Gwr. M. šoh, Kl. šöh, Grw. šo, Bš. šo, Wai. šū, V. uši, Paš. š, six. This last is the only case in which the change is general in Dardic. In it the initial ša is retained as representing the Av. compound xš, except in Aš. ş. and Trw., where we have the Indian 3. Other examples of $ are Skr. vişa-, Kš. veh, poison, cf. the S. P. and L. forms given above ($ 340); Skr. rarga-, Kš. warihy, & year; Skr. pausa-, Kš. põh, N. of a month ; Cf. S. põh", P. L. põh (§ 340).
In Kašmiri the š which becomes h, is preserved when ü-mātrā, e, or y follows. So that the grammatical rule has arisen in Kỹ. that when these follow h it becomes š, though this is etymologically reversing the true order of affairs. Thus:
Kš.bah (dvadasi), the twelfth lunar day, sg. dat.baši; Kš. V pih- (Skr. Vpis-), grind; piši, she was ground; piše, they (fem.) were ground; pišyöv, he was ground; Kš. tsahu, astringent ; fem. sg. tsašis; tsäšer, astringency ; Kš. hil, like, fem.sg. hjši; hišer, resemblance ; põh (? purisa-), ordure ; sg. dat. paši. In Kš. warihy, a year, the g of Skr, varsa- has not been preserved, but retains the form of h, although preceding y.
The change of 8 to his much more rare. Thus, Skr. divasa-, K;. doh, Gwr. bā, Trw. di, a day; Skr. svastir., S. săh, Paš. säi, Grw. išpo, šil. Here the initial 8 of sv has been preserved, as forming part of a compound consonant.
345. It is well-known that the Pašto language possesses a letter , derived from an original š (GIP. I, ii, 209). This letter becomes x in Northern Pošto (id. 203). We find the same dialectic difference in Pašai. Wherever Eastern Pas. has š, the Western dialect has x (Grierson, ZDMG. liv, 665). Thus EPag. širing, W Paš. Xoring, a dog. This is the only instance of a sibilant becoming x that I have noted in Dardic, but it will be remembered that a similar change occurs in the Gādi dialect of WPh. (Ch.) (8 339).
CHANGE OF GRADE. 346. Voicing of Surds. This was common in Ap. (Ho. iv, 396), and also occurred in Sr. Mg. Pr. in regard to t, th (P. Gr. $ 203) and in Pr. generally in regard to the cerebrals (Pr. Gr. & 198). All these cases refer to medial, and not to initial consonants. This voicing has been preserved in the IAVs. Thus - Skr.
Ap. sákalah, entire
ságalulau) G. sápalo, M. ságaļā, P. H. ságérā, B. ságar. bakunah, an omen sagunu
S. ságunu, H. EH. B. ságun, Bg. ságun, G. P.
sugan ; also A. xágun, & vulture. And so many other instances of k > g, including the very common H EH. B.lig, S. lögu, a person, Skr. lökaḥ. kh is softened to gh in M. rēgh, G. rēg, for Skr. rēkha, a line. Other IAVs. use the Ts.
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Neither H. iv, 396 nor Mk. xvii, 2 allows medial c, ch, to be softened to j, jh, but for the cerebrals we have:
páthati, he reads gháṭakaḥ, a jar V vest-, surround
Ypadh. ghada
V vēdh- (Hc. iv, 221)
[DECEMBER, 1933
Bg. par-, A. V parh-, others Vpadh-, park-. M. ghada, H. EH. ghara, G. S. ghado, B. ghara. G. vit; but Bg. V ber-, A. V bēr-, S. verh-, others bērh..
Instances of the retention of Sr.-Mg. d (and>ad>än (Cf. J. Bloch, JA, XIX, 1912, 333), while forms in -an represent ant>and
>an.
347. We occasionally find voicing of surds in the IAVs., which is not derived from Pr. or Ap. Sometimes even initial surds are voiced. The change >g is not uncommon, in Rajasthani as in (J.) thak- or thag-, be weary; bhagat for Ar. waqt, time; sTs. bhigya, for bhikṣā, alms; (Nimaḍi) sTs. mugat, for mukutam, a diadem. The Bagri form of Mw. (LSI. IX, ii, 149) changes the initial k of the genitive postposition ko to g, as in manas-gō, of a man. So also in the suffix ke of the conj. part., as in mär-ge, having struck. These are both derived from the Skr. kr-, and similarly in Eastern Pahari the verb 'to do' is Vgar. In the Panjab, the Labhānīs, a wandering tribe who speak a form of Rajasthani, here influenced by Panjabi (LSI. IX, iii, 297) carry still further the voicing of surds. Not only does ko> go (and so similar forms), but to, was, > do, and paharão, clothe ye, > bharão. Similar changes are found in the Dogri dialect of P., and in Western Pahari, as in Jn. agās, heaven; other dial. dåd, for dåt, a tooth (cf. Prs. dand); paj, for pac, five; pajās, for pacās, fifty, and so on. All the above languages are more or less closely connected with Rajasthani, and it will have been noted that the surd most commonly voiced was k. A similar change occurs in other languages not so closely connected with R. Such is Lahnda, where in the North (bordering on Dardic) the sak-, be able, >hag-. In distant SE. Bengal, the local form of Bg. (LSI. V, i, 293) commonly voices all surds, as in gori, for kari, having done; uda, for utha, arise.
348. Other, more sporadic instances of voicing are the following:
Although Hc. iv, 396 does not permit the voicing of medial ch, the two following instances occur of initial ch (Page #355

DECEMBER. 1933]
FIARDENING OF SONANTS
[$$ 319-331
Ap. ll, resultant from rt (cf. Hc. ii, 30) is rarely reduced to d ( orr) as in :nirvártatë he is
nivealiai
P. r nibbar, H. EH. Bg. 0. accomplished
Vnibar., B. Vnibar. S.Vnibir. So, for tth kústā, leprosy
kúttha Most IAVs. kórh, but M.G. kör, Bg. kur. In one very common word in R.H. EH. and B. p>b, i.e., the sTs. partüb, for pratāpaḥ, might. It is common as a proper name, but in R. (J.) it is used as a common noun. In H. būdšāh, for Prs. pädšāh, a king, the initial letter was changed on account of the indecent meaning of the IAV. word pād (Skr. pardah) (Blochmann, JASB., xxxvii, I, 1868, 36). Tradition says that the change was made under the orders of the Emperor Akbar.
349. It will have been observed, as a general result of the above that while sporadic instances of the voicing of surds occur in most IAVs, and are also common in the special case of SEBg., they are most frequently noticeable in Rājasthāni and related languages. This fact is important as the Ap. of Hc. and Mk. was a dialect of the Sr. Pr. Group, with which also R. was once closely connected.
350. In Dardic (following Ps. Pr. and Shb.) there is a tendency to preserve intervocalic mutes, and there are also many instances of the Ps. Pr. custom of hardening sonants. But, in process of development the original and secondary surds have often become voiced to sonants. In the case of a secondary surd, the resultant sonant thus reverts to its original form, e.g., 9 > > 9 (see ZDMG, LXVI, 79-82). In the first place, initial surds are sometimes voiced as in Kš. gäš (kāśa-), light; My. gi, for ki, what? This is especially common when a vowel or sonant consonant immediately precedes or follows, as in v. r pez-, go; be-bzi, going outside ; ti-bzi, going to ; Bš. as-ke, he, but am-gi, they ; Bš. pa or ba, on (ení), ba being used before words beginning with sonant consonants, as in ba-ben, in the forest, and pa in other cases, as in pa-pti, on the back.
Examples of voicing of original medial surds are : V. (att)ege, one (ēka-), and the - ka suffix, as in My.dā or dā-g, the back; V. buto-g, a share ;
Bě, vin-an or vin-aga-n, striking ; V. pesumtio-go, ş. şide-go, My. kut-ag-il, struck.
Kš. kan, an ear, but (medial k) hasi-gan, N. of a place, Hasti-karna-. Av. panca- ; Paš. Grw. panj, KI. Kh. ponj, My. påz, five. Comparison with such forms as Kš. pönts, Bš. puc, &c., show that these can hardly have been borrowed
directly from Persian. (r or r for d.) Aš. Gwr. kukur, a cock (kukkuța-); Wai. gur, Kš. guru (ghotaka-),
a horse ; Bš. bar-este, a share (rvat-). Gwr. puda-mi, before (pravat.); Bš. radar or rötr, night (rätri-).
Bš. kapā or kabā, angry (xafa); Ks. r beh-, sit (upavisati); Kl. rāwā, silver (rupaka-). As examples of the apparent retention of sonants (formula g>k>g), we have :
Kš. bagu, a share (bhäga-); bag, vulva (bhaga.); mög, a cloud (mēgha-). Kš. ajwend-, Carum copticum (ajavinda-); baj", a partner (bhäjika-). (p or r for d), Wai. coro-k, Kl. cūri, hair (cūdikā); Kš. brar", a cat (vidāla-). Kš. harad-, autumn (sarad-), Kš. ārādan, worship (ārādhanā).
Kš. abod", unwise (abudhaka-).
351. Hardening of Sonants. In Northern Panjābi, and probably in Standard Panjābi, an aspirated sonant preceding an accented syllable is often pronounced as an unaspirated surd. Thus bhrā, brother, is pronounced prà in a low tone. For further particulars, see $ 152, and NP. Gr. xvii, and 17 ff. Elsewhere I have noted only isolated instances of the hardening of sonants, except in Dardic and in those IAVs. which show traces of its influence, viz., in CPh. WPh. NL, and the Bhil dialects of G. ($ 35, and ZDMG. Ixvi, 77 f.) Possibly
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also the above NP. change may have occurred under the influence of Dardic, but as the case is a peculiar one, I have mentioned it separately. Cf. however, NL, khiddha, for ghiddhā, below. In Dardic, this hardening is very common, and occurs both in the case of borrowed words, and also in the case of words which may be compared with Av. or Skr. It must be remembered that the Dardic languages possess no sonant aspirates (cf. NP. sonant aspirates above), and hence, when an original sonant aspirate is hardened, it is represented in Drd. by an unaspirated surd. Thus :
>k. Cf. Shb. maka-. Skr. khadga-, Ks. khadak-, a sword. Prs. gala, Siyni, gala; Bš. kile, Wai, kele, V. kil, kili, but Gwr. gila, all signs of the
plural. Cf. GIP. II, ii, 314 ; P. L. 31. Skr, avaghatita-, H. aughar, uncouth, aughat, steep; Bx. ukas, steep. Prs. lagam ; Kš. läkam, a bridle. Ar. "idgāh ; Kš. yödykāh, a place reserved for celebrating the 'id. Skr. ghaffyatē ; S. khutē, but H. ghatë, he is deficient.
Skr. Sükara- ; WPh. (Kth.) sungro or sunkrő, a hog (cf. 275).
Compare also the curious case of hardening combined with metathesis in WPh. (Kl.) kaimir for magsir (märgasirsah), a certain month, and Kš. (Kastawāri) ankuci for anguji, a ring.
ah Th. this of course cannot occur in Dardic, but in the Northern Pth. dialect of Lahndā, closely bordering on Kašmir, we have khíddha for the regular L. ghiddhā, taken. Cf. NP. above.
gh, y k. Prs, kāyad; Kš. kākaz, paper; WPh. (Handūrī) ghörā or köră, Gujuri of Karmir körö (ghotakab), a holise ; Turki côyā, 8. šuka, a coat ; Skr. ghäsa-, KI. khās but Ks. gasa, grass. So Bhili, khödő or ködő, a horse; gher, ger, g, or kher, a house; kālā, for M. ghālā, put (LSI. IX, iii, 11, 158).
Sc (or 8). Skr. r bhraj., Bir parc-, burn; Skr. jivana-, Bš. dion, life : Skr. kşudya-, Pr. khujja-, K r khots., fear; H. äjhū, Bš. ocu, a tear.
So CPh. lēkha-cokhā, for H. lēkha-jhokha, computation. L. dial. maric. for marij-. pas. sive base of r mär-, strike.
2 8. Av. biza-, Munjani wuz; Wai. wasei, a she-goat.
d . Ki, drat", firm (Skr. drdha-, through *drda-). Cf. NL. ted for Standard L. dhidh. the belly. Bhili fāhi or dāhi, a cow (LSI. IX, iii, 11). CPh. jhanļi, for H. jhandi, a flag.
d i. Skr. at dami., B. Vatamš., bite, sting; Skr. padam, Bš. potim, on foot; Skr. évu pada., Kš. hāpat, a bear; Skr, bhädrapada-, Kš. bäd"rapet-, name of a month ; Skr. dvär., Av. dvar., V. tār-ek-, a house ; Prs. dāman, Bš, taman, the skirt of a garment.
Cf. Dödi Siraji (a mixed dialect of Ks. and IAV.) to, postposition of genitive, for P. da. NL, kāgat, for Prs, kāyad, paper; WPh. (Cm., Curāhi) dant, for the more usual dānd, an ox (Skr. danta : (Cm., Pangi) antar, for Prs, andar, within; dant, for Prs, dand, a tooth; jinta. for Prs. zinda, alive :( Jn ) umto, for Ar. 'umda, excellent; CPh. (Km.) kāgat as in NL. ; sared or saret, a bargain; süt, for Prs, süd, interest; pölin or pădină (Prs. podina), mint ; Bhill, lito or lido, taken (LSI. IX, iii, 11).
dh>th, 0, (Cf. Vedic v nádh-, näth-, Av. näd., von Bradke, ZDMG. xl, 680). Skr. r dha, dadhāti, Av. r die, dadāiti ; Bt. r tē, §. r tha-, do, make.
Skr. grdhna., K. gät (with cerebralization of i owing to the presence of r and r), Vulture.
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DISASPIRATION
[$ 352-353
Skr, dhätu-, Kš. tāt, gleet. Skr, dugdha-, Ş. (so also EPh.) dut, milk. P. dhia, Gujuri of Kašmir ti, a daughter.
Cf. (Skr, ausadha-, äşadhi, WPh. (Jn.) ökali, CPh. (Km.) aukhal, medicine; Bhili vdhām- or thăm., run; dhola or thö!, white (LSI, IX, iii, 11).
b, v > p (Cf. Shb. padham). Skr. évasurah, Bš. psūr, a father-in-law. Bš. purdū, an old man; but Kš. bud", H. buddha. Bš. parti, a portion ; H. bac.
So Bx. aspāp, property, Ar, asbāb; Bš. tapip, a doctor, Ar. tabib; Bš. ev, one, compared with V. ip-in; Kh.ispa, we, for Skr. asma, through *asva ; Bš. V per-, pet-, Skr. r vand-, vant-, divide ; Kh. ispusär, Grw. išpo, Tir. spaz, sister, Skr. avasar. (cf. Shb. spasunam); V. cipu, four, Avesta ca vāro, through *cavvāro (cf. Waxi tsābür); V. pseh, what?, Av. cuant (Ps. L. 78); Ks. hap, a corpse, Skr. ava- ; Kš. pop, ripe, Skr. pakvaka-, through *pavvaka- ; Kš. pöz, a falcon, Prs. bāz; S. săip, Ar. sāhib, a gentleman; Kš. bāpat-, conceming, Ar, bābat.
So WPh. (Kth.) parci, for H. bar'ci or bar'chi, a spear; CPh. (Km.) baithā or paithā, seated (LSI. IX, iv, 234); kām-dyăptă, for kāma-dēvatā, the god of love (LSI. IX, iv, 144); Bhili, ubi or upa, upright (LSI. IX, iii, 11); L. V sip-, sew (Skr. sīvyati, Pr. sivvai).
bhph, p. Skr. r bhrajj-, Bxr parc., burn; Wai. jip, a tongue, Skr. jihva, through jibbhā; Gujuri of Kašmir, parno for bharno, to fill; pukkho for bhukkho, hungry.
Cf. Bhili, bhāi or phãi, a brother ; pūta, for bhūta., a devil; pukhē, for bhākhē, by hunger (LSI. IX, iii, 11, 110, 158).
1 Such as B. kharap, for Ar. xarab, bad; R. (Mlv.) jawap, for Ar. jawab, an answer (LSI. IX, ii, 267).
352. Disaspiration. See $ 96. This is common in the OuLAVs. and ILAV8. Disaspiration of surd consonants is chiefly confined to the South and East, while that of sonant consonants is also common in the North-West. Bhn. (178) points out that when there are two aspirates in the same word, one is often disaspirated. Thus
Skr. bhiksuh, a beggar bhikkhu M. r bhik-; S. bikha, but H. bhikch, alms. bubhikṣā, kunger buhúkkha M. bhuk, R. bhūk, WPh. (Kth.) bhök, s. békha,
but H. bhūkh. So L. ghiddha, ghiddā, or giddā, taken, in va.
rious dialects. mahárghaka, mahággladü H. EH. B. Bg. A. mihăgă, EPh. S. máhăgo. costly
P. máhīgā, L. maha gā, M. mahág, 0.
maharga, A. (also) magar, G. mõghî. sárdhasya, of one
náddahe G. R. sáda, M. sáde, Bg. sárē; but H. EH. B. plus a half.
Bg. (also), 0. sárhe, P. L. sádhë, s. sádhā In all IAVs. this is in an oblique case, and
is used adverbially. So Standard L. dhidth, dhidh, but NL. dhidd
and tēd, the belly. hásta, a hand hátth
M. R. Bg. A. 0. hat. Others häth, &c. 353. But disaspiration is by no means confined to these cases. The following list is more complete than that given in $ 96. Skr.
Ap. khk tiksatē, he learns bikkhai M. R. CPh. r sik- ; others rsikh-. puskaraḥ, a pond pókkharu Bg. pukur; others pokhar, &c.
Ap.
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kuşkakaḥ, dry súkkhai M. suka, Ph. r sūk- ; Bg. Sukánā, A. xukänä ;
others sūkhā, &c. Cf. R. (J.) kusi for Prs. xuši, happiness.
gh>g rékhā, a line *régha (cf. Hc. G. rēg, but M. rēgh. Others use the Ts.
iv, 396) samsati, he says samghaï (Pr. M. r sag-.
Gr. 8 267) righáfatē, he is vigádhai (Hc. H. S. r bigad., G. S. r bágad., but M. being spoiled. ii, 112) bigh-ad Here the change began to take
place in Pr. vyāghrah, a
vagghu S. bágor vághw. Others bāgh, &c. tiger chc chédaḥ, a cut chéu
WPh. (Jn.) chéo or céo, an edge. kácchapah a
kacchavu 0. kácim, but Bg. kāchim, and so for others. tortoise páścāt, behind cácchahẽ
A. pice (píse), páce (pāse). Others péchē,
páchē, &c. mithyā, false miccha A. mică (misā), but Bg. mícha, O. mich, S.
micha. jh> sándhyā, even- sāñjha M. G. Bg. säjh or saj, 0. sanj; others säjh, &c.
ing vyava kştiyati, he rójjhai (Hl. H. rbujh-, but G. R. M. r buj..
is extinguished R. 56) búdhyati, he bújjhai Most LAVs. rbujh-, but A.G. r buj- (A. pr. understands
buz). mádhyē, in
májjhahi M. maj (mādz), maji, A. māj māz). Others
majh, majh, &c. In A. jh always becomes j (pronounced 2). Thus Bg. jhi, A. Ji (zi), a daughter; H. Bg. jhal, A. jal (zāl), pungency.
pittha
Bg. pit, pit, others pith, &e.
r padh.
Bg. r par.; others v parh-, &c.
prstham, the
back dh (ph) > (!). páthati, he
reads r vēst-, sur
round krstah, dragged kústā, leprosy, ofddhakah,
large dádhika, a
beard várdhatē, he
increases
r vēdh- (Ho. G. r vit-, Bg. r bēr., A. r bēr.; others iv, 221)
r bērh., r vēshr kāddh- Bg. R (J.) r kār.; others r kärl-, &c. kútthā (būdha) M. G. kõd, Bg. kuş; others kórh, &c. váddhau G. vado, S. vado, P. L. vadā, H. bárā, B. bárā,
bárā, badda, Bg. 0. bárá (boro), A. bár (bór). dádhia 0. dádi, Bg. dāri, dahi; others dūdhi, &c.
Bg. r bär.; others r barh-, r bäyh-, &o.
vaddhal (Ho. iv, 220)
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DISASPIRATION
[$ 353
Compare Bg. and R. (J.) car., mount (R. also r char), but others carh., &c. The derivation of this root is to me doubtful. Cf. HI. R. 45 and cadai in Hc. iv, 205.
>t sikthak, boil
sitthu (Hc. M. sit, but H. EH. B. sith. ed rice
ii, 77) hastae, the
hátthu
M. Bg. A. O. R. hāt, others häth, &c. forearm kástikak, an
hátthiu
M. hatti, Bg. 0. hati, A. hati, others häthi, &c. elephant práslarak, a
pattharu Bg. pátar, páchar; others patthar, pathar, &c. stone The form hat, instead of häth, sometimes occurs in H. (Br.) and is no doubt borrowed from the neighbouring R. The Br. to, was, may possibly be an instance of disaspiration, and would then be connected with the Hn. thă (sthitab). Cf. CPh. (Km. Sõriyāli) thyü or tyo, he was (LSI, IX, iv, 241). So, in CPh. (Km. Askoti) the word for to' is that or tai. Regarding the B. girhast for grhasthah, see $ 278.
dh>d sáchyam, a thing
· Bg. sTs. sād, a wish. to be accom
plished. dugdham, milk diddha Bg. dudh, dud, dúddu, R. dūd, EPh. (so also S.)
dut (with hardening); others duddh, dūdh, &o. grdhrak, a
giddhu M. gidh, gid, G. gid (cf. Kš. gå, $351), others vulture
giddh, gidh, &c. ádhikam, more
G.sTs. adaka. árdha lab, half áddhau R. (J.) ado; others ādha, &c. So R. (J.) v båd.,
others bådh., bind ; r lād-, get, but S. ladho,
got. nhn cihnam, a mark cinhu or H. EH. B., r сinh- or cin-, recognize, EPh.
cindhu (Hc. rcin-, recognize, cīnu, a mark,
ii, 50). php vanasphar
vanapph. R. banāphar or baņāpar, N. of a Rājput tribe. naḥ, N.P.
annu
(See JBORS. VI (1920), 150.). spársah, touch- phárisu (Hc. H. EH. B. P. M. páras, G. páras, A. Vpad., ing
iv, 182)
Bg. spársa (pr. porso). Cf. Bg. spásta, pr.
pošto, clear. bh>b
See s. bfkcha, békh, in $ 352. So Dērā wāl
L. bukkh, hunger. So also :dárbhah, a
dabbhu or H. dābh or dāb, others dabbh, dābh, &o. grass
*dabbhu jihvā, a tongue jibbha A. jíbā, others jibbh, jūbh, &c. Other examples are G. (Bhili) pūta, for bhūta, a devil; pukh, for bhūkh, hunger (351) Dödi Sirāji (a mixed dial., Kš, and LAV.) buto, he was (bhūtab); R. (J.) bhi or bi, also; WPh. (Kth.) bitrē, within, for H. bhitar, and bäi, a brother, for H. bhai. In these last Dardic influence has been at work.
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kumháru
Be
&c.
mh>m kumbhakárah,
Bg. A. kumár, EPh. kumălye ; others kumhár, a potter 1 This is the usually accepted derivation. The original may, however, be Skr. vádraḥ, if that is a genuino word.
354. So far we have dealt with disaspiration letter by letter. It will now be convenient to discuss the same subject for each of those languages in which it is most prevalent, altiough this will entail a certain amount of unavoidable repetition.
In Bengali disaspiration is most prevalent in the country immediately to the West of the river Hugli (LSI. V, i, 50, 82). In Eastern Bengal it is universal for conants (ib. 204, 224), and in South-East Bengal it is common for all aspirated letters (ib. 292).
In Marathi on the west coast, where the so-called Konkan Standard is spoken, aspirated and unaspirated letters do not differ in pronunciation, as in jib, tongue; ámi, for āmhi, we ; táblatē or lábate, is found ; dūr or dhūr, far (LSI. VII, 66, 169). In M. (Kön.) disaspiration is more frequent than even in Standard M. Thus, bõin (M. bhain), a sister; būv (M. bhāü), a brother; gēr (M. ghari), at the house, and so on (LSI. VII. 23, 169). It will be observed that these are all instances of disaspiration of sonant consonants, thus displaying another link with Dardic ($ 35).
In Gujarāti disaspiration is common especially in rustic dialects (LSI. IX, ii, 330, 43S). We have seen that in the Bhili forms of C. sonant aspirates are not only disaspirated, but also hardened, as in Ichôdo or kõdo (H. ghodā), a horse; kå (H. ghar), a house ; pūta (bhūta), a devil; pukh (bhūkh), hunger; kālā, for ghāla, put. Cf. Dardie below.
In Rājasthāni also disaspiration is common, as in bhūk, for bhūkh, hunger ; hāt, for hath, the forearm ; car., for cash-, mount; rākas, for rākhas, a demon; r pad-, for v padh, read; kusi, for xuši, happiness; ūdo (H. adha), half;rsik-, learn ; r lūd., get.
355. We have seen several instances of disaspiration in Eastern Pahāri. In Central Pahāri many words are disaspirated which in Hindi are aspirated. Thus (Km.) bhunno or bunno, to fry; par(H. path-,) read; bwojo (H. bojha), a load ; r sūk- (H. r sūkh-), dry; V sik- (H. V sikh-), learn; kănă (H. kāndhē or kānhē), on the shoulder (LSI. IX, iv,
115).
In Western Pahāri disaspiration is common. Thus (Jn.) r bād- (H. r badh.), bind : ghor or gør, a house ; sõbh (< *sõbahi) or sõb, all; āthi or āti, is; tä (H. tha), was : bi or bhi, also. So also in the Kth. group of dialects bi, for bhi, also, bãi, for bhai, a brother. But in these dialects the aspiration is often separated from the aspirated consonant and so to say, projected to a later part of the word. Thus, göhra, for ghorā, a horse ; gõhr, for ghar, a house. Cf. roh-, for hő-, be. So in the Sirmauri dialect, we have hã or a, I; äth, for häth, a hand; iran, for hiran, a deer; compared with goro, a horse ; gõr, a house ; bãd., hind; bāyā, a brother. Again, in the Gadi dialect, we have r band-, for r bhand., divide. The aspirates in Northern Panjabi, and indeed in Panjābi generally, and also in some of the WPh. dialects have been discussed in § 152. If an aspirated letter or h follows an accented syilable, that syllable is pronoun-ed on a high tone and the aspiration or h is omitted. Thus, dádhā or dándā, severe, is pronounced dáda, and wéndhā, or wéhndā, looking, is pronounced wenda, in each case with a high tone on the accented syllable.
In Northern Lahndā, immediately to the west of N.P., and also to the south of Dardic. there are many instances of disaspiration, but, whether accompanied by a change of tone or not, I am unable to say. Such are dil, for dill, a rock; bära, for bāhra, twelve ; bi, for bhi, even. also : báūt or bálū, much; tudd, for tuddh, by thee; dhidd, or even téd, for dhiddh or dhidh, the belly; kall, for kalih, yesterday.
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DISASPIRATION
356. In Dardic, except in a few borrowed words, mostly heard in My., Trw., Grw. and connected dialects such as Cilas and Baškarik, all of which are spoken on the Indian frontier, sonant aspirates do not exist. An original sonant aspirate is represented by the corre sponding unaspirated sonant jh being represented by j or z, and dh by d, r, or r according to the language.
The resultant sonant is sometimes hardened to a surd (§ 351), as in Bhili (see above). Examples of sonant disaspiration are:--
Original gh.
Skr. ghotaka.; Wai. gur, Gwr. gora, Grw. gör, Paš. gōṭā, Kš. gar", a horse.
(Trw. gho is a special case, see Trw. Gr., p. 22.)
Skr. ghana-; Paš. gan, Grw. gian, but Kl. yona, My. yỗ, great.
Skr. dirgha-; B. drgr, Kl. driga, My. liga, Trw. jig, S. jigō (§ 287), long. Original jh.
ناوي في]
Skr. madhya-, Pr. majjha-, middle; Bs. mij, mic, middle, Kh. múji,middle, Kš. manz, in.
bōz-, Trw.
buj-, perceive, hear.
Skr. budkyatē, Pr. bujjhaï, he perceives; Ks. Original dh.
H. cadh, mount; Ks. tsar-, increase, grow in amount. H. buddha, old; Kš. bud", Bš. purdu. Skr. várdhatë, Pr. vaddhai, he increases; Kš. V bad-.
Skr. ardha-, Pr. addha-, addha-; Ks. ad, Trw. ar, half. Original dh.
Skr. dugdha-, Pr. duddha-; Kš. dod, S. dut', milk.
Skr. dhārā; Ks. där, a stream.
Skr. dhairya; Bš. dara, Kš. dari, patience.
H. dādhi; Bš. dāri, Kš. daru, a beard. Original bh.
Skr. bhrātar-, H. bhai; Bš. bra, Aš, bra, Wai. bra, Kh. brar, Gwr. bliaia, Kl. baya, Kš. bay", a brother; but Trw. bha.
Skr. darbhā-, Pr. dabbha-; Kš. dab, a kind of grass.
On the other hand, disaspiration of surd aspirates is rare in Dardic, except in the case of kh, ch, and ph. Thus :
Original kh. (Cf. Shb. ku, for khu.)
Skr. khara-, Av. xara-; Bš. kur, V. koru, Paš. kar, but Ks. khar, an ass,
Skr. mukha-, face; Bs. pa-myuk, Wai. myuk-ne, Grw. mūka, before. Skr. khura-; Bs. kyur, but others khur, khor, &c., a foot.
Original ch. In this case the ch is never really original, being Page #362

$$ 357-358 ]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(DECEMBER, 1933
1 Words such as this show that the disaspiration must have preceded the hardening of the sonant to the eurd. The order of development must have been dudh > dud > dut, not dudh> duth > dut, for the change of surd th to does not occur. Kš. dõd is, therefore, the intermediate, and $. dut, the final, form.
357. The Dardic treatment of sonant aspirates is the same as that found in Eranian (GIP. I, i, 6). The treatment of surd aspirates is however different.
It will also be noted that the Drd. treatment of sonant aspirates is often found in those IAVs, which are influenced by Drd.
358. Aspiration. In Pr. k, l, P, and occasionally 9, j, d, or b, are sometimes aspirated. According to Pr. Gr. $ 205 this is generally due to the existence in former times of an 8, which has disappeared in Skr., before the aspirated letter. The usual explanation hitherto given,viz., a neighbouring 8 not compounded with the aspirated letter fails in many cases in which no such s is present. Many of the words which are according to Hc. aspirated in Pr. have corresponding representatives in the IA Vs. A list of them will be found in Bhn, 190, and a summary is here given for easy reference, with a few additions. He. I, 181
Pr. kubjaḥ, a hunch. khujjö M. khujā. Others kūjā (cf. Prs. kaz), kubo, &c.
back karparam, a pots. khappamam M. khāpar, H.EH.P. khappar, B. O, khaparā, herd
Bg. khuaporã, khaibora. kilakah, a nail khilao M. khiļā, G. khilo, Bg. 0. khil, khilā, others kil. kasilam, a cough khasiam G. H. EH. B. P. khõsi, M. khês, but Bg. kūs,
0. kāśa, A. kāh. panasah, a jack- phanaső (Hc. M. G. phaņas, H. phanas or panas. tree
i, 232) bisam, lotus
bisam or bhi. (M. bhise, H. EH. B. bhis, P. bhēh, L. bhē, but stalk
sam (Mk. ii, S. bih". 37; cf. Hc. i, 238 & Pr.
Gr. $ 209): The other words mentioned in Hc. i, 232 (pāțayati, parusa-, parikha, püribhadra-) have not yet been traced in the IAVs. The IAVs. have similarly aspirated a number of letters for which there is no authority in Pr. Thus - Skr.
Ар. ktsyatē, he is
kássai G. H. R. EPh. CPh.r khas-, be dragged, fall. dragged
Cf. Kš. khas-, be dragged (up), rise. kúpàkaḥ, a well kúraü
P. khūhā, L, khū, s. khuh, H. (Br. Dangi)
khup; but others kūa, &c. króda kaḥ, a lap kédai
G. khólo, but H. ko!, and so others. sarkarā, sugar súkkara
M. sá khar, others sákkar, &c. The word
sákkarũ, however, occurs in Pali. The letter j is sometimes aspirated in S. as in jhangili, wild, H. jangali. Similarly rarely !>th, as in pràthama
* pàdhabil. S. pah"röțho or pah rāt", H. EH. B. pahildutha or pútrákaḥ first laúttàü
pahiláuță, P. pahilotha. The derivation born son.
of this word is, however, doubtful as regards
the second member of the compound. aksa pāțah, an àkkharádu B. àkháth or akháth, but H. àkhárā, M. illetta
à khádā.
176

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DECEMBER. 1933
ASPIRATION
[ $ 359
dádruḥ, ring.
dádru
s. dádhon or dadh" ( $ 280). worm páśaḥ, a noose pāsu
M. G. H. EH. B. Bg. phas, P. pháha, L. phāh,
S. phás, A. phâs (written phâc), 0. phása,
EPh. pha so or páso. párasuh, an
parasu G. phárisi, M. phárisi, H, EH. B. phárd sā, ахе
B. also phál" sā. púnah, again
pánu
H. EH. B. phun, phin, or pun. In Rajasthani (Mlv.) the common postposition pē, on, becomes phē (LSI. IX, ii, 263).
basprah, steam bapphu P. bhāph, H. EH. B. bhåph, Bg. A. bhāp, 0.
bhápa.
résu búsdü
ve sah, dress
M. P. H. EH. B. bhēs. búsàkam, chaff
M. bhusá, G. bhusó, H. P. L. bhússi, H. EH.
B. bhúsa, Bg. 0. bhúsi, EPh. bhus, CPh. (Km.) bhūs, bhūsi, WPh. (Jn.) bhūs, but
S. buhu. Skr. parvan
S. s'Ts. parbhre, a festival. CPh. (Km. Asköti) has r bhit- for H. r bit-, elapse (of time) (LSI. IX, iv, 244).
In Marathi there is an instance of the aspiration of v, in nahvato, I was not, for na hôtô, and a similar aspiration is not uncommon in M. (Kön.), as in vhad, vhod, or even hoa, great (cf. M. vadil, an ancestor; H. barā, great); vhadzap (vadya-), music; sirvhidor, for Portuguese servidor, a servant. So mhal, for Ar. mål, property (LSI. VII, 169). These forms are specially interesting as Kön. freely disaspirates, original aspirates ($ 354). In the case of borrowed words, they are probably attempts to strengthen the naturally weak sound of y, so as to approximate the European pronunciation of that letter (FLM. 156.)
In WPh. (Pangi) there are sporadic instances of aspiration of initials, as in ghit, for git, a song; r ghe-, for gë-, go.
Although no rule can be laid down for these instances of aspiration, attention may be drawn to the fact that, with very few exceptions, they occur only in the case of initial consonants, and the presence of the aspiration may be due to an attempt to emphasize the beginning of a word by more forcible expulsion of breath.
Finally, a warning must be given to English readers. In English, surds (esp. k and p) are commonly pronounced with a slight aspiration foreign to, e.g., German. There is no such aspiration in the pronunciation of unaspirated surds in the IAVs., except in the few cases mentioned above.
Regarding aspiration due to conflation with a following h, see metathesis ( 369).
359. As regards Dardic there is an important rule which certainly applies to Kāšmiri and to Veron. and probably also to all the other languages of the sub-family, though, owing to the loose system of transcription followed in the only authorities available, it is at present impossible to speak with certainty. This rule is that a final surd consonant is always aspirated. Thus, in Kš, we have
Base krak-, outcry nom. sg. krakh. ,, kūts-, glass
, kātsh; ,, wal-, palsy
math. ral, blood r gup-, conceal, impve. sg. 2 gupk.
177
rath.

Page #364

§ 360]
In the Persian character, this aspiration is not indicated, so that the above words are written krak, kāts, &c., but the aspiration is there nevertheless, and is always indicated in the Sarada or Nagari character. So also the -ka suffix is aspirated when final, the kh sometimes becoming x or even 7. Thus, V. war-ekh, a house; mas-ekh, the moon; išti-kh, a star; Kh. gurdo-x or gurdo-y, an ass; u-y (Skr. ap, Av. ap), water. Examples for other letters are not available in any of the languages, exc. Ks. But we see the same tendency in Lahndā. Thus NL. (of the Himalaya) milkh, for Ar. mulk, a country; Khētrāni dialect, nakh, a nose; lakh, a tail, for Paštō laka.
As in the IAVs., initial consonants are sometimes aspirated, especially k and p, the very consonants which in English are usually pronounced with a slight aspiration. Thus :
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
Gwr. khes, hair, Skr. keśā-; Kh. xata-n, a house, Av. kata-; Wai. Kš. pat, but $. phatu, behind; Bš. pišaš, but Kl. phuš-ak (? phuš-akh), V. pši-kh, a cat.
INTERCHANGE OF SEMI-VOWELS AND CLASS CONSONANTS.
360. The semi-vowels affected are palatal y, liable to interchange with a palatal j; dental 1, liable to interchange with a dental n; and labial v, liable to interchange with a labial b. These are all examples of change of grade, not of class. Quite distinct is the case of the interchange of r and I (see §§ 312 ff.). It will be convenient to consider first the case of 1.
In one Pr. word limba-, n has optionally become 1 (Pr. Gr. § 248). On the other hand, an initial 7 quite commonly becomes n in Pr. (Pr. Gr. § 260). In IAV. not only does the n of nimba- sometimes change, but there are several other examples. Thus :
Ap. nimbu or limbu nimbúu
Skr. nimbaḥ, a
certain tree mimba.
a lime tree nam-, bow navalta,
butter Jalda,
a forehead
niva,
returned
nilaḥ, blue nārikelaḥ, a cocoanut
lakṣmaṇapúram, N. of
a town.
jan, birth
janani, a
mother
[DECEMBER, 1933
√ nav. navaníu
Billdu
*nivúttu (Hc.
i, 132; ii, 29)
nilu
ņāriélu
lakkhaṇáuru,
japani
M. G. limb, S. lim", H. nim, lim.
Bg. lébu, S. limu; others nebū or nimbu.
M. Vlav-, but OH.nav-.
M. loni, but H. nóni, Bg. náni (noni).
H. lilar, and so others.
H. laut-, return.
G. lil, also optionally Bg. B. P. later,
B. nakhaláur.
H. (Bn.) sTs. jalam. Cf. WPh. jaram, Kă. jaram (both with dental r, § 315).
H. (Bn.) jalani.
We may also here compare the Kš. srěh, love (Skr. sněha-, through *slehā-), and srān, bathing (Skr. snana-, through *slana-, both with dental r (§ 315).
178

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DECEMBER, 1933] INTERCHANGE OF SEMI-VOWELS AND CLASS CONSONANTS [ $$ 361-363
So, as in Pr., an initial I sometimes becomes n, as in :
kingalam, a
M. A. nagar, Bg. nánal, but B. lagal.
plough lisapia,
lángalu or áñgal lingaváṭṭu
B. nugot, Bg. (dial.) néngați.
waist-cloth lavaṇam, salt
lonu
H. B. non, nun.
In Bg. and O. initial l is almost universally pronounced n, by the vulgar. In Bg. writing n is usually written for 1. Thus, laiya asa, bring (impve.), is universally written (not printed), and is pronounced niy so. Very rarely do we find I representing a medial n. The only example noted by me is the B. name of the town Nakhaláur given above, and here it may be really a case of metathesis, the original form, of course, being Lakhanaur.
361. In Dardic I have noted a few instances of n>l, including words like Kš. srěh, sran mentioned above. A more clear example is Ks. halamat", for Hanumat, N.P.
I have not noted any case of I>n.
362. In connexion with their interchange with j and b, respectively, it will be convenient to consider uncompounded y and v together. It should also be remembered that these semivowels are often vocalized (§ 372). In Maharastri-Sauraseni Prakrit, y only survived as a euphonic sound, often not indicated in writing, between two vowels, one of which was a or i (Mk. ii, 2, comm. Cf. Pr. Gr. § 187). This y is very lightly pronounced, and in order to show this I write it in the present section as a small above the line. Thus náaram or navaram, a city; piaï or pivai, he drinks. This euphonic has survived in all the IAVs., and occurs between all vowels; e.g., H. rav (ráva), for ráa, a king; B. jivai, for jai, he lives; H. dhova, for dhóa, washed. So also Pr. had a euphonic v. The authority is Kramadisvara, VIII, ii, 2, 3.1 After giving (1) the usual rule for the elision of medial consonants, he adds sometimes y is optionally inserted, as in gaanam or gavanam (gaganam),' (kvacid yatvam vā) (2), and sometimes v is optionally inserted, as in suhaō or suharo (subhagaḥ) (kvacid vatvam vā) (3). This insertion of v seems to have been rare in Pr. exc. as a substitute for g (cf. Pr. Gr. §§ 231, 254), but, with the sound of w, is common in IAVs., especially between two a-sounds, as in IAV. rámava, for rámaa, N.P., S. chawa, for chāyā, shade, or, in EIAV. after u, e, or o, as in B. cuai or cúvai, he drips; léai or léwai, he takes; dhóai or dhowai, he washes. So also M. G. R. raw (ráva), for ráa, king.
Besides this, y is sometimes prefixed to an initial i or e, to help the utterance. As in H. yah, yik, yeh (written yah), for ih, this; R. yakalo, for kalo, alone; M. yeth or ethe, here. So also v is similarly employed, as in H. wah, wuh, or woh (for uh), that; M. (Kon.) vordo, for Latin ordo (§ 294). In S. an original initial y has been preserved in Vyabh- (Skr. Y yabh-, cohabit, and so also yato, corpulent, if it is connected with Skr. Vjat-, be clotted. In S. yarah, or ikāraha, eleven, the medial k has been elided, and the i has become y. In other cases original initial y>j in S. (S. Gr. xxi.)
1 I quote from an edition of the 8th pada of the Samkipta-sara, published by the Sanskrit Press Depository, Calcutta, 1889.
363. In Mahārāṣṭri-Saurasēni Prakrit original uncompounded y became in most cases j. It never remained unchanged. In Magadhi Pr., on the other hand, j became a sound which He. iv, 292, represented by y, and which Mk. xii, 21, represented by yj. The j which was so changed was the Sr. Pr. j, and therefore as often as not corresponded to an original y. In JRAS. 1913, 391 ff., I have given reasons for believing that the M.-Sr. Pr. j was sounded zor dz, as in modern M., while the Mg. Pr. y (Hc.) or yj (Mk.) was really a pure palatalj. This j was probably quite soft, and approached the sound of y (hence Hc.'s transcription), and
179

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$$ 361-365]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
with it we may compare the sound of the Northern Panjabi and Lahnda uncompounded j, which tends to become y when medial (NP. Gr. xiii). Compare also the remarks of Bs. (Cp. Gr. i, 71) on the pronunciation of L. majh, a buffalo cow, which he says is something like meyh, and Hl.'s suggestion (Gd. Gr. 18, n. 1) that the sound of jh in that word may be compared with that given to g in the word 'lebendig' in the Rhenish Provinces.
364. As regards non-cuphonic uncompounded in Pr., it may be concluded from analogy that it was more firmly pronounced than the euphonic", though still nothing like so strong as an English v. J. Bloch (FLM. 156) points out how in Marathi a European v has to be represented by vh (cf. Kōn. sirvhidor for Portuguese servidor, a servant, LSI. VII, 169). So, in other languages, such as Bengali or Hindi, an English v is sometimes represented by v and sometimes by bh, neither of which exactly gives the right sound. Moreover, this Pr. original uncompounded non-euphonic v must have possessed an obscure sound fluctuating between b and v, exactly as is the case in Bihari at the present day, in which language it is often impossible to say which sound is intended. A good example is the B. paābathi or pavathi, hз obtains. Pandits generally write it with a b, but others (when writing Nagari) often use v and I myself, who spoke the language for years, cannot say which it is. In the Kaithi alphabet commonly used in Bihar, and in the Bg. alphabet, the same character does duty for both b and v. As for Pr. the grammars show the confusion between these two sounds. An intervocalic uncompounded p or b became v according to He. i, 231, 237, and yet in Ap. (He. iv, 396) an original intervocalic p generally became b. It is significant that Mk. in xvii, 2, -written in Orissa, a country where at the present day no distinction is made between b and v,-the change of p>b in Ap. is not mentioned, it being left to be inferred that according to Mk. the letter p always> the letter v, however that letter may have been pronounced in the Pr. of Eastern India. RT. distinctly says that v does not occur in Pr., and equally clearly says that intervocalic p becomes b (not v) in Mahārāṣṭri; but how exactly he sounded the b is not stated. He was a native of Western Bengal (see JRAS., 1925, 231 ff.) In all Prakrits an initial v remained unchanged in writing.
365. In Tbhs., all IAVs. as a rule originally retained Pr. medial v, not adopting the Ap. change to b (see however the remarks on Bihārī above), but they have often, and in S. and the EIAVs. almost always, subjected it to a weakening process, by which it is either reduced to a vowel or elided altogether (§ 305). Thus Skr. *karapi-, to cause to do, becomes IAV. V karav-, and karäv- often becomes karāu:, karav-, kara-, &c., in the IAVs. So Skr. áparaḥ, Pr. ávaro, Ap. ávaru or abaru, is weakened in the IAVs. to aur, &c., other. In Bg. in the few cases in which v has not been vocalized it is, as usual, written öyā, as in saōyā (pr. sowa), Skr. sapádakaḥ, plus a quarter (§ 134). A Pr. vv generally becomes b, but in the W. especially in M. sometimes becomes v (Bloch, FLM. 155). Thus Ap. sávvu all, most IAVs. sab, Ap. avvalei (or ubb"), he boils, IAV. Vubal-, &c.; but (cf. FLM. 155):
Skr. sávyaḥ, right
hand sivyati, he sews
cárvayati, he
chews
dárvi (fem.) a wooden ladle
Ap. savvō
sivvaï
cavvei
[ DECEMBER, 1933
davvi
130
M. sav.
M.
iv, G. Vsiv-, L. V siv-, but H. Vsi-, S. V sib-, P. has, siuna, to sew, but siwaunā,
to cause to sew.
M. Vtsav-, G. cav-, but H. Vcab-, L. S. Vcab
M. dav, but H. P. dábbā (masc.)

Page #367

DECEMBER, 1933]
INTERCHANGE OF SEMI-VOWELS AND CLASS CONSONANTS
nirváti, he is extinguished nirvanam, extinction
nivrah, a slop
ing roof
nivvāi
nivvānam
J. Bloch (FLM. 153) points out that when Skr. hesitates between an initial b, and an initial v, M. shows which form is the correct one. Thus M. Sul, points to vakula-, not bakula-, while M. bi and bil, point to bija- and bila-, not vija- and vila-, respectively.
In the East the preservation of vv, under the form of bb survived in poetry to a comparatively late period, though the Prakrit form was usually disguised by learned spelling. Thus in the B. (Mth.) poem the Haribans of Manabodh Jha († 1788) occurs (i, 29) a sTs. word bhabitabya, it is to be. That the poet meant this to be pronounced bhabitabba is shown by the fact that he rhymes it with the Tbh. sabba, all, which word, however, he spells sabya, in order to make it to rhyme to the eye with bhabitabya. In other words, at the end of the eighteenth century, in Mth., Skr. vy and Pr. vv were both pr. bb.
Ap. váḍu, a banyan tree
Ap. vetthau, a yard Ap. bäraha, twelve
[§ 366
M. Vniv-, become cool, nivane, destruction; but
P. nib-, be reduced to nothing.
M. niv-.
As regards Tbh, initial b and v, the WIAVs. and M. as a rule follow the Pr. custom, while the EIAVS. and H. almost invariably change Pr. initial v to b. A., although it possesses the sound v, has not a single word commencing with it, b being always substituted for it. P. and L., however, frequently have both forms, and S., as usual, not uncommonly follows the EIAVS.
Thus :
M. G. R. vad, P. var or bar, H. and EIAV., &c., bar, S. bád.
M. védha, S. L. véṛha, P. H. and EIAV. beṛha, &c. all IAV. bārā, bārah, &c.
But, as in the case of Ap. bāraha, the WIAVs. do not always retain the initial v. Thus Ap. vátta, news, M. bat; Ap. uváïsaï, he sits, M. Vbas- In P. a glance at the dictionary will show initial b and v are interchangeable almost at option. Even the euphonic y and v of the Hindi yih, this, wuh, that, are changed to j and b in the Rajasthani jō, this, and bō, that. In this way, in R. and in those dialects of H. which border on R., the proximate demonstrative pronoun this,' and the relative pronoun 'who,' both have the form jō. In Kašmiri the case is exactly reversed, yih meaning both this' and who'.
In compound consonants y and v had already ceased to exist in Prakrit except in the compound yy (Mg. Pr.) and vv (already dealt with). These have only survived as jj, nj, bb, and mb, and these have been carried into the IAVs. and subjected to the ordinary vicissitudes of compound consonants.
366. As regards Tss., I shall only deal here with single uncompounded j, y, b, and v. In M. G. R. initial y and v remain unchanged, but in other IAVs. they become j and b respectively.
Skr. yúgam, an age; M. G. R. yug, S. jug, other IAVs. jug (often incorrectly written yug by purista).
Skr. vánam, a forest; M. G. R. van (the Tbh. form is van), others ban (written van by purists) (Tbh. or Ts.); but S. bán" (Tbh.)
Medial Ts. y is not changed to j, but is liable to be vocalized in sTss., except in M. Bg. O. A., e.g., Skr. nayanam, an eye, G. R. nen, H. nain, others nayan, S. P. have the Tbhs. S. nen", and P. nain, As regards the ai in nain, &c., it has come through Pr. na anam.
181

Page #368

$ 357)
OX THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
DECEMBER, 1933
Medial Ts. v. has the same fate in all except in Bg. and O., where it becomes b. Note that in A. a medial Ts. v retains its sound of v or, rather, w. In B., as usual, the letter when not vocalized has an obscure sound fluctuating between b and v. Thus, Skr. pávanam, wind; G. pon, S. pávan" or (Tbh.) paun", P. L. (Tbh) paun, all other IAVs. pávam, exc. Bg. O. pában.
[For a much more exhaustive examination of the mutual relationship of j-y and b-v in the various languages, from which much of the above has been drawn, see Hl. Gd. Gr. 88 17, 18. Cf. also FLM. 152 ff.].
367. In the Dardic languages, the use of a euphonic y is as common as in IAV. For examples, see § 296.
In Eranian, an original initial y or v becomes j or b, respectively, in Standard Persian, but remains unchanged in the dialects. (GIP. I, ii, 385, 415.) I have noted a similar change of initial y >j in the following:
Siyni yet, come; V. r jotz-; but Wai, ratsh-, Bš. pr +VetsSkr. ry., go; Gwr. r jā., come; but others yël-, yi-, i(h)., ai-, &c.
Waxi r yav., eat; KI. Kh. Všu-, Gwr. rio- (through *ju, *jo); but others yu-, &c. They are few in number and all initial. I know of no certain case of Drd. y w had already occurred in Talcah (Šiyni vaz, Yüdyā, viza).
Original v generally remains unchanged in Kš. In other languages it often, but not always >b. Thus :(a) Initial.
Skr, vartman-; Kš. wal-, a road; So S. wat", L. wāļ. Skr. vanos-; Kg. win, but Bš ben, a forest. Skr. vāla.; Kg. wal, but My. bala, Gwr. Trw. bāl, Tir. bāla, S. bālo, hair.
Skr. vimsati- ; Ks. wuh, Bx. vitsi, Wai." viši, Aš. wiši, Paš. wöst; but Kl. biši, Kh. bišr, Trw. Grw. My. biš, twenty.
Av. vära., Skr. var; Paš. war-k, water. Aryan raadh. ; $ r wal-, Trw.r wäl-, bring (GIP. I, ii, 417), Bš. awaya, brought. Av. vaen-āmi, I see; Bš. r war., Aš. rwin., Wai. Varer. (=ven.), see.
Skr. r vat-, vant-, divide; Paš. wante, but Bš. bar-este, V. but-og, and so others, a share, including Kš. -bat-, a share, and Ag. r mat., divide. (6) Medial.
Here the v is most often vocalized (see $ 372) but there are instances of the retention of , and occasionally of its being hardened to p, through b, as well as of the simple change to b. Thus
Skr. krkavaku-; KI. ka kawak, & cock. Prs. lavand; Aš läwen, Wai, laver (laven), Gwr. lavand, Paš. lawant, but Bš. lonē, a slave. Av. hizū, Šiyni zēv, Skr. jihva; Aš. žū, Ks. zev, Gwr. zib, Trw.jib, My. zēb, Ş. jip. Av. jli)vant-; Bx. çürcă, alive. Av. gēva-; Bš. ev, V. ip-in, Trw.e, one. Skr. sava.; Kš. hapo, a corpse.
Skr. dravya.; $. jap, property.
The causal termination Skr. āpaya., Pr. årē, retains the v (w) in Kš. as in karanāwun, to cause to be done.
IS

Page #369

DECEMBER, 1933 ]
METATHESIS
[ $$ 368-369
Skr.
METATHESIS. 368. Metathesis of consonants was not rare in Pr. (Pr. Gr. $ 354). As examples, we may quote Skr. hrada-, Pr. draha- or daha-, OWR. G. drah, H. EH. B., &c. dah, a lake ; Skr. laghuka-, Pr. halua., IAV. halaka; Sr. Pr. genhidum, AMg. Pr. ghettum, to take, &c.
So also, metathesis is often to be noted in the IAVs. From the nature of the case, the instances are usually sporadic, each in a special language, as in B. birām, for Prs, bimār, sick; but some cases run through pretty nearly all IAVs. Thus :
Ap. pratyabhija- paccahiánai H. EH. B. r pahicán-, P. V pachán..
nāti, he
recognises. cikhallah, or cikkhallu or H. EH. B. kic, kicar, G. kic, M. G. R. kicad ; ciklidam,
cikkhillu
but H. EH. B. also cik, cikar, cahalā, M. mud
(*cikkhilu) also cikhal, G. also cikkhal, P. cikka?, L. (Pr. Gr.
cikar, S. cika, cikad, Bg. cahal.
$ 206) pináhayati, pinähávēi
P. L r pahin., to wear (clothes); H. EH. B. he causes
rpihanā- or r pahiná-, to clothe; A. pindhā, to tie on.
clothes. paridhiyalē, parihai H. EH. B. Bg. r páhit-, G. R. r pēr., or he is clothed. (HI. R.51) pahr., to dress oneself; P. r pahirāv-, to
cause to wear; cf. M. péh"ran, G. phäran,
a shirt. vidálah, a
vidālu
H. EH. B. bilār, G. bilūdo, but EPh. CPh. cat
birālu, WPh. (fem.) birāli. urudati, he
buddai (Hc. IAV. r būd. or r dūb.. sinks
iv, 101) múdgarah, a
sTs. M. múgdal, G. mágedal, P. H. EH. B. 0. múgedar or mágdar, but A. múdagal,
M. also múd"gal, Bg. múdgar (Ts.) As other examples for special languages, we may quote, S. parts (pattraka-), a leaf ; frak", a spinning wheel (tarka); sarahö, joyful (saharga-, S. Gr. xl.) NL. ; jākat, for jātak, a boy; mahēša, for Prs. hamēša, always ; sabūb, for Ar. asbäb, goods; wahēli, for Prs. hawēli, a house ; WPh. (K!.) kaśmir, for *magsir (märgaśīrşa-), name of a month ; OWR. gamă (märga-), a road; G. harād (Pr. athāraha), eighteen ; G. dial. (LSI. IX, ii, 331, 438) v tip-, for r pit-, beat (also WPh.); kharāvēs, for khawārēs, I will give to eat; det"wā, for dero"tā, fire ; jambūt, for Ar. mazbül, strong ; mag, for gam, towards ; nuskān, for Ar. nuqsān, damages,; H. (Br.) kula ph, for Ar. qufl, a lock.
369. Very often aspiration comes as a result of metathesis, by conflation of an unaspirated letter with a neighbouring h (cf. Sí. Pr. genhidum, Amg. Pr. ghettum, above). Thus
Skr. gödhūmaḥ, wheat göhūšu G. ghaữ, H. P. ghéữ or gehữ, others gohữ, &c. prabhstikam, pahudia M. pudht, or, dial., phuat.
thenceforward.
club
Ap.
183

Page #370

§§ 370-371 ]
mek,
ram
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
máhişi, a shebuffalo
nire hayati, he accomplishes.
minadaü (*mhadhu)
mahisi
nivváhĕi
[ DECEMBER, 1933
M. medha, G. medho, P. méḍha, H. EPh. bhếṛā (for mheḍā), G. also bhed, B. O. meṛā, méṛhā, bhērā, Bg. mera, bherā, A. mēr, and sTs. mex; L. (fem.) bhed, a ewe. Bloch (FLM, 390) connects this word with Skr. mēdhra-, mendha-, but these words appear to me to be themselves secondary, Prakrit, formations on the lines of the IAV. words, taken back into Sanskrit.
M. mhais, H. EH. B. Bg. P. bhais, G. bhas, EPh. bhaisi (m. and f.). WPh. has mahish, L. majh (§ 363), S. mehe, manjha. G. M. L. Vide, P. y nibbu, H.-, S. V nibhái. H. S. P. also nibah-.
Other examples are S. bhen", L. bhän, G. vhän (H. bahin), a sister; H. bhukh (Ap. buhukkha), hunger; H. nihór- (Skr. nirödhayati), solicit; H. (Br.) bha, for waha, there; bhaut, for bahut, much (also CPh. and L.). This is very common in G. and R. (Cf. OWR. Gr. § 51.) Thus R. (J.) khāṇī, for kahani, a story; mharaj, for mah"ráj (Skr. maharajaḥ, note the shortening of the first à under the accent rules), a king. mháro, for maháró, H. hamára, our; thārō, for tuharo, your; jhair, for Prs. zahr, poison (LSI. IX, ii, 33); khai, for kahi, she was said; bhaito, for bahrto, flowing. So G. bahwalu (Skr. villabbkam, Ap. vállahàu), a doll; mhārāni, for mahārāni, a queen, &c. (G. Ph. § 72 (4), LSI. IX, ii, 330). In G. hunu or unů (Skt. usna-, Pr. unha-) the aspiration of nh has been transferred to the beginning of the word as h.
370. Closely corresponding to the above is the transfer of aspiration from one consonant to another in the same word, as in M. Vjhuj-, for jujh (Skr. yudhyate, Pr. jujjhai), to fight (H.Vjujh-). This also is especially common in R. as in (J.) V phar-, for parh-, read; char-, for carh, ascend; khumar, for kumhär, a potter; bhagat, for bakhat, i.e., Ar. waqt, time (§ 124); (Mlv.) Vkhar-, for karh-, drag; (Nimadi) nhak-, for nakh-, throw. So CPh. (Km. Sōriyāli)
dhek-, for dekh-, see; (Km. Phaldakōṭiyā) phaith-, for paith-, begin; (Cf. LSI. IX, ii, 33; iv, 238, 202). So, again, Bg. bhäp, O. bhāpa, steam (Skr. bäspaḥ, Pr. bappho).
This metathesis of aspiration, like other metatheses, occurred in Skr. (Wk. § 239a). Closely parallel to the IAV. examples just given are forms such as Skr. Vbudh-, know; but bhut, knowing; böbhölsi, thou knowest much, and so on; duh, a milker, nom. sing. dhuk; dhattaḥ for dadh-tah, they two place, and so on.
371. Metathesis occurs sporadically in Dardic, just as in the IAVs. Thus, Kš. mahaniv", a man, for *manahiv"), Skr. manusya-; V. Vnus-, for sun- (H. sun-), hear; Av. cvant-; V. pseh (through *sp, for cv), what? Av. Skr. V car-, Kh. Vroch-, graze; S. ašpō or (dial.) apš, a horse.
Especially common is metathesis of r, as in Shb. dhrama-, for dharma-, and so on. In Shb. these are not instances of careless writing as usually stated, but, as shown by Dardic, are genuine cases of metatheseis (see Grierson, JRAS. 1913, 682 ff.). Thus Skr. datra- (only used by Northerners, Nirukta, II, i, 4), Sindhi datro, L. datr, but Ks. drāt", a sickle; Skr. karna, Kl. kro, an ear; Skr. parna, Kl. pron, a leaf; Skr. dirgha-, Kl. driga, M. liga, S. žigo (both land representing dr, sec § 287), long; Skr. karman-, S. krom, a work; Skr. prasasta>*prahasta->*phra(y)asta->Ks. phrest- (sg. nom. phrest", pr. phryust"), excellent.
184

Page #371

DECEMBER, 1933]
VOCALIZATION OF SEMIVOWELS
( $372
-
We also find aspiration transferred, as in My. ghadā, for gadahā (gardabha-), an ass; v bhai., for baih (Kš. v beh-), sit.
VOCALIZATION OF SEMIVOWELS. 372. Vocalization (samprasarana) of y and v was common in Prakrit (Pr. Gr. 88 151 ff.). The i or & and u or 8 thus formed have undergone the usual vicissitudes in the IAVs, and do not concern us here. IAV. vocalization of y and v have been discussed at some length in $$ 178 ff. Cf. also $8 238 ff. (e), 244 ff. (ē), 251 ff. (ai), 254 ff. (c), 258 ff. (ö), 263 (ở), and 267 ff. (au). In these the change of aya >ē, ava>, &c., and the connexion between ya and e, yā and ē, wa and o, o, and wā and o is fully discussed, and it is unnecessary to repeat the examples.
Intervocalic y, which is not due to the ya-sruti, does not occur in Apabhramśa. A Prakrit or Apabhramsa intervocalic v is frequently vocalized in IAV. Tadbhavas. When the Prakrit has 7, the nasalization is usually, but not always retained. Thus : áparam, other ávaru
H. B. aur, H. aru (with metathesis), but Bg.
ār, and. náma, name náma or náðu IAV.nām or nãv (pr. nã@). grāmaḥ, village gáma or gáðu IAV. gav (pr. gãa). smarámi, I
súbaraŭ OH. starał. remember némih, a
máới - G.H.B, vẽo or mếu, Bg. méo, 0, mia (pr, niỏ). foundation And so on in many other cases. Words such as não, gão are as often as not written nõu, gãu; nãi, gãū; não, gão ; não, gãô, with long or short final u or o.
In the formation of semi-Tatsamas, when y or v forms the second member of a Sanskrit conjunct consonant, this vocalization is common. For the change, in such cases, of ya to e, see $ 239, and of yā to Bengali æ,see $211. As examples for other languages we may quote:
Skr. kányā, a girl.
P. H. B. Ph. kánia or kánea, S. kániyā (with cuphonic
y inserted) or káñā (cf. Ps. Pr.). . nyáyah, justice,
S. P. H. Ph. niái or niáu. anyah, other.
OH. ani, other. Cf. M. Tbh. ani, other, and. pratyákpaḥ, visible.
H. partich janyayátrā, a marriage H.P. janét.
procession. So H.P.B. vitit, Bg. vetita (vyatīta.), elapsed ; H.P.B. vitha (vyatha), pain ; vidiā (vidyā), learning, and many others.
For v in semi-Tatsamas, we may quote as examples :(Intervocalic) svabhāvah, nature.
H. B. P. Ph. subháu, and so many other similar words,
when the v follows the stress-accent. (In conjuncts)
svárah, a musical note. H. B. P. Ph. M. sur, S. súr. svárgaḥ, heaven.
S. súrg, H. súrag, P. surg. paraméśvarah, God.
H. B. P. Ph. par mésur
185

Page #372

§ 373 1
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[DECEMBER, 1933
H. B. P. turant, Bg. turanta, G. turat, at once; M. turl, at present.
S. sawid" or sawaḍ".
Vivar-, hasten.
svādaḥ, taste.
373. Vocalization of y and v is also common in Dardic. Thus :
Skr. surya-; Kl. sūri, Gwr. suri, Ş. sūri, Kš. sürě or siri, My. swir, Grw. sir, Aš. sü, Trw. si, the sun.
Waxi yav., eat; Bs. As. Wai Vyu-, but Paš. Ve-, cat.
Av. eräyō; Bă. Kl. Ks. treh, Aš. trä, Wai. tre, S. cei, Trw. ça, Kh. troi, Grw. thle, Paš. hle, three.
v is generally vocalized to u, Ŏ, but va sometimes becomes, probably through an intermediate form (y)a (cf. Kurdish neh, nine, GIP. II, ii, 266). Thus :
Skr. svarna-; Bă. Aš. son, Wai. Ş. Gwr. son, Paš. sōnā, Kš. son, gold.
Skr. sva-, Av, xa-to; V. šo, Wai, šu, self.
Av. span, Skr. évan-; Gwr. šuna, Ks. hun", Paš. buṛ-ing, S. ču, Wai. tsu; but Kl. šer (=šen), a dog.
Skr. pravat-; Gwr. puda-mi, Paš. pora, Kh. pru-šta, before.
Skr. ktkavaku-; V. kakoku, but Kl. kakawak, a cock.
OPrs.
siyav-, Av. Všav-; Wai. Vcu-, Grw. Vco-, go.
Prs. lawand; Bs. lone, but Aš. lawen, Wai. laver, Gwr. lawand, a slave.
Av. xšvaš; Bă. Trw. so, V. uşu, Aš. Wai. şu Grw. šo, My. šoh, but Paš. ša, xe, S. ča;
six.
Av. j(i)vant-; Bă. šuwa, Wai, šuda, Kl. Kh. jun"; but Gwr. zien, Ş. jino, alive.

Page #373

MARCH, 1933]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
In his letters to his two sisters, Elizabeth Fenwick and Ann Trenchfield, his aunt Mrs. Farmerie and his sister-in-law Sarah Burniston, Scattergood told them of the gifts he was sending them and touched on family matters. To his brother-in-law, Edward Fenwick, Scattergood wrote a similar letter to that addressed to Elihu Trenchfield (Document No. 103).
203
Other letters despached to England by the Ostend and Company's ships were addressed by Scattergood to his friend William Phipps (explaining how Phipps's money had been employed in India), to Peter Godfrey and his wife, to Sir Robert Child, Robert Gascoyne, Captain Bolton, Sir Gregory Page and John Rudge (brother of Scattergood's school fellow Benjamin Rudge). For all these, commissions had been executed in China, and to most of them gifts were sent in addition. To Francis Chamberlain he wrote in a different strain.
[104]
[Canton, November 1719.]
To Francis Chamberlayne Esq., Sir,
You being one that I have particular obligations too, makes me trouble you with this, especially to sett matters in a true light, sence we have received a little severe letter wrote by Mr. Afflack, signed by you, him and Mr. Wendey,(') wherein they charge us first in our neglect in not leaving them an invoice.
Truely I thought all accounts and papers &c. left with you was sufficient, and besides, we could not make up exact accounts as matters stood then. Our accounts from hence that we sent you hope will clear all doubts.
And then they blame us for not being concerned in the ship, which I can not tell what that would signify, for if we had half the stock 1 could not do more then have done.
As for advising us about the freight and bringing that to an account, I think they ought to have stayed and seen our accounts before they had given their advise, for I am sure it never enter'd in our thoughts of wronging them of their freight or anything else.
You may tell the gentlemen this from me, that nobody does more or would doe for their interest then ourselves. Our stock is too big to goe from port to port as they talk of, and no voyage but China can employ our stock. For suppose we went to Bengall, there we should meet with a bundance of oppo[si]tion. But suppose we had all assistance imagenable and gott our ship full of freight, what must we have done with our stock? Respondentia no body will touch; interest, a little may be let out; and all the rest must lye still. The truth of this Mr. Sittwell has found when he was there. And so for a freight of 10 or 12000 rupees we must have let our stock lye idle. Peice goods now turns to no account no w[h]ere. India is quite alter'd sence some people have left it. Our countrey ships that belongs to the gentlemen att Bengall and that getts all the freight &c. they are abale [able] does not make them above 15 per cent voyage. Then what must we have done that must have struggled through a great many difficulties ?
When I went to England I sent to Mr. Williamson 10000 rupees, desiring him to employ that money for me and to concern me where ever he was a little. He did so, himself being

Page #374

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MARCA, 1933
concernd more than me, and last year the ballance of my account was no more then 5000, so that in 3 or 4 years time I lost half. Yet I cannot blame Mr. Williamson in the least ; but it was oweing intirely to the mismanadgment of the supercargoes, captains, &c. I have been concern'd three voyages with Governor Boones brother from Bombay to China and back again and shall be glad to gett my own money again with interest. But, thank God, I am not one penny in his new fine ship. In Governor Boones voyages to Juddah I was drawn in for the sake of my brother goeing supercargoe. I shall be glad to gett my principall.
Mr. Setwell, my brother Trenchfeild &c. set a voyage afoot from the Mallabar Coast with peper to China and Madrass, but made nothing of it, tho' they was in China themselves. Mr. Elwick and my brother Trenchfeild last year came from Madrass to China and back, and for all the assistance that the Governor &c. gave them, yet made nothing. I only mention these things to let you know that India is not the place that people imagine; and one that getts anything now for their owners must manage matters with a bundance of frugality and circumspection. But if you have a mind to enquire about India, you may informe your self of the people that goes home.
Thank God, we have mett with success heither too, and hope shall continue to doe so. I am sure it shall not be wanting in us to doe our utmost endeavours for it. Hope your orders will meet us in Madrass or here next year. Mr. Harris talks of goeing home the next year, but my six girles will keep me 2 or 3 years, and then, if God give me life and good for tune, hope to have the happiness of enjoying your good companey near Rag Fair.() To all freinds there please to give my humble service. Please to tell Mr. Hublon (*) that I have sent his lady a pott of fine congho tea per Mr. Aynsworth, and a sett of blew and gold china ware put up amongst Sir Robert Nightingales, qte. [containing) vizt. 12 cupps and sawcers, 12 coffe or chocolate cups, 2 tea potts with square plates, 2 tea canisters, a sugar dish cover and plate, a slop dish and plate, a boat to put spoons, &c. in, and a cream pott, all which hope may be acceptable to hir. As for Jappan ware, none to be had. I have pick't up six dishes for Sir Robert Nightingale). I have sent you likewise a pott of congho tea per Captain Hunter and a sett of the same china ware. If they do not serve you, they may serve some of your freinds or relations, which hope may be acceptable.
Please to give my humble service to Dr. Gascoyne and Lady and tell them that by Mr. Peter Godfrey have sent 2 peices silks vizt., a black hannow(") and a peice deep blew satin, being the ballance of an account betwixt their son Robert and self. I have likewise sent per Mr. Peter Godfrey a parsell of China flower seeds for Mr. Hublons, which he promised me to deliver him.
Please to give my service to Mr. Cartlitch and tell him that I have made Mr. West that he recommended to me a mate of a ship that I am concerned in, where hope he may doe well and rise. He only wants a small stock which, if Mr. Cartlitch can perswade his father to gond him, will be an extraordinary service to him.
Captain Harry and me as yett agree pretty well. I shall not say much, but if you enquire from the people that goes home from hence, you may hear more.
I shall not trouble you with any more now, but only to beg leave to subscribe myself Your most oblidged and most obedient humble servant
J. S.

Page #375

MARCH, 1933 ]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
205
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 104.)
() See document No. 83. (?) See document No. 89, note (*). (3) Samuel Houblon, part owner of the Bonitu. (4) Silk from Hanoi.
To the Rev. George Lewis Scattergood also furnished a reply to the charges against him in much the same language as in his letter to Chamberlain. He stated that the stock of the Bonita was 100,000 pagodas,"half the Governors &c. gentlemen of Madrass and the other half ours," and after exculpating himself from the owners' attack he added
" What we shall doe the next year cannot as yet very well tell, till we hear from England (which hope will be very early or elne it will signify nothing) and be arrived at Madrass, our people's times will be out and then shall discharge them and goe on a new footing ... Mr. Pugh is (in) health, and hope he will doe very well. He is a good husband but a very bad merchant as yet, but time and experiance will overcome it. Ho shall not want neither for an employ. He is at present my secretary and hope in a little time to be my merchant.
. The news of this place is not much but what you will hear from every body that comes home. The present talk is about the Company's ship staying here a season whon tes and china ware enough to be had. They lay (As they talk) all the blame on the Madrass ships and say will write to the Com. paneys to prohibit them, which makes us very merry, when all the world knows that we do not prejudice them in tea, but in something else, for which they now stay. That comodity now is prodigious dear."
To Messrs. Affleck and Wendey, Scattergood did not mince his words regarding what he looked on as their ur just treatment of him.
[105]
[Canton, - November 1719.) To Messrs. Gilbert Afflack and James Wendey, Gentlemen,
Being gone to China on the Charlotta (to prepare matters) before the Europe ship's arri. vall, I could not tell what to write you from Madrass, but Mr. Harris bringing me one from our owners and another from Mr. Wendey to Mr. Harris and self, all full of complaints and advise, complaining of things that we had not done and advising us not to doe things that we never intended, both which letters I shall answer as fully as I can.
And first, you complain we left no invoice or accounts. All the accounts that could be left, or that we ever saw, was left with Mr. Chamberlayne. There could no regular account be left, not haveing brought matters to adjustment, nor could we make a right invoice tell after we were gon from the Maderas.
Next you complain that we had not acted as merchants in the matter above and had ased you but indeferently. As for merchants in the strictest sence, we cannot brag much of; but this I dare affirm, that you would have mett but with very few men that could haye manady'd your affairs better then us. As for useing you ill, it never inter'd in our thoughts, for we never had any reason that I know off.
Next, you wonder prodigiously to find we were not concerned in the Bonita, as if we had committed a vast crime. I do not know if you know of it or not before I went, but I spoke of it severall times, and I am sure Mr. Lewis knew it. I would have been gladly concerned, but a great freind of mine told me that they could spare me no more then so much, which I

Page #376

206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MARCH, 1933
had promised my freinds and could not goe back from it, for I was so hardly put to it to gett 300 pounds for Mrs. Wigmore that I was forsed to beg Mr. Lewis to spare it out of his. Be. sides, I can not imagein what it would signify, weither we were concerned or not, for I can not doe more then I have done or would doe if I had half the stock. I do not understand what you mean about the word honour, except you thought we had none and so you design'd to instill it into us. You tell us you have delt honourable by us, and I think (with very great reason) that we have delt honourable by you : for you are as much beholden to us for venturing our lives and working for you as we are for our imployments; for a laborour is allways worthy of his hire.
But put the case I bad not this employment. I should not fear of one in these parts if I had come out only a passenger, for thank God, I have freinds in a bundance in Madrass, Bengall and Surrat, in either of which places I should not want for an employ.
Now I will come to the freight and the idle words talkt at the Jerusalem Coffee house about getting 3000 pounds &c. Truely I think if I or Mr. Harris had say'd so, I do not think any harme in it. For suppose any of us did say he was in hopes of getting 3000 pounds commission &c., our saying so does not make it out that we do it. I wish we could with all my heart. And to tell you the truth, we do not want very much of it. And what then, tis' not all from England but a great deal from Madrass. But he that told you of it I thing [think] had little to doe; therefore an idle f[ellow). Before you had mistrusted us about the freight, I think you ought to have stayed till our accounts had been received, and then, if you found anything amiss, you ought to blame us and not before. I think it is a little barbarous usage. You write us a long storry about the Companeys supercargoe[8], what they do and what we ought to do, as if we were boys or not honest men. Your freight we have not wrong'd you one penny, but have brought all to account that we brought from England and whatever we had here in India, nay more then in strict justice to our selves we ought to have done. for we have brought to your creditt what we have received from passengers, tho' they made use of our cabins and drank of our wines all the voyage. And as for carring goods ourselves, I never carried less in my life, for the last voyage I had nothing except a few canes comeing back from Mallacca, and what we have gott with us now (the ship being freighted out), the Governor &c. Gentlemen allowed us to carry, and not one ounce more.
Doe you think that all the money we have in our hands we carry with us on the Bonita. No, we have orders to trade but little in hir, but to put it in severall bottoms for fear of a loss. Truely Gentlemon, you have been very smart upon us, which made me answer as smartly, especially to you two who I take to be my true freinds, and would prevent all suspecions or doubts that may lay upon you to our prejeduce.
Now I have discharged my fire, I am as coole as a militia muskett, therefore shall not thing [think] any more of the matter, but allways to act so that you never may have any complaint against us.
I hope you have sent your orders about our ship. Mr. Harris talks of goeing home the next year, and if God will give me life and good luck, two or three voyages more will send me after him.
I wrote you a long letter last year with a list of sundry things that I desired you to send me, which hope you have complyed with, and by severall shipps have sent you five half leaguers of arrack, which hope you have received, and severall things for Mr. Afflack. The rack, beleive, will last a great while, for I shall not meet such another oppertunity, I am

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afread, a great wile, but you may asure your selves that as I can meet with people to carry, I shall allways be ready to send; but people in England promises mighty matters and what they will bring for you, but here tell another storry.....
I shall not trouble you with more, but wish you both all health and happiness and a happy meeting once more in old England, remain Gentlemen,
Your most obedient humble servant, J. S.
Scattergood's friends and employers in England were as assiduous in their correspondence as he was himself, and a large number of letters were sent out to him by the ships sailing for India and China in the winter of 1719. Of those preserved, seven are addressed to Scattergood and Harris jointly. Of these, three are from owners of the Bonita, two of whom had entrusted the supercargoes with private trading ventures. Francis Acton, writing on 23 November 1719, gave the dates of arrival of the Company's ships from India and a list of those to be sent out for the season of 1720, with the names of the commanders and supercargoes. Of the Bridgewater, commanded by Captain Edward Williamson, Mr. Somers supercargo, for Canton and Madras, he remarked:
"This is a voyage sett out for the sake of the super cargoe, to whose merritts sopose you are not straingers. I hear the other super cargoes have orders to dispatch him from Canton by the first of December. You are good judges of what may be the effect of that." Then follows an important item of news:
"Within this three monthes has been an alteration in the diamond trade by a demand from France, occasioned by the rise of a stock called Misurys [Mississippi] or India Company, composed of ten millions (nominall) stock, and sell now for 20 for one, but am apprehensive may be liable to very great variety and may in such a case, when it happens, doe the trade more hurt then it hath don good. However, by last years shipping there was good goods came home and much cheaper then of late yeares whether occasioned by the opening of new mynes, as is advised, or other ways, I refer that to you."
Acton went on to instruct Scattergood and Harris to pay to Sigr. Francisco Bernall, a free merchant then proceeding to India, 7000 pagodas "out of the effects you have of mine in your hands," to be invested in diamonds to be shipped home as soon as possible.
Sir Robert Nightingale, writing ten days later, also gave his views on the Mississippi Company and the diamond trade.
[106]
London 2 December 1719.
Messrs. Scattergood and Harris, Sirs,
I receiv'd the favour of both yours dated the 8th July and the 15th November (1), received the 8th and 9th July by the Carnarvan and Derby and was very glad to hear of your safe arrival and that you had so quick a passage, which shows the goodness of the ship, for certainly there never was one better for sailing than she is. I am very glad there was nothing found upon you that might give the Company reasons to suspect your not complying with your covenants which I hope you will always do.(3)
Diamonds begin to rise, that is by the means of Missisippi stock in France, which was at first 37, has been at eighteen hundred, [h]as now come down to a thousand, which you will say is a fine rise, and so people are willing to have something for their money, which makes them buy diamonds. I believe their will be much money wanted at respondentia in

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India to purchase diamonds with, so you will have two strings to your bow, either to let out your money on the bottom of ships or invest it in diamonds as you see fitt; they must be very good in their kind, but I believe if you send home on respondentia, it will be the best way. Their are abundance of ships gon for Brazile and so to India ; those will be happy that can escape them. I hear they design to make Mauritius their rendezvous.() I fear they will do you much mischief in India.
The Company this year send out 17 ships for all parts of India. I wish them good success. The Bridgwater comes to China and so round about for Fort St. George. What she will be able to make of it we know not.
ROB : NICHTINGALE.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 106.1 (1) Not among the Papers.
(2) The allusion is to the search following the seizure of silver at the time of the Bonita's departure. Seo p. 178, Document No. 80.
(3) The pirate ships of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries used Mauritius and Madagascar for careening and refitting their ships.
Francis Chamberlain, the Bonita's chief owner, confined his remarks to the ship and her trade and showed himself still incensed with the supercargoes.
[107]
London the 18th December 1719. Messrs. Scattergood and Harris, Sirs,
Wee are favourd with yours of the 8th July from Fort St. George and the 15th Novem. ber from Canton in China last year, which is very acceptable newes to us. Your touching at Trimombar was very prudently done,() considering the storm you went out in from Portsmouth,(?) which affaire as you have been advised, has been recover[e]d, tho' at a very great expence as well as trouble and wee cannot yet say the cause is fully concluded. We are very glad you found such favour with the Governor,() and by his assistance and countenance to gett your passage to China that year was all wee could hope for, and your prospect of a continuall employ in the same voyage yearly gives us great hopes of a future success. And since your ship proves soe to satisfaction, wee will not doubt but you will every voyage have a large cargoe under your care, which will be for the advantige of the owners.
You advise us your Madera wine came to a good markett, which is alsoe acceptable newes, tho the account not yet adjusted ; and that you had bought 200 candy pepper and 100 candy lead, but you think not propper to lett us know at what price you bought either of those comoditys, for which wee can't but think] you remisse, as allsoe not particularly ad. viseing whither that all your cargoe you took in at Madrasse, whither any addition was made to your stock or you tooke any money on fraight. We can't but desire and require of you that you hence forward be as particular as possible to us, sinc[e] you are not concerned one penny in ship or cargoe, but only your private adventure, which has very much surprised us all, since your departure, each of us supposing you both concerned with us : but wee are very much surprised to find either of you talking of comeing home the first ship. This wee hope will meet you at Canton on your third voyage thither, and that you have been attended with success. The pepper trade as you mencion gives us great hopes of a profitable voyage, and wee doubt not but you have each trip made provission accordingly in that commodity.

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Wee wish you had advised us how you had made a distribution of the silver among the concern'd, but of that and a full and particular account of all your proceedings wee are impatiently waiteing from the Fort by first opportunity. As to your returning home with your ship for Europe, wee could not have you have any thought on it as yet. What may be done in another years time wee know not. For to have you return with the Company's leave, wee are certaine is impossible to be obtained at present, and to come home without it, would most unavoidably be such a reflection on the gentlemen that promoted your going, that wee dare not think of it. You'l understand by these ships, that Governour Collett is turn'd out, and Mr. Hastings to succeed him, which wish may not prove to the concern'd in the Bonetta a prejudice, since he has been soe much your friend.
Wee are apprehensive you will be very much pestered with pirates in India, for there have been noe lesse then 8 ships on the coast of Affrica this year, and have taken and destroyed on that coast above 30 sayle of merchant men, to the vast losse of the merchants of that trade thither, and theise rogues give out that from thence they will proceed to the Coast of Brazeel, and then about the Cape for Madagascar, they are the most numerouse and greatest gang of rogues that was ever heard of, and wee are grievous fearful will doe a great deal of mischiefe in India before they be supprest, though the Company have petitioned for 3 men of war, which wish they may obteine. This wee write that you may be prepared for them by keeping your ship clear and then doubt not but the Bonetta will escape them.
But if either of you should come to a resolution to come home, wee then doe appoint Mr. Georg Sitwell to succeed, who is well known to you both, and is a gentleman of entire satisfaction to us. Wee most heartily wish you and all wealth and happynesse and are gentlemen,
Yours humble servant,
FRANS. CHAMBERLAYNE.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 107.) (1) This is the first intimation of the fact that the Bonita touched at Trincombar (Tranquebar), the Danish settlement on the Coromandel Coast, on her way to Madras
(2) See p. 178, Document No. 80. (3) Joseph Collet, Governor of Fort St. George, 1717-1720.
The other letters addressed to Scattergood and Harris jointly were from members of the "Polow" (Pilau) Club acknowledging a present of arrack, from Peter Godfrey (senior) respecting the "adventures" of himself and his wife and family (recommending them to take the advice of the Jewish free merchant, Signor Francisco Bernall, in the purchase of diamonds), and from William Phipps, who made a further allusion to the scheme to be known later as the South Sea Bubble.
(108) There has been of late an unaccountable demand for the former (large diamonds), occagioned by the French Missisippy Companys extraordinary advance, wherein such vast estates has been gotten as has put that nation & madding to vye in fine equipages, whereby a very good opportunity has presented for those that had large goods to gett rid of them; and this I beleive may occasion general orders from hence to Madrass for those sorts, as there is at presont little demand for any less than five or six carratts, which is likely may raise the prices of those sizes now in request, but as I very much doubt the continuance of this demand, I recommend to you to send me of those sorts you find cheapest, if any considerable difference. ...

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When you return to Madrass you'll find Mr. Hastings Governor. The loud clamours raised against Governor Collett has gained so much credit as to be the occasion of his being laid aside. Concerning other matters which perhaps you will expect to hear from me and which I cannot at present satisfy you in, you may expect to hear at Madrags.......
(Signed) WILLIAM PHIPPS. Of the letters addressed to Scattergood alone, there are three from his family, one from his Aunt Elizabeth Scattergood informing him of the death of her sister Katherine Farmerie and the disposal of her property, one from his young sister-in-law Sarah Burniston giving him news of his family in Lincoln and one from his brother-in-law, Edward Fenwick, who, after announcing the birth of a daughter, went on to say:
Since Mr. Frederick's arrivall(') we have had terrible complaints from him to the Company of Governor Collet's unjust and arbitrary proceedings at Madrass, and he has so far carryd his point that Collet is to be turn'd out immediately upon the first arrivall of the shiping, and Mr. Hastings is to succeed, and there also goes out a particular commission to enquire into what extortions and injury he has done to any of the inhabitants, and that he shall not be sufferd to goe off shoar till he makes satisfaction.
For two years past there has bin the greatest numbers of pirates abroad that ever was known. They made such havock in the West Indies and all the coast of Guinea that few ships escap'd them, and lately we had advices they are all gone to settle at Marutious which, if true, you'l soon have them among you in India. Pray God, keep all honest traders out of their hands. Therefore I write you this advice that you may take all the proper cautions you can to avoid them, and be sure never speak with any ship in the sea if you can help it, and keep the ship (who I understand is a prime sayler) as clean as possible.
As for publick news, we goe on at the old rate, jarring of partys, scarcity of money, high liveing and extravagance, a constant wart and more constant taxes and losses among traders, but for particulars referr you to the gentlemen that come out and the prints.....
(Signed) ED. FENWICK.
(NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 108.] (1) Thomas Frederick, late Deputy Governor of Fort St. David, sailed from Madras for England in the Derby, Captain Fitzhugh, on 12 December 1718.
A letter from Gilbert Affleck and the Rev. James Vendey deals almost entirely with the provision of goods ordered by Scattergood from England. They had sent out some of the best beer procurable, for which they went to Westminster. They had sent :10 "colours" (paints), for those used here that are find" are "all brought from India and Persia, which you have much better and cheaper there then can be afforded here." " Painted pictures" and “ enamellid work," if good, were too dear, and if bad, "not worth sending." The little chamber organ "bespoke "could not be got ready "against the sailing of the ships," but in the list of things sent out we find a "spinett." The guns desired "that shoot nine times in a minute are not yet procurable, the maker not having obtained a patent." There was nothing good in "clock-work" to be had cheap : " They ask'd twenty guineas for one little figure.” Among the mathematical instruments despatched, there were some "tolerably cheap that were never before) semt abroad," Cups and essence bottles made of the "streaky paste you sent a sample of” could be procured, but "the other, wbich shines like stars is made in Italy" and "not to be had here." The writers add :

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* It is no small surprize to us to hear so inclifferent an account of the trade in India, Persia, Alucho, Judda, Surratt and Canton, but hope you write worse of it than it really deserves, and that you design only by it to surprize your owners with large returns that they may the more admiro your industry and willigence.
As to what you mention about the ship's coming home, we think it highly improper to move any Such thing here, it being at present impossible to obtain it. This would revive the clamour made
minst your going out, which is not yet ceas'd; nor is it in the power of any private person to give yol orciers for the remitting his share, es tis a joynt stock, neither is it in your power to follow such
pelers: but for this we referr you to their generall letter."
The Rev. James Wendey also wrote privately to Scattergood advising him not to press for his retun, for the clamour made against you is not yet ceas'd, and in clearing our arrack and getting out the beer in your name, we met with some little wipes (jeering remarks, rebuffs), they stiling you our famous separate-stock supra cargoes abroad."
There remains one more letter to note for the year 1719. It was dated from Cape Rachado, Malacca, and written to Scattergood and Harris by Captain Stephen Woodhouse of the Triplicane brigantine, whose action with regard to trade in tin had caused Scattergood
o many misgivings when at Malacca a few months previously (see p. 189). Woodhouse, however, has nothing to say about tin and only remarks:
"I am sadly disappointed concerning caines, which I had contracted for at Slangore (Selangore) and Linzey [Linggi), which now cant comply with, for which reason will make but a very ordinary voyage."
Having cleared off his correspondence with the departure of the Sunderland and Ostend ships for Europe, Scattergood must have busied himself in setting up the affairs of the Bonita and his own private trade before sailing for Madras about the end of February 1720; hut there is no record of his activities until after his arrival at Fort St. George, and whether he provided the goods listed in the document given below, and probably furnished by Još de Maitos, loes not appear. The arrival of the Bonita is chronicled in the Fort St. George Diary of 31 March 1720: "Ship Bonita, Captain John Harry from China." If, as is proballe, the ship touched at Malacca, any goods designed for Achim would have been landed for transmission to that place.
109) List of merchandize which Mr. Jolul Seattergood is in bring to ship to the port of Achein, us opportunity offers, the prices being settled according as specified below, at which they have been sold this year, 1719, in the port of Achein,(?) ciz.
Pardaos(?) Largo plates called linpun, sell per 1000 and le may bring to the amount
of 13000 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 90 Persolamns, (3) large, called lampon, big, thick, white, slould bring 1000
only, and they are rated per 1000 @ .. .. .. .. .. Do. do do. small, thick, bring 0000, worth per 1000 .. Thick plates, painted in blue fulas, (+) called panvypun, may bring 5000 and
are worth per 1000 .. .. .. Onlinary persolanas in the same blue paint, called tanque, may bring
5000 and are worth per 1000 Do. do. do. for eating rice, called the same, may bring 20,000
and are worth per 1000 .. .. .. .. .. Ordinary plates to eat rice of divers colours and pattern, called chechun.
punha, may bring 2000 and are worth per 1000 .. .. .. .. Big ordinary plates to eat rice of the same kind, called lanchun; if the
colouring is fast and the best, may bring as many as 3000, worth per 1000
100

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400
600
20
120
35
Large plates, called chioghy, fine, of divers patterns, blue fulas, may
bring as many as 2000 and are worth per 1000 .. .. .. .. Big palanganass (wash hand basins), called chiosy, of the same colouring,
may bring 1000 and are worth per 1000 .. .. .. .. . Big iron kettles, called tua-tianha, may bring 3000, each one being worth Ordinary do. do. of 5, 4, 3, 6, in each amarado,(C) called catioya,
may bring 6000 amarados, and each 100 amarados are worth .. .. Gold thread of Japan, which are packed in long cases lined with straw,
called Juponquinsvans, may bring 40 cases, each case being worth . Gold thread of China, the beads being wrapped in paper, called chioquin
sinsoan, there being thirty-two threads in each amarado, may bring 5 cases, each being worth up to 15 pardao. I declare that in each amarado there are two amarados, and five amarados contain ten, which make a cate,(") and one must be careful not to be taken unawares, for such things depend upon the persons showing that they understand, and I draw attention to how the sample is wrapped up in little papers, which I will send with this. Persolanas for blankets,(8) called paiaps, may bring to the amount of 300,
of divers colours, each 100 being worth 15 patecas. Do. of inferior quality with their fillinhos(") within, may bring 500
amarados of this kind, sold at 37 pardaos for each 100 amarados with
their filinhos. [China) ruot or China wood, called boichy, being 40 picos, worth 5
pardaos per pico. Worked copper in big and little articles (baticas),(19) of various kinds,
bring to the quantity of five picos, (1) each pico being worth 35 pardaos. Tobacco of China, each case containing a pico, making 120 packets, called aiquo chenpy, may bring 100 picos,(") each pico being worth 36
pardaos. Pesarias of various kinds sold, such as last year, in sky and dark blue,
green and with little roses, may bring 80 pieces, worth 14 pardaos
each. Quimtimghi sinnha, small white persolanas to eat rice, may bring 20,000,
worth 20 pardaos per 1000.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 109.) (1) It has boon found impossible to identify the names usud in this list for various kinds of Chinese porcelain, etc., for, as Dr. H. B. Morse, to whom the document was referred, justly remarks," the eighteenth century romanization of Chinese and other exotic words is weird in the extreme."
(*) Pardao, a Portuguese term signifying a coin, usually a pagoda. (3) Port. porcellana, fine earthenware. (4) Port. fula, from Skt. phula, a flower. (5) Port. palangana, an oblong basin with a flat edge for washing the hands, etc. (6) Port. amarrado, tied, a bundle or package. (1) Catty (Mal, katt), a weight of 16 taels, or 1 lb. avoirdupois.
(9) This is a puzzle. The term "persolanas" above is evidently Port, porcellana,, fine earthenware and it is difficult to see how it could be applied to blankets.
(9) Port. filinho, a young shoot, but it seems to have no application here. (10) Port. batega, batica, & copper tray. (11) Mal, Pilul, & weight of about 1331 lb. avoirdupois.

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Several letters addressed to Scattergood from London in 1720 did not reach Madras until after he had once again sailed for China. His mother Elizabeth Trenchfield, his daughter Betty, his step-sister Anne Trenchfield, his uncle Peter Radcliffe and his friend Anne Wigmore all supplied him with family news and one and all complained either of the non-receipt or of the difficulty of " clearing " the presents sent them. On this head Scattergood's mother remarked :
"The presents you mention to have sent me from China I thank you for, but I desire you'l not give your selt the trouble of sending anything more, because I have not got any one of these sent last year, being either lost or stole; besides the trouble of danceing after them is greater than the things aro worth. Yet if you doe send me anything let it be only a pa. betteeles (beathila, veiling) or a pot of tea which may be bought in and cleard out of [the] Companys warehouse."
William Phipps, who was impatiently awaiting preferment by the Company, wrote of his prospects and the Ostend trade.
[110] Dear Sir,
Yours under the 8th November from Canton(') I received with the present you sent my wife by Mr. Massey() for which I return you thanks. The tea he delivered me was very ordinary,(3) but I think it very extraordinary with those sort of gentry to be guilty of no worse then exchanging their bad for better.
I have wrote you and Mr. Harris joyntly by the China ships, duplicate of which send you now, beleiving it may reach you before you depart Madrass. I was in hopes by these ships to have writ you for certain relating to my going abroad this year, but cannot any otherwise then, as I believe if I do, it will be to succeed Mr. Boone at Bombay.(4)
The Act of Parliament past last Sessions to prevent the English engageing in the Ostend India trade(5) you will find to be of little purpose, severall being now bound out to India from thence, encouraged by Mr. Tobin's voyage of 200 per cent,() who is againe going with two ships the same way.
My wife desires that the muslin you send her may be yard and half wide. Mr. Legg is married to Mrs. Benyon.(') I heartily wish you health and speedy success.
[Signed] WILLIAM PHIPPS. London the 14th January 1719-20. [Endorsed] Received per Duke of Cambridge the 4th July.
[Notas ON DOCUMENT No. 110.) (1) Soo p. 203 for a reference to this letter which was not reproduced in full.
(3) In Soattergood's letter of November 1719 he said that he was sending his gifts by Mr. Robert Aynsworth (a mistake for Rowland Aynsworth), 3rd supercargo of the Sunderland. Charles Massey, who had commanded Beattergood's ship, the Elizabeth brigantine, probably also returned in the Sunderland, for we find him petitioning the Company in January 1721/2 (Court Book, vol. 49, p. 562) for the command of one of the three vessels building for the use of Bombay."
(8) Sonttergood had remarked in his letter that the tea ho was sending was "the best Congo tex I could procure."
( His hopes were fulfilled. He became Governor of Bombay, in succession to Charles Boone, at the end of the year.

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(5) In April 1718 the Company petitioned the King "representing the evil consequences [which] would ensue by subjects trading to the East Indies under foreign commissions, that notwithstanding the Proclamation [issued 18 October 1716. See Home Series, Misc., vol. 74, p. 7], the Camberwell went out last year to Ostend and thence to East Indies in January."
In August 1718 the Company "petitioned again, setting forth the danger that will ensue if the trade of England to the East Indies is not stopt."
Much correspondence on the subject was carried on between London and the Hague throughout the remainder of the year. In November the Company approached Earl Stanhope, Secretary of State, importuning him to use his influence in order to prevent the growth of trade from Ostend to the East and to amend the East India Act so as to penalize those concerned in such ventures. In the same month were drawn up "Heads for a Bill to remedy the mischief to His Majesty and the Nation by his subjects trading to the East Indies from Ostend &ca." The Bill was duly brought into the House and supported by the King. On 17 March 1718/19 it was debated in Committee and became law as "An Act for the better securing the trade of his Majesty's subjects to and from the East Indies; and for the more effectual preventing all his Majesty's subjects trading thither under foreign commissions." (See Correspondence Memoranda, vol. 6; The Statutes at large, from the fifth to the ninth year of King George I, vol: XIV, p. 107.)
The surmise of William Phipps as to the Act being of "little purpose" was fully justified, for the "Ostend trade" occupied much of the Company's attention in the succeeding years.
(6) James Tobin, supercargo of the Camberwell galley, which had been renamed the Prince Eugene and had lately returned from China.
(7) John Legg, paymaster at Fort St. George, resigned the Company's service on account of ill health in January 1719 and proceeded to England, where he married Grace Benyon, widow of Bernard Benyon, export warehousekeeper at Fort St. George, who died there in February 1715. Mrs. Benyon and her child sailed to England in the King George in January 1717.
Peter Godfrey, a Director of the E. I. Co., another of Scattergood's correspondents, was troubled about the impending prohibition of Indian cotton goods and also about the possible loss he might incur in his investment in diamonds on account of the rise in the shares of the "Mississippi" Company.
[111]
Mr. John Scattergood, Fort St. George.
London the 2 February 1719-20.
Sir
I know not what to write you about the Companys affayres nor what the Parliament will doe with them as to wearing chints in England.
The French have set up a West and East India Company, called the Missisipe Company, which hath, from 36 to 40 per cent., run up to 2500 and 3000 per cent., that hath much in riched many of them, that they are mad after diamonds and give any money for brilliants, soe that I feare all stones that will cut into brilliants will be verry deare.(2) If soe, pray continue my wife and childrens concernes one voyadge more and then take your oppertunitye to make them returnes...
(Signed) PETER GODFREY.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 111.]
(1) The reference is to an Act passed in 1720, entitled "An Act to preserve and encourage the Woollen and Silk Manufactures of this Kingdom and for more effectual employing the poor by prohibiting the use and wear of all printed, painted, stained or dyed callicoes 'in apparel, houshold-stuff, furniture or otherwise after the 25 December 1722." The measure was strongly opposed by the E. I. Co. At a Court of Directors held 11 November 1720, the "Reasons offered against the law to prevent the wearing and using

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stained callicoes" was read and approved, and the Secretary was directed to sign and deliver it to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations (Court Book, vol. 49, p. 155), Again, on 27 January 1720/1 a committee was appointed to attend the progress of the Callico Bill" and such " Counsell and solicitors" to be employed as they should deem fit (Ibid., p. 246). Further, on 1 March 1720/1, at a Court of Directors, it was reported that " Councell and others in behalf of the Company " had been heard on the previous day in the House of Lords "against the Callico Bill" (Ibid., p. 275).
(3) The Compagnie de la Louisiane ou d'Occident" was established by John Law in 1717 for trado in the region about the Mississippi. "Two years later it took over the moribund companies “Des Indes Orientales " and "De Chine." An "Abstract of the King's Edict for Uniting the Companies of East India and China to the Company of the West, dated Paris, in May 1719" was printed in The Daily Courant of 17 June 1719 and a copy is preserved in Correspondence Memoranda, vol. 6. For the inception and history of Law's scheme and its subsequent gigantic failure, see the Encyc. Brit., a.v. Law, John.
No time was lost in selling the Bonita's cargo. The following "Outery” role of what goods bought” is dated 14 April 1720.
[112]
.. pags. 45 ..pag. 12. 32 ..pugs. 53. 32. 32 Pags.
To oftoas and chalemches(') 30 pr To close stool pans 12 .. To blew and white large dishes 118 To tutanague() .. To quicksilver To 10 tubes of camphire .. To 20 catty of tea
111. 28. 32 1500. 710. 155. 9. 27 11. 34
Pags. 2488 35.59
WM. COLEBROOKE for the freighters of the Bonita.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 112.] (1) Aflaha and chilamchi, ewer and (brass) basin. (2) Tutenaga, spelter.
While the sale of the Bonita's cargo was proceeding, Scattergood busied himself in providing a further lading for her. He requested William Jennings, Deputy Governor of Fort St. David, to procure goods to the amount of 7000 pagodas and had a reply, dated 4 May, enclosing "musters" (samples) of the cloth required. Scattergood carefully" overlcoked " these and desired that the longcloth furnished should be of a finer texture than the" muster." The“ blew succatoons" were, however, satisfactory.
At this time, too, both Scattergood and Harris were busily trading on their own account. They were " concerned " in the cargo of the brigantine Triplicane, Captain Stephen Wocd. house, in the Jerusalem, Captain Robert Washington, with the Armenian João de Matt as supercargo, and in the Lusitania, Captain Thomas Dixon, with the two Ormes, Stephen and Alexander, all three ships plying between Madras and Bengal, Malacca, etc.
In Surat, Jeremy Bonnell was acting for Scattergood, and to him he wrote:
"I can't advise you to buy me any goods because I am uncertain what I shall do next year, whether I shall stay in the country longer or go for England, waiting now with impatience for news from England."
The success of the Bonita's previous voyage brought many investors in her second venture, among them Stephen Orme, who sent“ oyl of sandall," carpets and saffron, the latter " by way of tryall in China," and Richard Benyon, who, trusting to the " friendship and

Page #386

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MARCH, 1933
encouragement" of the supercargoes, consigned to them ten chests of opium, to be sold at Malacca, and 5000 dollars" to invest and remitt to me as you think proper."
Mrs. Martha Theobald of Fort St. George and John Deane, Member of Council in Bengal, were also among the freighters of the Bonita. They sent 437 oz. Mexico dollárs, and Mrs. Theobald desired that her returns might be made in "fine tea, fanns Nankeen with rich gold papers engraved with flowers and the sticks fine ivory with scarlet landskips on the sides." Sugar candy and "stone essence bottles, such as you formerly brought " were also among her demands.
To Scattergood and Harris was entrusted the business of settling the affairs of the Charlotte, since that ship, with her supercargoes Peter Curgenven and John Harnage, was in the hands of Angria. They were especially desired to look into a contract, made with Captain Thomas Boone of the Boone frigate, for " putchuck" and to get a declaration of the state of affairs between him and the captive supercargoes. They were also instructed to bring back from China any part of the Charlotte's gold left behind in the previous year, and for this purpose a letter of attorney was given them by Richard Benyon.
Elihu Trenchfield, Scattergood's stepbrother, who had sailed for England before the Bonita reached Fort St. George, sent a letter from St. Helena, which arrived some months later.
[113]
DEAR BROTHER,
I left a letter for you, inclosing my neice Carolina's account,() but forgot to advise you I had deliver'd Mr. Maubert the guns and books received of you, excepting some of the volumes of your geographical dictionary which Mr. Long() borrow'd of me and I neglected to ask for 'em again.
We have had as migerable a tedious passage hither as possible a ship cou'd have, attended with violent storms of winds for near six weeks, which [? while] we were beating off the Cape, and at last dared not venture in, tho' all our live provisions were destroy'd by the bad weather, and we almost famish'd by the time we arriv'd here, which was the 25th May, ship Boverie and Prince Frederick riding in the road.(3)
Four days after us arriv'd Governor Collet on the King William in company with the Sunderland and Cadogan,( ) who had the satisfaction of five weeks refreshment at the Cape whilst we were so miserably toss'd about. Mr. Godfrey(6) telling me he had a packet directed for brother Fenwick(6) and self from you, was willing to open it here, not knowing but there might be somethings wou[l]d require an answer, but find it's only to empower us to act as your attorney and collect what effects you have remitted to Europe.() You may depend on all my care and diligence in effecting it.
I think you have been too bold an adventurer in the two ships by the gentlemen of the Sunderland charecters of the men and vessel. Mr. Nash and Holland(8) have both been here, but deny'd any kind of refreshment, and was obliged to goe away imediately, the Governor(') otherways threatning to fire 'em out of the Road. The former, by calling his ship the Sunderland had the opportunity of sending his boat ashore with a letter, where he represented the miserable condition he was in, wanting all manner of necessarys, having had the misfortune to be taken by a pirate off the Cape, which plundered him of all his provi. sions. The Governor notwithstanding woud not suffer him to be supply'd with any thing from hence. I am apt to believe what is alledged by him is true, from a Dutch ship arriving whilst Governor Collet was at the Cape, giving an account of his being attack'd about three

Page #387

MAROH, 1933] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
days before by a pirate of 40 guns, boarding him several times, and would certainly have taken him had not a fresh gale of wind sprung up. The Dutch men notwithstanding lost several of his men.
It is confidently reported by the Dutch that the pirats drove from Providence('0) are gone to settle at Mauritias. They have been at the coast of Guinea and take abundance of ships, inviting numbers of men to settle at Mauritias. I am afraid, as they are got to the eastward of the Cape, the India navagation will prove very dangerous, and wish none of my friends become sufferers by 'em.
I am glad it was my lot to leave India before these perilous times began, and as you have a plentifull fortune, I wou'd not put it to the hazard of becoming poorer, especially as I hear from Mr. Godfrey your health is very much impair'd; therefore, dear brother, let not too an ambitious temper of wealth deprive us of the satisfaction of your company in England, where none of your relations will be more rejoyced to see you than, dear brother, Your affectionate brother and most humble servt.
E. TRENCHFIELD.
St. Helena, June the 7th 1720.
217
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 113.]
(1) Carolina, John Scattergood's second daughter, to whom Elihu Trenchfield was godfather.
(2) The Rev. Charles Long, chaplain at Fort St. George, who had been suspended from his office in January 1720 for refusing to go to Fort St. David in obedience to orders from the Council (Diary and Con sultation Book, of 1720, p. 10).
(3) The Bouverie, Captain Thomas Wotton, was returning from a voyage to Persia, having sailed from England in June 1719. The Prince Frederick, Captain Edward Martin, was on her way home from Calcutta. She had left England in September of 1718. Trenchfield himself sailed in the Princess Amelia, Captain John Misenor.
(4) The King William, Captain James Winter, with the dismissed Governor of Fort St. George, Joseph Collet, on board, sailed from Madras on 18 January 1719/20. The Sunderland had been in Canton at the same time as the Bonita in 1719. The Cadogan, Captain John Hill, was on her way home from Fort St. David and Bengal.
(5) Peter Godfrey, later supercargo of the Morrice, seems to have sailed from China in the Sunderland in that capacity.
(6) Edward Fenwick, Scattergood's brother-in-law, having married his stepsister, Elizabeth Trench
feld
(7) For the power-of-attorney given by Scattergood to Trenchfield and Fenwick see his letter of 12 November 1719, ante, p. 198.
(8) James Naish and Richard Holland were both supercargoes of one of the ships engaged in the Ostend trade. Trenchfield seems to mean by his preceding remark "the characters of the men and vessel given by the gentlemen of the Sunderland."
(8) Isaac Pyke, Governor of St. Helena.
(10) New Providence Island, West Indies.
On this, his fifth voyage to China, Scattergood left some of his affairs at Fort St. George in the hands of Francis Hugonin, gunner at Fort St. George, who was furnished with the list of papers that follows.
[114]
A List of Papers left with Mr. Francis Hugonin.
At Interest
Francis Hugonin & Stephen Orme's note dated 7th June 1720 @ 8 per cent;
per annum
Charles Long note dated 13th June 1720 @ 8 per cent. per annum Samuel Court(1) do. 22nd do. do.
do.
2000 pags.
4000
1000

Page #388

218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MARCH, 1933
..
250
George Tullie(2) note dated 22nd June 1720 @ 8 per cent. per annum .. 1000 John Scattergood do. do. .do.
..11031. 33. 28 Do do do. do.
.. 1000 Wm. Colebrooke(3) do. 25th do. do. do. In cash
..10222. 32. 46 At respondentia Alexander Orme's bond 13th June 1720 on the ship London(*) to Surrat as
far as Goa and back at 15 per cent .. .. .. .. .. .. 1000 Stephen Orme's bond 13th June 1720 on the Lusitania, Capt. Dixon, to
Pegu, (6) Goa and back to this place 25 per cent .. .. .. .. 2000 Samuel Courts bond 22nd June 1720 on the Windsor(5) to Surrat and
back 20 per cent. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1000 John Scattergoods note 25th June 1720 on the Jerusalem to Malacca,(6)
Surrat and back to this place 25 per cent. .. .. .. .. .. 3030. 28. 18 Wm. Colebrookes note 25th June 1720 to Canton and back 16 per cent .. 190. -.
Govr. and Councill's Bill of Exchange on the East India Company for
account of Mr. Richard Mead(6) Junr. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1685. 30. 22 Mr. Burtons(') release to Scattergood and Harris .. . Catesby Oadhams(8) order to bring from China in gold what money he had
left behind last year being .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 300. -,Luis Madeira['s)(R) order to bring from China in gold what he has left
behind in China last year .. .. .. .. .. .. pags..37725. 22. 12
Received the above papers and moneys which I promise to be accountable for
7. HUGONIN. Fort St. George, 25 June 1720.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 114.) (1) Samuel Court, supercargo of the Sampson, appears in the list of "persons not constant inhabitants" at Fort 8t. Goorge in 1720.
(*) George Tullie," Notary Publick," Register of the Mayor's Court at Fort St. George. () William Colebrooke, purser of the Bonita.
(1) The London, Captain Charles Wybergh (wee p. 188, note (2) on Document 91), had arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 26 March 1720.
(5) For Scattergood's interest in the Lusitania and Jerusalem, see ante, p. 216. The Windsor, Capain William Guillim, arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 25 May 1720.
(*) Probably a son of Penelope Meal, widow, inhabitant of Fort St. Georgo in 1720. (1) Augustus Burton, senior merchant at Fort St. George. He came to India as a writer in 1709. (8) Catesby Oadham, factor and assay master at Fort St. George.
(0) Captain Luiz de Madeiros, also called Lewis Madera, who commanded the Brampore in 1712 (see noto on Document 29, p. 108), was a non-constant inhabitant of Fort St. George in 1720. He acted as interpreter to the Council in May of that year (Diary and Consultation Book of Port St. George, 1720, p. 79).
As in the year 1717, when in Europe (see Document 78 on p. 168), before leaving Madras for China, Scattergood drew up a stateinent of his busir ess transactions, this time both in Europe and Asia.

Page #389

MAY, 1933)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
219
(115) JOURNAL Letter A containing all transactions relating to my affairs in India and
Europe commencing this [blank] June 1720. Sundry accounts dr. to stock .. .. .. .. rs. 61933. 6. 7
For the amount of goods, adventures,
debts, &ct., which are not collected in vizt. Account current London for adventures and
debts, &ct. in Europe as per particulars in Europe books
Stg. $9825. 16. 11 dedt. silver 895.-.- 98. per
- pagoda 19846. 8. 40
£8930. 16. 11 Account current Bengal for debts, adventurcs, &ct., there, as per particulars in
those books, vizt. Adventures standing out
rs. 6969. 10. 3
7865. - -
deduct due to Mr. James Williamson() ..
14831. 10. 3 8763. 12. -
6070. 14.
3
1830. 23. 71
rs. @ 330 rups. per 100 pags... .. Voyage to Persia, &ct., from Bombay in the Willian() ..
rs. Mr. Benyon under me .. .. .. .
9000 5000
1333. 12. -
2677. 12. -
239. 30. 66
rs. 4000 @ 3 rups per pagoda .. .. .. .. William Wake my account due to ine 8032
rups. @ 3 per 1 [sic] Voyage to Mocho per Sampson(3) remaining
of my concerns under Maubert vizt. 1st voyage .. .. .. .. "
. . - - 2nd ditto .. .. .. .. .. 1. - - George Wyche due to me(") .. . Voyage to Surat per Shaw Alum(5) under
Maubert, remaining .. .. .. .. Voyage to Judda per Charles,(6) under Trench
field ... ... .. .. ... under Maubert
260. 23. 40 Voyage to Eastward per Prosperous(") under Maubert ..
" ** Voyage to Siam per Brittannia(8)
under Powney . .. .. .. 5500 under Horden in Mr. Trenchfields name .. 500
1000 Mr. Phips under me .. .. .. .. 200
100.-
-
709. 23. 40
2000.
.
.
750.-
-

Page #390

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MAY, 1933
Voyage to Goa per Stratford()
subscribed .. .. .. 500
Mr. Phips under me .. .. 250 Voyage to Pegue and Surat per Lusitania concerned under
Messrs. Alexander and Stephen Orme(10) .. .. .. Voyage to Pegue per Hartford brigantine ; lent Captn. Heron at respondentia(11) .. ..
.
250. - - 2000. - -
500.-
-
31308. 2. 57 1666. 24. -
1294. 8. 54
Voyage to Junk Ceylone, Malacca &ct. per Katherine 12)... Voyage to Eastward per Dover(13) concern'd
under Mr. Benyon .. .. 1500
Mr. Godfrey under me .. 205. 27. 26 Voyage to Malacca & Surat per the
Jerusalem(14) .. .. .. .. 10000 concerned under me
John de Matt .. .. 2000 Mr. Godfrey .. .. 200
2200 Voyage to Surat, China and Surat per Anne alias Charlottu 15) concern'd under E. Trenchfield .. ..
.. P.
1500. recd. first dividend .. .. .. .. 594. 16. 70 Captn. Chinese(16) at Malacca vizt. concern'd with him in a vessell..
2665. 12. goods sold .. .. .. 1701. 4 goods left with him .. .. 3351. 4 5052.8
7800.
905. 19. 10
7718. -
3859. --
@ 2 rs. per pagoda .. Goods bot. of Mackmath(17) for my of
1600 rps. bot. of him Chunqua left with him .. .. .. Cudgin(18) left with him Oyl of cinamon 299 ounces . . . . . . Voyage to Manilla per Trepopilore leut Cor
doza at respondentia(19) .. . . Goods in the hands of Aga Percz as per list .
100. - - 1682. 1021. 9. 456. 25. -
500.-.130.
Ps. 51023. 16. 41
200. - -
Voyage to Malacca per Jerusalem for my of
4000 pagodas left at Palliacat by Mr. Hugo
nin as by his note . Voyage to China per Bonita 1720 vizt. Goods for Malacca as per invoice .. .. Gold rosewater bottles .. .. .. Chest inedicines &ct. valued at .. Left in China last yuar on Mr. Hordens
accot, which I hare bot. of hiin
1300. 16.
170. - 100.
-
700.

Page #391

MAY, 1933]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
My share of the invoice in comp. with Mr.
Harris Respondentia lent the Sergeant of Palliacat. Ditto lent John Dematt .. .. ..
4528. 31. 30
500. - - 1000. -.
8299. 11. 30
Goods in the hands of George Torriano (20)
as pr list amount to .. .. ..
610. 14. 16
01933. 6.7
14871. 18. 77
Stock dr. to sundry accounts per ..
For sev'ral debts which I owe at
interest respondentia &ct, vízt. Owners of the Bonita borrowed at responden.
tia on the Jerusalem borrow'd at interest .. ..
3030. 28. 18 11696. 2. 1
14726. 30. 19
My daughter Carolina recd. of Mr. Benyon
her first dividend of the Anne under my brother Trenchfeild .. ..
144. 24. 58
P.
14871. 18. 77
Stock dr. to account current London
P. 2222. 8. for Stg. £1000 over credited the former account .. .. .. ..
Ps.
2222.
3.
-
Owners of the Bonita dr. to account of com
mission P. 664. 4. 53 for commission of goods bot. for the China voyage by Mr. Harris and myself .. .. .. ..
P.
664. 4. 53
Voyage to China per London(1) dr. to stock
P. 80 for what I believe will be the last dividend of 2000 pegs. [sic] stock .. ..
P.
80. - -
Auga Nuree(s) my account respondentia dr.
to owners of the Bonita P. 1000 for so much borrow'd of them at interest and lent him as per his bond
P.
1000. -
-
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 115.) (*) Member of Council in Calcutta and Scattergood's attorney in Bengal. He died on 3 January 1721.
(3) This was an unfortunato investment, for the William, Captain Jonathan Wilson see ante, Document No. 93, p. 187), arrived at Fort St. George from Surat, on 20 June 1720, a week before the Bonita sailed for China, "having lost her passage to Persia." On 22 August she sailed for Bengal (Fort St. George Diary).
(3) The Sampson, Captain Henry Cave, arrived at Fort St. George from Mooha on 24 September 1718 and again from the same place on 8 September 1719 (Fort St. George Diary),
(4) Scattergood seems to have failed to recover this debt from Georgo Wyche, his co-supercargo in the second voyage of the Amity to China, in spite of his efforta (ne Document 82, n. 14, p. 149).

Page #392

222
THE INDIAN ANTIOUARY
( MAY, 1933
(5) For Scattergood's interest in the (variously spelt) ship Shaw Allum, seo Documents 62 and 67, notes 8 and 1.
(6) The Charles, named after her owner, Charles Boone, President of Bombay, arrived at Fort St. George from Bombay under Captain William Upton on 27 May 1718 (Port St. George Diary).
(1) In the previous year John Maubert had "concern'd" Scattergood in the Prosperous. The ship arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 8 June 1719 (Fort St. George Diary).
(8) For Scattergood's interest in the Britannia's voyage to Siam, under Captain John Powney, see p. 162.
() The Stratford sailed from Fort St. George to Pegu in September 1718, arrived from Surat in May 1720 and sailed for Siam in June, each time under a different commander (Port St. George Diary 1718, 1720).
(10) For Scattergood's interest in the Lusitania, see p. 216.
(11) The Hartford, Captain George Heron, arrived at Fort St. George from Pegu on 11 April 1717. In her subsequent voyages to Pegu her commander was Captain Berriman, since Heron died in 1717.
(13) There were two ships named Katherine (or Catherine) cruising in the Indian sess at this period but no record of the voyage of either to Junkceylon has been found.
(13) The Dover, Captain Stephen Worlidge sailed from Fort St. George to Porto Novo 17 June 1720 (Fort St. George Diary).
(14) For Scattergood's interest in the Jerusalem, see p. 216.
(15) The reference is apparently to the ill-fated Charlotta (or Charlotte) seized by Angria (see p. 216), but with which of the various ships named Anne she was identical has not been discovered.
(11) The Captain Chinese is Chan Younqua for whom se p. 190.
(17) Captain John Mackmath, like Scattergood, a free merchant "not constant inhabitant" of Fort St. George.
(18) Chunqua and Cudgen were merchants at Canton with whom Scattergood had dealings (see p. 182).
(10) Tho Trepopilore (Tripalore) had arrived from Pegu in March 1720. She was sent to Manila in July, Captain Francisco Cordoza acting as her commander and supercargo.
(30) George Torriano, factor in the Company's service at Fort St. George, acted, with Francis Hugonin, in succession to John Maubert es attorney for Scattergood.
(31) The London (see note (4) Document 114) returned from her China voyage in 1719, arriving at Fort St. George on 25 February 1719, with Nathaniel Elwick and Elihu Trenchfield supercargoes.
(29) Auga (Agha) Nuree appears as Aga Nunes in Document 90, p. 187.
On 27 June the Fort St. George Diary records the departure of "ship Bonetta, Captain John Harry, to China," and at the end of the following month the Papers show that she had reached Malacca. Here some of the goods received at Madras were handed over to Chan Younqua, the “Captain Chinaman", and João de Mattos for disposal. With the produce they were instructed to "buy gold and keep till we come from China." These agents were also furnished with 1875 dollars for the purchase of 100,000 “good canes measuring thirty two inches, according to the sample loft in the hands of the said João de Mattos, the same boing marked with his seal to avoid any alteration."
When next we hear of Scattergood, at the end of August, he had reached Whampon and had recommenced trading operations there. Judging from the document which follows, John Mackmath (see above, note 17) had accompanied him from Madras and was acting under his instructions.
[116]
Wampo,
August 30th 1720. Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
Pursuant to the orders I have att several times received from you, I have received and deliverd the following particulars vizt.

Page #393

MAY, 1933 ]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY! THE SCATTERGOODS AND TH
223
Delivered to the Prince Eugene for Capt.
Tobin
From aboard the Prince Eugenel and sent to Canton
1 butt beer and 1 hogshead wine
4 half hhd. Goa arrack 1 bale qt. 56 patch moorees (?)
10 pg. handkr. chints bed
To the Essex(*)
1 bale 2 barrels powder 1 half leaguer Goa arrack
From the Sarum(") and sent up
2 chests wine 2 hhds. bottled beer
1 box tobacco & gross pipes 24 stockfish() and bag oatmeal
4 bottles olives & 4 oyle and vinegar Sent from Bonita in great boats
2 chests Shiras & 1 rose water 2 chests liquors I chest soap 1 box cordial waters 2 bales carpets 14 rob sharks fins wt. 1299 C. a small bundle and 2 Goa stones(6)
per Jo. Green By the pinnace
13 ps, handks. & 12 ps. moorees 1 chints bed 1 bundle for Cumshaw I box & 1 box saffron
To the Carnarvon (5)
I half leaguer Goa arrack
St. Francis (6)
1 half leaguer Goa arrack
Bridgewater() will not receive the qr.
cask without an order
I am Sir Your most humble servant
JOHN MACKMATH.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 116.) (1) The Prince Eugene, formerly the Camberwell galley, whose successful voyage in the previous year was noted by Phipps in his letter of 14 January 1719/20. (Soo p. 213.)
(3) One balo containing 56 parcels of muri, blue cloth.
(3) The Sarum, Captain George Newton, and the Essez, Captain John Pinnell, both Company's ships, sailed to China in December 1719 and December 1718 respectively.
(9) Dried cod, hake or haddock. See Papers of Thomas Bowrey (Hak. Soc.), p. 169 n. 1.
(5) The Carnarvon, a Company's ship, Captain Josiah Thwaites, sailed from England for Whampoe in February 1720 and returned in August 1721. The St. Francis, also called the St. Francisco Hanari, commanded by Philip Domore, appears to have been a "country" vessel. She also was at Whampos at the end of 1720.
(6) Goa stones, also called Gasper Antonio stones and Jesuit stones, & compound in great repute as a medicinal remedy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
(T) The Bridgewater, & Company's ship, Captain Edward Williamson, sailed to Batavia, China and Madras in December 1719 and returned in August 1721.
Scattergood's "Memorandum Book" at Canton covers the period August to December 1720 and deals with a variety of transactions for different individuals.
For the information of the Dutch Governor and "Second " at Malacca, for whom ho procured goods in exchange for Spanish dollars, he noted that "39 gilders equall to a tale" and "101 do. equall to a pound sterling." For the Dutch Governor also ho procured a

Page #394

22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( MAY, 1933
"palempore workt with gold and silk, "a" toilet of white silk do.," a "gown and petticoat do." and "6 ps. gawze white ground and gold flower."
For his friends, Richard and Cornelia Horden, Scattergood bought coloured "poisees," taffeta, satin and ribbons, according to "muster," " white copper" (tutenaga)" baticas," tea canisters, tobacco pots, " sundrys, as toads, horses, &c.," and china flower pots.
The "Memorandum Book " also records transactions with the captains and supercargoes of the Company's and Ostend ships anchored at Whampoo and with “Quinqua, alias Cudgen, for 50 shooes of gold 93 touch for one hundred and six tale doller money for 10 tale wt. gold." There are besides notes of gold procured in exchange for Spanish dollars, duocatoons, &c.
Of Scattergood's dealings with Chinese merchants at Canton between September and December 1720 there are full details in an "Account Book” which covers some twenty pages. Goods were bought of, and sold to, Pinkee, Tucksin, Cudgin, Cowlo, Lolly, Boqua the birdman, Phillis, Chounqua, Byqua, Sinqua, Tonsey and Mr. Joss Hinqua, the largest dealings being with Cowlo. A specimen of these accounts is given below.
[117] Cowlo
Dr.
To 1 pair large carpetts
-5 small do. ..
.. ..
113. 3. - By 100 ps. gold vizt. 40. - - 45 ps. 97 tou. T. m. c.
pz. 400.3.3
55 ps. 93 537.0.7 - - -
977. 4. 0 6240. 6. 4 makes 996. 3 4 of 93 touch
1 ps. gold delivered the
birdman() 1 ps.do. to the goldsmith()
To 2 gold rose water bottles .. To cash paid in sundry species.
To do. in duccatoons from
Cudgins 11494. 2. 1 duccatoons 461. 8 7 dollers
--11956. 0. 8.. To do. in dollers from Mr.
Mortons in dollers 668 oz. is tales
.. To cash towards bale silk
11956. 0.8
By taffities 48 co[vids]
510 ps. at 4. 3.. ..
2193. - 2193.
-
By do. 10 pa. Madrass(")
4.3 . .. ..
633. 6. 6 2000. -.
By poisee(5) 4 ps. Ma.
drass 5. 8 .. ..
To
do.
.
..
1830. 3. -
14.
To Macco money(")
..
1057. 5. 9 By cosee 4 ps. Mad. 3.5
By poisee for Mrs. Hordens 23638. 2.7 musster] 6/6 6. 5 .. 20000.0.0 By 6 ps. gausee at 6 ..
v
Deduct for gold and tea.
3638. 2. 7 By 4 ps. velvetts ea : 38
long at 4 mace pr co[vid] .. . "
60. 8. -

Page #395

MAY, 1933]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
To pair large carpetts To 5 small at 8..
113. 3. 40
By ribons 10 ps. weigh 36 tales at 12m. 5c. pr 1 tale weight
3791. 5. 7 By 2 ps. embroderys 65 By 10 ps. rolled pelongs 2.4 By 31 ps. pelongs at IT.
7m. 5c.
By 6 ps. poisee at 5. 8 By 20 ps. yellow pz. 60 tale at 10 By 10 ps. in grain (6) pz. 60 at 14..
..
By 10 ps. in grain pz. 40 at 8. 5..
By 61 (') ps. paunches (8) 2. By 1 ps. blew cloth for my coat
By 8 boxes of stone bottles at 3. 5 ..
By 4 white coper (9) plates and 4 covers pz. 5c. 10t. at 12 pr cattie..
By 4 tabacca potts By 6 tin crew potts(10) By 1 quilt 1 gown and petticoat and 4 ps. for a toilet (11) embroder'd with gold By 14 pr. stockings 11 mace pr pair ..
By raw silk 10 peculls 109
(7) An error for 60.
(8) This term, also spelt "paunses" is used for "matting."
9. 1. 2
130. 24.
51. 2. 4
34. 8.
200.
140.
85. 120.
7.
28.
225
i
86.
J
11
1
1
6. 7. 5
6.
4. 6.
15. 4.
-
3348. 2. 1 1090.
4438. 2. 1
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 117.]
(1) Money of Macao, probably Portuguese coinage from the Jesuit Fathers. (2) There are frequent references to "Boqua the birdman."
(3) Byqua was the goldsmith with whom Scattergood dealt.
(4) That is, to be consigned to, or ordered from, Madras.
(5) The names of the Chinese piece-goods in this list, as romanized by European traders indicate damasks (poisees or poysees), flowered silks (gosees or goshees, and pelongs).
(6) By in grain, ingrain', a fast dye, is apparently meant.
(9) Tutenaga, spelter. See Document No. 8.
(10) Crew, crew' is an obsolete term for a pot. The Oxford Eng. Dict. has only one instance of its
use, in 1579.
(11) Toilet is here probably used in its obsolete and rare sense of a cover for a dressing-table or it may indicate a shawl, a moaning also now obsolete.

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Besides the Chinese goods noted above and the usual purchases of gold, tea, fans, &c. we find in the Account Book entries of "China paper books, bambou-baskets, a bambou cage, and 300 fishes and 1000 counters." These mother-of-pearl counters, so familiar in the last century to the players of Pope Joan,' are now seldom seen.
In November 1720 Scattergood was busy lading goods in the Prince Eugene, under James Tobin, for sale in Ostend or to be consigned to England, and Tobin also left unsold goods in Scattergood's hands, the produce of which was to be handed over to any Ostend ship which should come to Canton after his departure. Scattergood further sent goods aboard the English and French ships bound home in December 1720 and early in the New Year, but he himself remained in Canton for several weeks after their departure to complete his business.
Before following the Bonita on her return to Malacca and Madras in 1721, the correspondence addressed to Scattergood from England and elsewhere at the close of the year 1720 must be noted. Among the letters from England was one from “Uncle Roger," fol. lowed by a statement of Scattergood's affairs, drawn up by the Rev. George Lewis before Elihu Trenchfield and Edward Fenwick relieved him of the charge. There are, besides letters from other members of his family and from his friends, the Godfreys, William Phipps, Sir Robert Nightingale and Joseph da Costa.
“Uncle Roger,” after retailing family news, added a reference to the excitement caused by what was afterwards known as the South Sea Bubble.
"I could wish, and so doe all your friends and aoquaintance, that you had never gone to the Indios, for you would certainly have doubled what ever you can expect to gitt where you are, for here is severall that has gott £100,000 and more that had not near what you had, nay some scarcely anything (by the South Sea Stock), which is the admiration of most people; but who could foresee what has happend or what may."
The statement furnished by the Rev. George Lewis noted expenses incurred for Scattergood's wife and family and £502. 108. for the purchase of "Bank Annuitys since subscribed to the South Sea," a transference which Scattergood must later on have regretted. The receipts included dividends on ships Essex and Addison, and produce of diamonds in partnership wih John Maubert and Govr. Harrison, leaving a balance of £342 odd to be handed over to the new attorneys.
Joseph da Costa wrote to both the supercargoes concerning the purchase of diamonds and the difficulty of getting them delivered in England :
"When either of you come for England I desire that you may invest five thousand pagodes in diamonds, from 4 to 20 grains or from 7 to 8 carrats, which may be extraordinary good; and if they can come in your name under the Companys register without any risque I shall be glad, for I had reather pay 5 per cent to the Company then rune the hazard of bringing them on shoar, for there is so many cos tome house officers to board every ship that it [is] very dangerous to venture, and as for what is left, that may come by the next shipeing in the same sort of diamonds and maner, in case it can be done : but if you think it dangerous to put them in the Company's register, you may give them to the capteine and agree with him to doliver them to me at my house and he to be at the risque of sesours (seizures)....But in caso what I desire can not be done or diamonds are cery doar, you'l please to remit the mony in bills on the Company, which you may take of the factory there, for, as I am informed, they allways give bills on the Company for what mony they recive theire, at the rate of nine shillings por pagode, and it may come as if it was for your account."
William Phipps sent a hurried note, dated London 15 December 1720, announcing his election as Governor of Bombay with instructions to go thither "by way of Mocho to supervise and settle that factory." The hurry of his departure prevented him from giving "any particular account of publick affairs, which for these six months past has been very amazing."
Sir Robert Nightingale gave details of the "amazing" occurrences.

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[118]
London
19th October 1720. MR. JOHN SCATTERGOOD, SIR,
I am favor'd with yours by Mr. Trenchfield and of the 29th of December by the Sunderland(1) for which I give you thanks and am very much obliged to you for your kind present by your brother Trenchfeild, as also for what you sent by Captain Hunter; and those cups and saucers you sent me for Messrs. Houblon and Chamberlayn shall be deliverd them according to your directions, as also what you sent your Lady, 80 soon as they are sold and I can get them out of the warehouse. We shall this year send four large ships for China vizt. the Morrice, Captain Peacock, the Cadogan, Captain Hill and one new ship Captain Hudson, and another new ship, Captain Newsham Commander,(?) who is lately married to Mr. Woolleys younger daughter.()
You may bless God you was not in England for these last six months, for if you had, I am sure you would have been ruined by reason of South Sea Stock, which has been at £118 and come up to one thousand pounds and fifty; that has been a lamentable case; to many it has been their ruin. Messrs. Atwill and Hammond, Mr. Martin, Cox and Cleeve and many more broke,(*) such as Sir Justus Bock. It has been worse than all the last war(6) and has don great mischiefs to many of your East India friends, such as Phipps, who has petition'd the Company to go abroad again but can't tell if its for China or any other place.) I say its well you was in India, or otherwise, had you been concern'd in this Stock, you would have been ruin'd.......
This comes by the Dartmouth and Addison, who are design'd to retake Bencoolen, if its not already don by Mr. Pyke who is gon on the Cragge Frigot with 40 men for that purpose.(")..............
We shall not have any great sale this September by reason of the scarcity of money, occasion'd by this wicked South Sea Company. Yet we must send out a number of ships to disappoint our enemye.....
(Signed) R. NIGHTINGALE. P.S. The 25th of May last Sir Gregory Page(8) dy'd of vomitting and looseness. R. N.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 118.) (1) The Sunderland, Captain William Hutchinson, arrived in England from China on 25 August 1720. Scattergood's letter to Sir Robert Nightingale of 29 December 1719 is to be found among the Papers but has not been reproduced.
(3) The two "new" ships spent to China in December 1720 were the Macclesfield, Captain Robert Hudson, and the Frances, Captain Thomas Newsham (Letter Book, vol. xvii, p. 390).
(3) Thomas Woolley, secretary to the E. I. Co. (*) Made bankrupt. (6) The War of the Spanish Succession, begun in 1702 and ended by the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. (6) See above (p. 226) for the appointment of Phipps to Bombay.
(1) The Dartmouth, Captain Roger Carter, and the Addison, Captain Henry Wilson, followed the Cragge in which sailed Isaac Pyke, late Governor of St. Helena, appointed Deputy Governor of the West Coast with powers to retake the Company's settlement of Fort Marlborough at Bencoolen, Sumatra, captur. ed by the natives in 1719 (Letter Book, vol. xvii, p. 339).
(8) Sir Gregory Page, a Director of the E. I. Co. He had been much "chagrin'd" by the report of his supposed complicity in the attempt to lade silver secretly in the Bonita in 1718 (800 p. 181).
Other letters addressed to Scattergood from England at the close of the year 1720 were from his Aunt Elizabeth Scattergood, his sister-in-law Sarah Pownall and his friends the Godfreys, all of whom sent him their news. His Aunt complained of the damaged state in

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which many of the goods sent by Scattergood had arrived. On the South Sea scheme she remarked :
"Many of your friends wished you here that you might have ventured your fortune in the South Sea, but I think it is God's good providence you was not, for it has blown many up with good luck for a time, but at last proves such a bubble that many more will be totaly ruined by it. It is said that above forty men of qualaty is quite ruined by it. I had not anything to doe with it. I durst not venture it. For some time it raised the price of lands so that some people gave thirty, forty and fifty, nay, some sixty years purchase. These were the people that prospered by it, but now lands fall again. Sir Edward Hales is dead. I fear he was deep in the South Sea." Peter Godfrey also commented on the bursting of the South Sea Bubble :
“We have had some few men made very rich by stockjobbing, but thousands of familys ruined to do it, and we are now at a full stop in trade and in a very miserable way in stocks. I pray God bring us out of this sed dilemma."
Captain Peter Jackson also, writing from Ostend in 15 December 1720, attributed his failure to dispose of Scattergood's taffeta to the general depression," the fall of the South Sea Stock having made money very scarce on this side as well as yours."
Letters addressed to Scattergood and Harris, dated from Madras and elsewhere in India during the autumn of 1720, probably reached him in Canton at the end of that year, or at Malacca early in 1721, as did the letter which follows from Alexander Orme, which was dated in Fort St. George in August.
[119] GooD SIR,
Nothing material has happened since your departure but what you will be advised of by others. Govr. Hastings is confirmed from Europe and Mr. Ellwick has since that been suspended.(1) There has this year come out a good quantity of silver. The price is kept at 147. The French establishment you will hear of in China. There are two ships come to Ponticherry who have brought a large quantity of silver and gold.() The rumour of pirates will make your Bonita the securest ship in India, and to tell you my sentiments I beleive you will not readily quitt her. I beleive Mr. Hugonin designs the Jerusalem for his cousin and therefore I will endeavour to secure Mr. Wake for our intended voyage on the Lusitania,(3) in case you should keep the Bonita, but I doubt not you will communicate your resolutions to me by the Boone frigate,(*) since you will be able by your Europe letters to China to be acquainted with what you have to trust to. I take my passage on a French ship to the coast of Mallabar, which makes your money at respondentia securer than on the London.(5) I am now to advise you that I design the Lusitania shall go up as high as Surat, partly to raise some of the stock and likewise to procure proper goods for China, and shall find myself ob. liged to communicato my design of sending her to China to the owners hore; but I shall take care not to mention that you are concerned. This will prevent setting up another voyage, which else would be attempted. I wish you success in all your undertakings and beg you would be assured that no man shall be readier to serve you than good Sir, Your affecte. humble servant
ALEX: ORME. Fort St. George, August the 26, 1720.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 119.] (1) Francis Hastings assumed office as President of Fort St. George on 18 January 1719/20 wher Joseph Collet embarked for Europe, and was confirmed in that post by a letter from the Company of 19 December 1719 (Letter Book, vol. xvii), sent by the Mary which arrived on 8 July 1720. Nathaniel Elwick, a member of Council, was suspended on 8 August 1720 by Hastings, who complained of the "repeated affronta" received from him and alleged his incapacity to serve the Company (Fort St. George Consulta. tions and Diary 1720).
(8) At a consultation held at Fort St. George on 8 July 1720 it was reported that the prico of silvor had fallen considerably " by the Ostenders importing so much at Covelon and the French at Pondicherry,

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where three ships more are daily expected." On 11 August Catesby Oadham, Ansay master, informed the Council he had ascertained that the quantity of silver brought from France by two French ships amounted to 1,382,000 dollars. He added that three more Europe ships were expected at Pondicherry, where it was proposed to keep a stock of 10,000,000 livros (Fort St. George Consultations, 1720).
(*) Alexander Orme had himself been supercargo of the Lusitania in her previous voyage to Pegu when she was commanded by Thomas Dixon (see p. 216).
(6) The Boone frigate was a privatoly owned vessel, commissioned by Charlos Boone, late Governor. of Bombay, and commanded by his brother Captain Thomas Boone.
(5) The London, Captain Charles Wybergh, sailod from Fort St. George for Bengal on 14 August and returned on 8 December 1720 (Fort St. George Diary, 1720).
Other letters addressed to Scattergood from Fort St. George and received at Malacca in January 1720/1 were from his attorneys Francis Hugonin and George Torriano and from Thomas Theobald. The former wrote of their management of the affairs entrusted to them and added a warning against pirates.
[120] To Mr. John Scattergood, supra cargo of the Bonita, Sir,
We here inclose you your account as it stands at present, by which you will observe that instead of 8000 ond odd rupeos ballance with Mr. Wake,(') you had but 4005:28, so that we were obliged to take on your account the sum of 1850 pags. to make up the 3000 for Mr. Orme,() having paid for articles omitted by you, vizt.
over remittance from Mr. Hope(3) .. .. .. .. .. .. 371. 16. 40 freight of ophium 27 chests .. ..
.. 123. 4. 20 and having only received 390. 33. 60 for the first dividend of the Stratford (1) the 5157 oz. of silver we have not sold because the price is so low. If it rises we will, in order to ease your accounts at interest. As to the goods left with Mr. Torriano, they will not go off but by very little parcels at a time.
This is the needfull except that it will be necessary to keep yourselves in a readiness for fighting and have a good looke out to prevent a surprise, for we have an account from Govr. Boone of a pyrate off of Bombay with two tear of guns and 300 men, who has taken a Moor ship with 7 lack of rupees aboard and lies cruising for the rest of the Mocha ships, and perhaps may venture into the Streights of Malacca as soon as he has done there.
Our service to Mr. Harris and Captain Harry and please to beleive us, Sir, Your most humble servants.
F. HUGONIN.
GEORGE TORRIANO. Madrass 14th Sept. 1720.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 120.] (1) John Wake with whom Scattergood was concerned " in the voyage of the William. (3) Alexander Orme, who was fitting out the Lusitania (se Document No. 119).
(3) John Hope, who was acting for Scattergood in Surat in connection with the woyage of the Prosperous.
(4) See Document No. 116 and note (9).
Francis Hugonin also sent a separate letter to await Scattergood at Malacca, repeating the warning against pirates and stating that, in these circumstances he had "given out at

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interest " the greater part of Scattergood's money in his hands "rather then venture too hazardous respondentia." Hugonin also described the measures he had taken to secure debt due to Scattergood from Dr. Long.
Thomas Theobald's letter was mainly concerned with the danger from pirates that the Jerusalem (of which he was part owner) might run. He informed Scattergood that as there was "certain advice of a pyrate of 40 gunns and 300 men now cruizing on the coast of Malla. bar", the Jerusalem had been ordered "not to proceed to Surrat, but come directly here with such a cargoe as is procurable."
Theobald complained bitterly of the measures taken by João de Mattos, supercargo of the Jerusalem, to secure a lading for her. He had made a "very ridiculous contract at Pulicat with the Chittys" with the result that they had not yet provided so much as the respondentia he lent them comes to," so that, had not Theobald exerted himself to obtain goods from other quarters" we shou'd have been at a very great charge in keeping the ship to no purpose, and if John de Matte manages hic affairs in Mallacca after the same manner, we are like to make a misserable voyage of it." Theobald concluded by recommending Scattergood to wait at Malacca for the Jerusalem and
" to come together for the better countenance and security both of your ship and the Jerusalem, and if the Europo ship cou'd bo prevailed on to keep company, it cannot be thought imprudent, for we don't know where the pirates may be by that time, and we hear the ship on the other coast is. prime sailor so that no single ship can escape her."
Francis Hugonin also wrote a third letter privately to Scattergood denouncing João de Mattos' conduct and predicting "a lame voyage" for the Jerusalem in consequence.
Two letters from Manila, dated in October 1720 and received in Canton in the following month, give interesting details of affairs in the Philippines at that date.
[121) MR. JOHN SCATTERGOOD,
reached Malacca on the 11th of August after 24 days journey (1) where we heard that your Worship had passed through and in good health, and until we left it was said that the vessel(?) had not arrived in China). I found a letter from your Worship delivered to me by João de Matos and was pleased to hear of your good health.
I reached Manila after 32 days journey, it being then the 20 of September, where I found many ships from Macao, and Mr. Leme() with his ship ready to leave, wherefore I am constrained to write to your Worship to give you news of certain matters entrusted to me by the gentlemen of Madras, of which none can be executed for the reasons stated below.
We found a number of vessels in Manila, from Macao, Surat, Batavia, to the greater ruin of all. The[y] said, true, the galleon arrived from New Spain, but it did not bring a single real, because all those that went from Manila, for fear of meeting the Governor of Manila, had remained in New Spain with all their capital, waiting for a new Governor to come from Spain, when they could come to Manilu, for which reason this land is so wretched that one cannot get a loan of ten patacas for food. Let your Worship consider how we can get ten thousand, which the Governor ordered in his order to your Worship, and Mr. Elips and Mr. Binhao() on their account sent us another order for ten thousand patacas, which two orders given us we cannot execute ; and they gave me a letter in case of the absence of your Worship and the Captains of the ships from Europe, and as may be it treats of other matters, I send it with this to your Worship, as also another delivered to me by Joã de Matos.

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As to the commission your Worship gave me in your letter to buy birds nests and neruo de mado,(*) as there are many ships for Macao, we much regret that we cannot serve your Wor. ship in this, as neither of these two articles are to be had......
(Signed) FRCO. CARDOZA DE MAZEDO. Manila 4th of October 1720.
(NOTE, ON DOCUMENT No. 121.) () The writer, Captain Francisco Cordoza de Mazedo, was commanding the Trepopilore in which Scattergood had an interest.
(2) The Bonita. (3) Captain Manoel de Lima. () These apparently are the writer's rendering of the names Elwick and Benyon. (6) Perhape nervo,' sinews, but of what has not been discovered.
( 122 )
Manila, the 5th October (1720) N. S. To Messrs. Scattergood and Harris at Canton, Sirs,
I hope you are safe arrived at your desired port with all good success in your affaires.
This is per Captain Manoel de Leme, who in a copple of Jayes intends hence to Macao, and in a few days there are two other sloops allso bound there.
I dont dout but you have heard in Madras and China the dismall circumstances of this trade sence the Divel was pleased to send us a new Governor, who totally ruined the place these two years past, and if by the next gallion that wee expect, there does not come a full remedy, the Manila hopes and trade may be laid aside for some years.
You have heard how the deceased Governor sent a small vessell after the gallion that went away from hence without her dispaches, which said vessell arrived salf (safe) in short time after the gallion, which bred such confusion in Mexico that it was resolved on to sease on all the effects of [the] gallion as allso the whole gallion's company and account given thereof to his Majesty the King of Spain. What he will act in the case the Lord knows, but its cer. tain the Vice Roy &ca. of Mexico have in generall procured all favours possible in behalf of the Maniler.
If all these disturbances have happened for want of the gallions not carring with her to Mexico, what will now become of us all when the King will be well acquainted how barbe. rously they have murthered his Governor and President, all which being well considered, wee may have enough to think on, and belive that his Majesty will chastise (if not in generall) the authors at lea[s]t of these dismall transactions.
They have now in New Spaine the cargo or produce of three gallions, and this place over debted to the hyest degree. The lick was never heered of to see a gallion come from Acapulca without bringing a dollar in her, but its too trew to our sorrow heere, which obliges me to remaine in such a cursed place of expences and rougerry committed dayly by these inhabitants, for tho the Arch Bissope governs, he is led lick an ould foole by the nose by his Consill &ca. Ministers of State.
We have had this year two ships from Madras whose cargos must certainly remain, for there is no selling any goods for prime cost, or anything like it. I am full of goods my self and the Santa Cruxis(') cargo whole and sole; the latter is gon to Hamoy() for freight, if any, to beare her charges. The King or in the Kinga Name th[@]y tooke my ship and sent her to Marianne(3) without any gratification, being they had ww other without thely be paid

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in the same coyn. When th[ely send to the Coast of Bengale, thyle allways play these tricks. Cardoso, Master of the last ship from Madras,() has an adventure of the Honble. Governor Hastings with an other sent to me and Mr. Hanson() by the first ship. We have orders to send the produce of both to Mr. Scatergood. Wee left no stone unturned to procure to com. ply, but to no purpose. Notwithstanding, Mr. Hanson and I, we send you fifteen hundred dollars China weigh(t), which is lesse by teale (tale), as per bill of leading, which be pleased to invest in gould for his account. We are all so poor that we could not do better. As for my part, I am actually paying two per cent land interest this long time and no remedy to the contrary.
Ile be obliged to you if you send me via Macao the newes you have of plejace in Europe. I hope youle pardon my bad stile in English, being the best I can afford, as allso to be assured, I am Sirs, Yours most humble and obedient servant
ANTO. BARNEVALL(6) Mr. Benyon allso desirs me to suply Cardozo with some silver to send you to China. I wish in my hart I could suply his request but being imposseble I hope heel excuse me.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 122.) (1) The Santa (or Sancta) Cruz, Agha Nori owner, arrived at Fort St. George from Pogu on 16 April 1720 (Fort St. George Diary) and must have sailed for Manila shortly after.
(2) Hanoi. () The Marianne or Ladrone Islands seem to be meant. (*) The Trepopilore. See Document No. 121. (5) This individual has not been identified. (6) The name of the ship commanded by Antonio Barnevall does not appear.
In November 1720, when Scattergood received the above letters in Canton, he was busily occupied in getting his private trade aboard the Prince Eugene for Ostend. There are numer. ous receipts by James Tobin, her chief supercargo, for taffaties and other goods to be disposed of on arrival in Europe. In return, Scattergood received from Tobin various consignments that he had not had time to dispose of in China, and gave an undertaking to invest the produce of the same in China products and remit them on Tobin's account to the commanders of the next Ostend ships to arrive.
A receipt from Captain Josiah Thwaites of the Carnarvon for a “shoe of gold" to be delivered to Mrs. Torriano in London and a long list of "goods sent home from China", through the various commanders and supercargoes, to Scattergood's relations and friends in England are all the documents extant that give any hint of his proceedings after December 1720. There is no record of the sailing of the Bonita from Canton, nor of her arrivalat Malacca, beyond endorsements on a couple of letters noting their receipt at the latter place on 29 January. Scattergood's stay at Malacca could not have been protracted, for the Bonita and her supercargoes arrived at Madras on 26 February 1720/1 (Fort St. George Diary). Here Scattergood and Harris appear to have parted company, for the latter petitioned and obtain. ed permission to return to Europe in one of the ships bound home in December 1721 (Consultation of 18 December).
The Papers give no information of Scattergood's movements in Madras nor of his de parture thence in the Bonita with Captain Harry for his sixth voyage to China. That he could not have remained long in Fort St. George is evident from an “Account sale of gundries left with me by Mr. John Scattergood to be dispos'd of for his account "dated 28 February 1720/1 and signed by his attornoy George Torriano.

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In March 1721 Scattergood was apparently again at Malacca, for there is an obligation from the " Captain Chinaman" to him at that place, dated the 15th of that month. Thero are, besides, letters addressed to him in March, May and June 1721 from Alexander and Stephen Orme (regarding the proposed voyage of the Lusitania to Surat), which seem to have reached him at Malacca. A later letter from Alexander Orme, dated Calicut, 9 July, is endorsed : " Received per pattamar 11th August." There is no indication of the place of receipt, but that Scattergood was at Canton on 11 August seems probable from the fact that he" bespoke " goods there on 1 September, and from that date there are various records of his transactions.
As in previous years, a large amount of correspondence was addressed to Scattergood individually (and to him and his late supercargo) by rolatives, friends and business acquaintances in England in the early part of the year. Laurence Lane, as did many others, wrote of the South Sea Scheme :
“This year has produced some very unaccountable turns in England. A damnd project of the South Sea Company has been sett on foot under pretence of paying off the nations debts, and instead thereof, by the wicked mannagement of the South Sea Directors, wee are all reduc'd to a very inolan. colly condition; must reforr you to all the gentlemen now going out for a particular account of the history thereof, being so large no volum can contain it."
The writer asked that the balance of my little adventure in your hands" might be sent him in gold," the profitts of Indian voyages being little better than common interest in England."
Francis Acton gave a further account of the universal depression caused by the bursting of the South Sea Bubble.
"I am sorry to heare the busines in India is in such a state as to make you either weary or unoasin in it. I wish I could give you anything to the contrary that might induce you to wish your solver amo[n]gst us. We have much outdon the frenzy began in France, and from us the contagion spread it selfo throw all our neigboring countrys to madnes and ruine, wheroin our good freinds and allios the Dutch, have had thoir full compliment. I thank God I am not much touched in this affairn and am sorry for the occasion of mentioning it. I fear you will have it from other hands that will speake more sencibly [feolingly)."
Gilbert Affleck and the Rev. James Wendey were also among those who bowailed the state of affairs in England and the latter supplied some pertinent remarks on the situation :
"We have had such a turn of affairs here as could never have been suppos'd to have happon'd among a thinking people in a cold climate. The French Missisippi project began the show : our South Sea follow'd; the Dutch took the hint and set up several projects : but all are alike involv'd in ono common calamity, and the publick credit of the three nations is not worth a groat.
The particular history of the South Sea Scheme would require a volume rather than a letter. But this you will have from the Europe commanders.
The Parliament are now hard at work and examining into the mismanagemont, or rather rogliary. of the Directors; and if ever a Parliamentary enquiry came to any thing, this is likely to be effectual i and if it is, the Directors, who had all the nobility and gentry attending every morning at their lover will be stript as bare as they have stript others."
Elihu Trenchfield reported his arrival in England and he also commentod on the state of Europe.
[123]
LONDON Janry. the 27th 1720 1 Dear Brother.
Mr. Horsmonden being bound for China(1) was willing to hazard this with him to meet you there, tho have very little hopes of it, since the Company has sent no early ships for Madrass to supply you with silver.

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To give you an account of my arrival here, which was the 1st September... When I first arriv'd my mother and sister Nanny were grown so rich by the South Sea Scheem that I expected to be maintain'd by them. One had got her thirty thousand and the other her ten thousand pounds, so I esteemed myself the poorest of the family, but they, not having foresight enuff to sell out at that time, these golden dreams are vanishd, and I wish they be not sufferers at last, tho' I think their loss cannot be very great as they came in the stock on easy terms.
I can't express to you the madness that reign'd at that time. I could not hear of any of my India acquaintance that was not a plum man(2) and some of 'em had gain'd their millions. Change Ally was as much crowded with Stars and Garters as formerly with Stock Jobbers: And all these golden visions vanish'd in two months time when the people began to open their eyes and search in the true value of the stock. Then the fall of it was as sudden and surprizing as the rise, and now you hear nothing but the ruin of several familys, and our credit so sunk that no man whatsomever is trusted for a hundred pounds.
It's impossible for me to give you an exact description of affairs, 80 will refer you for an account to the bearer, and only tell you, whereas the Directors and Managers of the curs'd contriv'd scheem was at first worshipp'd as Demy Gods, are now taken in custody by the Parliament as the worst of knaves and villains, manifest bribery and corruption being prov'd upon 'em. It's confidently reported that all their estates will be confiscated and said by many that the greatest aggressors will loose their lives.
You must beleive in all this hurly burly it was an impossible thing for me to escape being concern'd, but I had the good fortune not to have the command of mony untill the stock was fallen pretty low, and then I could not forbear venturing a small matter, in hopes, when all things were rightly stated, it woud have it's rise again. It's at present like a corrupted body to be inspected by the Parliament, who we are in hopes will apply such healing medicines as to prevent it's being cankerd. It's my comfort, as I am but a small adventurer, I can be no great sufferer.
My brother and sister Fenwick lives very happily together in a house he has bought in Bedford Row. He and Mr. Pitt(3) are the only men of all my acquaintance that have been gainers by all these troublesome affairs; the first I believe has doubled his talent since his matrimony, and the other has pretty well improv'd his fortune......
(signed) E. TRENCHPEILD.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 123.] (1) John Hormonden, supercargo of the Macclesfield, bound to China, with the Morrice, Cadogan and Frances.
(2) Plum' is here used in its slang, and now rare, sense of £100,000. A'plum man' was therefore one worth $100,000.
13) Probably George Morton Pitt, whose bond to Elihu and Anne Trenchfield in 1726 is among the Papere.
In his capacity of attorney, Elihu Trenchfield also wrote a joint letter with his brother-inlaw Edward Fenwick relating to the affaire entrusted to them.

Page #405

July, 1933)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
[124]
London February 6th 1720/1. To Mr. John Scattergood, Dear Sir,
We hereby take this first opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your severall lettere from Canton by the Brussells &c., with the inclosed Letter of Attorney to us(l) and other papers relateing to your affairs, and according to your desire, we have accepted and taken upon us the care of your affairs, in negotiateing which we shall use our best endeavours to give you satisfaction, and accordingly have received all papers, accounts and effects from good Mr. Lewis, so that to give you the best notice we can of the severall transactions, with what money has bin received and paid upon your account since you left England, we think we can't doe it better than by sending you the inclosed accounts. One is Mr. Lewis's account of all matters that passed his hands,(2) and the other is of what affairs have bin transacted by us.(3)
You'l see by Mr. Lewis's account that he paid us in cash £342.58. 2jd., also two East India Bonds, vallue with intrest £202. 198. 5d., and there was besides £502. 108. in Lottery Annuitys subscribed into the South Sea Stock, and which Annuity still remain under Mr. Lewis's name in those books, so that what account that summe will turn to, we are not at present able to judge.
In your joint letter to us you send us a list of all effects you and Mr. Maubert remitted for your own account since you left England (4) As for the produce of all diamonds, you'l find you have creditt in Mr. Lewis's account for them. The oyl of cinnamon is not yet sold, but remains in the hands of Messrs. Hambly and Barnes, who will account with us for the amount when sold. The 110 tale for which you drew a bill on Sir Robert Child is not yet paid, but the money will be good, for by some mistake or other, you have put a wrong coat of arms on the china ware, so that it was no use to Sir Robert Child, and for which reason he refus'd accepting your bill ; but he gave orders for the publick sale of those goods, and your debt is to be paid out of the produce.
As for what relates to the effoote you sent home on ships Brussells and Wirtemberg (5) we can give you no satisfactory account, and indeed doubt whether there wont be a loss to you by the mismanagement or ignorance in business (not to give it a worse name) of those you consign'd those goods to. In short, none of 'em will send us any manner of accounts what they have sold and what remains. And as for Jackson,(®) he has indeed disputed our powers to give him orders and refus'd obeying any but what he had from yourself, till such time as we sent him an authentick coppy of your Letter of Attornye to us, and since that time he seems more complying, yet wont send us any account in form. The last letter we had from him was to inclose bills of ladeing for six baggs of silver he shipd on board the ship House of Austria(7) consign'd to yourself at Canton, which by much adoe we prevaild with him to doe, vallue f. 15000 gilders bank money, but we don't know the weight, nor is there any such thing mentioned in the bills ladeing, by which your self may be a judge of his expertness and experience in business. One of the bills of ladeing we also send here inclosed, but your effects with Cooke and Pennicott we have some reason to fear are in worse hands and more danger, for Cocke lately had a brother broke(8) in London, and we fear there was drawing and redrawing between the two brothers before he went off, which has prov'd prejudiciall to your friend Leonard Cocke; and as for Pennicott, you know what a poor wretch it is. Wherefore we much wonder you'l trust such people, and had not better make your remittances in England directly in gold by the Company's ships, for depend upon it piece goods, your roundabout way, will never answer your expectation; so we desiro you'l concern us no more to have to doe with Ostenders.

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236
part of a
We have nothing more to add but to acquaint you we have subscribed to new ship with Captain Small conform[ably] to your orders in your private letter to Mr. Fenwicke......
[Endorsed] Received per Monmouth (9) 31 July 1721.
Dr. 1720
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 124.]
(2) See p. 186 for the appointment of Edward Fenwick and Elihu Trenchfield an attorneys. The power of attorney has not been reproduced.
(2) See p. 226 for a reference to this "account."
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(3) See Document No. 125.
(*) See Document No. 102, pp. 198-200.
(5) These two ships of the Ostend Company were formerly known as the Sarah galley and the Judith, (Correspondence Memoranda, vol. 7).
Jan. 31 To Cash for postage of letters and packetts from Ostend
(6) Captain Peter Jackson, supercargo of the Brussels galley.
(7) The House of Austria, also an Ostend ship, sailed to China in 1721.
(8) Made bankrupt.
(9) The Monmouth, a ship of the E. I. Co., Captain Reginald Kemeys commander (of which Elihu Trenchfield was one of the owners), sailed for Madras and Bengal in February 1720/1 and arrived at Fort St. George, as stated on the endorsement of the letter, on 31 July. Scattergood, however, was not in Madras at that date and its receipt must have been noted by his attorney.
..
Sept. 22 To Do. pd. Mrs. Scattergood her years allowance from Michaelmas to Lady Day
Oct. 19 To
Do. pd. Mr. Roger Scattergood his years allowance to next Lady Day
Janry. To Do. paid Mr.
Aynsworth for wine sent from the Cape by your order
Do. paid Mrs. Scattergood your aunt(2) 1 years intrest of 500 li. at 5 pr. ct.
To
[126]
[7 February 1720/1.] Mr. John Scattergood.
.. 175.
£
11.
1720
8. d.
8. 2
12. 10.
(Signed) ED. FENWICKE. E. TRENCHFEILD.
- 0
[ JULY, 1933
25. - 223. 18. 2
July 27 By cash of Mr. Lewis for balance of his account
By 2 East India Bonds (of ditto)
By cash for the amount of Peter Jackson's bill exchange (on his brother) (1)
£
Cr.
8. d.
342. 5. 2
210.
202. 19. 5
£755. 4. 7

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
237
Ballance remaining in
our hands including the 2 East India bonds .. .. 531. 6. 5}
£755. 4. 71
Errors Excepted.
ED. FENWICKE. E. TRENCHFEILD.
London Feb. 7th 1720/21.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 125.) (1) Joseph Jackson, a London merchant, one of Scattergood's correspondents. (%) Miss Elizabeth Scattergood, maiden aunt of John Scattergood.
Elihu Trenchfield wrote a third letter in February, repeating the substance of his first communication and adding some interesting remarks about the change of government in Bombay and Madras.
[126] Extract of a letter from Elihu Trenchfield to John Scattergood,
dated 7 February 1720/1. I beleive you'll joyn with me in rejoycing at Mr. Phipps good fortune, who is appointed to succeed Mr. Boone in his Government of Bombay, and has the benefit ticket given him of setling the Mocho factory, where he is directly bound.(1) and from thence goes on one of the Company ships for Bombay. He carry'd it entirely by Mr. Harrison interest,(*) notwithstanding the opposition of Sir Robert Nightingale, who us'd his endeavours for Mr. Bevis.(*) I assure you it's beleiv'd the former will have als) great power in the direction of the East India Companys affairs as ever Sir Gregory Page had.(*)
I dont know how the change of Government in Madrass may have affected your affairs, but hope to hear you are become as great a favourite to Mr. Hastings as Tom Harris) was to his predecessor. His interest here is very great, being espous'a by Governor Harrison as well as Sir Robert Nightingall, so that I think Mr. Elwicks hopes of the Government must have vanish'd in Sir Gregory's death.(6)
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 126.] (1) Soo P. 226. William Phipps, electod to succeed Charles Boone as Governor of Bombay in 1720 did not assume office until 1721. His Governorship lasted till 1728.
(*) Edward Harrison, Governor of Fort St. George 1711 to 1717, who, on his return to England, became a Director of the E. I. Co.
(9) Apparently Arthur Beavis, who had held office in Persia and who returned to England in the Dartmouth in 1719, is meant. See note on p. 50.
(TM) Sir Gregory Page, a Director of the E. I. Co., died on 5 May 1720. See Document No. 118, p. 227. (5) Thomas Harris, Scattergood's co-supercargo. (6) Nathaniel Elwick, however, superseded Francis Hastings a fow months lator.
Letters from his step-brother, his mother, his two step-sisters, his daughter Elizabeth and “ Uncle Roger" all provided Scattergood with family news. The last named again alluded to the "unaccountable transactions... ...relating to the South Sea Company who have bubbled all they have dealt with (which is allmost all the nation) except some great men they had occasion to make use of in carrying on their designs."

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It was probably in April 1721 that Elihu Trenchfield followed up his three previous letters with an additional one reporting the removal of himself and his mother to Red Lion Square and the receipt of the news of the death of his brother John Trenchfield in India. He added remarks on John Scattergood's affairs up to the date of writing.
(127) Extract of a letter from Elihu Trenchfield to John Scattergood dated ? April 1721,
per the Marlborough.(1) Mr. Fenwick and my self wrote you a joint letter enclosing your accounts as it then stood. Mr. Fenwick is obliged to live in the country for the recovery of his health, not being perfect well since his late severe siokness. He being at present there and keeping your account, and I not knowing of this opportunity but just as the ship is upon her dispatch, cannot write him and receive his answer in time, therefore shall give you a brief account of your affairs as it occurs to memory."
We have received but four hundred pounds of your consignment to Messrs. Pennicote and Cox.(*) They tell us the compasses are unsold in the hands of Mr. Joannes Brown (who formerly liv'd in Bengal and is now one that negociates great business for the English in Amsterdam.(8) He has orders to sell 'em for what he can get, but have not as yet any advise from him. The rest of your things are sold. One of the merchants who bought 'em at the publick outory is since prov'd insolvent and became a bankrupt, so that I am afraid you'll be a looser about five hundred pounds by that job. How the affair will be determinated I cannot tell. This is only my present opinion. They are in Flanders adjusting their accounts and you may depend on my care to see that justice be done.
Mr. Jackson(") has pretty near accounted with us for what was consign'd him, but he has not as yet adjusted your accounts with us. The concern under his care will I believe be satisfactory to you. As none of your money was receiv'd in time to contrive its being got aboard the Madrass ships, we have interested you five hundred pounds in Mr. Horsmondens bound [sic] at 35 per cent on the Macclesfield to China,(5) and five hundred pounds at the same premium to Captain Pitt on the Stanhope to Bombay.() We have receiv'd your letter advising of a bill drawn payable to Mr. Wilkinson,(") which shall be comply'd with,.but beleive when all your accounts are adjusted with Pennigote and Jackson, it will hardly amount to near 2040 pounds. However, if we have not that sum of yours by us, I will take care that your bills be comply'd with, tho I must tell you the affairs of the South Sea has so much ruin'd credit that mogy is not to be borrow'd tho the best security be given for it. My utmost care shall be us'd for the procuring of the several things you sent home. Captain Pennel is dead,(8) but I have spoke to his chief mate about the things the captain had in his trust, who has promis'd me his care of 'em.
All the Ostenders but Mr, Mountney() are arrivedWe hear he is gone to Barbadoes having sprung his boltsprit of[f] the coast of Brazil. The Mountague(10) arriv'd in company with the E8sex.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 129.] (1) The Company's letter to Fort St. George, sent by the Marlborough, which arrived there in October 1721, is dated 26 April (Letter Book, Vol. 17), and as Trenchfield wrote on the eve of her departure, his letter must have been written about the same time.
(2) William Pennicott (Ponnyoott, Penicoat) and Leonard Cooks (or Cox), supercargoes of the Ostend ship Wirtemberg.
(*) This seems to be the John Brown who was in Bengal in 1712, and with whom Scattergood had commercial dealings (see p. 79).
(*) Captain Peter Jackson. See note (4) document No. 124.

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239
(5) See note (7) document No. 133, (6) The Stanhope, & Company's ship. was commanded by Captain Wentworth George Pite. (7) James Wilkinson, supercargo of the Essex, which had remained at Canton for yoar.
() The death of Captain John Pinnell, commander of the Essex, at the Cape of the yellow janders," was reported to Scattergood in a letter from John Pugh, dated "Cape of Good Hope, February 20th (1720/1)."
() It does not appear in which of the Ostend ships Nathaniel Mountney acted as supercargo. (10) The Montagu, & Company's ship, was commanded by Captain John Gordon.
There are only two other letters written to Scattergood and despatched by the Marlborough in April 1721. They are from his friends Samuel Houblon and Peter Godfrey. The former contains nothing of special interest and the letter from Godfrey repeats the news of the change of government at Fort St. George and the warning against pirates.
The two Ormes, Alexander and Stephen, continued to busy themselves with the cargo of the Lusitania, and there is a receipt by the latter, dated at Fort St. George on 7 June, for 1400 pagodas on behalf of Scattergood's interest in the ship.
William Phipps, the Governor designate of Bombay, notified his arrival in the East.
[128] Gentlemen,
The foregoing is duplicate of what wrote you by the outward bound ships to Madrass and China (1) and meeting Mr. Long in the Hanover(*) on departure, have just time to advise you of my arrival in sight of the ships in this road, where meeting with contrary winds am forced to lye at anchor() to wait for a watch.
I am acquainted of the death of Mr. Bernard Wyche,(*) therefore desire you will remitt my affecta to me, or in my absence to Governor Boone at Bombay.
At the Cape I received your letter to me by the Sarum(5) which referring me to what you wrote by the Hanover() that I mist off, I remain unacquainted how my concern under you thrives, but hearing it hath gone so well with you as that you are design'd speedily home, I may expect in proportion & share of good fortune, since you promised you would manage for me as for your selves, and I heartily wish you a continued series of success and that you may enjoy the fruits of your labours in old England.
(Signed) WILLIAM PHIPPS. On board the Sunderland 6th June 1721.
[Endorsed] Reed, the 7th July 1721.(*)
[NOTHS ON DOCUMENT No. 128.] (1) Dated 18 December 1720. 8oo p. 226.
() This cannot be the Company's ship Hanover, which arrived in England on 21 March, six weeks before the date of the letter (Letter Book, vol. 17, p. 647).
(9) The Sunderland, with Phipps on board, was apparently lying off Mocha, where a factory was to be settled.
(4) Bernard Wyshe, Member of Council at Surat and brother of George Wyche, Scattergood's cosupercargo in the second voyage of the Amity, was a son of Sir Peter Wyche, a descendant of Richard Wyche with whomo family the seventeenth century traveller, Peter Mundy, was intimately connected. For a peigreo, so Triola of Polar Mundy, vol. I, appendix B.
(6) Dated in Canton in November 1719 and alluded to on p. 203 anto. (6) Not extant.
0) From the endorsement it seems that the Hanover (900 note (?)) nust have sailed to China, me Bcattergood was still in Canton in July 1721.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JULY, 1933
Scattergood's attorneys in Madras, Messrs. Hugonin and Torriano, furnished an "account current" of his affairs from June to August 1721, showing a balance of 1840 pagodas to his credit. This probably reached him in September at Canton, where, on 1 & 2 September, he had ordered the following goods :
do.
[129]
Canton Sepr. lst 1721. Bespoke of Sinqua(') vizt. for Mr. Benion(?) black padaswa(3) ..
.. 6 ps. for Mr. Court(*) for Mr. Starke() red for myself
red do. for do.
black Sept. 2d. of do. sundrys white copper ware. of Cowlo 1000 ps. taffities to be provided in 45 or 50 days.
of Chounqua 500 ps. grogorams in 60 days. Gave the goldsmith sundry old plates to make for the Governor Mallacca 2 bandana(
and 24 silver spoons and 24 forks.
..
1
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 129.] (*) Soattergood's dealing with this merchant began in 1719. (3) Richard Benyon, Member of Council at Madras, (3) Paduasoy, Chinese silk goods.
(*) Samuel Court and John Starke, like Scattergood, froomen " not constant inhabitants" of Forte St. George.
(5) Bandeja, salver, tray.
Soattergood reached Canton in August 1721. On the 22nd of the month the Canton Diary records: “This day Mr. Soattergood, who came from Madrass in the Bonitta, Captain Harry, arciv'd here. He brings an account that the Hastings, a ship of 500 tons was design'd to be dispatoh'd in a little time and a Moorman from Malacoa" (Factory Records, China, vol. 22). A further reference to the Bonita in the Diary of 28 August notes that Soattergood intended to go to Surat with the Hastings on leaving China. The only other record of Scattergood's proceedings at Canton at this period is furnished by letters from his Jesuit friends there and at Macao, showing how they combined commerce with religion. The letter of Father Tavares de Velles Guerra is given in full below.
[130] Mr. Scatergood,
I shall be pleased for your Worship ever to enjoy good health, and I to be always at your service in this land. I should be likewise pleased for your contract to be settled before the arrival at this port of the vessel Santa Cruz,() because it will be more convenient for it to be settled before its arrival.
Sir, I should have sent your Worship the taeis which were entrusted to me, but being certain that Father Joseph Pireira is to go to that town,(?) I wished him to be the bearer of the said taeis, who will deliver to your Worship seventy five tacs and four mace; and of these there are forty for carabas() of wine, and thirty and five and four mace for freightage, which

Page #411

JULY, 1933]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
amounts to fifty eight taels, six mace, and five canderins, each pagoda being reduced to a tael and one and a half mace(); and deducting the freightage, which was fifty one pagodas, with your Worship's permission, I make the sum of fifty eight taels six mace and five canderins; deducting from which eighteen taels, two mace and five canderins, which I gave the pilot who brought in the vessel, and I did not give him more than a half of what had been arranged with him; and deducting five taels for the lor[ch]a(5) that went to fetch your Worship, there remain thirty five taels and five mace, which, added to the forty for the wine, make seventy five taels and four mace, which I will deliver to the said Father as I have stated above, I remaining ever most obliged and grateful for the honours and favours I have received from your Worship, offering myself to serve you in all things, not only in this land, but wheresoever you may place your orders to serve you.
And what I now desire is that your Worship will send me some news of Europe, and to advise me for certain whether you are going to Madras, in order that I may cause to be delivered to you forty pans(6) of gold, belonging to Senor Luis de Madeiros, (7) which is the money I have already received, which I had no doubt about receiving after reading his letter and the orders presented from him, and there lacks but little for his account to be settled; and also I ask your Worship, if no ship is leaving Macao for the Coast,(8) to do me the favour of giving a passage in your company to the Reverend Father Joseph Pereira, who will give you a clearer report of the accounts, and for the moment I will trouble you no further, and I do but ask you to give many messages to those gentlemen my friends, whom I do not mention each by name to avoid tediousness. I only say to the Doctor(") that I will do very well(?), and I pray God to give your Worship good fortune in all your business, and to keep you and your household in safety many years, in all prosperity as I desire, &c.
Of your Worship the friend and servant
Macao 31 September 1721.
JOÃO TAVERES DE VELLES GUERRA.
241
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 130.]
(1) See Document No. 122 and note (1). (2) Canton appears to be meant.
(3) Carboys, strong glass bottles protected by wicker.
(*) The writer seems to be reckoning the pagoda at more than its usual value at that date (75.), or the tael at a lower rate than its average of about 6s. 8d.
(5) Lorcha, a small vessel used in the China coasting trade. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, B. v. Lorcha. (6) Port. pão, more commonly "shoe of gold." See note on document No. 16b.
(7) See note (9) on document No. 114.
(8) By "the Coast" Madras is meant.
(9) Duncan Monro and Andrew Pecheir were the two surgeons at Fort St. George at this date.
Besides the above letter there are others from Father Joseph Pereira, who was sick at Macao, from Father Guigue (or Guique) at Canton regarding silver brought for him by the Bonita from Madras, and from Father Antonio della Concepcion enclosing a list of drugs to be procured for him in Surat.
When next we hear of Scattergood in Canton in 1721, he was dealing with Captain Eustace Peacock of the Morrice for provisions for his ship and also for a hat and periwig. The account furnished by his attorneys of his affairs in their hands from January to October 1720 could not have reached him until the following year. This showed him heavily interested in the Ostend trade. A sum of £1,501 odd was invested in the House of Austria, with insurance and other charges amounting to £76. Bad debts contracted at Ostend by Messrs. Pennicott and Cock totalled £944. Against this, on the creditor side, are entries of £1,331 and £2,400 received from Pennicott and Cocks and Peter Jackson for goods sold at

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[ JULY, 1933
Ostend, so that Scattergood's loss, if any, in dealing with "Ostenders" must have been slight, and the account, after deducting all expenses for his wife and family, showed a credit balance of £48.
He now busied himself in getting goods designed for England laden aboard the ships bound home, before he left Canton with the Bonita. To Dr. Manston, surgeon of the Morrice, he wrote a note which is interesting as showing the means adopted to evade customs duties on goods intended as presents.
[131]
Canton Novr. the 2d 1721. Doctor Manston, Sir,
Not knowing what may happen and in case of Captain Peacocks death (which God forbid), I make bold to troublo you with a few memorandums to acquaint you what I have deliver'd to Captain Peacook to give my freinds, which I beg your assistance if any thing should happen, vizt. I have delivered him 3 small bundles A B & C.
A qte. [contains) fine demities, fourty nine peices. B qte. two fine pa. betelas, two ps. Culge handker[chiefs) and 12 fine blew stript
Madrass cotton single handkeroheifs and Cgte, twenty pair of sheets which I have desired him to use to carry ashoare dirty.(') One pott of tea Congho and one pott of tea Hysome directed for Mrs. Arabella
Scattergood. One ps. of fine ombrodery put up in the chest N. 6. Write sundrys on it where his bed damasks is, and four small kittisols(*) put amongst his twelve and a small
Jappan box qt. 10 fans. All these are for my wife, to be deliverd Messrs. Edward Fenwioke and Elihu Trenchfeild. For these two gentlemen he has a half leaguor of arrack Batavia, and for Mrs. Phipps he has & pott of tea Congho and a pott of tea Hysome; and Mr. Kent, your pursar, has a couple of pieces very good Nankin pelongs() sealed as per margent at their ends, which is for my daughter Betty, which pray put him in mind to gett ashoare....
[Notes on DOCUMENT No. 131.) (1) As in the present day, used linen and worn garments were not liable to duty. (*) Sunshades. (3) Chinese silk goods.
To Captain Thomas Newsham of the Frances, Scattergood also entrusted parcels of gold consigned to his attorneys. On 21 November Captain Harry reported that the Bonila was ready to sail.
[132]
November the 21st 1721. Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
The South Sea ships is come in [and] is now above us, [90] that danger is over. The leack that was in our ships is found and will be stopt in two hours more, that I hope nothing will hinder us from sayleing. Gilberd (1) brings you one hundred and fifty two dollars which I desier you would lay out for gold. I am Sir your humble servant.
JOHN HABBY.
[Nors on DOCUMENT No. 132.) (1) Apparently one of the crow of the Bonita. Ho is not mentioned olnowhero.

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"
243
So far all had been plain sailing between Scattergood and the Chinese officials, but on the very eve of his departure from Canton occurred what Dr. Morse (The E. I. Co. trading to China, I. 168) describes as “one of those lamentable cases of homicide, which now and again did so much to disturb the trade of the port and the Company." Dr. Morse was dependent on the Company's records for his description of the incident, but the Papers give a first hand account of the story and settle the question raised by Dr. Morse as to whether it was " an act of rowdiness" or " pure accident." On 23 November Captain Harry wrote in agitated fashion to Scattergood :
[133]
November the 23d 1721. Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
I wright you this morning by the lingo(') what I knew of the matter, that our long boat was lent to carry up the shipe, and in comeing down, some of there men came in her and brought armes, and being drunck, one, David Griffin as they all say, shott the man. Mr. Gibbon is gon on board the Frances(?) with the lingo to shew them the man, but I doubt they have carried him to Canton. Therefore send William(3) on board the Frances to see if the man is there and desier them to secuer him. He() will wright at the bottam. I am, Sir, Your humble servant.
JOHN HARRY. [In a different hand]
Sir, I have spoke to Captain Newsham and he will stop the man till such time he heares firder from you.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 133.] (1) Linguist, interpreter. () The Frances, Captain Thomas Newsham, one of the four company's ships sent to China in 1721, () Apparently one of the crew of the Bonita. His surname does not appoar. (*) That is, William, whose note is appended to the letter.
From Captain Harry's confused account the following facts can be gathered. The Bonita's long boat was lent to assist in getting the English ships up to Whampoa, some of the crew were intoxicated, and one of them accidentally shot a Chinaman. Captain Harry was naturally anxious to identify the offender so that the Bonita could be exonerated from any share in the matter.
Scattergood sent an immediate reply to the letter and showed that he was more than a little perturbed by the affair.
[134]
Canton, November the 23, 1721. Captain Harry, Sir,
I have received your letter and am very much surprised to hear that you entertain people from the South Sea Ship() without acquainting me. Whatever money I shall spend account of this disaster, I must protest against you, and do. If the man is not deliver'd up, it may cost 10 or 12 thousand tales, besides the loss of our voyage. Therefore you must yourself goe aboard Captain Newsam with the people that knows the man and demand him of Captain Newsam, and then deliver him up to the China people, if he is the man that did the deed ; if not him, whoever it was that did it, and then we shall come into no trouble but

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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spending some money; otherwise, as I write above, it may cost the owners or yourself 10 or 12 thousand tales, besides the trouble that I, Mr. Colebrooke and Mr. Gibons(*) will come to. Therefore do not dally, for the business requires heast. Mr. Gibons() is now in chains. You may show this letter to Captain Newsam for the man must be produc'd that did the
fact.
I am your humble servant,
J. SCATTERGOOD.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 134.) (1) The South Sea "ship may be the "Moorman" mentioned in the Canton Drary of 22 August (p. 240) and it is evident, from what follows, that the offender, David Griffin, had been one of her crew.
(2) William Colebrooke and Elihu Gibon (or Gibbons), officers in the Bonita.
(8) William Colebrooke was also imprisoned with Gibbons, as we learn from the following letter, and apparently Robert Crawford alao.
(135)
Sir,
The Mandareen that brought me here wants Cowlow old man(') to stand security that when he wants any of us three, that is Gibbons, Crawford() or my self, we may be forth coming which, if is not done, I dont know when shall come out.
The Mandareen wants now Davey's chest(3) aboard of Captain Newsham with atout 600 dollars [1], so that the linguist is to go and fetch it along with Crawford, which will take up about 2 or 3 days more, but I cant see but that Gibbons and my self may come out.
I beg of you to hurry the linguist that he may come here, and go along with Crawford for to fetch the aforesaid chest and money, and that I may go out today, or else dont know when shall come out, if Cowlow dont come to the Mandaroen and pass his word for us. Pray speake to Mr. Morrice(') to send me one of his Guardians(5) to read. Here is 3 persons of us so want a supply of victualls and drinke- and pray you answer the bearer.
Your humble servant
WILLIAM COLEBROOKE() Sunday morning 8 o'clocke.
Pray send me one of your monthly Mercurys.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 135.] (1) Apparently Cowlo senior. Cowlo was one of the principal Chinese merchants with whom Scatter. good had dealings.
(3) Robert Crawford, one of the crew of the Bonita. (3) David Griffin. (6) Arthur Morrico (or Morris) junior, one of the supercargoes of the Morrice.
(6) The Guardian, which had beon sot on foot by Steele in 1713, ran to 175 numbers, ending in October of that year.
() This letter is written with a blush on Chinese paper.
News of the untoward accident that had befallen those concern'd in the Bonita reached the Cadogan on the day it occurred and is thus related in the Canton Diary (Factory Records, China, vol. 22):
"The supracargoos of the Cadogan packd 38 chests of Congho tes at Comshaws, and whilo wo were there we were informed that some of tho Bonittas people had shot a China man about Wampo, in the service of the Hoppo, and that Mr. Scattergood had withdrawn himself from his own house to the United English Factory to escape (tho' entirely innocent) from falling into the hands of these

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barbarians, who are glad of the least handle to plague people. We cannot learn the particulars, but this afternoon Mr. Colebrook, who is Mr. Scattergood's purser, was hall'd to prison, and Mr. Scattergood himself was endeavour'd to be trappan'd into their clutches, tho' both these gentlemen were here at Canton, and the fact committed, without either of their knowledge, about Wampo. This affair will give him a great deal of trouble and put him to vast charges in a country where upon much less appearance of reason, the Mandarins er.deavour to rake and scrape all the mony they possibly can from all mankind."
Captain Harry replied to Scattergood's angry letter, disclaiming all responsibility in the matter.
[136]
November the 23d 1721. Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
Your letter surprises me very much. I knew nothing of the mattar. That (the “ South Sea ") ship had no boat and could not go over the barr without our long boat, therefore lent the boat to them. In comeing down, some of these people was in the long boat, and as I can find, one David Griffin fired a piece at some of them. The fellow is now on board Captain Newsham. Our men had no armes with them. I cant deliver him up being not in my possession. I am much conserned, but remaine your most humble servant.
JOHN HARRY.
Scattergood must have repeated his severe remarks in a second letter to Captain Harry for, on 24 November, the latter replied :
[137]
November the 24th 1721. Mr. Scattargood,
I have yours of yesterday. I thought you had a better opinyon of me then to think I did designe to keep any of them people. You need not punish me with threats, I am more punished then those that are in irons. The man is sent up by the lingua. There was two pieces fired, the other by one of our people. The man is now confined on board of us. I see no other remodey then use of the best indeavers to git off as well as you can. I am verey sencable of the cause of this disaster, but out of my power to remedey.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
JNO : HARRY.
Scattergood, to whom the delay in the departure of the Bonita was of serious consequence, no doubt used overy means to settle the affair, but for two days Captain Harry heard nothing from him, and on 27 November he wrote again :
[138]
November the 27th 1721. Mr. Scattargood, Sir,
I am very inpatient to know how things are, or what we are to expiect. Captain New. shams mato have brought that David Griffens chest on board of us. I thought it the best way to tack it on bord. There is no doubt but he was the man that shott the Chinaman. Edward Clark and Robert Crawford saw him fire and the man fale back in the sampan before the other man had fired his piece. I beg you may acquaint me as soon as you can, being very oneasey.
I romain, Sir, your most humble servant,
JOHN HARRY, Robert Crawford went up with the lingua.

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On 27 November Scattergood sent his interpreter to Captain Harry with orders to send up David Griffin's chost, and the captain returned a note explaining how Griffin came to be on board the Bonita's boat.
[139]
November the 28th 1721. Mr. Scattargood, Sir,
The lingua brings your noat to demand David Griffins chest. Captain Newshams mate brought it on board of us yestarday. I desired him to seale it with his seale in severall places, which he did, and I now deliver it with the seales on to the linguas.
As to the man belonging to our shipe, [it] cant be. I did not designe to shipe him. He tould me he saild some years past with me and desiard me to put him in a way what to dou with his money. I made him answer, affter his shipe was up to Wampo, if he came down again, I would put him in the best way I could, which is the reale facte that I know of the matter. Our shipe is reddy, only wants a pillott. Wishing you well out of this trouble,
I am, Sir, your humble servant,
JOHN HARRY.
Meanwhile, the accident was affecting the interests of all the European shipping in Can. ton as the Canton Diary of 27 November (ibid.) shows :
"The killing the Hoppos officer by an English man in the Bonittas boat, tho' near Wampo, has hinder'd us several days in our business, for altho' no person at Canton could by any rules of right reason or justice be deemed guilty of 80 accidental a thing, especially at the distance of this place from Wampo, which is about 14 or 15 miles, nor ought to be answerable for any action but what a man does himself, nevertheless so unreasonable and arbitrary are the laws or the abuse of those laws in this country, that our friends the China merchants have advis'd us to keep within doors and not stir out for some days, for fear of being mobb'd or taken up by the mandarins, contrary to all reason and justice, Only Mr. Campbel, supracargo of the Hastings, who had all his goods on board, and was ready to go, and having got his grand chop, was permitted to go away the 24 instant and to proceed on his voyage, Ab was also this day the St. Joseph, the 2d Ostender."
In viow of the state of affairs as described above, Captain Newsham's protest to Captain Harry, alluded to in the letter given below, is quite understandable.
[140]
November the 29th 1721. Mr. Scattargood, Sir,
I shall remaine very onpaitient tell see you on board. I have wright you what I knew before and since the action hapned. I yestarday recieved a letter from Captain Newsham by two of his mates in forme of a protest. What he meanes by that I know not. I cant think of any damage she did him. You say the gentlemen at Canton judges that man belongs to us. I must be of a contrary opinion. If he did belong to us, it could be no longer then that time he was in our boat, for as soon as they came on board, Captain Newsham he layed that man and two more under arrest, for what I know not; he knows best. I hear the other two remaines there still. Now, if you judge that man that is under restraignt on board another ship can belong to us, it is very lickly he may.
We have no pillot. I shall rejoyce to see you soon on board and remaine, Sir, you most humble servant
JOHN HARBY.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
27
247
Nothing further regarding the imprisoned members of the Bonita's crew nor of the close of the incident transpires in the Papers, and we are indebted to the India Office Records for the end of the story. On 29 November 1721, the Canton Diary (ibid.) records :
“Yesterday Mr. Colebrook was Intt out of prison, and this day Mr. Scattergood and the said Mr. Colebrook went away from this place [Canton] in order to proceed on their voyage to Surrat, after having paid, as we are informed, above 3000 (taels to comprize the affair of the death of the China Man."
The enforced delay to accommodate matters prevented Scattergood from sailing, as he had intended, in company with the Hastings, for that ship, as stated above, got away safely on 27 November. The Bonita apparently followed on the 30th. After that date we hear nothing of Scattergood until February in the following year, but a good deal of the correspondence addressed to him in the intervening months has been preserved.
There are accounts of the sale of tea and other goods by James Tobin of the Prince Eugene at Ostend, which resulted in a net gain for Scattergood of f. 22074. 6.
In December 1721 a sixteenth part of the Lyell, Captain Charles Small, was purchased for him by his attorneys at a cost of £550.
As usual, by every shipping, the Trenchfields and his daughter Elizabeth supplied Scat. tergood with family news.
Elihu Trenchfield commented on the Company's instructions to their supercargoes bound to China and, in his capacity of attorney, on Scattergood's affairs in his hands.
[141] Extract of a letter from Elihu Trenchfield to John Scattergood,
dated 11 December 1721.] The footing Mr. Naish goes now upon(") is a certain instance of the Companys jealousy least a combination should be made among the China merchants, and they think by this method of making but one interest among the supra cargoes to be the properest means of destroying their project. ..
Your adventure by Messrs. Penicote and Cocks will I believe at last answer pretty well when all accounts are adjusted. I beleive in your last account you was advis'd of our having received four hundred pounds. The other day receiv'd four hundred more and expect a further sum in a few days to be paid us. The reason of this delay is that some part of the adventure was sold to one Vandermersh, a merchant in Holland, who fail'd thro' the misfortune of his correspondance in England. His creditors thro' the hopes of his being able to retrieve himself, granted him time to adjust his affairs without declaring him a bankrupt. You must expect to be a sufferer in this affair, tho hope to no great amount.
Tobin is safe arriv'd but makes a very indifferent voyage. The gains on the stock is calculated at 15 pr. ct. He has sent me an account sale of the 500 ps. of taffatys amounting to 10630 stivers : 10: 2. He has given me a power to draw on him for the amount of both your silk and interest in his voyage, but the exchange at present being very much to your disadvantage, am advis'd by my friends, as you desire the mony to be kept in England, to wait for better opportunity. The mony is sure and I shall doe the most for your service.
Severoll of the things you sent by Captain Pennel have received, as I shall the rest when the Company sale for private trade is ended. I doe not know what to doe with the cinnamon oil, it bearing no price in England ; that you sent to Mr. Hambly is not yet dispos'd off. I have desir'd him when ever he can meet a purchaser to dispose of both the parcells. All

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[ JULY, 1933
the things, except the tea sent by Mr. Newman, came safe to hand. When the private sale for the tea comes on, will take care of it.
Mr. Wilkinson tells me the white and red taffatys are safe ashore, but thinks it not safe as yet to remove 'em. The rest of the things under his care he was obliged to send to the warehouse. We have comply'd with your bill of exchange drawn payable to him for five hundred pounds.
I have received the white flowered damask from Mr. Dubois ; the tea shall be taken care off.
Mr. Talbot has deliver'd me the blew and white taffety for your daughter Betty. Captain Soulgard has promis'd me his care of the silk night gowns sent by Atkins, Shuffeild and himself, but at present its dangerous to run 'em over from Ostend. I suppose, as the things sent by Mr. Mountney are directed to Mr. Chamberlayne, he'll take care of 'em, as also your chints bed from Mr. Remswincle. The 10 ps. of yellow bed damask by Mr. Pomroy are safe in the possession of a friend of mine. It cost him 8 guineas to have 'em safe deliver'd, which I'll pay and debt your account for it. Mr. Godfrey has promis'd to take care of the things under his charge.
Captain Newton was oblig'd to send the 10 ps. of crimson damask with the rest of his silks to the Companys warehouse. Mr. Massey has promis'd his care of the 12 ps. of paunches.
Mr. Fazackerly has deliver'd my sister Fenwick the 2 pt. of silk you sent her and will take care of the tea when sold at the sale.
I have given you a particular account of the several things you sent to England (2) The adventures we have concern'd you in are five hundred pounds at 35 pr et. respondentia with Mr. Horsmonden on ship Macclesfeild, and five hundred on the Stanhope with Captain Pitt at the same premium. We have comply'd with your orders in holding a sixteenth with Captain Small.(3)
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 141.) (1) Trenchfield is alluding to the Court's instructions to the shipe for Canton in 1722. These were addressed to James Naish and six others, constituting them a "standing Council for managing our affairs in China, and to act in the same manner as any other Chief and Council at our Settlements abroad." On this arrangement Dr. Morse remarks (The E.I. Co. trading to China, vol. I, p. 171):
"As had now become customary, they did not receive commission, but were incited to epecial efforts by having : (a) allowances of the result from trading with a portion of the Company's stock; (b) per mission to carry out a sum in foreign silver and invest it in gold; and (c) privilege of separate adventures in goods both ways,' in varying proportions. Their orders against Intorloping Competitors' were even more stringent than before ; and, under the authority of an Act of Parliament recently passed, they were directed to seize the persons of any of his Majesty's Subjects found trading or going to the East Indies under foreign Commissions or Colours."
(3) These were the various goods sont home by Scattergood in November 1720. See p. 226 and docu. ment No. 131.
(3) See p. 236 for this transaction.
Trenchfield followed his letter with a statement of accounts between Scattergood and himself, showing that there was due to the attorneys a sum of £334. 14. 2.
Other accounts extant for 1721 are those recording payments and receipts at Malacca throughout the year. They record transactions with Chan Younqua, the "captain Chinaman," Heer Hermanns, the Dutch Governor of Malacca and João de Mattos, supercargo of the Jerusalem. There are besides accounts with the owners of the Bonita and with her

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
249
captain and ship's officers. The following gives an idea of how the supercargoes were acting on behalf of their owners.
[142] Dr. Owners of the Bonita.
Per contra. To Putchuck 106. 95 wt. at
Per silver at Malacca 3722 pa. 4 Rp. 31; paid .. .. Rp. 3369. - - fa. 40 ca. .. .. Rp. 7444. 2. - Lead 34 ps. 31. 20 4 do. .. 148.- - Per 20 small iron gunns sold here
boathyre of do. aboard .. 2. - - to be paid on returne back Sundry ships disbursements at
weighing 59C. 2qr. -Ib. makMalacca .. .. .. 93. 4. - ing 6664 lbs. at 132 lbs. per 2 Leagures of arrack at
pecul is 504 pl. at Rp. 124 Rp. 341 . Rs. 68
pr pl. .. .. .. .. 618. 5. - Boathyre &c. .. .. 1 6 9. 4. - Per fraight received of John de The per contra gunns to re
Matt for bales of goods from ceive on returne from China
Maderass to this place .. 320. . in gold at Rp. 241 per bankal
is .. .. .. .. 618. 5. - Commission 2 per cent on the
above putchuck and lead amounts to Rps. 3519 .. 88. - - To silver carry to China for
their proportion of what received of the Governor Ma.
lacca .. .. .. .. 1871. - - 78 bankals of gold left behind at
Malacca, to receive on returne from China at Rp. 24 per bankal, the Governor not
be[ing] able to provide silver. 1872. - - 10 moya[!] 7 received of the
Governor at Rp. 24 and sold for 23 per bankal and carry
silver for the same to China. 240. 6. - Profit and loss for Rps. per
bankal loot [?] .. .. 10. 4. -
Rp.
8382. 7. -
Rp. 8382. 7. -
The only other letter among the Papers for the year 1721 is from Francis Hugonin, Scat tergood's attorney at Madras, and is dated there on 29 December.
[143] Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
These lines are designed for Anjengo there to waite and congratulate your safe arrival(") where you will have the first advise of the great alteration in this place by ships Heathcote and Marlborough who arrived the 15th October with a Commission for Mr. Elwick to be our Governor, Mr. Turner to be our Second, Messrs. Benyon, Oadham, Emmerson, Hubbard, Fowke and Drake of Councill, Messrs. Hastings, Horden, Cooke and Draper turned out of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JULY, 1933
the Company's service, the last to be sent home on the first ship, Mr. Wright was also turned out of the Councill but not the Company's service (9)
The darck design before the arrival of the change are to tedious to be inserted in a letter, as well has the employment of our Court, who has been very busy and continues the discovery of shamefull suffering of the black, which the Company has given order to redrees.(a) Undoubtedly your owners have wrote you by the China ships, for there is no letter yett come to hand, except one from Joseph de Costa with order to deliver his money to Mr. Drake which has been done.() Mr. Phipps money has also been remitted to him according to his order.
Mr. John (? Jeremiah) Bonnell of Surat has drawn three bills on me on your account, which have paid, amounting to eight thousand five hundred pagodas. Mr. Toriano has paid on your account three thousand nine hundred and fifty three pagodas, besides interest. I do not remember your privett letters from Europe do contain any thing of impertance ; however shall advise Mr. Toriano to write to you.
Your comboge (gamboge) is still unsoki, no French ship being arrived, and our Europe commanders do not seem inclined towards itt. If they make any advance, shall meet them half way rather then loose the oppertunity.
The 14th November was a fattall day to the Company, who lost two ships, one being the King George fully leaden for Europe, the other the Darkmath (Dartmouth] with about twenty chests of silver. The Marlborough was drove in about 6 fathom water and suffered very much, for the storme was vielent.
There will be three ships despatched for Europe, [the] Monmouth expected from Bengall() with Marlborough and Heathcott. Mr. Harris, who gives his service to you, has not yett resolved upon which to take his passage.(6)
The 13th instant Mr. Hastings died and was ) buried the 19th with great pomp and litt, sorrow (1)
Inclored comes a price currant remitted me from Bengall and also of this place,(8) according to my promise, and shall also endeavour to secure the quantity of tinn you do want. If any thing matteral offers, shall send a letter for you[r] return from Surat at Callicutt to Mr. Adams.(") I wish you a prosperous voyage, and am,
Sir, your most humble servant,
FR. HUGONIN. Fort St. George the 29 December 1721.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 143.) (1) This remark gives an idea of Seattergood's intended route, but we have no further news of him until his arrival at Bombay.
(3) Hugonin correctly states the change in the government of Madres by the Company's orders. At the time of the arrival of the Heathcote and Marlborough Thomas Wright was absent, having gone to China in the Hastings with the Governor's permission.
(3) The whole period of Hastings' governorship was marred by dissensions with his colleagues, notably with Nathaniel Elwiek whom he had deprived of his office in July 1720.
(6) Da Costa's letter, dated 20 January 1720,1, has not been reprodused.
(6) The Monmouth, Captain Reginald Kemeyr, arrived at Madras from Bengal on 9 January 1721/2 and sailed, with the Heathcote ond Marlhorough, for England on 4 February (Fort St. George Diary).
(6) On 18 December 1721, Thomas Harris, who had been residing at Fort St. George as a free merchant since the departure of the Bonita for Chine, petitioned the Council for leave to take his passage on one of the homeward bound ships, "finding the country not Agreeable to his constitution." (Consultations at Port St. George, 1721.)
(7) The Fort St. George Diary of 19 December contains the brief announcement: "This night the late President Francis Hastings Eaqr. was interr'd in a very handsome manner."
(8) See the document which follows. () Robert Adams, Chief of the factory at Calicut.

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251
12 pr candy.
pecall.
[144] Price Currant Madrass.
Pags. Wax Bengall ..
.. 50 pr candy. Allame Cauch(') .. .. .. 10 pr candy. Quick silver .. .. Ginger ..
.. 17 pr do. Vermelion .. Wax Pegue ..
do. Cemfeer [camphor] Olephant Teeth 130, 140 or 160
China rote (root) Cardemum seed-..
Sugar China .. Tinn ..
Do. candy .. Artall(?) ..
Rate pision() Lead
.. 8 pr do. Copper Musk .. ..
seer.
Liquorish .. .. Sticklack
candy. Weet (wheat) Surat .. Tutunague ..
35 pr do. Do. Bengall .. Catdoch() Surat
Pepper Coast Mallabar Blew hone ..
Raw dammer (damar) Machuck() ..
Gogall() .. .. Acaram Caram)
Hing Cassafætida] .. Gaules [galls]
Almonds Commin seeds
... 50 pr do. Kismises .. .. Cossom flower(8) ..
Talles Patree leave(10)
::::::::::::::::::
prdo. .. 4 pr do. .. 60 pr candy.
30 pr do. ..(*)65 pr Garse.
30 pr do. .. 22 pr do.
3 pr candy.
pr do. pr do.
pr do. .. 18 pr do.
pr md.
do.
Jappen Copper China do. Teutenague .. Tinn Lead Europe ..
Do. Pegu .. Pepper Sandall wood Jappan do... Red do... Quick silver .. Vermillion China Ditto fine Ailom
Bengall Price Currant Novr. the 12th 1721.
.. 36 pr md. Brimstone ... .. .. 4 pr md. .. 34 pr do. Ditto fine ..
.. 10 do. 19 pr do.
Hartall .. .. .. 8 do. .. 17 pr do. Salt petre ..
.. 4.8 do. Tincall (borax) .. .. 12 do. do. Rice corse two maund pr 1.
do. Do. fine i do. 30 1 .. 20 do. Sugar ..
.. 9.8 pr bagg. .. 6 do. Cloves
.. 6.4 pr seer. .. 4 do. Mace..
.. 9.4 pr do. .. 3.8 pr seer. Nutmegs
.. 4.5 pr do. .. 3.8 do. .. 5 do. .. 6 pr md.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 144.] () Outch, H. kath, kattha, an astringeat extract from the Acacia Catechu. (2) Hartal, arsenic. (3) ? Rat poison. (*) Garce, a grain measure. (5) Perhaps an trror for catechu. (6) Posaibly intended for mechak (Sans. & H.), sulphuret of antimony. (7) Acharao (charao), varnish. (6) Kurum, the Schleichera trijuga, from the flowers of which a dye is propered. () Gagal, guggal (H.), an aromatic gum-resin prodoed from the Balsamodendron Mukul. (10) Thall (H., plate) of patart, dim. form from pattal (H.), leaf platter.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ SEPTEMBER, 1933
As previously stated, Scattergood sailed from China on the last day of November or early in December 1721, but of his movements thereafter, until he reached Bombay, the Papers give but little information. He does not seem to have touched at Colombo or Anjengo, where he was expected, but he appears to have landed at Calicut and Tellicherry. There is a letter from Jeremiah Bonnell at Surat, dated 23 January 1721/2, in which he says he had already written to Scattergood" under covert Mr. Addams at Callicut," and a letter from Hugonin and Torriano at Madras (given later on) notes the receipt of the news of the Bonita's arrival at Tellicherry. Bonnell, who acted for Scattergood at Surat, had been busy carrying out his instructions. He wrote:
252
"On your arrival here, where God send you safe, hope you'l find your orders punctually observed, and so privately that its not known I have done anything for you, but more thereof when it please God wee meete."
It is probable that the following undated letter was written by Scattergood in February at Tellicherry.
[145]
Captain Harry, Sir,
I have sold 30 peculls of camphire at 30 pagos: per pecull; allom, 50 peculls at 10 rupees per pecull, and 5 peculls of virmelion at 210 rups., which please to deliver the bearer if you [a]prove the price of camphire. Tis more then we shall get any were else, and what we have left will sell better.
Please to deliver 5 chests of my bohe tea, marked with numbers (any number, not those with letters), and 5 chests green tea. The tea I have not sold, but desire the people here to send it to Goa on my account, [? also] 6 bottles of soy and 2 tubs of sugar candy. The camphire and virmelion pray weigh and tare(1) a tub of each. As for my tea, deliver any chests of those that are number'd. Make good dispatch.
I am, your humble servant JOHN SCATTERGOOD.
[Endorsed] Coppy of a letter for to deliver goods at Carwarr.(2)
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 145.]
(1) This may be an error for take " or it may mean that Captain Harry was to ascertain the weight of the tubs in order to subtract the tare from the gross weight.
(2) The endorsement of the letter seems to show that Scattergood had remained at Tellicherry while the Bonita went on to Kârwâr to dispose of part of her cargo there.
Captain Harry sent a reply on 14 February stating that he had carried out Scattergood's orders except as regarded the vermilion and tea," which cant be come at without unstowing all the affter hould," a proceeding that would take time, and therefore he awaited "farder orders." On 24 February Torriano and Hugonin despatched a letter from Fort St. George.
[146]
To Mr. John Scattergood, Sir,
Three days ago arrived a pattamar from Tellecherry, by which we received the agreable news of your safe arrival there, tho' not from your self, which we are indeed surprised at, because Mr. Hugonin had lodged a letter for you at Angengo, and we expected some orders relating to your affairs in our hands. We can inform you no more about them than will

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SEPTEMBER, 1933 ]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
2.53
appear in the account current inclosed(1) except that the Lusitania could not reach Bengal(?) and instead of 2000 pagodas expences which the two Ormes(3) agreed she should be fitted for she has cost 12000, and before she can be in a condition for the seas she will cost 8 moru, for which reason the Governour(") and Mr. Benyon declared they would hold nothing unless she was taken on a new foot which was to value her and strike out a large part of Mr. Orme's concern in her, vizt. fd. of the whole stock for the gentlemen in the Bay. She is now bound thither. Young Mr. Orme(5) we hear hath withdrawn his half of the rupees sent Mr. Feake(6) on her account and we are apt to believe his proportion will not be much more then the concerns under him in this new stock, so that you must, as you come from Surat, make as good a bargain with him as you can, tho' we fear, 'twill be a Flemish account.() She is proposed to go out of Bengal, stock and block 200,000 rupees. Mr. Orme proportion will now be 33,000 rupees, of which you are 4000 pags., Mr. Wake(8) we are told 2000/ more, and Mr. Taylor of Carwar [blank], so that your concerns must be lessen'd.
Your gambogium would not go off at any rate, tho' we did our utmost for you. The Coventry is not yett arrived() tho' hourly expected. We wish her safe and are Sir, your most humble servants
GEORGE TORRIANO,
FR: HUGONIN. Fort St. George, Febry. 24th 1721 (1722).
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 146.) (1) This account is not among the Papers.
(*) The reason for the delay in the Lusitania's passage to Bongal appears to be that her services were engaged in connection with the wreck of the Dartmouth (see p. 250). At a consultation hold at Fort St. George on 9 March 1721/2 Captain Thomas Dixon, commander of the Lusitania, was informed that the Board had agreed to award the owners of the vessel "pagodas two hundred to defray their charges during the time she lay upon the Dartmouth's wreck" (Consultation Book of Port St. George, 1722).
() Stephen and Alexander Orme. () Nathaniel Elwick. (6) Alexander Orme. () Samuel Foako, President of Bengal 1718.1723.
(1) An unsatisfactory account, one showing a deficit. The earliest example of the use of the torm given in the 0. E. D. is 1785.
( ) William Wake, a free merchant, one of the shareholders in the ship.
(e) The Coventry, & vessel belonging to the late Governor of Fort St. George, Francis Hastings, com manded by Captain Isaac Willison, arrived at Madras from Malacca on 31st March 1722 (Port St. George Diary).
After a short stay at Tellicherry and Kârwer the Bonita must have sailed for Bombay, where her arrival is noted in the Diary of 25 February 1721-2: “ The Bonetta, Mr. John Scattergood supracargo, from China, came to an anchor in the offing this evening."
At Bombay Scattergood found his old friend William Phipps installed as Governor, and immediately resumed business relations with him. It was the intention of the Bonita's supercargo to dispose of, at any rate, a portion of her lading, at Surat, where he was expected by his business colleagues Jeremiah Bɔnnell and John Hope. Accordingly, on 4 March, as the Bombay Diary records, the Bonita," under convoy of the Fame, Stanhope and Defiance, eniled for Surat." On 11 March, however, there is another entry in the Diary: "The ships Stanhope, Fame and Bonetta came to an anchor in the offing." An explanation of this occurrence is provided in a letter from Scattergood to Jeremish Bonnell, written in reply to one from the latter lamenting his friend's failure to come to Surat.

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[147] [Extract of a letter from John Scattergood to Jeremiah Bonnell, dated in Bombay,
9 March 1722.] Mr. Bonnell, Sir,
I received a letter from you by the pursar of the Lyon,() but that under Mr. Adams covert I had not, tho I was at Tillecherry. I came here with Captain Pitt() who told me that he should stay but two or three days, but was oblidged to stay a week and then went out and gott most as farr as Baseen [Bassein), w[h lere mett with all Angarys [Angria's] grabs and run after them as farr as Bombay again, w[h]ere meet with storm for two or three days, which drove us back as farr as Choul, so made our way again as farr as Varsaway,(3) w[h Jere the Fame sprang a great leak, so once more was forged to goe to Bombay again, which chagreened me so much as I thought I should fall sick. Here I was offer'd pretty good prices for ail my goods, and knowing the Hastings to be before me,(") made me strike up with Govr. Phipps to be paid in dollers,(), by which means I shall be able to goe on to the Mallabar Coast to load pepper which I could not doe if I went to Surratt.....
I re[main &c.]
[J. S.]
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 147.] (1) A ship of the Royal Navy that had beon sent out with a commission to destroy the power of Angria.
(2) Scattergood apparently means that he sailed from Tellicherry in company with the Stanhope, Captain Wentworth George Pitt.
(3) Versova on Salsetto Island. (1) The Hastings had sailed from Canton in advance of the Bonita (see p. 247).
(6) Among the Papers there is a "Memorandum," dated 12 March, the day after the Bonita's return to Bombay, endorsed : "Agreement betwixt Mr. Phipps and myself for part of my cargo."
From Bombay Scattergood sent a short letter to his brother Elihu Trenchfield, telling him of his future plans.
[148] Dear Brother,
I write this short letter per via Mocha (not knowing if it may have the good fortune to reach your hands) to let you know that I am at Bombay, where I have disposed of all my cargoe, and am in good health and hope to make an indeferent good voyage. From hence designe to goe to Callicut to load pepper and from thence to Madrass where, according as I receive letters from my friends in Europe,(') I shall either come home a passinger from Madrass or goo to China, and from thence proceed for England, for I am heartily tir'd of India and have not my health so well as I could wish.
Please to give my duty, love and service to every body where it is due for I write to no body this way...
J. S. Bombay March 25th 1722.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT NO. 148.] (1) If Scattergood found much correspondence from Europe on his return to Madras, very little of it has been proserved. There is (1) a bottomry bond of £600 on the Cadogan, dated 19 October 1721, (2) a brief noto from Francis Acton regarding his investments (endorsed "Roceived the 14th June 1722"). (3) a bill of aalo of the Lyel, from Captain Charles Small to Scattergood, dated 2 December 1721, and (4) there are also the letters from his daughter Elizabeth, and Anne and Elihu Trenchfield already noted (400 p. 247); but none of those contain matter caloulated to influence the movements of their recipiont.

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The end of March 1722 was a busy time for Scattergood. He had made his plans to sail from Bombay on the 31st, but did not get away until a fortnight later. He wrote several letters to his friends in Surat regarding the goods he had ordered to be purchased there, the debt owing to him by George Wyche and his share of the John ketch. As to George Wyche's indebtedness he remar!'ed to William Sterling, at one time supercargo of the Duke of Cambridge :
"I hope Mr. Wych has paid you what he owed me on account of the putchuck. I declare all other accounts were made up between us and I owed him not one penny, and I wish he had not owed me any, for I find it a hard matter to gett any thing out of his hands."
At the same time Scattergood was busying himself in sending goods acquired in China to England on his own account. On the Fame he shipped china ware and on the Stanhope tea. In a letter to Jeremiah Bonnell he alluded to the new venture then occupying his attention, one which had evidently caused him to decide on a final voyage to China without waiting for news from home :
"Captain Hill and myself have taken up the King George for 20000 Rupees for China and Surratt. the stock to be 120000 Rupees. She is to goe from hence in 8 days down the coast to load with pepper. The Bonita goes in componey. I beleive shall not come back, but designe to goe for Europe from China; but if you or your Lady desires any thing from China please to write and I will gett Mr. Hill to bring them for you.
The King George, Captain John Houghton, a Company's ship had sailed from England in May 1721, and the same method was adopted for her as in the case of the Duke of Cambridge in 1714 (see p. 124).
Before leaving Bombay, Scattergood received an answer from William Sterling re. porting his failure to compel George Wyche to pay the amount claimed from him. Scattergood replied :
"I can not image[ino] what Mr. Wyche means not to pay me what ho owes me on account of the freight and customes that I paid for our putchuck. He knows that it is a just debt, and that we had no other accounts betwixt us. Ho was at Madrass after our Surratt voyage was over and if he had any thing to say he would have spoke it, and I am sure, and you know it, that I have done him service enough not to be used as he does me. I am sure I should not have served the greatest enimy 80. In short, I think it a very vile action and I must goe other ways to worke." However, the letter he addressed to the debtor is couched in very mild language :
.
[149]
[Bombay, March 1722.] Mr. George Wyche, Sir,
Mr. Sterling writes me that you refuse to pay me the small debt that you owe me for account of the freight and customes that I paid for the putchuck that belonged to us that we carried to Madrass. You know that it is a just debt; you know that I paid Captain Wooton freight at 3 rups. per bale to Madrass, and then I paid the Companeys custome; the goods belonging to us both, you ought to pay me half. I wonder that you should refuse to pay me so small a dobt and a just one. I am sure I should not have served Mr. Wyche so, and I do not know why you should do it to me. I have not deserved it that I know of. The last time that I saw you was at Madrass after our last China voyage, and then you told me that I should deduct what you owed me on account of the freight and customes of the putchuck out of the money should be received on the sale of some of it. My attorney, Mr. Maybert, forgott to do it. Therefore, in all reason, you ought to pay me. Pray consider of it and then I am sure you will doe me justice, in which hopes I remain, your most obedient humble servant.
J. S.

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Scattergood's business acumen was in high repute among his acquaintances as is shown by their willingness to associate themselves with him in his latest scheme.
(150) Whereas Messrs. John Scattergood and Thomas Hill have taken up and hired of the Honble. William Phipps Esqr., President &ca. Council of Bombay, the King George, burthen about five hundred tunns, for the summ of twenty thousand rupees for an intended voyage to China and Surrat, (the) stock designed to be one hundred and twenty thousand rupees, under the man[a]gement of the abovesaid hirers, those that are willing to be concerned in the said voyage, please to subscribe their names and the summ:
Rups. I William Phipps am content for ten thousand rupees .. .
10000 John Courtney (1) am content for two thousand rupees
2000 Hezekiah King am content for three thousand rupees ..
3000 Robert Newlin (Newlyn) am content for one thousand five hundred rupees .. .. .. .. .. ..
1500 Geo[rge] Percivall am content for one thousand)
.. .. .. 1000 Robert Sutton am content for five thousand ..
5000 Robert Cowan is content for five thousand . .
5000 G. Vine is content for two thousand ..
2000 Ar. Upton for one thousand rupees. ..
1000 Wm. Henry Draper for one thousand rupees
1000 Eli Stanton [for one thousand rupees] ..
1000 Tho. Yeomans am content for one thousand rupees
1000 John Courtney, for my second subscription I am content for more three thousand five hundred rupees ..
3500 Edward Massey am content for
1000 John Houghton (3) am content for . . J. Scattergood am content for twenty thousand rups...
20000 Thomas Hill (8) am content for fiveteen thousand rupees
15000 Thomas Hill for Robert Adams Esqr., thirty thousand rupees
30000 [Endorsed]
Subscription Paper for a China Voyage on the King George.
5000
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 160.) (1) John Courtney was a member of the Bombay Council, and most of those named below him were Company's servants in that Presidency.
(2) Commander of the King George. (3) Supercargo, with Scattergood, of the King George.
The Bonita sailed from Bombay, as we learn from the Diary, on 15 April 1722. On the 7th Scattergood paid the following account for customs.
(151) Mr. John Scattergood to Bombay Customs
Dr. Per ship Bonetto from China vizt.
rup. gr. ann. 300 maunds tinn @0 rupees per md. 2850 @31 per cont. . .. 99. 3. -

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Transported from on board the Bonitta to on board the Fame to Mocha vizt. 213 msunds wax @ 163 per maund .. .. .. 3514. 2. 1 tub China ware
.. .. 25.
3539.2. at 11 61. 3. 76, Ditto on board the Stanhope to Surrat 217 peculls of tea @ 40 rups. per pecull .. .. 850. at 18 14. 3. 50 775% maunds and 5 seirs China roots @ 4 seirs per maund .. .. .. .. .. 3103. 2. O at 154. 1. 23
. 230. 3. 31 Fees .. .. 1. - 80
Rupees .. 232. - 31 Errors excepted and contents received
Per me Bombay Apprill 7th 1722
ROBERT NEWLYX Custom) Mr.
On the eve of his departure from Bombay for the last time, Scattergood addressed the following letter to his friend Governor William Phipps.
[152]
[-April 1722] Honble. Sir,
You haveing been so kind as to be my attorney, I make bold to trouble you with theso few lined by way of memorandum.
In the bunder (-) I have left ten peculls of quicksilver, which please to receive and sell for my account for what you can gett. Mr. George Wyche owes me a small debt, as per his account deliver'd you, which please to gett for me, which I make no question but that you will recover, tho several other people could not. I have sent up to Surratt 163 bags of China root and 20 tube of camphire that I have sold to Mr. Ennis [Innes). I have wrote up to Mr. Bonnell to recover the money of Nagar and remitt it me by bills to Madrass.(2) Please only to enquire if he has done it or not.
In Mr. Courtney's (3) hands I have left 8000 of canes which have desired him to sell as well she can and pay the money to you. In the ketch John, which is now at Cochin under Captain Dabordie's management, I am concerned seven thousand rix dollars in the stock and bloek (Capt. Harry has one thousand under me). Please to enquire about hir, and when hir cargoe are sold, receive my share. I have wrote to Captain Daberdie about hir to Surratt, (*) thinking she might be there, to remitt me my share to Madrass, but am now afread she will not come to Surratt this year, therefore when she arrives the next season, manage the sales so that we may not be groet sufferers by hir loosing hir passago. I am to pay to the customs house omcers one hundred rupees, to the Church one hundred, (5) and to Mr. Sawbridge one hundred, which I beg you to pay out of the money you may receive of mine. What money you reevive of mine, please to remitt to Madrass to my attorneys or to England by bills respondentia on diamonds or what way you judge most advantagious.
From Madrass and China I shall trouble your Honour and write more fully. I return your Honour many thanks for all favours and remain, Yours Honours most obedient humble servant,
J. S.

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[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 162.). (1) Bandar, wharf, here used for custom-house.
(2) Bonnell replied, in a letter dated in Surat on 12 May, that he could not " as yet prevaile with the Banian here, whom Mr. Ennis writes to, to take away the China roote;" Nagar had refused it, and an arrangement was eventually made with LAI Dås, who paid "some part of the money," but when Bonnell wrote, the China root was still "at the waterside, where it will receive no good but damage daily."
(3) John Courtney, Second in Council. () The letter is dated from Bombay in March 1722.
(6) The Church at Bombay, the erection of which was begun in the seventeenth century, was left in. complete for many years. In 1715, owing to the exertions of the Rev. Richard Cobbe, Chaplain, building operations were resumed and the fabric was ready for service on Christmas Day 1718 (see S. T. Sheppard, Bombay, p. 130).
There is no further news of Scattergood, the Bonita or the King George until they reached Madras, nor any account of the lading of pepper on the Malabar Coast. The Fort St. George Diary notes the arrival of the Bonita on 12 May and that of the King George ten days later.
At Madras Scattergood probably found Bonnell's letter (alluded to in note (2) document no. 152). In this the writer approved of the course taken by him to dispose of the Bonita's cargo:
"Indeed, Sir, I think you took the wisest course to sell to President Phipps at Bombay. You sav'd some thousande, besides a vast deal of plague and trouble. Bee assured, Rir, as soon as I can finish with Mr. Innes his people here, I'le remitt your ballence."
Of business transacted during the brief stay of the Bonita and King George at Madras there is very little record. On 11 June there are two respondentia bonds to Scattergood on the King George, one signed by William Morcom and Thomas Barrett, officers of the ship, for page. 500, and the other by Captain John Houghton, her captain, for pags. 2000. On 17 June the King George sailed for Canton and on the 30th the Bonita followed her.
In the interval, on 18 June, Seattergood bought a diamond ring for pags. 300, and on the 19th there is a note of customs and fees paid for shipping sandal wood in the Bonita. Methodical as ever, Scattergood left a letter of instructions regarding his affairs and a list of papers in the hands of his attorneys, Messrs. George Torriano and Nicholas Morse, the latter having taken the place of Francis Hugonin.
[153] To Messrs. George Tor[r]iano and Nicholas Morge. Gentlemen,
I herewith deliver you all my papers, as per list dated this day [28 June 1722], and you have likewise a coppy of my books, by which you will find how all my affairs stand, both here, Bengall, England and other parts.
The Cambojeum I would have you dispose of as soon as possible and for what you can gett. My tea, I desire you to send half of it to Bengall to dispose of it there, you haveing too great a quantity to sell all here. All my wax, if any ship goes for Moca from honce or from Bengall, send it to be disposed of there. All the remaining goods sell as soon as you can and for the most you can.
As fast as money comes in your hands, pay off my interest notes that stands out. My concern in the Samuel,() doe as you judge most for my interest. I have promisod Mr. Court(1) to be concerned in any voyage, if he goes, the sume of two thousand pagodas, which pray see to performe, and if you have not money, take it up at interest. But if he stays ashore, I

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promised to let him have one thousand pagodas at interost, which give him. I have likewise promised to let Mr. Thomas Wendey() (as soon as you have money) have two or three thousand pagodos for two or three years at interest at eight per cent, which pray give him, he haveing promised me to send home to me the interest every year at respondentia or bills. The remaining money, let at respondentia on what ships you judge convenient, and in case you cannot at respondentia, let it at interest.
The 18 sheets that I have deliver'd Mr. Toriano, pray gett washed and send them home by Mr. Hugonin() or by any Europe captain, marking them at the ends with such stuff as you put when you send cloth to the washerman. Mark them [monogram of J. S.] and desire Mr. Hugonin or the captain that carries them to use them and carry them foul ashore at Surratt.
I sold Mr. Ennis [Innes] 20 tubs of camphire; half of them belongs to Captain Harry. When you receive the amount of them, pay Captain Harries part to Mr. Sitwell.(5)
Mr. Maubert concerned me under him on the George bound to Moca, which Mr. Turner(1) will cloar. If you judga Mr. Rawson Hart will make any voyage the next year in his great ship(S) that will turn to account, you may concern me under him two or three thousand pagodas, and if you have more money in your hands then you can let out at respondentia or interest and you can concern me in a few ships that you judge may doe well, then I desire you to act as you think fitt.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 153.] (1) The Samuel, commanded by Seattergood's kinsman, Thomas Dixon, sailod from Fort St. George to Bengal on 8 March 1721/2 (Fort St. George Diary).
() Samuel Court, a free merchant. (3) Brother of the Reverend James Wondey, chaplain at Fort St. George since 19 January 1719/20.
(4) Francis Hugonin seems to have expressed his intention of returning to England whon ho ceasod to be Scattergood's attorney, but he did not really resign his post as gunner at Fort St. George and apply for leave to go to Europe until 8 January 1723/4 (Consultation Book of Fort St. George).
(5) George Sitwell, free merchant.
(6) Tho George brigantine, William Middleton, master, was sent to Moco Moco in Sumatra for a lading of pepper in 1720 (Consultation Books of Fort St. George, 1720 and 1721).
(1) Nathaniel Turner, at this dato Socond in Council and "Accomptant" at Fort St. Georgo.
(8) The "great ship" was probably the Elizabeth in which Rawson Hart, a "sofaring man in the Madras service, made a voyage to Bengal in 1723 and returned to Madras on 28 May (Port St. George Diary).
[154] A list of Papers deliver'd Messrs. Torriano and Morse(1) the 28th June 1722. No. 1. Mr. Mauberts note for my concern in the Shaw Allum and Charles(3) under him.
2. Messrs. Sterling and Campbell's note for my concern in the Prosperous.(3) 3. Auga Nuree's respondentia bond.() 4. Stephen Orme's note for my concern in the Lusitania(5) to Surat. 5. Alexander Orme's respondentia bond. 6. Mr. Medeiros note for the respondentia bought of him on ship Prosperous
lost,(6)but put down for a memorandum.
N. B. I have received 2 dividd. of Mr. Madeiros on this account. 7. Captain John Houghtons two respondentia bonds on the King George(?)
which are to be sent home. 8. Messrs. Markham and Barret's do.() 9. Mr. Taylor's receipt for ten chests of tea. 10. Captain Dabbadies note for my concern in the John(8) ketch.

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11. Captain Crompton's() receipt for tutenague, vermilion and tea. 12. A note for my concern in the Anne lost,(10) but enter'd here for a memorandum. 13. Mr. Phips's note for my concern in the Duke of Cambridge.(11) 14. A note for my concern in the Harriot, lost,(12) but enter'd here for a memo
randum. 15. Demetrius Nichols and George Christiany's obligation relating to ship
London.(18) 16. Mr. Trenchfield's note for my concern in the Britannia (14) 17. Captain Powney's note for ditto. 18. My receipt to Stephen Orme for gold with his attorneys endorsement for
the delivery. 19. Mr. Cooke's(15) note for 4 fowling peices. 20. Mr. Butland's(16) respondentia bond on the Bonita. 21. Mr. Stephen Orme's respondentia bond on the Hanover(17) for 6217. 8. - 22 Ditto.
on do. 4200. -.23. Captain of the Chinese at Malacca's receipt for Mr. Sterling's tea. 24. A bundle qt. [containing) 11 receipts, anno 1722, for mony paid in Madrass. 25. A bundle qt. old account current, receipts, letters, &c.
Received the abovementioned papers
Per
GEORGE TORRIANO.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 154.) (1) The two attorneys left in charge of Scattergood's affairs in Madras in 1722 were both in the Com. pany's service, George Torriano being a factor and Nicholas Morse a writor at Fort St. George.
(2) See notes (5) And (6) on document No. 115 (p. 223). (3) See note (7) on ditto. () See note (2) on ditto. () See note (6) on document No. 114 (p. 218).
(6) It must be the respondentia note that was lost and not the ship, for the arrival of the "brigantine Prosperous, Captain John Tawke, from Bengall" on 17 Aprill and her departure for the same Presidency on 30 May 1722 is chronicled in the Fort St. George Diary.
(7) See ante, p. 256. (8) Captain J. Dabbadie or Daberdie, who was then with the John ketch at Cochin (see p. 255).
(9) Captain Marmaduke Crompton was in command of the Mary Ann brigantine trading to and from Bongal. She sailed from Madras on 7 May 1722 (Fort St. George Diary).
(10) It ia doubtful to which of the many ships called Ann or Anne this remark refers. There is no record of the wreck of a vessel of that name at this period.
(11) It was in the voyage of the Duke of Cambridge to Madras and Bengal 1719-1721 that Scattergood was now concerned.
(12) Here again it is difficult to understand what Soattergood means by "lost ", for there are references to the sailing of the Harriot or Heriot in both Madras and Bengal records from 1718 to 1722, with no allusion to any accident befalling her.
(13) There are no details of this "obligation." For the London see note (4) on document No. 114. (14) See p. 162 for Scattergood's interest in the Britannia. (15) Thomas Cooke, member of Council at Fort St. George, dismissed in 1721. (16) There is no other reference to this individual in the Papers.
(17) This refers to the voyage of the Hanover, a Company's ship, Captain James Osborne, 1719-1721, to Bombay, Tellicherry and Madras. She was at this period again outward bound to Bombay under Captain John Bond.
Two days after the above list of papers was drawn up, on 30 June 1722, as the Fort St. George Diary records, "Ship Bonita, Captain John Harry commander, sail'd for Canton,"

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and Scattergood bade farewell to Madras and his associates of the past twenty-four years. Nothing more is heard of the Bonita until after her arrival at Canton, but that she followed the same route as before, or was intended to do so, is shown by letters from Captain Isaac Willison and Nathaniel Turner to Scattergood, dated at Madras on 29 June, desiring him to receive money on their behalf at Malacca. There is further a letter from the Rev. Thomas Wendey, executor to the late Governor Francis Hastings, endorsed "Mr. Wendeys orders, Malaca," desiring Scattergood to collect the effects of the deceased in that place.
201
Of correspondence from England which reached Madras after Scattergood's departure, only two papers are extant, the one an account of the sale and "nett proceed" of the gamboge shipped on the ship Brussels at Ostend and sold by Captain Peter Jackson on 1 January 1721/2, and the other a letter from his attorneys in London giving an account of his affairs in their hands.
[155]
London Janry. 13th 1721 [1722].
To Mr. John Scattergood, Dear Jack,
We hope you received our last to you dated 1st February ultimo (') with your account current till that time inclosed. And now this with the inclosed account (2) will show you what further we have bin able to act in your affairs since that time; and tho' all matters we had to negotiate for you are not in such forwardness and brought to such a conclusion as we could wish, yet the inclosed account will give you a pretty good insight of every thing, and hope you'l be satisfyed no care or pains has bin wanting in us to the utmost of our power for your intrest. But as we did in our former letter, so we must again here very much complain of Peter Jackson and Pennicott and Cock's management. The first, Peter Jackson, has sent us all his accounts, but they are so disorderly that we cannot pass them, for he charges you 7 per cent commission upon the sale of the gambodium (3) besides the 40 li, sterling per ton freight, and he charges 12 per cent commission on the sale of the silks. Now, according to his obligation to you, which you sent us, he only was to charge 5 per cent commission on the first and 10 per cent on the silks, which we have fully represented to him, but can get no satisfaction, for he insists upon his charge, and says you agreed with him so before he came from Canton, and if you don't allow it so when you come home, he'l then refund it, but not. otherwise.
And as for Pennicott and Cock, we have not yet bin able to settle any manner of account with them, and you'l see by your account current that near amount of what they sold prove bad debts, tho we hope in time most, if not all, that money may be recoverable, towards which we shall use our best care, and hope you'l now be satisfy'd you've paid dear enough for your experience in dealing with Ostenders; at least, pray never concern us more with any of 'em,
The many things you've sent home by severall hands are taken as much care off as possible, according to your directions, but if you knew the risque, as well as the trouble and charge there is in getting anything such ways, surely you never would send any thing to any body, being much cheaper buying things here.
Your oyl cinnamon by the Essex is come to hand, but it is adulterated sad stuff, and belive 'twill never sell for anything, nor is that with Mr. Hambly yet disposed off.
You'l please to excuse our not enlarging more at this time, because the ships are all dispatched, lying ready in the Downs to put to sea the first spurt of a wind. (*) So, dear

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Jack, God bless you and send you soon safe among us. All relations and friends are well, 80 referring you to their own letters we remain, Sir, Your affectionate loving brothers.
ED. FENWICKE E. TRENCHFIELD
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 155.] (1) The letter was dated 6, not " Ist " February. Seo document No. 124. (3) This account is not among the Papers. (3) See ante, p. 253.
() The ships sent out by the Company in January 1721/2 for the “Coast and Bay" were the Bouterie, Captain James Chambre; the Fordwick, Captain Richard Gosfright; the Nightingale, Captain William Mackett; the Enfield, Captain Charles Rigby; and the Devonshire, Captain Lawrence Prince (Letter Book, vol. 18, p. 2),
News of the despatch of the King George and Bonita for China had reached Canton, and the factors there were desirous of anticipating the arrival of those ships and completing, as far as possible, the lading of the Company's vessels before those which they regarded as rivals could unlade and secure cargoes. On 30 June 1722, there is the following entry in the Canton Diary:
"The Eyles near Macao. Wrote to the supercargoes of the Walpole that they were aware of the despatch of the King George and Boneta from Bombay for Canton" (Factory Records, China, vol. 21).
Either the Bonita was a faster sailer than the King George or the latter waited for her at Macao, for on 10 August we read :
“We (supercargoes of the Eyles, Emelia and Lyell have advice that Mr. John Scattergood is arrived near Booca Tigris with the King George and Boneta under his direction, and consequently now a proper time to make what possible dispatch we can in loading the Eyles” (Ibid.)
Rather more than a fortnight later, on 26 August, the arrival at Canton of "Messrs. Scattergood and Hill ” is reported. The Company's orders to the supercargoes of the ships sent out in 1722 regarding "interlopers” were very stringent, and accordingly on 1 September 1722 we find the following entry in the Canton Diary:
"Pursuant to our Honble. Masters directions in our supplemental orders, we gave publick notice to Messrs. Scattergood and Hill, supracargoes of the King George and Boneta, that we expected they would not have any correspondence or give any sort of assistance to the affairs of the Ostenders" (Ibid.)
Of the correspondence addressed to Scattergood and his attorneys in Madras shortly after his departure for China, only three letters are extant, all of them from Captain Marmaduke Crompton, who was acting as Scattergood's agent in Bengal. Two of these are addressed to Messrs. Torriano and Morse and one to Scattergood himself.
(156) To Mr. John Scattergood, Sir,
I receiv'd yours of the 23d of June 1722(1) the 20th of July following and have follow'd the direction[s] therein mention'd to the utmost of my power and you may be assurd nothing shall be wanting wherein I can serve you.
I have sold your tutenaigue at eighteen rupees per maund, but it comes out two seer and four patacks(?) less then seeventy seer per pecul. The vermilion is not sold, being offer'd no more then three rupees seaven annas; and the tea is so bad no body will give any thing for it; otherwise it would have come to a good markett, for it is at this time much wanted. I have a perticular regard to what you mention abo[ut] your money and have endeavourd: to lett it out on the Europe ship's security to England, but there's no such thing to be done, that provilidge being taken up by persons of more authority, therefore I have lott ont what I could of your money to the country trade, which is one thousand current rupees @ 12 par

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cent to Captain John Widdrington, master of the Carlisle brigantine,() and four hundred current rupees to Mr. Jos: Lovell, chief mate of the Mary Ann to the Mallabar Coast and Madrass,(") @ seaventeen per cent, both sumes to be paid there to your order, as you'l find by the respondentia bonds inclos'd to your attorney 8).
I am this year bound for England, God willing, but as long as my stay is here, I will let what of your money out I can, and if any remains I'll leave it in good hands at land interest to be paid to your order.
I have not more to add, but to wish you health and prosperity and remain, Sir, Your most humble servant,
MAR: CROMPTON. Calcutta August 23d 1722.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 156.) (1) Not extant. (*). "Patack" is evidently an error for "chatack," i.e., chatank, the 16th part of a ser (seer).
(3) The brigantine Carlisle, John Widdrington master, had sailed from Fort St. George for Bengal on 20 March 1722. She returned on 4 October (Fort St. George Diary).
(9) The Mary Ann brigantino was Crompton's ship. He arrived in her at Fort St. George from Junk. ceylon on 1 May 1722, and sailed for Bengal on the 7th of the month. When the vessel reached Madras again, on her way to the Malabar Coast, on 24 September, she was commanded by Captain William Shotbolt (Fort St. George Diary).
In a later letter, to Messrs. Torriano and Morse, dated 22 September, Captain Crompton remarked that he had altered his "resolution of going to England this year," an unfortunate decision, for he was murdered on 6 March following (Bengal Public Proceedings, vol. 5, p. 116).
Scattergood's last visit to China afforded him an even more unpleasant experience than the affair of the previous year, since the aggressor in this case was one of the crew of the King George for which he and Hill were responsible. James Naish, the Company's chief supercargo, to whom their instructions for the season 1722-3 were addressed, appears to have taken command of the situation immediately the accident occurred :
[157]
October 29th, 1722. Messrs. Scattergood, Hill and Houghton, Gontlemen,
The moment I heard of the accident, sent my China man, for I cou'd not personally come to you, the mob so great in the street and not one of the gentlemen in the house, all packing tea. Depend upon all the assistance I can give you, and that Suqua(') this moment goes to the Chuntuck(?) and to a!l other Mandarines proper to be apply'd to. I will come to you by water if I hear no disturbance upon [two words illegible) at your back gate.
I am, Sirs, your humble servant
J. NAISH.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 157.) (1) Seuqua or Sueque, alias Conshaw, a Chinese merchant, with whom Scattergood had previously carried on business.
(3) " Viceroy (Trungtu, Tsongtock, Chuntuck, Zuntuck): the highest civil official over the two pro. vinces of Kwangtung and Kwangai (the Two Kwang); his official soat was at Shiuhing, but he was frequently at Canton, where he had a flying office '" (Morae, The . I. Co. trading to China, vol. I, p. xx.)
The affair is thus related in the Canton Diary:
"Two days since the gunners mate of the King George coming up in the long boat, fired at a bird in the paddy ground, where a boy of about fifteen years of age was reaping, and unfortunately received

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& mortall wound by a slug in the peice he fired. It being really an accident, we hope the gentlemen supra cargoes will not meet with great dificulty in making it up with the parents, as well as Mandarinee, who to[o] often viley increase their personal estates by such misfortunes, but all in our power shall not be wanting to prevent such practises, and we think Father Mourant [a Portuguese Jesuit] will be of use in this unhappy affair, to whom we applyed at the request of Messrs. Scattergood and Hill, who have the honour to trade to this place under the Commission of our Honble. Masters Presidents at Fort St. George and Bombay. We therefore thought it our duty to serve them with our interest and all else in our power" (Factory Records, China, vol. 21.)
Naish accordingly wrote to Hill and Scattergood as follows:
[158] Messrs. Hill and Scattergood,
I have considered the affair you have the misfortune to labour under and find nothing so material to be first agreed on as making up with the family, even at any rate. Mr. Lapertash() sups with me after his return from [the] city, where he is gone in China habit to explain to Toggen() that it realy is an accident. His chirurgion tells me he will dye in a very short time. I fancy twill be best to give out he is living when he is realy dead and suffer no one to come near to see the contrary. In making up with the family, by no means appear your selves, or any of the merchants. Let the linguist, [or) if possible some more ordinary person, negotiate the sume to be agreed on.
I am, gentlemen, your humble servant,
J. NAISH.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 158.) (1) There is no other mention of this individual, nor any clue to his standing.
(2) Toggen, spelt "Toygen" by the Company's supercargoes, “cannot," writes Dr. Morse, "be identified, except, possibly as the Munshang's [gate-keeper's) master" (The E. 1. Co. trading to China, vol. I, p. 175n).
In the Canton Diary (under date 8 August 1722) the "Toygens," of whom Father Mourant, mentioned above, was one, are described as "men of vast power by an extraordinary commission from the Emperor " (Factory Records, China, vol. 23).
The affair, as Dr. Morse remarks (The E. I. Co. trading to China, vol. I, p. 175), "did not lead to criminal procedure, but it was made the pretext for extorting money." Scatter. good, as appears by the following document, spared no effort to placate the authorities, but when he found that a heavy money compensation was inevitable, he endeavoured to make the King George solely responsible for the accident and thus save his employers & share of the expense.
[159]
[9 NOVEMBER 1722) WHEREAS you Captain John Houghton sending up your longboat the 29th October last to Canton to fill with water for your ship's use (putting therein arms), your gunners mate, being patron of the boat, shott a China boy mortally (that he died the same day) in shooting at a bird, as the said gunners mate &c. boats crew says, and as we beleive.
Now this accident has intirely stopt all our business so that we cannot goe from hence before that unlucky affair is ended. And we haveing tryed by all means possible from that time till now to make an end of that business for a small sume; but the Manderins of this place demands eighteen hundred tales to conclude that affair,
Now we demand the said sume of you, which you in justice ought to pay, the man that did the mischife being in your service and actually dosing the shipe business. And upon your rofusell to pay the said gumme of eighteen hundred talen, wo protest against you, Captain John Houghton and all the owners of ship King George, as to all damages that we shall sustain by keeping the ship here (our business being all ended and all our goods aboard), and by extorting the said eighteen hundred tales from us, which we must pay before they will let us depart or have our clearance from this place.
Deliver'd this protest in Canton this 9th November 1722 in the presence of Meer. [blank ] Wittnens

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To the above protest Captain John Houghton replied on the following day:
[160]
Canton 10th November 1722. Mossrs. John Scattergood and Thomas Hill, Gentlemen,
I was not a little surprised at the receiving of a paper you were pleased to deliver in the forme of a protest, from which paper (for I cannot allow it a protest) I beg to transcribe the five principall paragraphs, and then answer them. 1st. That my long boat on the 29 ulto. coming up to fill water for the shipeuse (putting armes
therein), my gunners mate being patron of the boate, shot a China boy mortally, that he dyed the
same day, in shooting at a bird, as he, the said gunners mato and boats crew says and as you beleive. 2dly. That this accident has entirely stopped all your business, so that we cannot go from hence
before that unlucky affair is ended, and you, having tryed by all means possible from that time till now to make an end of that business for a small summe. 3dly. That the Mandereens demand eighteen hundred tales to conclude the affair. 4thly. That you demand the abovesaid summe of eighteen hundred tales of me, which in justice you say
I ought to pay, the man that did the mischief being in my service and actually doing the ships bussiness. 5thly. That upon my refusall to pay the said summe of eighteen hundred tales, you tell me you protest
against me and the owners of the King George (the ship I have the honour to command) not only for damages you shall sustain for keeping the shipp here, but for the said sume of eightoon hundred tales exstorted from you.
To the five prooeding paragraphs I answer as followes :Ist. That if the gunners mato did kill a boy accidently when he was comming up to fill water in the
long boate, I am very sorry for it. 2d. That you have not boon detained in your bussiness I think is very certain, for wo have lately
received a large quantity of goods, and I have been made to beleive my dispatch will be sudden, for which I am prepared. 3rd. That the demands you are pleased to say the Mandereens make for eighteen hundred tales cannot
relate to mo for, till the day before I received the said paper, anything relating thereto has not been mention'd to me as a party therein concern'd, you then telling me you were to pay the said summe, having made an end of the said affair, which said summe of eighteen hundred tales you shoud demand of me. To be sure so great & sumo must have been the subject matter of many a discourse, and I say you know I have never before been apprized thereof, you having held all conferences relating to it by
your selves. 4th. That the demand for the said sume therefore is very farr from a justifiable ono, for you own that
the gunners mate was coming up on the shipps business, which is for the generall good, because
without water no shipp can putt to sea. 5th. That upon my refusall to pay the said summe of eighteen hundred tales you would insinuate you mean to protest against me, and the owners of the King George for all damages you will think proper to charge, which is very extraordinary, for it has been observed you own that the said summe of eighteen hundred tales is by the Mandereens extorted, and I shall only add that my instructions from the Honble. the President &c. Councill of Bombay, direct that after my receivall of your sailing orders from this place, I am to proceed with greatest expedition to Malacca for intelligence of pyrates &c. and then to Bombay, which I am ready to put in immediato execution. I am Gentlemen, your most obedt, humble servant
JOAN HOUGHTON.
This answer deliver'd in the presence of us
ROBERT CONY
WILLIAM MORCOM(1) This is a true coppy and attested by us.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 160.] (1) William Moroom (or Markham) was one of the officers of the King George, as was probably Robert Cony also.

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To Captain Houghton's somewhat lame excuses, Scattergood and Hill immediately replied with great precision and detail. There are two copies of the reply, one dated 9 Nov. ember, when the gunners mate was still in prison and the payment of compensation not finally settled, and a second dated 10 November after the culprit had been released and a roceipt obtained for the fine imposed. It is the latter which is given below.
[161] Captain John Houghton, Sir,
In answer to our protest, given you tho 9th day of November 1722, you soem surprised at our protest deliver'd you yesterday. We wonder at your surprise when we told you, before we deliver'd it you, that we should be obliged to deliver you one to vindicate our selves.
To your first answer, you seem doubtfull weither the China boy was killed accidentally, and that if he were you was sorry for it, when you know very well, as well as your doctor and all the people of your ship, that were in the house, that he was killed, we suppose by accident, and that by your gunners mate who is just now released from prison.
To your 2d answer that we were not detained in our business, when you know very well that we had all our goods ready in our house to ship off that very day the accident happen'd, and that we could not ship them off by reason of that accident, and tho we had leave to ship them afterwards, after severall days delay, they know that they had persons in security and that we could not gett our chop or clerance before that business was ended.
As to your 3d answer that we did not informe you of the demands of the Manderins before we had concluded the business, we answer that we told you what we knew of the affair as we heard of it, and tis very well known to every body that comes here that the Manderins demand great bribs upon overy unluckoy business that happens and that they can not talk with many people, and that they generally make up those matters with the supercargoes who answer for all affairs of that nature in behalf of their ship, &c. Besides, the business is but just ended; they only demanded the 1800 tales to conclude it, and as soon as wo knew of it wo demanded the summo of you; otherwise we should be oblidged to protest against you. Besides, you know we had not many conferances, for we left it to Suqua alias Comsha to manage that affair which you, joyntly with us, asking Mr. James Naish's advice, he advised us to leave it to him and that he could manage that affair better then ourselves; and as soon as he told us it would cost us 1800 tales, we immediately told you (you then being in his house), and upon your answer you would not pay any thing towards that affair, we told you we should be oblidged to protest against you and your owners, and upon our protest and your answer roceived, yesterday, we paid the money to Suqua alias Comsha, as per his receipt dated last night, to make up the business as well as he could, and what he could save of the 1800 tales to return us, and you soe the man is delivered to us this morning upon it.
To the 4th answer that the gunners mate was comoing up for the ship business to fill water and for the gonerall good, we are glad that you confess that the gunners mato came about the ship's business only, and not ours. Besides, what occation had he for' arms when you had no fear of any body robing of you of your casks.
To your 5th answer that you think it oxtraordinary that we should protest against you &c. owners for refusing to pay what is oxtortod from us by the Mandarins and that the ship is ready to sail, we answer that wo wero oblidged to protest upon your refusall to pay what we are oblidged to give the Mandarins &c., to cloar ourselves from any imputation of neglecting our duty to our employers. We know full well that the 1800 tales is exorted from us, but we know as well that we cannot help ourselves here in an arbitrary Govermont where they will doe what they please, and to get an answer or remody from the Emperour, we should lose our voyage at leas[t] for this season.
And as for your being ready to proceed on your voyage, we acknowledge it and know it full well, but we know as well that we could not gett our chop or clearance from the Custome House before this unfourtonato business were onded, and now we hope to gott our chop or cloaranco in two or throe days.
Wo romain, your humble servants
(Unsigned) Datod in Canton this 11th November 1722. Dolivor'd in prosonco of Mossrs. William Colebrooke and Thomas Honwood(+) as witnosses.
(NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 161.] (1) William Colebrooke and Thomas Henwood wore officers of tho Bonita.

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On the following day Captain Houghton sent a further reply to the supercargoes, dis. claiming responsibility for the delay in despatching the two ships.
(161)
Canton, November the 11th 1722. Messrs. John Scattergood and Thomas Hill, Gentlemen,
I have just received your reply to my answering your paper (or protest as you teru it). I see nothing in it requires any furthor noodfull to say then that I have already given you in the said answer, except it be this, vizt.
That you know full well that when this accident happined, you were not in a condition to dispatch the ship, that there was a large quantity of goods then to goe down, part of which came afterwards into the house, there being at most but two days delay upon this affair ; and moreover, that you both but yesterday where heard to say, not only by my self but others, to a China merchant that the ship was only detained upon their not makeing up their accounts (or words to that effect) with the Hoppo.
And as to your saying that you have had conferences with me concerning it, I am surprized; but I doe not doubt, if there has been such conferencees, but you have taken care to keep minutes of the same. For every thing else I refer to my generall answer and am, Gentlomon, your obedient humble servant
JOHN HOUGHTON Deliver'd in presence of us
ROBERT CONY WILLIAM MORCOM
The supercargoos' hope of getting their clearance in a day or two was not realized, for a fresh, though unsuccessful, attempt was made to extort a further sum in connection with the acoidental death of the Chinaman. Their letter to Captain Houghton shows their reluctance to incense further the Chinese authorities and also indicates their fear of any untoward action resulting from Captain Houghton's hasty temper.
[162] Captain Houghton, Sir,
The Nihihauk (1) demands the gunners mate again to have a re-hearing. Pray do not be in a passion and use the Manderins man civilly, but do not deliver the man, and tell the linguist that sonce he is cleared by the China Justice and is now, aboard, that you can not send him back, because your King will call you to an account for so doeing.
We are
[Unsigned)
(NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 162.] (1) Dr. Morse thinks that this word, spelt "Ninnebam " in the Canton Diary, "should probably be Munahang, Gate-Kooper, an important adjunct of a yamen" (The E. I. Co. trading to China, vol. I, p. 175 n.).
No portion of the 1800 tales handed over to Seuqua to settle the accident resulting in the death of the Chinese lad found its way back to the supercargoes, as is evident from the following account.
[163] Account what mony that was paid about the China boy that was killed, vizt. Left with Suqua alias Comsh to make it up with the Manderins we not haveing time
1800. - To a coffin .. .. .. To victualls for the boatmen, parents of the boy killed,
. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3. 5. 3. 7 11. 5.
-
-
&e.
3.
7
"
To sundry charges when the Manderin came to our house
to doe justice, vizt. To the Manderin's offering to Joss .. .. ..
6. -
-
-

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To 7000 cash distributed amongst the Manderins
servants .. .. .. .. .. .. 7. - -.To incence burnt &c. when he went to the roome to
view the body .. .. .. .. .. - 7. 5. 6 To silk, white cloath, scarlet cloath, hung on his chair
he sett in and round the place where he try'd the gunners mate
.. 7. 5. 7. 9 To the mother and freinds of the boy that satt with him before buriall .. .. .. .. .. 7. 5. 6. -
-
28.
8.
9.
5
1840. 4.
3.
2
The close of the story is told in the Canton Diary. On 15 November we find the remark:
"The China boy kill'd by [the] gunners mata of [the] King George hath not only given Messrs. Scattergood and Hill great trouble and has cost them already near 2000 tales, whereof the parents had 360, and though the gunners mate is cleared in form, yet they now meet with great difficulty, for this Tituck (Tsongtuck, Viceroy), upon some pretence that the Toygen and Ninncham have concerted this business in prejudice to the honnour of the Emperour, threatens advising him thereof, so that the Hoppo will not deliver them their Grand Chop (chhap, license), notwithstanding they have 80 paid all the duties, and what will be the consequence, time only can discover " (Factory Records, China, vol. 23).
Two days later Scattergood was apparently free to send the Bonita on her way for, on 17 November, there is the entry :
"Mr. Scattergood having received from the Hoppo the Grand Chop, this day dispatches the Boneta for Madrass." (Ibid.).
But again his hopes were disappointed, for on 23 November the Bonita's pinnace returned from Boca Tigris to Canton. She advised that
"the Tutuck had given orders for the stopping hor at that placo, under pretent that he hath not been appriz'd which he claims (though unpresidented) as necessary before any ship can go down the river. She would undoubtedly have passed perforce, having the usual dispatch of a Grand Chop, but Mr. Scattergood being here bound home on the Lyell, Captain Harry was apprehensive he might thereupon be brought into great difficulties" (Ibid.).
“Thereupon," writes Dr. Morse (op. cit., p. 175), "Mr. Naish intervened and, using his interest with the principal merchants, obtained from the Viceroy an order that both ships [the Bonita and King George) should obtain their clearance without further delay. Accordingly, we find the following entries in the Canton Diary for 24 and 29 November 1722 :
"Wo have used our interest with the considerable merchants to get the Chuntuck to order the Bonetas proceeding, which this day perfected, and also to gain the King George's dispatch, which will be given by the Grand Chop tomorrow."
"The King George is at last dispatched and the Boneta is clear of the river."
Thus ended an incident which must have caused an immense amount of anxiety and doubtless increased the indisposition from which Scattergood was then suffering.
As already noted in the Canton Diary, he did not return to Madras in the Bonita, but had arranged to sail for England direct from China, and on 8 December 1722 he paid to Captain Charles Small of the Lyell, of which he was part owner, 400 tales for the home. ward passage.
Of Seattergood's business dealings in Canton in 1722 we have no information, nor has any of his correspondence from Europe been preserved. There are three letters from Captain Marmaduke Crompton at Calcutta addressed to Messrs. Torriano and Morse at Madras, relating to investments carried out on Scattergood's behalf, and from the attorneys themselves there is an account of the interest received by them from various individuals between June and December 1722. An "Account Current" was also furnished by the attorneys, showing a balance due to their client of pags. 6939. 8. 63.

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Two lotters written by Scattergood before he sailed from Canton have been preserved. Ono, addressed to his old friend, the Governor of Malacca, was sent either by the Bonita or the Eyles, and the other, addressed to Captain Villamont du Jardin was probably transmitted by the captain or one of the officers of “the English built ship in service of the French Missi. sippi Company" that was found at Whampoa on the arrival of the Company's ships at the end of June 1722 (Factory Records, China, vol. 23).
(164)
[ - December 1722] To Min Heer Hermanus Van Sueterlin Governor and Director of Mallacca. Honble. Sir,
Your money and memorandums I have deliver'd to Mr. Colebroke who will deliver you all your things and give you an account.
I have been lame with the gout and out of order allmost all the time I have been here,(0) which makes me goe to Fatherland on one of our Companeys ships from hence. I wish you and all your family all health and happiness, remain
Your most oblidged humble servant
[Unsigned]
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 164.) (1) The inclement weather experienced at Canton may have increased Scattergood's ill health. The Canton Diary records." great rains" in October, obliging the English merchants "to koep house" (Pactory Records, China, vol. 23).
[165]
[-December 1722] MONSIEUR VILLEMONT Dear Sir,
Meeting with so good an oppertunity as this gentleman, the bearer hereof, who informed me of your good health and happy marriage, in which I heartily congratulate you, makes me trouble you with this to acquaint you that after all my fatigues in India, I am now goeing to England with Mr. Naish(') and I hope to continue there and not to trouble these parts any more.
I make bold to present your lady, with a sett of Japan dressing boxes for hir toilet table, and hope they will please hir (being very fine work) and as comeing from one of hir husbands freinds and most obedient humble servant,
J. S. P.S. If you will trouble yourself to write me at any time, please to direct for me at the Jerusalem Coffe House in Exchange Alley, London.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 165.] (1) Jamos Naish, who had sailed from England in the Wyles, as chief supercargo of the Company's affairs, returned in the Lyell, sinoe the Eyles had been sent from Canton to Madras, with orders to proceed homeward from that place.
On 7 December 1722 the Lyell received her "Grand Chop,” and on the following evening hor crew and passengers were aboard. On 9 December Captain Charles Small was " directed to proceed down the river and to anchor as soon as you get over the Barr (commonly called the Second Barr) where you will receive your dispatches " (Factory Records, China, vol. 23). Here the ship was becalmed, for on 14 December the Diary records :

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"From the oth to this day there has not been an air of wind with which our pilots coud venture over the Flatts, commonly called the Second Barr." (Ibid.)
On 16 December, however, the Lyell and Emelia" warp'd over the Second Barr" and their commanders received instructions to proceed to St. Helena. On the following day the ships were "tow'd out of Boca Tygriss," and on the 18th,“ in the morning early," they sailed" with a fine gale of wind ” for “the Streights of Banca.” (Ibid.)
Before following Scattergood for the second time to St. Helena, the correspondence addressed to him in January 1722/3 must be noted.
The Eyles and Bonita had carried news of him from Canton to Madras, and there are several letters from his friends at Fort St. George in consequence. Richard Benyon acknowledged communications dated in October and November which are not extant; João de Mattos sent a statement of Scattergood's profit in the voyage of the Jerusalem, and Messrs. Torriano and Morso wroto at length, deprecating the non-receipt of full instructions regarding his affairs in their care and informing him of their proceedings on his behalf.
[166] To Mr. John Scattergood, Sir,
We received by the Eyles advice of your resolutions for Europe and were in hopes of receiving by the Bonita positive orders (as) to your affairs left in our hands, but to our great surprise found you refer'd us to the instructions given us at your departure, which we can't help saying are not near full enough, especially considering how very intricate some particulars of your accounts are. We hope to receive, both from the Cape and Europe, orders about your affairs; and in the mean time shall give you as full an account as we are able of what has been dono since your doparture, and therefore shall take them as they lie in the ballance of your last books made up hero.
Your concerns in Bengal, as per the end of the last journal, amounted to Rs. 9305. 3. 6, whereof 6372. 15 was lent Mr. Orme, abont which Messrs. Torriano and Hugonin write you.(1) Of the remainder, 2500 rupees in the Success brigantine has produced you 2971. 14 - The other concerns, vizt. The remains in the Oxford and Stratford(?) as also the China ware with Mr. Coa les() are not yett accounted for, but Mr. Falconer(") has sent an account of Rs. 145. 8. 9 for produco of lumpglass.
We have received no money or advice from Mr. Wyche of Bombay, but shall, as opportunity admits, take-all imaginable care about that sum, as we shall also about your concerns in the Shaw Allums old voyage, the Charles's and the Prosperous's under Maubert.(5)
The goods left with Aga Peres were sold before you came here last, but not accounted for, and we must desire further that you will wait till the next ship for the particulars as to the goods left this voyage with Mr. Torriano. He has sold 6 chests of tea, and 10 are sent to the Bay; 1 chest Bohea and 2 smaller of green were sold at outcry [auction) as were the hams. Most of your silks &c. fand other) odd things are sold, as is also the wax, which we could not gett a passage for to Mocho. For the account of all which, as also what left with him the formor voyage, we beg leave to refer you to the September ship. Your rupees, being 45231 produced, P. 1449. 33. 10 at 312 which was a great price, all sorts having been very cheap. this year.
Aga Noores money is paid in full. The Lausitania's voyage and Mr. Alexander Orme's debt Messrs. Torriano and Hugonin will inform you about. The respondentia per Prosperous has produced more Ps. 35. 1. 70. The combogium we refer you to the other letter for an account of. Mr. Torriano's debt at your departure and also what it is increas'd is at interest. The King George's voyage we shall take all imaginable care about, but do not lenow what orders to give relating thereto any further than to desire Mr. Phips, if you have not givon contrary orders, to remit as soon as possible. We have received the gold you sent

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in order to pay your respoz.dentia per Bonila, and shall do it. The goods at Surat, Bombay and Carwar we shall take all imaginable care about. The John(1) ketch was safe as far as Carwar. As to the goods with Crampton, he has remitted in part-respondentia bonds on the Mary Anne galley at 17 per cent to the Mallabar Coast and back, Rs. 400, payable by Mr. Joseph Lovell : On the Carlisle at 12 per cent to this place, payable to Captain Wid. drington, Rs. 1000,(8) which we received in rupees. A bill of exchange on Mr. Benyon for 4000 rupees Madrass and 4116 rupees current at 10 per cent on the Pery brigantine(") to this place, which the persons who took it up not being able to pay without great loss by their goods which were design'd another voyage, we have continued rizt., to Captain Joseph Badman P. 644. 23 and to Mr. William Squier Ps. 96. 25. The remainder we are promis'd by the 15th instt.; the rest of your goods with him he writes he cannot sell, especially the tea, which is very bad.
Your doubtfull debts we shall write Mr. Phips about, but want further instructions from you. For your China ware with Mr. Saye he has remitted us Pags. 116. 31. 40.
As to your concern in the London, (10) we have look'd over your Stock note and find it specifies that the accounts of the ship are to be made up at the first unlivering port from Canton, and that the gain, deducting 300 pagodas in the price of the ship, shall be remitted on your risque, but if no accounts sent and advices of the ship's unlivering arrive, then to receive 25 per cent on your concern, which we shall take care of.
Mr. Hugonin's money is paid him as is also part of your dobt to the owners; of the remainder, as soon as money comes in, shall be cleared and Mr. Wendy be paid the 3000 pags. you order'd him. We have lent Mr. Court the money you order'd.
Your orders relating to Nina and Hercules(11) shall be obeyed. As to Messrs. Colebrooke's and Gibbons(12) respondentia we will take care to receive it of them. We sincerely wish you all manner of success and felicity and am, Sir.
Your most obliged and most obedient servants,
GEORGE TORRIANO
Nic. MORSE. Fort St. George Janry. 7th 1722.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 166.] (1) Their lotter is dated 10 January 1722/3, and they point out that Alexander Orma's debt to Scatter. good was "much larger than you seemed to imagine when you went away " and that they had thorotoro withdrawn Scattergood's "concern" in the Lusitania. They added that it was in vain to use other measures because we know he had no money with him," but as Hugonin was his attorney, ho could pay Scattergood " as fast as remittances came from Surat."
(2) The Success brigantine, Captain R. Peirce commander, arrived at Fort St. George from Bengal on 14 April and sailed again for the same Presidency on 14 May 1722 (Fort St. George Diary). The Oxford, a country ship, has not been mentioned before. She was voyaging between Madras and Bengal in 1720. For the Stratford see document No. 115.
(9) Thomas Coales, a factor in the Company's service at Calcutta. (*) Thomas Falconer, member of Council in Bengal, (5) See document No. 153. (6) See note (1).. (7) See document No. 153. () See document No. 155.
() The Perry brigantine, Captain Joseph Badman commander, voyaged between Bencoolen, Bengal and Madras in 1722.
(10) Soo document No. 153. (11) Servants of John Scattergood in Madras, (13) Officers of the Bonita,

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George Torriano also wrote a separate letter expressing a wish for Scattergood's "safe passage to England and the enjoyment of what you have been so long toiling for, with health and happiness." He also repeated the desire for more minute instructions for, "should you to my misfortune die, I am not certain what treatment I may meet with from your executors." This letter was addressed to Scattergood" on board the Lyell” or," if she be not arrived, to be left with Mr. Isaac Skeper at the Cape ; if she be passed by, to be carried forward to him to England."
Other letters addressed to Scattergood after his departure were from Nathaniel Elwick, then Governor of Fort St. George, from João de Mattos at Malacca and from William Sterling at Surat.
Elwick wrote of Scattergood's interest in the London and the disappointing result of the Bonita's last voyage.
[167] To Mr. John Scattergood, Sir,
.... I observe you note the arrival of the London.(1) It surpriud me, as well as the rest of those concerned in the Bonita, to find you should undertake the management of her business, but it being your last voyage and yourself not designing to return hither, you thought to make a push.
We observe the habit of body you carryd along with you, which if not improvd in the passage, will not be acceptable to your particular freinds.
We have had a very fine season here, a tent in a tope(?) and Mr. Scattergood's company would have added much to the pleasure of the place.
The Bonita will hardly make us interest for our money, which is but a very discouraging trade. You've left it off in time, and I ought to believe you made the most of it before you quitted it....
W. ELWICK Fort St George, Janry, 10th 1722/23.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 167.] (1) The London had sailed for Canton on 3 July 1722, three days after the departure of the Bonita (Fort St. George Diary).
(2) A grovo. Soe Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Topo, for this term.
João de Mattos wrote of Scattergood's concern in the Jerusalem and added directions regarding the discount due, which was to be transmitted to him in certain kinds of rupees current at Malacca.
William Sterling's letter was dated from Surat. He was unaware of Scattergood's de parture for England and was expecting to hear of his arrival in Bombay, where he begged that interest might be made on his own behalf with Governor Phipps, since he had “met a appointment in a ship here and none ready now to be had." He asked for advice regarding a voyage to Junkceylon and Malacca, whither he believed Seattergood was then bound, and he reported his failure to obtain the payment of George Wyche's debt: "I could bring Mr. Wyche to nothing in relation to your account with him."
On 26 March 1723, the Lyell, which had made a short stay at Bantam in January, anchored in Chapel Valley, St. Helena, and remained there for a fortnight. Three letters, written by Scattergood at this period, the last in his hand among the Papers, have been preserved. They are of no special interest, as they only concern goods procured by him for "Mr. Mathews" probably Thomas Matthews, commander-in-chief of H.M.S. Lyon. On 9 April the Lyell and her consorte, the Eyles, Emelia and Fordwich, set sail from St. Helena for England. Her log (Marine Records, vol. 646A), which contains no allusion to Soattergood, ends on 2 June, when the ship was off Portland Bill.
While he was on the high seas, Scattergood's old friend, Governor William Phipps, wrote from Rombay with respect to the business left in his hands.

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NOVEMBER, 1933)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
.
[168]
Sir,
I received yours of the 10th of November(?) the 18th past. I am very sorry to hear you were troubled with the gout but hope Old England will have the desired effect. I shall by the first opportunity write Mrs. Taylor about what you desire me, and am glad you did not concern me any thing in the Lusitania, I return you many thanks for your promised care of the memorandums I gave you for my wife and for what you write me you intend to carry her,
Your quick silvor I havo sent to Cambay, as such a small quantity would do better there than at Surat : as soon as sold, shall bring it to your credit. Dabbadies accounts of the John ketch() Mr. Hope advises me are near made up, when he will receive for me your dividend, and I observe your having bought Capt. Harry's part. Mr. Wyche will not pay me your account, but on the contrary sends me one wherein he brings you in debt to him 717 rupees, copy thereof is enclosed.(3)
Your concern in the King George I will receive and also Mr. Morooms respondentia, and pay Mr. Lowther yours. Your bill in favour of Mr. Hill I have discharged. I observe the King Georges detention was by the accident befallen the China boy.() Her demorage we have remitted and the money advanct by the Bupra cargoes deposited here in treasury at the rate of 3 rupees per tale, till the affair is decided by the Company in England, which you must use your endeavours to gett done in favour of the freighters,
I have concerned you 10000 rupees in the Boone,(5) agreeable to your directions to me if Mr. Hill went, As Mr. Wake() goes supra cargo, whom I beleive you think much more capable.
The canes 6975 of 30 inches sold for 13 rupees per 100; the remainder of the 8000 is so short and broke that Mr. King says he has not yett sold them. He likewise informs me that he, Mr. Hill and [Capt.) Say, bought a quantity of wax of you amounting to 3500 and odd rupees, and that on its being to be sold at Surat it would not produce more than 1100 rupees, occasiond by the quantity of dirt that was mixt with it. He therefore demands an allowance for the same and desires I would write to you about it to empower me to adjust it. I shall do nothing herein till I have your orders, but certain it is, if there is dirt mixt in it, an allowance ought to be made them for the quantity of the dirt at the rate they bought it of you.
The bad gucceas I have had hitherto in my private trade will keep me longer in India than I expected, the Boone having been an heavy stroke to me, for out of an invoice in Persis of 72,000 rupees, her cargo in Surat wont fetch 20,000, so that I shall want all my friends good offices to continue my stay here a little longer to retrieve my heavy losses, and I dont doubt the continuance of your friendship.
When I can gett a captain a little better temper'd than Pitt(8) I shall send you a hogshead of arrack, as you desire, and continue to supply you therewith by every good opportunity. I wish you a perfect enjoy. ment of Old England and am, Sir,
Your affectionate humble servant
WILLM. PHIPPS.
Parell() April the 15th 1723
Thro' the badnoss of the market at Surat the King George's voyage will not come out so well as expected, tho' believe may be upwards of 20 per cent.
i
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 168.] (1) Not extant. () See document No. 153.
(3) The account gives details of transactions between Seattergood and Wyche as supercargoes of the Amity in 1715, and shows a balance due to the latter, as stated by Phipps. At the end of the account, dated in Surat 5 March 1722/3, Wyche added the following note: "There are other mistakes in the putchuck Account which he is to be debtod for, but not being able to have my accounts, I must let this remain till the time comes I have them."
(*) See ante, pp. 263-268.
(5) The Boone frigate, owned by Charles Boone, late Governor of Bombay and now commanded by Captain John Standard, arrived at Madras on her way to China on 26 May 1723 (Fort St. George Diary).
() William Wake, a free merchant. (7) Hezekiah King, Company's servant at Surat. (5) Wentworth George Pitt, commander of the Stanhope. (9) Parel, a suburb of Bombay.
As stated above, the Lyell was off Portland Bill on 2 June 1723. At Portsmouth she landed her passengers, among whom was John Scattergood, a very sick man, and there, a few days later, on 12 June, he died. His death is recorded in Musgrave's Obituary and in

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[ NOVEMBER, 1933
the Political State of Great Britain, xxv. 184, where he is described as an East India merchant but no note of his burial has so far been discovered.
Of letters written to Scattergood before news of his death reached India there is one from Richard Benyon at Fort St. George, hoping “this will find you well upon your leggs in England " and one from his attorneys, Messrs. Torriano and Morse, dated 5 October 1723 and sent by the company's ship Cardigan, which sailed from Fort St. George for England on the following day. The attorneys gave an account of their management of the business left in their hands and of the efforts they had made to recover debts due to Scattergood. They reported the death of Stephen Orme, and gave it as their opinion that since his uncle, Alexander Orme, had succeeded to the chiefship of Anjengo, the debts of both would eventually be recoverable. The attorneys found Scattergood's gamboge and tea bad investments :
"We have taken all imaginable care and every opportunity of offering it to sale, but tis impossible. The Captains of both these ships (the Carnarvon and Cardigan) have told us they would not carry it home if we would give it them. Your ten chests of tea in Bengal and the 7 remaining here of the same kind no body will touch them."
With respect to Scattergood's orders to advance money to his friend Samuel Court, a free merchant at Madras, and Court's consequent investment in the Nancy brigantine, John Gibbs master, which reached Fort St. George from Surat on 30 May 1723 and sailed for Malacca on 12 August, the attorneys remarked :
" Your orders about Mr. Court have been obey'd. He paid us 73.12.for interest of 1000 page. he had at land interest and desired we would let him have that and another thousand in the stock and block of brigantine Nancy. Your orders were positive to be concern'd 2000 pagodas with him. However, at last we got him to give a respondentie bond for the half, by which, whatever becomes of the stock, we hope you will receive some benefit. He bought his ophium vastly cheap and if any vessel does, must make a good saving voyage, but those projects to the eastward do not all please us."
The last of the letters addressed to Scattergood from India testifies to the esteem and respect in which he was held by the native merchants with whom he had carried on business.
(169) Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
This being the first opertunity I have had of showing my afection and great obligation I lye under to you for your former favers bestowed on me, which is hum(bly] beging (you) to except of this small token of tenn strings of pearle from, Sir, Your morchant and very hum[blo] s[ervant]
MUTABALLCHITE() Fort St Georg(e) February the 18 1723/4.
Per Captain Bottom(2)
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 169.] (1) Mutta Bala Chetti, a member of the Chetti family of merchants with whom Scattergood had had dealings for many years.
(2) Captain Charles Boddam, commander of the Walpole, which sailed for England on 23 February 1723/4.
The last dated document among the Papers is a statement of Scattergood's affairs in India from January to September 1724.
[170] Dr. Estate of Mr. John Scattergood deceased.
Cr. 1723/4
1723/4 Jan. 2d To cash paid Mr.
Jan. 1 By ballance of last Wendey(") .. 800.
# account .. P 3100. 1. 40 Feb. 14 To cash paid him
May 13 By cash received of further .. .. 1000.
Cojee George(). 2300. - -

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NOVEMBER, 1933] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Mar. 13 To cash paid his debt to Captain
Harry which was at interest :
principal.. P 2000 - interest ..
115 20.
April 10 To cash paid Mr.
Wendey which
makes the sum in his hands Ps. 3000
14 To cash paid Hercules(*) May 30 To ditto paid him.
..
July 3 To cash paid Mr.
..
Richard Benyon agreeable to the direction of Mr. Elihu Trenchfield Sepr. 15 To cash paid Mr. George Torriano the principal of Francis Acton Esq. his concern
2115. 20. -
200.
4. 18.
5.
.. 3000.
in the King George to China. 1500. -.
May 16 By cash received
of Nina Coneco
ply() in part.. 20.
By cash received of Cojee George in full of his
Jan.
debt interest
1450
70
Decr. 15 By cash received a
remittance of Mr. Hez. King's on
account of Mr.
Alexander Orme.. 1082. 29. 20
6 By cash received Mr. Phipps remittance vizt. account Mr. Orme P. 1540. 31. 55
bal
lance
of his
1520.
own ac
count3555. 27. 5
275
5096. 22. 60
Feb. 11 By cash received of Mr. Benyon a remittance from Mr. Thomas Falconer in Bengall, current rupees 9601. 3. 9 at 350 per 100 Pags... 2743. 7. 40
[Addressed]
To the Executrix, Executor or Heir-at-law to Mr. John Scattergood.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 170.]
(1) Thomas Wendey, chaplain at Fort St. George; brother of the Rev. James Wendey, at one time attorney for Scattergood in England.
(3) Nina, a native clerk (kanakka-pillai).
(3) Khwaja George, an Armenian merchant, who had charge of Scattergood's interest in the Londor. (4) One of Scattergood's servants.
5

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Of the numerous undated notes, lists and prices of goods, collected by Scattergood and preserved with his correspondence, those relating to trade with China are the most interesting and valuable. It is only possible to reproduce here one or two as specimens.
[171]
A list of several things that comes from Europe.
[NOVEMBER, 1933
A secter, and compasses of this make.
Cases with all mathamatical instruments of silver or copper, but well polished and engraved. An astrolabe of the modern fashion to take the suns highth ashore.
Sphere or globe cælestall and terestal of brass or copper.
All sorts of mathematicall instruments that are approved of, and all sorts of instruments
are very much esteem'd if are put up in seale skin or shagreen cases, the latter best. Large tellescopes to observe the stars.
Large michlescopes for severall uses.
All sorts of toys of Vitorin glass, in fine streeks and watery; Calcedonia stone much finer. Antimonio glass for essence bottles and snuff bottles, both small and large, and cupps or
vials [phials] of 2 handles or ears, of several fancys, and no ears at all if have not two. Of paints which are not in China, as carmen which is of the best, vermilion, skye blew or smelts, a very dark blew, a very deep green.
Triaga Romana.(')
Hungary water.(2)
Balsam for Brazeel.
Landskipes on paper of palacys, gardens, &c., painted, of severall colours.
Drafts on canvis of oile, of prospects of horsemen and figures of odd fancys, as well as serious. Burning glasses as well as magnifying, being together, the larger the better.
All sorts of enameld worke, but modest figures, which are most esteem'd.'
Medicins of the following sorts:
Confeicao of Alquermes being a cordial for the heart.(3)
Oil of Capaivia.(*)
Zina quina, Jesuits barke.(5)
Cordial stones of Gasper Antonio.(6)
Bezoar stone-monkeys stone, deares stone and cows stone.(")
Lees of wine when dried is like a stone.
Saphron.
Speritts of liquors.
All sorts of curious toys that pleases the eye, as such fanceys that the children have in Europe, as boxes in which are sneakes and adders and such odd things that when open they jump out, and of others when open the box things are in a continuall motion, which these things perhaps are done by quicksilver.
[Endorsed] Account of what things will sell in China from England.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 171.J
(1) Venice treacle or turpentine, a mixture of common resin and oil of turpentine.
(2) A distilled water made of rosemary flowers infused in rectified spirits of wine, said to be so called from a queen of Hungary for whose use it was first prepared. See Sloane MS. 1504, f. 31, for a recipe for "L'Eau de la Reine d'Hongrie." See also Notes and Queries 128. x. 409, 476.
(3) Confectio alkermes, a well-known astringent medicine, in vogue at this date.
(1) Cobaiba or copaiya, an oleo-resin or balsam obtained from the trunk of the Copaifera Lansdorfli. (5) Cinchona, quinine.

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NOVEMBER, 1933)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY."
277
() Goa-stones, # named from Gasper Antonio, a Florentine lay-brother of the Paulistines. Like bezoar, Goa stones were in great repute for supposed medicinal virtues.
(1) For the etymology and explanation of the term bezoar, See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, under that heading. It was used as an antidote against snakebite and was obtained from cows, deer, goats and monkeys.
::111
(172) MEMORANDUM OR PRICES FOR SILKS OR PIECE GOODS FROM CHINA MOST VENDIBLE HERE [OSTEND). 2000 ps. gilams(1) or silks cripper() from 12 to 12 ell, all whole and of good qualitys. 71 @ 8 guilder 1600 ps. do., the broad aorta 22 ell long, all white and good ..
.. 15 @ 16 guilder 2000 ps. paunses,() ordinary sort, wholly plain, 123 @ 131 ell long
.. .. f.77 1000 pe. do. of a richer sort, also wholly plain .. .. 1000 pg. do. still richer ..
.. .. @ f. 9 2000 ps, rollid Chinese pelongs,(*) all plain - .. ..
.. .. @ f. 20 500 pa. do., flower'd and sorted
.. @f. 12, 13, 14, 15 & 16 But no pelongs Nanqueen 3000 ps. rollid taffeties sorted -- must be of brown colours
plain, sorted @ f. 30 ps. 20 white
20 blow mourant (6) 10 dark blew 10 yellow 15 divers oofty colours 16 divers groen 10 black
pe. 100
pe. 100 500 pa. striped do. under which there must be somo modest colours 3000 ps. damasten, as well poisees (6) as goosies(7)
pt. [blank]
| pt. plain, sorted @ f. 38 to 40 f. ps. 20 white
20 blow mourant 10 dark blew 10 geel(A) 20 divers coffee colours 10 groene 10 incarnatel)
above all, no black 6000 pe, light polonga, which most commonly come colour'd, but the more white there is under the better. These must not cost in India not above .. ..
.. .. .. .. 21 @ 2-here at 1.51 1600 ps. of plain gorgorang, (40) of very good quality, sorted - - - - - . 35
ps. 50 all sorts of coffee colours
15 blow mourant 10 dark blow 10 white 8 yellow 6 green
5 incarnate
pe. 100 1600 pe. plain satine, sorted as above .. .. - - - . .. .. .. @ 1.32 With the damasks, poisons and soonios must be observed that they be full of flowers, and not seperato, as we lately have had a great many.
[Notes on DOCUMENT No. 172.) C) Oilam must be golonga, for which se note on document No. 8, p. 89.
This word is a purslo. It may be a copyist's error for stripped, 1.., striped. (3) Soe note (8) on document No. 177.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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() See note on document No. lla, p. 74. (6) Faded, i.e., light blue. () See note (5) on document No. 117. (7) Stat, silk cloth. (8) Earthy, i.e., mud-coloruz. © Scarlet. (10) Grogram, a coarse silk or material of mohair wool and silk.
John Scattergood died a wealthy man, his estate being estimated, according to two different accounts, at upwards of £20,000 or upwards of £40,000. After his death litigation ensued between his widow, his uncle Roger Scattergood, his aunt Elizabeth Scattergood and his daughter Elizabeth on the one part, and his executors on the other. The latest references to this “eminent merchant" in the India Office records are found in Court Book, vol. 69, among the minutes of Courts held on 3 and 11 February 1740/1:
“The bill of exchange drawn from Fort St. George, payable to William Colograve, Esqr., Receiver of the estate of John Scattergood Esqr., deceased, or to the Receiver for the time being, was laid before the Court, together with a Letter of Attorney, signed by the legal representatives of Mr Soattergood, empowering William Mildmay of the Middle Temple, "Eaqr., to receive the said bill, amounting to £529. 8.17, which was accepted by Order of Court the 81th October last.
Order'd that it be referr'd to the Committee of Law Suits to examine and report" (pp. 210-211). "On reading a report from the Committee of Law Suite, dated this day :
Resolved that the bill of exchange drawn from Fort St. George for £629. 6. 11, payable to William Colegrave Esqr., Receiver of the Estate of John Soattergood Esqr., be not paid but to the legal represen. tatives of the said Scattergood" (p. 216).
(END)
P.S. The originals from which the above 172 copies of documents have been taken are to be found in two bundles of " Papers" at the Public Record Office, entitled "Master's Exhibits in Chancery, Scattergood v. Raworth, in Mr. Richard's Depository, Bundles 134/1 & 2."
Four sets of copies of the above have been made : 1. Transcripts by Richard Holworthy and Dorothy Shilton, bound in six volumes. in the possession of Bernard P. Scattergood, with typed Index by Lavinia M. Anstey.
2. Typed copies, chronologically arranged (by Lavinia M. Anstey), with typed Index, Introduction, Biographical Notes and Genealogical Tables (by Bernard P. Scattergood and Lavinia M. Anstey), deposited in the Manuscript Department of the British Museum Library.
3. Ditto ditto in the Guildhall Library. 4. Ditto ditto in the Record Department of the India Office.

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ON Annuary.
Map illustrating the journeys of Messrs Vaux and Rogers in the Janewa Country in the SOUTH ANDAMAN in January
and February 1902.
OLE
NDAMAN
Lokera/undd
Iko Balle Port Como sem
• За меофа ria Kotoreigend jutang
2.dlland (Durotang)
Fagner
Mowilek
Mt Merrel Range
on
Alemale
honpur
PORT BLAIR Ron island
Labyrinth les
Macpherson Stront
Auiler
Moerer's Streik
Clingue felunde
The journeys are shown by dotted lines.
CALL

Page #450
Stian Antignary coco CHAMEL A Banda songo ANDAMAN GROUP massage Cley cadell Banj HILLS AND HARJOURS - s so onde Ido. A A CORNWALLIS Madly Win Ofess) Narlandam 1! West Cated Saddlo Peakfraz N. ANDAMAN Bart SATIN N Awatin Strait STEWAT SOMO ndrrak has INTERWEWA R Vo u E biavalo (rare) nt Angelica (sey M. ANDAMAN wordt (098) T S S ELPAMA TONE MARIOUR Duran (ra) Barras Ida S for KWANGT ** MEADOM 2 TAOMA JURU o Banki mardhe a ngal Body w Homfrays street S. Benke P ANSON (or KWANG TUNAP s: WARBOUR Von means in eraart Ver men RITCHIES S. ANDAMAN blommer renowe Siam ARCHIPEL AGO Р.Славки chosen mico (seperti S. ANDAMAN We l t Harriet (193) P. MOU 567 LASMAWIN AS 22 om N.Sentinel : Mefard the AUTLAND 1. Eine uncen Iruesible Bank апенол o Flat Roct (awasa) SPORT BLAIR N AC MACPHERSON ST MIT A . MANWER'S STRAST I. Sentinel Bumil tumite croche LITTLE Scale in English Mules. ANOAMAN Dalrymple Band TEN DEGREES CHANNEL