Indian Antiquary Vol 21

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032513/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION &c. &c.
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXI.-1892.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE
PAGE J. E. ABBOTT :
PROF. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. :Similar Passages in the Bhagavatapurans and
A NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE BOWER MANUBhagavatgita ... .. ... . . ..
94 SCRIPT ... ... ... ... SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AHMAD:
THREE FURTHER PATTAVALIB OF THE DIGAN
BARAS ... ... The Evil Eye in Bihår.. .. .
ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MS. ... G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.:
THE THIRD INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MS.... 349 The Dates of the Vaghela Kings of Gujarat
BERNARD HOUGHTON, I.C.S., M.R.A.S.:GAURDAS BYSACK :
Handbook of the Haka or Baungahe Dialect of the Euphemisms in Bengal... ... .. .
Chin Language ... ... .. ... .. 123 "No" as a word of ill-omen in Bengal ...
E. HULTZSCH, Pa.D.; BANGALORE :8. J. A. CHURCHILL, TERRAN
EKAMBANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATI, DATED The Evil Eye in Persia .. .
SAKA-SAMVAT 1172 ... ... ... . C. P. CORY:
BHARAUT INSCRIPTIONS .. .
... 225 Notes on the Traditional and Mythical Men and Materials for calculating the Date of Sundara Beasts of the Malagasy . .. *
... 350 Pandye ... ... ... ... .. ... .. 121
SOUTH INDIAN COPPER INCOREPPIONS ... ... 321 WILLIAM CROOKE, I.C.S., MIRZAPUR :
Two Further Pandyan Dates ... ... ... ... 443 FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN No. 1.-The Prince and his Faithful Friend,
Pror. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN - the son of the Wesir .. No. 2.-The Parrot Prince and his Princess ... 277
Miscellaneous Dates from Inscriptions and Mss.. 47 No. 3.-How Eve reached the Prince ... ... 341
Tax AMCACHHI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VIORA
HAPALADĒVA III. ... ... ... ... ... 91 NARSINGRAO BH. DEVATIA:
GORAKHPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OY JAYADITYA Notice of the Praobina Gujarati Sahitya Batas
OF VIJAYAPURA ... ... ... ... ... 169 mala ... ... ... ..
THE MUNGIR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OY DEVA
PALADEVA ... ... GEO. F. D'PENHA:
... ... ... ... 253 FOLKLORE IN SALBETTE
) V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L. - No. 11.-Francis and his Uncle ... .
TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTs No. 3. AN INSCRIPNo. 12.-The Fortune-teller's Daughter
TION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA .. ... .. 281 No. 13.-The Cowherd and his Wife ... ...
No. 14.-The Ill-treated Daughter-in-Law ... LIEUT. R. M. RAINEY, I.S.C.:J. F. PLEET, L.C.S., M.B.A.S., PH.D., C.I.E.:
Notes on the Chinbok, Chinbons and Yindus, on
... An Early Kadamba Rock Inscription
... the Chin Frontier of Burma
.. .. ... 215 BHADRABAHO, CHANDRAGUPTA, AND SRAVANA D. ROSS :
BELGOLA .. ... ** * Taila II.
A note on the Tashon and Baungshe Chins with ..
... 167 .
remarks on their manners, customs and agriG. A. GRIEKSON, B.C.S.:
culture ... .. ... . ... ... ... ... 190 Tax INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI, translated from the French of M. E. Senart :
B. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DX FRANCH:The Language of the Inscriptions, from the See G. A. Grierson. French of M. E. Separt ... ... 1, 101, 171
V. A. SMITH :Khalei, Dhauli-Jaugada, Columnar Edicta, Bhabra, Sabasaram, Rupnath, Bairat... ... 86
Notice of Catalogues of Coins in the Government The general character of the Language ; ite
Museum, Lahore ... ... .... .. .. 184 Historical Position ...
... ... 145
Notice of Sir Alexander Cunningham's Coins of The Language of the Edicts, and the Linguistio
Ancient India from the Earliest Times ... ... 344 History of India, the Chronology of the In
Notice of Monumental Antiquities and Inscripscriptions ... ... .. . ..
... 318 tions in the N. W. P. and Oudh ...
... 303 Mixed Sanskrit and Classical Sanskrit ... ... 243 The Date of the Greco-Buddhist Pedestal from Monumental and Literary Prakrits
... ... 258
Hashtnagar ... .. ... .. ... ... 166 W. R. HILLIER :
DR. H. W. SMYTH, PENNSYLVANIA:Notes on the manners, customs, religion and SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS, translated superstitions of the Tribes inhabiting the Shan
from the German of Prof. Weber... 14, 106, 177, States ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 116
210, 293, 327, 869
*
156
Fama

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CONTENTS.
PAGE K. SRIKANTALIYAR :A Folktale about the Komattis ... ...
... 93 Eclipse Customs in Madras ... Superstitions as to Crows in Madras Bad Omons in Madras ... ... ... ... Good and Bad Omens in Madras ... ... Social Customs in Madras ... ... ... Social Customs in Southern India ... Superstitions as to Snakes in Madras Superstitions about Animals in Southern India ... 994 Snperstitions in Madras
... 252 Superstitions about Animals in Madras ... ... 276 Spirit Haunts in Madras ..
... 279 Miscellaneous Superstitions as to Animals in
21dras ... .. .. . .. ... .. 318
224
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, I.S.C., M.R.A.S.:
Offerings to Godlings in Bengal .. . An English Inscription at Moulmein ... ... 52 Glimpses into a Bhil's Life ... ... .. Sanskrit Words in Burmese ... ... ... .. 193 THE ORDER OF SUCCESSION IN THE ALOMPRA
DYNASTY OF BURMA ... ... ... . 304 V. V.:Notice on the Vedanta-Siddhantamuktavali of
Prakasananda ... ... ... ... .. . 48 L. A. WADDELL:
Tibetan Folklore, 1. Cats ... ... ... .. PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDI NUPTIAI, SONGS ... FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :
No. 17.-The Princess Malika-Jarika ... ... 160 N. SUNKUNI WARIAR :
Kallil, a famous Shrine in Southern India ... 95 Antiquities of Malabar ... ... Malabar Coast. Unlucky Actions and Lucky
Actions ... ... ... ... .. ... 194, 379 PROE. A. WEBER, BERLIN :
See Dr. W. H. Smyth.
TAW SEIN-KO:
Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Langungo ... 94 Origin of Alompra ... ... ... ... ... 252 Notes on the National Customs of the Karennis... 317 NOTES ON AN ARCHEOLOGICAL TOUR THROUGH
RAMANNADESA (THE TALAING COUNTRY OP BURMA)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 377
MISCELLANEA. Miscellaneons Dates from Inscriptions and MSS., Taila II., by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... .. . 167 by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... ... ...
47 Two Further Pandya Dates, by Dr. E. Hultzsch ... 843 An Early Kadamba Rock Inscription, by J. F. Tibetan Folklore-1. Cats, by L. A. Waddell ... 378
Fleet ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 93 A Note on the Tashon and Baungshe Ching, with A Folktale about the Komatis, by K. Srikantaliyar. 93
remarks on their Manners, Customs and Agricul
ture, by D. Ross... ... ... ... ... ... 190 Notes on the Manners, Customs, Religion and
Notes on the Chinboks, Chinbons, and Yindus, on Superstitions of the Tribes inhabiting the Shan
the Chin Frontier of Burma, by Lieut. E. M. States, by W. R. Hillier ... ... ... ... 116
Rainey, I.S.C.... ... ... ... . ... 216 Materials for Calculating the Date of Sandara Notes on the Traditional and Mythical Men and Pandya, by E. Hultzsch
... ... ... 121
Beasts of the Malagasy, by C. P. Cory ... ... 256 The Date of the Græco-Buddhist Pedestal from Notes on the National Customs of the Karennis, by Hashtnagar, by V. A. Smith ... ... ... ... 166 T. S. K. ... ... . .. ... ... ... 317
NOTES AND QUERIES. Offerings to Godlings in Bengal, by R. C. Temple... 28 Social Customs in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar ... 193 Au English Inscription at Maulmaiu, by R. C. Sanskrit Words in Burmese, by R. C. Temple ... 193 Temple ... ...
Malabar Coast, Unlucky Actions and Lucky Similar Passages in the Bhagavatapurana and Bhaga Actions, by N. Sunkuni Wariar ... 194, 279 vatgita, by J. E. Abbott
Social Customs in Southerc India, by K. Srikaa. Sauskrit Words in the Barmese Language, by Taw taliyar ... .. ... ... .. ... ... 224 Sein-Ko ... ... ... ..
Superstitions as to Snakes in Madras, by K. SrikanKallil, a famous Shrine in Southern India, by N. taliyar ... ..
........... 224 pkuni Wariar... ... ... ... ... .. 95 Superstitions about Animals in Southern India, by Antiquities of Malabar, Paral, by N. Sunkuni K. Srikantaliyar ... ... ... ... ... 92
Wariar ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 95 Superstitions in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar Eclipse Customs in Madrar, by K. Srikantaliyar ... 123 Euphemisms in Bengal, by Gaurdas Bysack... Glimpses into a Bhil's Life, by R. C. Temple ... 123 Origin of Alompra, by Taw Sein-Ko. ... The Evil Eye in Persia, by S. J. A. Churchill ... 168 Superatitions about Animals in Madras, by The Evil Eye in Bihar, by Sayyid Khairayat
Srikantaliyar ... ... ... ... ... Ahmad ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 168 Spirit Haunts in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar Superstitions as to Crows in Madras, by K. Srikan Miscellaneous Superstitions as to Animals in
taliyar ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 168 Madre, by K, Srikantaliyar ... . ... Bad Omens in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar ... ... 168 "No" as a Word of nl-Omen in Bengal, by Good and Bad Omens in Madras, by K.Srikantaliyar 192 Gaurdas Bysack ... ... ... .. . 89

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CONTENTS.
BOOK-NOTICES. PAGE
PAGE The Vedanta-Siddhantamuktavli of Prakasananda, Catalogues of the Coins in the Government Museum, with English Translation and Notes, by Arthur Lahore, by C. J. Rodgers, by V. A. Smith ... 194
Venis, by V. V. ... ... ... ... ... ... 28 Journal of the Maha-Bodhi Society. Edited by H. The Prachins Gujarati Sahitya Ratnamala, or | Dharmapali . . . . . . 279 Garland of Gems of Old Gujarati Literature. The Coins of Ancient India from the Earliest Times First Gem, the Mugdhavabodhamauktika. Edited
down to the Seventh Century A.D., by Major by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B.; by Narsingrao General Sir A. Cunningham; by V. A. Smith ... 844
Bh. Divatys ... ... ... ... ... ... 52 Archeological Survey of India. The Monumental Handbook of the Haks or Baungshe Dialect of the Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North
Chin Language, by B. Houghton, I.C.S., M.B.A.S. 123 Western Provinces and Oudh, by V. A. Smith ... 318
ILLUSTRATIONS. A Map showing the distribution of the Ancient South Indian Copper Coins ... " **
Northern Indian Alphabets ... .. . ... 40 Inscribed Wooden Images from the Kogun Cavo ... 878 Plates illustrating the Manners of the China, A ... 216 The Kalyani Sima at Pegu ... ... .. ... 383 Do. do.
B ... 217 The Stones on which the Kalyani Inscriptions are do.
C ... 318 cut... ... ... ... ... ... ... . 883 South Indian Copper Coins ... ... . 324
do.
Do.
do.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXI.-1892.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE Translated by G! A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author,
(Continued from Vol. xx. page 266.)
CHAPTER IV. (continued). THE AUTHOR AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.
PART II. - THE LANGUAGE. THE language of our inscriptions presents, especially as regards grammar, hardly any
I absolutely impenetrable obscurities. Much light is thrown upon it by a comparison with the analogous idioms with which literature has made us familiar. Nevertheless, the orthograpbical or dialectic peculiarities which distinguish the different versions, and the chronological position which our monuments occupy, lend to their study a philological importance, on which it is not necessary to insist.
I propose, in the first place, to sum up, in as condensed an inventory as possible, all the grammatical phenomena worthy of interest. In a second part I shall draw general conclusions from these phenomena. I sball endeavour to determine the true nature of the orthographical processes, to define the extent of the differences of dialect, and to group together those indications which are adapted to throw light on the state of linguistic development in the middle of the 3rd century B. C.
In spite of the continual progress with which attempts at their decipherment are rewarded, the condition of the monuments does not permit us to hope that the texts will ever be fixed with a rigorous certainty. Our facsimiles, moreover, are, at least for several versions, still regrettably insufficient.
It is, therefore, impossible to establish absolute accuracy in our statistics of the grammatical forms; and it must be understood that many of the facts which are about to be recorded, if they are rare and exceptional, are not free from doubt; but, fortunately, the characteristic phenomena reappear sufficiently often to entitle us to establish them on solid grounds, and what. remains in doubt is in no way likely to compromise our general deductions.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1892
I. - THE GRAMMAR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.
A. - GIRNAR. 1.- PHONETICS.
I, 10 ; IIL, 4 ; rdja, V, 1; tada, XIII, 5; tatha,
XII, 6. (several times tatha); yatha, IIL 8 (a). – Vowels.
(several times yatha); va (in the meauing of Changes of Quantity. - Except in certain tậ) V, 8, 5; VI, 2, 3, 4, &c. special cases, I enter neither here nor elsewhere
Changes of Quality.- Pirinda or parinda under this heading, words in which the lengthening or the shortening is the result of com
= pulinda (?), XIII, 9. Eta (= atra) VIII, 1,
3, IX, 3. Ê is weakened to i in ováditavya (for pensation, and can be explained either by the simplification or by the doubling of the con
ode) IX, 8; likh dpayisaril, XIV, 3 (for 16°). - sonant which follows. It is hardly necessary
The vowel si is written ra in vrachha, II, 8; - to add that, among the changes of quantity
a in bhati, XII, 6; vadki, XII, 2, etc.; bhataka, here noted a great many may be and can
IX, 4, &c.; dadha, VII, 3; kata, passim only be apparent, being referable either to
kacha, IX, 8; maga, L 11,12; magavya, VIII, mistakes of the engravers or to incorrect
1; suhadaya, IX, 7; usata, X, 4; vistata, XIV,
2; vyápata, passim ;-iin túrisa, IV, 5; 6tirisa, readings.
IX, 7, &c.; yárisa, XI, 1, &c.; - u in pariVowels lengthened. - Anantarail, VI, 8; puchha, VIIL, 4; vrta, X, 2.. asampratipati, IV, 2; asu (=syuh), XII, 7;
Additionsand Suppressions. - Additions: abhiramakáni, VIII, 2; chikichhd, II, 51; nátíká, V, 8; vipulé, VIL, 3; vijayamhi, XIII, 10;
a in garahá, XII, 3; garahati, XII, 5; i in tátha, XL, 4; madháritáya, XIV, 4. At the
ithi, XII, 9; u in prápundti, XIII, 4. end of words: cha, IV, 11 ; ésd (nom. masc.). Suppressions : a in pi (passim) for api which XIII, 4; mitásarhatuta, III, 4; nd, I, 2; XIV, is preserved II, 2; i in ti (V, 8; XEL, 11) for 2.; parápásaindagaraha, XII, 13; sarvatd, II, 6; iti, which is preserved five times; & in va for tatu, XII, 8; XIII, 4; tatrá, XIII, 1; &tamhi, era (passim). IX, 2; panthésil, II, 8.
Contraetions. - ava into o in orodhana A long vowel regularly becomes short before (passim); bváditavya, IX, 8; aho, IV, 3, if I anusvåray, or before a consonantal group, even am right in explaining it as equivalent to when, as here, the latter is not represented athavá; - a(l) into ô in khô; - a(y)ú into in writing : but sometimes, instead of doubling ô in mora, I, 11 ; - a(v)i into ai in thaira, IV, the consonant, the preceding vowel is leng- 7;V, 7; VIIL 3; - aly)i in & in vijátadya, thened in compensation : dhama, V. 4; vása, XIIL 11, and several times in the formative V, 4 al. Sometimes the vowel remains long, affix of the causal, húpesati, &c. Cf. below:even though nasalized : anuvidhiyatán, X, 2; ayo into ai in traidasa, V, 4; -ya into i in atikántari, VIII, 1 ; susrusatári, X, 2; viharaya- parichijitpa, X, 4; - iya into é in étaka, XIV, tánit, VIII, I; samachêrán, XIII, 7. We should, 3; - if pâténika, V, 5, really represents & perhaps, add here several cases in which a corruption of pratishthána, we should have in it represents a Sanskrit ái (see below Nasalized the contraction of a(t) into é. vowels). Sometimes, finally, a vowel remains Nasalized Vowels. - The nasal, whether long before a consonantal group: bánhana, IV,
before & consonant, or at the end of words, 2; VIII, 3; XI, 2; nást, passim ; rústika,
is, except in two cases in which a final mis V, 5; tadátpane, x, 1; átpa-, passim; and
preserved by sandhi, invariably expressed by before a mute followed by r : bhrátra, IX,
anusvira. The anusvåra is omitted in a certain 6; mátran, XIII, 1; parálramami, v, 11;
number of cases, such as achdyika for kar, pardkraména, VI, 14.
VI, 7; -pasarida for dann, XII, 4; avihisá for Vowels shortened.- Aradhi, IX,9; áradhô, hind, IV, 6, &c. These omissions, several XI, 4; étarixan, IX, 4; dané, IX, 7; Opayd, of which are, without doubt, only apparent, and VIII, 5; natikena, IX, 8; susrisd (once susúgá). due to the condition of the stone, are in every At the end of words mahaphalé, IX, 4; prána, case accidental, and are to be referred to the

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JANUARY, 1892.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
--
-
zegligence of the engraver. I lay no stress V, 5, is really derived from pratishthánia, it upon them.
would afford an example of the loss of the aspiCertain cases seem to imply the equivalence
ration, t for th. of a long vowel to a vowel nasalized : áparatá, Suppressions and Additions. - Suppres. V. 5; atikútası, IV, I; V, 3; VI, 1; Susurinsa, sion of an entire syllable in atha (= athriye), XIII, 3; niyátu (=niryántu), III, 3; padd, XII, 9; ilóleika, XIII, 12; ilskacha, XL, 4 (for JI, 2 ; susrnsd (accusative), X, 2; nichá (= ihal6%); loss of the initial y in dva(yávat), V, 2, nityash), VII, 3; pújá (acc.), XII, 2, 8; vanhal.; of a medial consonant in khó (khalu), wora (=vá, vai), XJI, 6; sc michani (nom.pl. masc. ?), (maytira). - Addition of a o in vuta (ukta), II, 3. But in most of these examples the nasa- IX, 6, &c. lized vowel is long by derivation, and it may Compound Consonants. as well be admitted that the sign for annsvåra
kt becomes t : abhisita, &c. has accidentally disappeared. It is also possible
ky becomes k : saka, XIII, 6. that the apparent confusion between a and an may, in some cases, be due to an error in the
ker becomes k: atikavitasi, VIII, I, &c.; reading. The second 14 of serwis being here
parákámaté, x, 3, &c. It remains unchanged almost always written short, there are grounds
in parikramami, VI, 11 ; parákraména, VI, 14. for believing that the aungvâra of susurhsá is. kesh becomes chh : ach hati, XIII, 7; chhanati, dne to an inadvertence of the scribe; the XII, 5; chhulaka, XII, 4, &c.; samchhaya, reading sámichain and its interpretation are
XIV, 5; vrachha, II, 8; - kh, in ithihakhanot certain. There would, therefore, only re
mahámátá, XII, 9; khamitavé, XIII, 6; santmain nichá, an unique example, and but a
khitana, XIV, 2. fragile basis for such a deduction. We might, gn becomes g: agikharivtháni, IV, 4. perhaps, add étá, IX, 5, which would be equi- gr becomes 9, : agéna, X 4, &c. valent to étari (nom. sing. nout.), unless, indeed jn becomes (nl: katarinata, VII, 3, &c.; it represents étain.
áñapayámi, VI, 6, al. In one case also, karu, XI, 4 (cf. karak, XII, dy becomes d in pádá (pándyah), IL, 2. 4), an appears to be replaced by W; and some- ny becomes in: anaina, VL 11; hiraziņa, times by &: in athé, VI, 4, 5; yuté, III, 6; VIIL, 4 savé (sarvé) kálé, VI, 3, 8. But several of tm becomes tp in atpa, XII, 3, 4, 5, 6. these facts admit, as we shall see, of a dif
tth becomes st in us!ána, VI, 9, 10. ferent explanation.
ty becomes ch: dcháyika, VI, 7, &c. In pravásahumhi, IX, 2, the nasal is written
tr becomes t, as in bhátá, XL, 3, &c. It is twice over, by an abase which is too frequent
unchanged in bhrátrá, IX, 6; mátran, XIII, in the manuscripts to cause us surprise. 1; mitrāna, IX, 7; paratrá, VI, 12; prapritra, (b). - Consonante.
IV, 8; potra, IV, 8; putra, IV, 8, al.; sarSimple Consonants. - Changes. -gh into
vatra, VI, 8, al.; savatra, VI, 4 ; tatri, XIII, A, in lahuká, XII, 3; - dentals into cerebrals,
1; tatra, XIV, 5; yatra, II, 7. in pați- for prati (passim); perhaps prați
to becomes tp : alôchétpa, XIV, 6; artin hirarnaprațividháno, VIII, 4, but pra is
bhitpd, 1, 3; chatpâró, XIII, 8; dasayitpa, XIV, doubtful; waļa, X, 4; ósadha, III, 5; vadki,
| 4 ; hitatpá, VI, 11 ; parichijitpi, XIV, 4; tudat. XII, 2, 8, 9 (beside vadhi, IV, 11); dasand,
pané, X, 1. It becomes t in satiyaputi, II, 2, IV, 3; dasaná, VIII, 3 (darsana, VIII, 4);
if the etymology proposed by Dr. Bühler is práprņoti, XIII, 4; yona, V, 5; - th into hin
correct. ahố (athavd); -d into rin tarisa, étárisa, ts becomes chh in chikichhú, II, 4, &c.; - yárisa ; - bh into h in the base bhí : hôti, and 8 in usaténa, ., 4. ahusu, &c. ;-l into r, if pirinda or parinda, ddh is preserved : vadht, IV, 11, or more XIII, 9, is equivalent to pulinda. If pétênika, ordinarily changed into dh in vadhi, XII, 9, al.
The cerebral n is always preserved in the base; it never appears in terminations, even where it ought to
exist according to the Sanskrit rulo, as in die priyaa, &c.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1892.
dy beeomes ; in aja, IV, 5;-y in uyana, VI, 4.
dr becomes d : chhudaka, &c.
do is preserved : dvé I, 11, al.; dvddasa IV, 12, al.
dhy becomes jh : majhama, XIV, 2, &c.
dhr becomes dh : dhuva, I, 12, &c.; it would appear to be preserved in (a)dhra., XIII, 9, according to the reading of Dr. Bühler.
ny becomes in, ii; ariñé, V, 5, &c.; manaté, X, 1, &c. The spelling ñayasu, for niyyásu, VIII, 1, is connected, in a manner more or less arbitrary, with this transformation of ny into n.
pt becomes t : asamáton, XIV, 5, &e.
pr becomes p: pakarama, XII, 3; dévdnashpiya, XIII, 9, &c.; - it is preserved in : asanipratipati, IV, 2; dévána priya, I, 1, 5, 6, 8; II, 1, 4; IV, 2, 5, 8, 12; V, 1; VIII, 3; IX, 1; X, 3; XI, 1; XIV, 1; prácharhitêsu, II, 2; prádésiká, III, 2; prüpunóti, XIIL, 4; prakarana, XII, 4; prajá, V, 7; prajúhitavyan, I, 3; prána, 1, 9, 10; III, 5; IV, 1, 5; XI, 3; prapótá, VI, 13; prapôtrá, IV, 8; pratipati, XI, 2; perhaps prasividhánô, VIII, 4; pravajitáni, XII, 2; prarase simhi, IX, 2; priyadasi, IV, 1, 5, 8, 12; VIII, 2; X, 1. bdh becomes dh: ladhésu, XIII, I, &o.
br becomes b: bámhana, passim ; it would appear to be preserved in bránuhana, IV, 2, 6.
bhy becomes bh: árabhisu, I, 9; árabharé, I,
tm becomes thm: kasime, &c.; dháma, V, 4. ry becomes y : niyátu, III, 3.
rv becomes v: puda, VI, 2; sava, palasim ; - it is preserved in purva, V, 4; sarva, VI, 9 (and three other times) ; sarvuta, VII, 1; XIV 2 (and four other times); sarvatra, VI, 8 (od three other times); sarvé VI, 8 (against eighteen sava or savata).
ri becomes rs in darsar.c VIII, 4&c.; - becomes s in dasand, IV, 3.
rah becomes s: vasa (vása), VIII, 2, al.
rshy becomes in kasati (for karshyati); Y, 3; kásaviti, VII, 2.
th becomes rah: garahá, &c. lp becomes p: apa, passim. ly becomes 1 : kalana, V, 1, al.
vy is always preserved : apavyayata, III, 5; divyáni, IV, 4, &c., except in pújétayá, XIL, 4.
or becomes : pravajita, XII, 2, &e. éch becomes chh: pachhá I, 12.
sy becomes 8: pasati, I, 5; - or siy: pațivésiyêhi, XI, 3.
ør becomes : susúsá, III, 4, &c.; - or er in bahusruta, XII, 7; susrusú, XII, 22; XI, 2 (and three other times); sramana, IV, 2 (four times samana); srdväpakari, VI, 6; srunáju (), XII, 7; sustusatarin, XII, 2.
bv becomes sv : sveto in the legend attached to the elephant.
shk becomes k in dukata, V, 3; dukara, V,
11.
bhr becomes th: bhátá, XI, 3, &c.; it is preserved in bhrátrá, IX, 6.
my is preserved : samyapratipati, IX, 4; XI, 2. mr becomes ab: tarnbapanini, II, 2. rg becomes g: svaga, passim. rgh becomes gh: digha, X, I. rch becomes ch: vachabhimika, XII, 9, &c. rn becomes thỉ: toshbapariņi II, 2.
rt becomes t, as in anuvataré, XIII, 9, &c.; - in sarvata, IV, 9: V, 2.
rth becomes th, as in atha, passim. rd becomes d: madava, XIII, 7.
rdh becomes dh, as in vadhayisati, IV, 7, &c.; - dh, as in vadhayati, XII, 4, &c.
rbh becomes th: gabha, VI, 3.
sher becomes 8f : rúsfika, V, 5.
shth becomes sų: adhist ána, V, 4 ; sésté, IV, 10; nistina, IX, 6; tistamtó, IV, 9; tistéya, VI, 13.
sk becomes kh : agikhardhdni, IV, 4.
st is preserved : asti, passim ; &c.; - it becomes st in anusasli, VIII, 4, al.
sth becomes st in gharastáni, XII, 1; - and 84 in elita, VI, 4.
om becomes mh, e. g. in the locatives in mhi. sy becomes 8, e.g. in the genitives in asa.
sr becomes &: parisava, X, 3, &c. ; - it is preserved in nisrita, V, 8; sahasra, I, 9; XIII, 1.
sv is preserved : svaga VI, 12, al., &c., except in sakau, IX, 5.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1892.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
hm becomes mh; it is, at least, thus that I Bases in AN. - nom. s. rája; gen. 8. ráno ; believe that we should read the group 8, instr, s. ránd; nom. pl. rdjáno. which, strictly speaking, could also be read hm. Bases in ANT. - Karani, XII, 4, nom. sing.
of the participle present, beside karo(n)to, XII, (c). - Sandhi.
5, tis! antó, nom. pl. masc., IV, 9. Sandhi rarely occurs except between the Bases in AR(RT). - Contrary to the other parts of a compound word, and, as an almost versions, Girnar presents, for these bases, no invariable rule, requires the elision of final traces of the passage into the vocalic declenconsonants ; it is nearly exclusively vocalic. sion. Instrum. sing. bhrátá, IX, 6; bhátrá, XI,
A final anusvåra is changed into min kata- 3; pita, IX, 5; XI, 3. Locat. sing. matari, vyam éva, IX, 3; évan api, II, 2. I further pitari, passim. note the form anamariñasa, XII, 7.
Bases in AS. - Acc. sing. yaso, X, 1, 2; A final d is retained in tadópayd VIII, 5;
bhuya, VIII, 5, ought to be bhuyó. tad ujanatha, XII, 5.
Bases is IN. - Here we have no trace of a + give 4. Uxcept in dhámadhistánáya, V, I
i n v the vocalic declension. - Nom. sing. piyadari, 4; dhamanngah, IX, 7. In ndsti (passim), the
priyadasi (passim); the final vowel is always long vowel is retained in spite of the double
short. - Gen. sing. pi(pri)yadasino ; instr. consonant which follows.
pi(pri)yadasini. a ti gives 6 in oijayéchhd, XIII, 11.3
(c). - Declension of Vocalic Bases. <+u gives 6 in manusőpagani II, 5.
Bases in A. - Masculines. The terminaa+ é gives é in ténésá, VIII, 3; chéva, IV, 7. tions are the same as in Pâli. I only note *+a gives i in ithijhal hamahámátá, XII, 9. peculiarities worthy of remark.
u+u gives 8 in pasőpagani, II, 6, & curious Nominative singular. - Besides the regular form which would appear to be borne out by form in 8, there are several cases of the nomithe other versions.
native in 6, as in Mâgadhi: apaparisavé, X, 2.- INFLEXION.
3; puvé, IV, 5; dévánaripiye, XII, 1; prádé
siké, III, 2; rajúké, III, 2; sakalá, X, 3; yé, It must be understood that, except in
V, I. To these examples we should add the special cases, I shall not expressly quote those
many more numerous cases in which the nomimodifications which are of a purely mechani
native neuter ends in é, instead of, and beside, cal character, being merely the applications
ask. It is the less permissible to suggest a of the phonetic rules which have just been
mechanical change of an to é, because the indicated.
termination ash is still retained in the majority (Q). - Gender.
of cases. We have, therefore, here an imitaThe distinction between the masculine and
tion of Mågadhî; and, so far as regards the neuter tends to disappear. This, as we
Mâgadhi itself, the final reason for the use of shall shortly see, is evidently due to the in
the termination & in the neuter, lies in the fluence of the Màgadhi spelling.
obliteration of the distinction between the
neuter and the masculine, which has resulted (b).- Declension of Consonantal Bases.
in the common acceptation, for both genders, of This tends to go over into the declension of the uniform use of the masculine termination. bases in a : parishad becomes parisd; larman
It is clearly in this way that, VIII, 4, we becomes karima, and is declined like a neuter in have hirashnapasividhdnô (for odhánan). a; of varchas, we have the locative vachamhin Acousative singular. - I have quoted above VI, 3; the present participle of as, makes its the form in & in athé, VI, 4, 5, and yuté, III, nominative singular santo, VI, 7; VIII, 2. 6, for the accusative. Twice, sarvé kále, VI,
The following are the traces which still 3, 8, corresponds to savarh kálash of the other exist :
versions. It must, nevertheless, be stated that
Dr. Bühler's interpretation would do away with this combination.

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1892.
savé kálé, can very well be explained as a Nominative singular. - In i. I note, how. locative, and that yuté could, without diffi- ever, apachiti, IX, 11 ; hini, IV, 4; rati, culty, be understood as a Páli accusative plural. VIII, 5. It is true that we miss parallel examples to Dative singular. - Anusasfiya, III, 3, ought authenticate this termination here. However
perhaps to read Øye. the matter may be, if we must really admit it, I can hardly imagine for the ending of the
Ablative singular. - Tanbaparini, II, 2. accusative, any origin other than false analogy
Bases in U. - Magoulines. - with neuter nominatives in é.
Nominative singular. - Sádhu, IX, 5. Datire singular. - It is always in dya. Genitive plural. -'Gurúnas, IX, 4. There is one solitary instance of the form etayo, Ablative plural. - Bahühi, IV, 4. III, 3.
Feminines. - Ablative singular. - In a : hitatpá, VI, 11 ;
Nominative singular. - sadhu, IX, 4, 11. kapá, IV, 9. Locative singular. – In amhi or in é. The
Neuters. - two terminations occur with about equal
Nominative singular. - Bahu, XIV, 3, al.; frequency.
sádhu, IX, 8, al. Neuters. - The terminations are the usual Nominative plural. - Bahuni, I, 8, al. ones.
(a). - Declension of Pronouns. Nominative singular. - As examples of the
Demonstratives, &o. - I give, according nominative in é, I quote : añé, IX, 5; bahu
to the alphabetical order of the bases, the vidhé, IV, 7; charané, IV, 7, 10; dane, VII,
forms found at Girnar. 3; VIIL, 3; dasané, VIII, 3; mangalé, IX, 4 (mangalari, IX. 1, 2, 3, 4); kanimé, IV, 10;
Anya. - Nom. sing. neater: afé, IV, 7; mahdlaké (vijitam), XIV, 3; mahaphall, IX,
IX, 5 aña, IV, 9; IX, 19. - Gen. sing. : 4; katavyamate (lôkahitar), VI, 9; mité, VI,
ahamannasa, XII, 7.- Loc. sing. : aniré, VIII, 10; patividhané, VIII, 4; séste kammé, IV,
TV 5, beside anamhi, IX, 2.- Nom. pl.: ariñé, 10; vipvile, VII, 3; yé, V, 2; tárisé, yárisé, radhité, IV, 5.
Ima. - Nom. sing. masc., ayan; fem. Nominative plural. - We have a termina
iyash; neater, idar. Ayan is, however, used tion in d, instead of ani, in dasaņd, IV, 3;
for the feminine : 1, 10; V, 9; VI, 13; XIV, prána (read ond), I, 10.
1, and for the neuter with phalan, XII, 9. —
Gen. masc. : imasa, IV, 11. - Dat. fem. : Feminines. -
imayu, III, 3. - Instr. masc. : imind, IX,.8, 9. Instrumental singular. - In dya, as mádhú- - Loc. : imamhi, IV, 10. ritaya, XIV, 4.
katya. - Nom. plur. masc. : ékachá, I, 6. Locative singular. - In dyarn, as parisdyain, Eta. - Nom. sing. masc. : @sa, X, 3; used VI, 7. It is difficult to decide whether saihti. for the neuter, or rather with a masculine randya, VI, 9, is, or is not, an error of the which, by origin, is neater, such as kaimé, engraver
&c., IV, 7, 10; VI, 10; fem., ésá, VIII, 3, 5; Nominative plural. - In áyô, in mahidayo, neuter, étan, X, 4 (perhaps under the form IX, 3.
etd, IX, 5); the parallel use of ta would lead Bases in I. - Of Masculines we find -
one to think that éta, X, 4; XI, 3=étad, and
is not an incomplete writing of étn. - Dat. Genitive plural. - Natinam, IV, 6, al.
sing. : étaya, once (III, 3) étáyê. - Loc. : Locative plural. - Ñátisu, IV, 1.
étamhi, IX, 2.- Nom. pl. : été, which, being Feminines. - We have no example of the associated with ti pránd, indicates again a conplural. For the singular, the accusative in fusion of genders. in, and the instrumental in iyá, call for no Ka. - Nom. sing, masc. : kochi, XII, 5, remark.
neuter: kimchi, passim.
V, 5.

Page #13

JANUARY, 1892.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
Ta. - Nom. sing. masc. : sa, XII, 5, and hapé sati, V, 3; pafivédétavya, VI, 8; pájétausually sô; fem. : sá, XIII, 10; neuter: tan, (ya, XII, 4. One exception : likhápayitan, XIII, 2, more often ta, IV, 10, al., whether for XIV, 3. In one case, braditavya, IX, 8, it is tam, or more probably for tad, preserved in even reduced to i. Likhápayisan, beside the composition, VIII, 5 and XII, 5; sê is employed usual lékhápita, presents an analogous weakenadverbially as equivalent to tad, I, 10, as fre- ing in the base. quently appears in the versions in a Màgadhi
(b). - Terminations. spelling. It is unnecessary to draw special attention to tas, tasa, taya, téna, tamhi, té, Present. - The terminations of the middle têsan, téhi.
voice, which in one case are, for this tense, Na. - XII, 1, we find ne used as an accusa
used to form a passive, arabharé, I, 11, are tive, and applied to neuter substantives.
generally used with a neuter, or even with an
active sense : anuvataré, XIII, 9 (the reading Ya. - Nom. sing. masc. : yo, once (V, I) ye;
anuvatait of Dr. Bühler appears to be at neuter : yarn, VIII, 3, but much more frequent
least very doubtful); marnaté, X, 1; XII, 8; ly ya, for yad, IV, 10; VI, 5, 6, 11 ; X, 3;
parákámaté, X, 3 (by the side of parákramami, XII, 3.- Nom. plur. : ye, yé, XIII, 6; yani.
VI, 11); karôté, IX, 1, 2, 3 (by the side of Sarva. - Nom. acc. sing. Deuter., sarvari
karoti, V, 1). - In sukhúpayámi, VI, 12, as(savam). - Loc. sing. (?): sarvé, VI, 8; savé,
sociated, on the one hand, with gachhéyani, VI, 3. – Nom, plar.: savé, VII, 1.
and, on the other hand, with Arddhayantu, it is Personal pronouns. - The following forms difficult to avoid recognising the subjunctive occur of the pronoun of the first person: ahan, use. mama, me for the genitive and once (VI, 9),
Imperative. - The 3rd pers. plur.: úradhafor the instrumental, maya.
yantu, VI, 12; niyátu, III, 3; yujamtu, IV, (e). - Declension of Numerals. 11, require no remarks. The middlo termiDvé, nom., I, 11 ; II, 4. - Ti, nom. neuter
nation, with an active sense, is preserved in (prdnd), I, 10, 12. - Chatparô, nom. masc.,
the 3rd sing.: anuvidhiyatan, X, 2; susrusatarina
X, 2. It will be noted that both exceptionally XIII, 8. - Panchasu, loc., III, 2.
retain the long vowel am and not arh. The 3.- CONJUGATION.
2nd pers. plur. borrows, as in Prakrit and (a). - Verbal Bases.
in Pali the termination tha of the present,
pativédétha, VI, 5. The simple bases are, in general, the same as
Fotential. - 1st pers. sing. : gachhéyani, in Sanskrit, after making allowance for phone
VI, 11; plur. dipayéma, XII, 6. - 3rd pers. tic modifications, as when we have side by side,
sing. in & in bhavé, XII, 13; in éya, in tistéya, bhavati and hôti, prápunóti for prapnóti. There
VL 13; in Stha, i, e. with the termination of. are, however, changes, as : chhanati, XII, 5,
the middle, in patipajétha, XIV, 4 ; plural: in in place of chhanoti; karani, XII, 4, participle
éyu, in vaseyu, VII, 1; in éram, termination present, beside karórtó, XII, 6; we should
of the middle : in anuvat(6)rasi, VI, 14; note the extension and alteration of the base of
sususéranh, XII, 7. Dr. Bühler reads srunérun, the present in prajúhitavyan, I, 3. The con
li.e. srundran, XII, 7, the form which to me sonantal conjugation is only preserved in asti;
seems to give srundju. The correct reading in upahandti, XII, 6, it passes into the 9th class. For the root krat we have the two
would be srunėju for stuneyu. But, at Girnar,
we have no certain example of the spelling bases : parákramámi, VI, 11, and pardkámaté,
for y. The verb as makes the 3rd sing. in X, 3. In the passive, the formative affix ya is
asa, X, 3, and the plural asu (ásu), XII, 7. combined according to the usual phonetic laws,
There is considerable difference of opinion as in arabharé, I, 11 ; drabhisarnré, I, 12; árabhisu,
to the origin of this form; some look for it I, 9.
in the Vedic subjunctive asat, and others In the causals, whether in aya or in paya the in the extension by analogy of syllt, syuh into formative aya is contracted to é whenever it asyát, asyus (Kuhn, Beitr, sur Pali Gramm, would take the form ayi : alochétpá, XIV, 6; p. 104).

Page #14

8
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Past. 3rd pers. plur. aorist: ahumsu, VIII, 2; árabhisu (= árabbhisu, passive sense), I, 9. The form ñayasu, i. e. n(i)yayánu, VIII, 1, may be compared with the 3rd pers. sing. in ási, of the dialect of the Gâthâs (cf. Mahávastu, I, 548). The 3rd sing. ayaya, would seem to be a sort of imperfect, influenced, perhaps, by the analogy of the perfect yáyé.
-
Future. The only example of the 1st pers. sing. is in am, for ami, as in Prâkrit: likhapayisam, XIV, 3. The 3rd plur. has twice a middle form anuvatisaré, V, 2; drabhisamré (passive), I, 12; in this last case, the m is a
:
[JANUARY, 1892.
material error, unless it has been introduced after the analogy of the termination asti.
Infinitive. Arádhétu (m), IX, 9.- It is very doubtful whether khamitave, XIII, 6, is an infinitive. Dapakam and srávápakasi (VI, 6),
A solitary example of the perfect, in aha, which appear to perform the office of inpassim. finitives, are in reality adjectives, like páchaka, bodhaka, with this particular shade of meaning, which is to be given,' 'which is to be taught.'
PHONETICS. Vowels.
(a).
The alphabet of Kapur di Giri does not distinguish between long and short vowels. We cannot, therefore, here discuss changes of quantity.
Absolutive. In tpá (tvd): alochétpá. XIV, 6; drabhitpá, 1, 3. Once in ya, in sachhaya samikshayya, XIV, 5.
Changes of Quality.—a for u in garunam, IX, 19; pana, ibid., by the side of guru and puna. for 6, in likhapayami, XIV, 13; bhagi amani, VIII, 17; vijinamani, XIII, 3; antikini, XIII, 9; ghatiti, XIV, 13; duvi, I, 1.-u for a in uchavucha, IX, 18; ôshudhani, II, 5; muta, XIII, 8; é for a in étra, VI, 15; Straka, IX, 20. We cannot say that has been substituted for a in cases like sashkhayé, XIV, 14 and the datives in aye; all we can do is to infer the graphic equivalence of aya and aye.-é for i in disah XI, 28; al. - In bhuye (for bhuyo) we should not, I think, look for an actual change in this dialect of 6 into, but should simply consider it as an accidental Magadhism of the spelling. u for 8 in likhapitu, I, 1. The vowel ri has no real existence
=
B. KAPUR DI GIRI.
The readings of Kapur di Giri have of late made marked progress. A few items of uncertainty, no doubt, still remain, a state of affairs which is sufficiently explained by the condition of the rock, but it is only in points of detail that certainty is really impossible, and we may believe that, so far as decipherment is concerned, we have not so much to expect from the future. I cannot, therefore, do better than take for the basis of my grammatical analysis the last publication of Dr. Bühler in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XLIII., pp. 128 and ff.
1.
Participles. The middle form of the participle present is preserved in bhujamanasa, VI, 3.
in this dialect, which, however, does not prevent its being represented in several ways by the orthography. It takes sometimes the form ra, in grahatha, XIII, 4; XII, 1, sometimes the form ri, in vistrițéna, XIV, 13, and sometimes ru, in érunéyu, XII, 7; mrugó, I, 3. It is changed to a in dukatam, V, 11; vapata, XII, 9; viyapata, V, 13; usaténa, X, 22; so also in vajri, in which the influence of the etymological form has introduced an r in the following syllable; to i in didha, VII, 5; édisa, IX, 18, al.; kita, VI, 14; the influence of the r has here cerebralised the dental, which shews that the orthography kitra, II, 4; VII, 12; VII, 5, is purely a learned and affected one; - to u in vuḍhéshu V, 12; viyaputa V, 13; paripuchha, VIII, 17; muté, XIII, 1; dharmavutam, XIII, 10. In rukha, XII, 5, vri would be changed into ru, but Dr. Bühler's reading, vuta, gives an entirely different word.
Additions and Suppressions.- Additions: initial i in istri, XII, 9.
Suppressions: a in pi (passim); i in ti (passim); é in va éva X, 22, al.; vo and
Note by Translator. The section regarding Kapur di Giri having been entirely re-written by the author for the purpose of this translation, it is hardly necessary to point out that the following, in no way, agrees with the corresponding pages of the original work.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1892.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
yô = @vani (cf, below); in sha =éshása, VI, 16, Changes. - kh into k in ku = khu (khalu), if Dr. Bühler's analogy is well founded. IV, 9.
Contractions. - ava into 8 in orodhana, ginto k in maka, XIII, 9. VI. 14; &c. ; into a in ya matrô, XIII, 6, if | gh into h in lahuka, XIII, 11. we must take it as equivalent to ya památra ;
į into y in prayuhótavé, 1, 1; raya (by the alu into 6 in khó (passim) and u in ku, IV, 9;
side of raja), I, 1; al.; kamboya, V, 12;- into
side iya into é in élukuyê, x, 21; ayó into i in
cha in vrachati, XIII, 10; orachéya, Vi, 16. tidasa, V, 11, if this is the correct reading,
I which I strongly doubt; - vá into w in the
t is cerebralised into ! under the influence of
an r-sound, whether vocalic or consonantal. participle absolute, and in chaturu, XIII, 9.
The spelling, however, fluctuates. Not only As for examples of Hiatus like dévanapriasa, !
does the classical appear side by side with the priadarsina I, 1; XIII. 1; ékatié, 1, 2; ia (hia)
Praksit orthography, but we also find interV, 13; VI, 16; IX, 20; XI, 24, the resembl.
mediate stages in which tbe r is retained in ance between a (l) and ya (yé) ha, is so close,
writing, and often in an arbitrary fasbion. that it is perhaps still permissible to doubt
Examples are, - prati becomes pați; but whether the reading is certainly correct.
pratirésiyena, IX, 19; sampralipati, IV, 8; Nasalized Vowels. -- I believe that, consi.
prațipajéya, XIV, 14 ; prațivédétavo, VI, 14; dering the condition of the rock, it is just as
palrirédlaka, parrivédétu, VI, 14 ; parrivédétaró, impossible as it is at Girnar, or more so, to VI, 15; krita is written kiļu, VI, 14; kata in attach here any definite significance to instances
sukała, V, 11; kifra, II, 4; V, 11, 12; VII, in which the anusvára is omitted, especially
5; vyáprita is written va(viya)paļa, passim ; as the last revisions have considerably reduced
vyapuța, V, 13, and also viyapatra, ibid. I may the number.
also quote vistriļena, XIV, 13; musXIII, 6, I shall have occasion, lower down, to draw and murs (P) XIII, 1. - t appears weakened to attention to the equivalence of ani and o final, d in hidasukhaye, V, 12, by the side of hita", the explanation of which still appears to me to ibid. be doubtful, although certain instances seem bh into h in aho (= athavd), IV, 8. really to indicate an actual phonetic pheno
d into y in iyah for idari, nom. sing. neut. menon. A presumption favourable to this explanation might be drawn from the spolling
dh into d in hida, 1, 1 = idha (?). alikasudaró for sano, XIII, 9.
p into v in avatrapéyu, XIII, 8. As for the nominatives neater in e for ani,
b into p in padhan, VII, 15. the concurrence of a number of masculine
bh into h in the base hôti, by the side of bhôti, nominatives in e, only allows us to recognise
bhavati. in them instances of Magadhisms, and not a
I l into rin arabhati and its derivatives and in phonetic fact peculiar to the dialect of Kapur rochetu, XIII, 11. di Giri. So also in the cases of chaturé, XIII, v into y in yô for evan, if Dr. Bühler's 9, for chaturó, and rajani for rajano, equivalent analysis is correct (in IV, 9). to rajino, ibid., if, as I have considerable doubt,
i into y in badaya, III, 5; IV, 10; -into the reading is really correct. As for ayi = in anusôchanan, XIII, 2 ; samachariya, XIII, 8. ayant, VI, 16, the correct reading is very pro. sh into é in manusa, II, 4, 5 (by the side of bably ayo.
manusha, XIII, 6); - into e in arabhiyisu, I, 2; (b). - Consonants.
yêsu, XIII, 4; abhisita, IV, 10 ; al. Simple Consonants. - In addition to the
into in anusakanan, IV, 10; anusafisanti, obaracters of the alphabet of Girnar, Kapur di
ibid. ; into sh in panchashu, III, 6 (cf. shashu Giri possesses, so far as regards consonants,
below); - into h in haché (= sachéd), IX, 20. two poculiar signs, one for the cerebral and the Suppressions and Additions. - Loss of an other for the palatal sibila ut. I shall only note
initial y in ava=yávat, passim ;-of a medial those instances in which their use does not h in ia, V, 13; VI, 16; IX, 20; XI, 24, if the correspond with that of Sansksit.
reading is certain.

Page #16

10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Addition of a prosthetic h in hia, IX, 20; hida, XIII, 12; hédiéa, VIII, 17; of a vin vachati, XIII, 8, in vuta II, 5, if this reading (upta) should really be preferred to the reading rukha.
Compound Consonants.kt becomes t abhisita, V, 11; &c.
ky becomes k in sako = sakyash, XIII, 7. kr remains unchanged: parakramati, X, 22;
&c.
ksh becomes kh: samkhayé, XIV, 14; rukha (?), II, 5; khudrakéna, X, 22; - and chh: mochhayé, V, 13; istridhiyachha, XII, 9; chhamitaviyé, XIII, 7.
khy becomes kh: mukhamute, XIII, 8. gr remains unchanged: agrabhuti, XIII, 4;
&c.
jn becomes i, except in the base anapéti, in which it becomes .
jy becomes j: jôtikamdhani, IV, 8.
nj yields n in vañanatô, III, 7.
tt becomes cerebralised into !, under the influence of an r-sound, in dharmavuļam, XIII, 10; nivatiya, IX, 19.
tth is written both th and th in uthana, VI,
15.
tin becomes t in ata° XII, passim.
ty becomes regularly ch. The Sanskrit spelling is, however, preserved in ékatie (or élatiye), 1, 2; and it is changed into ti in paritijitu, X, 22, and also, perhaps, in the participle absolutive in ti, if it is to be analysed as equivalent to tya (by false analogy).
tr remains unchanged, except in tidaśa (or tó) equivalent to trayodasa.
[JANUARY, 1892.
ts becomes a chikisa, II, 4, usaténa, X, 22. ddh is cerebralised into dh under the influence of an r-sound: vudhi, IV, 10; vudhanash, VIII, 17.
tv becomes t. I can hardly believe in the absolutely solitary example of a double tt in tadattaye X, 21, as read by Dr. Bühler. I ehould prefer to suggest the reading tadatrayé, were I not much more disposed to think that it is simply tadalayê which we should read. Cf. satiyaputra, II, 4.
dy becomes j. except in uyana, where it becomes y, VI, 14.
In shashu, I do not think that the sh can be considered as representing the groups. We have here an instance of formation of the locative after the analogy of substantives.
ndy becomes and in panda, XIII, 9.
ny becomes in, except in ananiyam, VI, 16, patrirédétu, VI, 14). in which it is written niya.
dr remains unchanged in khudrakéna, X, 22. dv, becomes d in diyaḍha, XIII, 1, and is resolved into duv in duvi, I, 3; II, 4; it is reduced to b in badaya, IV, 10.
dhr remains unchanged: dhruva, I, 3; &c. nt, instead of the spelling it, appears, according to Dr. Bühler, to be written in in atikratnam, VIII, 17, and karótné, IX, 18. This is a detail which deserves verification.
ndhr is written mdhr in andhra, XIII, 10. ny becomes : amña, IV, 9; &c. pt becomes t: nataró, IV, 9, &c. pn is resolved into pun: prapunati, XIII, 6. pr usually remains unchanged. Excluding doubtful cases, I, however, note pajupadané, IX, 18; papôtra XIII, 11. We have already seen how extremely fluctuating is the spelling of prati: sometimes prati (pratirésiyéna, XI, 24), but also pati (passim), prați (samampratipati, IX, 19), and patri (patricédaka,
bih becomes dh: ladheshu, XIII, 8.
br remains unchanged: brama na, passim. bhy becomes bh: arabhisanti, I, 3. bhr remains unchanged: bhratuna, IX, 19; al. my becomes m or sim: abhiramani, VIII, 17. The double m admitted by Dr. Bühler in me to be improbable. I prefer to read saman, samma, IX, 19; XI, 23; XIII, 5, appears to and to suggest that either saman is for samma, or that samyak has taken the form saman by
analogy.
mr becomes mib in tambapamni, II, 4.
rg becomes g: sagam, VI, 16; or is written gr in vagréna, X, 22.
rch becomes ch, with the r transposed to the preceding syllable, in vrachasi (= varchasi) VI, 14, if my analysis of the word is justified, and we should not understand "vratyasi.
rn becomes sin in tambapasimi, XIII, 9. rt becomes (nuvafisanti, V, 11): sometimes written r! (kirti, written kitri, X, 21),

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
11
or with transposition of the r to the preceding sh!r is written st in rastıkunari, V, 12. syllable (kraţava, I, 1); sometimes, also, t:
shth is written th in órétha, IV, 10; th in kataró, XI, 24.
tithé, IX, 20, adhithané, V, 13; and st in srésta, rth asually gives us thatha, passim), but I, 2, and tistiti, IV, 10. also th (athon, IX, 20; anatheshu v, 12), both shy becomes s in all futures: anapésariti, III. one and the other being sometimes written 7; &c. with r. thr (VI, 14; IX, 18) and thr (IV, 10). sk becomes k (and not kn) in jótikuidhani,
Tthy is written thriya in nirathriyar, IX, 18. JV, 8. rih becomes dh : vadhisati, IV, 9; &c.
st remains unchanged, whether written with rbh gives us bh with transposition of the r in the special sign to which Dr. Bühler appear's garbhagarasi (written grabhagarasi) VI, 14. to have correctly given its true value, or with
rm remains unchanged, but with a transposi- the group st, as in suistuta, ix, 19. tion of r in writing: krama = karma; dhrama str remains unchanged: striyaka, IX. 18;
dharma. The spelling dhrarma, IV, 8; X, istrio XII, 9: cf. also vistriténa, XIV, 13. 7, marks the real character of this method of sth becomes th: chirathitika, V, 13; grahatha, riting.
XIII, 4; and also th, graha! hani, XII, 1. ry becomes riy: ananitariyena, VI, 14;
ein becomes o in all locatives in ani; but these sumachariyani, XIII, 8.
forms do not properly belong to the language rv usually remains unchanged, with transposi- of Kapur di Giri. tion of the r either in the same syllable as - sy usually becomes e, as in the genitive in in savra, or to the syllable preceding, pruva, V, asa. But we find written siya as equivalent to 11: erava (?) VI, 11. But the spelling is not svát, IX, 20; al. are: savatra, 11, 5; V, 13 (several times); VI,
sr remains unchanged : sahasrani, I, 2; &c. 14, 15, 16; VII, 1; XIII, 10 (several times); savuri, X, 22.
sv is assimilated into o in sagani, VI, 16;
samikéna, IX, 19; and written sp in spusunani re remains unchanged with transposition of
(V, 13), if the reading is renlly certain, and it the r: "drasi.
is not simply a badly written sv. rsh is written sh in vasha, passim. It remains
hem becomes m : bramana, passim. unchanged in prashanda, scil. parshanda, V, 12; VII, 2; XII, 1, 2.
hy becomes h in mahai=mahyar, V, 11. rshy gives us sh in kashanti, v, 11.
(c). - Sandhi. lp becomes p: krpa, V, 11 ; &c.
A final an ustúra is changed to m in évaméra, ly becomes l in kalana, V, 11.
XIII, 9; paratrikum éra, XIII, 11. vy becomes either va (vasanan, XIII, 5; In compound words, I have noted :katata, VI, 15; vatavá, XI, 24; &c.), or viya a elided before i : bramanibhéshu, v, 12. (viyapatra, V, 13; pujétaviya, XII, 3), often in a combined with u into 6 : manuzőpakari, the same words; or it becomes y in mrugaya, II, 5. VIII, 17,
a elided before u: pajupadané, IX, 18. éch becomes ch (and not chl) in pacha, 1, 3;
a elided after i : istridhiyachhu, XII, 9. XMI, 2. sy become siy in pratirésiyena, XI, 24.
u combined with u into ô: pasopakari, II, 5. ir usunlly remains unchanged (suéruska,
2. — INFLEXION. passim); it is written sr in sresta, I, 2; sréthu,
(a). - Gender. IV, 10.
Here, as at Girnar, the nominative singular shk becomes k: dukuranit, V, 11; dukafani, neuter of bases in a often ends in é, e. g. ibid.
IV, 8: yadićani.....athutapurva tadisé, shkr becomes kr : base nikrawali, passim. &c. Another example of the confusion of gender
sh! becomes st in dipista, IV, 10, &c.; - appears in the plurals yutani, III, 7, and and th in atha = ashtu, XIII, 1.
kulingani, XIII, 2 (if indeed it is thus that we

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JANUARY, 1892.
T 17.
should read). One is tempted to attribute to ally in &; but often also in asi, as in Magadhi : the same cause the not unfrequent use of the mahanasasi, L, 2; gananasi, III, 7; dharmadesinence 6 for an, dharmacharanó, IV, 9; yutasi, V, 13; 8rôdhanasi, &c. VI, 14; &e. praficédétavó, VI, 14, 15; katavó, IX, 18, 19; We find the locative in é written as weakened XI, 24; rataró, IX, 19; XI, 24 ; sako, XIII, 7; to i in bhagi anni, VIII, 17. pranatrayó, 1, 3, which I take as equvalent to Neuters. - The nominative singular ends pránatrayari; but the accusatives imi, IV, 9; in am, which is several times written /, as I anudivas8, 1, 2; íatabhagô, XIII, 7, and, above have noted above. I have also pointed out the all, the nominative karotitori (for karanto) XI, frequent Magndhism of the nominative neuter 24; XII, 4, 6; (perhaps, also, shtoni = sunto, in e, which is sometimes written i, as in ghatiti, VI, 14); vô = évun (Bühler, in II, 5), appear XIV, 13. to shew that in these cases there is only a
Feminines. The loc. sing. in aye: athasamechanical equivalence between the sounds o
miranayé, VI, 15; parishayé, VI, 14. and ath. There is still, however, só, often used
Bases in I. - Femininos. - Dat. sing. in (I, 2; IV, 7; &c.) as a particle, equivalent to
iya : ayatiya, X, 21; nivutiya, IX, 19. - Instr. tad, and which cannot be explained as a
sing. in iya: anusastiya, IV, 8. - abl. sing. mechanical substitute for toit. It only remains
the same, tambaparimniya, XIII, 9. for us to see in it an arbitrary restitution from the Magadhi se, based on false analogy.
Bases in U. Masculines. - Cf. bases in
AR. (b). - Declension of Consonantal Bases.
Feminines. - It is questionable whether Of this only a few traces survive.
sadhu, III, 6, 7; IV, 10, represents the femiBases in AN. - Nom. sing. raja (raya), pag- nine, or whether it is not rather the nominative sim; gen. raño; instr. rariña, XIV, 13;- nom. neuter. plur. rajano, XIIL 9. I do not believe in the
Neuters.- Nom. and acc. sing. in : bahu, reading rajani.
IX, 18, &c. - Nom. plur. in uni : bahuni, I, 2. Bases in AR (RI).- Except the nom. plar.
(d). - Declension of Pronouns. nataró, IV, 9; VI, 16, the other forms have adopted the vocalic declension, the bases in ar Demonstratives, &c. having gone over to the declension in :
Anya. - Nom. sing. neut. : ariñan, IV, 9; mituna, bhratuna, IX, 19; bhratunach, spasunatit, IX. 19. - Dat. sing. : annoyé, III, 6; IX, V, 13; matapitushu, passim.
18. - Loc. sing. arini, VIII, 17. - Nom. plur. Bases in AS.- Acc. sing. yaso, x, 21. The
masc. aré, V, 13; al. loc. varchasi, VI, 14, can indifferently belong Ima. --- Nom. sing. fem. ayam, I, 1 ; al. I to the base varcha or the base varchas. Bhuye, have no hesitation in considering that ayi, VI, VIII, 17, is a Màgadhism for bhuyo.
16, should be read ayo = ayoni; neuter, idari, Bases in IN. - Priyadarsin has gone over IV, 10; iyan, V, 13; XII, 2 (ivo); imanir, VI, to the declension in i : priyadaráisa, passim. I | 16; al. - Gen. sing. imisa, III, 6; IV, 10. - note, however, the instr. priyadarsina, IV, 10. Dr. Bübler considers that, iu VI, 16, we should We have also the nom. plur. hastino, IV, 8. read ésha = échán. I donbt this.
(c). - Declension of Vocalic Bases. Ekatya, - Nom. sing. masc. ékatie, I, 2. Bases in A. - Masculines. - Here, again, Eta. - Nom. sing. masc. éshé, XIII, 8; I only note such peculiarities as deserve atten- neut. &tam, IX, 19; X, 22; éshé, X, 22; perhaps tion. The nom. sing. regularly terminates in éta, I, 3. - Gen. sing. étisa, III, 6. - Dat. ô, which appears to be weakened to u in sing. étayé, passim. - Gen. plur. &tésha, which likhapitu, I, 1; sometimes it takes the form in should probably be read &léshan, XIII, 5. &, the Magadhi termination (samaye, I, 2; Ka. - kichi, the nom. neut. is of frequent dévanapriyé, jane, X, 21; mukhamuté vijayé, occurrence. - IX, 20, Dr. Bübler reads késha, XIII, 8; Turamayê, XIII, 9), written i in amti. which he explains as the gen. plur. This kini, XIII, 9; sr@stamati, I, 2 - Dat, sing. aya passage should not, however, be considered as written more commonly ayé -- loc. sing. usu having received its definitive analysis.

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13
Ta.- Nom. sing. masc., só, V, 11; al. - IX, 18, but I am very sceptical regarding this Nenter: tani, passim.-- só, frequently employed reading. Even the passive, as we have just as a particle, when it represents practically the seen, always takes the terminations of the sande form : I have already intimated above parasmaipadla. how this has come aboat. - Of the other cases,
Potential. - As has its 3rd pers. sing. siya, it is sufficient to note tésha (téshan ?) XIII, 6.
X, 22, al., which serves in one passage as base Ya. - Nom. sing. masc. yo, passim ; Fem. :
of an anomalous ploral siyasu, XII, 7, by the ya, XIII, 7, 12, Neuter : yarı, passim ; yé side of which appears also asu, XIII, 11. The IX, 18. - Gen. plur. yesha or yéshan, XIII, 3rd pers. plur., @yasu, instead of the usual eyr 5.- Loc. plur. yesu, XIII, 4.
(śruneyu, XII, 7; avatrapéy, XIII, 7) also Sarva. — Nom. sing. neut. : sarva, XIV, 13. appears in hannñéyasu, XIII, 8. The usoal - Acc. sing. masc. and neut. sarvara, VI, 14; formation of the singular is in eyani, éya; but VII, 2.- Nom. plur. masc. : sarvé, VII, 1; the form in é (Skr. ét) appears to have been al. - Loc. plur. : sarveshu, V. 13.
retained in tithe, IX, 20, and prabharé, XIII, 7 Personal Pronouns.
(which it does not appear to me to be possible
to analyze as a locative). 1st person. - Nom. sing. ahant, passim. Gen. sing. me, V, 11; al.; maha (mahani) V, Past. - 3rd. pers. sing. nikerami, VIII, 17. 11. - instr. maya, VI, 15; al.
- The last revisions have revealed the middle
form dipista (Pali dipittha) IV, 10; V, 13; (e). - Declension of Numerals.
VI, 16; XIII, 11, with a passive meaning. The Duvi, nom. I, 3; II, 4.
3rd plur. usually keeps the sh; nilramishu, Chaturé, nom. masc. XIII, 9.
VIII, 17; manishu, XIII, 11 ; lúchésh, IV, Panchashu, loc. III, 6.
10. We have, however, also, arabhiyisu, I, 2. Shashu, loc. of shat, XIII, 8.
Abhavası, VIII, 17, is an anomalous formaAlha, -ashtau, in composition, XIII, 1.
tion, due to false analogy. It seems that the form of the numeral | Future. It is written everywhere in isati djective for twelve, was badaya, III, 5, and instead of ishati. We have, however, kaskati for thirteen, tidaśa, V, 11.
= kar(i)slyati, v, 11. It is doubtfal it
achhariti, V, 11, onght to be classed as an 3.- CONJUGATION.
irregular future of as. (a). – Verbal Bases.
Participle Absolutive. - Usually formed in Save for phonetic modifications, these have,
, tu, e. . brutu, XIII, 10, and the irregular in general, the usual forms. I only note the
vijinitu, XIII, 2: in yé in samkhayé, XIV, 14. presents upahanti, XII, 6; prapunali for pra.
It would appear that we have the termination punti, XIII, 6, and the participle praywhótavé,
ti in alôcháti, XIV, 14, and, if the reading will I, 1, with an irrogalar extension of the base of
stand verification, in tistiti, IV, 10. I still the present. Aha is transferred to the present
prefer to explain it, after the analogy of under the form ahati, never aha.
paritijitu (X, 22) for paricha(tyajitu, as a In the passive, the formative affix ya follows contraction of tya, rather than as representthe ordinary rules in combination : haninanti, ing the vedic tví, which Dr. Bühler sees in I, 3; arabhisarnti, I, 3; vuchati, XIII, 8. In arabhiyisu, I, 2, it is expanded into iya. Cf.
Infinitive. – I note the infinitive forms anuvidhiyisanti, XIIL 10.
dapakain and óravakarit, VI, 14. The causal formative affix, aya is usually contracted to é. Nevertheless, we have, VI, 14, Participles. - I find the following middle napayami, by the side of anapémi in the follow forms of the present participle : asamanasa. ing line.
VI, 14 and vijinamani, XIII, 3. (b). - Terminations.
The Future Participle Passive usually has According to Dr. Bühler, there survives one the termination taviya; but tava also occurs in example of the middle termination in karontē, kafavainatari, VI, 15.
it.

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WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from Vol. XX. page 878.) XVII. The Afth upangam, sariyapannatti (sAryaprajnapti) bhagavati, in 20 půhudas (prabhirita) of which 1 has eight, 2 three, and 10 twenty-two subdivisions called pühadapibuda. This strange name på huda is found beside here only in the puvva contained in the ditthivia. By the nse of this word a special connection between the ditthivaa and this upå nga is eo ipso rendered probable. Cf. also the direct statement in the introduction to up. 7. In discussing abga 3 I have remarked (p. 269) that its mention of a su apatinatti designated as angab&hira had reference to this upånga, though it could not be regarded as certain that the present form of this apange was thereby attested for that period. If it is doubtful whether the present form of this up. existed even at the date of the Nandi [402) in which the súrapannatti also is enumerated among the anamgapa vittha texts; but there are two other texts enumerated together with (or immediately after) the strap., treating in all probability of the same subject, which are at present discussed in books I and 9 (see note 1, pages 406, 407). Perhaps the double mention of the sûrap. in Ävasy. Nijj. 2, and 8 64, is to be referred still farther back, though it is still in dubio whether this mention refers to the present text or not. In the first of these passages, the author says of himself that, besides other texts, he desired to provide both the sûriapannatti and the isibhâsiya with a nijjutti. If tradition is correct, Bhadrabâhusvåmin is to be regarded as the speaker; and Malayagiri in the commencement of his comm. on uv. 5 makes especial mention of a lost niryukti of Bhadr. on the fifth uvanga. In the second passage both of the texts just mentioned are adduced together with the kâliasuam (the 11 avgas according to the schol.) and the ditthivaa as the four anuyôgas, i. e. objects of study. In this passage the isibh. occupy the second place, the súrap. the third, the ditthivaa the fourth. The sûrap. occupies here manifestly a very important position. The importance of the work is in fact very great, as is apparent from the thoroughgoing report I have made concerning is in Ind. Stud. X. 24 - 316. In it we find the most remarkable statements concerning the astronomy of the Jains arranged in a systematic form of presentation. [403] Apart from these most peculiar lucubrations, this account is of especial interest inasmuch as it displays remarkably close affiliations with the Vedic calendar-text called Jyotisham, with the Nakshatrakalpa and the parisishtas of the Atharva-Veda. The quinquennial yogam, sun and moon, and especially the 28 nakshatras, are placed in the foreground. The planets are known (Jupiter and Saturn with their periodic times), though they assert a very unimportant position and are not cited in the Greek order. There is no mention whatsoever of the zodiac. The 28 nakshatras begin withi Abhijit, and the yugam consequently begins with the summer and not with the winter sulstice. The libido novandi of the Jains, which has intentionally changed almost entirely everything which they enjoyed in common with the Buddhists or Brahmans, is here very apparent. In reality, the Jains are but tolerably fitted out with intellectual gifts. In order to conceal and compensate for this lack of originality they seek to possess something that is their individual property, and to attain this end they do not hesitate to indulge in the wildest dreams of fancy. In the province of astronomy they have viven full reins to their imagination. The polemical spirit, manifested especially in the sûrap. against other opinions (padivatti), proves that they are perfectly aware of the opposition between their own views and those generally accepted. The beginning of the nakshatras with Abhijit as the sign of the summer solstice, [404) which Malayagiri presumably refers back to Padaliptasûrit (1. 1. 286), pre-supposes Aśvini as the sign of the vernal equinox (1. c. pp. 304, 305). It is
1 In up. 6 - see p. 414- a division into vatthus is ascribed, as seems probable, to our text. The name vatthu at least recalls the purvas.
? isibhAsiy him is explained by the schol. here by uttaradhyayanidini; on 2, 6 by devendrastavkidini. See pages 259, 281, 429, 432, 442.
* An imitation of this passage is the one quoted from Slanka on p. 258. 4 In the year Vira 437 according to the thêrávali of the Kharatarag. see Klatt, p. 23.

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
15
based, therefore, upon the rectification of the old Krittikå series, which had already taken place, and which upon occasion (see 20., 17) appears as the old traditional series. It is an open question whether Greek influence made itself felt in this rectification ; at any rate we have to deal here with an indigenous stage of Indian astronomy antecedent to the authoritative and preponderating influence of the Hellenes. It is probable, therefore, that the period opened up to us by these astronomical conceptions, is the period embracing the first few centuries of our era.
G. Thibaut, in two treatises on the Süryaprajñapti in the Journal As. Soc. Beng. 1880, pp. 107-127, 181–206, has collected some facts of especial interest in this connection, facts which make for the connection of the contents of the Süryapr. with the corresponding statements in the Tcheou Pey, see Ed. Biot in the Journal Asiatique, 1841, pp. 592-639, the second part of which Biot holds to be not later than the second century A. D. Thibaut does not attempt any answer to the question whether or not there is here any historical connexion. If such a connection be proved, the Chinese must be regarded as the borrowers, through the medium of Buddhism, with which Jainism was frequently confused by the Chinese. The opposite opinion appears entirely removed from the domain of possibility by the actual facts of the case. [405] The text has been handed down to us contaminated by many corruptions. The numerous gâthâs contained in it often appear with entirely uninflected noun-forms (used in the nominative or accusative) in apabhramsa fashion. The nom. sing. of the first declension mostly ends in o and not in e. The numerals appear in a form that is excessively curtailed. If all these are peccata al origine, they are besides secondary corruptions of the text which are easily traceable. Several gåthås stood originally at the end of several SS in Book l; the MSS. containing the express statement : attha .. gathân bhaạitavvâu, but the words of the gåthas have disappeared. Even Malayagiri is unable to restore them, since they were no longer extant when he wrote: samprati kvå 'pi pustakê na dřisyarité, l. c. p. 266n.
The text begins with the legend (and in fact in the customary formula : têņain kîlênan) that Imdabhùti, at the time of king Jiyasattu in Milila, requested that he should be instructed by Mahav.) in ....., and then follows in 15 gåthase a complete statement of the contents of the 20 or the 33 sub-divisions in books 1, 2, 10. The redaction is, therefore, the result of the activity of one individual. Books 10 and 15 close with the formula tti bêmi, which we met with in the case of angas 1 - 3. Is it possible from this fact to conjecture (406] that originally they existed separntely, before the anthor incorporated them in his work P7 In I. 3 there is a reference in the text to the Jaribuddivapannatti which here in tarn cites our text. I lere reproduce from my treatise cited above a short statement of the contents :
Book I. in 8 chapters, madalai, the circles traversed annually by the sun, viz. : -
1. vaddiivaddhi muluttiņam, increase and decrease of the number of hours for day and night.
2. addhamamdalasamthit, the position (of the two suns) in the semicircle traversed by each daily.
3. kê tê chinnaṁ pariyarai ? how does one sun traverse the space traversed by the other?, and how great is this space ?
4. amtarar kim chara mti P in what intervening space do the two suns course ? 5. ogâhaï kêvaïyam ? how great a surface does each dip into illuminate)? 6. kevaïyan vikampaï ? how large a tract does each pass over every day? 7. mandala nam samthânê, the figures of the orbits described by them. 8. vikkhambhô, compass and extension of the revolutions of the sun.
51, states their number to be 140 !
& Seel. o. pp. 261, 273, 285. * See the next note and note 1, page 407. * mandalappavēsô is enu nerated in the Nandi as a separate text. . See Colebrooke, Miscell. 2, 223, in reference to the two buns of the Jains, etc.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Book II. in three chapters, tirichchha kim gachhai, how does the sun go sideways?, viz. :
[407] 1. Eight different antagonistic opinions in reference to the rising and setting of the sun.
2. Of the passing of the sun from one circle to another, etc. 3. Of the speed of the sun's motion through each of its 184 circles. Book III. obhâsaï kêvaiyam ? how much (space) is illuminated (by sun or moon) ?
Book IV. Of the sêya, svetatî, the luminous body and field of illumination of the sun and - moon.
Book V. Of the resistance which is met with by the light of the sun (20 different pratipattis).
Book VI. Of the nature of the sun's light, and of the continuance of the power of its beams.
Book VII. Who draws to himself (absorbs) the light of the sun ?
Book VIII. Of the rising of the sun, or of both the suns, in Jambudvipa, and of the 4, 12, 42, 72 suns in the other dvipa.
Book IX. Of the amount of shade in the different seasons.70 See Ind. Stud. 10, 284.
Book X. in 22 chap. (about of the whole). Of the connection of the moon with the nakshatras, viz. :
1. &valiya, the order of succession of the 28 nakshatras beginning with Abhijit.
2. muhuttagge, the number of hours for the connection of each of the naksh, with the moon or with the sun.
[408] 3. bhågå, the parts of the day or night (or of the heavens) which belong to each of the nakshatras.
4. jógasa, more exact statements in reference to the time of day in which the nakshatras some into conjanction with the moon and the length of this conjunction.
5. kulaim, the family connections of the naksh. with the months.
6. punnamisi, the days of the full moon; how and with which nakshatra these end during each of the five years of a yoga.
7. sanivåe, the mutual harmonious concatenation of the days of the new and full moon. 8. samthii, figures of the naksh, 9. tåraggam, number of stars of the naksh. 10. nota, leader, i. e. which naksh. lead which month? 11. chamdamaggam, relation of the nakshatras to the 15 day-circles of the moon. 12. dêvatâņa ya ajjhayanê, the tutelary divinities of the nakshatras. 13. muhuttanam namayai, the names of the 30 muhurtas.
14. divasarãi, the names of the 15 days and the 15 nights of the karmamasa, calendar month.
15. tihi, tithayah, ditto of the lanar month. 16. gotta, the families of the naksh.
17. bh@yankņi, the foods which are good during each of the naksh-That the naksh. begin here with Ksittika (!), is due to the influence of the well-known material that is here treated of.
18. Aichchachâra, course of the naksh.) with the sun or with the moon during the yoga.
[409] 19. müsâ, names of the months of the world and those above the world (18köttara, chiefly of climatic contents).
19 pôris mandalam is oited in Nandi as a separate text.

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20. pamcha samvachharái, the five years, viz. :1. the nakshatra year with 12 periodic months of 32744 rux@hapa. 2. the yoga year, lunar year of 3544} wux@hucpa.
3. the pamâņa (pra) year, of which there are five kinds. In addition to the two just mentioned, the pitu year (savana) of 360 vuxhuepa, the solar year of 366 vuxhepa, and the lunar leap-year of 3834 ruxonnepa.
4. the lakshaņa year, divided into the same five groups as above; there are, however, in addition certain requisites or characteristics.
5. the year of Saturn (30 years), during which Saturn completes his circuit though the 28 naksh.
21. jdisassa sayadárain, the gates of the nakshatras (in what quarter of the heavens they bring good fortune).
22. nakkhattavijal (vichayah), transit of the sun and moon through the 28 naksh. Book XI. Of the beginning of the five lunar years belonging to the yuga.
Book XII. Of the five kinds of year, which were discussed in 10, 20 on pamânasamvatsara ; they receive a much fuller treatment here.
Book XIII. Of the waxing and waning of the moon. Book XIV. When is moonlight the brightest ?
Book XV. Of the rapidity of the five classes of constellations-son, moon, planets, naksh. and tara. - According to Leumann cf. also Jiv. 4, 31, 19.
[410] Book XVI. Of the properties of moonlight.
Book XVII. Of the fall (passing away) and uvavậya (resurrection) of the genii of the moon, sun, etc.
Book XVIII. Of the height of the constellations above, and their distance from, the earth - cf. Jiv. 4, 31, 3 (L.)
Book XIX. Of the number of the suns, etc., in Jambudvipa, etc.; cf. Jiv. 4, 16, 17, 1. 20, 6. 10. 16 21 (L.)
Book XX. Of the nature and substance of the five classes of constellations. There is a commentary by Malayagiri. XVIII. The sixth upangam, the Janbuddivapannatti.
We have seen (above p. 268) that in the third anga 4, 11 a work of this name was cited, if not as upanga, at least as angabâhira. In that anga we find the same minute division of time which we meet with here; hence the existence of this upånga is assured even if its present form is different from that then in vogue. In our text upon a definite occasion there is a special reference to up. 5 and ap. 7, each of which in turn cites our upånga. It is, therefore, probable that these works are synchronistic, sopposing that the citations in this instance are not, as usually the case, the work of the redactor.
The legendary introduction to this upanga is wholly identical with that which commences [411] upângas 5 and 7, - upangas which are connected by a very close tie. This introduction is inserted between upangas 5 and 7 in a very remarkable manner. Our up. is, however, different from these, in that, like angas 1-3, it concludes with the formula ti bêmi, which, it must however, be confessed, is found at the end at least of books 10, 15 ; see p. 405.
There are no sub-divisions in the text itself, whence the Vidhiprapa calls it égasarâ. The commentary, however, recognizes seven sections which it calls by the strange title of vakbhaskâra 13
11 In 8, 1, however, only the titles of up gas 7. 5 (and the title of a part of ap. ) aro mentioned. The title of our up. finds there no mention whatsoever.
13 This recurs e. g. in Hemahansa's nykyamarijdah. .

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The mythical geography of Jambuddiva, interfased with many legends, forms the contents of this upanga. The chief part of the whole - concerns the description of the seven vâsas (varsha) and of the six vâsaharas (varshadhara). The description of Bharaha vasa which is placed in the fore-front comprises at least of the entire account. The legends of king Bharata, from whom it takes its name, claim a good half of the entire section. The detailed account of Bharaha vâsa in the different gradations of the past and present (in all 4), and in the future (in all 8), is preceded by a minute description of the divisions of time and extent; of which we have already in anga 3) met the first, from kvaliya to sisapahêliyê (or to usappiņi) - see above, p. 268. One difference is, however, noticeable :- Heres the increase is by hundreds after the willennium, [412] after 100,000 years by 84's (chaürásitivasasayasahassâim sê égê puvvamge), und from this point on by 8,400,000 (chaürasitipuv vamgasaya ... bahassàim sê égé puvvê); in anga 3, however, we find no more exact statement in reference to the manner of the progressions (vasakôdi 'ti vâ, pavvanga ti vâ, pavva ti vå).
As the result of the above we may observe one divergence as regards up. 5, where in book VI. (see Ind. Stud. 10, 22), the word puvva occurred in the signification of a million years, and the increase from that point on (without any special mention of the names in question) simply passing by paliðvama and sågarðvama, up to ôsappini, merely by 10's.
The eno meration of the 72 kalâs in a legend of Usabha is not mentioned in detail; its beginning and end alone being mentioned. The women of the foreign peoples known to us from the Bhagavati - see p. 302 - are enumerated as servants of king Bharaha: - Tatê nam tassa Bharahassa rannô bahůô khuyyal6-Chilati-våmaņi-vaqabhið Babbari-Vaūsiyâ8 Jôņiyâ-Palhaviyao, Isiņiya-Thâruņiya (Tharukiņia, Chårūbbasiya) Låsiya Lausiya Damilf Sthali taha Aravi Pulimdi ya Pakvaņi Vabali Marumdi [413](Mura', Muro) Savarið Parasið ya appigatiyáð chamdaņakalasahatthayayâô..
According to the commentary, the first four vaksbaskâras treat of the following subjects :The first, of the Bharatakshetrasvarûpam; the second, of its special relations during the 14 temporal divisions, Bharatakshếtrasvarûpavarṇanaprastávanâgatavasarpiny-utsarpiridvayarûpakalachakravarnanô nama; the third, of the legends concerning king Bharata, BharatakshetrapravsittinimittävirbhivaBharatachakricharitrav. nama; the fourth, of the remaining 6 vâsas, or 6 vasaharas, 16 kshudra Himavadadivarsbadbarairavatâmtavarshavarnanô nâma. The fifth treats, in legendary form, of the birth and consecration of a tîrthakrit, tirthaksijjanmabhishekadhikarav. The sixth, unfortunately, gives but a very short review of the divisions, extent, mountains, temples, lakes, rivers, etc., of Jambudvipa, Jambudvipagatapadârthasamgrahav.17 The seventh deals with astrological and chronological matters, jyotishkâdhikârav., and especially with the number, etc., of the moons, suns and stars in Janbudvipa. Herein it is in very close agreement with the sûrapannatti and chandapannatti, both of which are cited at the end. The answer to the questions under consideration found at the end is based chiefly upon the discussion : pamchamasuê padhamê uddêsâê, by which (414) Bhagavati 5, 1 is doubtless meant. It
15 So also in the Anuyngadvarastra, Bee Bhag. 1, 427. See Ind. Stud. 13, 108. Ind. Streifen, 3, 3. Pafchadandachhattrapr. p. 17 in reference to the customary une of the number 84.
14 According to the scholiast, we must assume that the relations of modality in anga 3 are identical with those here :- purviņi parvingAny eva chaturavitivarsbalaksheg upitáni; půrvani chaturabftilakshagunitani trufitangani bhavainti...
15 kubjâh kubjikå vakrajanghaḥ, Chilstyah chilåtade otpannab, v manjki atyamtabrasvonnatahridayakoshthård, valabhikå madahakoshțh vadha(vakrádbah ?)kåyå vå; bakubadedajah; isinikah tharukinik Ah; Ilsakadebajah, lakubadosajáb; tatra childty Adayo 'ohtadasa tattaddebodbhavatvena tattannámika jnéyah, kubj&dayas tu tisro višeshanabhätab; see Leumann in the glossary to the Aup.
16 Then follows: 3. The mountain (visa harapavval) challa Himavaate, 3. in Hémavde vloe, . mount mahaHimavarité, 5. in Harivasê v&ae, . mount Nisaha, 7. in Mahavidéhé vlad, 8. mount Nelayamte, in Ramme vel, 10. mount Rappl (Rukmin), 11. in Hirannavde vlee, 13. mount Sihart (Bikharin), 19, in Erdve vaad.
17 24 leaves (751 to 77) in a MS. of the text embracing 95 leaves, of which the fifth section embraces 664 to 75b. A gabA, which summarizes the contenta, forms the introduction. This gfhf is at the head of a sataghayani in 29 Cry composed in very froe Prakrit, by Haribhadras Ori. Soo above, pp. 371, 372.

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closes in treating of the sun: ichchêsa Jambuddivapannatti súrapannattivatthusamasêņam samattâ bhavati. Then, in close conjunction with the above, it, in like manner, treats of the moon, and concludes : ichch esa Jaotti chandapannattivatthúsamásêņam s. bh. The expression vatthu, which occurs here twice, belongs to the puvva sections — see page 361. It does not occur in the existing texts of upangas 5 and 7, which are divided into påbudas, a term which, it must be confessed, is similar to the purvas. Next follows a discussion in reference to the five different kinds of year (see above p. 409), viz. : -1. The nakk hatta year and by this is meant the revolution of Jupiter through the 28 nakshatras ;18 in up. 5 (see Ind. Stud, 10, 290), this is cited merely as a pakshamtaram. 2. The lunar yuga year. 3. The pamåņa year with its five groups as in ap. 5. 4. The lakkhaņa year in five groups. The scholiast says that in the first of the five, the nakshatra year, the commencement is made with Krittika and not with Abhijit! The scholiast on up. 5 at least makes mention of Uttarishadhâs - cf. Ind. Stud. 10, 301, note 7. 5. The year of Satorn or its revolution through the 28 nakshatras. Then follow the months, days, hours and the karaņa, which last was omitted in up. 5. The fourth karanam is here called thivilôana, strivilôchana, or tbilôaņa (80 also in the Ganiviyyâ v. 42) and not taitila. The names are as usual: - Bavam bâlavê kõlavam thîvilôaņam (415) garai vaộijam viţthi (these 7 are chara) saüņi chauppaya ņå gam kimtthuggham (these 4 are thira). The beginning with Bava is the one which usually occurs elsewhere; but in the quinquennial yugam, contrary to other statements, everything has been changed. Of the two ayaņas the summer solstice is in the first place, the rainy season is first among the seasons, Savana (Sravana) first among the months, the bahulap. among the pakkha, the day among the ahôratta, and Abhijit among the nakshatras. Then follows a special discussion of the nakshatras, – their position as regards the moon, their divinities, the number of their stars, their gotta, their form, etc., just as in the Nakshatrakalpa or in upanga 5; and partly in the form of gaha. The names of the nakshatras appear here in their secondary form as in up. 5, in anga 3 — see Ind. Stud. 10, 296, and above p. 268:- Savana (instead of 'Srôņa), Dharitha (instead of 'Sravishtha), Bhaddavaya (instead of Proshthapada), Pussa (instead of Tisbya). The conclusion is formed by all sorts of remarkable statements in reference to sun, moon, stars, the extent of their vimana, etc.; Mars (ingålaê viyalaê lôhitamke) and Saturn (saņichhard) are regarded as belonging to the court of the moon; cf. Bhagavati 1, 401. 2, 225. Jupiter was referred to above; but there is no mention of Mercury, Venus, and the zodiac.
The commentary is by Santichandra, scholar of Sakalachandra, who lived at the time of the 58th patriarch of the Tapagachha, Hîravijayasuri (+ Samvat 1652), recognized by śrt-Akabbarasuratrana (Sultan). This commentaryle is very verbose, but in the introduction it contains numerous matters of interest in reference to the relations of each of the [416] 12 upangas to that one of the angas which had a corresponding position among the series of twelve, and in reference to the commentaries thereupon - Silamkâchürya (on angas 1. 2), Abhayadêva (on angas 3-11 and up. 1), Malayagiri (on up. 2 - 7), Chandrasûri (on up. 8 - 12), and finally - see above p. 224 — in reference to the period of advancement suitable for the study of each of the angas. The full statement in reference to the mutual relation of the angas and upangas is: - tatrâ 'rgâni dvídaśa, upamgâny api amgaikadeśaprapamcharûpåņi prîyah pratyamgam ékaikabhà vât tâvamty êva, tatra 'ringa ny acharamgådîni pratîtani, tesham upamgåni kramêņa 'muni: acharangasyau "papatikam i, sutrakpidamgasya râjapraśniyam 2 sthanamgasya jîvábhigamaḥ 3, samavayangasya prajnapani 4, bhagavatyâh suryaprajnaptiḥ 6, jnátadharmakathâm. gasya jambūdvipaprajnaptih 6, upasakadaśamgasya chandraprajnaptih 7, .amtakřiddasamgadikanam drishtivadaparyamtânam pamchanam apy amgånin nirayâvalikäsrutaskamdhagatakalpikadipamchavargâh pamcho 'påmgâni, tathâ hi: aritaksiddaśaingasya kalpikâ 8, anuttaropapatika
15 janvi vahassat mahaggahê duvalasahin sarvachharihim savvanakkhattama dalam satchArci se tam nakkhattasamvacbbare.
19 The date of its composition is Sathyat 1661 (A. D. 1595); the work was, however, revised for Vijayasena nine years later

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dašâm gasya kalpåvatamsika 9, praśnavyâkaraṇasya pushpitâ 10, vipåkafrutasya pushpachulika 11, drishtivadasya Vrishnidasa 12, iti.
XIX. The seventh upamgam, chamdapannatti.
We have, before, frequently observed that a text of this name is twice cited in anga 3, and in conjunction with texts whose titles belong to upangas 5, 6, or to a portion of up. 3; that the order of succession of the titles in anga 3 (7,5, 6) does not agree with the present position of these texts, viz. the title of the chamdapannatti is there, and, in fact, in both the passages which concern this matter, placed before the others. The chamdapannatti is cited in the text of up. 6, as before remarked. [417] Taking these facts into consideration, it is in the higbest degree remarkable that the existing text is almost completely identical with that of up. 5, differing from it, for example, in about the same way as the two schools of the white Yajus differ from each other. The introduction is, however, quite different. The beginning consists of 4 âryâ strophes, of which 1 and 2 sing the praises of Vira etc.; v. 3 characterizes the work in the same words as are found in up. 4, introd. v. 3 and 5, 1. e. as pavvasuyasáraņisamdam - seo p. 394 - and v. 4 traces back the jóisara yapannatti to the questions of Gôtama Indabbûti. Then follow upon these four strophes the same 15 verses in an interrogatory tone, which in up. 5, too, state the contents of the 20 separate divisions (pâhuda) and subdivisions pâhudapâhuda. From this we can draw the conclusion that there is complete identity of subject and method of treatment. The legendary introduction, which refers the whole to a conversation between Mahavira and Indrabhûti, follows upon these 15 verses, and displays a few minor differences. From this point on, the text is similar to, and in fact, almost identical with, that of up. 5, with the exception of a few linguistic (e. g. râi, night, for rayani, rataņi, rajaņi) and stylistic differences. Our text is, here and there, somewhat briefer, which is compensated for by references to up. 3 and 6, which are lacking in up. 5. An exact comparison of the text of each will doubtless disclose many matters of difference between the two. Nevertheless, the inter-relation of the two is a fact, the remarkable character of which [418] is enhanced when we consider that Malayagiri composed a special commentary on this upanga also, which was cssentially the same as that composed by him on up. 5, and that in neither of his commentaries does he say anything in reference to the mutual relation of both texts and commentaries. (The statement just made appears to be correct, though I have not made here an examination of Malayagiri's com, ad amussim).
Until new facts come to light that will solve this mystery, we must be content to accept the present situation. In the passage in up. 6 in which up, 5 and 7 are citud -- see above, p. 414 - the text reads as if the first had reference solely to the sun, the second solely to the moon. Our texts of up. 5 and 7, however, treat both uniformly and in a completely similar manner.
XX.- XXIV. The eighth to the twelfth upamgas, nirayávaliyao, nirayavalikas.
Under this collective name are comprised five small texts of legendary contents (vaggas) in one " śrutaskandha." The first of these either bas the special title of "śrutaskandha," or is called kappiyâô, kalpikas. The titles of the others are kappa vadamsiyâ6, pupphiyao, pupphachůliyað or châlâô, Vanhidasâð. Each of the first four has 10, the fifth 12 ajjhayaņas.20 In the introduction to the first, all these five texts are characterized – see 372, 373 - As uvamgåņam pamcha vagga. We have seen above that this epithet recurs in the interior of no other one of the texts held to be upangas. [419] It must, therefore, be deemed a probable supposition, if we assert that this epithet at the time of the composition of these five texts was restricted to them alone in their totality since they belonged together from the very beginning. Their present position at the end of the 12 upangas is to be explained by their legendary contents, which shows them to be perfectly adapted to serve as a pendant to the
Ávi, and Svi.: amtagnadasAdipanchanham amgåņam niraykvaliy-sunkkhandha uvamgan, tammi pancha vagga : kappiy ko kappavadamsiylô pupphiy do pupphachdliya vanhidasdó, chaügu dasa aijhayaņš, pamchame berasa.

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legendary texts of angas 7-11;21 and tradition has see pp. 373, 416 brought them into connection with these auga texts and especially with 8-12. They share with these not merely the common form of legendary introduction; they are referred back to Sudharman and Jambu; they have the names ukkhêva and nikhêva, usual in the customary introductory and concluding formule; they shew the division of each into ten ajjhayanas, and lastly they have the same form of the citation of a text, i. e. the first ajjh. only is quoted entire, and the catch-words suffice for those that follow. We may well call them an appendix bound to angas 7-11 by a very close tie. Their interconnection is, furthermore, attested by external evidence: Their names are placed together in the enumeration of the anangapavittha texts in the Nandi, though the order of succession varies somewhat, the series there being 20, 22, 21, 23, 24, while between 20 and 22, as a separate text, the kappiyâô are inserted, which in the Vidhiprapa, [420] as in 'Sântichandra on up. 6, see p. 416, appear merely as the name of the first of these 5 upangas. In the scholiast on the Nandi, however, and in the Nandî itself they are regarded as an independent text existing by the side of the other five: narakâvâsâs tadgâminas cha narâ yatra varṇyamtê; kalpikaḥ saudharmadikalpavaktavyatagocharâ gramthapaddhatayal; êvam kalpâvatamsika jnêyâh; yas tu grihavâsamukulana (!) tyâgêna jivâh samyamabhâvapushpitâ bhûshitá bhûyas tattyâgatô duḥkhâvâptimukulêna mukulitâs tattyâgatal pushpitâḥ pratipâdyamtê tâl pushpitâb; tad viseshapratipâdikâh pushpachûdah; Amdhaka-Vrishnidaśânâm siddhigamanadila kshaganim pratipadaki graṁthapaddhatayal.
—
In the account of Raj. Lâla Mitra, 1. c. (above, p. 227), there is no mention of the Vanhidasâô, nirayâvali and kappiyâ are enumerated as two separate upângas (8 and 9), and Kappavaḍimsaya, Pupphiya, Pupphachûliyâ as Nos. 10-12. In Kashinath Kunte's report the order is nirayâvalika, Vanhidasa, Kappavaḍimsiyâ, Pupphiyâ, Papphachûliyâ.
It must, furthermore, be noticed that Abhayadê va on anga 3, 10 is of the opinion that several of the 10 ajjh. of the dîhadasâ cited there are especially closely connected with the narakâvaliśrutaskandha see pp. 273, 423". If this is the case, it supports the probability that the contents is of ancient date, which is indeed great on other grounds. The relation of the five extant texts is as follows: -
XX. up. 8, uvaṁganaṁ padhamê vaggê, the nirayavaliyad, or kappiyao, treats of the ultimate fortunes of the ten princes Kâla etc.,22 sons [421] of the Anga king Sêniya of Champa. These princes accompanied their half-brother Kuniya33 in his campaign against his grandfather, Chêdaga of Vêsili, the Vidêha king, who refused to deliver up the own brother of Kûniya who had fled to his court. Kûniya on this account had declared war against Chêdaga, who, in order to meet the impending danger, summoned nine Mallati (Mallaki) and nine Lechhati (Lichchhavi) kings and all 48 Kâsî-Kôsalaya ganarayânô (cf. Bhagav. 7, 9, p. 301), and opposed 57,000 elephants, etc., to the 33,000 of the eleven princes (3,000 for each). The mothers of the ten princes, Kali, etc. (see anga 8, above, p. 321), each ask in turn of Mahâvira whether they are destined to behold their sons alive again. Mahâvîra in reply not only informs Imdabhûti into what hell each must descend after he has fallen in the battle hence the title of the upâmga and his future fate, but also relates the antecedent history of king Kûniya himself, beginning at that point when his mother was three months pregnant. The expulsion of his father Sêniya from the throne at his hands is then related and his father's death in prison. We possess in its complete form the text of the first ajjh. alone, the second being finished off in six, the remaining eight in two lines.
The reader is referred to Jacobi's introduction to the kalpas. p. 2 for Sêniya Bhimbhisâra,25 i. e.
21 As regards anga 10 I have mentioned on page 329 my conjecture that from the inter relation of up. 8-12 and angas 7-11 we have additional testimony for the view that anga 10 too originally possessed a legendary character. See, however, p. 334 n.1
22 Kale, Sukale, Mahakale, Kaphê, Sukanhê, Mahakanhê, Virakanhê, Rimakanhê, Piusépakanhê, Mahfaêpakanhê. 25 Son of Chellana, wife of Paümåvål. Stepmothers, chullamâus, of Kania.
25 See ajjh. 10 of the daááárutaskandha.

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Srêņika Bimbisara, and his son Kūņiya Bambhasäraputta, 26 1. e. Ajatasatro, [422 ]contemporaries of Buddha, and also in reference to the synchronistic conclusions which may be drawn in reference to Mahavira. It is placed beyond the shadow of a doubt, that the Bauddhas and the Jainas possess herein a common heritage, and that genuine historical traditions form the foundation of the recital. Whether it is necessary to separate Mahêvira from Buddha is another question
- cf. Bhagav. 1, "a. The traditional connection of Mahavira with Natiputta, Buddha's opponent, can also be regarded as the result - cf. p. 240 - of an intentional variation caused by'sectarian hatred. The Nirayávali has been edited by S. Warren, Antwerp, 1879, on which see H. Jacobi in Journ. Germ. Orient. Soc. 34, 178 ff. There is a commentary by Chandrasuri
The enumeration of the women of non-Aryan peoples, 27 distinguished in the text merely by vahủhin khuyyâhim java, is quoted by Chandrasûri in the same form which we meet with in Bhag. 9, s (see p. 302), etc. The citation jahâ Chittð tti, points to up. (2), jahâ Pabhavati to aiiga 5, 11.
XXI. ap. 9. varga 2, kappAvadamsiau, kalpavatamsikah, treats of the ten song of prince Kala, etc., all of whom were converted to asceticism, as 'were their grandmothers Kali etc., and who 5423 reached their respective heavens.29 The account consists almost entirely of mere catchwords or of references. Emphasis is often laid upon the study of the sâmkia-m-adikim ekkârasa amgåim.
XXII. up. 10. varga 3, pupphiau, pushpikah (or oth), treats, with reference to up. 2, of the teri gods or goddesses30 who came from their heavenly world891 to pay reverence to Mahâvîra, who therenpon tells to Gôyama their previous history. They were in a former birth all turned or converted to the study of the sâmkia-m-adikim ekkârasa amgain, either by the arhant Påsa or by the Ayya Suvvatâ or by the thêra bhagavató (see up. 3). These former births, as mahana, gahavati, satthavâhâ etc., occurred in Savatthi, Vändrasi (!), Manivača, Vendayaņa, Mihilâ, Hatthiņapura, Kakandi. The enumeration of the Brahmanical sciences here is similar to that in the Bhagavati (above, p. 303); and their names are similarly explained by the scholiast.
XXIII. up. 11, varga 4, pupphachalad, pushpachadas;" ten other histories of a similar nature. We possess the first alone, the Bhata naman dariâ, former birth of the Siridevi, 33 is brought by Pisa to believe in the niggamtham på vayanam. The other histories have entirely disappeared with the exception of the names, [424] which are found in the gabâ in the introduction; the goddesses (not gods) who are here mentioned are for the most part mere personifications of ethical qualities.
XXIV. up. 12. varga 5, Vanhidasko, Vrishạidabas, in 12 ajjhayaņas; 12 similar histories, of which we possess none but the first, the mere dames by which the others were called having been
» See introduction to up. 2. More exact information in reference to his history is found in the scholiast or Åvaby. 18, 144, cf. Bhag. 7, 9 (Leumann).
27 kubjik Abhib vakrajaroghAbhih, chilatibhir anaryadékotpannibhib, vamanAbhir hrasvabarirAbhih vadabhabhi madahakoshthAbhih, Varvaribhir Varvarad busarbbavabhih, Vakukikabhih Yonakabhih PaphavikAbhib Isinikábhih Charukinik Abhih Lasikabhih Dravidibhih Rixhhaltbhih Aravibhih Pakvapibhib Vahalibhih Murundibhib Bavarlbhib Parasibhih nånadosAbhir vahuvidhiniryapriyadehotpannibhih; cf. p. 412.
3 Paüme, Mahapaüme, Bhadde, Subhadde, Mahabhadde, Paumabhadde, Paumasené, Parimagummi, Nallipigomme, Anande, Naradan (but this makes 11 names! Is one to be referred to a son of Kuniya )
* Seated in the Kalpåvatangaka Vimina, Kashinath K.
* Chaždé jõisinde, SûrA, Sukke, mahagahe (planet Venos), Bahuputtia, Pannabhadde, Mapibhadde, Datte, Sive, Bale, Anadhita; four of these names, see p. 273, among those of the afhadaagu.
#1 Seated in the celestial chariot (Pushpaka), Kashinath.
52 Contains an account of the female disciple of Mahavira Svami, named Pashpachhala, and of her female attendant, Kashinath.
* See p. 273 n.
* siri, hiri, dhiti, kitthi, vuddhi, lajja, il devi, sur& devi, sarussal devl, gardhadevi; - The Siridevi comes to honor Mah&vira .. jab Bahuputti.

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preserved.35 The conversion of twelve princes of the race of Vrishņi is here treated of as having ensued throngh the influence of the arhan Aritthanêmi. The first history deals with Nisadha, son of Baladêve, nephew of king Kanha-Vasudeva in Baravati.36 In his former birth he was converted or turned to the study of the sâmâia-m-Adiâi ekkârasa amgâin by the Siddhatthanamam dyariya. A prophecy in reference to his future birth is added to the above recital. At the end the five texts are again called the "avamgåņi" or the 5 vargas of one śrutaskandba: nirayâvaliâsutakkhandhô samatto, samattaņi a uvamgåņi, nirayávalid-uvamgê nam égô suakkhandhô pamcha vagga pamchasu divasêsu uddissamti.
This last statement in reference to the number of days which are necessary to teach or to recite them, is found (425) in exactly the same form in the corresponding angas - see p. 280. The three sâmîyarîs, contain detailed statements in reference to each.
The historical value of these legends is, apart from the traditions contained in ap. 8, without doubt very slight indeed. The largest portion of their contents is as purely fictitions as was the case in anga 6 fg. (see p. 338). Nevertheless, since they contain information (e. g. in respect to the activity of Påsa, which preceded that of Mabâvira), we may claim for them a value as regards our estimation of the relations ander which we have to consider the life and works of Mahåvira.
We have seen above that the uniformity of the contents, and the homogeneous method of treating it in all the five texts, make for the conclusion that they originally formed but one text. Tradition calls them merely the five parts of one śrutaskandha. Their enumeration as five separate texts was caused by the desire to have the number of the uvamgas correspond to that of the angas. The fact is that the special limitation of the number of the angas to eleven, which is found in av. 8-12, must be regarded as a strange contradiction of the desire to assimi. late the number of the uvamgas to that of the angas. The title vagga belongs also to angas 6 and 8, as an appendix or supplement to the latter of which two, these five texts may have come into existence. The history of the first vagga here (uv. 8-12) is, to a certain extent, an elucidatory supplement to the last of the vaggas there, i. e. in anga 8.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FA D'PENHA.
No. 11. - Francis and his Uncle. There was an old woman who had an only son, called Francis. They were in rather poor circumstances, and lived on what the old woman earned during the day. Francis had a maternal uncle, who was very rich and possessed much land and severdi bullocks and cows.
One day, when the boy was old enough, his maternal uncle called on his sister, and asked her to send the lad to take his cattle to graze, promising to give him something as pay. His sister told him that the boy was mischievous, and said he had better ask him himself to agree to the proposal. His uncle, therefore, called the boy, and said to him :-“Francis, will you come and take my cattle to graze every day? I will give you something in return."
“Yes, I will come," said Francis. “Will yon give me a cow as pay, uncle ?”
His uncle promised to give him a cow, and Francis went daily and took his uncle's cattle to graze. Every day Francis asked for his cow, but his uncle put him off, saying :
“I will give you one to-morrow."
* Nisadhe, MahAnisadhe, Anigahe, Vede, Pagati, Jutti, Dasarahé, Dadharah, MahAdhapa, Sattadhana, Dasar dhand, Sayadhana, . At the head of 10 DasATA : Samuddavijaya eto., 5 Mahavira Baladera eto., 16,000 kings: Uggasépa eto., 31 koţi of kumara : Payyunna eto., 60,000 duddarlita (P) : Sambaya eto., 21,000 vira : Virasina etc., 16,000 devi: Ruppini, sto., and many thousand gaņi: Apargna A oto. The same court is found according to Leumann in aðga 6, D. 526, 1231, and adga 8, 1.
1 The original is Farantia, a familiar local form of Francis.

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After several days, the uncle, finding Francis importunate, one day said to him :- "There are a lot of cows here, you can choose one for yourself."
Upon this Francis chose a cow for himself, and every day fed her with half of his own rations, which made her grow plump and fat. Now bis uncle observed that, while his own cattle remained as before, Francis' cow was growing fat and beat them all in beauty. He soon became jealous, and considered how he might deprive the lad of his cow.
So one evening he came and said to him:-“Well, Francis, my boy, I'll give you a holiday to-morrow, and I will look after the cattle myself."
Bat Francis said :-"No, uncle, I don't care for a holiday. I will be at my usual work."
His uncle, however, pressed him much, saying :- "Francis, you are yet a child, and you require some rest. So listen to me and take a holiday."
So Francis was at last persuaded to take a holiday, but he asked his uncle to take care of his cow, which, of course, his uncle promised to do.
In the morning the uncle took his cattle for grazing, as also Francis' cow. While his cattle were grazing he drove the cow up a high mountain and from there threw her into the river below, and the cow died at once, and the uncle was satisfied, and taking his own cattle he came home in the evening.
The following day, as soon as Francis arose, he went as usual to his daily work, but to his astonishment found his cow missing. He ran to his uncle and asked him where his cow was, His uncle said :-“Look in the stalls; she must be somewhere among the other cattle."
Francis went to the stalls and searched among all the cattle, but in vain, and therefore suspected foul phy. Instead of taking his uncle's cattle to graze, he left them in the stalls, and went all over the forests in quest of his own cow. He searched and searched, and, at last, found the carcass of his cow in the river. Poor Francis sat down by the poor cow and cried for hours and hours, but he made sure that the death of the cow was due to nothing else than his uncle's envy.
Seeing that crying would not bring his cow back to life, he made up his mind to skin the cow, so that the skin might some day be of use to him. So he at once set to work, and, dragging the carcass to the bank of the river, skinned it and dried it in the sun for several days.
When the skin was thoroughly dried, he asked his mother one day to bake him three or four hand-cakes, but she said: "There is scarcely flour enough to make one cake ; and how am. I to bake three or fonr for you?"
Francis, however, bothered her so often that his mother went and begged some rice-flour, aud baked four cakes, and gave them to him. Francis tied up the cakes in a kerchief, and, taking the cow's skin, went away. He walked on and on, uncertain where to go, or what to do, for a whole day, and when it was dusk he found himself in a large forest, and here he meant to pass the night; but being afraid that some wild beast might see and devour him, he climbed up a high treo, not forgetting to take the skin also with him.
At dead of night it happened that some robbers, who had plundered a rich house, came and sat under that very tree, and, having thrown down their booty, began to divide it, and to quarrel between themselves.
Said one: -"I deserve the greatest share because I shewed yon the house."
"No, no," said a second; “I entered the house first, while you remained outside, and so the biggest share falls to my lot."
And so they went on quarrelling, till our hero got so frightened that he let fall the cow's hide from the tree, which made such a noise, and in its turn so frightened the robbers, that they left everything and took to their heels, thinking some evil spirits had seen them and were coming on them.

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Our hero, when he saw the robbers had run away, came down, took all the treasure the robbers had left, and went home in high spirits. When he reached his hut, he told his mother to go to her brother's house, and ask for the loan of his phará ani dándá (basket and spade). His mother told him to go himself; but Francis pleaded, saying :- "Go, go, mother, and ask for uncle's basket and spade.
His mother at last went to her brother's home, and asked for the loan of his basket and spade. Her brother said to her:- "Sister, why do you want the basket and spade P What are you going to do with them ? "
She replied: - Francis wants them. The boy is so mischievous. I don't know what he wants to do with them."
So his mother took the basket and the spade from her brother and brought them to Francis. Francis took them and measured all the treasure he had got, which made several baskets full. But on returning the basket and the spade, he let two rupees stick to the basket for his uncle to see, and when he saw the two rupees in the basket, he asked his sister how they came there. She told him that Francis had brought a heap of treasure, which he measured it with the basket. When the uncle heard this he immediately came to Francis and asked him how he got all the treasure, upon which Francis said :- "Oh uncle, what shall I tell you ? Shall I say one, or shall I say two?"
His uncle then said: - "Go on, my boy, tell me where you got the treasure from."
Francis then replied: -“Why, uncle, you remember you killed my cow ? I am so thankful to you for it. I skinned the cow, dried the hide, and cried it for sale:
“ Jiá chấbrah, dia cham ; jhia chambranh dia cham.
Take hides, give treasure; take hides, give treasure." " There is such a demand for these hideg, that for the hide of one cow I got all this treasure. O uncle, if I had half the number of cattle that you have, I should get a heap of treasure as large as your house."
His uncle was so fired with the desire of amassing treasure, that he went and slaughtered all his cattle, believing every word that his nephew had told him. In due time the cattle were skinned, and the hides having been thoroughly dried, he went from village to village and from country to country, crying out:
"Jhia chambra, diá dhan; jhia chambrah diá dhan.
Take hides, give treasure; take hides, give treasure.” But who ever heard of exchanging hides for treasure P The poor man wandered day and nigbt for several weeks, and made himself the laughing-stock of every one. Quite fatigued and disheartened, he returned home. His wife asked him what success he had met with, but he only said: "Oh, you don't understand these affairs ; mind your own basiness."
He was so enraged at the trick, that he determined to ruin Francis, and with this determination one night set fire to the boy's hut. His poor mother ran about like one mad, calling the people to help in putting out the fire. Francis, on the contrary, brought more sticks and other combastibles, and put them on the flames, which helped to burn dow hut quickly and surely.
When the hut was entirely burnt down, Francis collected all the ashes in two bage. Ho then told his mother again to bake him a few cakes, which his mother did with some reluctanco, saying: -"I can't understand, Francis, where you want to go, or what you are trying do ?"
But be bundled the cakes into a kerchief, and, having borrowed a bullook from one o neighbours, put the two bags of ashes on it, and drove it away. This time, too, he was u

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what to do or where to go for a whole day, and at dusk he was again in a forest where he met a great merchant also driving a bullock with two bags on it. They asked each other who they were and where they were going and what they had. The merchant replied first: "I am a merchant, and the bags you see on the ballock are full of gold mohars, which I have earned in my trade."
Francis turned this opportunity to his advantage, and said: - "Exactly like myself. I have amassed a large fortune in the shape of gold mohars in the bags which you see on my bullock, and I am now returning home after several months' business."
The merchant believed every word he said, and so they agreed to put up together for the night, and arranged between them to watch their property by turns. The merchant had to watch till midnight, and then go to sleep, after which it was Francis' tarn to watch. Meanwhile they removed the bags from the bullocks to give them rest. Having partaken of their meals, Francis went to sleep while the merchant kept watch. About midnight the merchant awoke Francis ind told him it was time for him to keep watch,
"Certainly," said Francis ; "we must, however, put our bags on our respective bullocks, for, shonld any robbers come, what can I do alone P While if we have them ready on the bullocks, I can awake you and we can then escape with all haste."
The merchant thought the proposal reasonable, and so each put his bags on his bullock, and then the merchant fell fast asleep, being quite tired with the journey and the night-watch.
In a little while Francis changed the bags, and drove home in all haste, and when he got home again he asked his mother to go to her brother's house and borrow his phará ani dánda. His mother at first refused to go, telling him to go himself; but at last she went, and said to her brother: - "Brother, brother, lend me your basket and spade."
“Why do you want the basket and spade P" asked her brother. “The boy wants them," replied she. “I don't know what he is trying to do."
So Francis' uncle then gave her the basket and the spade, which she took home and gave to her son. Francis then measured all the gold mohars, which made several baskets full, and in returning the basket and the spade Francis purposely left two mohars in the basket. On seeing them his uncle came in all heste and asked Francis where he got the mohars from. Francis thought this a good opportunity for taking his revenge, and calmly said: - "Why, uncle, didn't you set fire to my hut? I gathered the ashes and sold them for several baskets full of gold mohars. Oh, if I only had a house like yours, what a lot of mohars it would fetch! You have only to say:
“Jhiá bhúri, did mörí; jhia bhúri, diá môré.
Take ashes, give mohars; take ashes, give mohars." "Hundreds and thousands of people will flock to you bringing their mohars and taking your ashes."
His unclo was again duped, and went and set fire to his large house. His wife was, of conrse, alarmed at this action, but her husband said: - "Oh, you don't understand these Affairs; you mind your own business."
The whole house was reduced to ashes, which he collected and put into several bags. As he had killed all his cattle, he was obliged to borrow bullocks from others for the conveyance of the ashes. Having put the bags on the bullocks, he drove them from village to village and from town to town, crying at the top of his voice: -
“ Juiá bars, dia mori; luiá hú rí, dia môrs.
Take ashes, give mohars; take ashes, give mohars." Thus he cried and cried his ashes for days and weeks together, with the result, that he tired himself out and was hooted by all as a fool; for what folly is greater than to ask for mohars in

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exchange for ashes P At last he went home quite sick and tired. His wife again asked him what success he had had, but he only said: - "Oh, you don't understand these affairs ; you mind your own business."
He now thought of how to punish Francis for his mischief, and hit upon the following plan. He called him one day, bound his hands and feet, and tied him in & back with the object of throwing him in the river. As he was going with the sack with Francis in it, he felt a pain in his stomach. Round about him were a lot of cow-herds, so patting the burden down, he went to a long distance to relieve his pain. In the meantime Francis pretended to be cry. ing, and kept saying: "Oh, I do not wish to be married! I am yet young, and the girl is so big ! What a shame, my uncle wants me married by compulsion."
One of the cow-herds, who heard what Francis said, asked him to explain what it all meant. So he said: - "Look here, I am so young, and because I do not wish to be married, as the girl is too big for me, my uncle is taking me by force."
Upon this the cow-herd said: “If that be the case let me take your place."
« Agreed," said our hero ; and he was immediately let out of the sack, and was replaced by the cow-herd. Francis, once out of the bag, took the cattle belonging to the cow-herd, and drove them home in safety.
His uncle came after a time, and taking up the sack, marched straight to the mountain, and threw the bag hoadlong from a precipice into the river, highly elated at the thought that he had at last got rid of Francis. That day passed and on the following morning he saw Francis driving a large herd of cows and buffaloes. He was at his wits' ends to understand how Francis escaped, and how he got such a lot of cattle. He, therefore, said to him: – “Hallo, Francis, where did you get all the cattle from P"
Francis replied: -“Why, from the river into which you throw me. There are hundreds of thousands of them there. The only misfortune is that, being young, I could not manage more; so I contented myself with these. Oh, if I were as big and strong as you are, what a lot more I could have got."
The poor unole for the third time believed what Francis told him, and so he asked him to bind his hands and feet and to throw him in the river. Francis, too glad of the opportunity offered him to get rid of his uncle, at once set to work. Having bound him well and put him in a sack, he carried him away. On the way, Francis now and then dropped his load on the ground, upon which his uncle would say: "Oh, Francis, what are you trying to do? Yon will kill me at this rate."
But Francis would reply :-“No, no, uncle; you see I am so small, and you are so heavy! How can I help it?"
Thus Francis carried his ancle up the mountain and threw him into the river, where he immediately died. When Francis returned home, his aunt oame and inquired of him what his uncle was doing: Francis replied: - "Uncle is selecting good cattle, and will not come home for a long time."
For a whole week his aunt came daily and asked Francis why her husband had not returned yet, and Francis always gave her the same reply; but at last he said to her: - "Túmchá naura atham éváché ndhin. Tumi válé ani pột kdrá, ani bangria bingria phora. Your husband will never come now. Remove your vale and pôt, and break your bangles."
Francis now had abundance of money, with which he purchased a large house, and plenty of landed property, and lived with his old mother happily and in andisturbed enjoyment of his wealth.
· Vavere anklets and pôt is a necklet of gold which is given by the husband to the wife on their wedding day. The breaking of bangles is pre-eminently the sign of widowhood, as also are the removal of the vale and pot, which are onlled the shimgar of married woman.

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NOTES AND QUERIES. OFFERINGS TO GODLINGS IN BENGAL. to Pirs at Sialkot in the PañjAb in token of vows At Råniganj and Bardwin in Bengal I found fulfilled. It would be interesting to note how small rude images of horses and elephants, far the custom is spread in India among the more used as offorings to Satto Pir by Musalmans and civilized peoples. Among the savage Chêrôs of to Bhoirob (Bhairava) and Mansa Devi by Hindus. the Mirzapur District such images of horses are Images of horses are offered in a similar way common.
R. C. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICE. THE VEDANTA-SIDIANTAMUKTAVALI OF PRAKASANANDA, edition, is given a clear explanation of some of the
with English translation and notes, by ARTHUR most difficult terms of Hindu Logic. VENTS. Benares, 1590. Pp. vi, ii, 186, vi. (Reprint
Under the superintendence of Professor Venis is from the Pandit.)
published the Vizianagram Sanskrit Series, According to the editor, Prakasananda, the the first number of which is edited by Mabima. author of this work is wedged in between Nri. hopadhyâya Gangadhara Sastri Manavalli and gives sin ha-Arama and Appaya-Dikshita," the former a fair indication of the scholar-like way in which of whom converted the latter "from Sáiva heresy
the others will be done. It contains the Sansksit to the true Strikara Vedanta," and the latter text of the Siddhintalida, a work on the Vodanta
had reachel 11 good old age in 1620 A. D." Philosophy written by Appaya-Dikshita. The More precise information regarding this author 18 editor discusses, in the preface, at considerable not availablo. Consequently his work has pro- length, the date of the author, and arrives at the hably to be assigned to the Inst quarter of the conclusion that he was born about 1550 A. D. 16th century. Prakasinanda's Siddhantamuk- He further adds that Appaya-Dikshita was, ac. távali belongs to a class of works wbich serve
cording to European scholars, the chief Pandit 18 appendages to the second Adlyaya of San
at the court of the Vijayanagara king Krisliņraraja karu's grunt Bheisly. The object of these works whose other name was Venkatapati and who was "consists in searching through all the so-called
the son of Narasimha alias Narasadova. It is Droofs of dunlity (dowite) current in the schools clear from the following verse which is found at (more particularly in that of the Nyiya), in the end of the Kuvalaydnanda, another work of order to close them as just so many cnscs of the same author', that he was a contemporary of "petitio principii twióraya).” The conclusion king Venkatapati :at which the author arrives at the end of his
अमुंकवलयानन्दमकरीदप्पदीक्षितः। inquiry is expressed in the following words of the Smriti :
नियोगावेङ्कटपतेनिरुपाधिकृपानिधैः ।। ब्रह्मात्मकत्वविज्ञानं शाब्दं देशिकपूर्वकम् ।
From inscriptions and other trustworthy sources
we learn that Krishnaraja, the son of Narasa बुद्धिपूर्वकृतं पापं कृत्स्नं दहति वहिवत ॥
or Nrisimha, was not called Venkatapati, and that "The knowledge of self and Brahman as iden. he reigned from about Salka 1430 to 1451 (= A.D. tical, gained through the Voda and attendance on 1508 to 1529). If the date that is established a Guru, consumes like fire every evil deed (though) in the preface of the book under review for the done iutentionally."
birth of Appaya-Dikshita is correct, the sovereign Professor Veniz has done invaluable service
of whose court he was the chief Pandit, must to the student of the Vedantil Philosophy hy
have been Venkata I. of Karrâta, whose grants adding an English paraphrase of the whole work,
range from Saka 1508 to 1535 (= A.D. 1586 to in which the perplexing terms of the Sastra are 1613). The editor, being a stranger to Dravi. rendered by corresponding ones chosen from
dian names of places, makes Tiruvalakudu of European philosophy. The technicalities of the Tiruvalangadu ("the sacred banyan forest ), Tarkasastra make it a somewhat repulsive sub- where some of the descendants of Appaya Dikshita ject to those who have followed the close reason- are still supposed to live. Further, he attempts ing of the European school. But editions, like to Sanskritize such names as Talījå vår, Kumbha. the present one, of Hindu philosophical works, ghûnam and M& yavaram from their Anglo-Indian published by scholars like Mr. Venis, who can forms. Strange irony of fact that these forma sylupathise with the spirit of Hindu metaphysics, shonld gain permanence even in Sanskrit works go a great deal towards removing such repul. | in preference to the vernacular names ! siveness. In the index, which is appended to this
V. V.
1 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 1. p. 332.
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 155.

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FEBRUARY, 1892.)
DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
A NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
BY A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. [Reprinted with alterations and additions from the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Vol. LX, Part I, No. 2, 1891.) THE Bower manuscript was exhibited to the Asiatic Society of Bengal at the two meetings
1 in November, 1890 and April, 1891. I call it the “Bower MS." in order that Lieutenant Bower, to whose enterprise the learned world owes the preservation of the manuscript, may receive the honour due to him. Some account of the locality and circumstances of its finding will be found in the Society's Proceedings for November, 1890; and a preliminary account of the manuscript and its contents was published by me in the Proceedings for April, 1891. Since then I have spent a long summer vacation in carefully examining the whole manuscript, and, with the exception of a few leaves, I have read and transcribed the whole. I have now, moreover, the pleasure of announcing that the Governments of India and Bengal, with their usual liberality in such matters, have decided to publish & complete edition of the manuscript which I am now preparing.
This paper had been written in Darjiling, in May), when I received (in July), through the kindness of Professor Bühler in Vienna, an advance copy of his notice of the specimen pages of the Bower MS., which were published in the November Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It was particularly gratifying to me to find that, reading the manuscript, he in Vienna and I in Calcutta, at about the same point of time, we independently arrived at essentially the same conclusions, both with regard to the age and the contents of the manuscript. Such a coincidence most distinctly makes for the truth of our conclusions.
The substance of the paper which I now publish on the age of the Bower MS., and which I promised in the April Proceedings, was originally intended by me to form a part of the introduction to my edition of the manuscript. But seeing the interest which the manuscript has already excited in Europe, I pablish it now in anticipation, and hope similarly to publish portions of the manuscript, with translations, from time to time,
I may state here briefly the results of my detailed examination of the manuscript. It consists of not less than five distinct portions.
The first portion consists of 31 leaves. It contains the medical work of which I have published the commencement in the April Proceedings, and two pages of which are figured in the upper parts of the two plates accompanying the November and April Proceedings. I shall designate it by the letter A.
The second portion, to be called B, which immediately follows the first portion, consists of five leaves, and forms a sort of collection of proverbial sayings. A specimen of it is figured in the lower part (No. II) of the plate in the April Proceedings.
The third portion, C, consisting of four leaves, contains the story of how a charm against snake bite was given by Buddha to Ananda while he was staying in Jêtavana, tlie garden of Anathapiņda. A specimen of this portion is figured in the lower part of the plate in the November Proceedings.
The fonrth portion, D, consists of six leaves. It is preserved in a rather unsatisfactory condition, and appears to contain a similar collection of proverbial sayings as the second portion, B.
The fifth portion, E, which also consists of five leaves, contains another medical treatise. It appears to be — so far as I can judge at present the commencement of a larger work.
1 It is now published in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. V, p. 103.
* The first instalment is published in No. III. of the Journal, 18. Soc. Beng., for 1891. It is the fifth portion (E) of the MS.

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Besides these five connected portions, there appear to be a few detached leaves, quite mconnected with one another ard with those larger portions.
of the fourth and fifth portions no specimens have been published, but the fifth is writtet in the same style as the first portion. The fourth portion is written in an exceedingly slovenly and hurried hand, much resembling that of the third portion, but the writing is far more slovenly. It may possibly represent the handwriting of a fourth scribe; tbongh, on the whole, I am disposed to believe that there are really only three distinct styles of writing represented in the entire manuscript. The first is that of the first and fifth portions (A and E); they are Bo nearly alike, that I believe them to be of the same scribe. The second is that of the second portion (B), which is a fine, ornamental writing. It must be ascribed to a distinct scribe. The third is that of the third and fourth portions (C and D), which seem to me to differ more in the manner than in the character of writing, and may not improbably be due to one scribe, though a different person from the scribes of A, E and B.
I come now to the question of the age of the MS. Here the first points to be settled are the locality and class, to which the characters of the MS. belong. Mr. Fleet has clearly shown, in his Volume III. of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum on the Gupta Inscriptions, that, irrespective of varieties, there existed, at the time of the Gupta period, two very distinct classes of the ancient Nagari alphabet, the North Indian and the South Indian (see Fleet, pp. 3, 4). The test letter for these two great classes is the character for m, which in the Southern alphabete retains its old form rosembling the figure 8, while in the Northern alpbabets that old form has been displaced by a square cursive form 9. Tried by this test, it is at once seen that the alphabet of our MS. belongs to the Northern class. Throngbout the MS, the square formy is used exclusively. It is particularly distinct in the portions Cand D; in A, B and E the left-hand curved line is drawn somewhat straighter.
The Northern class of alphabets, however, is again divided into two great sections, which, though their areas overlap to a certain extent, may be broadly, and for practical purposes sufficiently, distinguished as the Eastern and Western sections. The test letter in this case is the cerebral sibilant sha. In the North-Eastern alphabet its form is , while in the North-Western alphabet its form is u. Examples of the former alphabet we have in the posthumous Allababad pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta, of about 400 A. D. (Fleet, pp. 1, 6), the Kahâum pillar inscription of Skanda Gupta, of 460 A. D. (Fleet, p. 65), and others in Mr. Fleet's volume. The same alphabet is shown to perfection in the Nepalese inscriptions, Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nos. 1 to 10 and No. 12, published ante, Vol. IX., p. 163; also in the Nepalese inscriptions Nos. 1 and 2, in Mr. Bendall's Journey in Nepal, pp. 72, 74. To this section also belongs a new copperplate of Dharmaditya (Samudra Gupta ?), lately found in the Faridpur district in Eastern Bengal. On the other hand, the other Nepalese inscriptions, ante, Vol. IX., Nos. 11, 13, 14, 15, and in Mr. Bendall's Journey, Nos. 3 to 6, exhibit the North-Western alphabet. The latter alphabet is also to be seen in all the Nepalese MSS., described in Mr. Bendall's Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS., including the two oldest, Nos. 1049 and 1702.
Examples of the North-Western alphabet in Mr. Fleet's volume are the Bilsad pillar ingcription of Kumara Gupta I., of 415 A. D., the Indôr plate of Skanda Gupta, of 465 A. D., and others. Also the Tôramana inscription in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 288, the
• All subsequent references to "Fleet" refer to this work.
. At the same time the Indian N.-E. alphabet has the form of for the dental sa, the two forms of sha and sa being bat slightly distinct from one another. The Indian N.-W. alphabet has for sa, which is also used by the Nepalese variety of the N.-E. alphabet.
The following Nos. in Mr. Fleet's volume belong to the N.-E. class : Nos. 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 82, 64, 66, 68, 68, 75; occasionally the Western form is used in conjuncts, such as kaha, shta.
The following Nos. belong to this class : Nos. 4, 10, 13, 16, 19, 20-31, 88–37, 42, 43, 46-52, 57-59, 63, 67, 7072, 74, 76, 80. See also the classificatory lista at the end of this paper.

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Kumara Gupta II. seal in tbe Journal, As. Soc. Beng, Vol. LVIII, p. 88, and the Nepalese inscriptions above mentioned.
In both the North-Eastern and North-Westerr. sections there are divisions into varieties, some of which Mr. Fleet has noticed. However, for my present parpose, there is no need to enter into any consideration of these. But the distinction of the two great sections is very marked, and can never be missed when once pointed out.
There is one point, worthy of notice, with regard to these two great Northern divisions. It is this, that in India proper the North-Eastern alphabet gradually came to be entirely displaced by the North-Western alphabet, in comparatively very early times. This displacement must have taken place about the beginning of the sixth century A. D. For about 525 A. D. we already find an inscription in Jaunpur (of lśvara Varman, Fleef, p. 228) which shows an exclusive North-Western character, and there is not a single inscription known (so far as I am aware) after 500 A. D., which shows the distinctive marks of the old North-Eastern alphabet. Oatsido of India proper, that is in Nepal, the North-Eastern alphabet maintained its ground for about three centuries longer; for the inscription, No. 4, ante, Vol. IX., dated in 854 A. D., still shows the use of that alphabet. This survival is accounted for by the fact that the North-Western alphabet apparently made its way into Nepál about a century and a half later than into Eastern India proper. For the earliest known inscription in that alphabet is No. 11, ante, Vol. IX., which must be dated 655 A. D. For the purposes of manuscript writing, as distinguished from documentary inscription, the NorthWestern alphabet probably made its way into Nepál very much earlier, as shown by Mr. Bendall's old MS. No. 1049, if (as I think it may well be) it is dated in 252 of the Gupta era, that is, in 571 A. D.
Now the Bower MS. is distinctly written throughout in the North-Western alphabet. This is an important point and must be kept in view throughout the following enquiry. The age of our MS. must be judged solely by the facts as disclosed by the circumstances of the NorthWestern alphabet. No conclusion that can be drawn from circumstances connected with the South-Indian or the North-Eastern alphabets may be applied to the determination of the age of our MS.. For it stands to reason, that no scribe, who was habituated to write in the NorthWestern alphabet, would in any writing of his habitually introduce any peculiarity of the SouthIndian or North-Eastern alphabets, with which he was not familiar.
Having premised this much, I proceed to the consideration of the points that appear to me to afford the means of determining approximately the date of the Bower MS.
Among the existing varieties of the North-Western alphabet, there is one which has most nearly retained its ancient character. This is the so-called Saradâ alphabet, which is still current in Kasmir and the adjacent Sub-Himalayan provinces, such as the Chambâ and Kangrå valleys. The most striking point of difference between the Sâradâ alphabet and its more ancient parent, the original North-Western alphabet, is the sign for the letter ya. The Såradâ alphabet uses the modern cursive form 2. while the original North-Western alphabet employed the more ancient tridental form N. This is the test letter by which any inscription or manuscript written in the Sarad& characters may be at once distinguished from any inscription or manuscript written in the more ancient North-Western alphabet. The latter I shall, for the sake of convenience, briefly distinguish as the Gupta alphabet. The oldest MS. in the Så radâ characters of the existence of which we know, is the so-called Horinzi MS., of which Professor Bühler has published an account and illustrative plates, in Volume I. Part III. of the Anecdota Oxoniensia.? According to him," it is certain that this MS. cannot date later than the first half of the sixth century A. D." (ibid., p. 64). It employs throughout the modern cursive form of ya. On the other hand, the Bower MS., though showing in the writing of parts A and E, in many
1 "BaradA" is the name of a small group of alphabets, the varieties of which differ a little according to locality (Kaimir, ChambA, etc.) or period or material of writing, etc. ; but the onsential unity of the group is well known, and it is usual to call it Sarada.

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respects, a very decided resemblance to the Sâradâ characters, employs in the portions B, C, D exclusively, in A, E almost exclusively, the older tridental form of the letter ya. It follows, therefore, that the Bower MS. is not written in the Sarada alphabet, but in the more ancient Gupta alphabet. The general similarity of its letters to the Sarada probably shows that the locality of its writing was somewhere in the extreme North-West of India, but its use of the ancient tridental form of ye shows that its date must be antecedent to the elaboration of the Sarada form of the North-Western alphabet. When this event took place, I shall now attempt to show.
The old form (though not quite the oldest, which was 1) of the letter ya was Vor V. It was made by two separate movements of the hand, one for drawing the left-hand perpendicular, the other for drawing the remaining portion of the letter. The next step was an attempt to draw the letter with one movement of the hand. This led to the contrivance of the form
V by which the end of the left-hand crook or loop was brought forward to the point of janetion of the perpendicular and horizontal portions of the letter. It was now possible to draw the letter with one stroke of tho pen, beginning with the top of the left-hand perpendicular, downwards; then round the loop, from left to riglit, to the bottom of the perpendicular; then finishing with the right-hand crook or angle. This change was clearly dae to the convenience of cursive writing. But the tendency of cursive writing to quickness and economy of effort very soon led to a further change, which produced the form by severing the point of junction. This form, which was the final result of the process, is still essentially the modern cursive form. The intermediate form of, as I shall presently show, only existed for a comparatively very short time, and is essentially a mere transitional form,
It is a well-accepted fact that cursive forms first make their appearance in manuscript writing, and may be, and generally are, in use in MS, writing some time before they are introduced in the inscribing of documents on stone, copper or other material. Such documents are of a conservative nature; they have a tendency to preserve old forms, after these have long disappeared from ordinary MS. writing. The common or exclusive use, in an ordinary MS., of a distinctly archaic form is, therefore, a safe means of determining its age.
The old form of the letter ya was once current in all the alphabets of India. In all of them it gradually became displaced by some cursive form. But this displacement did not take place in all of them at the same point of time. In the South Indian alphabet it survived, at least in inscriptions, down to the twelfth century A. D9 The North-Eastern alphabet, As I have alreadly remarkel, was, in India, proper, as early as the beginning of the sixth century, superseded by the North-Western alphabet; but in Nepal it survived about three centuries longer, and there, with it, the old form of ya survived, at least in inscriptions, down to the middle of the ninth century A. D. It should be noted, however, that the old form of ya, in the shape in which it survived in Nepal, is somewhat different from the old form in its original shape, as it was once current in the North Indian alphabets. Its original shape is that of a sort of trident, of which the left-hand prong makes a carve or even a loop, thus N or N. In the Nepalese shape, the curve or loop, is replaced by & ringlet which is poised on the top of the left-hand prong, thus W. The difference is marked, and the two shapes can be easily distinguished from cach other.
The North-Western alphabet was the first to discard the use of the old form of ya. From it, as I shall presently show, the old form disappeared, even in inscriptions, as early as the end of the sixth century A. D.; and from cursive writing in that alphabet, according to the well. known rule, above stated, it must have disappeared much earlier. There is an obvious conclu
$ In the old Kavarese, where it much resembles the later Nepalese form with the ringlet attached to the left prong. See, e. 9.. the Easteru Chalukya inscription of 1134 A. D., ante, Vol. XIV., p. 50, or the Kakatiya inscription of 1162 A. D., ante, Vol. XI., p. 9. It has now passed into the various modern cursive forms of the South-Indian alphabets.
• See, e.g., the inscription No. 8, ante, Vol. IX., p. 171.

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sion, which is suggested by these facts; it is, that the invention, so to speak, of the cursive form of ya took place in the North-West of India, somewhere within the area in which the North-Western alphabet was current.
The first document known to us, from which the use of the old form lias entirely lisappeared is the long Bollgaya inscription of Malinamnu of 588 A.D. (F'lect, 1.274). It incs exclusively the transitional form, with one or two exceptions, in which the modern form itself is used.10 In another short Bodhgayi inscription of Maluinimun, of toont the same into (Fleet, p. 278), the modern form is used exclusively. In fact, after 600 A. D., there is no inscription known, which shows any trace of the survival of the old form. In all of them the cursive form of yu is fully established in exclusive use, thus in the Mouthi (Lakkhun Manlal) inscription of bont 600 A. D. (Epigraphin India, Vol. I, p. 10),11 the Madhaban inscription of lar'sha, of 031 A D. (ibil. p. 67), the Aplisad and Shahpur inscriptions of Adityasenn, of about 672 A. 1). (l'loot, pp. 200, 208), the Dao Baranark inscription of Jiviti Gupta, of about 7:25 A. D. (Fleet, p. 213), the Sarnath inscription of Prakatiditya of somewhere in the seventh century (Floet, p. 281). To these muy be addol the evidence of those Nopalese inscriptions, which are not written in the NorthEastern or proper Nepalese alphabet, bnt in the North-Western characters; thus the Patan inscription of 687 A. D. (see Mr. Bendall's Journey in Nepul, p. 77), the Jaist (Katmandu) inscription of 750 A. D. ibid. p. 79), the inscription of Siva Deva, of 748 A, D.. another of 750 A. D., and the inscription of Jayadeva, of 758 A. D. (sce ante, Vol. IX, pp. 176-78). In nil these inscriptions the modern cursive form is used exclusively.
Another piece of evidence, in the same direction, is the Tibetan tradition respecting the introduction of the Northern Indian alphabet into Tibet (see Journal, Asiutic Society of Bengal, Vol. LVII, pp. 41 ff.). It is said that these characters were introduced into Tibet by the snge Sambhūta, who brought them from Magadha, where he had rosidled from A. D. 030-050. These characters are known in Tibet as the “Wartn" characters of Mngadha; their forms, as tradi. tionally preserved in Tibet, may be seen in Plate I of the Journal (ibid ), and it will be seen that among these the letter ya has the cursive form. This shows that at the time of Sambhôti's visit to Magadha, in the second quarter of the seventh centary A. D., the cursive form of ya was in current use in North-India, 12
I am not aware of the existence of a single dated inscription in North-Indie, written in the North-Western alphabet, which indubitably proves any use, still less the exclusive, or almost exclusive, use of the old form of ya, after 600 A. D. It follows from this evidence that, sinco the old form of a huu ontirely disapponred from inscriptions, from the end of the sixth century (say from aboat 590 A. D.), it must have disappeared from the cursive writing of ordinary manuscripts long before. Accordingly, a manuscript, like the Bower MS, in which the old form is still used almost exclusively, must be placed long before the end of the sixth century, and much nearer the beginning of it.
This conclusion is fully sapported by the evidence of all the ancient dated (or practically dated) MSS. that are, as yet, known to exist. The oldest is the Horiuzi MS. The date of its writing has been shown by Professor Bühler to be somewhere in the middle of the sixth century, that is, between 520 and 577 A.D. (see Anec. O.con., p. 63 ff.). It exhibits tlıronghout tho exclusive use of the cursive form of ya, thus showing that this cursive form was fully
20 The transitional form is here used in a somewhat modified and more ornate shape.
11 The transitional form occurs twice in this inscription, in yana, 11. 6 and 11, curiously enough, with the vowel €, on which seo page 35.
19 Tbo "Wartu " characters exhibit in all test points the characteristics of the North-Western alphabet. This shows, what I have already observed (ante, p. 81), that the North-Eastern alphabet, which was once current in Magadba, was there in very early times displaced by the North-Western alphabet. It is said, however, that Sambhuta oniy "partly" adopted the "Warta" characters for his Tibetan alphabet (Journal, ibid. p. 41). This explains the fact that the "Warta" or cursive form of ya does not appear in that alphabet. For the letter ya that sage appears to have drawn on the North-Eastern alphabet, which he must have known from Nepal, where (as I have shown) it maintained its ground about three centuries longer than in Magadba.

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established for MS. writing in the middle of the sixth century A. D. The next oldest MSS. are two, described as Nos. 1049 and 1702 by Mr. Bendall in his Catalogue of Buddhist MSS. in the Cambridge Library, p. xxxix. One of them is dated Samvat 252, which Mr. Bendall takes to be in terms of the Harsla era and to be equal to 857 A. D. For my part, I can see no valid objection, on palæographic grounds, to understanding the date in terms of the Gapta era, and as equal to 571 A. D. I do not notice any such material difference between the writing of the Horiazi MS. and the two Cambridge MSS., as to account for a sopposed interval of three centuries. Anyhow, both Cambridge MSS. exhibit the exclusive use of the cursive form of ya.
The conclusion appears to me inevitable, that any MS. which shows, as the Bower MS. does, the exclusive use of the old form, or which shows an uniform absence of the use of the cursiva form, cannot be possibly placed leter than 550 A.D., and in all probability is very much older. The only question is, whether there are any indications in the Bower MIS. that render it possible to fix its date somewhat more detinitely.
Here the following facts are to be observed. The first appearance of the modern cursivo form of ya in any inscription is met with in the Bijayagadh inscription of Vishņu Vardhana, of 371 A. D. (Fleet, p. 252), in sreyó, line 4 (if the plate can be trusted); and it is to be noted that it is used in junction with the vowel 8. The old form, however, is more usual, as in ndmadhe. yena, 1. 3, and abhivriddhaye, 1.4, in both cases with the vowell. The first appearance of the transitional cursive form is met with about thirty years later (see below), but there can be no doubt that, though in the existing inscriptions, the first appearance of the modern form happens to be earlier, that form, as compared with the transitional form of the letter, is of later dovelopment.13 Probably there was no great interval between the development of the two forms. In any case, the invention (so to speak) of the transitional form and, with it, the first beginnings of the modern form of ya may, thus far, be placed at about 350 A. D.
The actual first appearance of the transitional form is found in the Tusâm inscription (Fleet, p. 269). It occurs in the word yogácháryya, 1. 3, again with the vowel 8, and side by side with the old form in upayőjyam.14 This is a very clear instance; but, unfortunately, the inscription is not dated, though on palæographic grounds it may be referred to about 400 A. D. The first occurrence of the transitional form in a dated inscription is in the Indôr copper-plate of Skanda Gupta, of 465 A. D. (Fleet, p. 68), in the words abhivriddhayé, l. 4, and upayê jyam, 1. 7, in both cases with the vowels é and ô. Side by side, the old form occurs in yogam, 1. 9, yo, 1. 11, abhivriddhayé, 1. 8. Other instances occur in the Kârîtalîi inscription of Jayanatha, of 493 A. D. (Fleet, p. 117), in abhivsiddhayé, 1. 7, and chhreyó, 1. 15, here also with the vowels é and 6; and side by side with the old form in yé, 1. 10, lópayét, 1.12, prüyena, 1. 16, yi, 1. 20. Another instance occurs in the Khôh inscription of Jayantha, of 496 A. D. (Fleet, p. 121), in the word abhivsiddhayé, 1. 8, again with the vowel é, and side by side with the older form in pratyáyópanayan, 1. 11, and práyéna, 1, 17. A very clear instance occurs in the Jaunpur inscription of Isvaravarman, of about 525 A. D. (Fleet, p. 228), in anvaváyé, 1.2, again with the vowel é. So again in the Mandasôr inscription of Yabodharman of about 530 A. D. (Fleet, p. 149), in yo, 1. 4, again with the vowel 8, and side by side with the old form in padayor, l. 5. Similarly in the Mandasôr inscription of Yaśódharman as Vishsuvardhana, of 533 A. D. (Fleet, p. 150), in yéna, 1. 8, again with the vowell, and side by side with the old form in bhúrayó, 1. 8,16 yéna, 1. 8, 13, yo, 1. 17, 18. Likewise in the Khôh inscription of Sarvanatha, of 533 A. D. (Fleet, p. 135), in nyáyêna, 1. 13, 1. yé, 16, and pra
15 A similar case, with regard to the development of the letter m, is noted by Mr. Fleet in his volume on the Gupta inscriptions, p. 3, footnote.
1. This instance was also noticed by Mr. Fleet (p. 270, footnote 4). It is the identical form that occurs in the Bower MS.
16 This is a very good instance for comparison, because in bharayo yena the two forms stand in immediate juxtaposition.

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tyáyötpannaka, l. 9, again with the vowels & and 8, and side by side with the old form in lápayét, 1. 18, grámayor, 1. 27, yo, 1. 25, yé, 1. 27, etc. These are all the instances of the occurrence of the transitional form that I have been able to discover among the 35 inscriptions in the North-Western (Gupta) alphabet, published by Mr. Fleet.
Contemporary with them are the following instances of the use of the modern cursive form. In the Majhgawâm inscription of Hastin, of 510 A.D. (Fleet, p. 166), it occurs in the words chhréyé, l. 14, yo, 1. 16, púniyeshu, 1. 17, yé, 1. 18, again with the vowels, é and 6, and side by side with the old form in the words anvayopablogyas, 1. 10, yo, 1. 11, ahayo, 1. 18.16 The transitional form also occurs in the word abhivriddhayé, 1. 7.
Now as to the conclusione that follow from the above statistics, note, in the first place, the extreme rarity of the transitional and modern cursive forms, as well as the peculiar circumstances under which alone they occur. And here mark the following four points:
(1) They occur only in a small proportion of inscriptions. Of course, the only inscriptions with which we are here concerned are those that ase more or less exclusively the old form. Those that already use the transitional or modern cursive forms exclusively are outside the question; so are, of course, all those that are not written in some variety or other of the NorthWestern alphabet. Now there are 35 inscriptions of the former description in Mr. Fleet's Volume III. of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. To these may be added a few others, such as the Toramana inscription in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 238, and the Kumâra Gupta seal in the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LVIII. p. 88. Among these there are only ten inscriptions, a little more than one-fourth, that exhibit the occasional use of the transitional and modern cursive forms at all. The rest use exclusively the old form.
(2) The transitional and modern cursive forms occur, in that one-fourth of inscriptions, exclusively in connection with the vowels & or 0.17 With all other vowels, i, e., in every other case, the old form is used.
(3) Even in connection with the vowels and o, the transitional and modern cursive forms are not obligatory, but optional. In fact, even with those vowels, the old form is used more commonly than the transitional and modern cursive forms. On the whole the former is used twice as often as the latter.
(4) of the two cursive forms, the transitional and the modern, the former is used much more frequently than the latter (viz., transitional: modern = 13:4).
In the second place, note that the period during which the sporadic use of the transitional and modern cursive forms occurs, is a comparatively well defined one. Its termini, so far as the evidence of the available inscriptions goes, are from 371 A. D. to 533 A. D., or in round numbers from 370 to 540 A. D., i. e., 170 years. Or, if we omit the very early case of the Bijayagadh inscription, of 371 A. D., as perhaps of a doubtful character, the transition period extends from about 400 to 540 A.D., that is, 140 years. Antecedent to this period, we find the old form of ye in undisputed possession of the field, and subsequent to it, the cursive form of ya is in equally undisputed possession.18
Now it appears to me that from these facts there is but one conclasion, to which one is irresistibly driven. It is this, that there is here disclosed to us evidence of the actual point in time, when the invention, so to speak, of the cursive form of ya was made, or, to speak more precisely, the application of it to the non-conjunet ya. For to suit the case of the conjunct or under-written ya, the cursive form had been long before invented and exclusively employed. But to the non-conjunct ya, it only began to be applied about 400 A. D. At first it was only
16 In these cases the peculiarity of the form is also noted by Mr. Fleet, p. 106.
1. Probably it would also be used with the vowels ai and au ; though no instance happens to occur in the existing inscriptions.
18 The single cicoption is the Asirgadh seal, of about 565 A. D.; and here there are probably peculiar reasons to account for it.

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applied tentatively and hesitatingly in those cases in which the non-conjunct ya carried the vowels é or 8 (or ai or au). But the convenience of the cursive form gradually carried everything before it, and displaced the old form entirely about 510 A. D. In all probability this process commenced, in the case of manuscript writing, earlier than in that of documentary inscription, perhaps already about 350 A. D., and terminated proportionately earlier, perhaps about 500 A. D. On the other hand, in documentary inscription the process began later and ended later. Here the use of the old form may have lingered on to about 600 A.D.; but from that date, as already shown from the evidence of existing dated inscriptions, the use of the cursive form of ya enjoyed an undisputed possession of the field.
Accordingly, for practical purposes, the role may be laid down, that any inscription in the North-Western Indian Alphabet which shows the more or less exclusive use of the old form of ya must date from before 600 A. D.
With regard to manuscripts the same rule must hold good, with this modification, that the termini must be put back by about 50 (or it may be 100) years; that is, & MS. showing the exclusive use of the cursive from of ya must date from after 550 or 500 A.D., while & MS. showing the more or less exclusive use of the old form of ya must date from before 550 or 500 A. D., and may date back as far as 350 A, D.
That this rule, as deduced from the above collected facts, is correct is proved by the Horiazi MS. This MS. uses the cursive form of yi exclusively, and, as shown by Professor Bühler, it certainly dates from some time between 520 and 577 A. D.
This rule further proves that the elaboration of the so-called Sáradá alphabet may be placed abont 500 A. D. For it possesses the cursive form of ya. Hence it follows that any manuscript and a fortiori any inscription, written in the Sáradá characters must certainly be later than 500 A. D. ; though as the Sáradá characters, with slight modifications, are used up to the present day in Kasmir and the adjacent regions, a mere consideration of the form of the cursive ya is insufficient to fix with any approximation the date of such a manuscript or inscription in any particular year after that epoch.
Now let us see the bearing of the results of the above enquiry on the question of the age of the Bower MS. It is to be noticed that,
(1) The old form of ya is used almost exclusively throughout the MS. Indeed, in the second, third and fourth portions it is used exclusively, and it is only in the first and fifth portions, that the cursive (transitional or modern) form occasionally occurs.
(2) This cursive (transitional or modern) form is never used, except when carrying the vowels è or ai or o or au.
(3) Even with those vowels, the use of the cursive (transitional or modern) form is optional; though on the whole, it is more usual than that of the old form.
(4) of the two forms of the cursive ya, the transitional and the modern, the former is used almost exclusively; the modern cursive form occurring only in a few isolated cases.
The following examples are all taken from the two published plates: and I have only to remark, that the pages, figured on the two plates, are very fair specimens of the whole manuscript.
The transitional cursive form is to be seen on Plate I, No. 1,19 in yoga 1. 1, yoga 1.2 twice yógánai 1. 3, trayódasam 1.5, kalpavet 1. 9,; again on Plate III, upper page, in jivaniyê 1. 2, payó 1..4, jîvaniyais=cha 1. 4, lépayét 1. 4, vimiárayết 1. 6, prayójayết 1. 6, avagáhayet 1. 6, yo... 1. 6, léhayet 1. 8, prayójayết 1. 11. Note that it is always used with the vowels é or ai or o.
19 Plate I is in the April Proceedings 1891, and Plate III in the November Proceedings, 1890.

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DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
37
There is only one instance of the modern cursive form; it occurs in the akshara yét of prayojayét in Plate III, npper page, in line 11. Here we have the transitional and the modern cursive forms side by side in one word, the former form being used in the akshara yo, the latter in the akshara yét. A similar instructive example of the use, side by side, of the old and the transitional forms, we have ibidem in prayjayét, in line 6, where the old form is seen in the akshara yét, while the transitional form occurs in the akshara yo.
of the old form there are the following instances. On Plate I, No I, we have it in chirnnayet 1. 10, and on Plate III, upper page, in upakalpayét 1. 2, *. yet I. 3, pray jayet 1. 6, léhayet 1. 8, pdyayet 1. 9. Note here again, that all these instances are with the vowel é. Of the old form with the vowel 8 there is no instance in the figured pages; but I have noticed a few cases in other parts of the manuscript. Of course, I exclude here, as being beside the precise point in question, all instances of the use of the old form in combination with any other vowel, only remarking, that it is used uniformly with all other vowels.
To sum up, the examination of the two specimen pages shows : ad Nos. 1 and 2, that the old form is used exclusively, except with the vowels é, ai, ô and au20; ad No. 3, that out of 23 instances, in which the letter y is combined with the vowels é or ai or , the cursive (transitional and modern) form is used in 17, while the old form is used in 6; that is, the former is used about three times as often as the latter ; ad No. 4, that ont of 17 instances of the use of the transitional and modern cursive forms, the former is used 16 times, while the latter occurs only once; i. e., that the transitional form is used alınost exclusively.
Now comparing the case of the Bower MS. with that of the Gupta inscriptions, the resnlt is this, that the two cases, while fully agreeing in the main points, differ only in one particular, namely, that the cursive (transitional or modern) form is used in the manuscript rather more frequently than the old form (viz., cursive: old = 3: 1), while in the inscriptions the old form is used rather more frequently than the cursive form (viz., cursive: old = 1 : 2). This, how ever, is nothing more than may be expected, if we consider that on the one side we have a case of ordinary manuscript writing, on the other one of documentary inscription, and remember thnt (as Professor Bühler says, in Epigraphia Indica, p. 68) "everywhere in India the epigraphic alphabets are in many details retrograde and lag behind the literary ones."
One thing, however, is clearly brought out by the evidence above set ont, that the writing of the Bower MS. must be placed within that period, which, as we have seen, is marked out by that evidence as the period of transition from the use of the old rigid form of ya to the use of the (still existing) cursive form; that is, for manuscript writing, within the period from about 350 to 500 A. D.
It is true that in the second, third and fourth portions of the Bower MS., the old form is used exclusively. There is no trace whatsoever of either the transitional or the modern cursivo forms. Judging by this circumstance only, we should have to place the MS. still earlier, somewhere before the fifth century A. D. But this would certainly seem to be wrong with regard to the second portion. For the fact, that this portion was written after the first, seems to be clearly proved by the circumstance that it commences on the reverse of a leaf, on the obverse of which we have the ending of the first portion. Properly considered, however, that circumstance only tends to confirm the conclusion that the main portion (A, B, E) of the Bower MS. was written during the transitional period. For it is only natural to suppose that during that period, some scribes had already more or less adopted the new fashion of cursive writing, while others, more conversative, adhered to the older fashion, On the whole, therefore, considering that the portions A and of the MS, appear to manifest a decided tendency to a free use of the transitional form, it will probably be safer to place the date of the main portion of the MS. nearer to the end than the beginning of the transition period, that
20 Of au there is no instance in the figured pages, but I hare met with a few in other pages of the manuscript.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1892.
is to say, in the middle of the fifth century (say, about 450 A. D.). The portions C and D, however, may be referred to an earlier part of that period (say 400 A. D.).
This result will probably be startling to most of my readers. There exists - and I admit, hitherto not without reason - a general disposition to discredit any claim to grent age on the part of any Indian manuscript. I used to incline to the same opinion, and the present result was an unexpected one to myself. But I do not see how the force of the evidence can be gainsaid.
Let us see what the objections are. In the first place it is said, that the material of the MS. - birch bark - is of a nature too weak and flimsy to permit us to believe that it could endure for such a length of time. This argument has been already well answered by Mr. Bendall in his Catalogue of Buddhists Sanskrit M88., p. XVII. ff., and by Professor Bühler in the Anecdota O.zoniensia, Vol. I, part III, p. 63ff. No a priori role will apply; all depends on the circumstances under which a MS. may have been preserved; and the argument, from the nature of the material, will not stand for one moment against positive arguments from epigraphic history. According to Lieut. Bower's account, the MS." had been dug out of the foot of one of the curious old eructions just outside a subterranean city near Kachar." These erections are described as being generally about 50 or 60 feet high, in shape like a huge cottage loaf; built solid of sun-dried bricks with layers of beams now crumbling away." I suppose it cannot be doubted that these erections are Buddhist stúpas. Such stúpas often contain a chamber enclosing relies and other objects; these chambers are generally near the level of the ground or "at the foot" (as it is said) of the erection, and they are often dug into by persons who search for hidden treasures. In this way the MS. was probably dug out, perhaps not long before it was made over to Lieut, Bower. In such a practically air-tight chamber there is no reason why a birch bark MS. should not endore for any length of time.
Another objection is that the characters used in a MS. are no guide to its age. It is said that " characters of the Gupta type have been used in very late times, and indeed are in uso to the present day all along the region from which the Bower MS. comes." The characters which are here meant are those used in the Kaśmîr, Chamb and Kangra valleys. They are those which are commonly known by the name “Saradâ characters." These, as already remarked, are a variety of the North-Western alphabet, and are that variety which has more than any other, preserved the shapes of its ancient parent, the North Western Gupta alphabet. Now it is not quite correct to say, that the Saradâ alphabet. has not changed; it is quite possible to distinguish the modern form of the Sarad from its more ancient form. But what is really important is this, that the Sarada alphabet, so far as we have any dated evidence, never possessed, at any period of its existence, the old (Gupta) form of the consonant ya, It always possessed exclusively the modern cursive form of that letter. I maintain, that there exists not a single dated MS. or inscription, written in any variety of the SAradå alphabet, which does not show the exclusive use of the cursive form. This being so, it follows that any conclusions, drawn from facts connected with the Saradâ alphabet, have no application to a MS. which shows the almost exclusive use of the old (Gupta) form of ya, and which, therefore, is not written in the 'Siradâ characters. Now, what conclusions can be drawn from the facts connected with the Sarada alphabet ? Its exclusive use of the cursive ya shows that its elaboration is to be dated on this side of 500 A. D. But as it has but little changed the shape of its letters since the date of its inception, it follows, that any andated MS. or inscription written in the Sarada alphabet must be placed after 500 A. D., but may be placed almost at any time after that epoch. That is really all that can be intended by the principle that the Sarada characters are no guide as to age. More the principle will not bear, and it clearly is not applicable to a MS, which is not written in the Sarada characters, but in a form of alphabet more archaio and very possibly the parent of the Sarada. With the proviso, now explained, I fully agree with Professor Kielhorn's remark, made with reference to a Chambá Grant (ante, Vol. XVII., p. 7) that "it would be impossible to determine the age, even approximately, from its characters,"

Page #45

FEBRUARY, 1892]
DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
these characters being, as Professor Kielhorn explains, the well-known (Sarada. Judging from these characters, all that one could say would be that the grant may date from any time after 500 A, D., which, of course, would be a futilo proposition.
The main argument for the age of the Bower MS. is the preservation in it of the old form of ya. No objection can be raised on the ground that the old form was preserved much longer in the South Indian and the North-Eastern Indian (Nepalese) alphabets. As these alpbabets differ from the North-Western Indian, which is used in our MS., any conclusions, drawn from the circumstances of those alphabets, have no applicability to our MS. It stands to reason that no scribe, used to his own North-Western Indian alphabet, would, in writing a MS., think of introducing the old form of a letter, which did not exist any more in his own alphabet, from another alphabet, unfamiliar to him, in which it did still exist.
POSTSCRIPT. Since writing most of the above remarks I have, as already stated, read and transcribed nearly the whole of the manuscript. I have carefully noted every occurrence of the akshara yo, yo, yai, and yau.
In the portions B, C, D, I have found the cursive form (either transitional or modern) used not once. The aksbaras yai and yau never occur; the akshara yé occurs 19 times (B 4,13, D 2), always with the old form of ya. The akshara yó occurs 9 times (B 7, D 2), again always with the old form.
In the portions A and E, the case stands thus: there are altogether 333 cases of the occur. rence of those aksharas, viz., 202 of yé, 125 of yo, 4 of yai and 2 of yau. In every case of yai and yau the transitional form J is used. With yé and yô the transitional form is used 227 times, and the modern form a, 16 times. The transitional form occurs 117 times with yé, 110 times with yo, 4 times with yai, and twice with yau. The modern form occurs 12 times with ye, and 4 times with yo. Altogether the cursive form occurs 249 times. The old form occurs 73 times with yé and 11 times with yô. The following table exhibits this :
Aksharas:
Totals.
yai 0
yau 0
Old ........................ Transitional ............ Modern .......................
yo 11 1, 110
:
84 233249
»
0
16445
Total ...
ye 202
yo 125
yai 4
yau 2
333
Now with regard to point No. 3 (see p. 35), there being 249 cursive forms to 84 old ones among a total of 333 cases, the proportion of cursire to old forms is as 3 to 1. With regard to the point No. 4, there being 233 transitional to 16 modern forms among a total of 249 cases, the proportion of transitional to modern forms is as (about) 15 to 1. In both cases, it will be seen, the evidence of the entire manuscript most accurately bears out the evidence of the specimen pages (see p. 37) and thus confirms my conclusions based on the latter. I may add with regard to the points Nos. 1 and 2, that in the portions A and E, the cursive (transitional or modern) form never occurs in any other akshara but those four: yé, yo, yai, yau. With the aksharas ya, ya, yi, yi, yu, yu, in every case, without any exception, the old form N. is used. The occurrence of these six aksharas, especially of ya and ya is very frequent, and this fact all the more accentuates the striking circumstance that the cursive form is only employed with the vowels é, ê, ai, and au. There must have been some reason for this peculiarity, - perhaps one of mere convenience of writing, though I cannot suggest any satisfactory one. I should note, that the vowels é, 6, ai, and au are drawn, both with the old and the tursive forms, in every possible variety : entirely side-marked, marked half op side and half on top, and entirely top

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40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1892.
marked. The cause of the peculiarity, therefore, cannot well have had any connection with the form of the vowels.
I would suggest that similar statistical enquiries should be made with reference to some other leading letters; e. g., m, sh, the sub-scribed y, the super-scribed r; also with regard to the numeral symbols. I have little doubt but that from such statistics may result some further useful land-marks for the determination of dates of writing. I hope to pursue the enquiry myself, so far as leisure from official duties will permit me.
ADDENDUM Since the publication of the foregoing paper in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, I have drawn up a sketch map of the distribution, and classifactory lists, of the inscriptions on which my conclusions are based. As they may be found useful, I add them here.
I classify (following herein Mr. Fleet) the early Indian alphabets into the South Indian and the North-Indian, distinguished by their forms of the letter m. Inscriptions which show the form are South Indian ; those which have y are North Indian.
The North Indian alphabet I divide into the North-Eastern and North-Western varieties distinguished by their forms of the letter sh (cerebral sibilant). Inscriptions which show the form (bi-partite square) U are North-Western, while those which have the form (looped square) are North-Eastern.
In the North-Western alphabet I distinguish the earlier Gupta and the later Post-Gupta varieties, which are distinguished by their forms of the letter y. Inscriptions which show the form N are written in the Gupta, those which have I are written in the Post-Gupta alphabet.
In India proper the North-Western alphabet displaced the North-Eastern about the end of the fifth century. The year 500 A.D. may be taken as a convenient epoch of this occurrence.
Not long afterwards the Post-Gupta began to displace the Gupta variety of the NorthWestern alphabet in India proper. The year 600 A.D. may be taken as a convenient epoch of the final displacement of the Gupta variety. Any inscription showing the old Gupta form of y may be placed before that date.
In the following lists the inscriptions are arranged in chronological order. Where the exact date is not known, an average date has been assigned, 1. e., some year within the reign of the king named in the inscription. For these reigns I have used my synchronistic table, published in the Journal, As. Soc., Bengal, Vol. LVIII. The average dates may be easily recognised by their having no equivalents in the column of Indian dates. In a few cases, viz., Nos, 5 16, 19, 20, 21 in List I, No. 11 in List II., and Nos. 11, 12 in List III., there is nothing, at present, available to fix their dates, except the test-letters themselves. These inscriptions, therefore, do not help to support my argument, and I have only included them in the lists for the sake of completeness, and moreover distinguished them by italic type. At the same time, seeing that the lists without them amply sustain my argument, they add some weight to the latter post factum.
With regard to Nos. 10, 11, 12 in List III. (marked by asterisks) I should explain, that in No. 10 (Kosam inscription) no instance of the letter sh occurs. So far, therefore, the test fails. But it should bo noted, that in the North-Eastern alphabet, the dental and the cerebral sibilants are formed very nearly alike, with a looped square; see, e. 9., No. 13 (Kabîum inscription). This looped or ringleted form of the dental s occurs frequently in the Kösam inscription, Accordingly, I have classified it with the North-Eastern list. For the same reason, I have included in that list the two Nos. 11 and 12; for though these inscriptions exhibit one or two cases of the cerebral sh, these are, in the first place, not very distinct, and in the second place, they all occur in ligatures. The latter are not trustworthy tests, for the North-Eastern form of

Page #47

500
Bailari
2
NORTH WESTERN
GUPTA. Avirgadh .865 Barabar Bhumara........508 Bijayagadha....... Bilad....... Bran....... 484,500 Gwaliyar Indor. Karitalai Khoa
NA..... Majhganun Mandagor Mathurd. Nagarjuni Nirmand. Pahlddpur Udnigiri
NORTH. WESTERN
Pobt-GUPTA. Aphead ..660 Bodhgay...... 388 Deobaranark.....723 Kasia Katmandu 687-758 Madhe... 000 Madhuban...630 Mandar Rohtragadh Shahpur ......672 Sowpat 620
NORTH-BASTERN Allahaand ...400 Bhatanos........695 Bihor .......... hbo Deoriya........460 Faridpur
- 990 Gadhwa 107, 467 Kahawn... Katmandu 635-8.54 Koshw. Mokunar 448 Mikrouli Patan Sarwath Udaigiri
Jaunpur
Micmand
Zwem
Toim
Nahub
patay. Bhdtgaan
Kaham. THE
PARL
plasur,
Ens. Majhgentot
darger
Calcutta
Tamu
.
Bambayo
Bu showing THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE NORTH-INDIAN ALPHABETSM
300-800 A. D.
1
Full No. Ind.
.
-
Liths., 8.1. 0. Chuu

Page #48


Page #49

FEBRUARY, 1892.)
DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
sh is not always used in them. Thus in the thoroughly North-Eastern inscription of Kahâum (No. 13), we have the North-Western form of sh in the ligature ksh of kshitipa (line 3), while the North-Eastern form is used in the ligatures rsh and shth of varshé and jyéshtha respectively (line 4). I may add, that in the new Faridpur inscription, in which both the dental and cerebral sibilants are of very frequent occurrence, they can only be distinguished with great difficulty.
Similar remarks apply to No. 4 of List I. No instance of the letter sh is preserved in it, but the characteristic form of the dental s helps to assign it to the North-Western variety.
In the first List I have indicated, by means of a cross (+), those inscriptions which shew instances of the transitional or modern cursive forms of ya ; these are Nos. 3, 5, 10, 14, 15, 23, 28, 33, 34, 35.
LIST I. - Inscriptions in the Gupta variety of the North-Western Alphabet.
Serial No.
Publication.
Name of Inscription.
Name of King, etc.
Sams. A.D.
370
370
428
| 371
400
400
415
96 106 135
.......
No. 21
Hastin ..
146 156 163
45+ 460 465 475 482 484 493 496 500 300 508 510 510 510
........
Fleet's No. 58
Bijayagadh ............ Yaudhêyas ...................... No. 57 Pahl&dpur
Sisupala ......................... +Bijayagadh
Vishnu Vardhana ......... Mathura .............
Chandra Gupta II (395-414) ...... No. 67 ....... Tusdm .............. Bilsad ............
Kumara Gupta I ............ No. 61 ...... Udayagiri ......... (Kum&ra Gupta I) No. 63 Mathura ..
(Skanda Gupta) ................. No. 18 Bhitart.....
Skanda Gupta (455-468) ..... No. 16 +Indor
Skanda Gupta Khôh...............................: No. 22 do. ...**.
do. ...................... No. 19 Eran ............
Budhagupta No. 26 ...... +Kerdtaldi
Jayanstha +Khôh
do. ..... Nirmand... Samudra Sena ......... No. 36 ......... Eran ......... ....
Tôramâna (494-510)" No. 24 Bhumara ...............
Sarvanatha .................. Bardbar ...............
Ananta Varman............... No. 49 Nagdrjunt
do. . ....... No. 50 ........ do. ............
do. No. 20 ........ Eran..
Gôparaja ................ No. 23 ........ Majhgawâm ......... Hastin ................. . Epigr. Ind. I, p. 238.....
Kurd ......
.
Tôramana ................. Fleet's No. 28 ...... Khôh........................... Sarvanatha .......................... No. 30 .... do. ..........
do. ......................... No. 29 .. do. **
do. ............ No. 51 .. Jaunpur............
Isvara Varman (520-540) ......... No. 25 Khôi... .................................
Sarokshobha ............. No. 37 Gwaliyêr ...........
Mihirakula (515-540).............. Journ. A.S.B.,LVIII., 88. Bhitari (seal) KumAra Gupta II. Fleet's No. 33 ......... Mandasör ....... Yasodbarman ................. No. 36 + do. ......
do. ................. No. 31 Khôh
Sarvapatha................. No. 35 † Mandasôr............ Yasodharman .......... No. 70 Mathura ............... No. 47 Asirgadh (seal) ...... Sarva Varman (565-570) ..........
No.
No. 48
510
198
197
510 510 512 516 516
525 209 528
530 530 5.30 330 533
533 230 549
565
11 See Journal, A. S. Beng., Vol. LVIII. p. 98.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1892.
None of the above inscriptions goes beyond the year 600 A. D.; hardly beyond the middle of the sixth century. The year 600 may, therefore, be taken as the extreme final limit of the use of the Gupta alphabet.
LIST II. - Inscriptions in the Post-Gupta variety of the North-Western alphabet.
Serial No
Publication.
Name of Inscription.
Name of King, etc.
Sanhv. A.D.
269 588
do.
.....
588
590 600 610
681
.
655 660
do.
Fleet's No. 71. Bodhgaya ............ Mahanaman .. . . No. 72 ......
do. ... .. . No. 76 ...... do. ...... .. Epigr. Ind, I, p. 10 ... Madha ................ Fleet's No. 52 ...... Sônpat (seal) ......... Harsha Vardhana (606-648) Epigr. Ind., I, p. 67 ... Madhuban ....
do. Bhagwanlal's No. 11... Katmandu ... Jishnu Gupta ............ Fleet's No. 42 Aphsad................ Adityasena (640-675)
, No. 43 ...... Shahpur ............. Bendall's No. 3 ...... Patan ....*******
(Udayadeva) ........................... Fleet's No. 79 ...... Sárndth
Prakațdditya ............................. No. 46 ......... Débaranårk ......... Jivita Gupta II... Bhagwanlal's No. 13 ....
Katmandu ...........
Sivadêva II. ....................... No. 14 ......
(Jayadeva II.) ................. Bendall's No. 4 do.
******** Bhagwanlal's No. 15.... do. ............ Jayadeva II. .......... Ada.
Horiuzi MS. ........ Add................
Cambridge MS., No.
1049.
690 725 748
do.
750
151 756 153 758
530 252 571
None of the above inscriptions goes back much beyond the year 600 A. D.; the earliest is of 588 A. D. The year 550, may, therefore, be taken as the extreme initial limit of the PostGupta alphabet. The latest inscription of the Gupta variety is of about 565 A.D. This shows that in the middle of the sixth century the Gupta and Post-Gupta alphabets were used simultaneously, the Post-Gupta coming into fashion, the Gupta going out of fashion. The process of displacement of the Gapta alphabet was going on through the sixth century. Although, therefore, an inscription, showing the Gupta variety, may not be placed after 600 A. D., one showing the Post-Gupta variety need not necessarily be placed after that date, but it may not be placed before 550 A. D.
To these remarks there is a double proviso. Firstly, they only apply to inscriptions; for manuscript writing the two limits should be placed probably about 100 years earlier. This is shown by the Horiuzi MS, which is written in a Post-Gupta variety and dates from abont 530 A. D. Secondly, they only apply to India proper, not to Nepal.
With regard to India proper, the following list shows that the North-Eastern alphabet ceases to occur towards the end of the fifth century; the latest inscription is of 467 A. D. (No. 15). At the same time, List I. shows the occurrence of the North-Western alphabet within the North. Eastern aren in the early part of the sixth century; the earliest is the Jaunpur inscription of about 525 A. D. (No. 28). The year 500 A. D., therefore, may be taken as the epoch of the displacement of the North-Eastern alphabet in India proper. It was the Gupta variety of the North-Western alphabet that displaced it. Soon afterwards, however, about the middle of the sixth century (cf. No. 28 of List I. with Nos. 1, 2, 3 of List II.) the Gupta variety itself was displaced by the Post-Gupta variety. This shows that there never was a Post-Gupta variety
The Bhitart inscription of about 160 A. D. (No. 9, List I.) would be a still earlier instance, but it is too badly preserved to be safely used.

Page #51

FEBRUARY, 1892.]
DATE OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
43
of the North-Eastern alphabet ; and as a matter of fact, no inscription has ever been discovered in India proper exhibiting both the North-Eastern form of sh H and the Post-Gupta form of y A.
LIST III. – Inscriptions in the North-Eastern alphabet (only Gupta variety).
Serial No.
Publication.
Name of Inscription.
Name of King, etc.
Saliv.
A.D.
Fleet's
390 400
407
No. 1 No. 7 No. 6 No. 32 No. 9
410 410 417
No. 8
417
No. No. 11 No. 65
do.
420 418 454 460
460
No. 12
Faridpur .............. Dharmaditya ............. Allahabad ........... Chandra Gupta II (395-414) .... Gachwå
do. Udayagiri ..........
do. Mihrauli.
do. Gadhwa ............... Kumâra Gupta I (414-454) Gadhwa ...............
do. Gadhwa
do. Mankuwâr ............ *Kosam .................. Bhima Varman ..... • Deóriyd ............... Sarnath ........... Kah&um ............... Skanda Gupta (455-408) Bihar ................
do. Gadhwa ...........
do. Bhâtgaon................ Sivadeva I ............ Katmandu .............
do. Patan ...............
Arhsuvarnan ............... Katmandu ............ do. do.
do.
do. Jishnu Gupta
do. Månadeva......... Sivadêva II ................... Månadeva ................. Vasantasena
No. 66 .. Bendall's No. 1 ... Bhagwanlal's No. 5 Bendall's No. 2 ...... Bhagwanlal's No. 6
No. 7
460 467 635 635 639 639
644
649
653
633 705
119
725
413 435 535
No. 4
85+
With regard to Nepal, List III. shows that the North-Eastern alphabet survived down to the middle of the ninth century; the latest inscription is dated 854 A. D. At the same time it also shows that the North-Western alphabet in the Post-Gupta variety was introduced in the middle of the seventh century. Its first appearance is in the Jishņa Gupta inscription of about 655 A. D. (No. 7 in List II.). This is an instructive instance. Of Jishņu Gupta we have three inscriptions, viz., Bhagwanlal's Nos. 9, 10 and 11. Of these Nos. 9 and 10 (see Nos. 22, 23 in List III.) are exclusively in the North-Eastern characters; moreover, No. 9 is dated in 653 A. D. This fixes very approximately the date of No.11. But this No. 11, exhibits the curious fact of a mixture of North-Western Post-Gupta and North-Eastern forms. In line 2 (kshobhayitve) and l. 16 (parshadi) we have the North-Western form of sh; moreover, through. out the inscription we find the Post-Gupta form of y. But in line 9 (jishnu) there is used the North-Eastern form of sh. It seems to me, that we have here an indication of the exact time when the North-Western Post-Gupta alphabet was first introduced into Nepil. It must have been during the reign of Jishņu Gupta, in the middle of the seventh century. This alphabet did not, however, at once entirely supersede the older North-Eastern variety. The latter continued to exist by the side of the newer N.-W. Post-Gupta variety, for about two centuries

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1892.
longer, being used by the Lichchhavi family in their inscriptions, while the Thakuri family adopted the newer variety.
The sketch-map of the distribution of the two Northern varieties throws some farther light on the subject. It will be observed that, with two exceptions, all the inscriptions in the North-Eastern alphabet lie from Kosam or Allahabad east-ward. Those in the North-Western variety lie to the West and South-West of the North-Eastern area. This is the case up to about the year 500 A. D. After this date (as will be seen by the dates noted with the place-names) the North-Western inscriptions spread over the whole of the North-Eastern area. The only exception is the Pahladpur inscription, with its very early date of about 370 A. D. (No. 2 in List I.).
Another noteworthy point is, that the North-Eastern inscriptions are nearly all crowded together, just south of Népal, and in (what I may call) the home-provinces of the Gupta empire. Add to this, that, in India proper at least, they are confined entirely to the period of the height of the Gupta rule, 1. e., to the reigns of Chandra Gupta IL, Kumara Gupta I, and Skanda Gupta. The earliest is the Allahabad inscription under Chandra Gupta II, about 400 A. D., the latest is the Gadhwa inscription, under Skanda Gupta, in 467 A. D. (see List III). Their period is just about a hundred years, from the end of the 4th to the end of the 5th century. The Pahlådpar inscription certainly falls before that period; for it shows the very ancient Indo-scythic angular form of m. The exact epoch when this angular form of in was superseded by the square form y is not yet known; and it is very desirable that this point should be statistically worked out. But the Bijayagadh inscriptions of the year 371 A. D. shows the same angular m, and the gold coins of Chandra Gupta I and Samudra Gupta already show the first beginnings of the use of the square form of m. The Pahladpur inscription may, therefore, safely be placed about 370 A. D. or earlier, that is, in the reign of Chandra Gupta I. It seems clear from this fact, that the North-Eastern alphabet has some peculiar connection with the imperial Gupta family. If we remember that this alphabet was also current in Nepal and that the Guptas entertained intimate relations with the ruling Lichchhavi family of Nepal, it becomes probable that the North-Eastern alphabet was introduced into India proper under the Lichchbavi influence. Chandra Gapta I married a Lichchhavi princess and founded the Gupta empire. Samudra Gupta and Chandra Gupta II gave it its widest extension, and they left their landmarks in the Faridpur inscription in the east, and the Mihrauli and Udaigiri inscriptions in the West and South-West (Nos. 1, 4, 5, in list III). As the Lichchhavis themselves originally came from North-Eastern India (Patalipatra = Patna), their alphabet possibly may, after all, claim an indigenous Indian origin,
I see that Professor Bühler suggests, that the dates of Dr. Bhagwanlal's Nos. 1-3 are not to be interpreted (as done by Mr. Fleet and myself) as Gupta, bat as Vikrams dates (see Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. V. p. 219). If this suggestion should prove correct, some of the details in the foregoing observations will require re-adjustment; but the main points of my argument are not affected by this question. Nor, so far as I can see, does it affect Prof. Bübler's own view regarding the origin of the Gupta era. That view does seem to me probably true. We must avait Prof. Bühler's promised full statement of his objections to Mr. Fleet's interpretion of the dates. In the meantime the probabilities seem to me greatly in favour of the latter. It seems difficult to understand how the Malaya pra - for that is really the Vikrama ere - should have got into Nepål at so early a period,
With regard to the Faridpur inscription, referred to several times in the foregoing remarks, I may give the following preliminary information. It was found, not long ago, in the Faridpur district of Eastern Bengal. It is written in the early Gupta characters of the NorthEastern class. It shows throughout the old form W of y; the transitional W and modern
forms never occur. It furthers shows throughout the North-Eastern form af of sh, which is very difficult to distinguish from the dental 8. The inscription refers itself to the reign of

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
a king Dharmaditya, but is not dated. It records the gift of a piece of land to a Brahman Sómasvamin of the Lauhitya gôtra and the Vâjasinêya bakhá, by & person called Vasudeva Svamin, apparently for the erection of a dharnasálá. The inscription commences as follows:
Svasty - asyám - prithivydm - apratirathé - Nriga-Naghusha - Yayáty - Ambarisha - sami. dhțita - Mahárájathirdja - Sri Dharmmdditya - bhaftáraka - rájyé tad - anumódan - álabdh - dspade (nadhyána ?) Kábikáyári mahápratihár - oparika - Nágadévasy = dddhyásana-kále.
This commencement strikingly resembles that in the well-known Gupta inscriptions. The term apratiratha, moreover, is one peculiar to Samudra Gupta (see Fleet, p. 14, footnote 4); and there are other indications, pointing to him as being referred to here as the Dharmaditya. All the great Gapta rulers, Chandragapta II., Kamara Gapta I., Skanda Gupta, have honorific titlus formed with Aditya (Vikramaditya, Mahendraditya, Kramaditya, respectively). In all probability, Samudra Gupta, who was the first great ruler of the family, also had such a title ; and I would suggest, that Dharmaditya was his title. Soldered on to the plate is a seal, show. ing in the upper portion the standing figure of Lakshmi, entwined by lotus stalks and flowers, and on each side , very small elephant besprinkling her with water. The scene shews a very close resemblance to one represented on a tympanum in the Ananta cave, and figured in Fergusson and Bargess's Cave Temples of India, plate I, fig. 1. Similar, though not quite so closely resembling, is the representation on the back of the uppermost beam of the southern gateway of the Sanchi stúpa, figured in Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, plate VIII; also that on the Raypur copper-plate seal, figured in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, plate XXVII. In the lower compartment, almost effaced, there seems to be the legend Sri Maharajadhiraja-Dharmmadityasya. This, no doubt, is not the usual seal of the Guptas; but there is nothing to show, when the more usual Garuda seal was adopted. However, the question of the ascription of the plate may better be reserved till I shall be in a position to publish the whole inscription. Unfortunately the plate has suffered in some places so much from corrosion and inexperienced cleaning that I have not yet sacceeded in fully reading it,
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE,
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 12. - The Fortune-teller's Daughter. Once upon a time there was a woman whose vocation was to tell the fortunes of people. She was one day invited by the páțál of her village to tell the fortone of his new-born child. The pátél had also invited the prince of that villagel to witness the ceremony.
Late in the evening the fortune-teller went to the pajel's house, but as she was entering the house she was stopped by the prince, who told her to see him on her way home. She promised to do so and entered the house, the prince remaining outside as a sentry to prevent any stranger entering the house during the fortane-telling. The fortane-teller, having performed many ceremonies and read out of many books, told the páçel what would be the fate of his child.
After she had finished her business and received her dues, and was going away, she was again stopped by the prince who asked her what was in the fortune of the pátel's child.
The fortune-teller replied: --"What the child's fortune is I have told the pátel: why do you want to know ?"
But the prince alternately begged and threatened, and said he would not let her go till she had told him the child's fortune. So at last she told him what it was. The prince next
1 [This in intereyting as shewing what ideas the words "king, prince, quoon, princess," &c., convey to the minds of the "folk." The prose rendering of "king" should no doubt be "looal magnate." - ED.]

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asked her to tell him his own fate. She was at first reluctant to do so, but after much pressure, she said :
"Your fate, O prince, is this. To whatever age you may attain; whenever you may die, - now or a hundred years hence, -- it is written in your luck, that your head will be pounded by a strange queen! This, O prince, is in store for you !"
'When the prince heard this, lie thought to himself: - "Surely not! I will not wait to be killed by a strange queen, or have my head pounded."
Thas thinking, he drew his sword and cut off his own head, which flew off and fell into a jam, al close by !
Now it happened that the king of a neighbouring country passed that way on the following morning, and seeing the head of the prince, took it up, carefully wrapped it in a handkerchief, and, carrying it home, put it in a drawer. Every day, before he left the house and as soon as he came home, the king used to open the drawer and look at it. The key of this drawer he kept in his own pocket, while the rest of the keys were in the custody of the queen, who was never told a word about the head. The fact of giving her all the keys but one aroused the curiosity of the queen. So one day she slyly took the key from the king's pocket, and when he was gone, she opened the drawer, and there saw the head. The face being beardless, it looked like that of a woman. She suspected, therefore, that the head must be that of a concubine of the king; and thought that the concubine having died, and the king being very much attached to her, he must have brought home her head and kept it in memoriam, that he might at least have the satisfaction of looking at her head! This naturally aroused a spirit of jealousy in her breast; so she took the head, and putting it in a mortar, pounded it into fine powder with a rice-pounder. Thus was fulfilled what was told by the fortuneteller to the prince !
When the fortune-teller got home it was later than she expected, for she had had to tell the fortunes of two persons. Her daughter asked her why she was so late, and she replied she was late becanse she had had to find out and tell the fortunes of two persons, the páļél's child and the prince. The girl then asked her mother to tell her her own fate, and after much entreaty and pressure, the old woman said: - "In your fortune, daughter, it is written that you will marry a Ming, by whom you will have a son, and later on you will marry your own son. So it is written in yoar fortune !"
* Surely not," thought the daughter to herself. "I marry a Mang! That will never do. I would rather go to a desort and lead a solitary life than remain here and eventually marry a Mång!!
So saying, she left the house then and there, and went into a desert, where she lived on what leaves and fruit she could get. She lived in this state for some time, when one day she saw a person coming towards her on horse-back. The cavalier asked her who she was, and what she was doing there. She told him that she was a person living in retirement. He, too, said he was also living in retirement, and asked her if she would accompany him and live with him. Not knowing who the speaker was, and thinking he was a great personage, the fortune teller's daughter willingly agreed to go with him. Now this man's house was several days' journey from there, and on the way she ate and drank with him. When they reached his house, the fortune-teller's daughter found in it the flesh of dead cattle and date-palm brooms, which are the sure signs of a Mång. She cursed herself for agreeing to accompany the man; but she was reminded of what her mother had told her, and which had proved true, despite her living in retirement ! She left the Mang's house immediately, and again took to the desert, but this time to another one. She, however, became pregnant, and in due time brought forth a son. She took the child, tore a piece of her own sári, and, wrapping ? A Mang is a low caste person ; he is considered even lower than a Mahår. Euphemism for sexual intercourse,

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the child up in it, threw it in a bush, and went to a strange country, where she took employment in the king's house as a washer-woman. The child was picked up by the king of another country, who had happened to pass through the forest, and taken home and well cared for. As the king had no children of his own, he adopted this child as a son, and it was everywhere known as the prince of that country. One day this prince (for so we must call him), when he had grown up, happened, in company of a friend, to pass through the country where his mother was, and saw her at the tank wasbing clothes. He was so enamoured of her beauty that he asked her whence she came. She told him that she was a servant to the king of that country. He then went home and said to his foster-father :
"Father, there is a young woman at the palace of a certain king, and unless you get me married to her, I will never rest satisfied, and starve myself to death."
The king, who loved him exceedingly, did not like to refuse his request, and at once wrote to the other king and made arrangements for the marriage. Both parties made preparations on a grand scale to celebrate the occasion with befitting pomp, and in due time, on an appointed day, the son was married to his mother unawares. The wedding over, the bride was taken to the bridegroom's house. In the evening when they retired to bed, the bride chanced to see a rag hanging on the bedstead. On close examination she found it to be the very same rag, which she had torn from her sári, and in which she had wrapped her child before throwing it in the bush. She at once concluded that she had married her own son! But, there being no help for it, she lived with him happily as his wife! She was, however, convinced of the truth of what her mother had told her; and had learnt that no one can ever escape from the fate that is written on the forehead.
MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEOUS DATES FROM INSCRIPTIONS patau Tavurê KrittikAyam: i.e., in the Saka year AND MSS.
548, on the first day of Vaisakha, the moon being 1.- Mr. Fleet's examinations of Hindu dates in the sign) Taurus (and) in (the nakehatra) have led to the conclusion that even in South Krittika. ern India, or at least in some parts of it, the This date does not furnish sufficient particulars amunta southern arrangement of the lunar fort-
for exact identification, but the fact that the
for exact identification hnt nights was not coupled with the Saka years until
moon is stated to have been in the nakshatra a comparatively late period," in fact, not before Krittika (No. 3) proves all the same that the first A. D. 804. Compared with this, it may be in. of Vaisakha spoken of was the first of the bright teresting to learn from soine dates in M. A. half, and the month therefore the amanta VaisaBarth's Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge, ikha. For had it been the first of the dark halt, that, in Cambodia, the amanta scheme was
or, in other words, the first of the parnimanta used in connection with the Saka era at least Vaisakha, which follows immediately upon the as early as A.D. 626.
full-moon day of Chaitra, the moon would have On p. 41 of M. Barth's volume is a date of a been in Chitra (No. 14) or Svâti (No. 15). And the stone insoription from Vat Chakret, the chief possible equivalents of Vaisakha-eudi 1, i..., the items of which are
first of the amanta Vaisakha, actually are : Pindibhûte sak-abda vagu-jaladhi-sarair= for Saka 548 current, the 13th April, A. D. 625, vvasard Madhav-Adau ....... kumudavana. when the first tithi of the bright half ended 16 h.
. (This story is interesting for three reasons. It introduces us to a novel and very quaint version of our old friend Blue Beard. It gives us an insight into a queer state of morality, in which it is a more dreadful thing for a woman to marry into a casto beneath her than to marry her own son. It is to be observed that the heroin endures the latter evil, but cannot bear the former. And the moral of the tale apparently is that it is no sin to follow your fate, whatever it may be. This is a tale among Christians, be it observed. -ED.
1 Seo Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 79, note 2; and ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 141 and 149. ? I quote the words, as corrected by the Editor.

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18 m., and the moon was in Krittika up to about 807, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 23h. after mean sunrise ; and
about 17 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise, and when, for Saka 548 expired, the 3rd April, A. D. 626,
at sunrise, the moon was in the eleventh degree when the first tithi of the bright half ended 4 h.
of Simha. 45 m., and the moon entered Kritika about 6 h. 2.- On p. 54 of the late Dr. Burnell's Elements 34 m. after mean sunrise.
of South Indian Palæography we find the remark
that the Javanese Baka era begins in A. D. 74; In a short inscription from Vat Prey Vier, on
and this remark has ante, Vol. X. p. 214, note 7, p. 74 of the samo volume, we find an even more
been quoted by another distinguished scholar, interesting date, of which it will be sufficient to
apparently in support of the statement that "in quote the words -
ancient times the initial dates from which the Yaté kále Sakánår nava-tanu-vishayair = different Indian eras were counted were subject Mmadhavé shodas-ahe Jivas-chape=fa-suryyo to fluctuations of several years." Whatever may . . . . . . . .. maitram indur; be the practice of quite modern times, it is certain i. e., when the Saka year 589 had expired, on the that down to nearly the end of the 14th sixteenth day of Vaisåkha, Jupiter being in the century A. D. the Baka reckoning in Java did sign) Chapa (or Dhanub), the sun in Monha, not differ from the pustomary Indian reckon, and the moon in (the nakshatra) Anuradha. ing. This may be seen from the following Here again the Vaisakha of the date was clearly
Javanese Saka dates, which all work out properly the amanta Vaisakha, and the 16th day, spoken
with the ordinary epoch A. D. 77-78. of, was Vaisakha-badi 1, and the true equivalent Profesgor Kern has published a Sanskrit in, of the date undoubtedly is the 18th April, A.D. scription from Jave of the Saka year 654. the 687, as may be seen from the following data. The date of which he reads thus: - new-moon which introduced the bright half of
SAkêndre=tigatê śrut-Andriya-rasair = angl. Vaibákba of Saka 589 expired was 9 h. after mean
(nkf)krité vatsare sunrise of the 30th March, A.D. 667. Counted
var - indau dhavala-trayodasi-tithau from that day, the 16th day was the 15th April,
Bha.
drottard KArttikel ; i. e., in the Saka year 654, A.D. 667, when the first tithi of the dark half
expired, on Monday, the 13th lunar day of the (of the amanta Vaisakha) ended 4 h. 28 m., and
bright half of Karttika, the moon being in the when the moon was in Anuradha up to about
nakshatra) Uttarabhadrapada. - The corres. 22 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. On the same
ponding day, for Saka 654 expired, and with the 15th April the sun was in the sign Mépha, which
ordinary epoch of the Saka era, is Monday, the it had entered on the 20th March; and Jupiter,
6th October, A. D. 732, when the 13th tithi of as required, was in Dhanun, having entered that
the bright half ended 18 h. 17 m., and the moon sign, by the Saryasiddhanta rule without olja, on the 20th January, A.D. 667, and remaining in it
was in Uttarabhadrapada up to about 15 h.
6 m. after mean sunrise. till the 16th January, A.D. 668.
And in a paper of Professor Kern's "over eene The statement that Jupiter was in the 9th
Oudjavaansche Oorkonde van Saka 782" there sign) Dhanuh in this case is really equivalent to saying that the current Jovian year was Kro.
are two other Javanese dates, one of which is - dhana, the (12 + 12 +9=) 33rd year, counted Sakavarshatita 782, KarttikamAsa, tithi trayofrom Vijays as the first; and the special interest dasi suklapaksha,.. Vri-vara, ... Auvini of this date lies in this that, while the Boheme nakshatra, ... Vyatipatayoga,.... of its lunar month is the amanta, so-called Taithilakarana ; i. e., Saka 782, Bțihaspati-vera southern scheme, the system followed in or Thursday, the 13th lunar day of the bright regard to the Jovian year is the northern half of Kärttika, the nakshatra Asvini, the yoga mean-sign system.
Vyatipata, and the karana Taitila; and the On p. 68 of M. Barth's volume the 10th day of
otherVaisakha of the same Saka year 589 is mentioned Sakavarshatita 1295, Asujim&sa, tithi trayodas with, amongst others, the remark that the moon kşishnapaksha,... Bu-vara...; i. e., had reached the middle of the sign Simha. This Saka 1295, Sukra-våra or Friday, the 13th lunar date would correspond to the 9th April, A. D. day of the dark half of Asvina.
From the copy which I owo to the kindness of Pro. In Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Kon. Akad. van fannor Kern I see that the inscription was originally Wetenschappen, Letterkunde, 2 R., 10 D.. Amatardam edited by him in the Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en 1881, pp. 94 and 102. Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indo, de volgt. DI. X.

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Here the proper equivalents, with the ordinary Sake vân-ichala-tithi-mitô bhaskarê Karkataepoch of the Saka era, are: - for the first date,
sthe and Saka 782 expired, Thursday, the 31st vinbaty-emeð Vidhusuts-dino sukla-pakshê October, A. D. 860, when the 13th tithi of the
cha shashthyâm 1; bright half and the karana Taitila ended 10 h. i. e.. in Saka 1575, when the sun was in the sign 29 m., and when the nakshatra was Asvini up to Karkata, in the 20th degree, on Wednes11 h. 10 m., and the yoga Vyatipata up to 5 h. day, the sixth lunar day of the bright balt. In 16 m. after mean sunrise; and for the second
Saka 1575 expired the Karkata-sam krånti took date, and the amanta Åsvina of Saka 1295 expired,
ka 1205 expired, place 16 b. 52 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th Friday, the 14th October, A. D. 1373, when the
June, A. D. 1653; and the sun entered the 20th 13th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 49 m. after
degree of the sign some time on Wodnesday, mean sunrise.
the 20th July, A. D. 1653. This Wednesday 3.- Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 162, and Vol. XIX. was the 6th of the bright half of Sravana, for pp. 129 and 426, Mr. Fleet has treated of some the 6th tithi of the bright half ended on it, about Saka dates which, instead of quoting a lunar 15 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise. month, give us the sign of the zodiac in which
These are clearly luni-solar dates. But in some the sun happened to be on the day intended by
Bengali MSS. we also find purely solar dates. the date. An early Vikrama date, which is very
Thus, according to Professor Eggeling's Cata. similar to Mr. Fleet's Saka date in Vol. XIX. p. 129, occurs in line 32 of the Shekhavati (or
logue, p. 211, a MS. of the Sarasvati Prakriya is
dated - Harsha) stone inscription of the reign of the ChAhamâna Vigraharaja, first published in the
Såkô sapta-dvi-sapt-aika-sankhyê Mêsham=ite Journal Beng. 48. Soc., Vol. IV. pp. 370-384.
ravau 1 According to the rubbings and impressions sup. Tritiyê=hni Ravér=våre lipyâ partim=agid= plied to me by Mr. Fleet and Dr. Burgess, the
iyam || Sak=ubdâh 1727 11; date, which is given incorrectly in the published i. e., in Saka 1727, when the sun had entered the version, runs really thus: -
sign Mêsha, on the third day, & Sunday:Játô=vdA(bda)når sahasrê triguna-nava-yuté The Mesha-samkranti at the end of Saka 1727
Sim ha-rassu gate=rkke current took place 1 b. 29 m. after mean sunrise sukla yksit=tristi*](ya] Subha-Kara-sahita
of Thursday, the 11th April, A. D. 1805; and the Soma-vårêņa tasyauml;
day of the date is clearly Sunday, the 14th i. e., when 1027 years were completed, and when
April, A. D. 1805, which by the lunar calendar the sun was in the sign Simha, on the third
was the first of the dark half of the amunta
Chaitra. bright lunar day which was attended by the nakshatra) Kara (or Hasta) and (the yuga) And according to the same Catalogue, p. 35, a Subha, on a Monday.-In northern V. 1027 ex. Bengali MS. of Suresvaracharya's Brihadaranyapired the sun entered the sign Simha 9 h. 49.8 m. ka-bhushyaveirttika is dated-- after mean sunrise of the 26th July, A. D. 970,
navanavaty-adhika-chaturdaśa-sata-mita-Sakábd8 which was the 6th of the dark half of the pur.
Chaitrasya dvadas-amse Su(su)kravare; nimanta Bhadrapada. The third of the following
i. e., in the Saka year 1499, in the 12th degree bright half of the same Bhadrapada was Monday, the 8th August, A. D. 970, when the third tithi
of Chaitra, on Friday.-By the result of my
calculations the year of this date is the current of the bright half ended 4 h. 15 m., and when
solar year Saka 1499. In that year, the solar the nakshatra was Hasta up to 12 h. 29 m. and
month Chaitra commenced 17 h. 256 m. after the yoga Subha up to 13 h. 26 m. after mean
mean sunrise of Monday, the 25th February, sunrise.
A.D. 1577, and the sun was in the 12th degree Dates of this kind are common enough in from some time on Friday, the 8th March, Bengali MSS. And some of these dates again *A.D. 1577, which was the 4th of the dark are peculiar in specifying the degree in which
half of the purnimanta Chaitra of Saka 1499, the sun happened to be on the day of the date.
current. Thus, according to the late Dr. Rajendralál Mitra's Notices, Vol. VI. p. 238, a MS. of the 4.-Dates are sometimes recorded in days Sanskdra-paddhati-rahasya, which is written in of the Kaliyuga. A very interesting date of Bengali characters, is dated -
this description is contained in the following
. Compare e.g. Dr. Rajándral Al Mitra's Notices, Vol. II. p. 310; Vol. III. p. 171; eto.

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verses of Shadgurusishya's Védárthadipikd, in which the author tells us that he completed his work, when the number of days of the Kaliyuga was 1 565 132:
Kaly-ahar
Sarvânukramani-vrittir jâtâ Vêdârthadipikall Lakshani pañchadasa vai pafichashashți
Kha-go-tya-nmê-shu-mâ-y-êti
gananê sati I
Expressed in the days of the Julian period, the epoch of the Kaliyuga is
588 465 75 days; +1565 132 days;
krishna
sahasrakam
i.e., in the Yavana or Hijra year 1197, on the Sa-dvâtribśach-chhatam ch=êti dina-våky- fourth lunar day of the dark half of the second Artha iritaḥ II summer-month (Ashadha), on Thursday. As the Hijra year 1197 commenced on the 7th December, A. D. 1782, the date should fall in A. D. 1783 or Saka 1705 expired. And for Saka 1705 expired the 4th of the dark half of the amânta Ashadha corresponds to Thursday, the 17th July, A. D. 1783, when the fourth tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise.
sum 2153 597-75 days of the Julian period the 24th March, A D. 1184, 18 h. after mean sunrise.
Accordingly, the day actually given us by Shadgurusishya would correspond to the 24th March, A. D. 1184. But since this is the day of the Mésha-sankrantis at the end of the solar year Kaliyuga 4285 Saka 1106 current, it appears highly probable that, what Shadgurusishya meant to intimate, is merely, that he finished his work in Kaliyuga 4285 Saka 1106 expired, and that he has simply copied the number of days, given by him, from the calendar.
That the day put down in the date was the day of the Mesha-samkranti, Shadgurusishya indeed has plainly suggested himself. For there can be no doubt whatever that the true reading of the first half of the first of the above verses is
Khago-ntyân-Mêsham-ap-êti
kaly-ahargapanê sati, i. e., when the number of days of the Kaliyuga was the number denoted by khago-ntyán Mésham-ápa "the sun passed from the last sign on to the sign Mêsha;" (kh=2, g=3, y=1, m=5, sh=6, m=5, and p=1).
5. In the Veraval inscription of the reign of the Vaghela Arjunadêva, the Mahammada samvat or Hijra year 662 is put down along with the Vikrama, Valabhi, and Simha years to which the day of the date belonged. And in MSS. I have sometimes found Hijra years quoted by the side of the corresponding Saka years. The Hijra year, described as the Yavana year,
6 See Professor Macdonell's Edition, p. 168; Indische Studien, Vol. VIII. p. 160; and Professor Aufrecht's Oxford Catalogue, p. 378.
[FEBRUARY, 1892.
is quoted alone in the following date of a MS. of a commentary on the Suryasiddhanta, written in Maithili characters (apparently) in
Oudh:10
Such is the reading of the published texts, but it ields no sense. I shall show presently what I consider to be the right reading.
Turaga-nava-himâmśu-kshm-ânkitê Yavanê=
bdê
charama Suchi chaturthyâm
pakshê hni Jaive;
6. Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 6, I have attempted to prove that the Lakshmanasêna era commenced in A. D. 1119, and I have shown that, assuming my epoch to be correct, the difference between a year of that era and the corresponding expired Saka year must always be 1040, or 1041, or 1042. In support of my views, I would now draw attention to two dates in the late Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra's Notices, which I had formerly overlooked.
According to Vol. VII. p. 169, a MS. of Bhavadatta's commentary on the Sisupalavadha is dated La-sam 512 Sakabdaḥ 1552. Here the difference between the two years is 1040; and, in accordance with what I have previously stated, the Lakshmapasêna year must have been the current year 512, and the date written in one of the months from Kârttika to Phalguna.
According to Vol. V. p. 84. a MS. of Madhu. sudan's Kantakóddhara which is written in Maithili characters, contains the lines -
chakre Råmakaniyasô Svanipatêḥ éîtâméu. nand-ambudhâv=
ankê Phalguna-saptami-Ravidinė Gangâ.
Ganês-archakah,
which give us for calculation the (Lakshmanasena) year 491, and the seventh lunar day (of either the bright or the dark half) of Phalguna, joined with a Sunday. Here, the month being Phalguna, the date should fall either in Saka (491+ 1040 =) 1531 expired, or in Saka (491 + 1041) 1532 expired; but calculations for Saka 1531 yield no
s It took place 8 h. 58-6 m. after mean sunrise.
Three of Professor Macdonell's MSS. actually read misham (not méshum), and they have the sign of anusvåra above the akshara preceding ty. 10 Dr. RajendralAl Mitra's N
Vol. V. p. 119.

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MISCELLANEA.
satisfactory result. In Saka 1532 expired, the seventh tithi of the bright half of Phålguna ended about 18 h. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 9th February, A.D. 1611, which also does not suit the requirements of the case. On the other hand, in the dark half of the amdnta Phálguna of Saka 1532 expired - the 6th tithi ended 1 h. 38 m. before mean sunrise of Saturday, 23 February, A.D. 1611; the 7th tithi ended 0 h. 17 m. before mean sunrise of Sunday, 24 February, A. D. 1611; and the 8th tithi ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 25 February, A.D. 1611.
It is true that by this result no tithi would have ended on the Sunday, and that the Sunday would have been put down in the calendar, like the Monday, as the 8th. But the tithis have here been calculated according to Ujjain time, and consider ing that the date undoubtedly was written far to the east of Ujjain, the seventh tithi would for the writer of the date really have ended some time after sunrise of the Sunday;" and Sunday, the 24th February A.D. 1611, therefore is the proper equivalent of the date,-deduced from the epoch of the Lakshmanasena era A.D. 1118-19. • 7. - A date of the Ashadhadi Vikrama year 1574, which does not admit of verification, is given in Professor Macdonell's edition of Katyayana's Sarvdnukramant, preface, p. xiii. And another Ashadhadi date, according to Professor Eggel. ing's Catalogue; p. 409, occurs in a MS. of part of HêmAdri's Chaturvarga-chintamani, written in Western India, and is worded thus :
Sarvat 15 Åshadhadi 81 varshê 5 Srivaņa. sudi panchami aparan shashthi Budhe.
As might have been expected, the date falls in the northern Vikrama year 1581, expired, and the corresponding date, for that year, is Wednesday, the 8th July, A. D. 1524, when the fifth tithi of the bright half ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
In addition to quoting the 5th tithi which ended on the Wednesday, and from which the Wednes. day received its number 5, this date algo quotes the following sixth tithi, and it is in this respect similar to No. 49 of my Vikrama dates, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 33; but what makes this Ashadhadi date more interesting, is the fact that the 6th tithi also ended on the Wednesday, 1 h. 17 m.
before sunrise of the Thursday, and was therefore, in fact, a kshaya-tithi.
8. - In dates like the preceding the ordinals panchami, shashthi, etc., clearly denote the time occupied by the tithi itself, not the civil day on which the tithi ended; and those dates thus help to explain other dates in which the writers un. doubtedly have quoted actually current tithis, with the week days on which they commenced.
According to my Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 22, a palm-leaf MS. of Amarasitha's Ndmalingánususana is dated :Srimad- Ramachandradêva - vija ya rajyê
Kumkuņa-vishayê gata-Kali 4398 Hêmalambba-samvatsarê Jyéshtha-vadi
ashtamyâyam" Vrihaspati-dine By the southern luni-solar system the year Hêmalamba corresponds to Kaliynga 4398 expired, and the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Jyêshtha of that year commenced on Thursday, the 13th Juno, A. D. 1297, 1 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise, and ended at mean sunrise of the following day. Here the Thursday, quoted in the date, was civilly badi 7, and the 8th tithi was either a kshaya-tithi or ended after true sunrise of the Friday. And the meaning of the date clearly is, that the writing was finished on the Thursday, during the 8th tithi.
In Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, p. 357, the date of the composition of Mahêsvara's commentary on Purushottama's Vishnubhaktikalpalatd is given thus ; - Srimad-bhavalayanuramjana-lasat-kirtêr =
nțip&d=Vikramájjátê-sch(év)-Ambudhi-råga-bhami -ganit ê=
bdê MÅrgasîrshê=rjunê pakshe mukhyajaya-tithau Suraguru.
(ror)=yAre Virupaksha-bhüre nirmâtisma Mahéávarâ guru-ksipash=
tik&m=imam sumdardm 11 Here, again, the third (or mukhyajaya) tithi of the bright half of Margasirsha of V. 1647 expired commenced on Thursday, the 19th November, A. D. 1680, 1 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise, and ended 0 h.51 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
And according to Professor Bendall's Catalogue,
11 I now find that by Prof. Jacobi's Special Tables for the Saryasiddhanta with bija, published in Epi. graphia Indica, Pt. VIJI., the seventh tithi, even at Ujjain, onded 8 ghafikas after mean sparise of this Sunday.
11 Another date of this description oooars in . M8.
of the Saptapadarth, of which a page is photographed in Dr. Rajendralál Mitra's Notices, Vol. II. : Samvat 1458 varsha Magha-vadi 6 anarhtara[th] saptamyath
than Guruddind; corresponding, for the pfirnimanta Magha of V. 1458, current, to Thursday, the 6th January, A.D. 1401.
18 Read ashfamydih.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1892.
p. 32, a palm-leaf MS. of Chandragômin's Sishyalekha-dharmakuvya is dated : -
Samvat 200.4. Vaisakha-sukl-Ashtamyam 8ôma-dinê.
And here, again, the 8th tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha of the expired Nêwår year 204 commenced on Monday, the 15th April,
A. D. 2084, 8 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise, and ended 9 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of the .following day," and I here, too, take the meaning of the date to be, that the writer finished his work on the Monday, after the commencement of the 8th tithi. Göttingen.
F. KIELHO'RN.
NOTES AND QUERIES. AN ENGLISH INSCRIPTION AT. MAULMAIN. the great heell and unable to coming out. This
At Maulmain, on the platform of the chief bell is made by Koona Lingahyah the Priest and pagoda, is a large bell of the usual Burmese type weight 600 viss. No one body design to destroy with a quaint inscription cut in English thereon, this bell. Maulmain, March 30th, 1855." which is worth preserving: - "He who destroyed to this bell they must be in
R. O. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICE. The PRACHINA GUJARATI SAHITYA RATNAMALA, or manuscript has वन्दित्वा and not वन्दयित्वा, and the Garland of Gems of Old Gujarati Literature. The
correct form here is of course trecut. The First Gom, the MUGDAAVABODHAMAUKTIKA, or Grammar for Beginners, of the Gujarati Language
causal form would be meaningless or absurd in (V.-S. 1650). Edited by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B. this instance. Printed and published at the Subodha-Prakash
At the end of page 10 Mr. Dhruva gives some Press, Bombay. 1889. Pp. vii., 28, 55.
Karikas on samuisa. In the last verse of tbe 1st This work, edited by Mr. H. H. Dhruva,
Kurika Mr. Dhruva gives YTCU, while the B.A., LL.B., is one of a series proposed by
manuscript has TT. This wrong grammar him to be issued with a view to rescue the
may be the result of a mere misprint; but being old vernacular literature of India from the oblivion in which it is at present lying. Evidently
only one of many such instances, it indicates Mr. Dhruva believes this work to be a grammar
careless editing. The 3rd verge of the 2nd of the Gujarati language of the time to which
f the time to which Karike has the expletive fe inserted superfluously. it belongs (V.-S. 1450 = A. D. 1394). I It does not exist in the original, and it makes the shall presently examine how far this assumption verse scan wrongly. on his part is based on a correct appreciation of the These are some of the minor errors into which subject-matter of the work. But I propose first the editor has run. There are, however, instances to point out some of the many mistakes and in which the results of hurry and want errors which have resulted from the evidently careful study have been more serious. To cite superficial manner in which Mr. Dhruva has some of these :studied the work, and the very careless way in Page 16, col. 1. - About the beginning of the which it has been edited.
vocabulary Mr. Dhruva has — 311gi afe. Mr. Dhruva has based his edition on a single
The original manuscript has here and not a
The manuscript, -the one belonging to the Gujarat
and the similarity in sound of * Vernacular Society of Ahmedabad. I have had the
has betrayed advantage of a look at this manuscript, and I shall
the editor into putting of where the real word point out some of the results of Mr. Dhruva's is a. This point owes its importance to the facts hurry and carelessness, by instances of disagree that is the intermediate form from which the ment between his manuscript and his edition. I modern Gujarati word at is derived, and that the
At the end of page 4 of Mr. Dhruva's edition we broad pronunciation of it in this at (as in " awe" find the expression 15 y ear. The original is attributable to the pre-existent 8 in 3.2
14 Compare No. 168 of my Vikrams dates, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 361.
1 One viss = 100 tickals=3.65 lbs. avoirdupois.
1 [A curious instance of this carelessness stares one in the face on the very title-page, where the name of the work is given in Roman characters as "Mugdha bôdha Auktika," but in Dovan Agar charactersus Mugo dhåvabódhamauktika." The latter form occurs also
at the end of the work; while three lines above there is again " Auktika." As the title-page declares this book to be "prathamah mauktikam," the real name seems to be Mugdhduab8dhamauktika.-EDITOR.] | It would be well to indicate here that in Gujarati and ST have each of them two distinct pronunciations, broad and narrow, or short and long ; broad or short

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a
At page 6 and also page 7 Mr. Dhruva has उक्ति and कर्मि उक्ति for what is rightly given in the original instance as कर्ता उक्ति and कर्मि उक्ति. The anuseara is not trifling or superfluous. It represents the locative case, a being the forms for कर्तरि, कर्मणि. These may be mere misprints, but as such they are none the less the results of great carelessness.
BOOK-NOTICE.
But a still more serious blunder appears at page 7, col. 1, when Mr. Dhruva puts:अनइ जिहां कर्ता कर्मपणई बोलाइ ते कम्मैकतां उक्ति कहियइ । [ Mr. Dhruva's edition has कर्ता कर्मपणहूं separated wrongly into कर्ता कर्म पण इं which makes no sense. This by the way.] Here the blunder consists in inverting the order of the words and कर्ता in the expression कर्ता कर्मपण. The original has कर्म कर्तापणई. The sense is अन्यत् यत्र कर्म कर्तृत्वेन उच्यते सा कर्मकर्तरि उक्तिः कथ्यते; "this division of af (voice) represents cases in which the is used as the ar." Mr. Dhruva's reading would make it " is used as which is not intended. See the instance given ए ग्रंथ सुखिई पढायइ । भयं ग्रंथः सुखेन पञ्चते. Here ग्रंथ, which is the कर्म, is used as the कर्ता. The object in sense is used as the subject in form. The name given to this उक्ति is कर्मकता and not कर्ताकॉम. This also indicates the sense above described.
In the opening portion of his edition Mr. Dhruva gives what he calls an analysis of the work. Here he has
-
"(5) Cases -seven," and then adds the remark "vocative not given." Here Mr. Dhruva forgets that the vocative is not known to Sanskrit grammar as a separate case by itself. It is only the nominative case used when addressing another person. This very work, at page 14, col. 1, under the chapter of the Cases, says आमंत्रणे *
"the nominative is used in addressing another." Mr. Dhruva seems to have been misled by the facts that in English grammars, as also in Gujarati grammars, the vocative is regarded as a separate case, and that the Sanskrit Rúpávali gives vocative forms after the locative. But the
The Analysis is then concluded with "(21) Prepositions" [more correctly, he should have said Prefixes']"twenty." But Mr. Dhruva strangely omits to notice the concluding chapter of the book which gives a few rules of Prosody. His Analysis should have concluded: — "(22) "Rudiments of Prosody."
53
as in "care " and "awe;" and narrow or long as in "ache" and "buat." When a Gujarati word having
or s has in its antecedent Prakrit or Dééya form or intermediate stage अड् or भय, or अउ or अब the pronunciation of the or in the Gujarat! word is broad. When the antecedent Prakrit (or Dêéya) form or intermediate stage has q and a, the pronunciation (in the Gujarl word for a is narrow; e. g. Déáya
main cause of this error of his is his theory that this work is a grammar of the vernacular of the period, -a theory which I shall explode below. Then the Analysis gives" (19) Rules of Syntax." This appears to refer to the Kárikás, beginning from the end of page 17 to very nearly the end of page 20 in the body of the work. A glance at these will shew that they give no rules of "Syntax." The only rules in these Kárikás which may present an appearance of rules of Syntax, are those which deal with several Kárakas, viz., कर्ता, कर्म, करण, संप्रदान, अपादान, अधिकरण, and the संबन्ध sense of the Genitive. But these meanings or significations of the Vibhaktis (Cases) cannot, in strict propriety, be regarded as falling within the scope of "Syntax."
I hope I have cited a sufficient number of instances to shew how superficially the work has been studied, and how carelessly it has been edited by Mr. Dhruva. But the superficiality of this study (if it can be called by the name of study) comes out boldly and strongly in his fundamentally erroneous theory about the nature of the work, which he has sadly failed to appprehend. He seems to regard this work as a Grammar of the Gujarati language of the period (A. D. 1394). It is nothing of the kind at all, as will appear from a little careful examination of the text, which clearly shews that it is merely a मार्गोपदेशिका, a hand-book for the help of the beginner (gr), to teach Sanskrit Grammar through the medium of the vernacular of the period. Along with hurry and superficial observation, this error may be attributed to the feeling of over
flowing patriotism which seems to have taken possession of Mr. Dhruva's mind, and has led him to imagine that so far back as 500 years ago his mother-tongue had a grammar of its own.
In examining Mr. Dhruva's theory I shall first point out the errors and wrong conclusions
बदली = बेलै Guj.; Sanskrit मलिनं = मद्दलं Prlk, मॅलं Guj: Sans., Prák. Toft, Guj. T. Sans,, Prak. चटक्कै, Guj. वॉक. PrAk. कवण (for Sans. क); Guj. कॉन; while Sans. कदली, Prak. केली, Guj· केळ; Sans. बदरं, Prak. बोरं, Guj. बोर. Instances might be multiplied. and are used to show the broad and T.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1892.
into which he has fallen in consequence of hold. ing that theory, and then state our grounds for holding that the work is merely a hand-book of Sanskrit Grammar.
First, then, - in his Analysis Mr. Dhruva says, " Vocative not given." This remark, as has been already hinted above, proceeds from an assumption that this is a Gujarati Grammar, and the fact that Gujarati Grammars regard the Vocative as a separate case.
In his . Analysis' Mr. Dhruva says: "(9) Kridanta forms like a, carta,
it. Pa, &c." Looking at the corresponding chapter in the book we find that this refers to the forms i, a tar, artaz, used incidentally to explain the Sanskrit participial and other forms ending in तुम्, तृ, and शट. But even supposing for a moment that this work is a grammar of the vernacular of the period, Mr. Dhruva should have given the forms , TTEIT, A (the forms of the vernacular of the period), and not
car, chitat (the forms of modern Guja. râtî). He has in this instance been run away with by his patriotic hobby, so far as to uncon. sciously represent modern Gujarati forms as treated of in the text.
Finally, Mr. Dhruva is forced to resort to a rather amusing shift in order to support bis totter. ing theory, whenever at erery turn it meets with some shock or other. The work gives + and other non-Prakrit vowels; this, Mr. Dhruva explains away, as a “Sanskritism." There are tbree numbers given (Prakrit has only two, liaving no dual); this Mr. Dhruva says, is a San. skritisin. The case terminationsgiven are Sanskrit and not Prakrit; this again, says Mr. Dhruva, is a Sanskritiem. The rules of Sandhi (which are unknown to Prakrit) are again a Sanskritism, a Scording to Mr. Dhruva Sandsas giving forms confined to Sanskrit Gramniar, the mention of Atmanêpada forms of verbs (as Prakrit has only Parasmai pada forms even in the Passive Voice), the Sanskrit terminations for roots, - all these are " Sanskritisms." For Mr. Dhrusa must maintain his theory at any cost. Where, then, we ask, is the Prakritism of the work to be found ? Is it in the incidentally used Praksit terminations which Mr. Dhruva parades in all the importance of a bold black capital type? Mr. Dhruva is in the amusing position of a man who, looking at a peacock, would persistently swear it was a dog, and asked, whence the deep blue colour, whence the thick mass of rainbow-coloured feathers, whence the crest, the wings, the beak ?, would reply "Oh! that much only is a peculiarity of the
peacock"! The fact of the matter is that Mr. Dhruva has started on a wrong line from the out. set, with also a wrong foundation, and is therefore compelled to put up a prop here and a prop there to support the tottering superstructure.
I shall now proceed to indicate the grounds on which I base my contention that the work is a hand-book of Sanskrit Grammer and not of Gujarati Grammar.
To begin, the very Mangaldcharana (the open. ing verse) shews the purport of the work :
अहं प्रणम्य मुग्धानां बोधहेतीविधीयते ।
प्रायःप्राकृत उक्तीनां किंचिदाम्नायसंग्रहः ।। "After bowing to the Arbat, I proceed to make, for the instruction of beginners, a collection of some of the rules of grammar, mostly in the Prakriti. e, using for the greater part the Prakrit language in the treatment of my subject)." The author uses the word 94: (mostly), because in the latter part of the text be has occasionally treated the whole subject in Sanskrit and not in Prakrit.
K arkrai is a +3anitai(9), and hence it cannot mean "a collection of Prakrit Uktis."
K is connected with fy and not with mig. Even if the locative form is allowed, by a strain, to represent the genitive sense, it would conflict with the word , which will not tben give a satisfactory meaning. The author must, therefore, be taken, even from this passage, to propose a collection of rules of Sanskrit Grammar, treated through the medium of Prakrit.
The facts that the work gives letters like , &c., peculiar to Sanskrit only, the dual number, Sanskritcase-terminations, Sanskrit Prátipadikas, the rules of Sandhi and Samusa peculiar to Sanskrit, and Atmanepada forms, clearly indicates that the book treats of Sanskrit Grammar and not of Praksit Grammar. It is very easy, but not safe, to explain all these facts away by calling them "Sansksitisms." But it involves on the face of it a circumlocutory and inverted way of arguing. It has never struck Mr. Dhruva as peculiar, that so large a fund of peculiarities of Sanskrit Grammar should have crept into a Gujarati Grammar with propriety, and without jarring on the sense of proportion. The author, probably holding that the title of Vyakarana can be claimed only by an exhaustive work treated in Sanskrit, gave his work a far more modest name.
Mr. Dhruva may possibly have been misled by the facts that the whole treatment in the large portion of the work is carried on in Prikrit, that the Sansksit terminations are first preceded by the mention of Prakrit terminations, and that Sanskrit instances are preceded by the citation

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BOOK-NOTICE.
55
of instances in Prakrit. But the whole tenor This exposition of the mode of the author's of the treatment shews that the Präksit termina
treatment should shew clearly that he is simply tions and instances are intended only to afford teaching Sanskrit Grammar through his verna. facility of understanding by the citation of things cular. The same method of treatment has been familiar for the teaching of things unfamiliar. observed by the author almost throughout this
work. And in some places (as in the case of the To cite an instance or two: - At page 4, col. 2 - (kridantas) we find the following:
94 termination, at p. 5) only Sanskrit instances
are given. What does this shew? If the work करी लेई देई इत्यादि बोलिवई एक उक्तिसांहि पूविली |
were a Prakrit Grammar, what need was there क्रिया आगलि ईकार जिहां कहींइ तिहां तवा प्रत्यय त्वा
to give Sanskrit instances at all, along with the इसिउ आवड ।, - "in using such words as करी
Pråkpit instances P And certainly, Prakrit in(doing), (taking) ** (giving), where in one stanoes could not be properly altogether omitted sentence & appears at the end of the first verb, as they are occasionally), and only Sansksit the termination 79, i.e. r, should be applied." instances given, if this was a Pråkrit Grammar, What does this shew P The author, in order to | The author has thrown Praksit into the backshew where and how a Sanskrit termination is to
ground to such an extent that, as the work proceeds, be applied, shews it by appealing in a practical way the treatment in Prakrit is abandoned in a great to an instance in the familiar Prakrit, and points
measure, as in the Samusa chapter, and finally out the corresponding place of the termination. altogether, as in the Karikas on Kuraka. Could Thus the Prâksit terminations, &c., being only
this ever be a feature of a Prakrit Grammar P a means to an end, sink into a secondary place,
After the beginner has gradually acquired familiar. and prominence is clearly given to the Sanskrit
ity with Sanskrit by the Prakrit treatment in terminations and forms. Yet Mr. Dhruva prints
the first portion of the book, the author prethe in large type and puts 1 and r in
sumes the learner to be able to give up Praksit small type. But we are consoled by the thought
and understand the treatment in Sanskrit itself that the mere printing of big or small type will
This is undoubtedly the explanation of the change not affect the inherent tenor of the text.
in the language of treatment. In fact the The author goes on :- 37542 FTTT
author has put the qualifying word 94: in his
Fery opening verse. द्वितीया । शिष्य शास्त्र पढी अर्थ पूछइ । पूछ इसी क्रिया
| I think I may, after all this explanation, hope that । कउण पूछा शिष्य । ज पूछइ सु कर्ता तिहां प्रथमा । it will be regarded as clear that this work is a Bansकि सुंपूछह अर्थ जे पूछइतं कर्म तिहां द्वितीया । किसुं करी | krit Grammar taught through the vernacular; or at faei FIT TOUT 5 qar yra fast and that it will be hardly necessary to point out
as a falar fator: Tre giocar set that the Pråkpit and Sanskpit equivalent words at quial,-"The indeclinable TFT takes (governs)
pages 16, 17 are but a vocabulary teaching Sanskrit frater in the À sense. [Then a Pråkpit sentence
words, and that the Karikas at pages 17-20, the
Ganas and Anubandhas of roots at page 20, the is given by way of instance]. शिष्य शास्त्र पढी अर्थ
Padas of roots at page 21, and such other 158,-'the pupil, after reading the Sastra, asks
features, go entirely against the hasty theory of its sense.' पूछइ is the किया. Who asksP; शिष्य.
Mr. Dhruva, and support my contention about He who asks is the piaf. There put the no- the nature of the work. ininative (termination). What does he ask P; The only part of the work hich would lend pt. What he asks is.the . There put the plausible support to Mr. Dhruva's theory is the accusative (termination). After doing what, does
chapter on af (Voices) at pages 6, 7. art he ask P After reading the Trat). There put the (Straight, Direct) and ist (Crooked, Indirect) accusative termination in the sense. (Thus Voices are names unknown to Sansksit Grammar. you have) PETZT: Tref l 721 geura." This The author also refrains from giving the corre. process indicates the steps through which the sponding Sanskrit names for the several Voices, treatment passes. A Prakrit sentence is given wat ik r. art is quite a for a basis to start with, then each word is novel division. And immediately after that, tie examined in its relation, and the terminations author gives some forms peculiar to Praksit. are shewn, which are to be put on according to the These facts might for a moment lead one to sup. rules, till at length the final structure is built up pose this work to be a Prakrit treatise, and not in the resulting Sanskrit sentence. This is the one on Sanskpit Grammar. But against this synthetic manner, in which the author teaches up to single short chapter are to be put all the other the final instances.
parts of the book which, as shewn above, clearly

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56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1892.
indicate the work to be a Sanskrit Grammar. office" he "now occupies" to examine the work The probable explanation of this chapter may be with care, diligence, and patience? He could that the author took the liberty of allotting a then have secured several Manuscripts and have separate chapter to the Voices, which is not collated them; - a course the propriety of which done in Sanskrit Grammars, and, therefore, he ought to have suggested itself, for, although did not give Sanskrit names at all for the divi. he speaks at one place of the Manuscript he sions of the Uktis; and, having for once spoken in secured as "correct throughout with rare this manner, he incidentally, by way of a note als
exceptions," he himself at another placet com. it were, gave some peculiarities of the Prakrit plains of the mislections in which some parts of language. This view is strengthened by the fact the work abound. that in giving these peculiarities the author ex.
It is to be hoped that, when Mr. Dhruva bringe pressly uses the words haar," in the Prakpit
out the second edition of the work which he has language," which he would not have done were promised at the end of his Preface, he will this not an exoeptional case in a work which, for exercise greater care, eliminate all errors, minor the rest, is a Sanskrit Grammar. Further support and fundamental, give up his untenable theory, is to be found in the fact that the author states and present the work in a creditable form. Till in this very chapter that in the aft af verbs then, his publication can hardly succeed in com. take the Parasmaipada terminations ordinarily manding any perceptible circulation or patronage. (Th, i. e. :), from which it is to be implied
NARSINGRAO BH. DIVATIA. that Atman padi roots will take Atmanepada Bijapur District, 10th May 1891. terminations, and also in the fact that the
P.S. - I subjoin a few additional points for anther states that in the for and 17 Uktis consideration by Mr. Dhruva when he takes the the verbs take Atmanepada terminations, -a
second edition in hand :feature confined to Sansksit, for in Prakrit there
(1) At page 5, col. 1, 1.2, the word TTT seems is no such thing as Atmanêpada, verbs taking
to be misplaced for Para maipada terminations even in the for
. The Gujarat Vernacular and trà forms. This is a very strong point, and
Society Manuscript also has 3 . But it conwe must conclude that this chapter, although
flicts with the sense. Hence the difficulty. giving the original divisions and names of the
For 4 is applied in a sentence to the preceding, Uktis, has after all for its main subject matter
and not to the succeeding verb. : qt qz. the rules of Sanskpit Grammar and nothing else, Pre s afet; in this instance, given by and is, therefore, in general harmony with the the author, पयितुं is a verb precedent to आनयति. other portions of the work.
Mr. Dhruva will see the necessity here of collat. I have now surveyed the whole scope of the ing several Manuscripte. book, and shewn how and where Mr. Dhruva has (2) Page 12, col. 1. Among the instances of allowed himself to run into error. It is clear
rafare the author gives et c : this has been the result of, among other causes,
स आरूवानरी क्षः This is a curious and an undue baste, which is unaccountable and sur.
evidently ungrammatical instance of dissolving a prising. Mr. Dhruva has not had the patience
Bahuvrihi. to wait till he could secure more than one Manu.
for would have been correct. script for his work. The collation of Manuscripts
But the author seems to give instances of gaitf is out of question in that ease. Mr. Dhruva
in all the infleotions, even including the nominahimself speaks of another copy in the Jaintive (which is surely ungrammatical). This reBhåndár at Ahmedabad, which he did not succeed quires careful consideration. in securing. But he can have had only his own (3) In the chapter on (Voices), **impatience to thank for this. What hurry was par after is a puzzling and peculiar division. there P What reason was there for him to rush
si : U qe; here, merely because the this work through the Press before he returned
object, su, is in the nominative case and the from the International Congress of Orientalists, to which he he had proceeded as a delegate of H.H.
subject that the doer of 9€) is not intended to the Gaikwar P Could he not have waited till he be expressed, how does the nature of the for had returned and had had time enough amidst form disappear P This requires more light. " the arduous and multifarious work of an
N. BH. D.
• See Preface, p. vi. col. 2, para. 1.
* See footnote at page 30. - Mr. Dhruva should know, or, will perhaps recognise now, that a single
Manuscript cannot be safely rushed through the Press, even if he could rightly call . single Manuscript "M88.", who too often amusingly does.

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MARCH, 1892.]
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
57
TIREE FURTHER PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
BY PROFESSOR A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. SOME months ago (see ante, Vol. XX. page 341 ff.) I published two pattavalis of the Digam
baras, which were kindly made over to me by Mr. Cecil Bendall for publication. I now publish three more pattavalis of the same Jain section, which I owe to the kindness of Pandit Hari Das Sbästri, who has now been for several years in Jaipur as Director of Public Instruction in that Principality. The originals of these three pattávalis I have been obliged to return to their owners. My account of them is prepared from copies which I got made for me. For reasons of convenience I shall designate them by the letters C, D, E; while the two patta valis published previously I shall refer to as A and B, and Peterson's pattávali as P.
The main interest of these new pattávalfs is that they seem clearly to show that there exist two distinct traditions as to the exact course of pontifical succession, differing not inconsiderably from one another. It is true that the pattávali E is so slovenly written as to raise one's suspicions as to its trustworthiness. Thus, in the introduction (see below), among the Ten-Purvins, Prosthila is omitted; but that this is a mere clerical error is shown by the total number 9, at the end of the 3rd paragraph. Again in the Vamsavall proper (see below) three names are omitted between Yasahkirtti and Guņanandin ; viz., No. 9 Yasónandin, No. 10 Devanandin, No. 11 Jayanandin. Here, too, the fact of its being a mere clerical error is shown by the remarki after the entry of Santikirtti (No. 21 of the MS., but really No. 25), that till then there had been 26 pontiffs, thus clearly counting the omitted numbers. But these and other similar marks of error are not sufficient to account for the remarkable difference of pontifical succession, disclosed in the introductory portion of Eas compared with A and C.
The first point of difference is, that while both traditions agree in making the length of the introductory period to be 683 years (after Vira), they entirely disagree as to the sub-divisions of that period and the number and identity of the persons composing them. There is no disagreement with respect to the two first sub-divisions ; both gire the same 3 Kêvalins for 62 years and the same 5 'Srutakévalins for 100 years. But while A and E enumerate 11 Ten-Purvins for 183 years, E allows only 9 Ten-Purvins, also for 183 years. The names are the same, but E closes the Srutaké valins with the ninth on the list of A and C, Buddhilinga, whom it calls Bahudhuli; and it transfers the tenth and eleventh of the list of A and C, to the next sub-division of Eleven-Angins. In the latter sub-division A and C enumerate 5 members with a total of 123 years, while E has in it 6 members with a total of 220 years. The list of names also differs greatly. Further A and C have a sub-division of 4 Minor-Angins for 97 years, and another of 5 One-Angins for 118 years; but E allows no Minor-Angins at all, and has only one sub-division of 6 One-Angins for 118 years. The list of names again differs entirely: in fact, the Minor-Angins of A and Care identical with the One-Angins of E, with the addition of one new name, quite unknown to A and C. On the other hand, all the names of the One-Angins of A and C are unknown to E. The subjoined table will best exhibit these differences, Tradition in A and O.
Tradition in E. 1 Gôtama
1 62 years, 3 Kêvalins 3 2 Sudharman 2
3 Kêvalins for 62 years. 3 Jambu 1 Vishaupandin 1
2 Nandimitra 2 100 years, 5 Sratakêvalin.
3 Aparajita 3
5 'Srutakêvalins, 100 years. 4 Govardhana 4 5 Bhadrabhahu 1.5
1 There is here another piece of slovenliness. The remark is misplaced; it should really come after No. 26 (or No. 22 of the MS.) Méruktrtti.

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58
Tradition in A and C
183 years, 11 TenPurvins
123 years
97 years
220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
5 Eleven-Angins
118 years, 5 One-Angins
4 Minor-Angins
1
1
1 Visakha 2 Prôshthila 2 3 Kshatriya 3 4 Jayasena 4 5 Nagasêna 5
6 Siddhartha 6
7 Dhritisêna 7 8 Vijayasêna
8
9 Buddhilinga
Bahudhûli 9
10 Dêva Gangâdêva 1
11 Dharmasena 2
1 Nakshatra 3
2 Jayapâla
4
3 Pandava
5
4 Dhruvasêna 6 5 Kamsa
1 Subhadra.
2
2 Yasôbhadra 3
3 Bhadrabâhu II. 4 .4 Lôhâcharya
5
Vinayadhara 6
1 Arhadbalin
2 Mâghanandin 3 Dharasêna
1
4 Pushpadanta 5 Bhútavali
[MARCH, 1892.
Tradition in E.
9 Ten-Purvins, 183 years.
6 Eleven-Angins, 220 years.
6 One-Angins, 118 years.
Total 683 years.
683 years.
The new name is Vinayadhara, the last of the One-Angins according to E, which makes the initial period of 683 years to close with him. A and C know him not; on the other hand, E knows nothing of the five last names of the list of A and C.
But there is still another point of difference. Both traditions agree in making the pattavali proper commence with a Bhadrabáhu. Who is this Bhadrabâhu? From the dates assigned to him by A and C it is quite clear that, for them, he is identical with Bhadrabâhu II., who is mentioned as one of the Minor-Angins (or as one of the One-Angins in E) in the introduction and as having ascended the pontifical chair in 492 (or 490) A. V. and 4 Samvat. In E, however, he is said to have ascended the chair exactly 100 years later, i. e., in 104 Samvat. Three distinct names, vis., Sri-Dattasêna, Sivadatta and Aradatta, are interposed between him and Vinayadhara, the last of the One-Angins, and he is expressly enumerated as the 30th from Mahavira (counting the latter as the first of the series), while Bhadrabâhu, the One-Angin, is placed as the 25th. Undoubtedly their numbers are wrong; the MS. is very carelessly written: they should be the 27th and 33rd respectively; but anyhow they must occupy different places. It is clear, therefore, that in E there are three Bhadrabâhus, and that in it Bhadrabâhu III. is the beginner of the patṭâvall proper. I may here add, that the difference of 100 years is carried on in patțâvali E down to its No. 7, Yasaḥkirtti. With its No. 8, Gunananda, that difference has disappeared. But between its Nos. 7 and 8, three names are wanting, which (as I have already

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MARCH, 1892.]
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
59
pointed out) should really be in it, for they are counted later on among the 26 pontiffs, who resided in Malwa (sce No. 25, or its own No 21). Now it is a pity that these three names should be missing; for they would show how that difference of 100 years was recovered. One cannot help suspecting, that there must have been some design in the ouission; the object may have been to evade the difficulty of making up the difference.
I believe the difference, in this particular point, between the two traditions may be accounted for. It will be noticed, that if the beginner of the pattavali proper of the Sarasvati Gachchha is, as A and C will have it, Bhadrababu II., that Gachchha is only a branch of the main-line that began with Mahavira. The main-line runs on for, at least, 6 further members, throngh Lôhâcharya, Ahivalli, Maghanandin, Dharasêna, Pushpadanta to Bhutavali, with whom it appears (according to the representation of A and C) to have become extinct. Now it is quite possible to identify Ahivalli with Arhadbalin or Guptigupia of No. 2 of the patta vali, and Maghanandin with Maghanandin of No. 3 of the pattávali; and we may assume that Bhadrabahu II. was first succeeded by his disciple Lohacharya, and afterwards by his other disciple Abivalli. Guptigupta (Arbadbalin), who in his turn was succeeded by Maghanandin. But this supposition does not remove the difficulty ; for Maghanandin, the One-Angin, was succeeded by Dharasêna in the main-line ; while Maghnnandin, No. 3 of the pattavali, was succeeded by Jinachandra in the pattávali. The difficulty still remains, that the Saraswati Gachchha, after all, is only a side-branch of the main-line, which became extinct with Bhůtavali. This difficulty, it seems to me, cannot help having been felt as derogatory to the dignity and claims of the Digambaras ; and the object of the tradition, represented in E, appears to have been to meet the difficulty. By that tradition the main-line is carried on from Bhadra bihu II., through Lobilcharya, Vinayadhara, 'Sridatta, Sivadatta and Aradatta (the last four taking the place of the five One-Angins of A and C) to Bhadrabahu III., who then founds the Sarasvati Gachchha. The latter is thus shown to be the direct continuation of the main-line.
And yet, in all probability, the tradition preserved in A and C is the genuine one, that the Sarasvati Gachchha, as well as the three other Gachchhas of the Digambaras, are merely side-branches of the main-line. There is a curious short notice in patļavali E, which quite undesignedly supports this view. After noticing Bhadrabahu, the founder of the Gachchha, E adds that "from him the 'Svêtâmbaras separated and initiated a pattavali of their own." This shows, at all events, that according to E, the Digambaras and Svêtâm baras separated from the time of Bhadrabahu. Now, if it appeared that the Digambaras were not the main-line but a branch, the presumption would naturally be that it was they who were the schismatics or heretics. Hence the necessity to show that they were the main line, and therefore that the Svêtâmbaras were a branch and schismatics. Hence the fiction of a Bhadrabahu III. But if the tradition of A and C is the genuine one, and the Sarasvati Gachchha, i. e., the Digambaras, was founded by Bhadrabahu II., and if, as tradition E says, the Srêtâm baras separated in his time, it follows that the Svētâmbaras were the main-line, while the Digambaras were the branch or seceders. It follows further that that famous separation took place between 490 and 513 A. V. (or 61 and 38 B. C., adjusted, see ante, Vol. XX. p. 360), the period of Bhadrababu's pontificate.
And this leads on to another point. All pattavalis agree in representing Maghanandin as the actual founder of the Sarasvati Gachchha, whence it is also called the Amnaya, or Line of Nandin. At the same time they also all agree in making the pattávali proper of the Gachchha to begin with Bhadrabahu, two steps before Mâghanandin. This, it appears to me, can have but one meaning: before Bhadrabahu the Jain community was undivided; with him the Digambaras separated from the Svetambaras, but remained united themselves; with Maghanandin the Digambaras themselves separated into four divisions, the most important
? I may here note, that Guptigupta, the successor of Bhadrabahu III and No. 9 of the pattevall, is not really omitted in E, for he is counted among the 26 pontiffs, who resided in Malwa. His omission, in his proper place, is only Another of the many errors of the MS.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
of which would seem to have been that named after Maghanandin. This view is distinctly borne out by that curious notice in E, that the 'Srétâmbaras separated from the time of Bhadrabahu. It is also indirectly borne out by the notice of patřâvali (in $16, see below), that "the Sitapata or white-robed Sangha arose from the Mêlasangha." For whether the Malasangha be taken to mean the undivided Jains or only the andivided Digambaras, in any case the notice refers the origin of the 'Svētâmbaras to a time prior to the Digambara division under Maghanandin.
Now, it is well-known that the Diganbaras place the great separation of themselves and the Svêtâmbaras in Sam. 136 (or A, D. 79). This tradition of theirs is not borne out by their own pattavalis, as represented in A, B, C, D. For they place Bhadrabâhu in Sam. 4 (or B. C. 53). and even Mâghapandin is placed in Saṁ. 36 (or B. C. 21). Therefore one of two things: either the tradition about the separation in Sam. 136 is false, or the separation took place long after Maghanandin. In the latter case, the Svêtâmbaras separated not from the Mûlasangha (or the undivided Digambaras), but only from one of its subdivisional Gachchhas. This latter case is negatived, as already pointed out, by the statements of the pattavalss themselves. It follows that the pattavalis, such as A, B, C, D, contradict the tradition of the great separation in Sam. 136. Now, it seems to me, that the object of pattavali E is to harmonise the two traditions : that the great separation took place under Bhadrabahu, or at least under Maghanandin, and that it took place in Sam. 136. It was apparently thought that this could be done most easily by simply adding one hundred years to Maghanandin's usual traditional date. According to A, B, C, D he succeeded in San. 36; pattávali E turns the year into Sam. 136. It is a clumsy expedient; for, in the first place, it necessitated other changes and even interpolations to account for the additional centary : hence the fiction of a Bhadrabahu III. In the second place, it was only a half-measure; for it placed the great separation under Måghanandin, whereas the patta valis really required it to be placed under Bhadrabhu II. But to have altered the latter's date from Sam. 4 to Sam. 136 would seem to have been considered too violent a measure.
We have undoubtedly here two contradictory traditions of the Digambaras disclosed to 09; that of their pattivalis places the great separation considerably earlier than Sam. 136, in the time of Bhadrabahu. The question is who this Bhadrâbâhu was. The Svêtâmbaras pattavalis know only one Bhadrabahu, who, from the dates assigned to him by the 'Svêtâmbaras and Digambaras alike, must be identical with the Bhadrabâhu I. of the Digambaras. Considering the varying and contradictory character of the Digambara traditions, the probability is that the inception of the great separation took place under Bhadrabahu I, who died 162 A. V. according to the Digambaras, or 170 A. V. according to the Svêtâmbaras. The final and definite schism may then have occurred later in Sam. 136 or, according to the 'Svêtâmbaras, Sam. 139.
Further, there is another divergence of tradition disclosed in the five pattavalis, now published. This refers not to the succession so much as to the residences or migrations of the pontiffs, and, therefore, of the Digambara sect. On this point, the partivalis A, B, D altogether agree; pattávali E also agrees in the main; bat pattarali presents a considerably different tradition. This may be seen at a glance from the subjoined table. One point of general agreement comes out clearly and is noteworthy, namely, the general direction of the Digambara migration. It was from the South to the North, from Bhadalpur to Dilli and Jaipur. This agrees with the opinion that the Digambara separation originally took place as a result of the migration southwards under Bhadrababu in consequence of a severe famine in Bihar, the original home of the undivided Jaina community. I have not boon &
The vetAmbaras place it three years later, in 82 A. D. See my edition of the Uvdeagadaado (Bibliotheon Indion) Vol. II. p. IX.
• Or with the adjustment of 8 years (noe ante, Vol. XX. p. 860), 61 B. C. and 44 B. O. respectively.
Soo Introduction to my edition of the Uvasagadaado (Bibl. Ind.), Vol. II. p. viii.

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MARCH, 1892.)
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
61
to identify Bhadalpur. It is variously spelt. Espells it with the cerebral ( Y), but the others with the dental d, either single (my) or double ( ga). C places it in Southern India (Dakhiņa), but the others in Central India (Málava).
Table of Pontifical Residences,
Period.
Pattavalla A, B, D.
Paltavalt E.
PartAvalt C.
Bhâdalpur (in Mâlava) 26 pont., No. 1-26
Bhaddalpur (in Málava) 26 pont., Nos. 1-26
Ujjain 25 pont., Nos. 27-51
II and III.
Vårå (Vadoda) 37 pont., Nos. 27-63
II Malava 26 pont., Nog. 27-52.
Bhaddalpuri (in Dakhiņa) 26 pont. ; No. 1-26
Ujjaint 18 p., Nos. 27-44
Chanderi 4 p., Nos. 45-48
Bhei 3 p., Nos. 49-51
Kundalpur (1 pont., Nos. 52
Våra. 12 pont., Nos. 53-64
I Va Chiţor 10 pont., Nos. 65-74
IVb Vigher 4 pont., Nos. 75-78.
Ajmero 5 pont., Nos. 79-83
Vârå (or Vårô) 12 pont., Nos. 52-63
Gvåler 14 pont., Nos. 64-77
Gvålêr 15 pont., Nos. 64-78
V
Ajmer 5 pont., Nos. 79-83
VI
Ajmêr 6 pont., Nos. 78-83
Dillt 3 pont., Nos. 84-86
Chitôç, No. 87
Vágvar (in Gujarat) 3 pont., Nos. 84-86
VII
Chitor, No. 89
VIII IX
Sâgânêr No. 91
Avairi 4 pont., Nos. 92-95
(D) Smêrskir (P), No. 90. (D) Cháțasa, No. 91 a (D) Saganêr, No. 92
b (D) Avôr 3 pont., Nos. 93-95 (D) Dilli, No. 96
(D) Jaipur 4 pont., Nos. 97-100 4
XI
Dilli, No. 96
XII
Jaipur pont., Nos. 97-100
• M8.
roada 6 pont., bat gives only o namor.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
There is still a third point of interest in the three new patțâvalis, now published. They shew that the Digambara tradition of the pontifical succession exists in two different recensions. The two recensions differ, in the main, in a certain number of names and dates. From this point of view the whole of the patțâvalis, hitherto published, distribute themselves thus: A, B, D represent one recension (I) and C, E, P represent the other (II). The following two tables exhibit the differences:
1. Table of Differences in Names.
Serial Number.
11 Pujyapada.............
19 Harinandin
22 Ratnakirtti
23 Mânikanandin (also E)
30 Srichandra (also C).......
31
Nandikirtti
Virachandra
I. Recension A, B, D.
35
46 Gunanandin....
53 Vrishabhanandin
54 Sivanandin
55 Vasuchandra
56 Sishanandin (B, D)...........
Sanghanandin (A)
62 Jñânakîrtti
66 Sundarakirtti
67 Nêmichandra 72
Varaddhachandra
80 Sântikirtti.........
Serial Number.
5 pontificate
20
25
43
As the full particulars of the dates are given only in the pattâvalis A, D and E, the second table will stand thus:
51-10-10, 6- 2-22,
39
intercalary
20,
26
pontificate 44- 3-16,
27 monkhood 12- 0-0,
28
intercalary
15,
33
5,
35
8,
41
householder 8- 0-0,
42
8,
intercalary pontificate 16- 6- 0,
I. Recension A, D.
2. Table of Differences in Dates.
23
دو
33
39
total 95-10-15 pontificate 41-10-10, 6- 7-22, 25,
46-3-1
32-1-15 intercalary
63-3-29 pontificate 44 3-13,
22-0-0,
33
II. Recension C, E, P.
Jayanandin. Simhanandin (E, P).
Nayananandin (C).
Ratnanandin.
22
Manikyanandin (C, P). Silachandra (E, P).
'Srînandin.
در
Vidyânandin.
Gunakîrtti.
Brahmanandin.
Dêvanandin (C, E).
Viśvachandra (C, P). Siyachandra (PE).
Harinandin.
Jñânanandin (C, P). Gunâyananandin (? E). Chârunandin.
Nêminandin.
Vardhamana.
Visâlakirtti.
35-11-20 monkhood
42-4-15 intercalary
43-10-0
II. Recension C.
31, 10,
4,
70-0-12
26-9-20 householder 9- 0-0,
49-1-16 intercalary 41- 5-6
9,
pontificate 16-0- 0,
total 85-10-15 46-8-1 32- 1-20 63-3-26 45-00 42-5- 1 43-10- 5
70-0-8 27-9-20 49-1-17
40-11- 5
33
39
33
33

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MARCH, 1892.]
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
63
Serial Number.
I. Recension A, D.
II. Recension c.
0.
cios
householder 11. 0. 0, Total 50. 4-14 | householder 21- 0-0, Total 60. 4-14 monkhood 25- 0-0, 58- 0.0 monkhood 15- 0-0,
48- 0-0 pontificate 3- 4.1, 47. 4. 5 pontificate 2. 4.1,
46- 4- 5 householder 39-0-0,
etc. » 55- 7- 1 householder 7.0.0,
23- 6-24 monkhood 40. (- 0, 51. 8- 1 monkhood 240. O,
35. 8. 1 pontificate 5. 5. 5, etc., 57- 5. 9 pontificate 5. 4-29, etc., 49. 5. 9 householder 10.0.0,
53- 2- 1 householder 14. 0-0, pontificate 4. 1-16, etc. 50- 6-21 pontificate 4. 1. 0, monkhood 37- 0-0, 47- 3-1 monkhood 27- 0-0,
37- 3. 1 intercalary
9, 35- 9- 8 intercalary
7,
35- 9. 6 monkhood 25- 0.0, 38. 4- 1 monkhood 22. 0-0,
35. 4.1 pontificate 2-11-28, 26- 0.1 pontificate 2-11
25-11-21 intercalary 45- 6-21 intercalary
45-6-20 householder 13. 0-0, 47. 3- 9 householder 12- 0-0,
46- 3- 9 monkhood 20- 0-0, » 33- 5.0 monkhood 2. 0. 0,
15. 5.0 pontificate 2-13-19, 28. 3-23 pontificate 2- 3-16,
28-3-20 monkhood 24. 0. 0, 96-3-15 monkhood 14. 0-0,
86. 3-15
To the above tables I may add that both P and E insert an additional name between Nos. 47 and 48 ; viz., Vasavachandra (E) or Vasavêndu (P). In this point C agrees with the other recension of A, B, D), which omits that name. Further E omits No. 79 Prakshậntikîrtti (or as B, D have it Prakshata kirtti), so that its total number of pontiffs is the same as that in the other lists. This pontiff is also omitted in P, for the "prakhyatakîrtti" of the latter is not a name, but a title of No. 78, Vasantakirtti. In this point, too, C agrees with A,B,D. Though I suspect that E, P are correct, as against A, B, C, D, I am unable to account for the divergence. There is a similar discrepancy between the pattavalt C and all others (see below) with respect to the successor of No. 85, Subhachandra.
One further point I may note. Pattavalt A is the only one which gives what I have called the Nagôr section. All others, B, D, E, P, give the Chitor section. The two sections separated after No. 87. Pattávali C only goes down to No. 85 (or rather No. 86), and stops short just before the schism. From the remark in pattâvali D (see below), referring to this schism, it would seem that the two sections took up their residences in Gwaler and Nagôr respectively. But pattâ vali E mentions No. 89, Lalitakirtti, as still resident in Chîtör, and with this the passage on the schism in pattávali A agrees. See the passages which are quoted below. This matter of the schism still requires further clearing up.? I now proceed to describe the three pattavalis separately.
PATTÅVALI C. This pattávali is drawn up on the plan of pattavalt A, i.e. it begins with an introduction detailing the antecedent history of the Gachchha, after which it gives the list of pontiffs, with all the dates of each life in addition to the year of accession. A peculiar feature are the concluding remarks after the introduction (see below SS 16-19) as well as after the pattåvalt proper (SS 23-26), which give some curious information regarding the three other orthodox Sanghas, vis., the Deva, Simba and Sêna, as well as regarding some (apparently five) heretical or
In his Jainamata Vriksha, or Genealogical Table of the Jains, Muni Atmåråmji makes the following remark: In Sam. 1572 Rupa Chand Sorana, of his own accord, put on the monk's garb and originated the Negóri Lumpaka sect.' This appears to refer to the above-mentioned schiam, though the name of the founder differs.

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schismatic Sanghas, viz., the Sitapatta or Svetâmbara, the Kashtha, the Dravida, the Yâpullya or Yapaniya, and the Kêkîpichchha or Nilpichchha. Paragraphs 16 and 17 appear to me a little confused; it is not clear whether the same or different sects are spoken of; the names are so similar, that the former seems the more probable view.
Another peculiarity of pattavali C are the numerous extracts it quotes in support of its statements. Some of them are identical with those quoted also in patțâvali A, and these, it now appears, are quoted from the Vikrama Prabandha, a work which I see is mentioned in the Deccan College collection, No. 172. The other extracts are taken from the Nitisâra, a work ascribed to Indranandin, a copy of which (No. 371) also exists in the Deccan College collection (see its Catalogue, p. 145). To judge from the name of its author, he should be a member of the Sarasvati Gachchha, to which the surname Nandin is peculiar; but it does not occur, at least, among the names of the pontiffs.
In the Gâthâs, giving the dates of Vikrama's life (see below § 15), there again occurs the puzzling word rasapana. In my previous paper (see ante, Vol. XX. p. 360) I have suggested that it should be read paṇarasa, 'fifteen.' From the comment on the gâthâ in patţâvali C, however, it is clear that the reading rasapana is, at least, so far genuine that it already existed for the writer of the pattâvali. For he interprets it as meaning "fifty-six." He, evidently, must have taken it as a compound of the two nouns rasa and pana. The former, rasa, is the well-known symbolical expression for 6, while the latter would seem to be a name for 5, though I am not aware of the fact. According to the usual rule of interpreting such symbolic names inversely, the word rasapana would mean 56. It is also to be noted that in paṭṭâvali C the line, in which rasapana occurs, reads rajjam kunanti "he reigned," instead of the jajjam kunanti "he performed sacrifices" of patṭivali A. If the periods are taken to be consecutive as one would naturally do, the verses, as interpreted in paṭṭâvali C, would give king Vikrama a life of 118 years (i. e., 6 + 16 +56 +40)! But possibly 56 years are understood to be the total period of his reign, during the latter portion of which, comprising 40 years, Vikrama was a Jain. If so, there would be a curious coincidence in the fact, that the suggested reading panarasa 'fifteen' would give him a reign of 55 years (ie., 15+40). The line in question would then have to be translated: "for 56 years he carried on his rule being at first attached to heretical doctrines." Here, however, the most significant words "at first" would have to be supplied, not being expressed in any way by the verse itself.
I may also note, that instead of the terms viraha or antara, pattavali C occasionally uses the synonymous term antarálá; see, e.g., No. 62.
The list of pontiffs in this pattâvali closes with Subhachandra, who reigned up to Sam. 150, or A.D. 1440, some time before the separation into the Chîtôr and Nâgôr lines took place. In the concluding remarks of the pattavali (see § 23) it is stated that Subhachandra was followed by Sakalakirtti, and from the form of the remark it would seem that he must have been the reigning pontiff, at the time the paṭṭavali was written. This would give it a date somewhere about 1450 A. D., and would make it the oldest at present known; the next oldest being the pattávali P, the date of which must be about 1650 A.D., as it comes down to the pontiff Narêndrakirtti (of the Chîtôr line, see ante, Vol. XX. p. 355). There is a difficulty, however, in the names. Instead of Sakalakîrtti, all the other pattavalis (A, B, D, E) give either Jinachandra or Prabhachandra as the successor of Subhachandra. Moreover pattavalt C gives Vâgvar in Gujarât as the residence of Sakalakirtti as well as of Padmanandin and Subhachandra, while the other patţâvalis (A, B, D, E) give Dilli as the residence of the two last mentioned pontiffs, as well as of 'Subhachandra's successor (see the list above). I am unable to clear up this difficulty; but it may be noted that there are in patțâvâlf C itself indications that a pontiff may have borne two quite distinct names. In the same § 23, there is mentioned a pontiff Narên
Catalogue of the Collections of Manuscripts deposited in the Deccan College, by Prof. Bhandarkar, p. 50,
(Bombay 1888).

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drakîrtti, who, from the connection in which his name appears, must have been the immediate successor of Jñanakirtti, Mâghachandra and Sûrachandra (i.e., Nos. 60, 61, 62). Accordingly he must be No. 63, who in the nominal list of C, no less than in all others, is known as Gangåkirtti. Similarly, we have in $23a Kanakakirtti and a Proshthilakirtti, who would clearly seem to be identical with Nos. 65 Hemakirtti and No. 79 Prakshintikirtti. There is, however, another difficulty in the account given in $ 23, which I am unable to solve. That account of the ponti. fical succession does not agree with the pattávali which precedes it. The four pontiffs Sûrachandra, Mahachandra, Jnanakirtti, and Narendrakirtti are made to follow Vasantakirtti, whereas in the pattávali they preceded him by a long interval. Again in § 23 Vasantakirtti is made to be the 9th after Kanakakirtti, whereas in the pattivali (if Kanaka is the same as Hema, No.65) he is the 13th after him. The table of residences, however, should be compared.
The introductory and concluding portions I again give in extenso, but the pattávali proper, as before, in abstract tabular form. The bracketed remarks in the last column of the tables are again my own.
TEXT.
Introduction of Pattavalt c. (1) ओं नमः सिद्धेभ्यः ।। अवार पञ्चमा काल विर्षे श्रीमहावीर स्वामी के मुक्ति हुए पीछे वा की हीणता कालदोष ते भई है। जा ते या के पार गिणती के आचार्य भए है, सो अनुक्रम से प्रसङ्ग करि किञ्चित वर्णन करिये है।
(2) अन्त के तीर्थकर महावीर स्वामी कूँ मुक्ति भए पछै बासठि ६२ वर्ष ताई केवलज्ञान रह्या, सो कहिये है। जब श्रीवर्धमान स्वामी. मुक्ति भई, तिस पीछै श्रीगौतम गणधर · केवलज्ञान उपन्या । सो वारह वरष १२ पर्यन्त रह्या ।। वहरि ता के पीछे सुधर्म स्वामी कूँ केवलज्ञान उपज्या । सो भी वारह वर्ष ताई केवल रह्या ।। बहुरि ता के पीछे जम्बू स्वामी कू केवलज्ञान उत्पन्न भया । सो वर्ष ३८ अडतीस ताई रह्या । ऐसै बासठि वर्ष ताई केवल - ज्ञानी तीन पश्चम काल विर्षे प्रवर्त्या ।।
(3) वहरि ता के पीछे ग्यारह अङ्ग चरदह पूर्व के धारक अनुक्रम सै पाँच श्रुतज्ञान के पाठी श्रुतकेवली हुवा।। ता में प्रथम विष्णुकुमार वर्ष १४ चउदह । वहरि नन्दिमित्र वर्ष १६ सोलह । वहुरि अपराजित वर्ष २१ । वहुरि गोवर्द्धन वर्ष १९ उगणीस । बहुरि भद्रवाह वर्ष २९ गुणतीस ॥ ऐसें १०० एक सौ वर्ष पर्यन्त या का काल अनुक्रम ते रह्या ।। इहाँ ताँई श्रीमहावीर स्वामी कूँ मुक्ति गयें एक सो वासठि १६२ वर्ष जानना।
(4) बहुरि ता के पीछे ग्यारह अङ्ग दश पूर्व के धारक ग्यारह मुनि भया । ता को काल वर्ष १८३ एक सो तिरासी को अनुक्रम ते है। ता मैं विशाखाचार्य वर्ष दश १०, प्रोष्ठिलाचार्य वर्ष १५ पन्द्रह, नक्षत्राचार्य वर्ष १७ सतरह, नागसेनाचार्य वर्ष १८ अवारह, जवसेनाचार्य वर्ष इकवीस २१, सिद्धार्थाचार्य वर्ष १७ सप्तदश, धृतिसेनाचार्य वर्ष १८, विजयाचार्य वर्ष तेरह १३, बुद्धिलिकाचार्य वर्ष २०, देवाचार्य वर्ष १४ चउदह, धर्मसनाचार्य वर्ष से लह १६ ।। ऐसे याँ का १एक सो तियांसी वर्ष का अनुक्रम ते काल का वर्तमान है।इहाँ ताँई श्रीमहावीर कुँ मुक्ति गये वर्ष ३४५ तीन से पतालीस भए जानना ॥
(5) वहुरि ता के पीछे ग्यारह अङ्ग के पाठी पाँच मुनि भए ।। ता मैं नक्षत्राचार्य तौ श्रीमहावीर ते तीन सै पंतालीस वर्ष पाछै हुवा, वर्ष १८ अठारह ताई रह्या ॥ बहुरि महावीर ते तीन सै तरेसठि वर्ष पी. जयपाल नाम आचार्य भया । तिन का वर्तमान काल वर्ष वीस २० का है। वहुरिता के पीछे तथा श्रीमहावीर नाथ ते तीन सै तियाँसी वर्ष ३८३ पीछे पाण्डवाचार्य भया । ता का वर्तमान काल वर्ष गुणतालीस ३९ का रह्या ।। बहुरि ता के पीडै तथा श्रीवर्द्धमान तीर्थङ्कर ते ५२२ च्यार से बाईस वर्ष पीछे ध्रुवसेनाचार्य हुवा । ता का वर्तमान काल वर्ष चउदह का है ।। बहुरि ता के पीछे श्रीसन्मति पीडै ४३६ च्यार से छतीस वर्ष गये कैसाचार्य भए । ता का वर्तमान वर्ष वत्तीस ३२ का है । ऐसें पाँचू आचार्यनि का अनुक्रम से वर्ष एक सौ तेईस १२३ जानना ।। ए सर्व केवल एकादशाकधारी है।
(6) वहुरि श्रीमहावीर स्वामी पीछे च्यार सा भडसठि १६८ वर्ष गये सुभद्राचार्य भए । ता का वर्तमान काल के वर्ष छह ६॥ वहुरि ता के पीछे तथा श्रीमहावीर स्वामी पीछे च्यार से चहौत्तर ४७४ वर्ष गये यशोभद्राचार्य भए । ता का वर्तमान काल के वर्ष १८ अगरह है । वहुरि ता के पीछे तथा श्रीवीर नाथ कूँ मुक्ति हुवा पीछे ४९२ च्या. र सौ वाणवै वर्ष गये दूसरा भद्रवाह नामा भाचार्य भए । या का वर्तमान काल वर्ष २३ तेईस का है ।। बहुरिता के

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पीछे तथा वीर स्वामी पीडै ५१५ पाँच सै पन्दरह वर्ष गर्थे लोहाचार्य भयें। ता का वर्तमान काल पच्चास वर्ष का है। ऐस च्यारूं ही आचार्य का वर्ष सत्थानवै ९७ का है। यह च्याही भाचार्य अनुक्रम सैं एक एक भाकै घाटि पाठी हुये है । दस-नव-आठ-सातमा भङ्ग के पाठी ताई हुये।
(7) वहरि ता के पीछे एक अंगके पाठी पाँच मुनिवर होते भए । ता का विस्तार ॥ श्रीवर्द्धमान स्वामी · मुक्तिदये पीछे पांच से पसठि ५६५ वर्ष गये अहहलि आचार्य भए | ता का वर्तमान काल वर्ष २८ भष्टाविंशति का है। वहरि सा कैपीछ तथा वीर जिनेश्वर पीछे पाँच सै तिराणवै ५९३ वर्ष गएँ माघनन्दि भाचार्य भये।ता का वर्तमान वर्ष २१ इक्कीस का है । वहरि ता के पीछे तथा श्रीसनमति नाथ पीछे छह सैकीदह ६१४ वर्ष गये धरसेनाचार्य भये। ता का वर्तमान काल गुन्नीस वर्ष का है । वहुरिता के पीछे तथा श्रीवीर भगवान कुँनिर्वाण भयें पीछे छह से तेतीस ६३ वर्ष भुक्ते पुष्पदन्ताचार्य भये ।ता का वर्तमान काल वर्ष ३० तीस का भया। वहरि सा के पीछे तथा श्री. महावीर पीछे छह सै तिरेसठि ६६३ गये भूतवल्याचार्य भये । ता का वर्तमान काल २० वीस वर्ष का भया । ऐसे अनुक्रम ते भये । वहरि श्रीमहावीर स्वामी कुँ मुक्ति गये पीछे छह से तीयासी ६५ वर्ष ताई पूर्व भङ्गकी परिपाठी चली । फिर अनुक्रम करि घटती रही। और पूर्वोक्त भइल्याचार्यादि पाँच भाचार्य का वर्तमान काल एक सी अठारह ११८ वर्ष का है ।। इहाँ ताई एकाग के धारी मुनि भये हैं।
(8) वहरि ता के पीछे श्रुतज्ञानी मुनि भये । भङ्ग के पाठी नाही भए । ऐसे भाचार्यनि की परिपाठी है । (9) तदुक्तं गाथा ॥
अन्तिमजिणिव्वाणे केवलणाणी य गोयम मुणिन्दो। वारह वासे गये सुधम्म सामी य संजादी ॥१॥ तह वारह वासे य पुणु संजादो जम्बुसामि मुणिराओ। अडतीस वास पठिो केवलणाणी य उक्किहो ॥२॥ वासठि केवलवासे तिण्ह मुणि गोयम मुधम्म जम्बू य । वारह बारह वच्छर तिय जुगहीणं च चालीसं ॥३॥ सबकेवलि पञ्च जणा वासठि वासे गये मुसंजादा । पढमं चउदह वासं विण्हुकुवारं मुणेयध्वं ॥४॥ नदिमित्त वास सोलह तय अपराजिय परं हुवावीसं । इगहीणवीस वासं गोवण भहवाहु गुणतीसं ॥५॥ सद सुय केवलणाणी पञ्च जणा विण्हु नन्दिमित्ती य । अवराजिय गोवद्धण [य] भववाहूय संजादा ।।६।। 1"अन्तिमजिणणिव्वाणे तयसय पणचाल वास जादे । एकादहनधारिय पण्ण जणा मुणिवरा जादा ।। ७॥ णक्खत्तो जयपालग पण्डव धुवसेण कंस आयरिया। अहार वीस वास गुणचाल य चोद वत्तीसं ॥८॥ सद तेवीस य वासे एयादह अङ्गधारिणी जादा । वासं सत्ताणवदि य सङ्ग-नव-अठधग जादा ॥९॥ लोक प्राकृत ॥
सुभदं च जसोभई भहवाई कमेण य । लोहाचज्ज मुणीसं च कहियं च जिणागमे ॥१०॥ छह भहारह वासे तेवीस बावण वरस मुणिणाहा | दह-नव-अहधरा वास दुसद वीस मज्झेस ॥११॥
9 Read vdeě metri causa,
10 MS. 'वासो। 11 Forrar 12 MS. TI 18 Not in MS., but some such addition is required by the metre. are omitted in the Ms. MMS. तर सय पण्णठि, which fita neither sense nor metro. MMS, परिव। 83. IBMS. सत्ताणिवदि।
Here three verses
MS. तायासि

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67
पञ्च सये पण्ण अन्तिमजिणसमय जादे सु। उप्पण्णा पञ्च जणा इयङ्गधारी मुणेयध्वा ।। १२ ॥ भवलिमाहणन्दि य धरसणं पुप्फयन्त भूदवली। अडवीसं इगवीसं उगणीसं तीस वीस पुण वासा ।। १३ ।। इगसय अठार वासे इगधारी य मुणिवरा जारा ।
छ सय तिरासि य वासे णिवाणा अङ्गछित्ति कहिय जिणे ॥ १४ ॥ ऐसे विक्रम प्रबन्ध वि लिखा है। यह पूर्वोक्त प्रकार श्रीमहावीर स्वामी से लेय करि जिनमत विर्षे अनुक्रम से आचार्यनि की परिपाठी है।
(10) वहरि श्रीवीर स्वामी कूँ मुक्ति गये पीडै च्यार से सत्तर ७० वर्ष गये पीछे श्रीमन्महाराज विक्रम राजा का जन्म भया ।। वहरि पूर्वोक्त सुभद्राचार्य ते 20 विक्रम राज को जन्म है । वहरि विक्रम के राजपद मैं वर्ष चत्वारि ४पीछे पूर्वोक्त दूसरा भद्रवाहु · आचार्य का पह हुवा ॥ बहुरि भद्रवाड्ड का सिष्य गुप्ति नाम । ता के नाम तीन । गुप्तगुप्ति १ अहवलि २ विशाखाचार्य ३ ॥ बहुरि जा के च्यार ४ सिष्य । नन्दि नाम जाति के वृक्ष के अधोभाग के विखें चातुर्मास का वर्षा योग धारया ऐसा माघनन्दि आचार्य जी नै नन्दिसङ्क स्थापित कीया ॥१॥ बहुरि जा में तृणतल विषै वर्षा योग स्थापित कीया, सो जिनसेन नाम सेनसङ्ग स्थापित कीया।।२॥ वहरि सिंह की गुफा विर्षे वर्षा योग धारचा, जा ते सिंहसङ्ग स्थाप्या ॥३॥वहरि जानै देवदत्ता नामा वेश्या के गृह के विष वर्षा यांग धारपा, सो वसङ्क भया । ऐसें जिनमत मैं पाँचमाँ काल विष आचार्यनि के च्यार सङ्घ भए ।।
(11) बहुरि पूर्वोक्त नन्दिसङ्घ के विषै नन्दिसङ्घ १, पारिजात गच्छ एक १, वलात्कारगण, च्यार मुनि के नाम कहिये नन्दि चन्द्र २ कात्ति ३ भूषण ४, ऐसे स्थापित भये ।। तथा श्रीमूलसङ्कनन्यानाय १ सरस्वती गच्छ १ बलारकारगण १, ऐसे च्यार ४। वहरि पूर्वोक्त नन्दि १ चन्द्र २ कीर्ति ३ भूषण ४, ऐसे च्यार मुनि के नाम स्थापे ।। (12) तदुक्तं श्रीइन्द्रनन्दि सिद्धान्तो कृत नीतिसारे ।। श्लोक ।।
अर्हदली गुरुश्चक्रे सडसडनं परं ॥१॥ सिंहसो नन्दिसः सेनसडी महाप्रभः ।
देवसद्ध इति स्पष्टः स्थानस्थितिविशेषतः ॥२॥ (13) वहरि श्रीमहावीर स्वामी पीछे ४९२ च्यारि से वाणवै वर्ष गये सुभद्राचार्य का वर्तमान व २४ चौईस, सो विक्रम जन्म ते वावीस वर्ष ।। वहरि ता का राज्य ते वर्ष ४ च्यार दुसरा भद्रवाह हुवा जानना ॥
(14) वहरि श्रीमहावीर नै च्यार से सत्तर ४७० वर्ष पछि विक्रम राजा भयो।ता के पीछे आठ वर्ष पर्यन्त वालाक्रीडा करि । ता के पीछे सोलह वर्ष ताई देशान्तर विषै भ्रमण करि । ता के पीछे छप्पन २६ वर्ष ताँई राज कीयो नानाप्रकार मिथ्यात्व के उपदेश करि संयुक्त रह्यो । वहुरि ता के पीछे चालीस वर्ष ताँई पूर्वमिथ्यात्व . छोडि जिनवर धर्म कूँ पाल करि देवपदवी पाई ।। ऐसे विक्रम राजा की उत्पत्ति आदि है। (15) तदुक्तं विक्रमप्रबन्धे । गाथा ।।
सत्तरि चदुसरजुत्तो तिण काले विक्कमो हवह जम्मा । अठ वरस वाललीला सोडस वासे हि भम्मिए देसे ॥१॥ रसपण वासा रज्ज कुणन्ति मिच्छावदेससंजुत्तो।
चालीस वास जिणवरधम्म पाले य मुरपयं लहियं ॥२॥ (16) ऐसे श्रीमूलसा के विर्षे गण-गच्छ-सख-आदि नाना प्रकार की भई है ।। तदुक्तं नीतिसारे काव्यं ।।
पूर्व श्रीमूलसङ्गात्तदनु सितपटः काष्ठसशस्ततो हि । तत्राभूदाविराख्यः पुनरजनि ततो यापुली सज एकः॥ तस्मिन् श्रीमूलस मुनिजनविमले सेन नन्दी च सजी।
स्थातां सिंहाण्यसको ऽभवदुरुमहिमा देवसङ्गश्चतुर्थः ॥२॥ W Ms. भूतवली।
2. Here the date is wanting in the MS. 1 Ms. वलात्कारगुण ।
22 Metre: Sragdhard.

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68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
बहुरि ऐसे ही पूर्वश्रीमूलसह विर्षे प्रथम दूसरा स्वेतपही गच्छ भया ।। बहुरि ता के पीछे काष्ठसक भया । बहुरि ता के पीछे द्राविड गच्छ भया । वहुरि ता के पी यापुलीय गच्छ भया ।
(17) बहुरि इत्यादिक गच्छ पीछे केतक काल पीडै स्वेताम्बर भया । बहुरि यापनीय गच्छ, केकिपिच्छ, स्वेतवास, नि:पिच्छ, द्राविड, यह पञ्च सज जैनाभास कया है । जैन का सा चिहाभास दीसे है । सो या नै अपणी अपणी बुद्धि के अनुसार करि सिद्धान्ताँ का व्यभिचारवर्णन कह्या है। श्रीजिनेन्द्र का मार्ग . व्यभिचाररूप कीया। नदुक्तं नीतिसारे । लोक ।।
कियत्यपि ततोऽतीते काले श्वेताम्बरोऽभवत् । द्राविडो यापनीयश्च केकीसङ्गश्च मानतः॥१॥ केकीपिच्छः श्वेतवासो द्राविडो यापुलीयकः। नि:पिच्छश्चेति पचैते जैनाभासाः प्रकीर्तिताः॥२॥ स्वस्वमत्यनुसारेण सिद्धान्तव्यभिचारणं।
विरचय्य जिनेन्द्रस्य मार्ग निर्भेदयन्ति ते ॥३॥ ऐसे जानना ॥
(18) इहाँ कोई पूछे । पूर्व नन्दि-चन्द्र-कीत्ति-भूषण-आदि, नन्दिसद्ध बहुरि सेनसन बहुरि देवसङ्ग बहुरि सिंहसन आदिक ल्या, सो इनके आचार्य जुदे जुदे भए ? ता की मान्य कैसे है? या मैं परस्पर भेदभावरूपी मान्य है, कि एक मान्य है ? ।। ता का उत्तर । पूर्वोक्त गणगच्छारिक भए हैं, सो पर कै मुखाता भए है । या कै विष कोई भी तहाँ भेद नाँही है। और प्रव्रज्यादि कर्म के विर्षे भी समानता है। और जो पूर्वोक्त श्रीमूलसड के विष चतुःसङ्घ के भेद, आचार्यनि विषै जो भेदभाव करै है, सो सम्यकदर्शन ते रहित है, मिथ्यावृष्टि है, वहरि सो संसार के माँहि चिरकाल संचरै है । जा ते यह चतुःसङ्घ के विर्षे प्रतिमा के भेद, बहुरि प्रायश्चित्तादि कर्म का भेद, बहुरि आचार का भेद, बहुरि वाचनादि शास्त्रनि का भेद, कोई कै भी परस्पर जुश भेव नाँहि, सर्व एक ही है । या ते या मैं जे भेदभाव राखै है", सो सम्यकदर्शन ते रहित है', मिथ्यात्वी है , दीर्घसंसारी है । वहरि पूर्वोक्त चतु:सङ्ग सहित प्रतिष्ठित जि. नप्रतिमा, ता में और सन्देह नहीं करना ॥ या ते अन्य है, सो विपर्ययरूप है। भावार्थ । चतुःसज करि प्रतिष्ठित जो जिनविम्ब सो पूजनीक है । या ते अन्य कहिये स्वेताम्बरादिक कल्पित प्रतिमा है, सो विपर्ययरूप है। ( 19 ) तदुक्तं नीतिसारे ।। श्लोक ॥
गंणगच्छादयस्तेभ्यो जातास्ते परसौख्यदाः। न तत्र भेदः कोप्यस्ति प्रवज्यादिषु कर्मस ॥१॥ चतुःसजेनरो यस्तु कुरुते भेदभावनां। स सम्यग्दधनातीतः संसारे संचरत्यरं ॥२॥ म तत्र प्रतिमाभेदो न प्रायश्चित्तकर्मणः। माचारपाचनापयवाचनासु विशेषतः॥३॥ चतुःसन महितं जिनबिम्बं प्रतिष्ठितं ।
ममेनापरसीयं यतो न्यासविपर्ययः॥४॥ ( 20 ) ऐसे पूर्वोक्त प्रकार भद्रवाह भए । ता के पीछे और आचार्य अनुक्रम ते भए है, सो किश्चित् मात्र भद्रपाह से ले कर यों का वर्णन अनुक्रम से लिखिये है। विक्रम राजा दूं राज्यपदस्थ के दिन ते संवत् केवल के चैत्र एक १४ चतुर्दशी विने श्रीभद्रवाह भाचार्य भये । ता की जाति प्रामण । गृहस्थ वर्ष २४ चौवीस । दीक्षा वर्ष ३. तीस । पावर्ष २२ वाईस के उपरि मास १० दश दिन २७ सत्ताईस वहरि विरहदिन ३ । तिन का सर्वानुवर्ष छिहत्तर ७६ । पुनर्मास ११ ग्यारह ।।
(21) वहरि ता के पीछे संवत् केवल छहवीस २६ का फाल्गुन शुक्ल १५ चतुर्दशी दिन मैं गुमगुप्ति नाम भाचार्य जाति परवार भये । सा का गृहस्थ वर्ष २२ वाईस का । बहुरि दीक्षावर्ष १४ चौदह । पहस्थवर्ष ९ नौ, मास ६ छह दिन २५ पचीस. विरह दिन ५ पाँच । या की सर्वायुवर्ष पैसठि ६५ मास सात ६५७ का जाननी ।।
"MS. स्वेतवासः।
24 The reading of the text is not quito reliable here.

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MARCH, 1892.)
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
69
.
Here follows the remainder of the pattâ vali, which I omit. The method of each entry is sufficiently shown by the two initial entries above quoted. But the substance of the whole I again give in a tabular form below. The final entry runs as follows:
(22) बहुरि ता के पीछे पिच्यासीमाँ पह संवत् १५५० चोदह से पचास का माघ शुक्ल पञ्चमी ५३ पुाभचन्द्रमया सा का गृहस्थकाल का वर्ष १६ सोलह, दीक्षावर्ष १४ चौदह, पहस्थवर्ष ५६ छप्पन मास ३ तिन दिन ४ च्यार विरह दिन ११ ग्यारह सर्वायुवर्ष ८६ डिंयासी मास ३ मीन दिन पन्द्रह १५ की भई । इत्यादिक पदावली जानना ।। ___(23) ता के पीछे भद्रबाहु सौ लेर मेरुकीत्ति ताई पह छवीस पर्यन्त दक्षिपदेश विर्ष भहलपुरी में भए ॥२६॥ वहरि महीकीति भादि लेर महीचन्द्रान्त ताँई छवीस पह मालवा विर्षे । ता मैं भठारह १८ उज्जैनी मैं भये । चन्दरी के विर्षे ४ च्यार भए । भेल मैं ३ तीन भए । कुण्डलपुर एक भए १।। यह सर्व छब्बीस २६ भए । बहुरि ता के पी, वृषभनन्दि आदि सिंहकीति अन्त ताई पह वारह १२ वारौं विषै भए ।।१२।। वहरि ता के पीछे कनककीर्ति आदि वसन्तकीय॑न्त पह दश १० चीतोड कै विष भए ।।१०।। वहुरि सूरचन्द्र १, माषचन्द्र १, ज्ञानकीर्ति १, नरेन्द्रकीर्ति १, ये च्यार पड वषेरै भये । ४।। बहुरि प्रोष्ठिलकीर्ति आदि प्रभाचन्द्रान्त पह ६ छह. अजमेर भये । ६३ । बहुरि पग्रनन्दी आदि भचन्द्रान्त पह२ दोय गुजरातदेश वि वाग्वर देश मै भये । वहरि सकलकात्ति आदि वाग्वर देश में भए। ऐसें श्रीमूलसवा नन्द्यानाय सारस्वतीगच्छ बलात्कारगण की पहावली अनुक्रम में जानना ऐसै ।। ___(24) और सेनंसद्ध १, सिंहसङ्क १, देवसा की १ पहावली जुदी है। सेनसङ्ग मैं जिनसेन आदि ऐसे ही सर्वत्र जुनी जुही पहावली आचार्यनि की है । ता के विर्षे सेनसा मैं राज, वीर २, भद्र, सेन ४. ऐसेच्यार नाम है। बहुरि सिंह १, कुम्भ २, आश्रव ३, सागर ४, ऐसे व्यार ४ सङ्ग के नाम सिंहसा में है। पहरि देव १, इत्त २. नाग ३, लङ्ग, ऐसें सिंहसकते और चौथा देवसद्ध वि च्यार नाम है ॥
(25) बहुरि पूर्वोक्त सेनसङ्ग विय सेनसङ्क पुष्करगच्छ, सूरस्थगण जाननौं । बहुरि सिंहस चन्द्रकपाट गच्छ काणूरगण सिंहसक विर्षे है ।। बहुरि देवसद्ध पुस्तकगच्छ देशीगण यह देवसद्ध विर्षे है। (26) तदुक्तं गाथा ।।
णन्दी चन्दो कित्ती भूसण णामा०हि पन्सिजस्त। सेणो राजोर वीरो भहो तह सेणसहुस्स ॥ १॥ सिंहो कुम्भो आसव सायर नामा हि सिंहसास्स ।
देभो दत्तो नागो लङ्गो तह देवसहस्स ॥२॥ इत्यादि दिगम्बरानाय विर्षे आचार्यनि की परिपाठी जानना ।।
TRANSLATION. Om! Salutation to the Perfect ones! In the fifth period, after the death of the Lord Mahavira, its decadéace took place on account of the badness of the times. Of the several pontiffs who came after him, I am going to give a brief account in their proper order.
$ (2) After the death of the last Tirthan kar, the Lord Mahavfra, for 62 years, there abode Kevala-jiminins. These I now name. After the Lord Vardhamāna had died, the Gapadhara Gautama attained the knowledge of Kavalin. He abode for 12 years. After him the Lord Sudharnman attained aKevalin's knowledge. He too, abodeas a Kevalin for 12 years. After him the Lord Jamba attained the knowledge of a Kevalin. He abode for 38 years. Thus, for 62 years there lived three Kevalins in the fifth period.
$ (3) After this, there came in syccession five Srutakêvalins, men versed in sacred lore, who possessed a knowledge of the eleven Angas and the fourteen Pârvas. . Among them first was VishyakumAra (who abode) for 14 years after him (came) Nandimitra for 16 years: next Aparajita for 22 years; next Govardhana for 19 years; next Bhadraba hu I. for 29 years. Thus their total period extended to 100 years. Up to this point of time 162 years must be understood to have passed since the death of the Lord Mahavira. MS. baat.
Ms. जाने। Ms. रजो। MS. तहेव . m.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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(4) After this, there came eleven Munis who possessed a knowledge of eleven Aigas and ten Purvas. Their total period extended to 183 years. Among them the Acharya Visakha (abode) for 10 years, Prôshthila for 15, Nakshatra for 17, Nagasêna for 18, Jayasena for 21, Siddhartha for 17, Dhritisêna for 18, Vijaya for 13, Buddhiliúga for 20, Dêva for 14, Dharmasêna for 16. Thus the total period of these men extended to one hundred and eighty-three years. Up to this point of time 345 years must be understood to have passed from the death of Mahavira.
(5) After this there came five Munis, who (only) possessed a knowledge of the eleven Augas. Among them the Acharya Nakshatra arose 345 years after Mahavira, and abode for 18 years. Next, 363 years after Mahavira the Acharya, named Jayapala, arose. His period comprised 20 years. After him, and 383 years after Mahavira, the Acharya Pandava arose, and his period took up 30 years. After him, and 422 years after Mahavira, the Acharya Dhruvasena arose. His period was 14 years. After him, and 436 years after Mahavira, the Acharya Kaisa arose. His period was 32 years. Thus the total period of these five Acharyas extended to 123 years. All these only. possessed a knowledge of the eleven Angas.
(6) Again 468 years after the Lord Mahavira there arose the Acharya Subhadra. His period was 6 years. After him, and 474 years after the Lord Mahavira, there arose the Acharya Yasôbhadra. His period was 18 years. After him, and 492 years after the death of Viranatha, a second Acharya named Bhadrabahu (II.) arose. His period was 23 years. After him, and 525 years after Virasvâmin, came the Acharya Lôha. His period was 50 years. Thus, the period of all these four Acharyas was 97 years. Each of these four Acharyas knew one Aiga less than his predecessor; their knowledge extended as far as the tenth, ninth, eighth and seventh Angas respectively.
(7) After this there came five Munis, who possessed a knowledge of one Anga (only), They are the following: 565 years after the death of the Lord Vardhamâna there arose the Acharya Arhadbalin. His period was 28 years. After him, and 593 years after Vira, the chief of the Jinas, there arose the Acharya Maghanandin. His period was 21 years. After him, and 614 years after Sanmati Nâtha, there arose the Acharya Dharasêna. His period was 19 years. After him, and 633 years after the blessed Vira, there came the Acharya Pushpadanta. His period was 30 years. After him, and 663 years after Mahavira, there came the Acharya Bhutavali. His period was 20 years. Thus they followed one another; and the traditional knowledge of the Angas and Pûrvas went on, till the year 683 after the death of the Lord Mahavira, but it gradually decreased. The total period of the above named five Achâryas, Arhadbalin and the others, extended to 118 years. Up to this point of time there lived Munis, who possessed the knowledge of (at least) one Anga.
(8) After this there were only Munis, who were Srutajiânins, (i. e., who knew of the sacred lore only by hearsay). Of such as were actually able to recite an Auga, there was none. The above is the traditional enumeration of the Acharyas.
(9) On this subject there are the following Gâthâs:
(See the translation, ante, Vol. XX. p. 347ff. The gâthâs are the same as those cited in pattavali A, except that the three verses describing the Third period of the Ten-Purvins are omitted in pattivali C, apparently by a mere oversight of the scribe.)
Thus it is written in the (work called) Vikrama Prabandha. This gives the traditional enumeration of the Acharyas of the Jain religion, as they followed in regular order after the Lord Mahavira.
(10) Now in the year 470 after the death of the Lord Vira the birth of King Vikrama took place. Now it took place [2 years]29 after the above-named Subhadra Acharya's (accession to the pontificate). Again the accession to the pontificate of the above-named Acharya
29 The bracketed clause is wanting in the original text, probably by a mere oversight of the scribe.

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Bhadraba hu II. took place 4 years after Vikrama's aceession to the throne. Further Bhadrabahu II. had a disciple named Gupti. The latter had three names, viz., 1, Guptagupti30, 2, Arhadbalin, 3, Visakhacharya. Further he had four disciples, viz., 1, one who used to keep his fourmonthly rainy season's retreat in the hollows) lower part of a tree of the Nandi species ;- this was the Acharya Maghanandin, who founded the Nandi Sangha : 2, one who originated the practice of keeping the rainy season's retreat under bushes ;31 he was called Jinasêna, and founded the Sena Sangha : 3, one who tised to keep his rainy season's retreat in the hole of lion,.hence he founded the Simha Saigha : 4, one who used to keep his rainy senson's retreat in the house of a courtenan named Dêvadatta; (he founded) the Deva Sangha. Thus, there arose four Sanghas of Acharyas in the Jain religion during the fifth period.
(1) Further in the before-mentioned Nandi Sangha there were the following names in use (for the Saogha): 1, Nandi Sangha, 2, Parijata Gachchha, 3, Balatkârn Gana: and the following four names for the Munis, viz. 1, Nandin, 2, Chandra, 3; Kirtti, 4, Bhûshana. Also the following four (names for the Saigha) were in use: 1, Sri Mula Saigha, 2, Nandi-Amnaya, 3, Sarasvati Gachchhn, 4, Balatkára Gaņa; and the four already-mentioned names for Munis: 1, Nandin, 2, Chandra, 3, Kirtti, 4, Bhushang.
(12) On this subject the following slokas occur in the Nîtisára, a work of Indranandin :
The Guru Arhadbalin effected the excellent combinations into Sanghas: the Simha Saigha, the Nandi Sangha, the famons Séna Sangha, and the Deva Sangha, which are well know to be distinguished by the places of their establishment.33
(13) Further the year 492 after the Lord Mahavira, which was the 24th year of Subhadra's pontificate, was also the 22nd year after the birth of Vikiama. Again in the fourth year of the latter's reign Bhadrabahu succeeded to the pontificate.
(14) Now 470 years after Mahîvîra King. Vikrama was born. Afterwards he passed 8 years in child's play ; next he spent 16 years in wandering over different countries; next he passed 56 years in ruling (his own country), being at the same time) devoted to varions sorts of beresy : finally having abandoned his earlier heresies and fostered tho Jain religion for forty years, he obtaineâ admission among the gods. Thus was the birth, etc., of King Vikrama.
(15) On this subject there are the following Gâthâs in the Vikrama Prabandha :
"It was the year 470 when the birth of Vikrama took place. For eight years he played as a child; for sixteen he roamed over the country; for fifty-six he exercised rulo, being given over to false doctrine; for forty years he was devoted to the religion of the Jina and then obtained heaven."
(16) Thus there arose in the Mola Sangha Gáņas, Gachchhas, Sanghas, and such like (distinctions). On this subject there is the following verse ir the Nitisira :
" First there arošo from the Mûla Saugba the Sitapata (or white-robed) Saugha, and then the Kishtha Sangha. Then there arose the so called Drávida (Saùgha), and then again a certain Yapúli Saugba. In that Müla Sangha, adorned by many Munis, there was the Sôna and the Nandi Sangha; also the Sangha of wide reputation, which was called after Simha; and as the fourth there was tho Deva Sangha."
Thus then in the original Mâla Sangha there aroșe first another şvêta Parti, or "whiterobed," Gachchha, after that there came the Kashţha Sangha, after that the Drávida Gachchha, and finally the Yapuliya Gacltchba.
(17) Further, some time after the above-mentioned Gachchhas the Svêtâmbaras came into existence : also the Yápaniya Gachchha, the Kêkipichchba, the Svētavisa, the Nibpichchha, and the Drávida. These five Sanghas are called false Jains. They adopt marks in imitation
10 Or rather, Gaptigupta.
01 Text: trinta-tala vishai, lit. at the foot of grassos.' * Referring to the places probably, where the several retreats used to be kept in the rainy seasons.

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of the Jains; but they, drawing on their own imagination, hold tenets in variance with the Siddhantas (or Holy Scriptures), and follow practices contrary to those of the Jinendra (or founder of Jainism). On this subject, there are the following ślôkas in the Nitisâra :
72
"Then after the lapse of some time there arose the 'Svêtâmbara, the Drâvida, and the Yapaniya (Sangha), as well as the Kêkî Sangha through arrogance. The Kêkîpichchha, the Svêtavâsa, the Drâvida, the Yâpuliyaka, and the Nibpichchha; these five are well-known as being false Jaina sects, Having in reliance on their imagination, elaborated practices in variance with the Siddhântas, they have caused divisions in the religion of the Jinêndra."
Thus it should be understood 33
(18) Here the question may be asked: "It has been mentioned that there are (Acharyas called) Nandin, Chandra, Kirtti and Bhushana, and that there are the four Sanghas called Nandi, Sêna: Dêva and Simha, now do the Achârvas of these Sanghas differ among themselves? In what estimation should they be held? Are they to be considered as differing among themselves, or are they to be considered as one ?" To this the following answer (is to be given) :- "The Ganas, Gachchhas, etc., which, as above mentioned, have arisen, have been the channels of eternal happiness. Among them there exists no sort of difference; and in their mendicant and other practices they are alike. And as to the above-mentioned four Sanghas into which the Mûla Sangha is divided, if any one make a difference between the Achâryas, he is devoid of truth and is a heretic; moreover such people have for a long time been leading a worldly life. Therefore in these four Sanghas there is no difference of images, nor any difference in penitential and other practices, nor any difference of rules, nor any difference in their teaching and in their scriptures; in no single point is there any difference between them;, they are all alike. Hence those who maintain a difference, are devoid of the truth and are heretics and worldlings of old standing. And there is no reason to entertain any more doubts regarding such Jina images as are consecrated and adored in the four Sanghas; all others that there are, are heretical." In short: "any image that is consecrated by the four Saighas, should be worshipped; all others, such as the images made by the Svêtâmbaras and others, are heretical."
(19) On this subject, there are the following élôkas in the Nitisâra:
"The Gapas, Gachchhas and others that have arisen from them, are the grantors of eternal bliss. There is between them no difference whatever in their monastic and other practices. If any man imagine any difference in the four Sanghas, he has travelled beyond the truth and is gone completely into the world. In them there is no difference of images nor of penitential observances; nor is there any distinction in their rules and readings. Any Jina image
35 It may be useful for purposes of comparison, to add here the notice of the Digambaras, which Muni Atmârâmit, the head of the Vijayagana of the Svétâmbaras, gives in his Jaina Mata Vriksha, or Genealogical Table of the Jains:"In 609 A. V., Sivabhuti Sahasramalla, the disciple of Krishna Sûri, originated the Digambara sect (mata). He had two disciples, Kaundinya and Kaushtavfra. After these two there came Dharasêna, Batavali and Pushpadanta. These commenced, in 683 A: V., on the 5th day of the bright half-month, to compose three; siatras, viz., 1, the Dhavala comprising 70,000 slokas, 2, the Jayadhavala comprising 60,000 slokas, and 3, the Mahadhavala containing 40,000 slokas. These three sAstras exist to the present day in the Karnataka country; and borrowing from them Nêmichandra (No.: 17 or 67 ?) composed the Gomaṭṭasåra for the perusal of Raja Chamunda. No sâstra older than these three is to be found among the Digambaras. Afterwards the Digambaras becaine divided into four Sakhas, viz., 1, Nandi, 2, Sêna, 3, Dêva, 4,, Simha. Later on there arose four Sanghas, viz., 1, Mûlasangha, 2, Kishtha Sangha, 3, Mathura Sangha, 4, Goppa Sángha. Still later, there arose the following Panthis; viz., 1, the Visapanthi, 2, the Terapanth,3, the Gamânapanthi, and 4, the Tôtâpanthi, i, e., those who worship a book (pustaka) in the place of an image (pratim). At first Sivabhuti originated the Nagna-pantha (or the ordinance of nakedness); next he taught that a woman could not be saved (moksha), and that a Kêvalin should not eat a morsel; finally he taught a mass (lit. eighty-four) of other things. In our days, the Terapanthis have put forth a mass (bahut hi), of heterogeneous things, which may be learned by comparing their old with their new books." With regard to the origin of the Têrapanthis he adds in another note to the Vriksha:"In Sam. 1709 Lavaji, the adopted son of PhilA BAI, the daughter of the Bora Viraji of the Lumpaka sect (i. e., the NAgôr section; see above, p. 63), together with Dharmadása, the cotton-printer, originated the pantha (or sect) of the mouth-covering Dhundhakas. These divided into 22 sections, the second of which is the Dhanaji ection: Dhana's disciple (chéla) was Bhudhara; his disciple was Raghunathaji; his disciple Bhishma originated; the Têrâpanthis and propagated the sect of Mukhabandhas (or mouth-coverers)."

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PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
73
consecrated and adored by the four Sanghas one should reverence, but not any of any other Sangha, because this only leads to heresy."
(20) Thus, in the manner above explained, Bhadrabahu arose. After him came other Acharyas in regular order. Of these I am going to write only a brief account in their proper order, commencing with Bhadrabahu. It was not more than 4 years after the date of the accession to the throne of King Vikrama, on the 14th day of the light half of Chaitra, that Bhadrabahu succeeded to the pontificate; by caste he was a Brahman; as a householder he lived for 24 years, as an ordinary monk for 30 years; as pontiff for 22 years 10 months and 27 days; the intercalary days were 3; the total period of his life was 76 years and 11 months.
(21) After him, not more than 20 years after Vikra na), on the 14th dar of the light half of Phâlguna, Guptigupta, a Parwâr by caste, succeeded to the pontificate. He lived as a householder for 22 years, as an ordinary monk for 14, as pontiff for 9 years, 6 months and 25 days; the intercalary days were 5; the total period of his life was 65 yeni's and 7 months.
(22) After this the 85th pontificato34 began in the year 1450 after Vikrama, when, on the 5th day of the light half of Mâgha, Subhachandra succeeded. He lived as a householder for 16 years, as an ordinary monk for 14 years, as pontiff for 56 years 3 months and 4 days; the intercalary days were 11; his total period was 86 years, 3 montlis and 15 days. This should be understood to be the pattávali (or list of the pontiffs).
(23) After this (it is to be added that) the 26 pontificates, commencing with Bhadrabâhu down to Mêrukîrtti, took place in Bhaddalpuri in the Southern Country. Again the 26 pontificates, commencing with Mahikirtti down to Muhîchandra, took place in Málva. Amoug the latter 18 took place in Ujjaini, 4 in Chandêri, 3 in Bhol, and one in Kuņdalpur. These make up the 26 pontificates. After this, 12 pontificates, commencing with Vpishabhanandin and ending with Simhakîrtti, took place in Vârâ. After this 10 pontificates, commencing with Kanakakirtti and ending with Vasantakirtti, took place in Chitor. After this, 4 pontificates, viz., of Sûrachandra, Mâghachandra, Jnanakirtti, and Narendrakirtti, took place in Vagher. After this, 6 pontificates, commencing with Proshthilakírtti and ending with Prabhachandra, took place in Ajmêr. After this 2 pontificates, viz., those of Padmanandin and 'Subhachandra, took place in Vâgvar in Gujarat. After this Sakalakírtti succeeded to the pontificate in Vágvar.. This is the list of pontiffs in their proper order in the glorious Múlasangha, the Nandi Amnaya, the Sarasvati Gachchha, the Balâtkâra Gaņa.
(24) Farther the pattivalis of the Sênasangba, Simhasangha and Dêvasangha are separate. In the Sênasangha there is a pattávali of Acharyas in all respects different, commencing with Jinasena. In that (pattâ vali) there are four names in use for the Sênasąnigha, viz., 1, Raja, 2, Vira, 3, Bhadra, 4, Sêna. Again the four names, in use in the Simhasa gha, are 1, Simha, 2, Kumbha, 3, Aśrava, 4, Sagara. Again in the Devasaigha, the fourth after the Simhasaügba, there are the following 4 names in use, viz., 1, Dêva, 2, Datta, 3, Nâga, 4, Langa.
(25) Further it should be understood that the above-named Senasangha is known by the (three) names Sêna Sangha, Pushkara Gachchha and Sûrastha Gaņa. Similarly the SimhaBangha is known by the (three) names Simha Sangha, Chandra Kapâța Gachchha, and Kaņûra Gaņa. Again the Devagaigha is known by the (three) Dames Déva Sangha, Pustaka Gachchha, and Desi Gana.
(26) On this subject there are the following gâthâs :
“Nandi, Chanda, Kitti, Bhasaņa, these are the names of the Nandisangha. Sêņa, Raja, Vira, Bhadda, are those of the Senasangha. Simha, Kumbha, Åsava, Sagara are the names of the Simhasangha. Déva, Datta, Nága, Langa are those of the Devasangha."
This is a complete enumeration of the Achåryas within the Digambara Community.
The intermediate pontificates are given in the subjoined table.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[MARCH, 1892.
Table of the Pontifical Succession in the Sarasvati Gachchha of the Digambaras;
from MS. .
Dates of accession.
Householder.
Monk.
Pontif.
Total.
Serial Number
Intercalary days.
REMARKS.
samvat.
Jays
Years.
Nontha
Days,
Years, Montbs.
Days,
Yea.re.
Months.
Days.
Bhadrababa II ..
Brahman by caste.
C. S.14
Gaptigupta .........
... .625 565 71... Parwar by caste. (So
also c, but A bas Pawar, B Pamar. MS.
has Guptagopti). ... 4 426 4685 ...
3 Baghavandin
Junachandro...
... 8
6865
......
19
Kundakanda .....
... ... 41 10 20 585 10 15 urhvad by caste (M88. P. V. 8
A, D give him 51 years pontificate, and a total
of 95).56 & Omisvåmin ....... (101)
...... 40 811 584 8 6 K. S. 8 1|Lôhachary. 142
... 10 10 20 6 691e 26(So also MSS. B,€, bat
MSS. A, E have A. S As. V. 11
14.) 9 Yasabkirtti ...... 153
68 (8)|(31)| (5) 92 (9)|(35) (MSS. A, Đgive the same J. S. 10
inconsistent dates.) 9 Yaśônandin ...... 211
154 16
46 4 479 4 13 (80 MSS. B,D, but M8. Ph. V. 10
A has Ph. v. 11.) 10 Devanandin....... 258
10 28 4.76 112 (MSS. A,B,Dada Porwil As. 8. 8
by caste.) 11 Jayanandin ........ 308
11 22 771 620 (MSS. A, B, D bare Pat J. S. 10
yapada.) 12 Gañanandin. 353
8 1 438 8 (MS. bas 358 Sauvat.) J. S. 9 13 Vajranandio......... 361
5 () (MS. A gives correct Bh. 8. 14
dates.) Kumarapandin 886
Pb. V.4 15 Lokachandra ...... 4371
1. V. Prabhachandra - 453
Bh. S. 14 Nêmichandra ...... 478
Ph. S. 10 BhAnunandin ...... 487
311 9 24 12) 58 10 6 (MS A gives a pontifP. V.5
cate of 22, inconsistent
with 508 Sathyat.) Nayananandia... 508
7 29 (MSS. A,B,D have HaM. S. 11
rinandin; P.10, Sim
bapandin) Vasunandin .......... 525
8 | (M8S. AD give differ. Å S. 10
ent, thougé equally
consistent months.) 21 Viranandin ........ 531
P. S. 11 22 Ratnanandin ...
505 8. ... 12 ... ... 23 4 7 11 48 4 8 (MSS. A,B,D have Re M. S. 5
Enakirtti; but (P.10,
Ratnanandin.) MS. adds "He had five names (nma): Padmanandia, Vakragriva, Gridhrapichobha, ElAcharya, KundakundAcharya. The special reasons for having those names may be known from another book (grantha)."
24!

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PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
75
Dates of accession.
Householder.
1. Monk.
Monk.
Pontiff.
Pontif.
Total
Total.
Serial Number
NAMES.
REMARKS.
Intercalary days. Days.
Sahvat.
Years.
Months. Days.
Years.
Months. Days. i
Months.
Years.
Months.
3
Manikyanandin ...
(MSS. A, B, D Manikanapdin.)
(MS. A gives equally
24 Meghachandra ...
25
Santikfrtti I.......
585 As. V. 8
60) P. V.3
627. As. V.5
612 8. S. 5
1
26
Mêrukiitti .........
inconsistent dates.) 25 25 32 1 20 (MSS. A, D agree in dif.
ferent though equally
consistent days.) 13|13|63 8 26 (MSS. A, D give different
though equally. consistent days. D has
S. V.5.) 5 25 45 11 20 (MSS. AD give different
I though equally con
sistent years, they also
have Mahäkirtti.) 5 1 (MSS. A, D give different,
but equally consistept
days.) ... 26
27 Mahikirtti .........
17
696 Mr. S. 4
Vishņunandin ....
Sribhashana I.....
Śrt Chandra
81
Srtnandin
704 Mr. V.9
726 1 C. S. 9
735 V. S. 5
749 Bh. S. 10
765 c. V. 12
765 Å. S. 10
4|| 18 50 6 17 (MSS. A,B,D have Nan
dikfrtti, but P. 12, Bri
nandin.) 6 6 7 42 618
32 Dééabhushana.
33
Anantakirtti.........
25
10 18 10 5 (MSS. A, D give different,
I though equally con
Il sistent days.). 5 58 70...
34 Dharmanandin ...
25
8. S. 15
35 Vidyanandin
82 ... 4 470 ... 8!(MSS. A,B,D have Vira
chandra, and A, D give different, though equal
ly consistent days.) 16 10 ... 6
36 Ramachandra ......
37 Rannakirtti .........
26 21 |
J. S. 15
840 As. V. 12
857 V. S. 8
878 A. S. 10
(897) K. S. 11
38 Abhayachandra ...
39
Navachandra .....
40 Nagachandra .....
916 Bh. V.5
939Bh. S3
41 Harinandin.......
9 ... 954 9 (This agrees partly with
MS. B, partly witb
MS. AS ......28 - 3 10 57 ... 13 ... ... 8 9 10 9 27 9 207(MSS.A,B,D have Naya
nanandin,and different, but equally consistent years. A has Bh. 8. 9.
See No. 19.) ... 14 8 ... 26 1 8 9 49 1 17(MSS. A, D' have dif.
ferent, but equally con
sistent days.) ... 10 11 ... 16 ... ... 5 40 11 5|| (MSS. A, D have dif
ferent, but equally consistent months. MSS.
B, D have Sath. 972 and
li Bo on.) 18 ... ... 20 ....... 32 2 24 065 8 1
Harichandra 948
As. V.8 43 Mahichandra I....! 974
S. S. 9
14
...
998
46 Magachandra. I. ...I 990
M. S. 14

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCH, 1892.
Dates of accession.
Householder.
Monk.
Pontiff.
Total.
Serial Number.
VANES.
REMARKS.
Saziyat.
Intercalary days.
Months.
Years.
A.D.
Days.
Months.
Years.
Days.
Months.
Years.
Days.
Years.
Months.
Daye.
43 Lakshmichaudra...
1
4
3
11 604
Gumakirtti
......
1 (MSS. A, D have differ.
ent, but equally consis.
tent years.) 13 (MS. A,B,D have Guna
nandin, but B, D add Gunakirti on rrargin.)
Ganachandra .....
Lokachandra II ...
1009
1023 J. V. 2
1037 A. V. 1
1048 Bh. S. 14
1066 J. S. 1
1079 Bh. S. 8
1094 C. V.5
1115 Ch. V.5
49 Srutakirtti .........
1022
15 6 6
6
50
Bhavachandra...
/ 12
$1 Mahichandra II ...
20 11 25 5 48 ... ...(MS. A,D bave different,
ll but equally consistent
years.) 25 5 10 5 61 5 15 (MIS. D has different,
but equally consistent years. MSS. D, P
have Mah&chandra.) 4 3 17 7 31 324
52 Maghachandra II..
108324 ...
58 Brahmanandin ...
1140 Bh. S. 5
1114 P. V. 14
1087
7 ...
54
Devanandin II......
10919
... ...
(1148) V. S. 4
53 Viévachandra ...
1155 Mr. S. 5
1098
11 ..
... ... 2 41 41 46 45 (80 P. 16, but MSS. A,
B, D have Vpiahabhanandin. MSS. A, D have different, but more
consistent years.) 7 ... ... 7 6 104 14 28 624 (MSS. A,B,D have sive
nandin, and A, D ha: different, though cou
sistent dates.) ...... 7 28 835 81 (S. P. 16, but MSS. A,
B, Dhave Vasuchandra. MSS. A, D have dif ferent, but equally con
sistent years.) 4 ... 24 5 43 ... 29 (So also P. 17, but MS.
A Sanghapandin, MSS.
B, D Sishananda) .... 348 2 8
56
Harinandin....
1099
7
57 Bhavanardin ......
1103
Devanandin II......
1110
10 44 3 12
Vidy&chandra ......
1156 8. S. 6
1160 Bh. S. 5
1167 K. S. 8
110 Ph. V.5
1176 8. 8. 9
1184 Å. S. 10
1188 M. S. 1
Strachandra .......
61 Mághavandin II...
6 4 29 1049 5 9 (MSS. A, D have entirely
different, but equally
consistent dates.) 29 257 2 1 (MSS. A, D have differ
ent, but equally consis
tent years.) 1127
1 ... 51 31 8 7| (MSS. A,D have entirely
different, but equally
consistent dates.) 1131 10 ... ... 84 ... ... 10 ... 31 7 55 ... 10 (So also P. 18, but MSS.
A, B, D Jídpakirtti. From here the term
antarala din.) 114213 ...
...! 7 2 8 10 58 218
62 Jhananaudin ......
1149
81
63 Gangåkirtti... 1199
Mr. S. 11 64 Simhakirtti...... 1206
Ph. V. 14 65 Hémakörtti ......... 1209
J. V. 3 68 Charanandin ...... 1216
A. S. 3
2 2 15 16 37 8 1 (MSS. A, D have different
but equally consistent,
years.) ... 7 8 276.4448
115213 ..
1159
of 9 ... 19
3 ...
6
6 20 10 327
... (So also P. 18, but MSS.
A,B,D Sundarakirtti.)

Page #85

MARCH, 1892.)
PATTAYALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS
Dates of accession.
Householder.
Monk.
Pontiff.
Total.
Serial Number
NAMES.
Intercalary days. Months.
Days. Years.
REMARKS.
Samyat.
A.D.
Years.
Months
Days.
Years.
Months. Days.
Years.
Montbs.
Days.
67 Nêminandin II ...
1166
1223 V. S. 8
7 829 7 35 9 6 (So also P. 19; but MSS.
A, B, D Némichandra, A, D have different, but equally consistent
days.) 1 11 28 4 421. ... ...
... 18 12 36 1 -
68
Nábhikirtti .........
1173
... ...
69 Narendrakirti .....
70 Srichandra II .....
1230 M. S. 11
1232 1175 M. S. 11.
1241 1181 Ph. S. 11
1248 As. S. 12
12531 Ås. S. 13
71 Padmakirtti......
72 Vardhamana ......
... 6 8 24 7 38 41 (MSS. A, D give different
but equally consistent
years.) ... 4 11 25 687 ... 1 .... ... 2 11 8 18 25 11 21 (S. P. 19, but A, B, D
Varadbachandra. A D give different, but equally consistent
dates.) .... 1924 7 48 41
1199
1200
...
5
1204
73 Akalankachandra. 1256
Ag. S. 14 74 Lalitakirtti......... 1257
K. S. 15 Kesavachandra .. 1261
Mr. V. 5 76 Chårukfrtti ........ 1262
J. 8.11 Abhayakirtti...... 1281
A. V. 8 78 Vasantakirtti...... 1264
M. 8.5 79 Praksh&ntikirtti... 1256
As. 8.5
8
620 (MSS.A,Dhave different,
but equally consistent
days.) 2 746 8 9 (MSS.Á,Dhave different,
but equally consistent
years.) 11 7 41 11 18 (MSS. B, D have A.V.8.)
-
...
21
15
... ... 2 8 16 428
6 ... (A, D bave different, pro
bably consistent dates.) 320 (MSS.A, Dhave different,
but equally consistent days. MSS. B, D have
Prakah Ataktrtti.) 9 15 (A, B, D BAntikiriti.)
9
7
8
43
...
5|(A,D have different, and
most concistent dates.)
80 VibAlakirtti........ 1268
K V.8 Dharmachandrs... | 12711
8. S. 15 82 Ratnakertti II...... 1998
Bh. V. 18 83 Prabhachandra ... 1310
P. S. 14 84 Padmanandin ......
1985
P. 8.7 85 Sabhachandrs..... 1450
M. S. 5
1993
16 ... ... 14 ... ... 58 8
4 11 88 818(MS9, A, Dhave different,
but equally consistent years. He was 820ceeded by Sakalalirtti. see $29.)
PATTÁVALI D. This pattavalt is drawn on the plan of pattÂvall B, with which it also agrees very closely in regard to names and dates; that is, it gives no introductory or concluding remarks, but consists only of the list of successions commencing with Bhadrabâku II., interspersed with a few short notes. It differs, however, from B, in giving full details of every pontifical life, as is

Page #86

78
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
done in A and C. The list is carried down in it to No. 100, Naiņakirtti, who succeeded to the pontificate in A. D. 1822. As his successor followed in 1826 (see ante, Vol. XX. p. 353), it follows that pattavali Dmust have been written between 1822 and 1828.
I now subjoin the short interspersed notes, as well as those successions, in which D differs from other pattavalis. From No. 88, D alone gives full details of the lives.
After No. 51 Mahîchandra II., there is the following note : -
एता पाट मालवै भदिलापुर ( in No. 26 भदलापुर ) हवा । २६ हुवा । पट २५ उजीण में हुवा । महीचन्द्र साई सर्व पट १९॥
i.e., " These pontificates took place in Bhadilapur (or Bhadalapur) in MAlavit; they were 26 in number; 25 pontificates took place in Ujina (Ujjain); down to Mahîchandra the total of pontificates was 5)."
After No. 63 Gangåkirtti, there is the following note: - ए पट वारा में गजनकीर्ति जी ताई । ग्वालेर अठा तूं लेर पट १४ हुवा । अभेकीत्ति जी ताई पट ७७ ।।
i.e., "These pontificates took place in Vârî, down to Gangåkirtti; beginning from here 14 pontificates took place in Gwâlêr; down to Abhayakirtti there were (altogether) 77 pontificates."
After No. 83 Prabhachandra II., there is the following note: -
संवत १३५ दिन से एक मार्क प्रभाचन्द्र जी के आचार्य छो। सो गुजरात मे श्री भहार्क जी तो न छा अरु वै आचार्य ही छा। सो महाजन एक प्रतिष्ठा को उद्यम कीयो । सो वै तो न आय पहुंच्या । जदि आचार्य ने सूरिमन्त्र दिवाय भर भहार्क पदवी गुजरात की दीन्ही प्रतिहा करिवा पाछ तिठा से गुजरात मे पह थारो।। आचार्य सभाक हुवो। नाम पचनन्द जी दीयो।
i.e., " In Samrat 1375 there was a certain Acharya belonging to (the suite of) the Bhattaraka Prabhûchandra. Now the Bhataraka himself was not in Gujarat, but that Acharya was there. Now & certain Mahajan (or banker) had resolved to perform a consecration. Now he (Prabhachandra) could not arrive in time; so he (the banker) caused the Acharya to receive the powers of a Sari and conferred on him the Gujarat? title of Bhattáraka, after he had performed the consecration. Thenceforth his pontifical residence was in Gujarât. The Bhattiraka title dates from that Acharya. The name Padmananda was given to him."
In pattavalt B, the corresponding note runs thus :
प्रभाचन्द्र जी के आचार्य गुजरात में छो। सो व एकै श्रावक प्रतिष्ठा नै प्रभाचन्द्र जी ने बलायौं । सो वै नाया । तदि आचार्य ने सरमन्त्र (read मूरि') भहारक करि प्रतिष्ठा कराई। तदि भहारक पचनन्दि जी हुवा। त्याँ पाषाण की सरस्वती मुळे बुलाई।
i.e.. There was an Acharya belonging to (the suite of) Prabhichandra in Gujarat. Now there (i.er, in Gujarat) a certain Sravaka called Prabhachandra to perform a consecration. Now he could not come. Then having given to the Acharya the powers of a Suri and having made him a Bhattaraka, he got the consecration performed. Then he became the Bhatáraka Padmanandin. He carved a stone figure of Sarasvati and made it to speak." (See ante, Vol. xx. p. 354, No. 83). The last circumstance is thus referred to in pattávali P :
पचनन्दी गुरुर्जातो बलात्कारगणामली। पापापघटिता येन वादिता श्रीसरस्वती ॥ उज्जबन्तगिरौ गच्छः (स्वछः)सारस्वतोऽभवत् ।
भतस्तस्मै मुनीन्द्राय नमः श्रीपचनन्दिने ।। i.e., "The Guru Padmanandin then became the leader of the Balatkára Gana, - he who made the stone figure of the glorious Sarasvati to speak. (Thus) on mount Ujjayanta the (pure) Gachchha came to be (called) the Sarasvata. Hence let us give honour to him, the great Muni Padmanandin."
From this notice it would seem that the miracle of the speaking figure of Sarasvati took

Page #87

MARCH, 1892.)
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
79
place on the mount Ujjayanta, and that it was the cause of the Gachchha being called the . Sarasvati Gachchha.'
After No. 87, Prabhachandra, there is the following note:एकै वार गच्छ २ नीकल्य, ग्वालेर को नागोर को, संवत १९०२ का ॥
i.e., "Once the Gachchha separated into two, that of Gvalêr, and that of Nagor, in the year 1572." Or it might also mean “Once from the Gachchha (at Chitor) two (branches) came ont, that of Gvaler and that of Någôr." But the former version is more probable, to judge from the wording of the corresponding passage in A, which is as follows:
एकै वार गच्छ का दोव इवा, चीतोट भर नागौर की, सं०१५७२ का । i.e., "Once the Gachchha split up into two, those of Chitor and of Någor, in the year 1572."
Table of Pontifical successions in which D differs from A and E.
Dates of accession.
House holder.
Monk.
Pontiff.
Toto.
NAMES.
Serial number.
Intercalary days.
REEKS
Sanyat.
Year.
Months.
Days.
YoArt.
Months.
Daye.
Yeart.
Monthe. Days.
Years.
Montbs.
18 Minanandin
24 Méghachandra ...
487 P. V.5
601 P. V.3
5
24 12 46 11 6 (Here A, D, E bare
esoh different datos.
A. E BhAnnnandin). 2 1856 6 211 (A, E give each differ
ent and inconsistent
dates). 45 1 1|| (A, E give different
I
days).
8
1067 ... 18|| (A, E give
different
years.)
6 15
(A, E differ entirely).
(A, E differ each).
911
8 27|| (So also B, E, but A
transposes the names
I Nos. 86 and 87). 5.8
8
56
5 611 8 18
88 Abhayachandra ... 878 821
A. 8. 10 40 NAgachandra ....... 916 8 59
Bh. V.5 51 Mabachandrs ......il 1113 i 1066
Ch. V. 5 81 Dharmachandra ... 1271
$. . 15 88 Jinachandra.......... 1507
J. V.5 87 Prabhachandra ... 1571
Ph. V 2 Dharmachandra ... 1581
8. V.5 Lalitakirtti ....... 1603
Ch. S. 8 Chandrakrtti ....
1623
1566
V. V.? Devendraklrtti....
1662
1605
Ph. V. P 92 Narendrakirtti. 1691 1635 | 11 .../
K. V.8 93 Surendraikfrtti...... 1722 1668
8. V. 8 94 Jagatkfrtti
1783 1676
8. V. 5 99 Sukhondr.kirtti ... 1852 1795
(From here D alone gives details of the Lives).
751 ... 221
PPP 7
(Down to No. 94, most of the details are wanting).
15 81 PPI
10 17|| PPP I
26 ... ... 87 6 29 717466
(From No.95-100 names and dates as in B, but all details are want
ing). P PPPPPP || (Here the pattávali
closos).
100 Nainakirtti .........
1822 PPPPP
1879 As. V. 10

Page #88

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
।
PATTÅVAL E. In its general arrangement, this pattavali resembles pattavalis A and C. It begins with an introduction, followed by the pattavali proper. But the latter, like pattivali B, gives only a list of the names and dates of accession of the pontiffs. A pecaliar feature of it is that it adds notices regarding the caste of each pontiff. In a few exceptional cases such notices are also given in pattávali D; and these are noted in the tabular statement below. I am doubtful, however, regarding the correct spelling of many of the caste-names; some of them I cannot identify. That the tradition represented in pattávali E considerably differs from that of the other pattavalis has been already referred to; also that it gives the succession list of the so-called Chitor section. The latter it brings down to No. 102, Mahendrakirtti, who succeeded in 1880A.D. and is probably still living.
In the following, I again give the introduction in extenso, and the pattávalî proper in tabular form. In the latter my own remarks are within brackets.
TEXT.
Introduction of Pattavalt E. (1) भय वंसावली गुराँ की लिख्यते ॥ श्रीमहावीर जी १, गोतम स्वामी २, सुधरमा स्वामी, जम्मू स्वामी॥ वरस ६२ ताई केवली हुवा ॥४॥
(2) विष्णुनन्द जी श्रुतज्ञानधारी ५ नन्दामित्र जी श्रुतज्ञानधारी,भपराजित जी श्रुतज्ञानधारी, गोवरधन जी श्रुतज्ञानधारी, भद्रवाह जी श्रुतज्ञानधारी ९॥ वरस सो ताई ॥९॥
(3) विसाखाचार्थ दशपूर्व का पाठी १०, (प्रोष्ठिल जी पधपूर्व का पाठी, क्षत्रिय जी दशपूर्व का पाठी ११, जयसेन जी इसपूर्व का पाठी १२, नागसेन जी दसपूर्व का पारी १३, सिद्धार्थ जी. दसपूर्व का पाठी १५, धृतिसेन जी दशपूर्व का पाठी १५, विजयसेन जी दचपूर्व का धारी १६, वहधूलि जी दसपूर्व०॥१८३ वरस ॥९॥
(4) गङ्गादेव जी ग्यारा भङ्ग का पाठी १०, धर्मसेन श्री ग्वारा भङ्ग का पारी १४, नक्षत्राचार्य ग्वारा भङ्ग धारी १९, जयपाल जी ग्यारा भजधारी २०, पाण्डव जी ग्वारा भजधारी २१, ध्रुवसेण जी ग्वारा भजधारी ।। २२० वरस ताई रह्या ।। १५ ॥
(5) कंसाचार्य प्रथम भजका धारी २२, अभद्र जी प्रथम भाका धारी २३, जसोभन जी प्रथम भङ्गका धारी २४, भद्रवाह जी प्रथम भजधारी २५, लोहाचार्य जी प्रथम भजधारी २६, विनयधर भी प्रथम भाधारी॥ ११८ वरस ताँई र॥
(6) श्रीदत्तसेण जी २०, सिवदत्त श्री २८, भरदत्त जी २९॥ भद्रावाहु जी स० १०४ कै साल पाट बैठा काती सदि १४ ।। सेताम्बर ऐ सौ निकस्था पहावली प्रवृत्ति करी ॥३०॥ Here follows the pattávali. After No. 21 (45) there is the following remark -
वेता पट तो मालव देस मै हुवा ।।२।। Similar remarks follow after No. 23 (47), 60, 75 (91), 80,86 (98), 88, 92 (102), 93, 94 (103),95, 90.
TRANSLATION. $1. Here the Vamskvalt (list of succession) of the Gurus is written down :
(1) The glorious Mahavira, (2) the Lord Gotama, (3) the Lord Sudharma, (4) the Lord Jambû. These were Kêvalins for 62 years. Altogether 4.
The bracketed portion is wanting in the MS., owing probably to a mere slip; as the totalisation at the end of the paragraph shows.
* It will be notioed that the numbering, actually given in the pattAvall, is very capricious, some members being left annumbered, without any apparent reason. These capricious nombers are quoted within brackets.

Page #89

MARCK, 1892.
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
$ 2. Then came those versed in sacred lore (srutajnána-dhari), viz., (5) Vishộunanda, (6) Nandamitra, (7) Aparajita, (8) Gôvardhana, (9) Bhadrabahu I. These (abode) for 100 years. Altogether 9.
$ 3. Then came those who could recite 10 Purvas, viz., (10) Visakhacharya, [Proshthila, (11) Rahattriya, (12) Jayasêna, (13) Nâgasêna, (14) Siddhartha, (15) Dhritisèna, (16) Vijayasêna, Vahudhuli. These lived for 183 years. Altogether 9.
4. Then came those who could recite 11 Aigas, viz., (17) Gangadêva, (18) Dharmasena, (19) Nakshatracharya, (20) Jayapila., (21) Pandava, Dhruvasêņa. These abode for 220 years. Altogether 15.
5. Then came those who could recite (only) the first Anga ; vis.. (22) Kamsa, (23) SCbhadra, (2-4) Jasôbbadra (25) Bhadrabaho II., (26) Lôháchårys, and Vinayadhara. These abode for 118 years.
96. Then came (27) the glorious Dattasêņa, (28) Sivadatta, (29) Aradatta, and (30) Bhadrabahu III., who succeeded to the pontificate on the 14th of the light half of Katik, in the year 104 after Vikrama. The Svêtâmbaras originated at this time and commenced a pattávali of tbeir own.
Note after No. 21 :- Now these 26 pontificates took place in the Malavå country.
Vansävali of the Gurus of the Digambaras. From MS. E.
Datos of accession.
Dates of Accession.
Serial Number!
Number in MS.
Yumes.
REMARKS.
Serial Number.
Number in MS.
Names.
REMARKS.
Sarnvat. A. D.
Sarvat. A.D.
360 Lavôchu by casto
1 Bhadra bhull 10447 From him thol 15
Sretambara K. S. 11
went forth!! and initiatod al 16 rattivaliofil their own. Im A, B, C, D Brahmuu by caste). 17
11 Lokachandra.. 427 (38)
J. V. 4 12 Prabhachandra 453
Bh. S. 14
396 Pancham Sråvak
by caste.
13 Nėmachandra. 478
Ph. 8.10
421 Nagam Srivak
by caste.
430 Dusar by caste.
4
14 Bhinunanda... 497
P. V. 5 Sinbadanda ... 508
M. S. u
451 Srimal Sakarya
by caste.
Vasunanda ...
3 2
(31) 3 (32)
4 (33)
3 (34)
6
(35) 8! 7
(36)
Maghananda... 130 79 Silwal by erste A. S. 1
(AL Säh.). 11 Jivachandra... 11083 A Chisara Puri
wal. (C basl 19 Ph. S. 14
Huthvad.) Kundukunda.. 119 92 Palivál by caste.
P. V.9 U násvámi...... 201 141 A Sravak of Ayo K. S. 9
dhya. Lóhâcharya 242 185 Labêchů by caste
As. S. 14 Jasakirti ...... 253196 Pirral by castells As. 8.9
(A, B, D have 23 Jayalval).
525 A. S. 10
by
468 Vadhneri
caste.
Virananda...... 531
P. S. 11 Ratnananda ... 561
M. V. 5 19 MAạikananda.. 585
As V.12
474 Labochú
caste. 504 Vigadya
caste. 528 Agarvála
caste.
544 Khandelval
8 Gunananda ... 363 306 Pårvagola by
J. S. 4
caste. 9 Vajrananda ... 364 307 Gólapêrb by 25
Bh. S. 14 caste. | 10 Kumarananda. 386 329 Salajval by castel (37)
Ph. V.
20 Méghachandra 601
P. V. 3 21 Sentikirtti...... 627
As. V.6
560 Sahajvål by caste.
All these 36 had their seat of pontificate in More

Page #90

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1892
Dates of accession.
Dates of accession,
Serial number.
Number in MS.
Names.
REMARKS.
Serial oun bor. Number in Ms.
Names.
REMARES
Sauvat. A.D.
Samvat. A. D.
19
Merukirtti...
585 Jaisval by caste.
642 $. S. 3
198
629
23 Mahäkirtti ... 686
Mr. S. 15
(47)
*
I'48 Sahajvil by
caste. Up to here the seat of 49 pontificate was in the town of Bh: dalpur in 50 Milava.
=32
28
Vasavachandra 1066 1009 Sahajválhy caste. J. S. 1
(So also P.14). 45 Lokachandra P Sahajval by caste
J.S. 1 Surakirtti...... 1079 1022 Sachånd by caste
Bh. S.PL Bhávachandra 1006 1039 P by caste.
Ch. V. 5 Mahichandra.. 1115 1058 Srimal by caste.
Ch. V. 5 Maghachandra 1140 1033 Pancham Sravak
13h. S. 5 Brahmananda. 1146 1087 Vadhoorá hy P. V. 14
caste. 51 Sivananda...... 1148 1091 Sahajvil by
v. v. 14
ca-te. Siyachandra ... 1155 1098 Vadhnóra by
Mr. S. 61 Harinanda...... 115G 1099 Sichani by cante.
$. 8.6 Bhivananda... 1100 1103 Damak Sravak
Bh. S. 5 Surakirtti ...... 1167 1110 DhikadyaSravak V.8.9
by custe. Vidyachandra. 1170 1113 Vågela Sravak
Ph. V. 51 by ciste. 57 Surachandra... 1176 1119 Narsimhapurů by
Ciste. Maghananda... 1194 1127 Chatrurath Ari.
vak by caste.
A. S. 10 59 Gunkyana- 1188 1131 Gagari hy caste.
nanda. Mr. S.1 ! 60 Gangåkirtti ... 1199 1112 (Caste omitted).
M. Y.11
All these 37 Pontiffs resided in Wara
Vuod. 61 Simhnkirtti ... 2106 1149 Narsinghpará by
Ph.V,14 cante. Hêmakertti ... 1209 1152 Hummad by J. V. 11
caste. 63 Charananda... 1216 1159 Sahajval by
A.S.
caste. . Némananda ... 1223 1168 Nagad Rahis by
as
24 Vasunanda ... 704 617 Vagiya by caste.
Mr. S. 9
(Dhe Vagado.li 25 Sribhůshaņa... 726 669 Sthajvál by casto. 17)
Ch. S. 9 26 Silachandra ... 735 678 Srimit by caste.
V. S. 5 27 Brinanda ...... 749 699 NAgndraha byl
Bh. $.10
caste. Désabh(shar! 765 708 Srinnal by caste.
Ch.V.12 Anantakirtti... 766 709 Portal by caste.
A. S. 10 30 Dharmananda. 785 728 Nhgaya by caste.
S. S. 15 Vidyênanda ... 803 761 Vaghérvál by
J. S. 51 caste. 32 Ramachandra. 840 783 Pancham Srayak
Ag.V.12 by caste. 33 Ramakirtti ... 857 790 Lavêcha by enste |
v. V.3 34 Abhayachandra 878 821 A Bravak of| A. S. 20 Ayodhyapurl.
62 36 Narachandra.. 897 840 Nagam Sravak
by caste.
| 63 36 Nagachandra.. 916 859 Bagad by caste.
Bh. 8.5! 37 Nayanananda. 939 882 Dasar by casto.
Bh. S. 3 38 Harichandra .. 949 801 Sori Vaghêrvall
As. V.9 by caste. 39 Mabichandra... 974 917 Dákadya by caste
8. S. 9 40 Maghachandra 390 933 Padmavatt Pôr
M. S. 10
vil by caste. 41 Lakshmt- 1023 966 Agarila by caste,
chandra. J. V. 2 42 Gunakirtti ... 1037 970 GölvAl by caste. (60)
14. 8.1 48 Gunachandra.. 1049 991 GolApurab byl
Bh. S. 14 caste.
70
S. S. 9
K. 8. 11
V.3.3
65 Nibhikirtti ... 1230 1178 Nagam Bravak
M. 8.11 by caste. 66 Narendrakirtti 1232 1175 Nigad RAh by (83)
M. S. 11 67 Srichandra ... 1241 1184 Nagarwal Vág
Ph. S. 11 dya by caste.
47
(61)
(84)

Page #91

MARCH, 1892.)
PATTAVALIS OF THE DIGAMBARAS.
Dates of accession.
Dates of accession.
Serial number.
Number in MS.
Names.
REMARKS.
Serial number.
Number in MS.
Names.
REMARKS.
Saravat. A.D.
Samvat. A. D.
(97)
dra.
69 Padmakirtti... 1248 1191 PrvAl by caste. 88 85 Dharmachan. 1581 (1524 Gangaval by As. S. 121
$. V.5
caste. (So albo Vardhamina... 1253 1196 Vadhnor b yl 89 86 Lalitakirtti ... 1603 1546 Godha hy castc.
He pontifice- As. S. 131 onste.
C'h. 8. 9 1
ted in Chitor. Akalanka ...... 1256 1199 Pirvil by caste.
(So also D). 90 87 Chandrakirtti. 1922 1565 Gaudhi by caste. As. S. 14 Lalitakirtti ... 1257 1200 Lavêchů by oaste...
V. S. 11 K. S. 15
91 88 Devendrakirtti 1662 1005 Seth by caste. Kesavachandra
He pontifica. 1261
Ph.U.11 1204 Castep
tedin Singaper. Mr. V.5
92 89 Narendraktrtti 1601 1634 Sogani by caste. 73 Ch&rukirtti... 1262 1205 Pancham Sravak
(So also D.)
K. V. 11
(99) J. S. 11
by coste. 74 Abhayakirtti.. 1264 1207 Ath Sakh Per-03
00 Surendrakirtti 1712 1655 KAIA by caste.
(Su also D.) (90)
S. $.9 vil by caste. A. V. 3
(100) 75 Vasantakirtti 1264 1207 SAh Rayad by 94
91 Jagatkirtti ... 1733 1076 Sokhů RAYA by
8. 8.7
Caste. (D has caste. All those M. S. 5
Sikhûri Yogi.) 15 pontiffs rello sided in GvAler. 16 || 95 92 Devendrakirtti 1770 1713 Volvå by casto.
(Dhas GodhA.) M. V.11
These four pon 76 Visalakirtti... 1266 1209 Pancham Gravak
tiff resided in (92)
As. S. I by onste.
Avairi. 77 Subhakirtti ... 1268 1211 SAh Vad byl 93 Nalendrnkirtti 1702 1735 Panaivn! (So (93)
K. V. 11 caste.
P. S. 10
alur D.) He 78 Dharmachan.
pontificated in 1271 1214 Sethi by caste.
D11 (Delhi.) dra. S. S. 15
0794 Khêmêndra. 1913 1758 Pitant by ca-te. 79 Rntnakirtti... 1296 1239 NAgad RahA byll (105)
kirtti. As, S. 11
(So also D.) He
pontificated in (941)
Å. S. 13 caste,
Jaspur. 80 Prabhachandra! 1310 1253 Padmavnti Por-las
98 95 Surendrakertti 1999 os
1705 Pchly by P. V. 10. All
v o !
V.V.P theso
. (So so il
D. In Jaiptir. pontiff: rosid 09 98 Surondrakertti 1952 1795 Anion Sven by od iu Ajinor.
Mr. V.9
| easte. hay 81 Padmananda... 1385
Anoplivni 1328 Caste?
kapiat väri.) P. S. 9
i He pontifira.
Ited in Jaipur 82 Sabhachandrn 1450 1393 Agurvala by 10197 Narindra.
... (D has Nain (95)
kirtti.
kintti, ka
by came) 83 Jinachandra... 1507 1440 Agaryl b yl 102 98 Downdrakirtti
J. V. 5 D.)
99 Sriratna Ma. 84 Prabbâchandra 1871 1514 Vaidyn G trn byli
hendrakirtti. Ph. V.2
caute. (So also D.)
väl by
Custoli
84
H00
M. S.
98 Downdrakirtti
(96)
enste. (So nlso 102
87
POSTSCRIPT. Since writing the foregoing paper, I have procured the Deccan College Manuscript of the Vikrama Prabanding. On examination I find it to be an altogether different work from the one referred to in the pattavalis. The latter was in Prakṣit verse, while the Vikram Prabandha of the Deccan College Library is in Sanskrit verse, and contains a few folk tales connected with Vikrama: in fact, it is identical with the Panchalanda-chhattra Pralandha, published by Prof. A. Weber in 1877.

Page #92

84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892
On the other hand, the Deccan College manuscript of the Nitisara, which I have also procured, is the work in question. It is a very small work, consisting of 113 ślokas, and giving brief explanations of a number of Digambaia technicalities. With the exception of one, all the quotations in the pattávali are confirmed by this manuscript.
The first quotation, in $ 12, constitutes the slókas 6 b and 7 in the Natisára. There is, however, a slight difference in the second line, which reads in the Deccan Manuscript as follows:
सेनसको नन्दिसः सिंहसको महाप्रभुः। The third quotation, in $ 17, forms the 9th, 10th and 11th blokas in tho Nitisára. In that manuscript the 2nd, 3rd, and 5th lines read a little differently :
द्राविडो यापनीयश्च काष्ठसङ्कश्श मानतः । गोपुछिकः स्वेतवासो द्राविडो यापनीयकः ।
स्वस्वमत्यनुसारेण सिद्धान्तं व्यभिचारिणं । The fourth quotation, in $ 19, forms slokas 8, 12, 13, 14 in the Nítisára. In that manuscript they read as follows:
गणगच्छादयस्तेभ्यो जाताः स्वपरसौख्यदाः । न तत्र भेवः कोप्यस्ति प्रव्रज्यादिषु कर्मम् ॥ ८॥ चतु:संध्यां नरो यस्तु कुरुते भेदभावनां । स सम्यग्दर्शनातीतः संसारे संचरत्यरं ॥ २२ ॥ नात्र प्रतिक्रमे भेदो न प्रायश्चित्तकर्मणि । Ararare are reaa: 113 II. चतुःसड्डी संहितायां जैन बिम्ब प्रतिष्ठितं ।
नमेनापरसहस्य यतो न्यासविपर्ययः ।। २४ ॥ The second quotation, in $ 16, I cannot find in the Deccan College Manuscript. It is a verse written in the Sragdharà metre. The whole of the Nilisára is written in ślokas, with the exception of the last (113th) verse, which happens to be in the Sragd hará metre. This last verse, however, does not belong to the body of the work, but contains a laudatory reference to the author, Indranandin. It does not seem probable therefore, that the verse, quoted in $ 16, really belongs to the Nitisára. The Deccan College MS. has all the appearance of being complete.
That the author, Indranandin, belonged to the Sarasvati Gachchba is shown by his being described in verse 113 as & clever follower of Kundakunda. He does not appear in the pontifical succession list. There are, however, certain indications to fix the dates of himself and his work. In verses 67-70 he enamerates a number of celebrated (sattama) Munis from all the four Sanghas. The latest in date among those quoted form the Nandi Sangha are Prabhachandra and Jinachandra, Nos. 86 and 87 in the list. The latter died 1524 A. D. At the end of the manuscript, - quite independently of the work, - there is the remark that it was written Sri-Lalitachandra-pathanartham, "for the reading of 'Sri-Lalitachandra.' This person, in all probability, is the same with Lalitakirtti II., No. 89, of the pontifical list (Chitor section), who died in 1565 A. D. Between these two dates (1524 and 1565) Indranandin should have lived and written the Nitisara. As Lalitakirtti (or Lalita Chandra) pontificated from 1546 to 1565 A. D., the Deccan College MS. was most probably written within that period; and there is just a possibility that it is the autograph of Indranandin himself, who may have been a disciple of Lalita Chandra.
31. The MS. has ear
, aram and alam having the same meaning.

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MARCE, 1892.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
85
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from page 13.) C. - KHALSI, DHAULI-JAUGADA, COLUMNAR EDICTS, BHABRA,
SAHASARAM, RUPNATH, BAIRAT. The Spelling of the remaining edicts is so siinilar, that it will be advantageous to group all the facts together in one view.
The edicts are referred to by their initial letters: Dh. = Dhauli; Kh. = Khálsi ; S. = Sahasaram; R. = Rúpnath ; B. = Bairat; Bh. = Bhabra. For the Columnar Edicts, I have taken, as typical, the only complete version, the most correct and that best known, that of the pillar of Firuz Shâh at Dehli (D). I only cite the divergencies of the other versions (D2ARM) when they appear to me to present points of special interest, and to be not merely accidental transformations.
The text of Jangada is, in the series of the fourteen edicts, almost invariably identical with that of Dhauli. Dr. Bühler only notes four points of divergence ; according to his texts I count at most seven or eight; the text of Jaugada, being moreover less complete than that of Dhauli, offers nothing new. The case is not the same with regard to the detached (or "separate') edicts; here the two versions more frequently shew points of difference, which are not all devoid of interest. Under these conditions Dhauli, as a general rule, answers for both, and I shall content myself with merely drawing attention, in the proper place, to forms peculiar to Jaugada.
The fragments of the Queen's Edict, of the edict of Kansâmbi, and of the inscriptions of Barabar, are too short and too damaged to lend themselves to methodical treatment. 1. - PHONETICS.
(=va, éva), III, 7, &c. - In the middle of (a). – Vowels.
words, I note sukháyámi, VI, 20; láti, VIII.
23. Changes of Quantity. - Kh. does not mark, for i and u, the distinction between long and DHAULI. - Finals: ahú, III, 9, al. (never short. The solitary instance in which an í has cha); alálhayévu, det. II, 6; chalévú, det. II. been read: piyadasi, I, 2 (Bühler) is so in- 5; nikhamávii, III, 10; púpunévú, det. II, 7; distinct, that the facsimile of General Cunning- yujunh', IV, 8; mame, det I, 5; ná, I, 4; ham gives it as short. I have no doubt that he vaséruti, VII, 1 (Jaug. oti). - In the interior is right. - R. and B. read jambudipasi, which of words, we find several instances of lengthenis not sufficient ground for us to conclude that ing, some of which are compensatory or acthey would not have marked the long vowel, cidental: -sahúsúni, I, 3; tákhasilaté, det. I, 24; if the text had brought it again elsewhere; abhikálé, V, 25; chilathitiká, V, 27; VI, 33; and that especially, because at Bh. we have
niché, VII, 2; anávútiya, det. I, 11; nithúlicertain examples of i and ú. We must, there- yena, det. I, 11; hilarina, VIII, 5 (Jang. ht) fore, conclude that this peculiarity belongs can only be an error of the engraver. only to Kb.
DEHLI. - Finals: áhá (aha), passim ; apahaVowels lengthened. - KHALSI- A final 'tá, VI, 3 (RMfa), if the form is really equivery often becomes á, more often, indeed, than valent to apahritya; anupalipajéya, VII-VIII, it remains short. I quote only a few examples 17; asvasá, V, 18 (RM osa); bhayená, I, 4; of each case : abhisitasá, XIII, 35, &c.; abhisi. chá, passim; évá, L, 6 (RM 'va); gônasi, V, 18 têná, IV, 13, &c.; áhá, passim (once only áha, (RMsa); hê mêvá, I, 8; VI, 6 (ARM ®va); já, VIL, 6); ajd, IV, 9; chd (more frequent than napadasá, IV, 5 (RMsa); lokasú, VI, 2, 4, cha); évá, II, 6, al.; hidá, I, 1, al.; palatá, IX, (RM Osa); mamá, IV, 12 (D'RM ®ma); papová27, &c.; puna, passim ; mamá, V, 13; vd / VI, 13 (ARM va), usáhéná, 1,5; vadhéya, VII

Page #94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1892.
VIII, 13, 16, 18: kadha, II, 11 (ARM ®dhu). one at D.: abhita, IV, 4, RM abhita: D. 1. 6 D. VI, 8 and 1, 4 writes púbyá, palikháyá and apelcha, RM®kha; D. VI, 8, atana, RM na; D. susúsáya, the instrumental written in dya by IV, 10, atha, Da tha ; D. IV, 13, avimaná, RM. – Medial vowels : dakhinaye, II, 13 DPRM Ona; D. IV, 3, ayatú, RM ota; likhapitá, (D'ARM dao); anupalipaja, VII-VIII, 10, 21, D. 1,2; II, 15; IV, 2; VI, 2, 9, RMta; abhítá, 3; anupalipajisati, VII-VIII, 10; sampalipati- D. IV, 12, DPR bhio; alhamipakháyé, D. V, 15, ya, VII-VIII, 8; anúpaliparané, VII-VIII, 7; DPRM omi°; D. III, 20, isyákálanena, RM sya. nig húliye III, 20; pachupagamané, VI, 8 (A
Changes of Quality.-KHÂLSI. - a into i : pichu); palibhógé, VII-VIII, 3 pațivisithani,
majhimena, XIV, 8; pichhé (?) (= paschat), L VII-VIII, 5 (by the side of pațivisit hun); pava
4; into é: heta (=atra), VIII, 23, al.; into u: jítánari, VII-VIII, 4; putápapótike, VII-VIII,
munisa, II, 6; -- f into é: édisayé, IX, 24; - 10; sampalipajisati, II, 16 (DARMojio).
# into a: galu, XIII, 36, 38; into i : munisa, Instead of the chilanthitikui of D, II, 15, D2
II, 6; -6 into i gihitha, XIII, 38; mi, XIV, gives childthitiká and ARM chilanthitika; in. 1. 19; -8 into é, not only at the end of words, stead of the chagharuti of D, IV, 10, Da gives md for ah, as in pulé, I, 3; mukhaté, VI, 18; chaghasiti.
- there are some exceptions, as lajáno, II, 5; BHABRA. — Finals: áhá 1; che (four times;
kélalaputo, II, 4; sátiyaputo, II, 4, - but in twice cha); évá, 8. — Medials: chilafhitiké, 4. kaléti, V, 13; IX, 24; apakaléli, XII, 32;
upakaléti, XII, 32. SAHABARÂM. - Finals: avaladhiyéná, 6; chd4,5 (more often cha); painá (= pakcha), 6- Ri changes to a: adhé, IX, 17; ánaniyan, likhápayáthá, 7. - Medials: chilathitíká, 5.
VI, 20; bhatiya, XII, 33; vadhi and vadhi, RUPNÄTH. – Finals: apaladhiyêná, 4; paka,
passim ; bhalakasi, XIII, 37, al.; kata, passim ;
gahuthani, XII, 31; maté, maté, XIII, 35, 36, mamánênd, 3; (i)ya(ni)janêná, 5; vyuthéna, 5.
39; nikati, VI, 19; usaléna, X, 28, 29; viyapata, BARAT. - ahá, 1; chá, 6.
XII, 34, al.; vithatêná, XIV, 18; - into i: Vowels shortened. - KHLø. - Finals: ma,
adiel, IV, 10; didha, VII, 22 ; gihitha, XIII, 37; XIII, 14; — Medials: ananiya, VI, 20; Edisáyê, IX, 24; kipaninata, VII, 22; migê, I, ayatıyé, X, 27; akáléna, XII, 32; aváhasi, IX, 4; migaviya, VIII, 22; (disé, IV, 10;- into 24; abhilamáni, VIII, 22; avari, XIII, 6; avataké u: palipuchh&, VII, 23 ; lukhani, II, 6; rudhaXIII, 39; opayá, VIII, 23; lajá, X, 28; lajáné,
nara, VIII, 23; vutan, XIII, 9. XIII, 5; vijinanané, XIII, 36.
DHAULI. - a into * : avucha, VII, 2; IX, 16, DHAULI. - Finals: anuvigina (nom. pl.), det. (Jaug. avacha); munisa, VII, 1, al. (by the II, 4; -viyőhálaka, det. 1, 1, and other noms. side of manusa); - a into e: héta (atra), XIV, plur. ; ichha, det. II, 4; sótaviya, det. I, 18; 19; - i into a in puthaviyan, V, 26; - iinto idja, det. II, 4; atha (yatha), four times against é: anusathe (for oth) VI, 31;- u into i: iunisa, twice atha; paja, V, 27; va (=vá), V, 21, 25, loc. cit.; pulisa, det. I, 7, 8; & into i : 26; VI, 28, 30; det. 1, 20, 21. - Medials : niti, asamati, XIV, 19; véditu, det. II, 6 (for de det. 1, 8, 12 (?); sa(til)hina, det. 1, 22.
= 'dayio); pitênikésu, V, 23; -o into é in Deuli. - Finals: ajaka, V, 7 (RM ®ka); kaleti, V, 20, al.; and at the end of words asvatha IV, 4, 13; atha, VI, 4 (RM thá); III,
when derived from aḥ: bhúyé, dhanimate, &c. 20 ; ésa (nom. fem.), L, 9(ARM°84); lája (nom.),
(né = nó, na, at Jaug. det. I, 4, is doubtless passion (by the side of ldja); siya IV, 15; tatha, only an incorrect reading). VI, 6 (RM thá). – Medials: áladhi, VII-VIII,
Ri becomes a: ádase IV, 14; ananiyarn, det. 10; ava, IV, 15, (A anava, Mávu); avahúmi, VI
II, 9; VI, 32; bhati-V, 23; bhalaka, IX, 8; 6; palibhasayisas, III, 21; anwvidhiyanti,
kața, passim; vadhi, IV, 18; usaļena, X, 16; VII-VIII, 7('dhr, 1, 7); anulupáyá, VII-VIII,
viyápaļa, V, 24; -i: adise, IX, II; édisani, 13, 16, 18; bhutánawi, VII-VIII, 9; Opayá,
VIII, 3; hedisa, passim; dhiti, det. II, 6;
tádisé, IV, 14; - u: lukháni, II, 8; puthaIn the following instances other versions viyani, V, 26; vudha, IV, 15; VIII, 4 ; perhaps present a short vowel, as against a regalar long kuté, det. I, 16.
VIII, 5.

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MARCH, 1892.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
87
JAUGADA. - a final changes into u in savatu, II, 8 (Dh. "ta); - iinto é in ánanéyarn (= ánaniyan = ánrinyarn), det. I, 9; det. II, 13.
DEHLI. - a into i; majhima, I, 7; - a into u: -muté (ARM), VI, 19; munisánam, VII-VIII, 2, al.; - uinto i : munisa, passim ; pulisa, I, 7, al.; mina, III, 8, if it really is equivalent to punah, which appears doubtful; into 8 : gôti, I, 10 ; - & into i : sukalt. V, 8 (D2 l); gihilhánara, VIIVIII, 4 ; likhápitá, passim ;-(ah) final into e: ité, IV, 15. – Instead of séyatha, V, 2, A has sayatha. -- Ri changes to a : apahata, VI, 3 (if really equivalent to apahritya); apakaļ hésu, VI, 5; bha akcesu, VIC-VIII, 8; vadhi, VII-VIII, 8, al.; kapana, VII-VIIL 8; kaļa, passim ; viyápa! , VII-VIII, 4, 5, 6; - into i: nisijitu, IV, 10.
BHABBA. & changes to i in likhapayámi, 8; - si into i in adhigichya, 6.
SAHASARÂM, - échanges to i in likhdpayátha, 7; -munisá, 3; - kid, 3; misan (=mrisha), 2, 3.
RUPNATH. - Pavatisu (for °téo), 4; - amisá, 2; ka!á, 2, al.
BAIRÂT. - Bádhi for 'dhe, 2.
Additions and Suppressions.-Kils. - Additions : galahá, XII, 31; galahati XII, 33; supaddlayé, V, 14 (if equivalent to supradáryan); – sinéhé, XIII, 38; - puluva, passim ; kuvápi, XIII, 39; suvámikéná IX, 25. - Suppressions : pi, passim; ti (iti, IX, 26); na (= éva), IX, 26, alias.
DRAULI. - Additions : supadalayé, V, 22; anuviginá, det. II, 4; ithi, IX, 7; kilamathéna, det. I, 11; palikilésé, det. I, 21; puluva, V, 22, al.; suvámikéna, IX, 10; pápunévú, det. II, 7. - Suppressions : ti (iti, det. II. 4, 7), pi, va (éva), passim.
DEHLI.- Additions : upadahev, IV, 5; vidahami, VI, 6; gé(in)vayá, I, 7; ásinaré, IL, 11, al.; duvadasa, VI, 1 ; suvé, I, 6. - Suppressions : pi, ti, va (éva), passim; anuvékha. máné, VII-VIII, 2; pațivélchamdne, VI, 4, 7.
BHABEA. - Additions: alahámi, 4; abhikhinu, 7; pasine, 5. — Suppressions : ti, 2, al.
SAHABARÂM - Suppressions : pi, ti, pagsim; va (éva), 3.
ROPATH. - Additions : sumi, 1.- Suppressions: pi; ti; va; dáni, 2 ; sumi, 1.
Contractions. – KHÁLSI. - A(1)u into ô: khó, X, 28, al.: - aya into é in causals; - ava into ô: 610dhana, V, 16; VI, 18; - ayi into é in lékhápêşdmi, XIV, 19; - aly) into é: tédasa, V, 14; -ya into i: paliliditu, X, 28; iya into é: étakayé, X, 27.
DHAULT. - A(l)u into 8: Ichê, IX, 8; - ava into ô: viyâhálaka, det. I, 1 ; viyovaditaviyé, IX, 11; blodhina, passim ; - avá into 8, if aho, IV, 13, is really equivalent to atha vá; - aya into é: ujenitê, det. I, 23; - ayi into i in véditu, det. IL, 6; - ayô into é : têdasa, V, 22; - iya into é : étaka, passim ; - ya into i : palitijitu, X, 15; - va into ú: atúlanu, det. I, 11, 12 (Jang. °tu®); - vi into w : 81 (=svid), det. II, 4 ; dudhalé, det. I, 16.
Dehli. - Nigoháni, VII-VIII, 5 (nyagrödha);-jhâpctaviuê, V, 10; khô, passim khu, II, 12; paliyovadátha, VII-VIII, 1; ôlódhana, VII-VIII, 6; viyövadisarnti, IV, 7, 9: su(svid), VII-VIIL, 17, 18.
BHABRA. - Khó, 3; óvádé, 5; abhivadé. mánann (for "dyro), 1.
RUPNÅTH. - Lékhápétaviyé, vivasłtaviyé, 5. Baisir. - Aládhétayé, 6.
NASALISED VOWELS. - I do not attempt to point out all the instances in which the anusvára has been omitted, either in negligence, or by error. They are frequent, especially at Khálsi.
Kh lsi. -A long vowel equivalent to & nasalised one: atapdsanda (uri), XII, 32, 33; dadatá ('tari), XIII, 15; dévánápiyê, XII, 30, 34; dharmasu(su)sd (sav), X, 27; disá
"sani), XIV, 21; hétá (tasi), v, 14; kariumatalá (lani), VL, 20; pujú jash), XII, 31, 34; puna (= punyar), IX, 26; santan, XIV, 17 (if it is really a nom. plur.). - After Dr. Bühler's revision the only trace of a confusion between as and u which would appear to remain is sukhitená, XIV, 17 (for sanko). The concordance of several versions in the spelling supadálaya, V, 14, renders, in this instance, the equivalence of sam and su hardly probable.
DHAULI. – Equivalence of the long and of the nasalised vowel: bumbhana and bábhana; bhavas udhi (dhi), VII, 1; kalantas (nom.

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[MARCH, 1892.
plur.), dét. I, 18; karimala(last), VI, 32, as three sibilants of Sanskrit. I have already against kamatalá, at Jaug. ; lili, X, 13 (!ist); dealt with this question in the Introduction ; soilidhi (lirik), VIII, 4; polatini; (old, a); and I shall return to it later on. I can, VI, 23; stuciyani (Jaug. yi), det. I, 17; therefore, neglect its consideration here I vataviyair (y), det. 1. 2; yü (yeni), IV, 17. - may remind my readers that in transliteraSaritani (11. s. m.), VI, 30, and ruyé ( vayani), tion I represent the sign M by $. - The det. II, 8, appear to imply the equivalence of second point concerns the use, at Khalsi, of a can and é. - # fer a in le'si aintána, det. II,
character t which I, at first, considered as a 10. - The nasal is written double in cinálnit
simple graphic variant of +. The same sign bhé, III, 11; samyú, IX, 8; 8ulshii, det.
is employed twice (rudili, adhakrisiúnt) at D. II, 5.
I pass over this difficulty here, and content DEHLI. - Anwalipalitini), VII VIII, 3;
myself, in order to retain consistency in tran-visati, V, 1, 20; samlari tom. plur.) IV, 13;
scription, with rendering the sign in question tinni = trin), IV, 16: V, 12; ya iyani (=
by l, as I lave hitherto done. yari idurit), VII-VIII. 7; - kimwi, VI, 5, (= kimu).
Simple Consonants. SAHASARÎN. - Am-risur, 2 ; misan, 3(= s();
Changes.-KHÂLSI. - k into g in uriliyinga, chani, 5 (= cá).
II, 5; XIII, 4, 5.
g into k in maká, XII, 5; arité kina, ibid. (b). - Consonants.
gh into h in lahká, XI, 32, al. Two peculiarities are common to all the
ch into che in kichhi, passim. versions, which we are now comparing. In the first place they know neither the cerebral
i into d in palitidit, X, 28. ??, nor the palatal n. They replace hoth by the
the i t into ! in Thadaka, XIII, 37, alias; kaļa, dental ». There is only one solitary excep- passim ; malé, XIII, 39 (by the side of malé): tion : Dh. det. II, 6, would seem to have, palis, passin; usalén, X, 28, 29; viyepata, according to General Cunningham's facsimile,
passin; rithaļeni, XIV. 18; - into il in dosé. pațiina. I should be much surpriseil to find
| VI, 19; hidlasukhayé = kitasu", V, 13. this reading authenticated; already, in Prin- into din hediset, VIII, 22; IX, 25 (by the sep's time, the facsimile published by him side of Glisa); duvadasa, III, 7; IV, 13; - shewed that, at this place, the stone is damaged into t in talópayá, VIII, 13 (?); - into y in and the reading uncertain. I am strongly iyan (in the neuter, for ilan), passim. tempted to believe that the real reading is
dh into 1 (?) in hida, passim. paimnú, as at Jaugada. As to ? Dr. Büller
1 th into h in heti, etc., passim. states two exceptional occurrences of it, one in khanasi, Dh. det. JI, 10, the other in sarena,
y into ; in majului, 1. 4;- into v: vasévu, J. det. II, 3. - In the second place, they have
VII, 21 (ordinarily the terruination is eyu): - no r, replacing it regularly (when standing
inte h eut. VI. 20. alone) by 1 I notice only two exceptions, - at into h in het chri, IX, 26. Ruppåth, where, by the side of ahålé, 6, we Dualt. - I changes into kh in akhakhasé, read chhavachharé, 1, and chira! Milika, 4. det. I, 22. Samavariya at KL. XIII, 2, is probably a false into gh in chayhati, II, 11, al., if it is reading.
really equivalent to jagri, which is extremely Khálsi presents a two-fold peculiarity: the
doubtful. first is the use, for the sibilant, of three signs ch into ; in ajulá, det. II, 7, (Jaug. has differing in unequal degrees : M , and dof achala); - into chh in kichki, passim. which the first is also employed on one occa! jinto ch in chaghati, loco cit.; karibocha, sion at Bairat (svunngikiye). It appears to me V. 23. to be certain that these signs are all, among I t into ch in chithitu, IV, 17; - into ! in themselves, absolute equivalents, and that they paļi, passim ; kala, passim ; viyápad, det. I, do not represent, as has been maintained, the 15, al.; usaléna, X, 16.

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
89
th into h in aho (?), IV, 13.
Il into d in udali, 4 dh into d (?) in hida, passim.
RCENTU. - d into a in udúla, 3. bh into h in lakévri, det. II, 5; hôti, &c., Uh into h in husu, 2. VIII, 4; haitapuluva IV, 14, al.
Additions and Suppressions. - KHẢls.y into v in the termination Evu of the 3rd Loss of an initial y in: a, XII, 31; ait, IV, 12; pers. plur. of the potential (nt Jang. @yu, except X, 28; üdisé, IV, 10; atatá, II, 5, 6; así, VII, in nilhamávit, III, 11); úvutité, Jet: IT, 8 (at 21; atha, II, 4; XII, 34; era, IV, 12; V, 14; IX, Jang. kyu); - into h in the lst pers. sing. of 25, 26; hvataké, XIII, 39 ; é, passim. - Addithe potential : ychani, &c.
tion of an initial y: yéva, IV, 12; XIV, 17; of v into m in mayé (= vayan), det. II, 8. a medial y: kaligya, XIII, 35, 36 (kaliga, XIII, JAUGADA, – Is into g in hidalóga
39); of an initial h: hedisa, VIII, 22; IX, 25;
palalagani, (Dh.: Likalókari), det. II, 7; hidalógikao
héta (atra), IX, 24, al., héta, X, 28; hécani, (Db.: ki°), det. II, 12-13.
passim, (ivari, II, 6); hida, VI, 20, al. d into t in patipátayéha, det. I, 5 (Dh..
DRAULI. - Loss of an initial ), except in: olivedlawéharit). Dulindlavena, det. I. 5 (Dh.: 1 yasó, X, 13; yd, IV, 17; yé, I, 8; V, 21; yéhana, pidla); vipalipatayantari, det. I, 8 (Dh.: VI, 32; ynj, passim ; yona, V, 23; -of the vipatipáluyamêndhi); palipatayêhan, II, 2; syllable ra in hemêva, det. I, 24. - Addition saripolipitayitare, det. II, 16 (Dh. : opdıla).
of an initial y in : yeva, IV, 17; -- of a v in
vulé, IX, 10; -- of an initial l in hédisa, passim DEHLI. — g into gl in chaghatúli (??), IV,
(by the side of édisa); héméva ; héta, XIV, 19; 8, 10.
héta(i), V, 21; hevasil, passim (never évani, éva gh into h in laha, VII-VIII, 9.
and never héva); hida, passim. j into ch in chaghaniti (PP), IV, 8, 10.
DEALI. - Loss of the initial y in: ata, ! into d in vadila, VII-VIII, 2.
VII-VIII, 11; atha, III, 20; IV, 10; VI, 4; tinto ! in, kaļa, passim ; pati, passim áva, IV, 15 (yava, V, 19); 6, V, 17; VI, 8; énu, (paliyasatinésu, VI, 5); viyápalá, VII-VIII, VII-VIII, 11 ; -of the syllablo ya in: étailatha 4, 5, 6; - into v in cháoudasari, V, 12.
(or possibly oquivalent to élailathai?), VII-VIII, th into !h in nighanthésu, VII-VIII, 5. 3; -of tho syllablo va in homéva, VII-VIII, d into a in duvádusa, VI, 1; painadasari,
4, al. - Addition of an initial y in yeva, V, 13; V, 12
VII-VIII, 8 (by the side of éva); -of an initial ch into a (?) in hida, VII-VIII, 6, al.; -
v in vulan, IX, 10; -of an initial h in héméva;
hévan, passim (by the side of evari); hida, VII. into h in nigókáni, VII-VIII, 5.
VIII, 0, al. pinto b in libi, VII-VIII, 10, 11; - into m
BEABRA. – Loss of the initial y. - Addition in mina (= punah?), III, 18.
of an initial h in hévari, 3, 8. th into in hoti, &c., passim.
SATTASARAN.- Loss of an initial y in am, I, 2 in into ph in kaphaļa, V. 5.; - into v in
(yalá, 7). - Addition of an initial v in vivutha, gévayá, I, 7.
7; -of an l in havari, 1. y into y in avuti, IV, 15; termination écu RUPTH. - Addition of an initial h in of the potential; pápôvd, VI, 3; - into h in
hodha(?), 4; hevuni, 1. - The initial y remains the termination élan of the 1st pers. of the
unchanged: yavataká, 5; yd, 2. potential.
BAIRÂT. - Initial y lost in ari, 3, preserved s into h in hóhanti, VII-VIII, 1, 5, 6(hosanti,
in ya (yad), 2. VII-VIII, 2),
Compound Consonants. BHADRA. - k into g in adligichya, 6. bh into h in losali, 4.
kt becomes t. Kh., Dh., D.
ky becomes liy: (s)akiyé(?), S. 3; sakiye, SAHABARâu. - p into v in avaladhiyêná, 6; R. 3; svungikiyé(?), B. 6. pávatavé, 3.
kr becomes always k. bh into h in hot16, 5.
kr becomes kuv in kurripi, Kh. XIII, 39.
v
12.

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kesh becomes, at Kh., kh : khudaka, X, 28, &c.; tsy becomes chh at D. in -machhe, V, 4. chh in chhanati, XII, 32;-at Dh., kl: khulaka, ddh becomes, at Kh., dh in vadhi, XIL, 31, det. II, 5, &o. -- at D., kl: unuvélhumdné, 34, 35, remains dh in vadhi, IV, 12, 13; - dh, VII-VIII. 2. &c.;jh in jhápétaviyé, V, 10; at at Dh., in vadhi, IV, 18; vudha, IV, 15; VIII, Bh. 1:2 : Whikhuniye, 7; - at S., kl: khuulakii, 4; and at D, in vadhi, passim. 4; - at R, kh : Khudaka, 3.
dy becomes j (Kh., Dh., D.), oxcopt in uyana kokn becomes khin in abhilhinah, Bh. (Kh., VI, 18; Dh., VI, 29) in which it becomes kshy bocomos kh in dupafivókho, D. III, 19. y, and at D., I, 3, in dusaspaţipâdayć for
liye, dye. khy bocamos, at Kh., kh : sálchasi, XIII, 14:at Dh , khy: miklyamata, dot, II, 2; dot. I, 3 dr booomes overywhere d. (Jaug.: mókhiya"); - at D., kh : milhani, V. du becomes, at Kh., duv: duvádasa, III, 7. 20, and they: milikyamaté, VI, 19.
&c.; - at Dh., duv : duválá, det. II, 2, &c.; gn becomes, at Kh., 9 : agilidhani, IV, 10;
v in anuvigina, det. II, 4; - at D., duv : duvéhi, - at Dh, g: agi-, IV, 3; and gin: aruvigina,
VII-VIII, 8, &c.; - at S., R. and B., d in det, II, 4.
jaribudipasi (8., 2; R., 2; B., 4); and duu at
S. in duvé (6) gr becomes g, Kh, Dh., D.
dhy becomes, at Kh., dhiy in adhiyakha, XII, jit becomes than or ", Kh., Dh., D.
34; - at D., dhiy in avadh[]ya, V, 2, 8, 13 vich becomes in, at D.: paslanadasa, V, 12, (RM dhya), avadhiyáni, VII-VIII, 9, &c. ;jh al.; - at 8.: panand (P), 6.
in nijhali, VI-VIIL, 8. dy becomes diy at Kh.: parhdiya, XIII, 6; - dhr becomes dh, Kh., D. at D.: chaundiyo, III, 20.
ny becomes slan, Kh. Dh., D. my becomes niy in ananiya, at kb., VI, 20;
pt becomes t, Kh., Dh., D. - Appears to at Dh., VI, 32; det. II, 9; -wen in hilarina; chango into
chango into vat in pávatavé (=prüptavé), 8., 3. at Kh., VIII, 23; at Dh., VIII, 5.
pr becomes evorywhere p. tk becomes k, D., 8.
bdh becomes dh : ladhá, Kh., XIII, 11, &c. tth becomes th in uthấna, at Kh., VI, 9, al.;
br becomes b, Kh., Dh., D. at Dh., VI, 31, al.
bhy booomos bh, at Kh., in ibhésu, V, 15; - to becomes t, Kh, Dh., D.
romains unchanged, at D., in abhyundmayety becomes, at Kh., tiy: apatiyé, V, 14, &c.; ha, VII-VIII, 19; abhyushinamisati, VII-VIII, romains unchanged in mityarh, XIV, 19, if 21. - It is written bhiy, at Dh., in ibhiyêu, V, indood wo aro to road thus; changes into ch in 24; alabhiyisu, 1, 3; at Kh., in alabhiyati, niché, VII, 22; into t in palitijitu, X, 28; - at &c., 1, 3, 4. Dh., becomes tiy: atiyáyiké, VI, 19, &c.;
bhr becomes bh, Kh., Dh. changes into ch in tkachd, I, 2 (doubtful; J. bas
my remains unchanged in samyá at Kh., IX, ékatiyd); nické, VIL, 2; changes into t in palitijitu, X, 15; - at D., becomes ch: saché,
25; XIII, 37; and at Dh., susiknya, IX, 8. II, 12; pachápagamané, VI, 8; tiy in patiya
mr becomes mb, at Kh., in tarabapmaniyd, sathné su, VI, 5, which R. and M. write patyásao.
XIII, 6; at D., in ambávadiká, VII-VIII, 2. tr becomes everywhere t.
rg becomes everywhere g. tv remains unchanged in tadatváyé, at Kh.
rgr bocomes gh, at D., in nighanthesu, VIIX, 27, and at Dh., X, 13; - becomes t at S.:
VIII, 5. muhatatú, 3; sati, 7; and at R.: mahutatá, 2;
rel becomes ch, Kh., Dh., D. sata, 5.
rn becomes in, Kh., D. to becomes s at Kh.: chikisá, II, 5; never- rt becomes, at Kh., t in nivatêti, IX, 26; theless chikisalcichha, same line, appears to anuvatavili, XIII, 8, &c.; !, in anuvațisanti, show & certain hesitation between the formv , 9; (va)li, nival@ya, IX, 26; - at Dh., t chikisd and the form chikichhá; usaténa, X, 29; in anuvatisahti, V, 21; ! in anuvalatu, V, 27; - at Dh. II, 6; X, 6; - at D.: usuton, 1, 5; leili, X, 13; -- at D., t in pavatay@vu, IV, 5, chh, at R, in chhapuchharé.
13; ! in kovala, V, 14; palihutavé, IV, 11.

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-
rth becomes, at Kh., th or th: atha, IV, 12, al.; atha, VI, 17, al.; - at Dh., th in athayé, det. I, 19, 21; det. II, 8; th in atha, passim; at D., th in atha, VII-VIII, 3, 10; th in atlasi, VII-VIII, 4, al.;-at S., th: athum, 7, al.; at R., th: athaya, 3, al..
rthy becomes thiy at Kh. (IX, 23) and at 25; at J. det. I, 6, we have álasyéna. Dh. (IX, 7), in nilathiyam.
ér becomes 8, Kh., Dh., D., R.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
rd becomes d, Kh., D.
rdh becomes, at Kh., dh: vadhayisanti, IV, 12; diyáḍha, XIII, 35, &c.; dh in vadhité, IV, 11 (ordinarily vadhita); at Dh., dh: vadhayisati, IV, 16, &c. ;- at D., dh: adhakósikáni, VII-VIII, 2,. &c.; at S., dh in avaladhiyóná, 6; dh in vadhisati, 3,.6; at R., dh: adhitiyáni, 1; vadhisati, 4; -at B., dh: vadhisati, 7, 8.
1
rdhy becomes, at S., dhiy in avaladhiyêná, 6; dhiya in diyaḍhiyam, ibid.;-at R., dhiy and dhiy (same words); - at B., dhig in diyaḍhiyam, 8.
-
rbh becomes bh, Kh., Dh. rm becomes, mm, Kh., Dh., D.
ry becomes, at Kh., liy in anamtaliyéná, VI, 19; lay in supudúlayo, if we assume it to be equivalent to supracláryah; at Dh., the same, VI, 31; V, 22; liy at D.: suliyik, VII. VIII, 10; mithaliye, III, 20, &c.; at Bh.: aligavavui, 5 palydydai, 1, G.
ru usually becomos in all texts; -luv, at Kh. and Dh., in peluca, passim.
rá becomes 8, Kh., Dh., D.
rsh becomes usually s (vase), Kh., Dh., D., Bh.
-
lp becomes p, Kh, Dh.
ly becomes y in kayana at Kh., Dh., D.
―
vy becomes, at Kh., viy: migariya, VIII, 22; viyamjanaté, III, 8, &c., except in divyani, IV, 10; at Dh. and D., viy: divinani, Dh., IV, 3, &c.; hantaviyáni, D., V, 15, &c.; ichhitayê, at Jaug., det. I, 5, should, probably, bo restored ichhitu (vi)yê; at R. viy (lékhápé
---
taviyê, 4), except in vyuthôná, 5; at B., y in áládhêtayé, 6.
or becomes v, Kh., Dh., D. sch becomes chl, Kh., Dh.
én becomes sin in pasiné, at Bh. (5).
sy becomes siy, at Kh., in pativésiyêná, IX,
év becomes at D., s in séta, V, 6; suv in suvé, I, 6.
shk becomes k, at Kh., in dukalé, V, 13;
at Dh., in the same word, V, 20, al.
shkr becomes kh: nikhamati, Kh., III, 7, al., nikhami, Dh., VIII, 4, al.
91
-
sht becomes th, Kh., Dh., D., R., and th, at S., in vivutha, 7.
shth becomes, at Kh., th: adhithandyé, V, 15; sethe, IV, 12; at Dh., th: adhithané, V, 26; adhithandyó, V, 23; nithuliyena, det. I, 11; h in chithitu, IV, 17; at D., fh, nithuliye, III, 20.
rshy becomes, at Kh., chh in kachhami, &c., VI, 18, al. (= kar()shyami); - at Dh., s in isiga, det. I, 10; chh in kachhabi, VII, 2, al.; at D., sy in isyakalunéna, III, 20; chh in kachhati, II, 16, nl.
sth becomes, at Kh., th in chilathitika, V, 17; gahathani, XII, 31; th in chilathitika, VI, 20; at Dh., h in chilathalika, V, 27; VI, 33; at D., th in chilathilaku, II, 15 (AR rh becomes lah, at Kh., in galahati, XII, thi); thambhani, VII-VIII, 2; h in chila33; at Bh, in alahámi, 4. at
thitike, VII-VIII, 11; anathiku, V, 4; Bh., h in chilaḥlitike, 4; - at S., the same, 5; at R., thin siláthumbha, 5; th in chilathitike, tsth becomes th in uthi (= pâli utha
4
hati), Jaug., det. I, 7.
sn becomes sin in sinéhé, at Kh., XIII, 38. sm becomes, at Kh., s in locatives in asi; at Dh., remains unchanged in akasmá, det. I, 9, 20, 21; becomes s in the locative in asi; ph
shp becomes, at Kh. (IX, 26) and at Dh.
(IX, 10) ph, in niphati;-p, at D. in chatupads, V, 7.
shy becomes, at Kh., 8: alabhiyisanti, 1, 4, &c.; at Dh., 8: anupayisati, III, 11, &c.; h in Chatha, dot. I, 17; dot. II, 9 (Jaug., in both cases satha); at D., s: abhyannamisati, VII-VIII, 21, &c.; h in hohamti, VII-VIII, 4, 5, G (by the side of hesimli), and, to add it at once, although here k sy, in dahanti, IV, 18; at Bh., s: upatise, 5. sk becomes, at Kh., k in agikum Ihani, IV, 10; at Dh., kh: ayikhamlhani, IV, 3. et becomes everywhere th.
-
-
-
-

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in aphe, det. I, 7, &c.; tuplé, det. I, 4, &c.; - L a +i gives i in banbhanibhiyésu, V, 24. at D., s in the locative in asi; - at S., sum a+u gives 8 in munisópagani, II, 7; pajópain sumi, I,. in the locntive; - at R., sum in daye, IX, 26 (J.: pajupadáyé). sumi, I; ph in tup(h)aka(), 5; 8 in the
a+& gives & in cheva, IV, 16. locativo; - at B., s in the locative in asi.
iti gives i in nitiyan (?), det. I, 12 (Jang. sy becomes, at Kh., s in the gonitive in asa; nitiyori), and in intimé (Jaug., det. 1, 3), if we siy in siya, XII, 31, al.; - at Dh., s in the
must really understand kinti imé. genitive in asa; siy in siyá, passim ; álasiyena,
* + u would seem to give uó in pasuôpagáns det. 1, 11; - at D., sa in the genitive; siy in
(50 also at J.) (= pasu(k)opagani P), II, 7. siyű, IV, 15; VII-VIII, 11; - at R., siy in
But most probably we should take as starting siya, 3.
point a form @paga cquivalent to upaga. er becomes 8, Kh., Dh.; sin, at D., in ásinavé
Bofore ti (=ilt), a final vowel is lengthened : II, 11, al.
patipáday&mdti, det. I, 10; palipajéyáti, XIV, sv becomes, at Kh., & in salunit, VI, 18; suv 19; mamati, det. I, 12;.aládhayaritáti, VI, 33; in suvamikina, IX, 25; remains unchanged in aphésuti, det. II, 4, &c. svagan, VI, 20; - at Dh., remains unchanged d final remains unchanged in tadópayá, asvásandye, det. II, 8, 10 ; svaga, passim ; VIII, 5. becomes suv in swvámikéna, IX, 10; at D., re
mit before a vowel changes to m, or is even mains unchanged: asvasá, V, 18; asvatha, IV,
written im in hodisariméva, det I, 24 ; snkha. 13; - at S., su in suaga, 4; - at D., remains
sameva, dot. II, 5. unchanged in svage, 3; - at B., remains
DEHLI. unchanged in svaigikiye, 6.
a + a gives , or remains uncombined as in hm becomes, at Kh., hbh in baibhana,
Puasaablisita", VI, I (RM súbhio), al. passim ; once ihm in barihmano, XIII, 39; - at Dh., bh, vibh in bábhana, IV, 12, &c, ;
a + u gives ô: chhayopagani, VII-VIII, 2. bannbhana, IV, 15, &c.; - at D., th: bábhana, a + é gives & in chéva, VII-VIII, 4. VII-VIII, 4, 8.
i + a gives i in dupafivékhé, III, 19; palivé
kshami, VI, 4, 7. (c). - Sandhi. KILSI.
16 + a gives u in anuvékhamáné, VII-VIII, 2. a+a gives á; but atatá ; II, 5, 6; dhash
* + u gives u in anuposathan, V, 13. manusathi, III, 7, al. ; &c.
e + i gives i, in kiyani, II, 11, if my expla
nation is right. a ti gives é in chémé, V, 17; 1, in baribhansbhésu, V, 15.
Before ti, a final short vowel is sometimes
lengthened : námáti, III, 19; kachhatiti, II, 16 a +u gives 8: manusőpagani, II, 3; pajópa
(RM ®tio); dladhayevuti, IV, 19, &c. (but daye, IX, 24.
vadhisati ti, VII-VIII, 7; hôtu ti, VII-VIII, 10). a+& gives é: chéva, IX, 25; yénesa, XIII, 38.
d final remains unchanged in tadatha, VII. i +a gives i in ithidhiyakha, XII, 34.
VIII, 3. u+u gives & in pasốpagáni, II, 5.
d final remains unchanged in sadvisati, I, 1 & + a gives & in éyan (1) (= ayain), V, 15; al.; assimilated in samásiké, V, 9. étâyélháyé, VI, 20; á in étayathayo, XII, 34. in final remains unchanged, or is even doubled
+ a vowel changes to m in tam éva, XIII, before a vowel; hévari mêva, VI, 6; étamêva. 15; tanam éva, XIII, 38 ; hóvam évá, II, 6; VII-VIII, 2; kayánaiméva, III, 17 (A name). XIII, 6.
BHABRA. DHAULI.
Laghulôvdde, 6; sarnghasíti, 2; h()satidi, 4 a + a gives & (but atata, II, 7; chashmanusa
hévarmeva, 8. thi, VIII, 5, &c.); or remains uncombined in: 1
SAHASARÂM. mahlapáyê, det. 1, 15 (Jaug., mahdpáyê);
Sadhike, 2. manaatiléke, det. 1, 16; désaáyutike; Jaug., RUPNATH det. II, 12 (Dh. : désávu).
Sátiléka.

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MISCELLANEA.
93
MISCELLANEA. AN EARLY KADAMBA ROCK INSCRIPTION. A FOLKTALE ABOUT THE KOMATIS.
The following rock-cut inscription, in two lines, The Kômatis are generally the merchant class of was discovered by Mr. Govind Gangadhar Desh- Southern India. Economy and frugality are their pande, at the falls of the Ghataprabha near characteristic traite. If a person goes to a Komati Konnur, in the Gókák Taluka, Belgaum District. bázdr to purchase anything, the merchant is all I transcribe it from estampages made by him; a politeness to him and entreats him to take a seat. note on them indicates that the inscription is This politeness is partly superstitious, and leads " on the face of the cliff on the right of the to one curious practice. Supposing a purchaser falls."
asks for pappr (or dál) and the Komati has
none with him he will never say ledhu (no), but TEXT.
will answer "Suomi, uppuundhi, Sir, there is salt." 1 Pitfi' bhaktas=suchir=ddaksba[b] Baty. "No" is considered to be a word of ill-omen otskha-pratåpavên LI ]
and is never heard from a Kömati's mouth. In giv. 2 Kadambanam kule játaḥ srim&n=Damo. ing an answer to do duty for "no," Komati will daro pripah [ll *]
usually try to rhyme to the purchaser's remarks.
To the popular mind the word Komati, or TRANSLATION
rather Knimati, taken to be ku (good)+ mati intel. Dutifulto(his) father, pure, intelligent, possessed
lect), means a man of aense or a clever man. of courage and energy and vigour,-(such is) 1 In this connection the following story about the illustrious king Damodara, born in the the Komatis is told :family of the Kadambas.
"Once upon a time a Pandiyan king had a new This record gives us a new name in the Early silver goblet of enormous size made for the use of Kadamba family, and may perhaps be taken to the palace, and he superstitiously believed that its indicate a point to the porth-east to which the first contents should not be of the ordinary kind. territories of the kings of that line extended. So in view of making a special use of it, he ordered Damodara is probably to be allotted to a period his minister to publish it abroad that all the subnot long after the last of the connected names jects of his kingdom were to put into the vessel a given in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, chembu full of milk from each house. The frugal p. 9.
Kômatis, heuring of this, thought each within
himself, Oh! when the king has ordered such a Another point of interest in this record, is, that the characters, which belong to the
large quantity, and all will bring milk, it will be southern class of alphabets, are of the same "box
enough for me to take a chembu full of water, as
a little water poured into such a large quantity of headed" type with those used in the Eran in
milk will not change its colour. It will not be scription of Samudragupta and the Nachnê-ki-taldi and Siwan Vakataka records (Gupta Inscriptions,
known that I poured in only water, and I shall pass pp. 18, 283, 243). The size of the letters varies
off as having given my tribute. In this way
all the Kömatis brought each a chembu full of from 21" to 4'; the largest akshara not formed entirely between the lines of writing, - vis., the
water, and no one of them told the other of the
deceit he was about to practise. Now, it so erf of Sriman, line 2,- is about ten inches from
happened that the Kömatis were the first to top to bottom. Line 1 is about 4' 4'' long; and line 2, about two inches longer. It should be
enter the palace, while they thought that the noted how the visarga is assimilated to the follow
people of other castes had come and gone. The ing sibilant in 'bhaktab=buchiro, line 1; but the
vessel was placed behind a screen, so that no
one might cast the evil eye on it and the Komatis same is not done at the ends of the first and third quarters of the whole verse.
were let in one by one to do honour to it. This
they did in all haste and each returned with great Near the above record, there occurs twice the joy in the success of his deceit. Thus there was name of ari-Damodara : once in "box-headed " nothing but water in the vessel. Now it had characters of precisely the same type; and once been arranged that the king was to be the in the characters customarily used in the Early person to see the contents of his new vessel, and Western Chalukya records.
and when he went to the apartment where the J. F. FLEET. ! vessel was kept and saw its contents, he was
1 Metre, Blóks (Anushțubh).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1802.
thunderstruck to see only water, and was greatly We each brought a chembu-ful of water to find disappointed. He became enraged at the impu- | out how many chembu-fuls your Highness' dence of the Kömatis and directed his minister precious vessel contained. Now that we have to punish them severely. However the ready taken the measurement, we will forthwith fetch witted Komatis came forward with all presence of the quantity of milk required.' The king was ex.
mind and eried out, 'ogracious king! appease thy tremely pleased to hear this and sent them away." anger and kindly listen to what we have to say.
K. SRIKANTALIYAR.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SIMILAR PASSAGES IN THE BHAGAVATA. word for word similar, yet are sufficiently so to
PURANA AND THE BHAGAVADGITA. prove that the author of the Bh-igavata-Purdna While recently reading through the Bhaga- was familiar with the Bhagavadgitu, and used it vata-Purana, I came across several verses which freely in the composition of his work. I give are almost word for word the same as are found below, in parallel columns, a few of these similar in the Bhagavadgita. Others again, though not | verses :Bhagavata-Purana.
Bhagavadgita. नहि कश्चित्क्षणमपि जानु तिष्ठत्वकर्मकृत् ॥
नहि कश्चित्क्षणमपि जानु तित्यकर्मकृत् ।। कार्यते यवशः कर्म गुणैः स्वाभाविकैबलात् ॥
कार्यते ह्यवधः कर्म सर्व प्रकृतिजैर्गुणैः।। 631,53.
3; 5. यद्यदाचरति श्रेयानितरस्तत्तवीहते ॥
यद्याचरति श्रेष्ठस्तत्तदेवेतरो जनः।। स यत्प्रमाणं कुरुते लोकस्तदनुवर्तते ।।
स यत्प्रमाणं कुरुते लोकस्तदनु वर्तते ।। 6% 32,4.
3:21. बदा बदेह धर्मस्य क्षयो वृद्धिश्च पाप्मनः।।
बदा बदा हि धर्मस्य ग्लानिर्भवति भारत ।। सदा तु भगवानीश आस्मानं सृजते हरिः ।।
अभ्युत्थानमधर्मस्य तदात्मानं सजाम्यहम् ।। 9% 324,56.
4; 7. संस्थापनाब धर्मस्व प्रशमायतरस्य च ॥
परिवाणाय साधूनां विनाशाय च दुष्कृताम् ।। भवसीणों हि भगवानंशेन अगदीश्वरः।।
धर्मसंस्थापनार्थाय संभवामि युगे युगे। 10333,27.
48. पत्रं पुष्पं फल तोयं यो मे भलया प्रयच्छति ।।
पत्रं पुष्पं फलं तोयं यो मे भल्या प्रयच्छति ॥ तदहं भत्तयुपहृतममामि प्रयतास्मनः ।।
तदहं भन्युपहतमामि प्रयतात्मनः ॥ 10:81,4.
9; 26.
J. E. ABBOTT. SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BURMESE | in which the Tripitaka and its cunamcntarios LANGUAGE.
ure written, being the language of their religion, It is generally stated by those who can speak one would nuturally expect that the Burmese with authority on the subject, that the Burmese would borrow from Pali rather than from derived their culture, religion, and letters from | Sanskrit. The appended list may, in some degree, India through the Talaings, and that Burmese serve to corroborate the above statement. civilization dates from the conquest of Thutôn by The following remarkable passage, extracted A nöratazo" (PAli Anuruddha) in 1058 A. D. This
from the preface of Trenckner's edition of the statement appears to be vitiated to some extent
Milindapatho, will be of interest in the present by the fact of the existence in the Burmese
connection, as shewing the use by the Burmese of language of a number of Banskrit words,
the Sanskrit, rather than the Pali, spelling of both derived and naturalized, importing not only
certain Indian words:terins in religion and mythology, but also those relating to social life. The language of Magadha,
"It is, however, but fair to add that, on closer
In explanation of this note it must be remarked that in Burmese pronunciation consonants are seldom tuapirated. Where they are the aspirate is shown by'-. The consonants shown in brackets, as (k), (), denote the common Burmese trick of barely soundiug certain
finals in syllables. In Burmese ky, kr are sounded ch: qw.gr as j. In every case in the table the pronunciation of th is as in thin. The Burmese t and d are practically the English sound of those consonants-Ep.1
[represents the sound of aw, as in awful.-En.l

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
95
acquaintance, certain spellings (found in Burmese MSS.) are met with, which strike our attention by agreeing closer with Sanskrit in etymology than the corresponding Sinhalese forms. Now the Burmese
can soarcely be suspected of introducing Sang. kritisms, and it is rather to be presumed that, in such cases, they have been the sole preservers of the true and original Pali form."
Burmese.
Sanskrit.
PAli.
Spelling.
Pronunciation.
Adun.
1. Adhvan 2. Ainrôt* 3. Bhissiks 4. Chakra 5. Chakrava! 6. Chakravates 7. Chankram 8. Drap 9. Groh 10. KambhA7 11. Mrikkaso 12. Parissad 13. Phusha 14. Prakaté 15. Prassad 16. Prittá 17. Rase. 18. Samuddard 10 19. Såriputtara 20. Sattava 21. Sikrå
Amyaik Be(k)thek Se(t)chs Se(t)chawala Se(t)chawades Zinjan Dya(t) Jo Kaba Myó(k)katho Paye(k)that Pôk tha Pyagale. Pya(t)that Pekta Yathé Thamo(k)days Tháyipő(k)taya Thadawa Thaja 8
Adhvan Amrita Abhisheka Chakra Chakravåla Chakravartin Chankran Dravya Graha Kalpa Mrigasiras Parishad Pushya Prakati Prieda Preta Rishi Samudra 8&riputra Sattva Sakra
Addhaniya Amata Abhiseka Chakka Chakkavala Chakkavati Chankama Dabba Gaha Kappa Migasira Parisa Phussa Pakati Påskda
Påta
Isi Samudda Seriputta Satta Sakka
KALLIL, A FAMOUS SHRINE IN SOUTHERN
INDIA. Kallil, which means literally 'a stone,' is the name of a famous pagoda situate in the Kannuthnad Täluks of North Travancore, about sixteen
Taw Sein Ko. miles east by north of Tripontera, the residence of the Cochin royal family itself, and distant about six miles east of the British port of Cochin.
Members of the small colony of Banians (Jain Vaisyaa) settled in Native Cochin frequent
3 [It is by no means yet proved, bowever, that the Burmese had no learned communications with Indis direct in days gone by.-ED.)
This word being a synonym for Nirvana, one would naturally expect a derivative from Pfli rather than from Ranskrit.
• The prefix of Sanskrit and Pali derivatives is generally olided in Burmese: cf. sankhyd for asankhayya ; dhipati for adhipati.
The conjunot consonant is sounded as in the Arakanese dialect, but is always softened into y by the Burmese. The ch of Sanskrit and PAli is always pronounood s by the Burmese.
1 The conjunct consonant l, as in salldpa, allapa (pronounood aanldpa, anldpa), is always pronounced like anusviru in Burmese. In ancient books the word kambhd (for kolpa) is written kanphd.
. The voweli is pronounced as & when followed by # Bonsonant.
It is a remarkable fact that the Talaings, through whom the Burmese are supposed to have derived their
knowledge of Buddhism, have naturalized the PAli word ini, in ito proper form, while the Burmese have adopted . Sanskrit derivative from pishi.
10 The pronunciation of dra is phonetically impossible to Burman : hence the insertion of an augmentative a between d and r. See a similar augment in the caden of tra and toa in the two next words.
11 The Sanskrit form of the name of the chief discipl of Gautama Buddha is worthy of notice.
19 A fanciful etymology has been invented to derive Bakra from thi, to know, and kya , to hear : knowing and hearing of events that happen in the world of Amen being one of the attributes of the Recording Angel of Buddhism. [In Upper Burms I have known the word spelt (satkya) the(t)cha, though pronounced correctly thajd, and the folk etymology of it given as that, to descend, and (kya) cha, to fall, 1.8., he who descends and falls, because the Burmese Recording Angel deboende to the earth during the great annual festival of the New Yor.-ED.)

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this shrine, and believe that he who proceeds coming into it; but the rook always gradually thither a sufficiently large number of times obtains rises, so as to throw down the building. The salvation. The pagoda is on the top of a preci- old nen of the village are always willing to pitons rock, a small portion of which alone touches certify to this. the earth, affording a beautiful and wonderful
N. SUNKUNI WARIAR. scene to anyone who goes up. A Pisharoti (high-caste Sadra temple-servant by profession), who lives close by, has the sole management of the
ANTIQUITIES OF MALABAR: PARAL. pagoda, although he is looked down upon, because Mr. R. Sewell, Lists of Madras Antiquities he has not a large family growing up round him. (Vol. I., p. 255), says - Siva and Bhagavati are both enshrined here. Of "Five miles south by west of Trichar - on a recent years a figure of Brahmå is said to have rock, here, is an inscription with some large foot. sprung up of itself on the top of the rock. prints cut in bas-relief and other sculptures."
There is a superstition that if Bhagavati's I beg to subjoin some notes on the place.
nge is not the first to be seen on going up to The small pagoda here is known as Parola lit. worship, the pilgrim is sure to die within eight on a rock, as it actually is). It is dedicated to days thereafter, generally by a sudden attack of Vishnu. It belonged to Mayaya Mangalam fever. Several instances in point are cited by the Naiburi (author of the Naishada Champu?), villagers. Pilgrims, therefore, take the necessary on the extinction of whose family the rights precautions to avoid so sudden a termination of 1 in it devolved on Tarananellurir Namburi. The their earthly existence.
pagoda was built about 1866 by the present Uaya In Malabar the solar (or Tamil) New Year's Day Raja of Cochin (recurring on 12th April) is called Vishu, -and is On the northern side of the pagoda are five observed as a day of rejoicing and festivity. Early tirthams or sacred pools, and one on the western on the morning of this day it is the duty of side. These tirthams are named after the every devout Hindu to see the village deity the Pandavas, who are said to have lived bere for first of all things. For this purpos many lie some time. down to sloep the previous night within the
Dharmaputra's is circular in shape. That of pagoda precincts, and people, who sleep in their
Bhimasena is shaped like his gada (instrument).
Bhima own houses in the neighbourhood, are escorted
That of Arjuna is shaped like his bow. Those of thither by those who have been the first to
Nakula and Sahadeva are smaller in size, and are make their obeisance. The good or bad fortunes
the only ones in which there is no water during of the whole year appear to them to turn on this
the hottest weather. The water in that of matter. Many go to see the image with their
Paschali (the consort of the Pandavas) is reddish, eyes shut, and sometimes bound with a cloth,
and said to be so because she bathed in it to - common custom during visits to parti.
purify herself after her courses. cular images.
On the rock may be traced lines drawn for The evening pfija to the goddess is offered at playing at dice. Here is a small shrine dedicated the Pisharoti's house, and not at the pagoda on the top of the hill, which is not approached
About half a mile to the south is the celebrated by human beings in the afternoon, or after the
pagoda of Ayyappan or Shasthavu, the village midday service is over. The tradition is that
deity, nearly opposite which is the fifth milestone the goddess was once coming from Muhambi (a
from Trichûr. It is owned by a large number of celebrated shrine in the Western Ghats in South
Namburi houses in the district. Kanara) playing with two pieces of stone and tossing them up and down as she was moving
The offerings most pleasing to the deity are along, with a worshipper in front of her. All
cakes, kadali plantains, rusuyums, nei (yl) and of a sudden, as they came near this spot, the
pal (milk). man, according, it is said, to a row the goddess The god is noted for giving to dumb worhad taken, - sat down. There are two rocks shippers perfection in the art of letters, and on the hill, which appear to touch the ground
there are traditions of several men having become beneath them without actually doing so, and
famous after a continued worship here. The these are said to be the two stones used by the young Brahmans of the neighbourhood make it goddess.
a point, before starting in life, to worship here
for terms varying from seven days to one year. Efforts are occasionally made to raise & wall round the pagoda to prevent crows, &c., from
N. SUNKUNI WARIAR.

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APRIL, 1892.]
THE AMGACHHI GRANT OF VIGRAHAPALADEVA III.
THE AMGACHHI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VIGRAH APALADEVA III.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN.
THE HE plate which contains this inscription was found, in 1806, at Amgâchhi in the Dinajpur District of the Bengal Province, by a peasant, digging earth for the repair of a road near his cottage; and it was forwarded to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in whose Library it is still deposited. An account of the inscription was given by H. T. Colebrooke, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. pp. 434-38, and republished in his Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II. pp. 279-82. And a tentative reading of the text was first published by Dr. Hoernle, in the Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part ii. pp. 210-13, and reprinted, after revision, ante, Vol. XIV. pp. 166-68. For my own account of this inscription I have used an excellent ink-impression, made and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet.
The plate is a single one, measuring about 12" broad by 141" high, and surmounted by a highly wrought ornament of brass, fixed on the upper part, and advanced some distance on the plate so as to occasion a considerable break in the upper lines. It contains 49 lines of writing, 33 of which are on the front, and 16 on the back of the plate. The writing has suffered much from corrosion, especially on the proper right side of the front and on the corresponding part of the back, where many aksharas are more or less illegible. The size of the letters is about "The characters may be described as Nâgarî, of about the 11th century A.D., but as a special feature of the alphabet employed it may be pointed out that r, preceding another consonant, is often written by a short line, sideways attached to the right side of the akshara of which it forms part, not by the ordinary superscript sign, -a peculiarity which the inscription shares with others written in Eastern India. The language is Sanskrit. From about the middle of line 20 to the beginning of line 43 the inscription is in prose; the rest, excepting the introductory ôm svasti, is in verse. As regards orthography, the imperfect state of the plate prevents me from saying more than that b is throughout denoted by the sign for v.
97
The inscription is one of the devout worshipper of Sugata, or Buddha, the Paramésvara Paramabha!! áraka and Mahárájádhirája, the illustrious Vigrahapaladeva, who meditated 'on the feet of the Mahárájádhirája, the illustrious Nayapaladeva (lines 23-24); and both in the arrangement of the matter and in its wording it follows closely the Bhagalpur grant of Nàràyanapâladêva, published ante, Vol. XV. pp. 305.7. After the words om svasti, it contains (in lines 1-20) fourteen verses on the genealogy of Vigrahapala, the text of which will be given in full below. In the prose portion which follows (lines 20-42) the king from his camp of victory pitched at a place which was not Mudgagiri, but which is spoken of exactly as Mudgagiri is in the Bhagalpur plate, informs the people and officials concerned that, in order to please the holy Buddha (bhagavantam Vu(bu)ddha-bhattárakam uldisya, line 36), after bathing in the Ganges on the occasion of a lunar eclipse (line 40), he has granted to a Brahman some land in the Kotivarsha vishaya of the Pundravardhana bhukti (line 24); and he directs the people to make over to the donee whatever may be due to him under this grant. This prose part closes (in line 42) with the date, probably the year 132 on the 9th day of Chaitra.' Lines 42-48 contain a number of benedictive and imprecatory verses. Another verse (in lines 48-49) gave the name of the data, appointed by Vigrahapala for this grant. And the inscription (in line 49) closes with a verse according to which the plate was engraved by the artizan Saśidêva, a son of Mahîdharadeva3, who, or whose ancestors, had come from the village of Posali.
-
What is of real and, indeed, of very great value in this inscription, plate grant hitherto discovered of the so-called Påla dynasty of Bengal, verses with which it opens. Of these, verses 1-5 are identical with the
the latest copperare the fourteen verses 1, 2, 4, 5
1 See Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 434.
2 I am unable to make out with certainty from the ink-impression whether the year is 12 or 13. This Mahidhara engraved the Dinajpur plate of Mahipaladeva which will be mentioned below.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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and 7, and the sixth verse is only a slightly altered version of verse 10, of the Bhagalpur plate of Narayanapâla, ante, Vol. XV. p. 305. And the genealogy, furnished by these six verses, undoubtedly is as Dr. Hultzsch, ib. p. 304, has put it :
1. Gopala.
2. Dharmapala.
Våkpåla. I
3.. Dêvapala.
Jayapala. I
4. Vigrahapala.
1
5. Narayanapala.
The verses 7-11 it would have been impossible to make out fully from this Amgâchhi plate alone. But fortunately the very same verses also occur in a copper-plate grant of Mahipaladêva, which a few years ago was discovered at Dinajpur, and of which rubbings have been supplied to me by Dr. Hoernle. And although in the Dinajpur plate they are in general even less legible than in the Amgâchhi plate, a continued study and comparison of both plates has enabled me to restore the text in a manner which I believe to be substantially correct. The Dinajpur plate also contains verse 14 of the Amgâchhi plate, but places it immediately before the verse referring to Mahipaladêva, between verses 10 and 11 of the Amgâchhi plate. For the decipherment of verses 12 and 13 (lines 16-19) of the present grant I have had no help beyond the ink-impression.
Now, having (in verse 6) brought the genealogy down to Narayana, our inscription, according to my text, proceeds as follows:
(Line 11). And his son was the protector of the middle world, the illustrious Rajyapala, whose fame is proclaimed by tanks as deep as the sea, and by temples the walls of which equal the noblest mountains.
As the store of light proceeds from the eastern mountain, so sprang from that king of the east a son, born from Bhagyadevi, a daughter of the high-crowned Tunga,5 the moon of the Rashtrakuta family, the illustrious Gopaladeva, who was long the sole lord of the earth, gaily clad by the four oceans, lustrous with many precious stones.
Him, richly endowed with the qualities of a king, the Fortune of regal power energy, good counsel, and majesty, worshipped as her lord, dear and attached to him, though he served the earth like a fellow-wife.
From him sprang in the course of time, augmenting the innumerable blessings of his parent, Vigrahapaladeva, who, dear to all, stainless and versed in every art, when he arose, alleviated like the moon' the distress of the world.
From him sprang the protector of the earth, the illustrious Mahipaladeva. Having in the pride of his arm slain in battle all opponents, and having obtained his father's kingdom which had been snatched away by people who had no claim to it, he put down his lotus-foot on the heads of princes.
My reading of the text of this inscription will be published in the Journal Beng. As. Soc.
The words bhagyadset and tunga of the original text need not, perhaps, necessarily be taken as proper names: but there can be no doubt that the author, by the words tungasy-ottunga-maule, wishes to suggest the name of the Rashtrakuta king of whom he is speaking.
The reading of the Dinajpur plate is here slightly different.
7 The epithets, applied to the king, would also be applicable to the moon.

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APRIL, 1892.]
THE AMGACHHI GRANT OF VIGRAHAPALADEVA III.
99
From him, in consequence of his religious merits, was born the fortunate prince Nayapala Renouncing the attachment to sin, putting down his foot on the heads of princes, eagerly fulfilling all desires, free from mental blindness, beloved by his subjects, and the one home of affection, - he was like the sun which, when it rises from the eastern mountain, moves away from the night, touches with its rays the tops of mountains, opens up quickly all the quarters, drives away darkness, and is pleasant and red.
From him is born the illastrious prince Vigrahapaladdva, full of majesty, eagerly gazed at by the good, always anxious to worship Smara's enemy, expert in battle even more than Hari. a god of death for the clan of his enemies, and a supporter of the four castes who plenses the world with the abundance of his bright fame.
When the huge elephants of kis army had dronk pure water in the water-abounding paster. land, and had roamed about at will in the sandal-forests at the foot of the Malaya range, they like clouds settled down on the ridges of the snowy mountain, baving cooled the trees witli showers of drizzling rain.'
Our Amgâchhi plate, then, clearly furnishes the following line of the so-called Pala kinys :1. Gopala I.
2. His son Dharmapala. (According to the Mungir plate he married a Rashịrakůta princess.10 And according to the Bhågalpar plate he conquered Indraraja of Mahôdaya or Kananj, and gave the sovereignty of Kanauj to Chakrayudha. See ante, Vol. XX. p. 188.)
3. His nephew Dévapala; (in his Mangir plate, which is dated in the year 33 of his reign, described as the son of Dharmapala.)
4. His nephew Vigrahapala I; (married, according to the Bhagalpur plate, Lajja, a Haihaya princess.)
5. His son Narayanapala. (His Bhagalpur plate is dated in the year 17 of bis reign).
6. His son Rajyapala; (married Bhagyadevi, a daughter of the Rashtrakūta Tuiga perhaps to be identified with Jagattuiiga II, who ruled in the first quarter of the 10th century A. D.)
7. His son Gopala II. 8. His son Vigrahapala II.
9. His son Mahipala. (He issued the Dinajpur copper-plate grant; and the Sarnith inscription, publislied ante, Vol. XVI. p. 140, furnishes for him the date V. 1083 = A. D. 1626).
10. His son Nayapala. (A Cambridge as. is dated in the 14th year and a Gayà inscription in the 15th year of his reign. See Bendall's Catulogur, p. 175, and Introduction; p. iii. and Sir A. Cunningham's Archirol. Surrey of India, Vol. III. Plate xxxvii.)
11. His son Vigrahapala III; (issued this Áugachbi copper plate grant which is sited in the 12th or 13th year of his reign).
As indicated above, this statement of the relationship of the l'ala king does not, so id: regards Dévapala, agree with ihe account furnished by the Mingir copper-plate, which distincidy makes that king the son of Dharmapala, and his qucen a Rashtrakuța princess. This differe I am unable to reconcile. For the rest, I have only to add that all these kings andgabtedly were Buddhists; and that the figures given under 9, 10, and 11, prove this Amgachhi plate of Vigrabapa la III. to have been issued after A. D. 1083.
. My translation very imperfectly expresses the meaning of this rerse. It may be sufficient to pay that the king i represented as the substratum of four colours (chiturtarrya), inasuch as he way yellow pila, red (rakta), groen (harita), and black (ala).
• vis., with the water emitted from their trunks.
20 Was she a daughter of Sri-Vallabha ? i.e., Govinda III. (who rule in the art quarter of the 9th centary A.1). The lithograph bas sri-Pararalasya duhitun.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[ABRIL, 1892.
TEXT, LINES 1-20.11 1 0m2 svasti | Maitrix43 ka[runya)-ratna-pramudita-hridayah prêyasîn sandadhanah 2 [sa]myak-samt ó(mb)[alhi-vi}dya-sarid-amala-(jala-ksha]lit-ajāîna-pa3 ikah 1 jitva yah kana-kari-pinbhavam-abhibhavam sasvati[m] + prapa sànti[m] sa srimaml=lôkanathô jayati Da[sa]va(ba)18 Spyas-cha 5 [Gopalade]vah | Lakshmi".janma-niketanaí samakaro vôdhu[m] kshamah kshma
bharan paksha-chchhêda-bhayâd=upasthitavatâm=êk-aśrayô bhùbhrit[&]
mary jada-pari palan-aika-niratah san(sau)ry(A)6 layoSsnâd-abhadedu gdh-ambhôdhi-vilása-hâsi-mahima fri-Dharmapalo pripah 1
Ramasyeva gpihita-satya-tapasas=tasy=inprůpô guņaih Saumittrêr=udapâdi
talya7 [mahima Vakpala-]nâm=annjah yah sriman=naya-vikram-aika-vasatir=blirâtuh
sthitah sisanê bûnyab satra-patikinibhir-akarod-ek-atapattrâ diśal [ll]
Tasmad18=U8 [pêndra-charitair=jagati]m-punanah putrô vaba)bhůva vijayi Jayapala-nama
dharma-dvisha[m] samayita yadhi Devapale yah pûrvajalo bhavana-rajya
sukhâny-avai(nai)shît 'Srima-17 9 [n=Vigra]hapalas-tat-shnur-Ajâtaśatrur-iva jatah satra-vanita-prasadhana-vilôpi.
vimal-asi-jala-dhậrah 11 Dikpalaihis kshiti-pålanaya dadhatan dêh[e] vibha10 [ktanguņân 19 srîmantam janayamva(mba)bhûva tanayam Narayanam sa
prabhun yah kshônipatibhih sirômaņi-ruch-alisht-amgh[r]i-pith-ôpala[m]
nyày-ôpâttam-alañchakâra charitaih 11 [svai]reêya dharm-isanań 11 Tôyikayair20-jaladhi-mûla-gabhîra-garbhair=d[@]vâlayais
cha kulabhäva(dha)ra-talya-kakshaih vikhyâta-kirttir=abhavat-tanayas-cha
tasya sri-Rajyapala i. 12 ti smadhya ma-loka-palah Tasmátal-purva-kshitidhrán=nidhir=iva mahasa[m] Bash
trakat-Anvay-êndog-Tungasy=ôttunga-maulêr=duhitari tanayo Bhagyadavyam
prasůtah ["] brima13 [n=Gopala]dévas-chirataram-avanêr-êkapatnya iv-aikô bhartt-abhûn=naika-ratna
dyuti-khachita-chatuh-sindhu-chitr-amśukâyah 11 Ya[u] "svâmina[] raja
guņaireanûnam=isêvate chå14 [ruta]r=anuraktill utsäha-mantra-prabhu-sakti-lakshmih prithvin sapatnim-iya sila
yanta[i] # Tasmada-ya(ba)bhůva savitar=vasu-koti-vardhi kalêna chandra
iva Vigrahapaladeve15 [h 1 viśva?]-priyêņa vimalêna kalamayềna yên=ôditëna dalitô bhuvanasya tipah 11
Hata?i-sakala-vipakshah saugarê vå(ba)hu-darpadeanadhikrita-vilupta rajyam
asadya pitryam [1 ] 16 [nihita)-charana-padmô bhubhritam murdhni tasmad-abhaval=avanipalah sri-Mahi
paladevan | Tyajan dôshasaiga[m] sirasi krita-pidah kshitibhritân vitan.
van sarvv-asih prasabha17 [mændalvadrêreiva ravib (0) hata-dhvântah snigdha-praksitiranurag-ai(?)ka-rasatis
tato dhanyah punynir-ajani Nayapalo narapatih | Pitah sajjanalé(18)chanaih Smara-ripôh pâj-i
11 From an impression supplied by Mr. Fleet.
12 Expressed by a symbol. This symbol for 8ris is apparently preceded by the akshara ni, which is also put in the upper proper left corner of the plate. In the Bhagalpur plate of Nárkyapapala the same alkhara ni is engraved in the upper right and left corners of the plate, above the first line. And in the Dinajpur plate of Mahipila it stands at the beginning and end of the first line. I am unable to explain the menuing of this alahan. 13 Metre, Sragdbart.
14 Metre, Sard Glavikridita; and of the next verse. 16 Metre, Vasantailaka. 16 Originally purvajo, but altered to prirvay .
17 Metre, Ary. 18 Metre, B&rd alavikridita. 30 Read gunanasrimantan. The BbAgnlpur plate hos vibhakth sriyah. 20 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
* Metre, Sragdbara. 23 Metre, Indravajra. 93 Metre, Vasantatilaks * Metre, Malini.
28 Metre, Sikharipi. 20 Dietre, Sragibari.

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
101
18 (nuraktaḥ sada] 27 samgrâmê [chaturô] Sdhika[i=cha] Haritah kala[1] kulê
vidvish Âm châturvvarnya-samasrayal sitayasa (sa)[h-punjai]2=jjagad=laijayan 127
srimad. Vigrahapaladeva-nipati19 [ræjajñé tato dhama-bhçit?] | Dése28 prachi prachora-payasi svachchhamrapiya
tậyam svairan bbrântvà tad-anu Malay-ôpatyaka-cbandaneshu kļitvå sân
drais-tarushu jadatim sikarair-a20 [bhra-tulyâh Pral@]y-adreh katakam-abbajaneyasya sêná-gajêndrâh I
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from page 92.) 2.- INFLEXION.
| (?), II, 5. - Dh. : lájá, lájiné, lajiná, passim.;
nom. plur. lájánė, II, 6; VIII, 3; atánari, (&). - Gender.
det. II, 7; atané, det. I, 25; kuimané, III, 10 I do not mention here the nee of the nomi
(by the side of the nom. kurimé, and of the gen. native in é for the neuter, although, strictly
kariumasa). - D. : lájú, passim ; nom. plur. speaking, it should, I consider, be dealt with
lájáné, VII-VIII, 12, 15, by the side of lajini, under this head (cf. at Kh., VI, 9, katuviyasi
| VII-VIII, 3, with transition into the i-declenlákahité, &c.).
sion ; atand, VI, 8. Khils. — chat(u)7i (nom. mase ), XIII, 5; Bases in ANT. - Kh. : the noms. sing. sarité, hathini (nom. plur.), IV, 10; yuláni (acc. plur. VIII, 22; kuluvilé, XII, 33, have passed over masc.), III, 8. Also note the use of iyari for into the vocalic declension; of the consonantal the nom. sing. neut. (IV, 12, al.).
declension there only remains the nom. plur. DHAULI. - yutáni, III, 11; hathini, IV, 13; tithasilé, IV, 12. - Dh. : malonial é (nom. sing.) iyoria in the nenter, passim ; ésa ... hedisah, has passed over into the declension in a. - D.: IX, 8; dhaimachalanasi imta, IV, 16. To the the nom. plur. saritasi (), IV, 13, is surely masculine imé játá, Dh., det. I. 12, corre- to be referred to the vocalic declension, which sponds, at Jangada, the neuter étáni jatáni, Dh., is doubtful for anupalipajaritan, VII-VIII, det. I, 15, maháapayé is in agreement with the 10.- Bh. : bhagavatá, 3, 6. feminine asanpaļipati.
Bases in AR(RI). - At Kh., except in the De Ll. - annsathini, VII-VIII, 20, 1; puli- nominative plural natale, IV, 11; V, 13, all have sáni, IV, 6; ésa (III, 19, 21, al.) and iyani (III, passed over into the declension in i: lhátindi, 17, 18, al.), in the neuter; nigoháni, VII-VIII, 2. IX, 25; bhátinasit, V, 16; pitina, IX, 255; BHABRA. - paliyáyáni,
pitisu, III, 8; IV, 11.-Dh. : nom. sing. pitii, 6; & (nom. sing.
det. II. 7; the nom. plur. náti, V, 21, must be neuter), 2.
referred to the declension in i, like all the SAHABARİM. -iyash for the neuter, 4, 6, and other forms : bhátiná, IX, 9; Whátinorit, V, 25: the mascnline, 5.
pitinu, IX, 9; pitisu, III, 10, al. But, along ROPnÂTh. -- Kála employed in the feminine: with the base máti, IV, 15, we find the base imáya kulaya, locative, 2; iyan in the masculine, pitu, IV, 15. - At D., the one example which we 3, 4.
possess, pitisu, VII-VIII, 8, shews the change
into the i declension. The nom, apahaļa, VI, (b). -- Declension of Consonantal Bases.
3, is at least very doubtful, Here again we only find fragmentary re- Basce in AS. – Kh. : yasố (acc. sing.). X, mains.
27, 28. On the other hand, VIII, 23, we have Bases in AN. -Kh. : lấja, passim; lajime; | Bhuyề. - Dh. : yasa, X, 18, and bhuyế, VII. lajiná ; nom. plur. lájáné, XIN, 5, al.; lájánó | VIII, 9.
97 These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
* Metre, Mandkkrenta,

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Bases in IN. - At Kh., we have both the Feminines. - Dative sing. in úyé; D. : consonantal form piyadasiné, piyadasind, and the vihiinsayé, V, 10; VII-VIII, 9, &c. -- Instr. vocalic form piyadasisú, 1, 2, 3, &c. - At Dh., sing., Kb.: madhuliyayê, XIV, 20; pujáyé, along with the nom. piyadasi (never osi), we XII, 31; vividhaya, XII, 31 (read vividhúyé) : only find the consonantal declension piyadasine, Dh.: dav(a)yé, det. I, 9; isáya, det. I, 10; piyadasina. - At D., we have only the nom. túlanáya, det. I, 11 (Jaug. in dye); D.: agáyá, piyadasi, written always with the short final 1, 3 (RMya); agáya, I, 4 (
M yan); anulu, vowel, while A has usually piyadasi. -- Bh. : páyú, VII-VIII, 13, 16, 18; arihinsayê, VIIpiyadasi, 1.
VIII, 9; kú mutáyú, I, 3 (ARM 'ya); palikháyd
I, 4 (ARM Øya); pújáyú, VI, 8 (RMya); (c). - Declension of vocalic bases. vividháya, VI, 8; vividháyá, VII-VIII, 3; Bases in A. - Masculinos. - Nom. sing. susisiyá, I, 4 (RM oya). - Abl. sing., D.: everywhere é. Kh. has two noms. in 8 : kela- vihiti yé, II, 13. - Loc. sing. Kh.: sarililaputó and satiyaputo, II, 4. - Dat. sing. in lanayé, pujúyé, VI, 19; Db.: sculilandya, CI, úyé, everywhere except at R., which has only | 31 (Jang. bas saritilaniyd, which should prothe two datives étaya athaya, and once at M. bably be read : 'nayd); palisáya, VI, 30. D.: in athaya, corresponding to D., II, 15. - Loc. artalikúyé, V, 20; athamipakháyé, V, 15, sing. in asi. Anné bhagé (Kh., VIII, 23; Dh.,
18; cháyudusúyé, V, 15, &c.; tisáyan, V, 11 VIII, 5) and pajópadáyé (Kh., IX, 24; Dh.,
(tisayé, V, 15, 18). - Nom. plur., Dh. : pajá, IX, 6) appear to be locs, in é; at Jang, det. II, V, 17; janáó, IX, 24; Bh. : gáthú, 5; upásikú, 16, khanókhanasi of Dh. is represented by khané 8. san'an, which can hardly be taken as any Bases in T.-Neuters.- Nom. plur., Dh. ;. thing but a double locative, santan being
hathini, IV, 3. D.: ásinavagumini, III, 20; equivalent to savité (?); Kh. appears to read
anusathini, VII-VIII, 20, 1. vijayariui, XII, 11.- Abl. sing. in in manatatá, R., II, 5, 3.-The acc. plur. would be in a
Feminines.- Nom. sing., Kh.: in i ;D h.; in bahuká dôsú, Kh., 1, 2, if comparison with in i, except ahini, IV, 18; dadhi, det. I, 15, G. and J. did not lead us to consider that this 16 ; annsathi, I, 4, 14 ; VIII, 5; apariyati, III, spelling represents the singular bahukan 11 ; asasi, atipati, IV, 12; det. I, 5; lipi, I, I, posan. In Dh. det. I, 18 ; Dr. Bühler appears
4; det. I, 19; det. II, 9, 10 (Jaug. 1) ; dhiti, to take tise (which is his reading for my tisena)
det. II, 6; D.: in i, except áladhi, VII-VIII, as an acc. plur.
10; libi, VII-VIII, 10, 11 ; lipi, I, 2; II, 15;
IV, 2; dháti, IV, 11; palipati, VII-VIII, 7; Neuters. - Nominatives singular every
vadhi, VII-VIII, 8, 9; vidhi, I, 9. - Dative where in é. Kh., however, has the following
sing., Kh.: radhiya, V, 15. D., in iyé : nominatives in ani: ai, IV, 12; XII, 31 ; anu
anupalipatiye, VII-VIII, 7, &c. - Instr. sing., susanan, IV, 12; badhari, VII, 22 ; XII, 32;
Kh.: in iyá; but anusathiye, IV, 10. Dh, in XIII, 36 ; dánari, III, 8; galumatatalari, XIII,
iyá; but anárritiya, det. I, 11 (Jaug. tiye). 36; kataviyon (lokahité), VI, 19; lékhitav,
D., iyći, as anusathiya, I, 5 (RM 'ya), &c. - IV, 13; madaron, (?), XIII, 2; nityar, (?),
Abl. sing., Kh.: taxibapariniyd, XIII, 6. Dh.: XIV, 19; palari, V, 14 ; yaa, VIII, 23. - Dh.:
niphatiya, IX, 10.- Loc. sing., Dh.: puthabudhari, VII, 2; durála (= lan ?), det. II,
riyari, V, 26; tosaliyan, det. I, 1 ; II, 1. D.: 2 ; (Jaug., I, 2, duválarn; II, 2, duvále);
chátumúsiyé, v, 15; pusimamúsiyani, V, 11. - rutai, IX, 10 ; hédisan, IX, 10; det. I, 29. -
Nom. plur., Bh. : bhikhuniyé, 7. - Gen. plur., In det. I, 14, I doubt very much the nom.
Kh. : nátinari, IV, 9, 10; bhagininasi, V, 10. sumpalipáda -- dan of Dr. Bühler. – D. :
Dh., bhugininau, V, 25; nátinan (7), V, 26. 1.: badhan, III, 21 ; VII-VIII, 1.- S. : bâdhani,
dévinari, VII-VIII, 6. - Loc. plur., Dh.: natisu, 1. - Acc. sing. in an everywhere. But at
IV, 11, al. D.: nátisu, VI, 5; cháturimúsisu, V, Kh.: satabháyê, sahasabhágé, XIII; 39 ; dáné,
11, 16. XII, 31 ; viyasané, XII, 38 ; niché, VIII, 22. - Nom. and acc. plur. in áni. But at Kh.: Bases in U. - Masculines. - Nom. sing., dasaná, IV, 9; hálápitá, lópápitá, II, 6; savá, D.: sádhí, II, 12 (ARM dhu). - Gen. plur., XII, 31 ; at Dh. : hálápitá, II, 7.
Kh.: gulunan, IX, 25. Dh.: gulúnan, IX, 9,
B

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- Loc. plur., D.: gulusu, VII-VIII, 8; bahúsu, IV, 3. Nom. plur., D.: bahuné, VII-VIII, 1. Neuters. Nom. acc. sing., Kh.: bahu, IX, 24, al.; sádhu, III, 8, al. Dh.: sádhu, III, 11, al. Nom. plur., Kh.: bahuni, IV, 9, al. Dh.: bahini, IV, 12; bahuni, I, 3. D.: bahuni, II, 14 (R hu°). Abl. plur., Kh.: bahuhi, IV, 10. Dh. bahihi, IV, 14.- Loc. plur., Dh.: bahisu, det. I, 4. D.: bahúsu, IV, 3.
Feminines. Nom. sing., Kh.: súdhu, III, 7, 8; IV, 12. Dh. III, 10, 11; IV, 18. Loc. sing., D. punavasuné, V, 16.
(d). Declension of Pronouns. Demonstratives, &c.
anya. Kh.: amné, nom, sing. neuter, IV, 11, al.; amamanasa, gen. sing., XII, 33; amnayé, dative sing., IX, 24, al.; amné, loc. sing., VIII, 23; amné, nom. plur. masc., II, 5, al.; amnáni, nom. plur. neuter, passim. Dh.: ahné, nom. masc. sing., det. I, 9; amné, nom. sing. neuter, IX, 9; amné, loc. sing., VIII, 5; animé, nom. plur. masc., V, 23; amnésu, loc, plur., V, 26.D. amné, nom. plur. masc., VII-VIII, 6, al.; amnáni, neuter, V, 14, al.; amnanam, gen. plur., VII-VIII, 6.
2.
-
ima. Kh.: iyam, nom. masc., V, 16; iyam, nom. fem., passim; iyam, nom. neuter, IV, 12; III, 7; VI, 21; IX, 25, 26; XII, 31, 35; XIII. 36; imam, nom. neuter (?), IX, 26; imam, acc. sing., IV, 11, 12; imasa, gen. sing., IV, 13; imisa, gen. masc., IV, 12; imáyé, dative; imé, nom. plur. masc., XIII, 38; fem. (pajú), V, 17, -Dh. iyam, nom, masc., V, 26; det. I, 7, 8 (?); iyan, nom, fem., passim; iyan, nom. neuter, III, 6; IV, 8; VI, 32, 34; imam, acc., IV, 16; V, 17; imasa, gen. masc., IV, 18; imáyé, dative masc., V, 26; fem., III, 16; iména, instr., IX, 12; imé, nom. plur. masc., V, 26; iméhi, instr. plar., det. I, 10. - -D.: iyah, nom. masc. II, 11 (?); nom. fem., I, 15, al.; neuter, III, 17, 18, 21, 22; VI, 8, 9, 10; VIIVIII, 7; imam, acc., VII-VIII, 3; imáni, nom. plur. neuter, VII-VIII, 9, al. S.: iyah, nom. sing, masc. (athé), 5; neuter (savam, phale), 3, 4, 6. R.: iyah, nom. sing. masc. (athé, pakamé), 3, 4; imáya, loc. fem. sing., 2.
-
-
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
---
éta.
-
Ekatya. Kh. : ékatiya, nom. plur. masc., I, Dh.: ékacha (?), nom. plur. masc., I, 2: - Kh.: ésa, nom mase sing., XIII, 38;
1
ésé, VI, 19, al.; ésé, nom. sing. neuter, IV, 12; IX, 25; XIII, 38; étasa, gen. ; étúyé, dat., passim; étánam, gen. plur., XIII, 38, Dh. ésα, nom. sing. masc. (?), IV, 15; VIII, 5, al.; neuter, IX, 8, 9: det. I, 3; det. II, 2; éta, acc. sing. neuter, IX, 7; étam, acc. sing. masc. and neuter, det. I, 15, 16, 22, 25; étasa, étasi. étayé, passim; été, nom. plur. masc., det. I, 11, -D.: ésa, nom. sing. masc., VII-VIII, 3, 7, 9; fem. I, 5, 9 (ARM 'sa); neuter, III, 19, 21; VII-VIII, 4, 11, 14, 20; ésá, nom. sing. neuter, IV, 14 (RM sa); étam, acc. sing. neuter, passim; étúyé, éténa; été; étáni; étésu.-S.: étáyé, 4; éténa, 2. R.: ésa (phalé), 2; étaya, dative masc., 3; étiná, instr. masc., 5.
103
-
-
GO
-
ka. Kh. kechi, nom. sing. masc., XII, 32; kichhi, nom. sing. neuter, passim. - Dh. : kéchha, nom. sing. masc., det. I, 7 (Jang., kéchá, i. e. kéchi); kichhi, nom. neuter, VI, 30, al. D.: kina (ná), instr. sing., VII-VIII, 17, 18.
ta. Kh. sa, nom. masc. sing., XII, 33; XIII, 3; sé, ibid., passim; sá, nom. fem. sing., XIII, 11, 12; tá, ibid., VIII, 4; sé, nom. sing. neuter, IX, 26, employed as tad, used as a conjunction passim (to sé of Dh., det. I, 14, corresponds tam. at Jaug.); ta, nom. sing. neuter, X, 28; tam, id., IX, 25; tá, id,, used as conjunction, V, 13; tam, acc.; túyé, VI, 19; téna; té, nom. plur. masc.; tánam, gen. plar., XIII, 38; tésa(m), ibid., XIII, 4, 37; téhi. Dh. sé, nom. sing. masc., V, 21; det. I, 13, al.; neuter, IX, 8, 10 (conjunction); IX, 9; tam (conjunction), V, 20; tá, nom. sing. fem., VIII, 4; tam, acc. sing. neuter, det. I, 2, al.; tasa, téna, tasi; té, nom. plur. masc.; sé, id., V, 24, 25; tani, neuter; tésa (read tésam)), gen. plur., det. II, 8, 10; tinam (read tánam), id, VIII, 3. -D.: sé, nom. sing. masc., VII-VIII, 9, al.; neuter (conjunction) VI, 13; VII-VIII, 10, 17; tá, nom. sing neuter (conjunction), VII-VIII, 3; tamh, acc., VI, 3, al.; ténu, VIIVIII, 7; té, nom. plur. masc., VII-VIII, 1, al.; sé, id., VII-VIII, 4, 6; túnamh, gen. plur., IV, 17; tésam, id., IV, 3 (RM sam); tesu, VIIVIII, 5. Bh. : sa, nom. sing. masc., 3. S.: sé, nom. sing. neuter (conjunction), 4.-R.: té, nom. plur. masc., 2.
ya. -
Kh. é, nom. sing. masc., V. 16, al. (yé. V, 14); neuter, X, 28; XIII, 36; yé, nom. s'ng. neuter, VI, 18; XIII, 35; a, XII, 31; am, IV, 12; X, 28; yam, VI, 18, 20; XII, 35: asá,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1892.
gen. sing. masc., VII, 21; yêna, XIII, 38 ; yé, tini, nom. neuter, I, 3, 4; chatali (read otu), nom. plur. masc., IX, 25; ya, id., XII, 34; nom masc., XIII, 5; parchasu, loc., III, 7. yêsarit, gen. plur., XIII, 38 ; yêsu, loc, XIII, DHAULI. - @kana, det. I, 18; det. II, 10; 37. - Dh.: , nom. sing. masc., V, 2, al. ; yế, tinni, nom. neuter, det. I, 4, 24 ; parachasu, V, 21 ; det. I, 8; a, fem., det. II, 6; 6, neater, det. 1, 21. det. II, 5, al.,; , VI, 30, 32, al. ; ya (neut.),
DEHLI. – duvéhi, instr., VII-VIII. 8; tísu, IV. 17: asa: gen. masc., VII, 2; &na, instr., I loo. fein., V, 11, 16; lint, nom, neuter, IV, det. II, 9, al, i yé, nom. plur, masc., V, 20; 6, 16; V, 12. V, 23, al. ; ani, neater, II, 7. - D.: 6, nom.
SAHASARĀM. – duvé, nom. 6. plur, masc., VI, 8; yé, II, 16, al. ; ya, fem., I, 9, al. ; yé, neuter, VII-VIII, 9; ya (neuter),
3.- CONJUGATION. VII-VIII, 7; yena, instr., IV, 12, al. ; éna,
(a). – Verbal Bases. VII-VIII, 11 ; yé, nom. plur. masc., VII. VIII. 11 ; yani, neuter, VII-VIII, 7, al. - Bh. : é,
I only note modifications, which, as comnom. sing. masc., 5; neuter, 2. - S.: art, sing.
. sing pared with Sanskșit, are not of a purely neater, 1, 2.- B. : ya, sing. neuter, 2; an, 3,
phonetical and mechanical character.
KHÂLBI. – Simple bases : kaléti V, 13, al.; sarva. - Kh. : savé, nom. sing. neuter, XIV,
apakaléti, upakaléti, XIII, 32; chhanati, XII, 18; savari, acc. masc. and neuter, passim ;
32; dakhati, I, 2, al, ; papunáti, XIII, 38; savé, nom. plur. masc., VII, 21; suvésu, loc.,
upaharili, XII, 33, is the only example of the V, 16. - Dh. : savé, nom. sing. masc. det. 1, 4;
preservation of the consonantal conjugation; neuter, XIV, 17; savari, acc.; savasa, savēnu,
vijina mané, XIII, 36; vijinitu, ibid. ; pajóhipassim; sané, nom. plur. maso., VII, 1; savesu. - D. : savasi, loc. sing., VII-VIII, 6; savesu,
taviyê, I, 1; punáti, X, 32, seems to me to be. loc. plur., VII-VIII, 5. - Bh. : savé, nom.
very doubtful. Causals : vadhiyati, XII, 32;
vadhiyisati, IV, 11, forodhao; ayi, contracted to sing. neuter, 3.
& in lékhápésámi, XIV, 19; the formative aya ia Personal Pronouns..
retained in the participle, in inapayité, VI, 19; 1st person. Kh. : hakan, nom., VI, 18, weakening of the vowel of the base : likhüpitá, 20; mama, gen., passim; me, gen., passim;
XIV, 19. – Passives: úlabhiyanti, álabhiyi. mamaya, instr., V, 13, 14; VI, 7, 19; me, sasti, dlabhiyisi, 1, 3, 4. instr., III. 7; mi, the same, XIV, 19.- Dh. : DHAULI, - Simple hases : anusúsámi, det. II, Takari, nom., VI, 29, 32, al.; mama, gen., 6; chithitu (*tishthitva), III, 7; dakhati, det. I, passim: me, the same, V, 10, al.; mamayá, 2, al. and dékhati, det. I, 7, al.; kaléti, V. 20. instr., VI, 28; mamáyê, the same, det. II, 4 al.; kalámi, VI, 29; kalats, det. 1, 23; kalanti, (Jaug.: mamiyüye); maye, nom. plur., det. II, det. I, 26; pápundtha, det. I, 6, al.: pajo. 8; majhen, the same, det. I, 10; apha, aco. [hitaviy®], I, 1. - Causals: véditu (=védayitu), det. II, 7 (Jaug. : apheni); nê, II, 5; aphakan, det. II, 6. – Passives: alabhiyisariti, I, 4. gen. det. II. 5, 7 (Jaug. : nd); aphêsu, loc., DELHI. - Simple bases: anugahinevu, IV, 6; det. II, 4.-D. ; hakani, III, 21; mas, Acc., anusishmi, VII-VIII, 21; upadahévú, VI, 5; IV, 8, 9; mama, gen., VII-VIII, 6, al.; mê, vidahámi, VI, 6; participle retaining the forI, 7, al.; mamayá, instr., VII-VIII, 3;
mative: sukhayilé, VII-VIII, 3.-Causals : & for mamiya, VII-VIII, 7. — Bh.: hakani, 4; huma, uyi in jhapétaviyé, V, 10 (RM payı"); weakening yen., 2 ; haniyayė, instr., 3.
of the base vowel in anapitáni, VIII, 1 ; nijhapa2nd person. - Dh. : tuple, nom. apr. plor., yati, IV, 7; likhápitá, passim; likhápápitá, VII. det. I, 4, al.; Jaug., det. II, 8 (twice) 11, reads
VIII, 10; manáli, for mánayati, det. I, 7, is to not tuphe, but tupheni; tuphalani), gen. det. I. me very doubtful. - Passives: khadiyati, V, 7. 13; tuphéli, instr., det. I, 3, 10; tuphésu. BHABRA. - Cagsals: likh ápayánni, 8. loc., det. II, 2. — Bh.: vé, instr. plur., 2. - R.: SAHABARÂM - Causals: likhúpayatha, 8, 7. tupaka (read tuphákar), gen. plur., 5.
RUPNÂTH. - Simple bases : pápótavé, 2. (e). - Declension of Numerals. Causals: lékhápétaviye, 4. KHÁLSI. - duvé, nom masc., I, 4; II, 5; BAIRAT. - Capsal: ál(a)dhétayé, 6.

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(b). - Terminations.
sy is changed to h: thatha, Dh. det. 1, 17; det. Present. The only trace of the medial
II, 9 (Jang. ésatha) ; udhuriti, D., IV, 18; ho. termination occurs in Dh., X, 13, if the reading
hasti, VII-VIII, 4, 5, 6. It only remains
to mention the forms hósámi, det. II. 8: marinate is really certain; even in the passive
hosati, det. I, 22, at D.; hisanti (by the side we have alabhiyanti, &c., Kh., I, 3. - I note at
of hihamli), at D., VII-VIII, 2; hösati at S. and R, the form stmi of the 1st person of as.
Bh., 4. - It is a question if at Dh., det. I, 23, 26, the forins laluti, kalaviti (cf. kalámi, VI, 29) do not Absoluutive. - Kh.in tu: dasayitu, IV, 10, &c. : represent the subjunctive.
in ya in sashkhayé, XIV, 21; - Dh. in tu: unu. Imperative. - No medial terminations. The
súsitu, det. II, 6, 8; chithitu, IV, 17; kag, det. second person plural ends in ta in lekhata,
II, 7, &c.; - D. in tu: nisijitu, IV, 10; sulu,
VII-VIII, 21; in ya in apahatú=apahritya (?), Dh., det. I, 7 (Jang. dékhatha), 14 ; iu tha in
VI, 3; -- Bh.: in ya in udhiyichya = allikri. chaghatha, Dh, det. I, 19; det. II, 11; in paliyovuiátha, D., VII-VIII, 1; likhúpayatha,
tya, E. S., 7, 8.
Infinitive. - Dh.: kládhayitavé, IX, 12; stut
paripadayitave, det. 1, 19; det. II, 11, - D.: Potential. - 1st pers. sing. in éhan, at Kh.,
üládhayitaré, IV, 10; pilihaļavé, IV, 11; pati. Dh., D., éyari, at Bh. (diséy usi, 3). - 3rd pers.
chalitavé, IV, 8; samádapayitaré, I, 8. sing., Kh.: palipajéyú, XIV, 20; siya, passim, perhaps siyáti (), X, 28. Dh.: pufipajéya, Participles. - Participle present. - Kh. XIV, 19; ugachh(€), det. I, 13 (Jaug. uthi(hé), The medial form in allamánası, VI, 17 and uthúyé according to Dr. Bühler); huvéya, X, 15; vijinamané, XIII, 36; kalauté, XII. 33. - Dh. siya, passim. D.: anupalipajéyú, VII-VIII, 17, The medial form in sipati pajaminé, det. I, vadhéyá, VII-VIII, 3, 16, 18; pápôvú, VII, 16; vipatipádayaminéhi, det. I, 15 (at J.: vipa3; siya, VII-VIII, 11 ; siya, IV, 15. R. : siya, tipátayaritan), al., in which Onio in the place 3. - 1st pers. plur, in éma. Kh., Dh. - 3rd of ondo is curious; but cf. páyamino, D., V, 8. pers. plur., Kh.: havéyu, XII, 34; sususéyu, - D. has the medial form in anurekhumaine, XII, 33; vasévu, VII, 21. Jaugada, except in VII-VIII, 2, in the passive of the causal priya. niklamácu, III, 11, and perhaps va(8)&(v)u VII, mini, V, 8.- Bh. Participle present passive 1, which is mutilated, forms on the contrary of the causal : ubliculémánon. – S. The everywhere the 3rd pers. plur. in éyu : yuréyi- medial form in pulakamíména, 3.-R: paka(ti), det. I, 3; det. II, 4, 14; héy (ti), det. I, mamánená. These two last forms appear to be 6; det. II, 6; pápuneyu, det. II, 5, 9; asvaséyu, incorrect. det. II, 6; lahéyu, det. II, 6. Dh.: in évu : | Participle past passive. - I note the forms áladha yévústi), det. II, 6; vusévu, VII, 1, una payita, Kh. VI, 19; Dh., III, 9; wijhapayitó, &c. ; III, 10, nikhamavú. D.: in écu : unuga- D., IV, 18; sukhayité, VII-VIII, 3. Auusathé, hinevu. IV, 6, &c., Bh. : upadhálay@yu, 7; | Dh.. VI. 31. J.. VI. 4. seems. As remarked sunéyu, 7.
Dr. Bühler, to be a wrong formation for unde Past. The perfect remains unchanged in sithé. cha (Kh. always áhá, except III, 6; Dh, always Participle future passive. - Kh. in tavrya ; áhú ; D. 3 times ahu; Bh. aha). The imper- in iya in supalálayé (?), V, 14. - Dh. in laciya fect bas survived in the 3rd pers. plur. luvani, in ichhitariyé, det. I, 9, 11; pajj(kitaviyd), L. Dh., VIII, 3. - Aorist, 3rd pers. sing., nikha- | 1; in iya in dakhiyé, det. I, 13; vadhiyé, V, 23; mitha, Kh., VIII, 22; nikhami; Dh., VIII, 4; supadálayé (?), V, 22.-Din taviya : ich hi
À, D., VII-VIII, 15, 20; vadhithú, VII- taviyé, IV, 14; hartaviyáni, V, 15; in iya in VIII, 14, 17. 3rd pers. plur. in isu (Kh., Dh., délchiye, III, 19; dusapaļipádayê, I, 3. — R. D.), except husu, Kh. VIII, 22; husu, D., in taviya : vivasélaviyé, 5.-B. in taya, if we are VII-VIII, 12.
to judge from áladhétaye, 6; but the reading Future. - No 1st pers. in ani. Forms, such may well be incorrect. as kachhami, have been previously quoted. It The short inscriptions of Barabar, of Kanis the same with fatures in which the formative simbi, and of Allabábåd (Queen's Edict)

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are connected, so far as we can judge, with the orthographic series of the edicts which we have just considered : 1-4 and 1-1, respectively, do not appear to be distinguished in them; the r changes into l; the initial y disappears ; neither n nor have any particular signs; the
nominative singular of masculine bases in a, ends in é, &c. As for special points, all I see to quote are the forms ádirikéhi (for (jivikshi) Bar., I, 2; II, 4; kubhá (= guhd), ibid., I, 2 ; II, 3; III, 3; wigsha, Bar., I, 2, as at Dehli.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from page 23). 426] The third group of the texts of the Siddhanta is formed by the ton païnnas' prakirnas.
It is as yet undetermined how old is the position of the painnas, prakirņas as the third part of the Siddhanta and what caused their location there. In Avi. there follow upon the u vaingas first the chhéaggamthas and then the pažnnas. In Svi and V. the pažnnas come directly after the uvangas, but the chôda texts (with the exception of mshậnisfha which is reached after the pažnnas are done with) have been placed before (between angas 4 and 5), as if their position at that point belonged to them. Is the mere fact that the païnnas are more numerous the reason that in the present arrangement of the parts of the Siddhanta (see p. 226) they have been placed before the chhéasuttas? They are certainly very much inferior to the chbeasuttas both as regards inner worth and external extent. The joint name pažnna, by which they are united, does not occur in any other place in the Siddhanta, except in their own text, so far as I have been able to observe. The word païnna is found, it is true, in the Nandi as samjná, but in another, far more universal signification, viz., as a means of denoting all those texts not contained in the aigas. In the passage of the Nandi 84,000 or even 8,400,000 païnnagas are spoken of !
The texts now extant called païnnas in the pregnant sense of the word, bear a name, which, denoting "scattered," "hastily sketched" pieces, well suits their real nature as a group of texts corresponding to the Vedie parisishțas. Like the parisishțas they are, with a few exceptions, composed iu metre; [427] and in fact in âryâ, the metre which is usual in the kårikå insertions in the augas, etc. They are different from the texts, which we have considered up to this point, in that the nom. sing. masc. first decl. regularly ends in o and not in e (for exceptions see on 5 and 7). This is a proof of their later origin.
In the canal enumeration of the anangapavittha texts in Nandi, Pakshikas, and in the three Sâmâyâri we meet with bat six of the ten separate titles of the present painna group. In the works just mentioned, the titles of 1, 3, 4, 10 are lacking, texts which bear a decidedly secondary stamp. (The scholiast on the Nandi appears also in the case of No. 2 to have had before him quite a different text from the one we possess.)
These ten texts did not originally enjoy the distinction of being the representatives of the païnna group; and that they arrived but gradually at this honor is attested by manifold testimony going to prove that considerable dissent at present exists in regard to the representative position claimed by them.
In Åvi. the enumeration on this point is in three very imperfect gåthå: sampai painnaga, mandi , aņuðgadâra , Aurapachchakkhåņa (2) > mahậpachchakkhâņa (9), deviņdattha (7) 6, tamdılav@yaliyam (5) samthâra (4) , Il 11 bhattaparinná (3) e, rå hanapadagam ganavijja (8) 10, amgavijja 11, ya chausaraña (1) 19, divasagarapannattî 13. jôisakaramdam 14 11 2 11 maranasamahi 16, titthôgêlî 16 taha siddhapâhudapažnnar 171 narayavibhatti is, chandavijjhâya (! 6) 19, panchakappa 20 11 3 11.
# Their collective extent is only about 1,900 granthas.

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Here then are twenty names, with but one exception (10 viratthaa) all belonging to the present group. There are five names which recur elsewhere in the Siddhanta - (1, 2, 13, 17, 20).
- ; [428]two names which at least were mentioned in connection with the Siddh. - 14, 15, -; and finally there are four names found nowhere else except here - 9, 11, 10, 18. It is of especial interest to observe the ascribing of Nandi and Anaoga to the pažnna gronp as being placed before them. This reference recurs in similar fashion in Svi., where the enumeration is but fragmentary and limited to the mention of: namdi 1, anuôgadara , deviņdatthaü (7) 3. tamdularêyaliyam (5) 4, chamdavivviyai (! 6) on aurapachchakkhâna (2) , ganivijjai (8) ; painpaginam. It then speaks of sèsani but does not enumerate them. In V. the païnna texts are treated of on two occasions. In the first case we find, for some reason inexplicable to me, in the discussion in reference to the 15th book of aŭga 5, an enumeration of ten texts, which are not stated to be pažnnas, though the titles of six are found among the titles of the 10 païnnas. At the head (the action in question is called nandi-m-aiņam vamdanaya) we again find namdi and aņuoga; then follow dêvimda (7) 3, tamdula (5) 4, chandarêjjha (! 6) 6, ganivijja (8) , marana in jhâņavibhatti s, qura (2) 9, mahậpachchakkhana (9) 10. Of these No. 7 is doubtless identica13 with maranasamahi in Avi. and No. 8 corresponds to a section in 2. See below. The second passage in V. is that in which the pažnnas are directly discussed; (429) and in this passage they appear in the forefront together with nandi and anuôga.39 Fifteen names are there mentioned, among which are all the ten members of the present list, though arranged differently, but at the end they are called only ichch-ii: sampayam painnagâ : namdi 1, aņuðgadáraim . ., dêvimda-. tthaya (7) 3, tamdulaveyaliya (5) 4, maranasamahi 5, mahapachchakkhâņa (9) , aurapachchakkhana (2) 7, samthara ya (4) , chamda vijjhaya (6) o, bhattaparinna (3) 10, chaüsarana (1) 11 viratthaya (10) 12. gaņivijja (8) 13. divasagarapannattisargahani 14. gachhay Ara 18 ichch-ai pažnnagåņi. Of the three additional texts mentioned here No.5 is mentioned in Avi. and elsewhere
- see p. 428-as belonging to the pažnnas; the case is similar with No. 15. No. 14 belongs to the text referred to as No. 13 in Avi., a text which possesses a considerable antiquity - pp. 268, 389. Is the samgahani on it mentioned here identical with the Jambudvîpasangrahani of Haribhadra mentioned p. 413 (on apanga 6)? In connection with the above discussion V. treats of the isibhâsiyâim (see pp. 259, 281, 402), and allots to them 5040 ajjhayaņas. We have already observed that Haribhadra on Av. 2, a identifies the isibh., quoted there, with the "dêvêndrastava etc.," but on another occasion identifies the isibh with the uttarajjhayaņa. We read therefore in V. that the isibl. were regarded by some as belonging to the uttarajjh. (430] uttarajjhayaņêsu êyêim amtabbhavanti, to which the mahnisihajogavihi is joined in V.
In the Vichárâmpitasamgraha (see p. 355) as in the three sâmâyârî there is an enumeration of the païnnagas, which begins with Nandi and Anuôga. Nineteen and not 10 païnnas are here enumerated, but of these only the first three are given a name. The passage, which is interesting for other reasons, reads in the very corrupt MSS.: amga 11, upanga 12, chhêdasangha 5 (?) mûlagramtha 4 pramukhîh, pratiniyatî êva gramthah kalpabhishyadyuktasátralakshanopetal, yatab kvî 'pi yôgavid hau drisyamánêshu nardy-annyögadvari-"turapratyakhyânâdy-êkônavinśatiprakirņakéshu këshậm chid êva jîtakalpa-pamchakalpâdînîm virachayitêrô jnîyante nûmagraham, na sarvêshan, yêshîm kartîrô na jnayamtê tîni ganadharak sitâni. Here then, aturapratyakhyanam (2), and not dêvêmdrastava (7), comes after nandi and Anuyo, at the head of the remaining païnnas. Here as in Avi., the pamchakalpa and, in connection with it, the jitakalpa seem to be counted among the pažnnas, whereas - see below - they are generally held to belong to the chhedasutra.1
38 The maranasamahi is also mentioned elsewbere. See pp. 429, 431. We might well recall the maranavibhatti in connection with the marana, or the maranavisõhi in the enumeration of the ananga pavittha-, or angab&hira texts in Nandt etc. All these texts refer without doubt to euthanasy; cf. painna 2.
19 The connection with both is, however, very slight, for in v. 61 of the jogavih na we find the express statement : dévindatthaya-m-Ai pažnnagå, the connection of nandi aud anuôga being ignored.
*in anga 4, 44 only 44 ajjh, are allotted to them in conjunction with the develogachuyabh Asiya.
41 Either the paroh. or the jttak, appears as No. 6. The Vicharam., however, recognizes only five chhedasanghas. See above.

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I have been able to discover no further information that would prove the connection of nandi and anuoga with the painna group. The lists and MSS. of the painna group, which I possess, pay no attention to these two texts, [431] and limit the pažnnas to a smaller number, generally to ten.
The enumeration in the Ratnasagara (Calc. 1880) is as follows:-chausaran (1) 1, samthára (4) , tamdula (5) 3, chamdavijjiyâ (! 6) + gañavijjiya (! 8) 5, dévavijjiyâ virathuva (10), gachhayâra s, j(y)ôtishkaramda y, malápachchakkhâna (9) 10. Three names found in Bühler's list (2, 3, 7) do not occur here. To compensate for this omission there are 3 texts mentioned, of which one, No. 6, is quite anknown; the second, No. 8, is found in the V., and the third, No. 9, is referred to even in Åvi. among the païnnas.
In the enumeration of Rajendra Lala Mitra and of Kashinath, see pp. 226, 227, we find the list of Bühler (arranged 1, 2, 3, 9, 5, 6, 8, 7, 4). No. 10 isomitted and replaced by marana. Samabi, the acquaintance with which name we had already made in Avi. and V., and which here occupies the eighth position (between 8 and 7).
I possess a MS. of the dasapainnas which contains a recension varying from that given in Bühler's list. The first page having disappeared, a page which does not belong there has been inserted in its place. It is, therefore, doubtful whether the first part is chaüsaraṇam (1) or not.12 The arrangement of the following parts is (2, 3, 4, 8, 6, 9,43 5. Instead of 7 we have the gachhayara, [432] which we find in V. (see p. 429) and Ratnasagara (p. 431); but there is nothing to compensate for the omission of 10.
The foregoing considerations prove conclusively that it is a matter involved in uncertainty what texts really belong to the painna group, a fact that must be held to render this secondary character a matter of great probability. All that can be drawn from the contents of the present 10 païnnas makes for the same conclusion.
A considerable portion of the 10 païnnas refers to the proper sort of euthanasy, the confes. sion necessary for this end and the abjuration of everything evil. Several portions, however, treat of different subjects, viz. : - 5 physiology, 7 mythology, 8 astrology, 10 hymns. That portion which is of mythological content recalls the Atharvaparibishta, though the Atharvaparisishta must precede the pažnnas in order of time, since the latter contains the Greek terms hori and dikkaņa.
It is difficult to give a review of the contents of most of these small tests, since we possess no commentary. The character of some portions (1, 5, 6-8) is very dissimilar from that of others; 6-8 are of a similar type, which marks them out as a separate inter-dependent group. A peculiar characteristic of this group is that the author speaks of himself in the first person, and addresses his listeners in the plural cr singular. In No. 7 a woman is the object of his instruction; and this païnna has a special claim to antiquity since it is said to be identical with the isibhásiyaim mentioned in angas 3 10 4,44! See p. 429. It is, however, possible that another text (433] of the same name is there referred to. In the summary which I now give I follow the extant usual list of the 10 païnnas which is found in Bübler.
XXV. The first païnnam, chaüsaraṇam, chatuḥbaranam; in 63 vy. The first seven verses refer to the shadivaśyakam, the six daily duties necessary for the purification of life. See above pp. 161 , 244.
42 Though the extent of the chaüsarana with its 63 gåthis, appears to be very large for one leaf, it is, nevertheless possible that the missing leaf may have contained this part, since this MS. has upon each page 19 lines of 74 aksharan so that the 2,800 akshards of the front and reverse side would be entirely sufficient for these 63 gåtbils.
19 No. 9 has here not 86 but 31 verses.
" The first verae reads: skvajjajógaviraf ukkittaņi gunavao ya padivatti khaliyassa nimadaná vanatigichchhs gunadhArun cheval It recurs in similar form in the Anuyôgadivaras, ete.

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1. The så mâiam, sâmâyikam, explained in the text itself by súvajjajogavirai, desistance from all evil.45 Cf. the use of this word to denote the first anga also in up. 1, 67 (ib. 123, 126 sûvajjajógavahiya).
2. chaüvisaïthaa, chaturvinsatistava, explained ibid. by: ukkittaņâ, praise of the virtues of the 24 Jinas.
3. vardaņaa, explained by guṇavao padivatti, honor of the guru.
4. padikkamaņań, pratikramanaṁ confession (to the gura), explained by khaliyassa nimdaņâ, censure of past misdeeds, conjoined with the intention of not committing the offence again. 66
5. kaussagga, kâyotsarga, expiation, explained by: vanatigichha, healing of wounds, further purification of those who have been absolved by confession.
[434] 6. pachchakkhâņam, pratyakhyanam, explained by: gumadharaņa, the observance of all virtues, or really the casting off of all evil.
The following must be noticed as regards the six avasyakas, which we will discuss later on when treating of Nandi, Anuyôgadv., Avasy. It was to be expected that the explanations given for 1 and 6 should have changed their respective positions, i.e. sâmâiya should have been explained by guņadhiran and pachchakkhâņa by sâvajjnjogavirai. Had this been the case a better logical arrangement would have been effected, viz. :- 1. good action, 2. confession of the commission of misdeeds, 5. compensation for the misdeeds committed, 6. desistance from all further sins. Do not these very names seem to indicate that this was the original arrangement ? The two Âvaéyakas, cited in the second and third place, interrupt the connection between 1 and 4-6, and are consequently probably to be regarded as secondary additions.
In v. 847 the fourteen dreams are enumerated which the mother of a tirthakrit dreams before his birth, an enumeration which is tantamount to a list of his fourteen excellencies or virtues.
With verse 9 the text per se begins (the preceding portion is doubtless a secondary addition) by the author announcing his purpose : ... vaṁdium Mahâviraṁ kusalâņubamdhibamdhurar ajjhayaņam kittaïssami loll Here we have the older name of the text, since the chaüsaraṇam, as will soon be shown, forms but a part of its contents. [435] In a MS. which contains all the 10 païnnas and which is preceded by an introduction in reference to the sacred namber four, the name of this païnna is stated to be kusalagubamdhajjhayanam and not chaüsaranam.
In v. 10 is described the three-fold contents of the following portions, and an explanation given for this division that refers to the name adduced in v. 9: esa gaņô anavarayam kåyavvô kusalahêu tti Il 10 || At the head stands 1. the chaüsaranagamanam (from which the customary title of this painna has been borrowed), i. e. the prayers by means of which four-fold protection can be obtained : the arihamta (arhant, v. 13-23), the siddha (v. 23-29), the shhu (sadhu, v. 30–40) and the dhamma (v. 41-48). Then follows 2. dukkadagariha, a penitential system (v. 49-54) of confession to the guru, and 3. sukaļiņumôaņa, the joy arising from a good deed (v. 55—57). Then come promises of reward and a verse (62) which has compassion on him, through whom chaurango Jiņadhammo na kað, chüramgam saraṇam avi na kayam. The concluding verse contains the summons iya . . vîra ! bhaddamtam eam ajjhayaņam jhåêsu (dhyâya).
15 gahi 'vadyêna pApêna vartarta iti såvadyAh, yôgå manővAkkAyavy Apards, tehdin viratir nivrittih.
*6 na punaḥ karishyAmi 'ty abhyupagamanam; hence the name, the meeting, pratipam kramanan. The prati. kramaņam is (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 117) divided into five parts; 1. daivasikam (we must accept this and not dévabikam as the reading in Jacobi's text) i. e. to be done daily : 2. rdtrikam nightly; 3. pAkshikam semi-monthly : 4. every four months; 5. annually.
67 Avaky. 2, 376, see Jacobi on Kalpasutra Jin. $ 4.

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The commentary considers that this implies also a reference to the name of the author Virabhadra, presumably a sådhu, one of the 14,000 who joined Vira.18
5436) There is a commentary by Somasu idara from the Tapâgachha; according to the Gurvávals of this gachha (see Kl. 256 ) born sav. 1430, died 1499, A.D. 1374-1413.
In contradistinction to the triad of the Buddhists buddha, dharma and samgha, we find here a quadripartite arrangement. The samgha is divided into two parts, the earlier and the present saints, the siddha and the sadhu. The Buddhistic sargha, as is expressly stated in that of the Avesta, has reference merely to the pious of the present, who, it may be remarked, are divided in the Avesta according to sex : yêńhe hâtâm.. yaonham châ tāś châ tâôś châ yazamaide. The "Holy Ghost" of the Christian trinity, the origin of which we ascribed (Ind. Streifen 3, 634) to gnostic connection either with the trinity of the Parsees or with that of the Buddhists, cinbraces all time.
XXVI. The second pažnnam, aurapach chakkhanam, aturapraty', c. 70 vv. with an insertion in prose after v. 10 treats of the renunciatio of the moribundus, the pandiyamaranam, the genuine euthanasy, cf. Bhagav. 2, 1, 49, 78 (my treatise, 2, 266-7, 200). The introduction consists of enumerations of the five aņuvvayas (pânivahavêramaņa etc.), and of the guņav vayas and sikkbis.49 In v. 8 there is a citation from the third païnna :jô bhattaparinnaê (bhaktaprakirņake) uvakkamð vittharêņa nidditthô 150 sô che 'va bâlapandiya maranê nêð jahâjuggam 1 811 In v. 10 the proclamation of the [437] reál intention of the author: ittô pamdiya ! pandiyamaranam 61 vuchchham samasiņam 11 10 11
The prose paragraph which follows contains a general formula for confession and renunciation, beginning with the words : ichhậmi bhamtê attamattham (I uttamirtham papanań prakaram, gloss) pratikramami, and closes with 63 jhâņa, dhyâna, formulas, beginning : anniņam jhâņē.52 Joined to these are corresponding formulas composed in gaths. The methods of counting the verses vary greatly in the different MSS., since in some the prose part is counted in as 13 verses, so that the total sum is 84 verses; and differences of another nature are also apparent. The scholiast on the Nandi, it may be remarked in passing, 53 in his enumeration of the anangapavittha texts, held another text than the present one to be the aura pachchakkhâņam!
[438] XXVII. Third païnnam, the bhattaparinna, bhaktaparijna, in 172 vv., treats of the bâlapamdiyamaranam. Cf. the citation just made from v. 8 of the second pažnna. This païnna contains ethical precepts which refer constantly to the Jinasasaņam, Jinavayaņam, the Jiņapaniya(pranita) doctrines, while at the same time it cites its own title ; cf. (v. 9-11, 14, 18, 35, 169, 171). In the verse before the last, this païnna is said like painna 1 to refer back to the
48 yd 'rau Virabhadra Adhuh Sri Virasaktah chaturdaśasahasramadhyavarti tanya 'dam etad adhyayanam, évam atrakartuh samásagarbham abhidh nam uktar; asya che 'dhyayana ya Virabhadras Adhukritatvajnåpanena yasya jinasya yåvantah sadhavah pratyėkabudha (soe pp. 265, 334) api tavamta êva prakirpkny api tivariti bhavanti 'ti jnápitam bhavati (see below on the Nandi).
19 In the VichorAmpitasaingal - see p. 430 - the Aurap. is placed after nandi and anuyoga, at the head of the painnas.
Seo Windisch in Jour. Germ. Or. Soc. 28, 229 (1874). 61 itah pamditanam visésható 'pi pa par prochyatė sankshepatah.
6a jhane is always construed here with the accus., i.e. probably as 1 p. sing. Atm. of a denominative (dhyenay) P - A collection of examples of these dhy has is to be found in the introduction of Harshakubala'a commentary on the fourth painna: dhyanabhedas tu likhyante : annánajh&ņē, atra masatunadrishtArhtah. Harshakubala recognizes the number of these formulas as 6. The words before jhand appear in thematio form, as purvapadini, and not as acous. Cf. the jhanavibhatti above, p. 428.
69 The scholiast has here: charitraaya vidhih: gilånakiranAtiyan giyattha pachchakkhkviihti diņé 2 davvahisar karetta ante a savvada papayar bhattathéragain jänatta pittinhassa bhavacharimapachohakkhånar kAraverinti tti ityAdi yatra vargyaté ; mahatpratyákhylnayii yatro 'ktam. Even if the name Aturapratyakhyánam is not directly mentioned, the meaning and the position of these words between the explanations of the titles: charanavihi and mahapachchalkhanat makes most decidedly for the conclusion that this very corrupt statement of contents, the metre of which cannot be restored, belongs to the title Aura' which in the text is between these two titles. On giyattha see below (pp. 450, 464, 478), on tho chhedasutta.
** Directions as to how a man should abstain from food, Kash.

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doctrines of) Virabhadda, though it is perhaps better to assume that Mahavira himself is referred to in this verse :--ia jo îsara-jiņa-vi-rabhaddabhaniyâņusariņim (!)iņam-bhattaparinnar dhanno padhamti nisuņamti bhîvamti Il 171 II Battarisayam Jiņâņa va gâhâņa samayakbittapannattami arahamtô vihiņa sasa yasakkham lahai mukkham 11 172 11 According to this concluding verse the text should contain only 170 verses, but perhaps the two concluding verses are a secondary addition. The plural of the verbs in v. 171 in opposition to those in the singular jô ... dhanno is at least very peculiar. Instead of the Sanskrit sariņim (sârinam B! both times with m) osáriņim is doubtless the better reading.
XXVIII. Fourth païnnam, samthara, samstara, in 122 vv., treats of the bed upon straw. Cf. Bhagav. 2, 1, 70, 54 (my treatise 2, 203, 207) as a preparation for the pamdiyamaraṇam, the proper euthanasy. The title samthâra is frequently referred to throughout the text; cf. v. 1, 3, 4, 15, 21, 27, 30 etc.), thus e. g.: samthârammi nibandham ganaparivadim nisameha Itill. This was the case with pažnna 3.
439] In v. 32 - 44 the qualities of the man are described who intends to ascend the samthâra, the second hemistich recurring throughout as a refrain; .. kruhaï jô camthâram savisuddhô tassa samthårô. In v. 56 fg. there are cited all manner of instances of those who died samtharam krûdha. Thus, the flower-gatherer (? pupphachula) Ajja in Poyaņapura v. 56, Sukosalarisi v. 63, examples from Ujjêại v. 65, Röhidagam nagaram v. 68, Padaliputta vy. 70. 73, Kosambi v. 78, Kunâlanagara v. 80, the names Kurudatta v. 84, Gayasa kumala v. 85, Chilâiputta v. 86, Mańkhali v. 87. It concludes: éva(m) maê abhithuyâ samthåragaimdakhamdham ardhå I Bugamananarimdachamda sabasamkamanan saya dimtu ll 132 11.
XXIX. Fifth painnam, tamdulaveyAliyam, 56 in verse, prose, and again in verse. The contents are of an anthropological and physiological nature, and are briefly stated in the introduction:
vochchham pažnnagam iņam tamqulaveAliyaṁ nama 11111
suņaba gaạiêse dasa daså (diså A) vâsasayâussa jaha vibbajjamti ( samkaliê vôgasiê jam châ ”yum sê sayam hội | all
jattiyamittê divasê jattigă râi muhuttam assasố 1 gabbhammi vásai jivô åbåravihin ya vochchhảmi 11 3 11
Then follows the statement that the jiva [440] remained in the womb 277 full ahôrattas and one-half of an abôratta (cf. Aup. $ 104)-(26 verses + 3). The prose treats especially of the life and development of the embryo in the womb, striking parallels to wbich are found in the statements in Nirakti 14, 6, 7, and in the Garbhôpanishad (Ind. Stud. 2, 65). The subject is treated in the form of a dialogue, in antique form, between Mahavira and Göyama. The nominative often ends in e and not in o, so that we may suppose an older source is the base of this recital. Then follows an enumeration of the dasa dasao (disão A), ten “ages of man" (cf. Ath. 3, 4, 1): bâlâ, kittà (A, kidå B, vidda C), mamda, bala, pannå, håyaņi, pavamchá, pabbhârâ, mummahi (A, mao B, sao C), mâyani. These are then treated separately in metre. The text then returns to prose, and treats, in connection with the âyos, of the divisions of time: avaliya, khaga up to the kódákôdiu, i. e. millions of years, after which it discusses the multiplicity of bodily relations and of the nature of the body in general. Next come the dry measures based upon the magabað patthô, cf. Ath. par. 35, 3 (my treatise on the Jyôt. p. 80; Aupap. $ 80, 98), measures of length, of time, the number of the bones, sinews and other parts of the body, of all manner of diseases, of women, &c. Here and there we find verses inserted though they are not counted in continuously with the rest. At the conclusion we find 18 verses :
êyam sôum sarirassa (metre !) vâsâņam gaņiyapâgadamahattham 1 mokkbapaümassa ihat
65 It is uncertain how we are to translate or explain this. In angas 2, 1, 2 veyaliya is == vaidárika, in dasavellia vaikAlika. In ms, or fol. 1075 the title is translated by tandulavaitAlikam; and also in Kashinath (the state of & child in the womb, its birth, do.).
1. jyotius stre, gloss.

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(metre !) samattam sahassapattassa (metre!) 11 17 Il éyam sagadasariram jái-jara[441]maraņavêgañabahulam 1 taha pattaha57 kâam je jaha machchaha savvadukkhâņam Il 18 11
xxx, Sixth païnnan, chamdavijjhayam, 50 in 174 vv. In the introduction, a daragiha (v. 3), with a conspectus of the contents. Vy. 4- 19 treat of vinaya in general, vv. 20 - 35 of the qualities of a teacher, ayariyagoņa, vy. 36 - 51 of the scholar, sisagana, vv. 52 - 65 of the impediments (?), niggahaguna, 60 in the way of the viņaya, vv. 66 - 98 of perception, nåņaguņa, vv. 99 - 114 of the conduct of life, charaṇagana, v. 115 fg. of death, maranaguna. All these sections are clearly separated by a verse which marks the end of one and the beginning of another (20, 35, 52, 66, 98, 115). Thus, e. g. v. 20: viņayassa guņavisûsâ êê miê vaņņia samåsenam ayariyanam cha guņê égamaņå mê nisaméha Il 20 11 In v. 173 the contents is repeated or recapitulated as in the daragâhâ ; and the concluding verse is closely connected with that of païnda 6:
tahapattaha kaum je jaha muchchaha gabbhava savasahiņam maranapaņabbhavajammanaduggaïviņivayagamanaoam Il 174 11
XXXI. Seventh pažnnam, devin datthaa, devendrastava; in 300 vv. A systematic enumeration of the 32 deviņdas, and of all the gods according to their (442) groups, dwelling places, &c.61 The Nom, Sing, M. of Decl. I ends frequently in e, perhaps because the contents partially follows the statements in the augas and upangas. The divisions are here, as in the case of painna 6, distinctly separated ; and the author here, too, speaks of himself in the first person, and addresses not unfrequently (cf. p. 458) a sumdari, saanu, as the one for whom his work is intended.62
A patent contradiction to this secular method of treatment is found in Haribhadra on Avaśy. 2, 6, where the author proclaims himself to be the composer of a nijjutti: isibhásiâņam, and explains this word by devendrastavadinâm. We have seen above (pp. 259, 281, 429) that on 8, he referred it to the uttarajjhana. That our text should be so honoured as to be brought into connection with a work of such an important title as the isibhâsiya (cf. angas 3, 10.4, 44) and to have been thought worthy of a nijjatti at the hands of the author of the Avaśyaniryukti (whoever this may have been), seems utterly impossible if we take into consideration the secondary character of this small mythological manual (see above, pp. 280, 432). It is, however, worth our attention to note the fact that also in Svi. V. (see above, p. 428 fg.) the pažnnas are frequently said to begin with a text of this name,
[443] The table of contents in v. 7 ff. reads : kayarê tê vattisam deviņdap kô va kattha parivasaï ? kêvaiya kassa thit? ko bhavanapariggahô kassa ? Ils 11 kêvasyå nu vim âņa ? bhavana pagarà cha humti kêvażya? padhaviņa cha vâhuttam uyyattavimaņa vinnô (?) và il 11 kâranti cha kilôga (!) Akkoga majjhiman johannan cha nghi số niggigồ uddhi (?) visaỗ và kí kêsim : Il : 11 and closes : dévimdanikaya nam thað (iha) samattò aparisésô Il 300 11
XXXII. Eighth païnnam, ganiviyyA, gaṇividya, in 86 vv. The contents is of an astrological character.63 It begins : vuchchbam balabalavihim navabalavibisuttasamchin pasattham jiņava
57 Cf. pattihi in Hála.
68 See Hém. 2, 217, Hála 524 in Bhuv. (p. 189). 09 The name is obscure : viyyaya in A, but vijjhaya in B, Nandt, PAkshika and in the three samachari; once in Avi. 'vijjhfya, in Svi. Ovivviyai (a poor MS.) and vejjha in V; Kashinath has : chandavijaya, an account of witchcraft, magic and mysticism ().-The right Sanskfit equivalent of the title is Candraka-vedhya which, a Ogha-niryukti 1142 shows, is the same as rādhūvēdhya 'aim-striking.'-L.
69 niggayaguņa vv. 3, niggahagoné in vv. 52 and 173. 61 Panegyrics on the Tirthakara's by Déva and Indra (!), Kashinath.
c? The introduction states the situation in explicit terms: kôi (kof ?) padhamapaüsammi sävau samayanichchiyaviphahanů (? metre!) | vapnei vayam uyaram jiyamaņē Vaddhaminammill 3 tassa thunaintassa (Vstu, Cl. 9) jiņam såmáiyakala piyasu hauisanna painjalindå abhimuhi sunaï vayam Vaddhaminassa 13 I Likewise iu v. 7: så piyan bhaņai, and in v. 11: padipuchhio piyke bhaņai : suaņu! tam nisâmêha. Further on frequently: vannihimi or vanpehim (! varnayishyámi), vuchham, vachhami, &c.
6 The avachüri on the Nandi explains as follows: gaṇividya jyotishkapimittadiparijnánarúpa, si hi samyak parijnAyamána pravrájanas&máyikaropan pesthápaņáírutoddēéanujnåganårůpaņ&dibinujnivihårådiprayojanéshu upa: yógini.

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yaṇabhâsiyam iņam pavayanasatthammi jahadiṭṭham II 1 II, and treats according to the dâragâhâ (v. 2): 1. of the days, divasa, vv. 3-8,-. of the lunar days, tihi, vv. 9, 10, - -s. of the nakshatra, vv. 11-41, 4. of the karana, vv. 42-46 s. of the planets, gahadivasa, vv. 47, 48,-e. of the hours, muhutta, vv. 49-58, - 7. of the omens, saüṇabalam, vv. 59-63, s. of the horoscope, laggabalam, vv. 64-72, and o. of the signs, nimitta, vv. 73-85. The context corresponds in character with the statements of the Atharvaparisishta. The names of the nakshatras represent a secondary stage as upângas 5-7. The karanas are, however, recognized here as in up. 6, though the fourth [444] is called, as in up. 6, not taitila, but thildana. In the discussion in reference to the lagna the word hôrâ is found (v. 66) and, as it appears (the passage is corrupt), also the word dikkaņa (vv. 67, 69), so that we have a patent instance of Greek influence.
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
The second collection of the dasapaïnna (see above, p. 431) allots only 31 vv. to the ganiviyyâ. Of the verses here only the following recur there: 1-14, 21-32, 35, 37, 74, 82; §§ 48 are entirely wanting, § 3 has instead of 31 vv. only 14, and § 9 instead of 13 only 2.
XXXIII. Ninth painnar, mahapachchakkhanam, in 143 vv. A general formula designed for confession and renunciation. It begins: esa karêmi panamam titthayaranam aṇuttaragaiņam | ..1..I saddahě jinapannattam pachchakkhâêmi (a) pâvagam 11 a 11 jam kim chi duchchariyam tam aham nimdami savvabhâêņam sâmâiyam cha tivihim karêmi savvam nirâgâram II all The verses frequently close as groups with the same refrain; e. g. pamḍiyamaranam marihâmi (future) vv. 41-48, páuvagad marthâmi v. 50, rakkhami mahavvaê parcha vv. 68-76, sâhamtî (or sahêum) appano attham vv. 80-84, vôsirâmi, tti pâvagam vv. 116-120. The formula uses the first person alone: nimdâmi, garihâmi, vôsirami, vôsirê, khâmêmi, pachchaïkkhâmi (!). It concludes êyam pachchakkhâņam aṇupâlêûna suvihid sammam vêmâniya vva dêvô haviyya ahavi visiyyiyya 11 143 II. It, therefore, opens up as the prospect of the reward of correct performance of confession, entrance among the vêmâniya gods or complete dissolution (vistryêta).
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. (Continued from Vol XIX. page 378). PART II. TRANSLATION. No. 6.
Song sung when the wedding presents are being carried for the bride
or the bridegroom.
Five sets of presents for the bride and five for the bridegroom: (Even) the king has admired them from the balcony (of his palace). Five sets of presents for the bride and five for the bridegroom, The wedding guests have been brought from the country of Jasâ.1
5 Their praises have been sung in good words. . . . .2
Joy, joy to him by whose side the pipes are being played. Let us make an ovation with a tray full of pearls.
Come forth, mother of the bridegroom, his aunts, his sisters all : The petted bridegroom will now mount his horse,
10 And he will have a splendid following.
Graceful flower girl, tripping gracefully along, Who will buy thy daisies?
His father, Mêharwânji, will be sure to buy them; For he is in pressing need of them.
The name jitthamala (see Ind. Stud. 10, 283) is found here (v. 11); see p. 380.
1 It is not plain what country is meant.
The meaning is not quite clear.
The bridegroom's.

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15 His father is overjoyed and spends money (freely)
In order to keep up his prestige. The bridegroom's mother has caused a beautiful sâdi to be woven for herself, And a bodice of cloth of gold.
Father, what shall we admire most in this procession ? 20 I bring my procession (of guests) from the city of Bombay (Mumbai).
Send for jewellers from Surat, Send for boxes full of jhál' and jhumrán And adorn the bride and the bridegroom with them.
Brother, what shall we admire most in this procession ? 25 I bring my procession (of guests) from the City of Sürat.
Send for goldsmiths from Sürat, And get boxes fall of bangles and bracelets. Indulge every desire of the marrying couple.
Now, father, you who are a man of influence, 30 Get together good wedding guests.
The flower girl enters the narrow street, And brings garlands of buds. Flower girl, we shall buy what you bring.
We married women shall unite in buying (your flowers). 35 Get married women to sing songs,
And indulge every desire of the marrying couple. Sôrâbji will now ride his horse, And by his side (will walk) bis brother who is a dé síi?.
Let me scatter mustard seeds under the horse's feet, 40 And wish the rider every blessing.
Let me sprinkle some jiran under the horse's feet: I would not entrust any one with the rider even for a moment. Let me place (some) danızá under the horse's feet,
Sorabji will mount his horse with his face to the East. 45 Let me sprinkle some saltle under the horse's feet.
This is the first time in my life that I de such a (neritorious) thing. Let me break (some) eggell under the horse's feet. May the rider be as (prosperous as) his ancestors. Now my Sôrabji has mounted his horse, And has bowed his head to Dâdâr Hôrmajda.
• Ornaments for the ear. 5 The meaning is not quite clear. . Women under overture, as distinguished from widows. 7 The beadman of a community invested with certain magisterial powers. * Seeds resembling fennel seeds. • Damni is a sweet smelling herb.
10 Mustard seeds damnd, and jiran, are not, so far as I know, considered auspicious, bat salt is believed to carry prosperity with it.
11 Eggs play an important part in Parsl festive ceremonies: whenever a person is to be welcomed, tray is prepared with a good many things, which are believed to be auspicious. These are: a COCORnut, an egg, a handful of rice, a little water, and some sugar made up into little cakes. As soon as the guest steps up to the door the mistress of the house, or if she happens to be a widow, some relative of hers, goes forth with the tray in her hand, and first taking up the egg waves it over the head of her best, and breaks it against the steps or the pavement; then she does the same with the cocoanut, and finally sprinkles the rice and sugar cakes over the favoured head. This done, she waves her bands over her guest's head, and uttering some blessings cracks her finger joints against her own temples (vide ante, Vol. XIX. page 875, note 13, part 1), and bids the guest step in with the right foot foremost. The coconut, egg. &c., are believed to carry off all evil with them; and they make it a point to break the egg and the cocoanut, from which it appears that some sacrifice is meant, and the egg doen duty for a live offering, which latter the Paris cannot admit into their nuptial ritos, out of respect for the feelings of the Hindus whose customs they have largely adopted.

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No. 7. Another Song sung when the mother-in-law welcomes her son-in-law. The mother-in-law welcomes her son-in-law, ornamente adorning her head; Seizing upon an auspicious moment, she welcomes the bridegroom and adorns his neck with
a garland (of flowers). With an oblation of flowers and cocoanats and ringgl2 is the bridegroom received, and is
made to sit under the mándar. Strinbûi, thy husband has come, and wants some place to put up at. Give him an orchard to put up at, and his mother's heart will rejoice. 5 Give him a garden to put up at, and his father's heart will rejoice.
Give him a palace to put ap in, and his sister's heart will rejoice. Give him (a place near) a small well to put up at, and his paternal aunt's heart will rejoice. Give him (a place near) a sacred rivers to put up at, and his maternal aunt's heart will rejoice
Give him a yard to put up in, and his paternal uncle's heart will rejoice. 10 Give him a mango plantation to put up at, and his maternal uncle will rejoice.
Let us bestow upon the bridegroom mango and tamarind plantations, And let us bestow towns and villages on him. Let us give him eighty-four market places, and let us give him extensive forests. (But the bridegroom says) "I care not for your mango and tamarind plantations, nor do I
wish to have your towns and villages; 15 I need not your eighty-four market places nor your extensive forests;
I am come only to take away Pharamji's daughter, for then only will my life be worth living." The bridegroom is being decorated with twist14 and has been brought down to marry a virgiu. Sprinkle showers of rose-water and hand packets of pán round to the guests).
Sprinkle showers of saffron on, and hand bouquets of flowers round (to the guests). 20 The guests are welcome, guests of her who has been waiting (for them).
TEXT.
ira .
वरणीन गीत. पांचे वरणी ने पांचे आदरणी.
धन धन रे कूखे वांसली वागे. 5015 treft Tag ym.
भरी मोतीनी ठाळे वधावीए. पांचे वरणी ने पांचे कलीआणी. .
वरनी माए रे मासी, बेन फड चालो आपणे जाए. जसा देशथी ते जाण आणी.
3RT17 TT18 at 7. 5 एरे वखाणी शचशे वाणी अवल पालव जाणीर.16 10 शाहाबोलो तेनो खूब सोभशे;
12 The mother-in-law receives her son-in-law when he comes down to marry her daughter in the following manner :She goes forth with a tray in her hand, in which are placed a diamond or any other kind of ring, or some other ornament for the bridegroom along with kunků, some grains of rice, some dry dates and almonde, cocoanuts, and & cope-shaped packet of sugar. The mother-in-law makes a mark with the kankd on the bridegroom's forehead, and presees some grains of rice on to it. Then she puts a garland of flowers round his neck, and puts the ring on his finger. This done, she throws a few grains of rice over his head and passing her bands over his face or his head cracks her finger joints against her temples (ride the preceding note).
15 GTI is the word used in the text and is made to rhyme with a mother's sister.
16 During the marriage oeremony the bride and bridegroom are made to sit opposite each other, and twist is wrapped round and round both their persons by the priests, who continue repeating prayers and burning incense on a fire. This practice is now being gradually dropped by the Parsis, but is still prevalent among the Hindus. ____16 जठरा I interprot this word अरूखा baloony.
10 This last phrase is unintelligible, separately 37775 means first or best, ** an embroidered border, and जाणीए we know.
17 See ante, note 38, part I. 1 TTT is the common namo by which all bridegrooms are called before they are married.

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लटकारी रे मालन लटके चाले,
सांकडी शेरीमां मालणरी20 आवे. कोण लेशेरेसारी मोघरो.
काचा कळीभोना हारी लहावे. लेश लेशेरे एना मेहरवानजी बावा,
मालण तमे लावो ते अमे लइ . सेने गरजो उतावली.
अमो सोवासणी मळीने लड्डूं. 15 एनो बावो रेहरखे दलामा खरचे,
35 सीवासण लोक कण गीत गवडावी. नाम पोताना राखशे.
मारा परणतांना कोड पोहचरावो. वरनी माए ते सोभस साडी वणावी,
घोडे चडशेरे सोराबजी भाइ. कसबी अलेचानी कांचली.
तेनी आगळ वीरो देशाइ. बावा साजणमां शुरे वखाणु.
घोडाना पगतले छांटुं रे राइ. 20 मारुं साजण मुम्बाइ शेहेरनु आ.
40 घोडाना चडताने भर भलाइ. मुरत शेहेरना झवेरी बोलावो.
घोडाना पगतले छांदुरे जी. दाबडा भरी भरी झाल झुमरां लावो.
घोडेना चडताने घडीभी नहीं धीरूं. मारां वहवरने ते जोरे पेहरावो.
घोडाना पगतले मेलुं रे हमनी. वीरा साजणमां शुंरे वखाणं,
घोडे चडशे सोराबजी उगमनो. 25 मारूं साजण सुरत शेहेरनु आj.
45 घोडाना पगतले छाडेरे मीठां.॥ सुरत शेहेरना सोनीरा बोलावो..
मारी जणमारे ए कामोरे दीठां. दाबडा भरी भरी चुरा वारा लावो.
घोडाना पगतले भांडंरे इंडां. मारां परणतांना कोड पोहचरावो.
घोडेना चडताने वरावोनां मीहणां. हवे बावाजी बळवंतवाळो.10
घोडे चडीभोरे मारो सोराबजी. 30 तमे सारा साजणीभा मेलवावो.
150 से दावार होरमजदने लागो रे पाये.
गीत ७. सासु जमाइने हरगवा नीसरेते वेळा गावान गीत. वर सास से हरगवा नीसयां, मस्तके बांध्या मोड रे. उताग आपो भांबांना मन हशे ते वरना मामानां. वेळा ते मोइ वर हरगीभो, गळे सोभाष्यो हारडो. भापी ते आंबां आमळी भापो से नगर गाम रे. फुल नारल वीटीए वरहरगीभी, मांडव माहे बेसाज्यो. भापो चोरीआसी चौटडां, भापी ते बोहोळां रान रे.
वर भाग्यो रे छीरीनबाइ तारो मांगे उतारा ठार रे. | नहीं ले ते आंबां आमळी नहीं लेतं ते नगर गाम रे. 5 उतारा आपो वारीना मन हशे ते वरनी माडीनां. 15 नहीं लेतं चोरीभासी चौटडां नहीं लेउं ते बोहोळांरान रे. उतारा आपो बागना मन हशे ते वरना बापना. लेश लेश ते फरामजीनी दीकरी मारां ते जीया परमाण रे. उतारा भापो मेहेलना मन हो ते बरनी बहेननां. वरने काचां सुनरे सणगार्या, कुमारीसे परणवा उतायो.' उतारा आपो कुइना मन हो ते वरनी फुदनां.. छांदोछांटोते गोलाबनां छांटणांपाणबीरांभापी हायमां.
उतारा आपो काशीना मन हो ते बरनी मासीनां. छांटोछांटोरे केसरनां छांटणां फूल तोरा ते भापो हाथमां. 10 उतारा आपो झापाना मन हो ते वरना काकानां. 120 मारा साजणीआरे भले भाष्या, ना जोती ते वाटी रे."
MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS,
(ii) Palaunge, who occupy the highlands. RELIGION, AND SUPERSTITIONS OF THE
(iii) Kachins, a hill tribe. TRIBES INHABITING THE SHAN STATES.1
(iv) Karens in very small numbers. The natives of the Shan States belong to the (v) A few Panthays. following tribes:
(vi) Las and Was, who occupy atract of (1) Shans, who belong to the great Tai family, country to the east of the Salween river.
and occupy generally the valleys of the The descendants of the great Tai family of Shân plateau.
Bhans are the main occupants of the country and
19 This phrase is rather ambiguous.
Poetical form of मालन. 1 ist in the plural form of Hilgsalt, but it is grammatically incorrect. na piati a a This phrase is grammatically incorrect, it should be arz wiata
1 [Printed originally as a Government paper, by Mr. W. R. Hillier, but as the vernacular words were then given only in Shân characters, this is practically the first useful publication of these very valuable, though somewhat Enskilfully written, notes.-ED.)

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rule the States. Their language is both spoken and written, and, like Chinese, is a tonal language. They are Buddhists in religion. Agriculture is their main oocupation, and rice the staple crop. It grows luxuriantly both in puddled land and on the hill slopes, yielding good crope.
The Shans are divided in the Northern Shan States into Northern Shans or Tainü, and Southern Shans or Taitaü. Northern Shåns are again divided into Tainu (Northern Shåns) and Tainark'am (Namkham Shåns) or Taika (Chinese Shans). The Tainü proper and the Taitai dress alike. The Taitaü are often also called Taileng (Red Shins). The Tainamk'am and the Taik'e dress mostly in dark blue (both men and women). The mode of living and habits of all classes are alike, the only difference between them being in dress and accent.
At birth no partioular ceremonies are performed. The mother is not secluded. No rules of diet are enforced on the woman during preg. nanoy; but the mother is for one month after the birth of a child forbidden the following,
(1) Bâmbhar flesh, (2) barking deer's flesh, (3) fish called puning, (5) oranges, (5) vermicelli, (6) seesamum oil, (7) pakkát (an edible fern) (8) p'almi (onion).
(9) makk'üsốm (tomato). The above articles of food are said not to agree with # newly-born infant. Immediately after child-birth, the mother has her stomach bandaged, and sits with her back exposed to a fire made of any wood, which, when punctured, does not exude any milk or gom. The woods generally used are,
(1) maipim (oak), (2) maikot, (3) maikok (tree fern). (4) maimeut,
(5) maikä' (chestnut). The mother is considered unclean for seven days, and before entering upon the duties of the household has to bathe and put on clean garments. Pine-wood (maipek) is burnt and the mother inhalee the smoke, and also inhales samongndk, which is said to prevent a rising of blood to the head, and so to prevent bleeding from the nose and mouth. Should the mother bleed from the mouth or nose, she is given a
decoction of turmeric or some monkey's blood. The husband observes no special diet during the pregnancy of his wife, or after her delivery, but it is considered undesirable that he should,
(1) drive pigs. (2) carry the dead. (3) bore holes. (4) fill in holes in the ground.
(5) mock others. After a month the child is bathed in water, into which, if the child is a boy, have been put silver, gold, precious stones, a 10-táld weight, a 5-told weight, a 2-told weight, and other standard weights down to t of a told. If the child is a girl, silver, gold, and all the ornaments of the female sex are put in the bath water. If the child is of well-to-do parents 11 tolds weight of gold is tied as a pendant round the child's neck, and if of poor people four annas weight of silver. The child is now named by one of the elders, who ties a cord, consisting of seven threade, round the wrist. The name is given in the following order :If a boy (son);
1st son = Ai. 2nd son = Ai Yi. 3rd son = Ai S'am. 4th son = Ai S'ai. 5th son =. Ai Ngo. 6th son = Ai Nok. 7th son = Ai Nu.
8th son = Ai Nai. If a girl (daughter);
Ist daughter = Nang Ye. 2nd daughter = Nang Yi. 3rd daughter = Nang Am. 4th daughter. = Nang Ai. 5th daughter = Nang 0. 6th daughter = Nang Ok.
7th danghter = Nang It.* These names are kept by both boys and girls, unless changed under the following conditions :
(1) It the boy enters a koyaung (Buddhist
monastery). (2) If after three or four years the child
(boy or girl) is renamed with a name
indicating the day of birth. (3) If illness supervenes, when the name is
changed in the following manner; A ceremony is performed by which the child is supposed to be exchanged for
.d aw in law. • Barmene samongnet = nigella sativa. · [The Burmese naming customs are simply those of
the Hindua borrowed direot from India, bence those primi. tive customs of the Shans are peculiarly interesting ED.)

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(a) A piece of coarse cloth, and is then called
Master (or Miss) Coarse Cloth, Ai Man or
Nang Man; (b) A portion of silver, when the name
becomes Master (or Miss) Silver, Ai Ngeun
or Nang Ngeun; (c) A pair of scales, when, if the child weighs more than a viss (Rs. 100 in weight), the name becomes Ai (or Nang) Swoi S'a, Master (or Miss) More-than-one-viss; OT, (d) The child is put into a roaster and a pretence is made of roasting it, after which it is called Master (or Miss) Roast, Ai Kä or Nang Kä; or, (6) The child is thrown away, and picked op
again by some member of the family, and after a little time given back to the parents and called Master (or Miss) Picked-up, Ai
(or Nang) Kip; or, (f) If there is a visitor in the house the child
is given to him, and then taken back and called Ai (or Nang) Kek, Master (or Miss)
Visitor; or, (g) If it be full moon day, the child is called
Ai (or Nang) Môn, Master (or Miss) Full Moon; or, (h) If the child have birth marks, it is called
Ai (or Nang) Mai, Master (or Miss) Marks. The above changes of name are made to restore the child to health, and if they fail to do so, the child is then taken to the kyaung (Buddhist monastery) with some offerings and called Ai (or Nang) La, Master (or Miss) Offering.
All the names under head (3) are subject to further change under heads (1) and (2).
A boy, when old enough to talk and learn, is sent to a kyaung (in this case a monastic school), which he attends till he learns off the first prayer, when he is made to repeat it thrice in the presence of the head pongyt, (Buddhist monk and teacher), exchanging his ordinary clothes for those of a pôngys, and remaining in the kyaung under a name given by the pongyt. This name begins or ends with one of the following letters, according to the day of his birth.,
Sunday=a, d, or ä, as Sanä, &c. Monday=ka, k'a, nga, or kä, as Kaliya, &c. Tuesday=8a, s'a, or ña, as Santa, &c. Wednesday=ya, la, or wa, as Wilas'a, &c. Thursday=pa, p'a, or ma, as Pansikta, &c.
Friday =sa, or ha, as S'ana, &c.
Saturday=ta, t'a, or na, as Nanta, &c. The name thus given is retained for life. In the case of girls the name is given by an elder of the village, and not by a pôngyi.
Adoption is practised, but is followed by no special ceremony. If the adopting father have no issue, then the adopted son gets all the property. If there be issue, either before or after the adoption, the adopted son gets half the share of the rightful issue or issues, who get equal shares. The same rule is followed with regard to the property of the real father of the child adopted.
No ceremonies are performed at Puberty, either in the case of boys or girls.
Marriage is permissible with any caste or creed. If a person of either sex dies without marrying, the body, before burial, is banged against a treestump, which is, for the time being, considered to represent the husband or wife. This ceremony is performed in the belief that, if omitted, the person would, in his or her next existence, again die unmarried.
A young man, taking a fancy to a young woman, visits the latter's house and woos her, and, if the liking be mutual, she accompanies him to his house as his wife. On the following morning the parente of the young man visit the parents of the young woman with an offering of salt and tea, make known to them the fact of the union of their respective children, beg that their own child may be forgiven for the intrusion, and request the fixing of a day for the marriage ceremony. This request being granted and the day fixed, the young woman returns to her parents. Sometimes the young man on proposing to the girl is referred to her parents, in which case he sends his parents with an offering of salt and sugar to propose for the girl and obtain the sanction of her parents to fix a day for their wedding.
On the day appointed the relatives of both parties, and the parties themselves, collect in the house of the girl.
The bridegroom, taking with him a bundle of tea (one viss) and a bundle of salt (one viss) tied together, and in them as much money as he can afford to give the parents of the girl as compensation, places his presents before them, and proposes for their daughter. The two bundles are then untied by the parents and the money extracted,
6 [The regulation viss 3-65 lbs. (avoirdupois); but this vies must be about 2. lbs. oply.-ED.)
& oi as in voice. 6 San is a qualifying prefix and not part of the name
proper. [In the above we have the ordinary Brahmanical system of nomenclature. The remaining customs previously indicated have many parallels among nonBrahmanical natives in India.-ED.]

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after which one of the elders of the village takes The causes of disease are held to be, the tea and the salt out into the main road, and (1) irregularities of diet, holding them above his head calls on heaven, (2) change of water and climate (air), earth and sun to witness the union of the two (3) evil spirite. parties. He then re-enters the house, and ties a
Diseases from (1) and (2) are treated by medicord of seven threads round the left wrist of the
cines (mostly herbs) and shampooing, from (3) by bride and one round the right wrist of the bride- applying irritants, such as chilles to the eye. groom. This is called the matrimonial bond. Children are never killed. Abortion is brought
The bridegroom next distributes money to the on by shampooing. elders of the village and all sit down to a feast. | Death is considered to be the result of disease The bride with all her worldly goods now
and the dead are buried. The corpse is dressed accompanies the bridegroom to his house, but they
in new clothes. Clothes with a burn in them are
never used under any circumstances for burial are stopped on the road by bachelor friends of the bridegroom, who has to pay his way through them.
purposes, the body being buried naked rather
than in such clothes. There is no belief in Formal marriage is, however, dying away, and
ghosts. The grave diggers, before getting out of marriage now often means cohabitation by mutual
the newly dug grave, sweep it out with brambles consent.
or thorns to prevent the nats (spirits) from Divorce is by mutual consent of both parties, remaining in the grave. who give each other letters of freedom to re
Persons who have handled a corpse are required marry, &e.
to bathe before re-entering the village. If the wife claims a divorce and the husband
No mourning garb is worn by a widow. is not willing, the wife has to pay Rs. 30 to be
The officials (Säbwls, Myôzás, Tamôns and divorced. If the husband claims a divorce, he
Myökhams) decide all cases of murder. The forfeits all his household property to his wife.
murderer has to pay the following compensaThe forbidden degrees of consanguinity may
tion. To the next kin of the victim, Rs. 333; to be thus stated. A man shall not marry his,
the official deciding the case, Rs. 333; to the (1) mother,
amats, Rs.); to the sarès, Rs. 40; to the bailiff (2) grandmother,
and messengers, Rs.''. If he cannot pay these (S) sister,
sums his relations have to do so ; if his relations (4) aunt,
cannot, his village ; if his village cannot, his circle. (5) wife's mother,
If he belong to another clan or state, and refuse to (6) wife's grandmother,
pay the fine, then war is declared between the two (7) wife's aunt.
states. If two brothers fight and one is killed And vice vered with a woman. All other ties are the whole family are made to forfeit their worldly allowed.
goods (household). When a murderer pays the A man may have several wires. A woman
compensation he is set free and no alur or stain cannot have more than one husband. Polygamy
is attached to him. is sanctioned, as man is believed to be the superior Individual property is recognized and inheriand master of woman. A man obtains a wife by tance takes the following course :wooing and with her consent: sometimes by purchase; and in case of rulers, as an offering of
Owner peace, friendship, &c. A man is prohibited from cohabiting with his
Son and daughter wife,
Wife.
ti (equal shares). (1) during menstruation, (2) while she is in the act of suckling her child, (3) when she is ill,
Mother and father. (4) on new moon and full moon days,
(5) in the open, or in a kyaung or xayat," A widow is free to marry again and act as she
Brothers. pleases, no one in particular having any claim to her.
[On this Lieut. Henry Daly remarks that the letter is only given by the man, not by the woman. Lieut. Daly is the Superintendent of the Northern Shan States.-ED).
This equals the Indian dharmsaia.
(Lieut. Daly says that " this statement is, I believe, incorrect."-ED.]

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It will be thus seen that property descends to the children and wife, the wife taking 50 per cent. and the children equal shares of the remainder. The eldest son gets the household property, arms, and precious stones. If there be no children the wife is heir ; if no wife, the parents ; and if the parents are dead, the deceased's brothers divide.
A title or seat (Säbwaship, &c.) descends to the sons in order of birth. If there be no sons to the daughter's husband, if she be married; if not, to the brothers.
Everything is eaten, only human flesh being forbidden. Men, women and childreu all eat together. Cannibalism is practised very seldom, and only by the Bo, or leader of an army. If he be tattoed in a peculiar manner, he eats the flesh of an enemy who has been shot. This is
d to render the charm of the tattooing stronger and more permanent.
The ground is tilled with a crude plough. The first produce (a portion) is prepared and taken as an offering to a kyaung before any is eaten by the household.
Each man is said to tell his prayers before setting out on a warlike expedition. The wife of the warrior
(1) rests and does no work on every fifth day; (2) fills an earthen goblet with water up
to the brim and puts some flowers into it every day. A decrease of the water or the withering of the flowers is looked
upon as an evil sign (death); (3) Sweeps clean, and lays out, her husband's
bedding every night; (4) is prohibited from sleeping in his bed
during his absence. Mutilation of enemies is carried on to a great extent. The heads are always cut off and brought to the Chief, who gives a reward for every head, according as the head is that of an important or ordinary man.
The country is governed by Chiefs whose office is supposed to be hereditary and not elective, and descends as above explained.
The following story is told of the origin of the Bhans and of their government. A man, aged 5,000 years, started from the east in search of a wife, and at about the same time a woman, aged 5,000 years, started from the west in searoh of a husband. These two met in the middle of the Shan States and then became man and wife. They had eight
sons and seven daughters, who multiplied in their turn and gave rise to a large population. The eight sons and their respective children clamoured for the rulership over the descendants of the daughters, when their language became confused and they then separated and went their respective ways, with their children and clans. The names of the eight sons were
(1) Ai. (2) Ai Yi. (3) Ai S'am (4) Ai S'ai. (5) Ai Ngo. (6) Ai Nu.
(7) Ai Nôk. ' (8) Ai Nai."
Not being able to agree as to who should be the Chief, and quarrelling amongst themselves, the eldest two sons and their children heard of the existence of two kings to the north, and went there to invite them to come and rule the Shan country. These two kings are said to be the Bons of K'un Sang, the Chief of the Heavens, who sent them to deliver the Shân country. The emi. grant Shâns invited them to come and rule their country, and promised to supply and give them every comfort, and to obey and follow their commands.
On the way home the party met a man called Sang P'an, who expressed a desire to follow the two kinge, and they in turn promised to provide for him.
After a short distance they met another man, who called himself Toriya, and was a songster He also joined the party, and they all arrived at Sanparalit, now in the south-east.
The eight essentials of a city (angkámöngpit póng) were attended to, namely,
(1) Market. (2) Water-supply. (3) Palace buildings. (4) [P] (5) Fields. (6) Monastic buildings. (7) Heads of armies (bôs).
(8) Roads. The names of the two first rulers are
(1) Maha-K'attiya Yáza.
(2) Mahl-S'amp'engna Yaza.18 The first improved agriculture and the second introduced weapons.
18 (For(1)read Maha Kshatriya-Raja and for (2) read (?) MabA-Sempunna-Raja. However, compare these names and that of Sanparalit with the following from the Mahdy kawin (Mahardjavarisa), or Chronicle of the Burmese kings " Gautama Buddha, in the fifth year
10 Soo ante, Vol. XX. p. 422, as to the Manipurt rule of descent.-ED.)
11 [Compare the male nomenolature above.-ED.]
11 This man and his generations represent the Amat class, and the two "king" the Sábwa alags.

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On arrival they found an engraved stone, with inscriptions said to have been written by the deities to guide them in ruling the country,
All Sabwas are said to be descendants of the two first rulers and the officials of Sang P'an and Tariya
The earth is supposed to have been brought from the depths by a species of white-ant. The depth is 84,000 yusands, the height 84,000, and the shape square. Nine spirits from above came down and then established earth, water, heavena, and religion. They divided the world into 16 divi. sions. The story of the division is as follows:
A lotus with four leaves flowered between three stones. Then the Myinmo mountain, which was 84.000 yesaniis within the waters, and 84,000 yúsands above, then appeared. It was surrounded by seven mountains, namely, (1) Wikanto, (2) Yokkantala, (3) Eks'engdala, (4) Némengdala, (5) Sudatsana, (6) Astana, (7) Gandama. These are the worla, which was divided into four great islands, namely, (1) Pop'a Wideha, or the Eastern Island; (2) Amyagaw ya, or the Western Island; (3) Guru. Utang, or the Northern Island ; (4) Sampudipa, or the Southern Island. This last was subdivided into 16 countries. These having been formed, nine Brahmans came down from heaven and created man, animals, trees, flowers, fruits, grain, and water.
varsa-nirmmülana Lainkadvipa-luntana-dvitiyaRama Cholakula-snila-kulisa Karnnåțarajavidravana Kathaka-kari-katapakala vividha-ripudurgga-marddana Virs-Kanda-Gopala-vipinadå vadahana Kanchi-puruvaradhisvara-Gana. pati-hari
2 nn-Särdadla Nelldrapura-virachita-vira. bhisheka pranata-raja-pratishthapaka maharâjâdbirija-paramêsvara - KŮChchadaiparmarmana Tribhuvanachchakravarttiga! emmar. dalamunkond-aruliya Sri-Sundara-Pandiya. dévax[ku] yinilu 10vadu pattávadu Risbabhnnâ yarru apara-[pa]kshattu Budan-kilamaiyuv prathamaiyum perra A[ni). 3 lattu-nal.
TRANSLATION. A.-Sanskrit portion.
Hail! Prosperity! Hail! The snpport of the whole world, the ornament of the race of the Moon, the Madhara (Krishna) of the city of Madhura, the uprooter of the Korula rnce, a second Rama in plundering the island of Lanka, the thunderbolt to the mountain (which was) the Chola race, the dispeller of the Karnata king, the fever to tl.e elephant (which was) the Kathaka (king), the destroyer of the strongholds of various enemies, the jungle-fire to the forest (which was) ViraKanda-Gopala, the tiger to the deer (which was) Ganapati (who was) the lord of Kanchi the best of cities, he who was anointed as a hero in the town of Nellor, who re-established those kings who prostrnted themselves before him, the maharijadhirája-paramébvara :
B. - Tamil portion. In the 10th-tenth-year of the reign) of (thia) king (ko) Jatavarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva, who was pleased to conquer every country,--on the day of (the nakshatra) Anuradha, which corresponded to Wednesday, the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha.
Among the enemies of whose conquest the king boasts in the Sanskrit preamble of his inscription, there are two names of individuals, viz. Ganapati, the lord of Kasichi, and ViraKanda.Gopala The dates of each of these are known from other sources. An inscription of the
MATERIALS FOR CALCULATING THE DATE
OF SUNDARA-PANDYA. The island of Srirangam neaz. Trichinopoly bears two ancient temples, one of Vishnu which is called Ranganatha, and one of Siva which is ealled Jambukêsvars in Sanskrit and Tiruvanai. kkòvil in Tamil. Within the second of these two temples, my First Assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya, discovered an inscription of Sundara Pandya, which promises to settle the date of this king within narrow limits The inseription is engraved on the south wall of the second prikira which I was not permitted to enter. The subjoined transcript of its first lines is made with the help of another identical inseription, the date of which is lost, on the west wall of the third prúkdra.
TEXT. i Svosti srih .. Svasti Samasta-jagad-adhara Somakula-tilaka Madhurapura-Madhava Kêrnļa-
of his Buddhahood, was presented by the two brothers Mahápunna and Cholapunna with a sandalwood monas. tery situated at Vánijjagama, otherwise called Légaing, ia Sunapuranta." Legaing is in the Minbu District of Upper Burma. Mahapurna and Chulapurņa are other wise known as Mahasambhava and Chulasambhava, aons of Lahaduka, adopted son of Thadonganaing, first my. tbological king of Tagaung. The legends given, aute,
Vol. XVIII. p. 272ff. and Vol. XIX. p. 437ff, read with this one go far towards settling the origin of these garbled Shân tales. Sanparalit is possibly the Chandapuri on the Mekong of Yule and other writers.-ED.)
A y n (y jana) is the measure of the distance the eye enn rench.
15 [The Indian origin, probably through Buddhist tradition, of the above folktales is obvious. -ED?

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Kakatiya king Ganapatiof Orugallu (Worangal) According to an inscription of the Dharmes which is found in the Ekam ranatha temple at vara temple at Manimangalam in the Chingloput Kanchipura, and which I shall shortly publish in district, Kanda-Gopala bore the surname this Journal, is dated on Tuesday, the 11th tithi Madhurantaka-Pottappi-Chola. A comparison of the dark fortnight of Jyaishtha of Saka of the dates of Nos. I. and 11. shews that 1172, the eyelie year Saumya, which corresponds his accession must have taken place between to Tuesday, the 8th June 1249 A. D. According the months of Mithuna and Simha in the Saka to a Telugu chronicle (Taylor's Catalogue, Vol. year 1172. The units of the two dates of No. 111. p. 483) and an inscription of his successor III. are not absolutely curtain. If the published (Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. Appendix, reading is correct, thedetails would be identical Pxx), king Ganapati died in Saka 1180. Vira- with those of No. II; with the exception of the Kanda-Gopala is very probably identical with nakshatra. In this case either Uttiradlam or Kanda-Gopaladeva, whose date is established by Uttirattâdi might be a mistake for the other. three other Kanchi inscriptions, the beginnings The manner in which the year of the accession of which are subjoined :
of Sundara-Pandya might be fixed on the basis No. I.
of these new data, will be as follows:--The upper On the south wall of the 80-called "rock"
limit for the date of the inseription of Sundara(malai) in the Arukila-Perumal temple.
Pandya is Saka 1172, as the fight between him
and Karda-Gópâla might have taken place in his Svasti sri Sakara-yûndu 1187 perra Tiribuvaga
10th year, in which his inscription is dated, and chchakkarava[r]ttiga! śri-vijaya-Kapda-Gopaladêvarkku yêudu lõvadu Midusa-nayarru apara
also in Saka 1172, the year of the accession of
Kanda-Gopala. The lower limit is Saka 1190, as pakshattu truyódasiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra
tbe fight between him and Ganapati might have Rosari-nal.
taken place in his first year, and also in Saka 1180, Hail! Prosperity! In the 15th year (of the reign) the year of the death of Ganpati. The details of of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious the date of the inscription must accordingly be und victorious Kanda-Gopaladeva, which corre
applied to each of the Saka yenrs 1172 to 1190, sponded to the Saka year 1187, - on the day of and the year of the accession of Sundara-Pandya (the nakshatra) Rohini, which corresponded to will fall between Saka 1162 and 1180. Saturday, the thirteenth tithi of the second fort
The Sundara-Pandya of the Jambukeśvara in. night of the month of Mithuna.
scription may, accordingly, be identical with No. II.
Mareo Polo's "Sender Bandi," who was reigning On the north wall of the second prakdra of the in A. D. 1292, and with that "Sundar Bandi," Ekumranditha temple.
who, according to the Muhammadan historians, Svasti sri Sakara-yandu 1187 perra Tiribuva.
died in A. D. 1293 (Dr. Caldwell's Comparative nachchakkarava[r]ttiga! sri-visaiya-Kanda. Grommar, Introduction, p. 141; History of Gopaladóvar[k*]ku yîndu 1[6]vadu Simha- Tinnevelly, p. 33). The "Pandya king Sundara," nayarru apara-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Sani-kkila.
who is mentioned in a Sinhalese obronical (J. maiyum perra Uttiradattu-nâļ.
As Soc. Bengal, Vol. XLI. Part I. p. 200) as a Hail! Prosperity! In the 1[6]th year of etc.,
contemporary of Parakramabahu of Ceylon (1153
to 1186 A. D.), does not appear to have been a which corresponded to the Saka year 1187,- on the day of the nakshatra) Uttarashadha, which
reigning king, but a mere prince and general of a
Pandya king Kulasók hara, whose predecessor was corresponded to Saturday, the third lithi of the
a Para krama-Pandya, and whose snecessor was a second fortnight of the month of Simha.
Vira-Pandya. That there was at least one still No. III.
earlier Sundara, may be gathered from the inOn the same wall as No. I.
scriptions of Rajendra-Chola, who boasts to have Svasti sri Sakara-yảndu 118[7] perra Tiri. conquered the crown of Sundara" (South-Indian buvapasakkara varttiga! sri-visaiya-Kaņda- Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 99; Vol. II. p. 108. Gopaladêvarkku yâ u*]du [6vadu) Simha
E. HULTZSCH. nayarru apara-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Sani-kkila
After the above note was in type, I received a muiyun perra Uttirattadi-na.
letter from Mr. S. B. Dikshit, dated Dhulia, 11th Hail! Prosperity! In the 16th] year of etc., March, in which he states that Saka 1182 expired which corresponded to the Saka year 118[7],- is the only year that answers for the details of on the day of the nakshatru) Uttara-Bhadrupada, the inscription of Sundara-Pandya. which corresponded to Saturday, the third tithi
E. H. of the second fortnight of the month of Simba. Nundidroog, 16th March 1892.

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BOOK NOTICES.
123
NOTES AND QUERIES. ECLIPSE-CUSTOMS IN MADRAS.
son has never stolen anything. If she has lied A peculiar sanctity is attributed to eclipses into her uncle, let her be convicted before the general. Among the Brabmans it is considered panchayut. Conveyour welfare. Katak bads most sacrilegious to take food during the period of panchami, St. 1934 (Oct. 1877). Witnesses to the eclipse. The food should be taken generally the good conduct of Jamni Bhaubhuji's son: fully eight hours before the first contact, and at Thákursi Patel, Baldévê Patel, Dungarsi Patel, first contact everybody, including children, should Bhagwana Patel. Signed by Channa Patwari: the bathe. A bath in the sea or a river is considered above statement of Jamna Bhaạbhoji is correct." the most efficacions. Previous to bathing, the
Noxt comes a small scrap of paper giving the family priest generally goes through certain rites
name of eighteen persons, all Hindus, who owed with a view to washing away all the sins of the
the writer Rs. 40-4-0 between them, in sums vary. party. After the bath, alms are freely distributed
ing from 12 annas to Rs. 5. to the poor, and when the last contact is over, or after the clearance of the eclipse, there is a second
Lastly is a short daily " account of expenditure bath, and then the worshippers may take their
with one Ali Bakhsh from Asauj (Sept.) nudi food.
13mí, St. 1934 (1877)." It is in five columns,
headed respectively flour (á), pulse (del), ghi A peculiar feature in eclipse customs is, that
molasses (gu) and tobacco, with an occasional when the eclipse falls on a day, the presiding
note of cash borrowed, and extends from Arauj nakshatra of which is the same as that of a
sudi 13mi to Katak badí 8mí, or 11 days. person's horoscope, there is fear of its having an evil influence on his futurity. To ward off this
On Asauj sudi 13mí the owner must have laid the priest has to perform counteracting cere
in a stock, for we find him proeuring :- tita, 10 monies, and to distribute alms freely to the poor,
sérs: del, 1 sér : ghí, 1 sér : gur, 1 xer: tam.ikhů, or break a few of both ash-coloured and white
6 pdf : paisd, 3 pií. He bought his útii, dil, and gourds. The person influenced for evil as above
ghi regularly every day thereafter, and his gur is also advised to tio round his forehead a small
and tobacco occasionally only. Money he seems palmyra leaf, on which are written a few Sanskrit
to have borrowed in very small quantities. He verses, in expiation of his or her sins, as the case bought his id alternately 1 ner 8 chitiks, and 12 may be.
chitáks : his del nearly always 6 chituks: and his K. SRIKANTALIYAR.
gur nearly always 3 chituks. Including his stock on Asauj sudi 13mí, he purchased altogether ata,
35 sérs, chitáks : dál, 6 sérs, 12 chitáks : ghi GLIMPSES INTO A BHIL'S LIFE.
4 sérs, 3 chitiks : gur, 2 sérs, 10 chitaks. He I once purchased a quiver, filled with arrows,
also bought 6 chituks of sugarcane. The ruling which had been in the possession of a Bhil of
rates for these articles were atd, 16 sêrs : dal, some standing. In a pocket in the quiver were
10 sérs: ghi, 3 sérs : gur, 10 sérs. His total found three documents in the vernacular, of which
expenditure was Rs. 4-14-6, including 1 anna and I now give a partial rendering. They are very
3 pies borrowed in cash, in these eleven days, of characteristic of the people to whom the owner
which nearly one-fourth was on the first day for belonged.
some reason, leaving an expenditure of Rs. 3-12-0 First came a scrap of a letter to the following in ten days, or (say) Rs. 11-4-0 in a month; effect: - "In the Jért (3) District, Jamna | wherefrom it is to be assumed that our unknown Bhanbhaji's son is charged with theft from the friend was a man of substance in his village. house of Manga Minâ. She states that so far her
R. C. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICES. HANDBOOK OF TAE HAKA OR BAUNGSHE DIALECT Opteresting qualities, but solely to their persistent
THE CHIN LANGUAGE, by LIKUT. D. J. C. MACNABB, and inveterate habit of raiding. These raids B. S.C., Political Officer, Haka."
have taken place with entire impartiality, both That the wild Chins and other mountaineers against other hill-men living without the pale, on the Burman Frontier are at present receis. and against the more civilised inhabitants of the ing an especial measure of attention is due plains. As has been pointed out by Mr. McCabe to the possession by them of no peculiarly in with reference to the cognate Nagâ tribes, each
1 Rangoon, printed by the Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1891.

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village is frequently foreign country to its neigh- bours, and raid and counter-raid are carried on with little intermission and in the most bloodthirsty manner. This state of things could not, of course, be permitted to continue in the presence of a civilised power, and as nothing short of annexation was shown to have the slightest effect on these wild bill-men, their country has been received into the British Empire, and measures have been taken to establish in the hill country the Pax Britannica, which already prevails in the neighbouring plains. This bas, of course, necessitated the presence amongst the wild Chins of British officers, who, in accordance with the wise foresight of the Government, have been encour. aged to make themselves familiar with the language of the people whose destinies they control. The present manuai, which is designed for the use of military and other officers in Haka and its vicinity, is the work of Mr. Macnabb, the Political Officer stationed at that place, and is one of the first results of the new régime. The language is that known as the Baungshe or Haka Chin, which language we are told in the Preface is spoken over a considerable tract of country. Slight dialectic variations, it is true, occur in different parts, but these do not appear to be so important as one might be lead à priori to suppose.
One direct result, indeed, of the internecine warfare referred to is the creation of many petty dialects, which, in the case of the Manipuris, have caused travellers to state that the language spoken in certain villages is unintelligible to their neighbours twenty or thirty miles away. Whilst, however, admitting that the conditions of life in the wild forest.covered mountains of the Arakan Yomà are favourable to the propagation of petty dialectic changes, it may reasonably be doubted whether there is much real divergence in the language spoken by different villages of the same tribe. Slight variations in the pronunciation of certain vowels, or in the retention or elision of final consonants, will frequently make alterations in words, which, though sufficiently small in a written language, will often render sentences unintelligi. ble to obtuse savages, and even to educated Europeans, who are not well versed in the language. Of course, also, the absence hitherto of books or writings amongst these savages is eminently con.
acive to the growth of different dialects, but again there is a strong counteracting tendency in
the pertinacity with which the Mongoloid races retain intact the root words of their languages.'
In the present case it may be taken that we bave before us the language spoken by a large and important body of these bill-men, and the information concerning it, now for the first time brought to the public eye, cannot fail to throw an interesting light on the ethnic relations generally of the Chine and their cognate races. Before however examining the philological aspects of the Baungshê or Haka Chin Language it may be well to point out a few apparent errors in the book before us. I shall do so in no cavilling spirit, being well aware of the difficulties and pitfalls which await him who for the first time reduces a foreign language to writing; but without laying claim to any knowledge of the language itself, a comparison of the sentences and vocabulary in this book with those already published of Lushai and its cognato dialects will show, that there are a few mistakes, which may with advantage be corrected in a second edition.
Mr. Macnabb has, in writing Chin, wisely chosen the Roman character in preference to the Burmese one, and has selected with slight alteration the Government system of vowel transliteration. This is a most fortunate circumstance, as it both facilitates comparison of the language with others, and enables the learner to grasp at once the vari. ous sounds used in speaking. It is to be hoped that the same course will be followed by pioneers in the other hill languages and dialects, and that the error of the American Missionaries in using a garbled version of the Burmese alphabet (itself drawn from Aryan sources), in writing Karen, will not be repeated.
Objection may be taken to two divergences from the Government system, namely the transliteration of short o as in ' upon' by 6, and of short a, as u in fall,' by . In the former case it would obviously be preferable to write the o without any mark at all, since the sound in 'upon' is simply that of the ordinary short o, (not found in Burmese.)
The transliteration of the undefined vowel by is unquestionably wrong and misleading. This vowel is etymologically a, as is shown, for instance, by the words for "rupee' (túnkä), 'reward' (lúk-saung), and 'path' (lúmb), which are the deriva. tives respectively of the Hindustani word tanka, the Burmese lak-s'aung (let-s'aung), and the
? (e. g., the Hindt bantnd is the Panjabt vann, words instantly recognizable as the same on paper, but not so in speech. -ED.)
"[The experience of British officers in the Chin Hills is clearly that of those who have to deal with savage Janguages generally. E. 9., the remarks of the late
Bishop Pattison on the languages of the Pacific Islands, and the experience of Mr. Man in the Andamans.-ED.)
. [The representation of o in upon' by 8 is, of course, clearly misleading, but I think it requires & diacritical mark nevertheless. "Ordinary short o" is usually understood to have the sound of o in opaque,' found

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APRIL, 1892.]
Tibeto-Burman root lam. If it is considered the word for fowl' is given throughout as necessary in writing to distinguish this vowel arr, but primd facie it would seem somewhat from that in the word 'man' some simple diacri- doubtful whether there is any r sound in this tical mark such as would probably suffice, or word, which is obviously a corruption of the wideperhape Mr. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon æh might do. spread root wa, meaning a bird or fowl. In no
Again, is it correct to talk of t preceding or cognate language has this root a final r, nor is as an aspirate P The latter expression is usually there anything to show that the ra suffix which has applied to a breathing of some kind, and indeed been pointed out by Mr. Hodgson in Tibetan the sounds referred to are simply inchoate and other languages occurs in Baungehe Chin. palatals and not aspirated sibilants.
Without, therefore, presuming to lay down how It is doubtless through an oversight that such
these people pronounce the word, we would pre-Hunterian words as 'a-leen,' warm,' 'a
suggest that it is possibly a pronounced in the keek,' 'cool,' tlike,' 'to catch,' occur in the
'heavy tone,' as it is called in Burmese. The book. These should apparently be written alan,
fact also of its being a shortened or cut down akik, and tlaik.
form of the original root wa lends probability to On examining the vocabularies in the book, one
its being pronounced in this tone. of the first things to strike the eye is the pre- It may here be remarked that no mention is fixing of k'to all verbal roots, which seems at made of tones in this book, but this can hardly be first strange, as no known cognate language because they do not exist in Baungahê Chin. It possesses this peculiarity. A comparison, however, would, indeed, be scarcely credible that this lan. with Lushai, (which will be shown to be the guage, surrounded as it is on all sides by those language most nearly related to Baungshe using tones, should be destitute of these adjuncts, Chin), shows that this k' or ka is in reality the which are indeed universal amongst the Southshortened or reduplicated form of the first Eastern Mongoloids. At the same time the subject personal pronoun kèmi. This particle is, of course, of tones presents unusual difficulties to the Euroa distinct word, and has nothing to do with the pean, whose ear can frequently scarcely distinverbal root; and it is, therefore, unfortunate that guish between words in different tones, unless it should have been confused with the latter. The the fact of that difference is specially brought error has doubtless arisen from the difficulty, to his notice. Moreover, little has been done which has been pointed out by Professor Sayce, as yet towards solving the question of the in "getting a savage or barbarian to give the best method of rendering tones when using the name of an object without incorporating it into Hunterian system of spelling; so that in a handa sentence or bringing it into relation with some- book like the present one it was perhaps as well thing else." It is, indeed, demonstrable that Mr. to avoid the subject. At the same time we should Hodgson, though aware of a precisely similar have been glad to be informed positively as to construction existing in Gyarung and other the existence of tones in Baungshe Chin, and if languages, has, in the case of vocabularies of so, how many could be distinguished. Similarly, dialects cognate to Baungehê Chin, been it would be interesting to know whether these misled by this very particle ka, which he has Chins ever modify their vowels similarly to the mistaken for the well known ka prefis found German umlart. The use of modified vowels throughout the Tibeto-Burman family. In the is very common amongst the Mongoloid hill-men, present case the confusing of the pronoun ka not to speak of the Tibetans, and à priori it with the root has led to several mistakes in the would seem probable that they exist in the sentences; e. g., on page 6:"Have you ever met Baungshe dialect. In their case no difficulty me” should be kèmi na mii-bal-maw, and not exists in writing, since the forms ä, e, i, ö and i k'mů: and on page 22:4" You are lying" should are universally understood. Possibly the word be nangma na hlen or na hlen, and not na k'hlen. shert 'to build,' (a stockade), should be written in Burmese, and not the sound of o in upon.' The late of Andamanese, owing to this very cause. The savage Mr. A. J. Ellis in his report on the Andamanese Lan- will always say my leg,' your leg,' his leg' in preguage (Presidential Address, Philological Society, 1882) ference to 'leg.' and when he speake, as the Andamanese denoted o in upor' by è.-ED.)
do, of darchagda, ugarchagda, and archagds for the above [Mr. Ellis used ä in writing Andamanese. But expressions, and then proceeds to drop the final da in the Andamanese have five a sounds, and unless Chins composition, the unassisted learner is apt to be puzzled; ere blessed with an equal number I would suggest a more eepecially when, as in Andamanese, there are seven for a in 'man.'-ED.)
varieties of these prefixes, having but little in common & The Science of Language, Vol. I. (I can endorse this with each other and the ordinary words for 'I, you and from personal experience. It took Mr. Man and myself he.'-ED.] about a year to discover the poouliar pronominal prefixes Mongolian Affinities of the Circassians.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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shöt, for it is very unusual, if not quite unknown, to Chin, in which these relations are not distinin this class of languages, to find an r prefixed to a guished by separate words, according as they are final consonant. Similarly it may be surmised that older or younger than the speaker. swark, to come out' should be written swak.
Before leaving the subject it may be as well to In the list of the first ten numerals given at the point out that in a few cases the Chin sentence, end of the book the prefis pa occurs before each as given in the manual, does not eorrespond with number. A reference to the text, however, shows the English, even according to the freest transitthat this pa is, as in Lushai, merely a numeral tion. Thus, on page 20 :- Hi byè hi ta-tēmai co-efficient, the China and Lushais placing its obviously means "Is this word (or saying) true." between the noun and the number, instead of last. and has nothing to do with the English sentenco of all, as is the case in Burmese. The prefis fan "I wish to get true information about this." before kål or kwê, 'twenty,' is apparently n numeral Similarly in the next line : - Nangma pakat-te Cu-efficient for some special class of nouns, as on byé-sin kan du should apparently be translated page 25 there occurs the expression mi-pa-kre "I wish to speak to you alone," and not "Do for twenty men.' It would seem not improbable you think your information is true?" there are other numeral co-efficients in Baungshe With regard to the place of Baungshé Chin Chin besides pa and fan. The suffixing of in the Tibeto-Burman family, it must plainly be these particles immediately to the noun is, it may grouped with those of the other hill-mea inhabit. be remarked, a favorable example for Dr. Bleek's ing the Arakan Yoma Boantuins from Manipur to theory of the origin of grammatical gender. their southern extremity. The principul languages
To pass to particular words, the translation of or dialects comprised in this group are Manipiri. küt as arm' is apparently wrong. since in Lushai | Lushai (Dzo), Kami, Shandu, and the languages and other cognate dialects it means Land,' and, of the Wild and the Tame (or Southern) Chins. in fact, in the Vocabulary at the end of the book Professor Sayce in his Science of Language the word abān is given for forearm. Similarly has, it is true, adopted another classification, niakon the same analogy it seems open to doubt ing two groups of them and including Burmese whether the Baungshê Chins do not possess a and Karen in the second group. A comparison, distinct word for ' leg' apart from ke, foot." however, of the vocabularies and grammar of these The word pā which properly means 'father is
hill tongues shows them to possess many special given for man,' both on page 3 and in the Voca
points of resemblance, which differentiate them, bulary, but a reference to the Sentences shows
as a whole, from the Burniese. the word used for 'man' is mi, an extremely wide
These tribes are, in fact, in all probability a later spread root. Pa is possibly used, as in other
immigration than the dwellers in the plains, and languages of the Tibeto-Burman family, is a
are more closely connected with Sul-Himalayan
tribes, such as the Limbu, than is the case sufix meaning 'male.'
with the Burmans. The Maniporis, having for The word ngā, given in the Vocabulary on page
some time past masqueraded is Hindus, bave 15, evidently means to know and not to say,
altered their language more than is the case with and in practical use it would seem to correspond
the hill-tribes south of them, but they neverthewith the Burmese tat. Burmese and Chin, are,
less belong to the same group. Of the different of course, far from being the only languages,
languages spoken in it Baungshê Chin has a which use the verb to know' in the same senso
markedly close affinity with Lushai, as the as to be able.'
following list of words identical in both proves :Exception may be taken to the giving of differ.
Bear
vom Day tsun ont adjectives (such as those of colour, deep,' &e.)
Beat
vel Dog in the form of nouns, i. e., with short a prefized.
Before
'mai Door in-kā In the Tibeto-Burman family there are no
Behind
'nü Eye myit such things as true adjectives, their place
Bird
Fall tlat being taken by verbs; and the fact that in certain
Bite
shi Fire me languages they are suffixed to the noun makes
Blood
Fish nga no difference.
boar (wild) ngal Fly The words given respectively for brother' and
Burn
Fowl sister' probably denote either elder or younger Cold
shik Go kal (kúl) brother or sister,' as it would be difficult to point
hün Good ata to any language in the remotest degree cognato | Daughter fānu Hand kūt
• Compare also mark, 'to divorce' with the Lashai mak.
та
kang

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APRIL, 1992.
BOOK-NOTICES.
127
asi
in
rúl
Son
ti
Weep
Head
Seed High asang Sit
t' House
Slave
shal (shil) Inside
sun Snake Iron tir
afa Luoking-glass kla-lung Stone lung Make
Sweet aklum Many
tam (tim) Thatch Near
anui This Necklace
Tooth ha Nose ngã
tap Old
ali Well (be) dan Pumpkin mai Which koi Rain
ruu shuur Widow nu-mè Reap
Wish dū Red
shen Yellow eng Ripe
min You nangma See
mü In addition to the above list, which is taken
unat at random and is very far from being exhaustive, there are many other words, such as Trimu ani kwei, I, which cliffer very slightly. Both from the number and nature of the allied words and from the character of their resom. Wances, it is apparent that the Baungshe Chins and Lushais must at no distant period have formed one race. Words like those for brass, gong,' looking glass,' &c., which are the same in Lushai and Baungsho Chin, can only have been in. corporated into these languages recently, whilst the fact that the Chin word for 'rupee,' tanki,is derived, like the Lushi, direct from the Hindustani and not through Burmese, points to the inference that when first introduced to this coin these Chins were probably living to the west of their present habitat; i.e., in the Chittagong Hill-Tracts, where the Luslais still reside. At the same time it may be in- ferred, from the words for gun' in Chin and Lu. sliai being different, that they had already separated when fire arms were brought to these hills. It is noteworthy, also, that these Chins have an indi. genons word for 'sea,' which would hardly be the cuse if they had resided long where they now are.
One of the points, in which Baungsho Chin agrees with Lushui, is in the use of the sound of f in certain words, this being a somewhat rare sound in Tibeto-Burman phonology. The sound of f is also used in Kami, which language together with Lushai, possesses the peculiar guttural breathing known in Arabic as 'ain. No mention
(I would, however, be cautious as to this assumption on philological grounds only.-ED.]
10 [It should be remembered, however, that the sound of is seldom properly taught in India, with the result that the ears of the majority of Anglo-Indians are not so attuned as to catch it in learning new langunge.ED.)
of this latter sound is made in Mr. McNabb's work, so it may be that it is not found in Baungshỏ Chin. The sound f would seem to correspond with the varga ch, ts and s in the other Tibeto-Burman languages. Both the f and 'ain sounds are very sparingly used, and it is possible that they are foreign sounds introduced into the dialects, in which they occur by contact with some Muhammadan race.
The terminals 1,r, and p still exist in Baungah Chin, as in Lushai, though it is curious to note that, amongst the former, finall is not unfrequently clided. The example of the Chinese and Burmans shows that, with increasing laziness of pronunci. ation, these letters as terminals are apt to disappear.
One of the most noticeable points in the grammar of Bauungsho Chin is that the present tense of the vers consists of the nakod root without even i euphonical sutis. It is, of course, open to doubt whether this omission is due to a really primitive method of conjugation, as in Chinese, or whether there was formerly some suffix, which has come to bo olided. Perhaps the latter hypothesis is on the whole the more probable, as no other case appareatly exists in the Tibeto-Burman family of this want of a suflis, and it can scarcely be contended that Baungal: Chin las alone retained the earliest form of conjugation.
The future particle is lai, which is, curiously enough, almost the same as that (lail) used in Southern Chin to denote compulsion, 'must.' The latter is, however, compounded of the verb lii must'andail, the future particle, in the same way as the Burmese ra-mañ (yu-mi). In one sentence', indeod, on page 19, na ngai-lai is given for you must obey.' but it can hardly be supposed tliat the particle of the future of compulsion has been given throughout in mistake for the simple future. The termination in Lushai is, it may be remarked, ang. The negative interrogative particles are respectively lo and mate, as in Lushai. The latter of these is evidently the Chinese mo, but the only analogy to the former outside this special family of languages is apparently the Dravidian illei or alla.
The present participle lyo in Baungshê Chin is probably allied with the Burmese lyal (lyet). It does not seem to have analogies in the other hill languages.
11 The Kami afi 'tooth' is probably identifiable with the Tibetan 80, Burmese .
12 It is curious to note that the use of the pronouns with the noun and verb is the same in Banugahó Chin as in Ancient Egyptian : though in the latter language they were suffixed and not prefixed. (But is this a remarkable peculiarity ?-ED.)

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128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1892.
The Bufix ā (the same as the old Burmese Generally speaking it would seem very extrapostposition ā) seems to have a wide range of | ordinary that the Baungshê Chins, who probably meaning. Thus, after a noun it means 'by,'' at'or at no distant epoch formed one tribe with the 'to.' On page 16 after a verb it is used for ' in order Lushais, should yet have retained a different root to.' On page 29 it is similarly used for when.' from the latter for so common a word as 'water.' In the examples in this latter case, under the
In the matter of prefixes we have, in the word head of "Imperfect Tense," there would, however,
rül for snake,' an example of the throwing off the appear to be some confusion in the use of the ā
pa prefix (of. Tibetan brul or prúl), and, in that particle, unless indeed we are to understand that
for butterfly,' plip, an example of its addition, Baungshe Ohin is destitute of a particle to express
(Cf. Burmese lip-pya, (lék-pyà.) conditions of time. In this case, the sentence
-"When I saw him he was running away," would In 'rūk, 'mad,' we see the simple root ru, (yd), read literally in Chin "I saw him, ho was run. (as in Burmese), altered first by the aspiration of ning away :"-a sufficiently primitive method of the initial semi-consonant, and secondly by the expression.
addition of the suffix. An example of the
suffix is seen in rit heavy' compared with the On page 36 the form given as a perfect
Burmese le. If kleng 'to exchange' be the same tense passive, I have been brought,' is, if correct,
as the Burmese le, we have in one word both the a very remarkable one ; since the passive
ke prefix and a nasal suffis, which alterations, how. meaning is given by infixing a particle di between
ever, as Mr. Hodgson has so ably pointed out, are the root and the ordinary perfect suffix sang. common enough in this family of languages. Ren, The formation of a passive in this manner is,
"to bind," may be identified with the Burmese however, so contrary to the genius of the Tibeto. krart' (chan), and is a good example of the close Burman languages," that we may be excused in
relation between h and k or kh (k) in these languadoubting the correctness of this form, which
ges: as also is kld, to release' or to send,' cf. Burapparently does not occur in the Chin sentences.
mese 'Iwat ('lut) with the same meanings.1. In the No example is given of the relative parti
word for ' pony' (rang) the Baungshê Chins have ciple which presumedly exists in Baungahê Chin,
dropped the initial nasal of the Burmese mrang but on page 20 there is an example of a curious
(myin); and the same is scen with the word for construction instead of it, the expression 'the men
elephant' wi, as compared with the Akyab Chin who come and go' being translated mi-klung,
mwi. An example of vowel change is the
Baungshê Chin byè (Kami bé), speech' compared mikul, literally 'man-arrive, man-go.'
with the Burmese pyaw, whilst the word rá for In conclusion, a few words in Baungsha Chin bamboo' shows that the Burmese rod possessed may be selected for notice. Amongst those speci formerly an initial semi-vowel r. ally allied to Manipuri are lamb 'a path' and
It is easily seen from a comparison of words tral to fight,' which correspond with the Mani
that Baungshê Chin in many cases prefers k půri lambé and lul. The retention of the b
where Lushai has t, and indeed it would appear suffix is especially noticeable, since although the
from other cases that these mountaineers generally root lam is widely diffused in the Tibeto-Burman
are as prone to confuse these sounds together family, there are apparently no other examples in
as the South Sea Islanders. it of this particle being suffixed to it.
In comparing the Baungshé klang var with the Baungahê Chin has, like Magar and Karen, the
Lushai tlang-val'a bachelor'we find, in addition form ti for water, as compared with the Lushai
to the above interchange of k, one of the semi. til-i. It seems, however, unreasonable to regard this, with Captain Forbes, as a separate root, for
vowels r into l. A further instance of the latter
appears in the Baungshê ri and the Lusbai le, a simple throwing forward of the accent in the
again.' In the Chin kúk as compared with the word tu.i would probably suffice to alter it into
Lushai k up a knee,' we see that a phonetic ti. Further we have a precisely analogous altera. tion in the word for 'to laugh,' which in Lushai is
corruption has taken place precisely similar to
tliat in colloquial Burmese. -i, but in Baungshê Chin ni, and in this case there can be no doubt that the root is the same.
R. HOUGHTON, C. S.
18 This construction is, however, used in Turkish, e.g. ser-it-mek to be loved.'
1Compare also Baungshê Chin klan (to lose) with Lusbai 'lo, and te 'to fear' with the Limbu ke. The
Manipäri hum three' is probably connected with the Baungshe tun, through a lost kin; since, though the equntion t-k-h holds good in these languages, there is no example of t changing directly into h.

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MAY, 1892.] ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. 129
ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
BY PROFESSOR A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE.
THE THE first instalment of the Bower Manuscript was published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1891. The portion which I now publish I have chosen for the second instalment, because it represents another of the subjects which are treated of in the several treatises comprising the Bower Manuscript. So far as I can make out at present, these treatises deal with three different subjects, viz., medicine, divination and conjuration. On medicine there are (apparently) two distinct treatises; a long and a short one. The latter I have published in the Journal A. S. B., as a specimen of medicine. On divination or fortune-telling there are two short treatises; one of these I publish in the present paper. On conjuration, or the use of magic spells, there is one short treatise. This I hope to publish as my next instalment of the Manuscript.
The portion now published consists of five leaves. Their shape and size are exactly like those of the portion previously published; that is, the leaves are a narrow oblong, measuring 11 by 2 inches. A specimen, being the obverse of the second leaf, is published in the lower part (No. II.) of Plate I., issued with the April Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The treatise to which it belongs is referred to in my paper "On the Date of the Bower Manuscript" (ante, p. 29)1 as the "second portion, called B." I have there ascribed the writing of this portion, which is in a fine, ornate hand, to a scribe distinct from him who wrote the portion given in my first instalment. The most striking differences are the two following. In the first place, the palatal é is made in the form of a square with a circular loop at the lower left-hand corner, exactly like the modern Nagari m (4), while in the portion given in the first instalment that letter has a rounded top, and no circular loop, but a minute forked tail. The latter is the older Gupta form, while the former already closely approaches the form shown in the Horiuzi M8. and in the Sarada alphabet, in which the letter is also square, but the loop is replaced by a dot. Both forms may be seen on Plate I, above referred to. In the second place, some letters, (especially a, k, g, r, and occasionally t, bh), are provided with a very distinct hook at the bottom of the main perpendicular. This hook looks exactly like the mark of the vowel u, as attached to other letters, such as m, 8, p, &c. Accordingly, when the vowel t is to be joined to those hooked letters, it assumes a different shape, that of a more or less large curve, turned to the left. Examples may be seen on the same plate.
Though written on five distinct leaves, the work inscribed on them only occupies eight pages. The obverse of the first leaf contains, as I have already stated elsewhere, the concluding portion of a medical treatise, but whether of the long one, or of some other, I am not, as yet, quite certain. At the bottom of this obverse page, there is the remark ity-atra svété évéadhipatyé batasy-ádhikarané sváhá, the meaning of which I do not understand. It is in larg cursive letters, in a hand distinct from that which wrote the medical treatise, as well as from that which wrote the treatise on divination; which commences on the reverse of the leaf. It seems to be, however, the same handwriting as that which is seen in some other portions of the manuscript. The most natural conclusion that one can draw is, that the treatise on divination was written after the treatise on medicine, as it commences on the back of the latter.
The fourth leaf is inscribed only on the obverse. It consists of no less than four layers of bark, but they are all so thin and flimsy, that a considerable portion is broken and frayed. Even the obverse is only partially inscribed, and the reverse is probably thought by the scribe to be unfit for writing on. In any case nothing of the text is lost. That part of it which commences on the obverse of the fifth leaf, follows immediately after that which is written on the obverse of the fourth. In fact, the material used for this portion of the manuscript
1 Also in Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LX., Part I., pp. 80, 81, * See Proceedings Asiatic Society of Bengal, for April 1891, p. 5

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Mar, 1892.
is of the same (if not more) inferior description as that employed in the first portion, previously published. This also explains why only one half of the reverse side of the second leaf is inscribed. For here, too, no material portion of the text is lost.
The lenves are of varying thickness. None of them consists of less than four layers; but the second is of extraordinary, thickness. It is difficult to count ite layers; but there certainly do not seem to be less than twelve.
The part of the manuscript which I now publish is practically complete. The entire treatise which it contains must have consisted (as I shall show later on) of sixty-four verses. Of these the manuscript gives fifty-nine. Three of the missing verses should have been on the reverse of the second and the obverse of the third leaves. On the former page a "vahula," numbered 234, is omitted ; on the latter page two “bhadrâs," numbered 412 and 124 are missing. There should be altogether six "yahulas" and six "bhadrâs"; but there are extant only five "vahulus" and four "bhadrâs." However, the numeral mark 412 is given in the manuscript (sce Al. 3a), though the corresponding "bhadra" verse is missing. It seems quite clear from these circumstances, that the omission is merely an error chargeable to the scribe of the manuscript. The tiro other missing verses should have been at the end of the manuscript.
They should have been the two "kharis," nambered 211 and 121. If they ever existed in the present copy, they must have been written on the obverse of a sixth leaf; for the extant "khari" Terse 112 closes the reverse of the fifth leaf. In that case, one leaf of the manuscript is lost, and this leaf might have contained the usual colophon, giving the names of the work and its author. But it seems to me doubtful whether a little work of this kind would have contained the usual colophon; and it is not improbable that the manuscript is complete, and that the omission of the two last verses is chargeable to the scribe, in the same way as the loss of the other three verses. The last words on the reverse of the fifth leaf are written in the middle of the line, leaving sufficient blank space to write more matter, if the scribe had intended to write any more. Moreover the whole is followed by a scroll, apparently indicative of the end. All this seems rather to suggest the alternative of the omission being due to the scribe; probably the original, from which he copied, was already incomplete.
There are many other points to show that the manuscript was not written with much caro. Thus on f. 2a* and 2a5 the words prathamá máli ant tritiyá máli are omitted ; on fl. 5a. and 5a3 we have dvitiya for tritiya; on f. 5b4 the scribe has cancelled the words tritiyá panchi 212, though they were correct, and repeated them on f. 5b5, where they are out of place: another blundered case occurs on f. 156. Not unfrequently tnere occur pâdas, or quarter-verses, which are short by one syllable. Generally it is the 3rd påda (5 times: fl. 281, 226, 36, 4a3, 5b4): twice it is the 4th pâda (A. 2a4 and 3a8); once each it is the 1st (A. 5a5) and 2nd pådas (A. 5b3.) In most of these cases the fault is certainly due to the carelessness of the scribe. Thus in A. 36 probably kalena should be read for kúlé, in fl. 5að vipula for pula. But one or two cases are doubtful: in them the fault may be due to the anomalous nature of the language. Thus in f. 2a6 chaiva artha should be read for (sandhi) chaivártha; again in f. 2at the synonymous nityataḥ should be read for nitydt. Occasionally the opposite case occurs, of a pada having one syllable in excess. This always occurs in the 4th pâda, and in all probability is one of the anomalies of the language; (see below). There is only one exception; it is in fl. 5b5, where the excess occurs in the 3rd pada, and is undoubtedly only a blunder of the scribe; as the sense of the verge shows that he should have written asubha instead of subháśubha.
Undoubted clerioal errors of another kind are the following: A, 1b4 svá for spáhá; f. 2a3 kalyani for kalyání; A. 2aB artha for arthó ; A. 2a6 nayam for núyam; A. 2a6 prápsasi for práp. syasi and arthas-cha for arthan-cha; A. 2bl dharmmásya for dharm masya; . 2b3 *muktas for
See Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LX. Part I. p. 187.
The first number refers to the loaf, the letter to the page of the lenf, and the raised number to the line of the pago; thus 20 = 2nd leaf, obverse page, 5th line.

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MAY, 1892.] ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
131
muktds ; f. 3al chanunayishyasi for chanunayishyasi; fl. 3a1 *vrittischa for vritt&s=cha; fl. 3a1 # na for na; f. 3a6 sarvvaritha for saruvatha ; A. 3a6 • saméshyasi for saméshyati; A. 3a7 sahayes for sahayais; A. 4a2 karané for kúpané (here shown by the metre); A. 4aya for yd; A. 5b4 dharmma for dharmmarh; A. 5b+ vandhás-cha for vandhánh=g=cha. Those cases, however, which are marked with an asterisk, may also be due to the anomalous character of the language.
Occasionally the scribe noticed a mistake and corrected it by interlinear insertions in minute and hastily drawn letters. Thus in fl, 3a4 na sanhiayá, Al. 4a3 api, f. 4a6 si cha, f. 593 bha are added interlinearly. Ordinary corrections, by alterations of already written letters occur; e.g., in in f. 27, 5b3 and elsewhere.
The language of the manuscript in the early extra-scholastic Sanskrit of NorthWestern India with all its usual anomalies in orthography, grammar, prosody and vocabulary. Of these I have noted the following instances :
1. In Orthography: spelling: Al. 1b5 singha for sinha, A. 2a6 avi for api, fl. ta3, 5al, &c. dukkha for duhkha: confusion of sibilants; f. 24 samánvitá for samánvita. Doubling of consonants : before r: throughout with t; e. g., f. 1b6 sattravas, f. 2a6 yattra, &c.: before y: gáttyakárana (for yáti-akáraņai): before v; fl. 5al addhvánari. Sandhi; : fl. 2b2 dvitiyo kubah for dvitiyah kútah, fl. 4al grihaiva for griha éva (grihé éva), t1, 225 tatottamuh for tata utlamah (tatah uttamah), fi. 5b2 suhrideva for suhridaiva (suhridá éva). Omission of final consonants : 3hi kinchi for kiñchit, 153, 2a3, 2b+ káraná for kúranát (abl. sing.). Omission of visarga : before *: A. 3a7 sumittrai saha for sumittrail, A. 3a7 dévatai sprihá for devutaih ; f. 2a2 nishphala so or nishphalah; before p: fl. 168 prasaká and yuktá patantu. Neglect of sandhi : fl. 216 dpisyaté agamo, A. 2b3 vijeshy asi ripúsi, f. 3a8 arthah aniruvédai.
2. In Grammar: declension: nom. sing. : f. 161 namê achary@bhyah: often visarga omitteil. in pausa; fl. 2a6 uttama, 2b1 príti, A. 2b1 atiparikshaya, Al. 524 sandéha, f. 5a3 lábha, f. 569 samupasthita : nom, neat. ; l. 362 janman, A. 4a2 karmai: acc. sing.; A. 362 pratyarthin (for pratyarthinaw): acc. plur. masc. ; (as a rule ending in án, etc.) f. 2a4 bhögári, fl. 2b3, 5a2 tipuri sarrviii, fl. 5a6 bhôgári vipulárn, f. 5b2 kámán, fl. 5b4 yajñan, but regular in fl. 5b4 vividhán : instr, sing. fem.; f. 162 shashthiyé (for shash hyal): gen. plur. ; f. 1b3 sarovavádinán (for 'valinúm): loc. plur.; A. 164 rishishu (for rishishu). Conjugation : imp. for pres.; fl. 4a1 bishtha (tor tishịhasi): atm. for parasm.; A. 2a, 3b6, 4a3 prápsyasé (bat A. 35 also prápsyasi), fl. 2a3. 3al, 3b5 chintayasé : parasm. for atm.; A. 247 pratiksha (for pratikshasva). Syntax : exchange of cases: nom. for acc.; A. 2a6 prápsasé (for prápsyasé) n-ayam uttama (for na imam uttamam), H. 3a6 só 'rthah prapsy asé (for tam arthan), f. 4a6 lanbhas-tu lapsyasi, f. 2a6 arthasacha grihya : nom, for instr. ; f. 3b4 visrijyas-tvar (for tvaya), fl. 386 sa samé shyasi (for téna: but see above): nom, for gen.; A. 3a1 vrittis=cha kshayah (for vritt&s=cha: but see above); acc. for gen.: fl. 2al janir=upadravar (for upadravasya): gen. for dat.; A. 1b2 marutánári namah: loo. for dat.. A. 2a4 labhasé (for labhasáya). False ooncord : neat, and fem. ; fl. 1b* vritis=satyam (for satyá); A. 3a7 viruddhai spriha (for viruddha): masc. and neat.; A. 1b6 níchôchchan bhayah (for nichochhô), A. 3a8 upasthitasi visishļas-te (for visishtarn): perhaps sing. and plur.; A. 2a5 mahán=arthá (for artho), f. 268 muktas=tkilvishd (for muktas).
3. In Prosody: occasionally the fourth påda has one syllable in excess; see A. 261, 4a), 4a6, 5a6. 4. In Vocabulary: new words or new meanings :
karitra 'tools' (?), A. 2a6. chárnga clever,' A. 2b3 (for changa, perhaps false reading). déva 'god,' A, 2al (for daiva). dévata deity,' A. 164, 3a7 (for daivata). putratvatásonship', 4. 2a7 (with double abstract sufix).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May. 1892.
präguna safety,' f. 5a* (but also pragunya ibidem ; perhaps a false reading). vsiti diagram,'' a dice-board,' f. Ib4.
spriha desire,'' envy,' fl. 27 (for sparha or spriha). To these words should be added all the technical names of groups of verses or throws of dice; thus:
navikli 'an eulogy', f. 166 (a vernacular form of Skr. navikų, from nava; see my
Gaudian Grammar, $ 195). paltabandha 'a decoration,' 'investiture,' fl. 2al. kalaviddhi 'the regulation of time,' fl. 2al, (apparently a synonym of vidhi; other
wise it would mean the piercing'). óápala 'imprecation,'' abuse,' A. 2a, (a bye-form of sápa). mali 'garland,' f. 2a4 (a vernacular form of Skr, málıká, cf. Prikrita Prukása V,
21, Hêmachandra III, 32, 34, and my Gaudian Grammar, $ 195). vahula 'manifoldness,' A. 2a5. kúta fa puzzle' (?), f. 261. Dhadrá cow,' fl. 263. sakti power,' f. 3a2. dundubhi 'kettle-drum,' A. 3a6. vrisha 'bull,' 364 préshya 'maid-servant,' f. 8b6. viļi "yellow sandal,' A. 4a3 (in the smaller Petersburg Dictionary; or perhaps for
víli 'a ball'). karna 'ear,' f. 4a5. sajá 'armoar' (?), f. 5a2 (perhaps for sajjá). kána or kúnatantra, f. 5a4 and 1. 5að (or kanatantra fl. 5ab), one eyed,' also
a crow.' chuchuna, meaning unknown, A. 561 (see below). . páñchi, fl. 5b3 or panchi A. 5b4 consisting of five' (see below).
khari 'she-ass,' 4. 565. As we shall see presently, all these words are technical names of certain throws of dice and of corresponding groups of verses. The meanings above given are merely the original meanings of the words, and in some cases they are doubtful: probably it matters little what the meanings were, or why the throws were so called. The main point is, that the words are names of certain throws of dice. Dundubhi is the only one among them which I have found noted in Sauskțit dictionaries in that sense : in the Petersburg Dictionary it is given as "the name of certain throws in games with dice.''
The subject of the manuscript I believe to be divination or fortune-telling by means of dice. The work is a small treatise or handbook for instruction, or for the guidance of adepts, in the art of prognostication. This art is to be exercised, as the introduction of the treatise shows, with the help of dice (prásaka), of which there are three, respectively named, or probably marked, with the figures of a pitcher (kumbhaka), a discas or wheel (arin), and an elephant (mnátanga). They are thrown on a diagram or board (oritt), divided into fields, which are marked with one of the four numeral figures, 1, 2, 3, 4. There must have been twelve fields, of which three were marked with the figure 4, three with 3, three with 2, and three with 1. So far as I can make out, the order in which these fields where arranged was immaterial. Every
• Pañchi or pañchild is at present used as the name of a game played with five-dice, and chufichult is given in the s akrit dictionaries AB game of hasard played with needs of tamarind, instead of dion,

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MAY, 1892.) ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
188
properly made throw of the three dice would, of course, indicate a group of three fields or of the corresponding inscribed figures. Of such groups there would necessarily be three different classes, according as the same number occarred in the group thrice or twice or once; thus the group might be 444, or 443, or 432. It follows that there would be 20 possible groaps, and that every throw of the dioe would indicate one of these 20 groups. Each of these 20 groups or throws is designated by a special name; and the list given below is that of these names.
Further, within each group the numeral figures constituting it may be arranged in different ways; e. g., the group 443 admits of the three variations, 443, 344, 434. Again the group 432 admits of six variations, vix., 432, 423, 342, 243, 234, 324. In fact, every group, containing the same figure twice, admits of three, and every group containing the same figure only once, admits of six variations; while s group, containing the same figare thrice, admits only of one arrangement. Now, there are four possible groups of the latter kind (444, 333, 222, 111); but there are twelve possible groups containing the same figure twice, and four possible groups, eontaining the same figure only once. It follows that the number of possible arrangements or variations of the 20 groups is 64, (i.e., 4 x1 + 12 x 3 + 4 X 6, or 4 + 36 +24).
All this is shown in the First Table below. The groups are arranged in the order in which they would naturally suggest themselves. In the second Table I have given them in the order in which they follow one another in the manuscript; and this order is also shown in the First Table, in the second column, enclosed in brackets. The bracketed numbers in the fourth column give the summations of the figures which compose the several groups.
I.--Table of Groups and Variations.
Classes of Groups,
Serial Number
of Groupa.
Names of Groups
Figures of Groups.
No. of Total No. Total No. of Variations. of Groups. Variations.
With the same figure
thrice.
444 (12) 833 (9) 222 (6) 111 (3) 443 (11) 442 (10) 41 (9)
eo C
c
O
O
With the same figure twice.
Chantayanţa (?)...... IL
Navikki ...............
Pattabandha ......... IV. (IV.) Kalaviddhi ............
(V.) S&pata ............. VI. (XII.) Vrisha .......... VII. (VILI.) Kata ............ VIII. (VI.) MAI ............
(XIV.) Vitf .............
(XVII.) Kana.............. XI. (XIII.) Préshya XII. (XVI.) Saja ................. XIII. (XIX.) Pañicht ............. XIV. (XV.) Karna ...............
XV. (XVIII.) Ohnñchuns ........ XVI. (xx.) Khart XVII. (VII.) Vabula ... XVIII.
(IX.) Bhadri ............. XIX.
(X.) Bakti .................. XX (XI.) Dundubht............
15
12
36
O
O
O
O
113
SOS
O
O
With the same figure
орое.
432 421 () 341 321
O
O
Total..
...

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1892.
II.-Table of Order of Groups in MS.
1. 444 12 II. 333 9 III. 222 6 IV. 1113
v. 443 11 VI. 334 10 VII. 4329
30
VIII. 441 9 IX. 4217
X. 341 8 XI. 3216
30
XII. 442 10 XIII. 224 8 XIV. 3328
xv. 114 XVI. 2237 XVII. 3317 XVIII. 113 5 XIX. 221 5 XX. 1124
As already remarked, each (properly made) throw of the dice would indicate three fields, or one group of three figures ; but in most cases, it would not show what particular variation of the group was to be understood by the throw. Some mark would be needed to show in what order the figures indicated by any particular throw should be read. It is for this reason that the three dice are marked by the emblems of a pitcher, discus and elephant, and that the order of these three emblems is laid down in the introduction. The direction intended to be given in the introduction (as I take it) is that the dice should be thrown on the fields of the diagram, and then the throw read off in the order of the marks of the dice; that is, the figure indicated by the pitcber-die is to be placed first, that of the discus-die is to come second, and that of the elephant-die is to come last. With the aid of this rule, there would be no doubt as to which group and variation any particular throw indicated.
The fortune-teller would first make his diagram or lay his board; he would then make a throw of his dice; from the throw he would know the group and its name, and from the order of the dice he wonld know the particular variety of the group. For every variety he would know a verse ; and the verses would suggest to him what he should prognosticate in any given case. I remember, some years ago, when I was spending my summer vacation in Darjeeling, a travelling Kashmiri (or Afghan) came to the hotel in which I was staying, and told the fortune of any one who wished to consult him by a somewbat similar procedure. I then took no particular notice of him, but I remember that he used a diagram and variously marked oblong dice, by the help of which he made his prognostications. Perhaps some who read this may be able to supplement my information, and tell us whether the same or similar practices in divination as those indicated in the Bower Manuseript are still observed anywhere in India or its northern borders.
One point more may be noticed. The order of the groups in the manuscript is shown in Table II. It may be asked why the groaps should be arranged in that order in preference to the more obvious logical order shown in Table I. Perhaps there may be no better reason for it than accident; but the Table shows a carious fact which may possibly account for it. The first four groups may be regarded as the key-groups; and the total of the sams of the figares composing them gives a key-total of 30. Now, if the figures of the remaining groups are severally summed up, and the sums arranged in an order decreasing by 1, it is found that the key-total 30 is repeated four times : and in this order the manuscript arranges the groups. The arrangement, however, is not quite perfect: groap X. ought to precede group IX., and groups XVI. and XVII. ought to precede groap XV. This circumstance, though it may be due to an error of the scribe, prevents the explanation from having more than the character of a doubtful conjecture.
The Nâgari transcript gives the text as it stands in the manuscript, broken letters being

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135
printed in full. Aksharas which are wholly wanting, are indicated by dots, which are in numbers equal to the missing aksharas, Aksharas which are now wanting, but which were still extant when I first made my transcript, are enclosed within straight brackets.
In the Roman transliteration, broken akaharas of the MS. text are indicated by round brackets, and entirely missing portions, by dots, or longs and shorts. Any restoration of missing text is enclosed within straight brackets.
In the translation, conjectural portions or explanatory additions are indicated by round brackets.
I. TEXT. Transcript.
First Leaf : Reverse. 19 नमो नन्दिरुद्रेश्वराय नमो आचार्येभ्यः नमो ईश्वराब-नमो माणिभद्राय [नमस्सवयो. 2 नमः सर्वदेवेभ्यः शिवाय नमः षष्ठीये नमः प्रजापतये नमः रुद्राय नमः नमो वैश्रवणाय नमो मरुतानां नमः प्रास3 का पतन्तु इमस्यार्थस्य कारणा हिलि २ कुम्भकारिमातजन्युक्ता पतन्तु यत्सत्यं सर्वसिद्धानां यत्सत्यं सर्ववादीनां
तेन सत्येन सत्यसमयेन नष्ट विनष्टं 4 म लाभालाभ जयाजयं शिवानुदर्शय स्वा-सत्यनारायणे चैव देवते कषीषु चैव सस्वं मन्त्रं तिस्सत्यं
समक्षा पतन्नु स्वाहा सत्यं चैव तु द्रष्टव्यं नि.......... . मन्त्रौषधीनां च निमित्तवलममन्तरम् सृषताया देवतं विष्णुनविकायां चण्डयाण्ट ॥D॥४४४
नमः पुरुषसिङ्गस्थ प्रसन्नस्ते जनार्दनः 6 निहता शचवस्सर्वे यदिप्ससेकम् नविक्की ३३३ न ते शोको न वायासो नीचोच न च ते भयः
Second Leaf : Obverse. 1... .......... प्ससि पहबन्धः॥ २२२ सर्वकामसमृद्ध पि पखं जनिरुपद्रवं उत्पने ततं चैव
देवं शमय ते भयम् कालविद्धिः।। १११ पारेहीयते से बुद्धिः 2........: आरम्भश्चिन्तितो यस्ते निष्पल स भविष्यति ॥ शापटः ४३ व्याधिभिर्माक्ष्यसे शिमं सुखं वा
प्राप्स्यसे तथा नात्युचं नातिनीधं च फलमासारयिष्यसि ॥ वितीयशापट । ३.३४ भायासो दृश्यते घोरो येभ्यश्च तव विग्रहः निष्फलं दृश्यते कार्य पृच्छसे यस्य कारणा- तृतीयशापटः।।
४४ समागर्म चिन्तयसे कल्याणि न च यज्यते। 4 न ते शरीरसन्तापो भोगां चैवोपलप्स्यसि + ३४३ सर्वार्थसिद्धिसंपदकामभोगः समान्वितः अचिरणेव कालेन भकि
व्यति स निस्यात् द्वितीया माली-३३४ अयं सपुण्यो लभसे 5 ह्यानन्दः प्रीतिवर्द्धनः अत्वरासुमहानर्था त्वरितो ये न लप्स्यसि ॥ ४३३ अयं त्वया महानचिन्तितो र्यस्ततोत्तमः
प्रवासं क्षेमगमनं वान्धवैश्च समागमः वहुलः ३२४ 6 दीर्घमायुर्महानर्थः प्राप्ससे नयमुत्तम धनधान्यं करिवं च भोगानविच प्राप्ससि द्वितीयो वहलः ३२ दृश्यते आगम
यच स्वया सुपरिनिश्चितः आत्मानं चैवार्थश्च सतो गृह्यागमिष्यसि 7 वृतीयो बहुलः २४३ वहुलं दृश्यते कार्य वहुपुचवतां च ते प्रतीक्षाममात्मानं सर्वमेतदवाप्स्यसि-चतुया वहुल: ४२३ 'बहुलो विजयस्तुभ्यं मुष्टा मिचगणाच ते स्पृहे सति परस्तभ्य
Second Leaf : Reverse. मपरा स्पृहविष्यसि-पसमो बहल:३४२ स्नेहागमस्य ते चिन्ता संसिद्धेश्व परा तव अन्योन्याभिहता प्रीति-किमा
___गमिष्यति गम्यता कूट: १४ राजती विग्रहो स्तीति धर्मास्याति परिक्षय 'लब्धं चैव फलं तस्मा धर्ममेव चरिष्यसि द्वितीयो कूटः १४४ चलाचलमिदं स्थानं न मुखं प्रीतिवर्द्धन विप्रमोक्षति
देवे तिगृहीतो पि न संशयः तृतीयः कूटः ४४१ अस्ति क्षेमं भयं नास्ति 3 विजयो प्यच दृश्यते भोक्ष्यसे कामचांगाच कुतश्चिनास्ति ते भवम् भद्रा-४२१ परिक्षीणायनर्थास्वे मुक्तस्ते सर्व
किल्विषा विजेष्यसि क सब्बा लाभस्ते समुपस्थितः

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1892.
4 दितीया भना-२१४ मनसा चिन्ताविपरस्य तु कारणा किश्चित्कालमुवीक्षस्त ततो हस्तमुपैयति-हतीवा
भद्रा-॥ १४२ B.वि. स्यसि कन्यां वे
Third Leaf : Obverse. 1.चचनुनविष्यसि प्रीतिसौभाग्यसंयुक्तं धनं दास्यन्ति देवताः चतुर्था भद्रा २४१ वृत्तिवनामयस्सयों देवतेभ्यो न
के भयम् यथा कुर्वसि कुर्वाणा 2.....ास्यसि-४१२ ॥ शक्ती ३४१ परिपहं चिन्तयसे तच शीघ्रमवाप्स्यसि-अर्थकामप्रदातार बान्धर्व
प्रीतिदर्शनं द्वितीया शक्ती-॥ १३४ 3 . . गम चिन्तयसे तब शीघ्र समेष्यति-अम्मीने. कृतालेखा नव्या न भविष्यति तृतीया शकी ११५ उपस्थित
विशिष्टस्ते तथा लाभश्च +दृश्यते कुटुंवे चातुलवृद्धिर्भविष्यति न संशवा-चतुर्था शक्ती ३१४ एकच्छा महीं कृत्स्ना राजा निहतकण्टकः
आक्रम्य भोक्ष्यसे शचुं गणेस्समुदितस्सदा 5 पञ्चमी शक्ति-१४३ न चेच्छसि समिचं त्वं सुमिचे राम्यसे सश-कृताकृताच ते मिचा शत्वं यास्यकारणं ।। 6 षष्ठी शक्ति ३१ समानमं चिन्तयसे सर्वथा स समेष्यसि काले प्राप्स्यसे सो र्थः अनिवेदं तथैव च दुन्दुभी १२१
_ यत्ते नष्टं विनष्टं वां चोरेरपहतं च यत् 7 परहस्तगतं वापि न चिरात्तवाप्स्यसि-द्वितीया दुन्दुभी २१३ विमुक्तस्त्वं सहायेस्तु सुमिचे सह वर्तसे लब्धब्बाथ प्रिया पर्था विरुद्धं देवतै स्पहा ।।
Third Leaf: Reverse. 1. . यदुन्दुभी १३२ परितोषः शरीरस्य दृश्यते तव साम्प्रतम् देवतानां च पूजायाः नित्तिापलभ्यते-चतुर्थी कुन्दुभी
२३१ भस्ति से कलहं घोरं चुभिस्सह दृश्यते न तच लव्स्थसे के प्रधि च विजेण्यसि-पंचमी दुन्दुभी-॥३१२ उत्तमो दृश्यते सम्भः
पुचजन्म तथैव च-ईप्सितांचैव कामां 3 प्राप्स्वसे नाच संशयः षष्ठी दुन्दुभी १२३ परिभ्रमति बुद्धिस्ते स्थानं चैव चलाचलं मासमाचमुवीक्षस्व ततः सुखमवा
प्स्यसि4 प्रथमो वृपः यत्तवास्ति गृहे किचि गावो धान्यं धन तथा विसव्यस्त्वं द्विजातिवः वृद्धिस्ते समुपस्थिता5, . . . २४४ समागमं चिन्तयसे दूरस्थ चैव ते पिवः समृद्धं सर्वकामेषु न चिरेण समेष्यति बतीयो पपः 6 . . . . धन प्रापस्यसे घोरं पुन स्थानं च प्राप्स्यसि भविष्यात फलं चैव निर्वृतिश्च भविष्यति-प्रथमा प्रेष्या
Fourth Leaf : Obverse. 1. . . . . . . . तवा वा वियां वा यदि वाचसे गृहैव निरतस्तिष्ठ सय हि तव निष्फलं वित्तीया प्रेष्या-॥ २५२
बस्त्वया चिन्तितो यर्थः 2 . . . . . . त हि न पूरयति तत्कर्म यस्य पृच्छसि करणे-तृतीया प्रेषया-२४२ व त्वया चिन्तिता वाचा तपर्थस्व
कारणा विध्यत्यर्थलम्भस्ते ३... पाच संशयः प्रथमा क्टिी-१५२ सातत्वं त्वनिराकासः कर्मण्यश्चापि जीक्तेिन त्वं प्राप्स्यते दुकवं प्रव.
विभिश्च विजेष्वसि-हिंतीबा विडी4 ३२५ न युज्यसे फलार्थेन निवेदन च युज्यसे भन्यच त्वरितो गच्छ लप्स्यसे सुखमुत्तमम्तृतीया विटी २३३ दृश्यते ते अभिप्रायो विपदकारणा समेष्यति ते तत्वेन मरुतस्य वचो यथा-प्रथमकर्णः
११४ संपूज्य 6 सर्वकर्माणि सौभाग्य निरुपद्रवं राजलम्भस्त लप्स्वसेन चिराषिक भविष्यति रितीयः कर्णः १४१ वैन्धर्वेण परिभ्रष्टा समप्रश्चापि . सि
Fifth Leaf : Obverse. ........... ....वितीयः कर्णः ४१. भडान गमनं चिन्ता पुस्खेन च समागमः सापशेषण
काण

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2 . . . . न संशयः प्रथमा सजा-३२२ विजेष्यसि ऋपूं सवा प्रत्यार्थी वलवांश्च ते लप्स्यसे प्रथम स्थान पश्चाच्छो
कमवाप्स्यास3 द्वितीया सजा-२३२ न च जानीषे कार्याणि पश्चात्तपेन युज्यसे भविष्यति च ते लाभ सुमुखस्तव देवता-द्वितीया
सजा4 २२३ शरीरे तव सन्देह समतीतो दुरासदः देवतानां प्रसादेन प्रागुण्यं तव केवलम् प्रथमः काण ३३१ प्रागुणन्ते
शरीरस्य 5 लाभश्चार्यश्च प्राप्तये उपस्थितं च ते कल्याणं मरुतस्य वची यथा-द्वितीयः काणः तन्त्र ३१३ आरोग्यं पुलांभं च
प्रेक्ष्यसे नाच संशयः लप्स्यसे सर्वथा भद्र 6 भोगांश्च विपुलां तथा तृतीयः कणतन्त्रः १३३ मिष्या वदसि यत्किच्चि मिचं द्विषसि नित्यदा देवतानां प्रसादाबा
तिष्ठत श्रेयो भविष्यति -
Fifth Leaf : Reverse. 1 प्रथमचक्षुणः ३११ भोगानां विप्रयोगस्ते न चिरेणैव दृश्यते अन्यं संप्राप्स्यसे स्थानं मा विषाद. करिष्यसि-द्विती
यचक्षुणः १३१ अर्थसिद्धिय चैव 2 कलस्थानं तथैव च प्राप्स्यसे सर्वकामांश्च मरुतस्य वचो यथा-तृतीयचक्षुणः ११३ विप्रमुक्तस्त्वमय यो मिचैश्च
सुहदेव च उत्थानं चिन्तयानस्थ 3 उद्विम इव दृश्यते-प्रथमा पाची २२१ चलाच . . दं स्थानं दृश्यते समाकुलं नच नारम्भसे कार्य दुकवेन च
विमुच्यसे-द्वितीया पच्ची-१२२ 4 दिशः सर्वा समारकाम्ता कालधर्म कुरुष्वती सुखं ते न कार्यन्ते ते न तेषु कदाचनः [हतीवा पच्ची)-२१२ पशु
बन्धाश्च यज्ञां वै विविधान्यक्षसे तथा 5. . जिच समृद्धाने दास्यसे नाच संशयः तृतीयः पञ्ची २१२ प्रथमा खरी ११२ अतिक्रान्ता परिक्लेशा दुक्खं चैव
समानतःहाभाशुभाद्विप्रभुको सि लाभस्ते स6 मुपस्थित-॥
II. Transliteration.
First Leaf : Reverse. 1 Om Namo Nandi-rudr-esvariya - namo Achiryebhyah namo tsvariyn - namd
Mani(bhad)r(Aya) [namas=sarvva-Yakshebhyab] 2 namali sarv va-Dê vêbhyah "Sivaya namah Shashthiyê namah Praja patayê
namah Rudraya namaḥ namo Vaiśravaņaya namô Narutánam namah
prasa3 ka patantu imasy-Arthasya kâranê hili 2 kumbhak-ari-matanga-yukta patantu
yat=satyam sarvva-Siddhanam yat=satyam Sarvva-vâdînâm têna satyêna
Batya-samayena nashtam vinashtam 4 [ksb]e(m)-ak[sh]emim labh-alabham jay-lijayam Siv=Anudarsaya svir -Satya
narayanê ch-aiva dêvatê Rishishu ch=aiva satyam mantram vșitis
satyam samaksha Patantu svâhâ satyam ch-aiva tu drashtavyan ni5 .......... mantr-aushadhini cha nimitta-valam-am-antaram® mrisha_tayām devatam Vishnu navik lyam chantayinta |
444 Namah purusha-singhasya prasannas=tê Janarddanal 0] 6 nihatâ sattravas-sarvvê yadi psasê kamno [11] Navikki 333 Na tê sókô
na vîyêsê nich-ôchcham na cha tê bhayah [0]
1
2
• The bracketed portion is crossed ont in the original. * Read valam-antaran; am is superfluous.
Read audha. • Reading of the fourth pada is corrupt.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1892.
Second Leaf : Obrerse. 1 .... - -.1.... (pra)psasi [11] Patta-bandhah || 222 Sarvva-kama
samriddhe pi sukharn janir=upadravam [1] utpannê tatam ch=aiva dêvari 3
śnmaya të bhayam [11] Kala-viddhih 11 111 Parihiyatê tê buddbih 4 2 ........ (0) Ararbhas-chintito yas=tê nishpalali sa bhavishyati [11]
Sa patah 443 Vyâdhibhir=m=môkshyasê kshipram sokham va prâpsyase 5 tatha ) n=îty-uchcham n=kti-nicham cha phalamrâsâdayishyasi - II
Dvitîya-sâ pata 11 3 [4](34) Ayaso driśyatê ghôrô yêbhyas-cha tava vigrahah [V nishphalan 6
dpiśyatê kâryam prichchhasê yasya kâraņa - | Tritîya-sapatah 11 344
Samagamam chintayasê kalyanis na cha yuchyatê [] 4 na tê sarîra-santapô bhôgân ch=aiv=ôpalapsyasi + 1113 343 Saryv-årtha
siddhi-sampada-kama-bhôgah sam-anvitah [] achirén=aiva kalêna bha- 8
vishyati sa nityat15 (1) Dvitiyâ mali – || 334 Ayam sa-puņgô labhasê 9 5 hyvinandab prîti-varddhanah (0] atvar&t=su-mahan-arth416 tvaritô vai na 10
lapsyasi - 1117 433 Ayam tvaya mahân=arthas-chintitórthasutatót. tamaḥ [0] pravasam kshêraa-gamanam vandhavaiś=cha samagamaḥ [11]
Vahalah 324 6 Dirggham=äyur=m=mahân=arthaḥ prâpsasê n-ayam-attama [1] dhana-dhânyam 11
karittram cha bhoganavi cha prâpsasile [11] Dvitiyê vahulah 432 Driấyatê Agam(6] yattra tvayê sa-parini chitah [] Atmâņam ch=aiv=å 12
rthaś=cha 20 tato gpihy=îgamisbyasi [lt] 7 Tritiyê vahulah 243 Vahulam dřiśyatê kiryam vahu-puttratvatam cha té U 13
pratiksha subham=åtma(n)amsar vam-êtad=avâpsyasi21-[11] Chaturthô vahulah 423 Vahulô vijayas-tublyam tushtâ mittra-gaņas-cba té D] 14 sprihê sati paras=t[o]buya[m]
Second Leaf: Reverse. 1 na para sprihayishyasi-[11] Pañchamo vahulah 342 Snêh-ingamasya tê cbinta
samsiddhes-cha para tava U anyôny-abhihatá priti - kimagamishyati 15 gamyati22 (11) Kütah 414 Rajatô vigrah st-iti dharmmasy23-ati. 16
parikshaya[1] 2 labdhan ch-aiva phalam tasma dharmmam-êva charishyasi - [W] Dvitiyê 17
kütah 144 Chal-achalam=idam sthanan na sukham prîti-varddhanam [1] vipramokshasi dêvê tigņibītô pi na samsayaḥ [u] Tritiyaḥ kuțah 18
441 Asti kshêmam bhayan násti 3 vijayo py=attra dņiśyatê ] bhôkshyasê kêma-châmgås=cha kutas-chin=n=asti
tê bhayam (11) Bhadrâ - 421 Parikshiņâ hyanarthis=tê muktas=24tê 19
sarvva-kilvisha (0) vijêshyasi ripum sarvvům labhastê samapasthitah [li] 4 Dvitiya bhadra - 214 Manasî chintitâ chintadipadasya tu kâraņa ] kin. 20
chit=kålam=udikshasva tato hastam-u paishyati - [11] Tritiya bhadra -
11 142 5 [par]i[prâp]syasi kanyânir vai
10 In the chird pada one syllable is wanting. Perhaps read satatanh. 11 Read nishphalah. 12 Read kalyan. 18 Here insert Mali.
1. Probably read samanvita 16 The fourth pida is short by one syllable ; read nityata.
16 Read arth8. .17 Here insert tritiya mali. 18 Read nadyam.
19 Read prápoyasi. 30 The third pada is short by one syllable. Read artha-cha.
21 The fourth pada in the original is rather indistinct, through corrections having been made in it by the original seribe. * The fourth pada has one syllable in excess.
28 Read dharmmasya. - " Read muktas.

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MAY, 1892.) ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
139
Third Leaf : Obrerse. 1 milttra[m] ch-anunayishyasios (0) priti-saubhagya-samyuktam dhanam dasyanti
dêvatâh (11) Chaturthâbhadra 241 Vittiś=cha na 26 ksbayas=sarvvô 22
dêyatêbhy6 na tê bhayam [] yathi kurv vasi kurv vân(a) 2.... [a] våpsyasi - [11] 412 | Sakti 341 Parigraham chintayase tach=cha 23
sighram=avâpsyasi - [1] artha-kâma-pradataram vandhavam priti-darśa
nam [11] Dvitiya sakti - 11134 3 [Samâ](ga)ma[m] chintayasê tach-cha sighra samêshyati[0) aśminai, kțitâ 24
lékhả năêshyâ na bhavishyati27 [11] Tritiya sakti 413 Upasthita 25
visishtasutê tatha labhas-cha 4 driấyató
kutumvé chmtula-vriddhir-bhavishyati na samsaya28 Chaturtha sakti 314 Eka-ch-chhattram mahîm kritsnam râjâ nilata- 26
kantakah [1] Akramya blökshyase sattrum ganais-samuditas=sada – 11 5 Panchami sakti — 113 Na ch=êchch hasi su-mittram tvari su-mittre 27
râmyasê sada ( - kțit-akritâs-cha tê mittra satrutvam yâtty-akaranam - 11 6 Shashthi sakti 431 Samagamam chintayasê sarv vamthâ30 sa samêshyasi 8
kal@33 prânsyasê sô rthah anirvvêdam tnth-aiva cha [91] Dundubhi
321 Yat=tê nasltan vinasham và chồrair=apahritan cha yat [1] 2: 7 (para-ha)sta-gatai vrapi na chirât-tad=avâpsyasi - [1] Dvitîya dundubhi
213 Vimuktasrtram sahîyêg33-ta sa-mittrai saba varttasê O lab30 dhavyasacha priya hy=artha viruddham dêvatai sprihå 11
Third Leaf : Reverse. 1 [Triti]y[á] (dundubhi) 132 Paritôshah sarîrasya dțiśyatê tava sâmpratam (0) 31
dêvatânam cha pûjîyah nivșittir=upalabhyatê -[11] Chaturthi dundubhi
231 Asti té kalaham ghôram 2 sattrubhis-saha dřiśyatê (0) na tattra lapsyasê klaśam pratyarthiin cha
rijeshyasi — [11] Pamchami dundubhi-11 312 Uttamo dřiśyatê lambhah 32
puttra-janmam tath=aiva cha - 0 fpsitan-s=ch=aiva kamar 3 prâpayasê neattrut sambayah (11) Shashthidundubhi123 Paribhramati
buddhistêsthanam ch-aiva chal-Achalan U masa-mattram=udikshasva 34
tatah sukhan=avâpsyasi -- [11] 4 Prathamð vșisliah 442 Yat-tav=isti grihê kið-chi gåvô dhanyain dhanan 35
tatha r isrijyasetra dvijâtibhyah vriddhiste samupasthiti - (01) 5 [Dvitiyo vși]sbah 244 Samagama .chintayasê durastha ch=aiva tê 36
priyah [0] samriddhar sarvra-kâ mêshu na chiroņa sameshyati [11]
Tritiyo vpishah 6 [424 V]andhana pripsyasể ghòram puna sthânam cha prâpsyasi [1] 37
bhavishyati phalam ch-aiva nirvșitis cha bhavishyati - [11] Prathama prêshya -
Fourth Leaf: Obverse. 1 [422] . . . . . sava vâ vidyân và yadi yâchase [] grih=aiva niratas=tishtha 38
sarvvam hi tava nishphalar (] Dvitiyâ prêshya - H 242 Yas-tvaya 39
chintitô hy=arthah * Read ch-anurayishyasi, i.e., cha anunayishyasi.
* Bead upittes-cha, perhaps alao na. 11 The fourth pada is short by one syllable.
The words na samayd were originally omitted, and have been inserted interlinearly. - Perhaps : ne-mitratuan. The first anusvkra is uncertain. » Read sarvvatha, 31 Bead saméshyati; cf. verse 24. » The third pada in short by one syllable. Read kilona, m. c. * Read sah yais.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1892.
2 ...... tå hi [1] na prayati tat-karmmar yasya prichchbasi karand34 [11]
Tritiya prêshya - 224 888 traga chintità vâcha tad-arthasya tu 40
karaná (0) vishyaty=artha-lambhasté 3 ... n-ittra samsayah (1) Prathamå vitt - 332 Satatvam tva[n] ni(r)ấyasah 41
karmmaṇyas-ch=&pi7 jivité ( na tvan prâpeyasê dakkham praty
arthibhis-cha vijểshyasi38 - (11] Dvitiyâ viti - 4 323 Na yajyase phal-ârthêna nirvvédêna cha yajyase [] anyattra tvaritô 42
gachchha lapsy asê sukham-uttamam - [11] 5 Tritiya viti 233 Dşibyatê tê abhiprâyo dvipada[s](ya) [t](a) käraga (1) 43
samêshyati tê tatvinas maratasya vachồ yatha - [11] Prathama-karnnah
114 Sampdjys 6 sarvva-karmâņi saubhagya-nirnpadrava 0 râja-lambhasta lapsyasê na
chiråd-iha bhavishyatiso [11] Dvitiyah kargnah 141 Aiśvaryêga pari. 45 bhrashta samagras-ch=pi – si cha [1]
Fifth Leaf: Obverse. 1 ..... .....ch ..v . sh. [W] [D]y[i](tt)yah karnah 41[1] 46
Addhván(at) gamanam chinta dukkhêna cha samagamah [] s-avaiesbên
karyeņa 2.... na sambayah [11] Prathama sajá322 Vijëshyasi ripam sarvvá 47
pratyarthi valavam=s=cba té lo lapeyas& prathamam sthånam paschach
chhồkam-avåpeyasi-- [11] 3 Dvittya saja 232 Na cha jânisha kâryâņi paschattapêna yajyasé (1) 48
bhavishyati cha talabha" su-mukhas-tava dêvatá - [11] Dvitiya*6 saja 4 223 Sarira tava sandêba samatitô dur-sadah (1) dêvatanan p rasad na 49
pragunyam tava kêvalam [11] Prathamaḥ kåņa 331 Präguņan=te 50
śarirasya 5 labhas-ch=arthas-cha praptayd Ol] upasthita cha tô kalyanaṁ (maruta)aya
vachồ yatha - (0) Dvitiyah kanaḥ tantra 313 Årôgyam pol-am- 51 bhaṁ cha 6 prêkshyasê n=kttra sansayah [0] lapsyasê sarvvathả
bhadran 6 bhôgêm-s-cha vipulár tatha (1 Tsitiyah kaņa-tantraḥ 133 Mishya vadasi 52
yatekið chi mittram dvishasi nityadh O dêvatânâ m prasâd&d=vå tishthata śrêy8 bhavishyati"7 - 11]
Fifth Leaf : Reverse. 1 Prathamas-cburichuņah 311 Bhögânâm viprayogasetê na chirêņ=aiva dpiśyatê [] 53
anyam samprapsyasê sthånam mê vishadan karishyasi - [6] Dvitîyas= chuchunah 131 Arthasiddhi[r]-d-dvaya[m] ch=(ai)va
54 2 kula-sthinam tath-aiva cha 0 prâ psyasé sarv va-kamam=śwcha maratasya
vachồ yath-[n) Tritiyase-chuchuộaḥ 113 Vipramuktas-tvatarthê. 55
bhyð mittrais-cha suhrid-eva cha m utthanam chintayanasya # Read kdrand, or perhaps karana.
» Read y. * Perhape read statyan or satatan. 97 Api is added interlinearly.
* The scanning is here irregular, the third pAda is too short and the fourth pada is too long by one syllable. Moreover, the sense of the fourth pada requires prathyartith cha; of. verse 32. * Read tattuena; the reading of ti te is not quite clear.
The fourth pada has one syllable in exoon, * The last two syllables (si cha) are added below the line. Read Tritiyak
43 Pratyeshyasi may be supplied. The syllable bha is inserted below the line.
45 Read trilly 4. # The first pada is short by one syllable ; read vipullo; or perhaps puna labhanh.
The fourth pada has one syllable in ex0e88. Read tishtha. Originally writton tritiyaf, afterwards corrected to tritiyaf.

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MAY, 1892.]
ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
3 udvigna
iva
drisyatê-[11] Prathama pâñch!–221. Chal-icha[lam-i]dam 56 sthanam driyaté samâkulam [1] na cha n-arambhasê karyam dukkhêna cha vimuchyasê-[1] Dvitiya pañcht-122
4 Disaḥ sarvvå samât-krântâ50 kâla-dharmma51 kurushva ti [1] sukham te na 57 karyamn tê tê na têshu kadâ-chana: [] Tritiyá panchi53 212 Paśuvandhascha yajñâm vai vividhân-yakshasê tatha [1]
5 [arghyân]i cha samriddhâni dâsyasê n-ittra samsayaḥ [1] Tritiyah pañchi 212 [1] Prathama kharî 112 Atikrântâ pariklêśâ dukkham ch=aiva 59 samânataḥ [1] subh-âsubhâd-vipramuktô si55 lâbhas-te sa
6 mupasthita II
141
TRANSLATION.
First Leaf: Reverse.
Om! Salutation to Nandirudrêśvara! Salutation to the Achâryas! Salutation to Isvara! Salutation to Manibhadra! Salutation to all Yakshas! Salutation to all Dêvas. To 'Siva salutation! To Shashthi salutation! To Prajapati salutation! To Rudra salutation! Salutation to Vaisravana! Salatation to the Marutas! Salutation!
Let the dice fall for the purpose of the present object (i. e., of soothsaying)! Hili! Hili! Let them fall as marked by the pitcher, discus and elephant!
By the truth of all the Siddhas, by the truth of all Schools, by their truth and true consensus let Siva declare what is lost and perished, peace and trouble, gain and loss, victory and defeat, svâhâ! By Satyanarayana, the Devata, and by the Rishis, true is the oracle, true is the diagram. Let the dice fall openly! svâhâ: Let the truth be seen!
58
(The efficacy of oracles and medical herbs..... is far from untruth. In praise of the Dêvata Vishnu.56)
(Verse 1) 444: Salutation to (thee) excellent man! Janardana is well-pleased with thee. May all thy enemies be killed (if thou so desirest ?)!
Second Leaf: Obverse.
(Verse 2.) A Navikki: 333: Thon experiencest neither sorrow nor fatigue; nor hast thou any fear of either high or low;
thou wilt receive.
(Verse 3.) Even in the midst of the full enjoyment of all desires, one's happiness engenders molestation; (but) when it arises, God will ever allay thy fears.
(Verse 4.) A Kalaviddhi : 111: Thy intelligence is at fault;
which thou contemplatest will be fruitless.
; the undertaking
(Verse 5.) (The first) Sapata: 443: Thou wilt quickly be delivered from all diseases, and thou wilt also obtain happiness; (but) the advantage which thou wilt attain, will be neither very great nor very small.
* The second pâda is short by one syllable. Perhaps read dṛisyatê tê. 50 Probably read samákkranta. 61 Read dharmmam.
(Verse 6.) The second Sapata: 434: I see a terrible effort57 (against those) with whom thou hast a conflict, (but) the work will be fruitless on account of which thou enquirest.
52 Either read karyam tê or kiryan te. The third påda is short by one syllable. 53 The italicised words are crossed out in the original.
54 Read vandham-s-cha
The third pada has one syllable in excess. Omit subha and read only afubhád.
The bracketed portion is mutilated in the text; and not quite intelligible to me: Of the syllables chantayanta. I can make nothing. They should represent the name of Mantra 444.
81 i.e. the throw of the dice indicates to me the effort thou art making.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1892.
(Verse 7.) The third sapata : 344 : Thou contemplatest a meeting, (bat) the fair-one does not join thee; thy body is heated with desire, (but) thou shalt obtain no enjoyment.58
(Verse 8.) (The first Mali): 343 : The peaceful59 enjoyment of pleasure and wealth, and the fulfilment of all desires will, in a very short tiine, be thine, and that for ever.
(Verse 9.) (The second Mall): 334: This is a valuable thing to ask,60 viz., happiness that promotes good will; by patience that great object (will be attained), but if thou art impatient, thou wilt not obtain it.
(Verse 10.) (The third Mall) : 433 : This is considered a great object by thee; (but) there is a much better object than that : a safe journey into foreign parts and a (safe) return to one's friends,
(Verse 11.) (The first) Vahula: 324 : Long life is a great thing; thou wilt not obtain this (which is the best, (bat) thou wilt obtain wealth in money and grain, and tools, and also enjoyments.
(Verse 12.) (The second) Vahula : 432: I see a place where thou hast determined to go from thence thou wilt safelyél return with thy goods.
(Verse 13.) (The third) Vahula: 243: Manifold, I see, are the things thou doest in order to obtain many sons (?); (but) look forward to thy own happiness; thou wilt obtain all that.
(Verse 14.) (The fourth) Vahula : 423: Manifold are thy successes, and all thy friends are ploased; while others62 envy thee;
Second Leaf: Reverse. thou wilt not envy them.
(Verse 15.) (The fifth) Vahula : 342: Thou expectest the return of thy friend, and thoa feelest sure of success; (bat) love is entertained reciprocally; why should be come ? thou shouldst go.
(Verse 16.) The first Kata : 414: There is a quarrel with the king, and that quite ruins thy dharma; (but) thou hast obtained thy advantage; therefore thou shouldst solely attend to thy dharma.
(Verse 17.) The second Kata: 144: Unsteady is this thy place, nor comfortable, nor a source of pleasure; (but) thou wilt get free of it, even if thou art held fast by a deva64: there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 18.) The third Kata: 441: There is comfort; there is no fear; I see here also success; thou wilt enjoy women accomplished in the arts of love, from nowhere hast tbou anything to fear.
(Verse 19.) The first Bhadra : 421: Thy evils have disappeared; thy offences are removed ; thou wilt overcome all thy enemies; thy gain is imminent.
(Verse 2..) The second Bhadra: 214: In thy mind thou hast conceived a plan for the purpose of obtaining the first place : (bat) wait some time; then it will fall into thy hands. (Verse 21.) The third Bhadra : 142: Thou wilt obtain a virgin,
Third Leaf : Obrerse. and wilt conciliate thy friend; the dôvatas will give thee wealth together with affection and good luck.
68 The negative particle is practically misplaced ; it must be constructed with the fonrth påda.
I take suma in sam-invita to be the same as samya; or it may be a misspelling for sama. 6. Labhas? I take to be the locative singular of labhasa "one who saks."
61 lit., "taking thyself and thy goods." I read arthai-cha. The third pada is short by one syllable, which may be mended by resolving the sandhi and reading ch-aiva arthaf-cha.
I take paras as an adverb " on the other side," and part as the abl. sing., for pardt. Or, para may be taken as a verbal prefix with sprihayish yasi. « Para, nom. sing., scl. chinta.
Perhape road div&bhi (dvébhih) by the devas.'

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Mar. 1892.] ANOTHER INSTALMENT OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
143
(Verse 22.) The fourth Bhadra : 241: Thou sufferest no loss whatever in thy business ; thou hast no cause of fear from the devatas; as thou doest thay duties, thou wilt receive (thy desires).
(Verse :-) (The fifth Bhadra :) 412.65
(Verse 23.) (The first) Sakti: 341: Thou art planning a marriage, and thou wilt soon accomplish it, and obtain an affectionate relative who will bestow on thee wealth and pleasures.
(Verse 24.) 'The second Baktı : 134: Thou art planning a union, and that will soon come to pass; the order has gone forth from the Asvins,67 nor will it be anything unpleasant.
(Verse 25.) The third Sakti : 413: I see that something extraordinary is at hand for thee and also a gain; in thy household also there will be an unequalled increase : there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 26). The fourth Sakti: 314: As a king who has overcome all obstacles thon wilt, well farnished with troups, conquer thy enemy and constantly rule the whole earth under thy single sway.
(Verse 27). The fifth Sakti: 431: Thou mayest not desire to have any friend, or thou mayest always delight in having a friend ; (but) whether thou makest or dost not make friends, enmity comes without any cause.
(Verse 28.) The sixth Sakti: 431 : Thou meditatest a meeting; that will certainly come to pass; in its proper time that object will be attained, and there will be no disappointment.
(Verse 29.) (The first) Dundubhi: 321c.: What thing of thine is lost or perished, or stolen by thieves, or passed into other hands, that thou wilt recover after a not very long time. .
(Verse 30.) The second Dundubhi: 213: Whether thou art forsaken by friends, or whether thou art supported by friends, thou wilt obtain thy favourite objects, in spite of the envy of the devatas.
Third Leaf : Reverse. (Verse 31.) The third Dundubhi: 132: I see that thou enjoyest health of body at the present time; from the worship of the dêvatas thou obtainest this rest.
. (Vurse 32.) The fourth Dundubhi ; 231 : I see that thou last a grievous quarrel with thy enemies; (but) thou wilt suffer no harm from it, and wilt overcome thy adversary.
(Verse 33.) The fifth Dundubhi : 312 : I see that thou wilt make a very good acquisition; moreover a son will be born to thee; thy wished for desires thou wilt obtain : there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 34.) The sixth Dundubht: 123: Thy mind is much perplexed; thy position is unstable ; only wait one month; then thou wilt obtain happiness.
(Verse 35.) The first Vrisha : 442 : Whatever there is in thy house, cattle, grain and money, thou shouldst distribute amoag the Brahmans; thy advancement is (then) near at hand.
(Verse 36.) The second Vrisha : 244 : Thou art planning & meeting, and thy beloved is far away ; (but) the fulfilment of all thy desires will come to pass in a not very long time.
(Verse 37.) The third Vrisha : 424 : Thou wilt suffer grievous bondage, but thou wilt regain thy place; thou wilt bave thy reward and wilt also have peace.
(Verse 38.) The first Presbya :
This verse, being Mantra 412, is wanting in the MS. 66 Parhaps parigraha may be intended to be more general: "possossion of things.'
67 Aiminai I take to be intended for 4śvinai, the lost akshara may be supplied by reading either afvin-aiva (i.6., avini dua or a fvinair-akrita. As the Asvins are always two, probably the latter reading is oorreot, though an unusual formation. The Abving are givors of luck. L'kh refers to the writing of a man's fato on his skull.

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Fourth Leaf : Obverse. 422 : If thou desirest knowledge or ......, (but) sittest idly at home, thou wilt be altogether unsuccessful !
(Verse 39.) The second Proshy& : 242 : The thing that thou hast thought of, ......... ., it will not accomplish that business with regard to which thou enquirest.
(Verse 40.) The third Preshya : 224 : The speech which thou hast meditated for the sake of that thing, it will bring to pass the acquisition of the thing for thee : there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 41.) The first Viti: 332 : Thou hast never to take any trouble, and art clever in thy business; thou wilt not suffer any misfortune, and wilt overcome thy adversaries.
(Verse 42.) The second Viti : 323 : Thou wilt not meet the object of thy advantage, and wilt meet with disappointment; (but) go quickly to another place, (and) thou wilt obtain very great happiness,
(Verse 43.) The third Viti: 233 : I see thy purpose; it is with reference to some biped (inan?); it will come to pass for thee as surely as the edict of the deity.
(Verso 44.) The first Karna : 114: Thon wilt be honoured with all ceremonies; and yood fortune, peace and the requisites of a king thou wilt obtain ; it will take place after a not very long time.
(Verse 45.) The second Karna: 141; By the act of God it has been destroyed, and thy whole property ...........
Fifth Leaf: Obverse. (Verse 46.) The third Karna : 411: Thou meditatest going on a journey, but thou wilt meet with misfortune; (thou wilt return) with thy business unfinished : there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 47.) The first Saja: 322: Thou wilt defeat all thy enemies, but thou hast (one powerful adversary; thou wilt first meet with suceess, (bat) afterwards thou wilt suffer sorrow.
(Verse 48.) The second Saja : 232: Thou dost not understand business, and thou wilt suffer regret; but there will be a gain to thee, for thy dêvatå is favourable.
(Verse 49.) The third Saja : 223: A most serious danger of thy life has passed away; thy safety is solely due to the favour of the devatas.
(Verse 50.) The first Kana : 331: The safety of thy person, profit and wealth are within thy grasp, and prosperity is at hand as sure as the word of God.
(Verse 51.) The second Kana Tantra : 313: Thou expectest health and abundant power : there is no doubt about it; thou wilt certainly obtain prosperity, and abundant pleasures also.
(Verse 52.) The third Kana-Tantra : 133: Thou speakest the untruth sometimes, and thou showest always ill-will to thy friend; but wait, and by the favour of the dêvatas there will be prosperity.
Fifth Leaf : Reverse. (Verse 53.) The first Ohunohuna : 311 : I see that after a not very long time thou wilt be deprived of thy pleasures; (but) thou wilt obtain another suitable place; do not give way to despondency
(Verse 54.) The second Chuchuna : 131 : Wealth and perfection : these two, and also family and rank, and all thy (other) deşires thou wilt obtain, as surely as the word of God.
(Verse 55.) The third Ohunohuns : 113: Thou art deprived of thy money and (forsaken) by thy friends and well-wishers; it appears to me as if thon wert troubled in thy mind about relief.

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(Verse 56.) The first Panoht : 221 : I see that thy position is unsafe and troubled; never mind I thou shouldet undertake some business, and thou shalt be delivered from thy misfortune.
(Verse 57.) The second panohi : 122 : All regions are attacked alike; observe thou a seasonable line of conduct; otherwise thou wilt not have either happiness or business in them at any time.68
(Verse 58.) The third Panohi : 212 : Animal sacrifices and many other sacrifices thou wilt sacrifice; and complete oblations thou wilt give : there is no doubt about it.
(Verse 59.) Thy first Khari: 112 : Thy troubles have passed away and thy misfortune likewise, thou art delivered from thy unlucky star; thy prosperity is at hand.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from page 106.)
CHAPTER IV. (continued). THE AUTHOR AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.
PART II. - THE LANGUAGE (CONTINUED). II. - THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE LANGUAGE; ITS HISTORICAL
POSITION We have now passed in review the majority of the grammatical phenomena which are presented by the inscriptions of Piyadasi, in their different versions. But that is not sufficient. It is on account of the light thrown by them on more general facts, that these particular data more especially claim our interest. We have now reached a stage at which we can investigate these larger problems. Two points of view at once present themselves to us, according as we consider, either directly the condition of the language of which specimens are supplied by the inscriptions, or indirectly the general question of the linguistic state of affairs at the period, to which our texts bring us back. The first problem, again, may be looked at in two
68 The reading here is corrupt; but this meaning seems to be plain.
1 In the original French edition I stated at the conclusion of this study, and I now beg to repeat it at once hero at the beginning, that I never intended, when writing these chapters, to examine under all their different aspects the vexed questions about Sanskrit and its history to which they refer. I only wished to bring to light number of facts - either directly derived from the most ancient epigraphic records or at least connected with them which to my mind are indeed highly important and which possess direct bearing upon the final settlement of these problems.
While proceeding along this track, I considered it useful to advance resolutely to the ultimate conclusions to which it seemed to me to lead, without dwelling, at least for the time, on the difficulties to which they might give rise, or the conflicts with other lines of argument in which they might result or appear to result. No one, I hope, will contend that the conflict escaped me, or that I meant to dispose of the points in question before having previously settled it one way or the other. But, on this occasion, I have not undertaken a tak so vast and Ho comprehensive. On a ground so thiokly overgrown, and so imperfectly surveyed, I fanoy it may be advantageous to pash on lines of reconnoitring straight forward, in what to some may appear a rather adventurous way. It is highly desirable that those who start from other points of view, and who propose to follow more direct or moro benton paths, should not be too dogmatio, nor dispose in too summary a manner of these side-explorations.
These brief remarks have a two-fold aim. For one, I wish to prevent any misconceptions, and also to check oriticisms which, - probably by my own fault, the present essay has called forth, and which I cannot find to be justified or to be based upon an adequate, faithful rendering of my views. Seoondly, they will explain why, after several years, I have allowed it to appear again in its original tenor. Buoh changes as have been made in this translation concern only minor points, they aim at nothing but doing away with expressions which were either equivocal or too absolute, so as to mislead the reader as to what I really mean. Everyone knows how easily the prooooupation of one leading idea may carry even a cautious writer to an accidental use of expressions or statements which may distort in some way his real thought, and let it appear too Affirmativo, or too exclure. hATO tried my best to obviate this danger in the present, in the main, unaltered reproduction of two

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different ways. And, to sum up, we have to examine; (1), whether the monuments dis. closa differences of dialect in the strict sense of the word ; (2), if beside dialectic peculiarities properly so called, they do not exhibit other peouliarities based on differences in the systems of orthography; and () if it is possible to draw, from the philological facts supplied by our texts, oonclusions regarding the contemporary condition of the religious or learned, the Vedio or Sanskrit language. This would be the most logical order in which to deal with the matter, but I propose to discuss the second point first; so as to render the explanation, I hope, both clearer and shorter.
About one fact there can be no doubt :-Our inscriptions do not pretend to invariably represent in their integrity the sounds of the spoken language.
Proofs of this abound. The most general is that nowhere do they observe the rule of doubling homogeneous consonants.
It cannot, I think, be donbted that the doubling of consonants, resulting from assimilation, e.g., tth in atthi for asti, vva in savva for sarva, &c., was really observable in pronunciation. It must have been the case no less at this epoch, than in the more recent period when it was graphically represented. Moreover, in the case of doubling a nasal, the duplication is duly marked by means of anusvára, as in dhaima; and in several words, the sporadic prolongation of the preceding vowel, as in dháma for dharma, kúsali for *karshyati, vása for varsha is only an equivalent method, largely used to the present day, of expressing a real duplication. The same procedure is followed in texts of more recent date, as at Kanhörid (No. 15), where, in a single inscription, I find dháma, pávata, sáva, ddha.
But this is not all. The inscriptions in Indo-Bactrian characters, whether of the time of Asoka or subsequent to him, do not distinguish graphically the long and the short vowels. This omission might be explained by the want of appropriate signs, but these signs would have been easy to create in an alphabet which has formed itself with the aid of so many conscious and learned additions. If these signs have not been added, it is certain that but small importance was attached to rendering exactly the various shades of pronunciation. The necessary signs existed in the Southern Alphabet, though neither at Khålsi, nor, I believe, at Bairât or Rûpnåth, were they used for the i or for the it. So far as regards Khálsi, this might be accounted for by the influence of the north-west, which manifests itself here in several phenomena; but the fact would none the less remain that this practice shows not an exact imitation of the pronunciation, but an orthographical system which, at least in some measure, neglects it. Even the versions which do distinguish the long vowels, display so many inaccuracies that they themselves bear witness to the little care which was taken in making the distinction.
One of two things is evident. Either the distinction bet.veen long and short vowels survived in the current language, and the texts noted it insufficiently, or it had become lost in speech, and they endeavoured to restore it in writing. Both hypotheses would thus indicate a lax attention to the exact representation of sounds, and the second also a characteristic tendency towards a learned orthography,
Other inconsistencies lead us to an analogous conclusion.
The diphthong ai has disappeared in all the Pråkpit dialects with which we are acquainted, and it is no less & stranger to the inscriptions of Piyadasi. Yet Girnar gives us an example: théra, Skr. sthavira, is there written thaira, and in one passage trayôdasa is spelt traidaća. Can we believe that the diphthong, lost elsewhere, has survived in these two unique instances ? Must we not clearly recognize here a half-learned orthography, inspired by the memory of the etymological origin ?
* Unless otherwise stated, I cite the care inscriptions by the numbers of the Archwological Survey of Western India, Vols. IV. and Y.

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It is a universal rule in the Praksit, both in the dialects of the inscriptions and in the literary languages, that before anusvára a long vowel becomes short. In four or five instances, however, the long vowel of Sanskrit is retained : yátán (VIII, 1), susrusatán (X, 2), anuvidhiyatám (ibid.), samachérán (XIII, 7) at Girnar. It is plain that we have here purely and simply an orthography influenced by the learned language.
These last instances are mere accidents, but they enable us to judge better regarding those in which variations of orthography more nearly balance each other. In a certain number of consonantal groups composed of a mute and an t, instead of the disappearance of the r, compensated for by the doubling of the mute, we find at Girnar the etymological spelling, pra, tra, sra, rva, instead of pa (ppa), ta (tta), sa (sea), va (vva). This spelling is by no means fixed, -as may be seen from a reference to the text of any single edict, and it would be of little interest to quote here all the instances, one by one. It will be sufficient to state that we have the spelling pra about 45 times, as against the spelling pa 25 times : for tra, 30 times ta, 20 times tra: for rua, rva and va each about an equal number of times : for bra, once bra, against 6 or 7 times ba: once sra (for rsa, ráa), against once sa. Is it possible to contend that such an indifference represents the real spontaneous condition of the popular idiom, and that pronunciations corresponding to such different stages of phonetic decay, and that side by side in the same words, belonged actually to the same period of the normal development of the language ? If it were possible to have any doubts on the point, it would be sufficient to refer to later facts in the linguistic history. When we read, in Hindi, priya beside piya, putra beside púta, bráhmana beside bámhana, we have no hesitation. We know that the first of each of these pairs is an instance of learned orthography: that it is only a tatsama, that is to say, a word borrowed direct from Sanskrit, and restored to the current of the language. When in an inscription of the 24th year of Vásithîputa Pulamâyi (Karli No. 22, A. S.), we meet side by side the spellings puttasya, sõvasakasya, vathavasya, and budharakhitasa, upásakasa, prajá, parigahe, we are confident that these genitives in asya, this spelling of prajá, cannot, at such a period, have represented the true pronunciation of the people; that there also they are tatsamas. How can we avoid drawing the same conclusion from facts which, although more ancient, are none the less strictly analogous ?
It is therefore certain that these sanskritized forms do not represent the actual stage of the contemporary phonetic decay. One point, however, appears to be open to some doubt. The tatsamas of the modern languages actually enter into circulation, and that with either the ancient pronunciation, or with an approach to it. They are words of special origin, but at the same time real words of the current speech. The tatsamas of Mixed Sanskrit are, on the other hand, purely orthographical, for they belong to a purely literary language. That is to say while, in the modern tongues, the loans from the ancient language only deal with bases, and consequently have no effect on the grammar, in the Sanskrit of the Gáthás, the imitations extend even to the inflexions, i. e. to elements which would escape any arbitrary action of the learned in a really living language.
In which of these two categories are we to class the tatsamas of Piyadasi? We must, I think, consider them in the same light as those of the dialect of the Gáthás, and recognise them as 'orthographic' tatsamas, The examples given above show that little heed was paid to accurately representing the pronunciation and that the etymological form was readily adopted in cases in which the vulgar pronunciation must have been markedly different That is in itself a strong reason, but we shall see, besides, that the classical language had not yet been so developed into practical application at this epoch as to allow us to assume that it could have penetrated into the stream of popnlar ase. Moreover, in the different versions of the texts, the proportion of these tatsamas is very unequal. If it were a case of forms readopted into current spoech, such an inequality would be surprising; it is more easily explained by a
I shall refer to the dialect of the Gathús or Mixed Sanskrit in the following chapter.

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local predominance of a special orthographical system, or rather of special orthographical tendencies.
The observations which still remain for me to make are of a kind to add further proof to these conclusions.
The orthography of Kapur di Giri, as in Sanskrit, distinguishes the three sibilants, 8, 6, sh, Is it really the caso that the dialect of this region retained a distinction which, if we are to judge from the parallel versions, was lost everywhere else? It is sufficient to record the irregularities accumulated in the distribution of these sibilants, to convince the reader that nothing of the sort occurred.
We read é instead of sh in manuka (II, 4; 5) beside manusha (XIII, 6), and in the futures which are formed in sati for shyati. We have s'for sh in yésu (XIII, 4), arabhiyisu (1, 2), beside mikramishu, &c., in abhisita, which is never written abhishita ; and for sin anusichano (XIII, 2); sumachariya (XIII, 8), ssta (1, 2): sh for sin pashshashu (ILI, 6), shashni (XIII, 8); < for sin anusasana (IV, 10), antiabisciati (ibid.). It cannot be imagined that this confusion may be referred to the real usage of the local diáleet. It can only be accounted for by one theory, the only one which explains analogous mistakes, whether in manuscripts or in more modern Sashkpit inscriptions. The error of the engraver or of the scribe arises in both cases from the fact that he has before him a learned spelling, in the application of which he cannot be guided by the usage of the current dialect, because the distinctions he has to deal with are strangers to it. The locative pashshashu, '& clamsy imitation of locatives in éshu, is very characteristic as illastrating the way in which the sibilants were used at Kapur di Giri.
The fact mast not be lost sight of that this method of writing is not an isolated example ; it is borne witness to by other parallel ones, which leave us in no doubt as to what conclusions we are to draw from it. It is certain that the distinction between the sibilants did not exist in the dialect of the western coast; yet that does not prevent as finding all three at Násik (Nos. 1 & 2, A. 8. iv, 114), in dedications, which in every other respect are couched in pure Prakrit, not even in mixed Sanskrit. As at Kapar di Giri, a mistake, saka sa for sakasa, is there to warn as as to the trae character of this use. It is the same in No. 27 of Kanhêri (A. $. v. 85), in which the pretension to learned orthography leads to such forms as dunhanaik, sárvvabatvinas.
In the instances whicb we have just passed in review, we may perhaps be allowed to hesitate as to the origin of the spelling, though not as to the sound which it represents or is intended to represent; the problem becomes more thorny when we consider certain orthographical phenomena, which express accurately neither the learned form, nor the form adopted in popular usage; which can, in some respects, be considered as intermediate between these two poles of linguistic movement.
Dr. Pischel has correctly pointed out that, at Kapur di Giri, the words which I have, according to precedent, transcribed as dharma, darsi, darśana, karmaye, varsha, purva, &c., are really written dhrama, draiana, &c., the r being joined to the consonant dh, d, &c. He adds that hore, as in the coin-legends which observe the same method of spelling, this writing certainly represents a dialectio peculiarity, and that the people for whom the tables of Kapur di Giri were inscribed, actually pronounced the word as dhrama, pruua, &c. At this point I am unable to agree with his daductions.
He bases his argument specially on certain readings, such as mruga, equivalent to mriga, in the first édiot of Kapar di Giri, graha and dridha, equivalent to griha and dridha in the 13th, pariprickha, equivalent to pariprichchha in the 8th, vrachhé, equivalent to vriksha, in the 2nd edict of Girnar. He compares the forms ru, ri, rá, taken by the vowel 'pi in several modern dialects.
• Götting. Gel. Anteigen, 1881, p. 1916.

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that
I think that this comparison, unless I am much mistaken, goes directly contrary to his conclusion. Modern forms like graha, grika, mraga, mranga, mriga, by the side of which we also find others such as mirga, &c., are in no way direct derivatives of the Sanskrit. mṛiga, but are tateamas; that is, nothing but simple equivalents of the form mṛiga, griha, which itself is also used in the modern languages. They are only instances of such approximate spelling as could be realized with the elements really existing in the popular language, instead of borrowing from the learned language a special sign, corresponding to a special pronunciation which has ceased to exist for more than two thousand years. In both cases, the situation is not only analogous, but is identical. I offer for both, one and the same explanation, which is incontestable for the more recent one: in mruga, graha, dridha, vrachha of the inscriptions, I can see, as in mriga, graha, dradha, vraksha or crackha of existing languages, only tatsumas, loans really taken from the learned language, but represented by an orthography which, by the absence (whether voluntary or not is of little importance at the present stage of the inquiry) of the sign for the vowel ri, was condemned to tentative and approximative devices. These examples in no way argue against my method of treating the groups dhr, pr, &c., in the words which I have quoted. On the contrary, they present certain precedents of a return towards the learned language, operating even at the price of imperfect orthographical expedients. It is exactly in the same light that we must consider the spellings which now occupy us.
149
In the first place, the state of affairs at Kapur di Giri, so far as concerns consonantal compounds including an r, strongly resembles that which we have established for Girnar. We find there pati beside prati (also prati and patri), save, savatra, by the side of sarvé, sarvan, sarvatra, &c. Without attempting to compile exact statistics, the fact is, in a general way, indisputable. It is natural to deduce from it the same conclusions as those to which we have come with regard to Girnar. We must not, therefore, treat the orthographical peculiarities of this language with absolute rigour. If the r in the words which we are discussing, is taken from the learned language by an arbitrary artifice of writing, why should we be astonished that the writers should have allowed themselves some liberty in the manner of representing it, when they have just as often taken the liberty of omitting it altogether? In Hindi the spellings dharama, karama, gandhrava, in no way correspond to any peculiar phonetic phenomena, but are merely equivalent modes of writing the tatsamas dharma, karma, gandharva.
Mr. Beames (Compar. Gram. I, 321) has quoted in the ancient Hindi of Chand, spellings such as érabba (= sarva), dhramma (= dharma), sovranna (suvarga), brana (= varna), brannaná ( varnaná), prabata (parvata), kramma (= karma), krana (: karna), &c. I do not think that these examples can be appealed to against the argument, which I here maintain. It is more than clear that all these spellings were, at the time of Chand, loans taken from the vocabulary of the learned language. The doubling of the consonant in irabla, kramma, &c., sufficiently proves that the true pronunciation of the people was sabba, kamma, &c. Different motives, metrical or otherwise, may have suggested these spellings, but they prove nothing as to the real pronunciation. Far from being contrary to my opinion, they supply, at a distance of some fifteen hundred years, a phenomenon, strictly comparable with that which we have shown to exist at Kapur di Giri. This resemblance of methods is explicable by the resemblance of the conditions which called them into being. In each case we have a language, which, not having as yet a regulated system of spelling, attempts, with groping and uncertainty, to approximate itself, by the simplest means available, to the practice of a language which enjoys a higher degree of reverence.
If we consider the facts by themselves, would this change of dharma to dhrama, of purva to pruva, of karma to krama be likely or probable? I think not. Alongside of pruva, there is at least one passage (VI, 14), in which it seems clear that we must read purva. So also we find that coins wrote varma alongside of dhrama; that by the side of drasana at Kapur di Giri, we have, at Girnar, an example of darsana. The form which all these words have invariably taken in the popular pronunciation, dhashma, puvva, kahma, vassa or vása, &c., depends uniformly on

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a former pronunciation, dharma, and not dhrama, rarea and not vrasa &c. If people said arvu, why should they have said pruva ?
We should doubtless be glad to discover with certainty the cause of these inconsistencies; but oor hesitation in this respect proves nothing against corclusions, which appear to me to be Hatisfactorily proved. It is no use counting all the variations in the mode of writing : by the side of sarva, we frequently have sava; mita beside mitra, puta beside putra, &c., &c.; we find written Icirti, and vadhati, vadhita, &c. It is not surprising that, in an orthography which is the arbitrary imitation of a learned pronunciation, a certain approximation should have appeared sufficient. The example of Girnar proves that we must not take the phonetic value of the signs too strictly. It is clear that in d and in the same character 6 signifies at one time, vra, and at another time rra. Reasons of graphic convenience may have had their share of influence. A cursive sign for r following a consonant bad been fixed at this epoch but they had not fixed one for an r preceding one. It is easy to prove this in the more recent inscriptions. Tiney retained the first sign, and invented a new one for the second case (of. the inscription of Suë Vihar.) The direct combination of the characters and 7, 4 and was sufficiently easy and symmetrical, but the combination of with u; 3 &c., being more complicated, gave greater opportunities for confusion. Without doubt such a consideration can only have been a secondary one, but the special conditions under which, as I have pointed out. this spelling was applied with its etymologioal tendency, are precisely such as to make its action admissible. They rendered much less urgent both the invention of a new sign, and the use of compound letters which might be awkward to engrave.
We are thus led to recognise in certain cases a graphic method, which not only does not faithfully represent the real pronunciation, but which in endeavouring to approximate itself to etymological writing, treats it with a certain amount of freedom. This forms a very useful basis from which to judge, what is, in my opinion, a more difficult case. I refer to the groups kod, and at Girnar, regarding which I regret to find that my conclusions did not meet with the concurrence of Dr. Pischel. This difference of opinion renders it necessary for me to completo the observations outlined on pages 20 and 29 of the Introduction to Vol. I. of the original work.
It is quite clear, as Dr. Pischel allows, that the appearance of the group & will not help us to decide between the transcription pta, and the transcription tpa. Every one agrees in reading & 8! and ck st. The exact position of the sign is therefore irrelevant. All the more bas the question embarrassed the various commentators, and they have successively proposed various readings. The arguments invoked in favour of pta are far from convincing me. I cannot admit that the form appá for átman presupposed an intermediate aptá. The group pt regularly gives tt in Prakpit, as in gutta. It is to which gives pp, as in uppala. Now apa is the very form which the most modern inscriptions of the west, near Girnar, regularly give us for átman, and I do not think that any one would suggest a pronunciation aptá as necessarily intermediate between átmá and attá. It is in the same way that chattáró is derived directly from chatcáró, like satta from satva, and atta from atva for átmá. If, under the influence of 1, the v of atvá can have become a p, the same phenomenon is equally explicable in chatpáró for chatváry, and árabhitpå for drabhitvá.
For example rya. We catch, I think, this new notation in course of formation in instances such as the Bigo 4. rkhé (arkheviyasa) of the coins of Archebios (cf. Sullet, Die Nachf. Alexanders, p. 113).
Note by translator. The following extracts from the statistical portion of this chapter, previously published, see ante, pp. 3 and 10. will assist the reader in following the argument.
GIRNAR.--em becomes tp in upas, XII,3,4,5,6.
tv becomes to alichapi, XIV, 6: Grabhitpa, I, 3; chatpiri, XIII. 8: darayitpa, IV, 1; hitalpa, VI, 11 ; pievit fitpd, 3, 4; tad ltpany, x, 1; it becomes t in satiyaput II, 2.
KAPUR DI GIRI.--tm becomes t in ata, XII, passim. te becmest.

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This being said, while I uphold the transcription tpa, after Burnout and as Dr. Pischel very properly reminds me) Signor Ascoli, I admit that I can produce no decisive facts to prove that this spelling represents something different from its apparent pronunciation. Neither the use, which Dr. Kern has pointed out, of the Javanese spelling of the group tp to express simply the sound it, nor the analogous instances, have any demonstrative force. Nevertheless, the phonetic conditions which Girnar displays in other respects are not such as to lead us to believe that at this epoch, the contact of two mutes, like tp, could have been tolerated by the language without assimilation. Several traits, which would seem to prove the more archaic character of the language of Girnar, disappear if we consider them in their true light as simple graphic restorations, and it would be very improbable that a language which so invariably assimilates mutes when they are primitive, as in samata, guti, &c., should bave, at the same time, preserved their original power for groups of secondary mutes, resulting from an earlier phonetic alteration. Without, therefore, being in a position to furnish categorical proof of my opinion, I cannot refrain from being impressed with this belief that the group tp ut Girnar represents pp as its real pronunciation, the etymological origin of which is shadowed forth in the writing by an artifice, which has, so to speak, been arrested half way.
As regards the groups st, st, I have the same good fortune to be in accord with Signor Ascoli, and the same regrets that I cannot agree with Dr. Pischol. I know, and I have expressly stated, that Hêmachandra (IV, 290, 291) teaches in Magadhi the spellings 8! for !!a and sh! of Saitskpit, and at for sth and rth.7 Dr. Pischel draws attention to the fact that the Mrichchha. kati has forms like bhasļaka, chistadi. I do not wish to insist upon reasons which depend somewhat on individual impression; but I cannot easily believe in dialectic forms such as pusga for patta, asta for artha. They are phonetic modifications so isolated, as far as I can see, on Hindu soil, that it seems to me very difficult to admit their existence; but I recognize that such a scruple has no demonstrative force. We shall at least see from what I shall have occasion to say regarding the Prakrit of the grammarians, that they are entitled to but very weak authority as regards the exact state of the popular language, above all at the epoch with which we are now dealing ; and here, for example, the evidence of Hômachandra may very well be taken as only indicating the more or less' accidental retention, the more or less arbitrary application, of an archaio spelling. At the same time it must be remembered that the facto thus quoted, agree but imperfectly with those with which it is desired to compare them. Hémachandra mentions this spelling as peculiar to Magadhỉ, and we are asked to recognise it again at the other end of India, in Surashtrı; we do not find it anywhere in the other versions of our inscriptions, which, owing to several significant traits, the nominative in é, the substitution of 1 for r, may fairly claim relationship with Mågadhî. This is not of a nature to give strength to the authority of the grammarians, at least as regards their geographical terminology
* Note by translator.-As this is not printed together with the statistical portion of the ohapter which has already been given ante, pp. 3, 4 and pp. 10, 11, the following extracts from that portion will assist the reader to understand what follows. GIRNAR, - tth becomes st in ustana, VI, 9, 10.
rth becomes th, as atha, passim. shtr becomes st: rástika , 5. shth becomes at: adhistāna, V, 4; slate, IV, 10; niatána, IX, 6; tistants, IV, 9; tistêya, VI, 13. st is preserved : asti passim, &c. ; - it becomes of in an asti, VIII, 4, al.
sth becomes at in gharastani, XII, 1; - and st in stita, VI, 4: KAPUR DI GIRI.
tt becomes cerebralised into t under the influence of an t-sound, in dharmavutan, XIII, 10; nivaţiya, IX, 19. tth is written both th and th in uthana, VI, 15. oth usually gives us th (a!ha, passim), but also th fatham, IX, 20; anatheshu, v, 12). shtr is written st in rastikanan, V, 12. shth is written th in śretha IV, 10;th in titha, ix, 20, adhithan, V, 13; and at in srieta, 1, 2, and tistiti, IV, 10.
at remains unchanged, whether written with the special alga to'which Dr. Bahler appears to have given itu true value, or with the group st as in samstuta, IX, 19.
sth becomes th: chirathitika, V, 18 grantha, XIII, 4; and also th, grahathani, XII, 1.

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The groups which the grammarian expressly writes , with the dental. (cf. Sútra 289), the Msichchhakali, extending the use of the palatal é peculiar to Màgadhi, writes áll, and the verb tishtha ti, for which the spelling chishthadi is expressly enjoined by Satra 298, is written in the drama chitadi (Pischel, loc. cit.). Between the grammarian and our inscriptions there is a still wider discord : !! is no more written 8! at Girnar, than rth is written st.
The mere observation of facts such as those which exist at Girnar would be sufficient to awaken our scruples. I find it difficult to believe, as Dr. Pischel has ingeniously suggested, that the absence of the aspiration in stita and sésta, are a direct inheritance from the primitive period which existed before the birth of the secondary aspiration of Vedic Sanskrit. Should we farther conclude that the word sresta at Kapur di Giri (1st edict) is also a witness of this same period, when the sibilant sh and the other cerebrals. had not as yet developed ? As for claiming the same antiquity for the Pali form affa (equivalent to arta) for artha, the uniform use of the aspirate in all our versions is far from favouring this conjecture. In any case, the Pali spelling atta being uniformly absent from all our inscriptions cannot be relied npon as a basis for the archaic origin of the I in oțita. I therefore consider that I am right in doubting whether the popular pronunciation had really eliminated the aspiration, in a case in which, as everyone knows, as everyone can judge by a reference to Praksit orthography, the consonant is invariably aspirated, even when the aspiration is not original, 1.c., when Sanskrit does not write it as aspirated. Is it really to be believed that the people pronounced matúna (Girnar, VI, 9, 10), when the assimilated form utth dna is the only one used, even in the learned language and in its system of etymological spelling? If they really did pronounce stana, sita, can ustdna be considered as anything but a parely orthographical approximation to these words, guided and determined by the feeling of etymology P The forms anusasti (for anusasti, the only probable one) beside sashstuta, gharastáni (instead of afani), beside stita, and at Kapur di Giri, sresta (instead of bréfa) by the side of br&than (IV, 10), tistiti beside tithe and adhithana (V, 12; al.), dipista beside afha (= ashtau) are as many errors which it would be hard to explain if we considered the orthography as an actual expression of the existing pronunciation.
Now, Girnar is comparatively near the tract which furnishes us numerous inscriptions for the period following. Would it not be surprising that in none of them, not even in the most ancient, at Sabchi and at Nânághát, has a single trace of so significant a dialectic peculiarity been discovered ? What we do find is at Sáñcht (No. 160), the proper name dhamastkiri, while in all the analogous instances, sethin, &c., the assimilation is carried out. Again at Kårli (No. 22), in a text of the time of Vasithipata Sân takani, we find hitasughasth[i]tay[d, beside nithito. In this instance forms such as puttasya, sovusakasya beside budharakhitasa, wpásakasa, leave no doubt as to the nature of the spelling. We have here a text couched half in Prakrit, half in mixed Sanskrit, and we know, without any hesitation, that the spelling sthiti is a tatsama, or, which comes to the same thing, an instance of learned orthography. Does not all analogy, every probability, compel us to accept the same conclusion for Girnar ?
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this point of view, anomalies like ustana and anususţi can be easily explained. ustana is only another way of spelling ufhána. The cerebralization, for which anuśásti supplies no pretext, could creep into the pronunciation of anusatthi under the influence of the analogy which it suggests with forms like sillha, anusit tha. A practice of this kind, extending even to words in which it has no etymological justification, is certainly not without example in Hindi usage. I content myself with quoting the use of the groups gr, tr in Jain Prakrit,to used to represent merely a doubled 'g or t, and that even when it is not justified by otymology, - in pôgralá, i. e. pôggala (pudgall), as well as in udagra. Prof. Weber has not on this account dreamed of suggesting that the pronunciation ugra, wagra has been preserved, but very rightly concludes that we must everywhere read gga.
The preceding remarks do not exhaust the instances in which wo are permitted to infor that the orthography of the Edicts of Piyadasi is not strictly phonetic. Other spellings deserve, from this point of view, to be noticed here. Some are significant by their very character and by their inconsistencies; others, either better preserved or altered more than the mean level of phonetic decay permits, reveal in turn either an accidental imitation of the cultivated idiom, or the contemporary existence of a popular language into which the mode of writing of our inscriptions artificially introduces a regularity unkuown in practice,
In the first category is contained the use of t. This brings me again to Dr. Pischel's remarks. I must confess that I can no longer hold to the opinion, originally expressed by me, tbat the sign tat Khálsi was only another form of +. I admit that this sign, literally kya, corresponds to a special shade of pronunciation, although it does not appear to be easy to define it. The concurrence of the forms kalingya, kaliingyésu, kalingy dni, which Dr. Bühler has been the first to identify at Khâlsi (XIII, 5, 6,), does not throw much light on the problem ; but to whatever conclusion we are led, it will remain none the less certain that the engravers have displayed a singular inconsistency. According to Dr. Pischel himself, beside seventeen instances in which the suffix ika is written ikya, there are seven in which the spelling ika is retained. It is very clear that one or other of these two methods of writing does not accord with the exact pronunciation. What are wo to say about the Dehli inscriptions, in which we find £ in two isolated examples, in ambavydikd and qdhakósiķani (Col. Ed. VII-VIII, 2), whereas everywhere else the suflix invariably retains the form ikea ?
I confess that I find some difficulty in avoiding an explanation, which, at the first glance, will appear singular and rash. In various coins of Spalngadama, of Spalirisos (Sallet, p. 154), and of Gondophares (p. 169), we find dharmiasa side by side with the ordinary form dharmikasa. On the other hand, the coins of Lysias (ibid, p: 154) have alternately lisikasa and lisiasa. The pronunciations ika and iya do not appear to have belonged to the same period of phonetic development, and it is tempting to conclude that the popular pronunciation was iya, (or ia, which is the same thing), of which ila represents the learned spelling; that, in fact, people read the latter iya, as seems to be proved by the writing lisikasa for lisiyasa. The sign t ought hence to be considered as a compromise between the real pronunciation, indicated by the y, and the tatsama orthography represented by the k. The spelling alikasadala must be explained by some play of etymology, which, in order to lend to the foreign name a Hindi appearance, seems to have sought in the first portion of the word for the Prikrit alika, aliya, correspond ing to the Sanskțit alika, I do not underrate the difficulties of this solution. If it were certain, it would lend a singular confirmation to my method of considering the orthography of our inscriptions, but I recognise that it is in no way certain. I only put it forward as a conjecture, which is, in my opinion, a likely one, and I do not propose to take advantage of it elsewhere for any more general conclusions. If we neglect it, and content ourselves with a simple statement of the facts, we find at all events that, at least in this particular point, the
1. cf. Weber. Bhagavatt, pp. 387 and ff.

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spelling of our inscriptions, not being consistent with itself, does not endeavour to accurately present the pronunciation.11
Kapur di Giri in several instances poes j and y, the one for the other: ja[w] (equivalent to yal),.,11; anija, VI, 16; samaya, I, 2; kanboya, V, 12; XIII, 9; raya, V, 11; VI, 14; jx, 18; X. 21, XI, 23 ; XIII, 1, beside raja, VIII, 17, &c. Perhaps even at Girnar we find an analogous case, if we must really really read (XI), 7) sruneju, for srundju, equivalent to sruneyu. At any rate, nayásu for niyásı, is purely sporadic, contrary to analogy, and, to all appearance, an arbitrary spelling.
These exceptional spellings follow a double direction. Several bear witness to an effort to approach the etymological forms. For instance, sudvisati, against all analogy, retains its final consonant. No one can doubt that Dhauli and Jaugada represent exactly the same dialect, and the same pronunciation, and hence ékatiya at Jaugada (1, 2) and saimyapalipati (IX, 16), as compared with ekucha and summá at Dhauli, can only be taken as kinds of tatsamas. So also with forms like akusma at Dhauli. Adhigichya, equivalent to adhikriya, for adhigicha, at Bhabra, shews us an orthography which is undecided and hesitating.
In other places the writing betrays by inadvertencies that the phonetic level of the spoken language has already fallen below that which is usually marked by the ruling habits of the written one. I refer to softenings like adhigichya for adhiksitya at Bhabra, libi alongside of lipi at Dehli, 18ga, logika, lahéyu at Jaugada, or, inversely, to irregular hardenings such as kunbôcha at Dhauli, paļipátayati at Jaagada, padha at Kapur di Giri, or, again, isolated inflexions like janáó at Khálsi, mahidayo at Girnar.
It would not be impossible to increase the number of indications of this nature; but, neither the condition of the monuments, nor the accuracy of our fàcsimiles, would allow us to attain to complete statistics. I stop myself here, and proceed to sum up.
11 The translator ventures to take the liberty of appending the following note by him on this character, which originally appeared in the Acaderay for October 1890:
This character has excited considerable controversy. It is admittedly & compound of the sign for k and the sign for y, and, graphically, it representa kya. In the Khelai inscription it is substituted (but by no means uniformly) for the k which we should expect in the tormination ikd; and it also oocurs in the foreign word alikyasadale. It is also found twice in the Delhi columnar inscription. All scholars agree that no completely satisfactory explanation has been given for this form. It seems to me that the following is not unreasonable.
The spelling of Piyadasi's inscriptions prononte several instances of false analogy. M. Sopart has given strouw reasons for believing that when Piyadasi at Girnar wrote af, he meant to represent the sound th. It was a mistaken attempt to revive an old-fashioned spelling. The seribe knew that Sanskrit aht became th in Prakrit, and benea wrongly assumed that every Prakrit tth was derived from sht. Therefore, to shew his learning, whenever he came to th, he wrote it , even in Ossee when a represented not ahs, but sheh.
I think that this skya is a similar instance of false analogy. The Magadhi Pr&krit termination ikd is liable to have its ponultimate vowel lengthened, thus, fkd. Then, by a well-known role, the can again be shortened, the Consonant following being at the same time doubled in compensation, thus, ikka. Instances of this sro aot uncommon in literature; and, judging from the modern languages of India, must have been extremely common in conversation. Prákpit examploy will be found in 6 203 of Dr. Hoornle's Gardian Grammar and I need not quote them here. As tho Khálsi and the Delhi inscriptions were written in Piyadasi's Magadhi dialect, we need not be surprised if we find this doubling occurring in them too.
Now Sanskrit ikya doos become ikka in Prakrit; and I believe that the seribe, coming upon an ikka with totally different derivation of which he was ignorant, and wishing to show his learning, represented that ikka also by ikya, just as his brother at Girnar represented tth by sht, even when it had nothing whatever to do with that compound. If we assume, as sdgrosted by M. Senart, that the soribe endea youred to connect the foreign word Alikyasadala with the Sanskrit allka (an instance of a common kind of word-play in Sanskrit literature), we find an additional confirmation of my suggestion. The fin allka is long its being shortened shows that the word must have been pronounced alikker in Piyadasi's time. Accordingly, the engraver, coming upon another kk, followed his custom and wrote it kya.
It will be observed that this accounts for the want of uniformity with which bya appears in Piyadasi's inscriptions. M. Senart shows that at KhAlai ikyd ooours seventeen and id seven times. At Dolhi there are only two instances of iky4, ikd being used everywhere else. So, also, in Magadhi Prekrit both the terminations ikkd and kd appear to have been concurrently and indifferently used, just as at the present day a man of Magadha will say in the same breath, chhotakd and chhotakka, tanild and tanikku, tanud and tanukka.-G. A. G.

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It is certain that the orthography of our inscriptions does not always exactly reflect the actual pronunciation. It is unequal to the task when it neglects to notice dooble consonants or long vowels, and it overshoots the mark when, at Girnar, it retains a long vowel, either before an usvára, or before a group of consonants. Besides this, it elsewhere gives evidence, as, for example, in the notation of the groups which contain an r, of a significant indifference in regard to phonio expressions which belong to diverse periods of the development of the language. It is, therefore, sure that this orthography, in a certain number of cases, obeyed (as we call them) learned historic influences. Like the modern languages, like the mixed Sanskțit of the Gathás, it is full of words or methods of writing, which constitate so many graphic tatsamas, and which consequently form an artificial and learned elemeni. There is no ground for citing against this proposition the ignorance of the engravers. They may be responsible for certain material errors, for certain inconsistencies, but not for a system of orthography. They applied that system, it is true, but, however imperfect it may have been, it must have been founded by persons who were educated, skilled men, Even at the present day, it is evidently the learned caste that takes these loans, which, entering the popnlar language, gradually oxtend themselves to the most ignorant. In its generality, therefore, the principle appears to me to be unassailable, and those facts, which are certain, justify by themselves important conclusions as regards the light in which we should consider the language of our inscriptions.
Other facts, such as those which concern the groups st, 81, tp at Girnar, allow more room for contradiction, and I only claim probability for my opinion regarding them. I have merely one more observation to add. It is specially at Girnar and at Kapur di Giri that we meet these semi-historic modes of writing. If my interpretation of them is accepted as correct, they will add seriously to the balance in favour of the conclusion to which the undisputed facts tend.
This conclusion has a corollary. It implies that the differences of dialect between the popular languages, which are reflected by the various versions of our inscription, are less decided than we should at first be induced to consider them, judging from the appearance of the orthographies. If they are really separated by some characteristics, they have, in general, arrived at nearly equivalent stages of phonetic corruption. The more prominent points of difference, which attract our attention at first sight, have their origin in tendencies, more or less accidental, of word-borrowing or of modes of writing, - in the greater or less use of tatsamas. This result is in itself à priori so probable, that it might almost be invoked in favoor of the conclusions which I have endeavoured to establish. It is, assuredly, scarcely probable that, by its mere natural movement, by its spontaneous development, the same language should, in the same time, have reached, in neighbouring provinces, stages of decay so unequal as a comparison between the orthography of Girnar and, for example, that of Khálsi would suggest. The views which I have put forward explain this anomaly. For inadmissible inequalities of phonetic development they substitute the very simple notion of different orthographic systeme in parallel use in different regions. If, as everything tends to shew, the epoch to which our inscriptions belonged was still, so far as regards the art of writing in India, a period of feeling the way and of uncertainty, if it is anterior to the regalarisation or at least to the general expansion of the Sanskrit orthography and to the codification of the literary Prakrits, the parallel existence of these divergent imperfectly established systems is easily explained. I shall shortly indicate what circumstances seem to have conduced to favour their geographical distribution in the manner to which witness is borne by the evidence of our monuments. These circumstances equally concern the distribution of the dialectic differences properly so called.
(To be continued.)

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BHADRABAHU, CHANDRAGUPTA, AND SRAVANA-BELGOLA.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C..., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. In the first fifteen pages of the Introduction to his Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola (published in 1889), Mr. Rice has arrived at the conclusions, that the settlement of the Jains at that place was brought about by the last of the Sruta-K&valins, BhadrabAha, and that this person died there, tended in his last moments by the Maurya king Chandragupta, - the Sandrokottos of the Greek historians, - the grandfather of Asoka. These conclusions, if they could be accepted as correct, would possess considerable interest. And it is worth while, therefore, to examine the grounds upon which they are based.
It is clear that there are local traditions, of some antiquity, connecting the names Bhadrabâhu and Chandragupta with Sravana-Belgoļa. Thus: - Of the two hills at 'Sravaņa-Belgola, the smaller one, Chandragiri, is said to derive its appellation from the fact that Chandragupta was the name of the first of the saints who lived and performed penance there (Introd. P, 1). On this hill there is a cave which is known as the cavo of BhadrabahusvAmin; and also a shrine which is called the Chandragupta-basti (ibid. p. 2, and map). Two inscriptions, said to be of the ninth century, found near the Gautama-kshtra of the river Kávéri at Seringapatam, speak of the hill at Sravaņa-Belgola as having its summit marked by the impress of the feet of Bhadrabahu and the Munipati Chandragupta (ibid. p. 2, note 6). At Sravana. Belgoļa itself, inscription No. 17, of about the seventh century A. D., mentions "the pair Bhadrabahu, together with the Munindra Chandragupta." And inscription No. 71, of considerably later date, refers to worship being done to the foot-prints of Bhadrabahu.
So far, we stand on safe ground, in respect of the names of a Bhadrabahu and a Chandragupta ; provided that we only bear in mind that, as yet, we have nothing to enable us to identify any particular Bhadrababu and any particular Chandragupta.
We turn next to insoriptions at Sravana-Belgola, which undoubtedly mention Bhadrabahu, the last of the Sruta-Kavalins. No. 40, of A.D, 1163, speaks of "Gautama" (the first of the Kévalins], "in whose line arose“ Bhadrabahu, the last among the Sruta-Kavalins; his disciple was Chandragupta, whose "glory was such that his own gana of Munis was worshipped by the forest-deities :"I and then, after a break, it takes up & line of succession, placed in the lineage (anvaya) of Chandragupta, beginning with the Municv..ra Kondakanda, whose original name was Padmanandin. No. 54, of A. D. 1128, again mentions Gautama, the Sruta-Kévaline, Bhadrabahu (apparently the Sruta-Kévalin of that name), and Chandragupta, "who, by being his disciple, acquired such merit as to be served for a long time by the forest-deities;” and then, like the preceding, after a break, it takes up the succession beginning with Kondakunda. No. 105, of A. D. 1398, dealing similarly with the succession from Kondakunda, enumerates, before him, a number of teachers, in respect of whom, for present purposes, it is only necessary to say that the Kévalin Gantama, and five Sruta-Kévalins, ending with Bhadrabahy, are mentioned, but the name of Chandragapta does not occur at all. And No. 108, of A. D. 1433, mentions Gautama; in his line, the Yatindra Bhadrabahu, the last of the Sruta-Kévalins; his disciple, Chandragupta ; and, in the line of the latter, the Munindra Kundakunda, whose succession is then continued, as in the other records.
It may be mentioned, in connection with an altogether different matter of some interest, that, in the further succession of disciples, this inscription mentions one whose original name was Devanandin; who was called Jinêndra baddhi, on moount of his great learning; who was called PajyapAda, because his feet were worshipped by gode; and who composed the Jainindra-grammar.
I give this name as it stands in Mr. Bioe's texts, - Kondakunda, in Nos. 40, 54, and 105, and Kundakunda in No. 108. The variation in the vowel of the first syllable is not material. There is a question as to the proper consonante in the second and fourth syllables. For several varianter of the name. see Dr. Hultasch's south-In. Vol. I. p. 158, note 2. In the pallavall of the Sarasvati-Gachohhs, it appeare an Kundakunda (ante, Vol. XX. Pp. 851, 856).

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These inscriptions undoubtedly mention Bhadrabahu, the last of the Sruta-Kévalins, and allot to him a disciple named Chandragupta. And all that we have to note here, is, that, except through the connected mention of a Chandragupta, they afford no grounds for identifying him with tho Bhadra bâhu of the inscriptions quoted in the last paragraph but two above; that they furnish no reasons for aserting that the Sruta-Kevalin Bhadrabahu ever visited Sravana-Belgola, or even came to Southern India at all, and that they give no indications of Chandragupta having been anything but an ordinary Jain teacher.
And now we come to the actual reasons that led Mr. Rice to assert the alleged facts which, in the interests of plain and reliable history, it is desirable either to substantiate or to disprove. They are to be found, partly in a compendiuin of Jain history called the Rajavali. kathe, and partly in Mr. Rice's rendering of another inscription at Sravana-Belgola, No. 1 in his book.
The essence of what the Rajavalikathe tells us is this (loc. cit. pp. 3-6): - "The “ Bhadrabahu who came to be the last of the Sruts-Kovalins, was a Brahman's son, "and was born at Kôţikapura in Pundravardhana. He interpreted sixteen dreams of “Chandragupta, the king of Pataliputra; the last of which indicated twelve years of "dearth and famine. On the commencement of the famine, Chandragupta abdicated in “ favour of his son Simhasôna, and, taking initiation in the Jain faith, joined himself to “ Bhadrabahu. Bhadrabahu, having collected a body of twelve thousand disciples, migrated " to the south, and came to a hill in the Karnataka country. There he perceived that his "end was approaching; and so, giving upadéša to Visakhacharya, he committed all the dis"ciples to his care, and sent them on to the Chola and Pandya countries. He himself remained " on the hill, and died in a oavo there, tended only by Chandragupta, who performed the “ funeral rites, and a bodo there, worshipping the foot-prints of the deceased saint. After a "timo, Sitbhasêna's son, Bhaskara, came to the place, and did obeisance to Chandragupta, and " built the city of Belgola near the hill. And eventually, Chandragupta himself died there."
In connection with this account, the value of which most people will be able to appreciate for themselves, - it is sufficient to point out two things. One is, that, whatever may be the sources on which it is based, this Jain compendium is a composition of the present century (loc. cit. p. 3). And the other is that, by a further extract from the same work, we learn (ibid. p. 9) that the Chandragupta in question was not the well-known grandfather of Aboka, - the Sandrokottos of the Greeks,- at all, but a son, otherwise quite unknown, of Asoka's son Kunala. Mr. Rice hitaself noticed this little difficulty, and got round it by suggesting (ibit. p. 10) that the introduction of two Chandraguptas seems to be due to some confusion in the traditions, and is an annecessary variation, perhaps intended to conceal the dofection of Asoka (from Jainism to the Buddhist faith). But, by snoh a process as this, - accepting as reliable an account that is perfectly valueless for historical purposes, and then directly perverting its statement, on a point of leading importanoo, by deliberately substituting a man's grandfather in the place of his grandson, - almost anything whatever in the way of imaginary history might be evolved.
It is unnecessary to follow Mr. Rice through the process by which, using what seems to be an actual fact, viz. that Bhadrabâhu, the last of the Sruta-Kévalin, was a contemporary of the great Chandragupta, he arrived (loc. cit. pp. 12, 14) at about B. C. 297 for the date of the events recorded, on his interpretation, in the inscription that still remains to be considorodi or through the steps by which he established a connection of the real Chandragupta with Southern India through the Early Guptas, the Mauryas of the Konkan, and the Gatta chieftains of the Kanareso country (ibid. pp. 10-14). We will turn now to the inscription itself.
The real purport of the inscription, No. 1 in the Sravana-Belgola volume, is as

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follows: "After the time when the Jain Tirthankara) Mahavira attained parinirvana, there "was a certain Bhadrabahustamin, who belonged to a lineage that had been made illustrious " by a succession of great saints who came in continuous order from the venerable Paramarshi "Gaatama, and his disciple Lôharya, and Jambu, Vishṇadêva, Aparajita, Govardhana, Bhadra• babu, Visakha, Prosthbila, Krittikarya, Jayanâ man, Siddhartha, Dhritishêna, Buddhila, and "other Gurus. At Ujjayini, the Bhadrabihusvamin, thus introduced, mastered the science of "prognostication, became a knower of the past, the present, and the futare, and announced a “period of distress that would last for twelve years; and the entire sangha set out from the "north and migrated to the south, and, by the directions of the saint, came to a country "containing many hundreds of villages, and rich in people, wealth, gold, grain, cows, buffaloes, "and goats. Then, on the mountain Katavepra, the Acharya Prabhachandra, perceiving " that the end of his life was very near, and being much afraid of journeying any further, "dismissed the whole szivha, with the exception of one annamed disciple, and engaged in "sasinydea until he died."
In interpreting this record, Mr. Rice made two important mistakes. (1) He took the Bhadrabahusvâmin who announced the period of distress, to be identical with Bhadrabahu I., the Sruta-Kévalin, who is mentioned in his proper place between Gôvardhana and Visakha. But, according to the inscription itself, seven of the Dusa-Pirvins, and after them a break of unspecified duration, intervened between the two Bhadraba hus, - in perfect accordance with the lists of Northern India. And (2), in conseqnence of a mislection in line 6, he translated the inscription as meaning that the Acharya who died at Katavapra, was Bhadrabåhusvâmite himself, i. e., as the result of his identification, Bhadrabihu I., the Sruta-Kérclin, and that the disciple who tended him was Prabhachandra ; to which he attached a note that Prabhâchandra was explained to him as the clerical name assumed by Chandragupta. Bat all this is distinctly not the case; the reading, in line 6, is, - not acháryyah Prabhuchandrénadmaavanitala", "the Acharya, with Prabhachandra ulan, (dismissed the saragha, and engaged in sarinyása till he died]," - but úcháryyah Prabhárhandrs nám=lranitala", "the Acharya, namely Prabhachandra, (dismissed the samgha and engaged in sannyása till he died]."
In short, so far from recording that the Sruta-Kévalin Bladrabâhu died at Sravana Belgola, tended by a disciple named Prabhchandra, who might be assumed to be king Chandragupta of Pataliputra, the inscription simply states that an Achárva named Prabhschandra died there, during or shortly after a migration of the Jain commanity to the south, which was caused by an announcement of famine made, at Ujjain, by a certain Bhadrabahosvåmin who came after an interval of unspecified duration, - but plainly a long one, - after the Sruta-Kavalin Bhadrabahu. And thus the only possible substantial foundation for the fabrio reared up by Mr. Rice ceases entirely to exist.
We may now proceed to examine the real historical bearings of this inscription. It
Mr. Rice gives "Kshatrik Arya," I do not overlook the fact that the name occurs "Kshatriya" in No. 105 in Mr. Bioe's book, and in tho extract from the Maghanandi-Brdvakáchdra giren anto, Vol. XII. p. 22, and MA
Kattiya," explained by "Kobatriya," in the pattavalt of the Sarasvati Gachohha (ante, Vol. XX. p. 348) But Mr. Rice's lithograph distinctly has the namo that I give. - Sipoo writing these remarks, I have seen im pressions of the inscription, which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Hultzsch. They shew that the name really is Kittikarya.
The original saya," on this mountain named Katarapra": i. e. on the hill on which the itscription is engraved 1. e. on Chandragiri itself.
5 See also Introd. PP. 6, 7, where, however, be saya only that, "according to No. 1," i.e. the present inscripfron, Chandragapta" appears to have taken the naine of Prabhachandra on retiring from the world, in conformity with chatom.
The passage was supposod' to include the word ans, in the sense of saha. The inscription was Arat brought to notice by Mr. Rice in 1874, in this Journal, Vol. III., p. 153 (see also Mysore Inscriptions, pp. lxxxvi., lrxxvii., 302) : and the first extract from the Rájávalikathe was also given. But Mr. Rice did not then find the name Prabbechandra in the inscription And in respect of the extract from the Rijavaltkathe, he then wrote - "This is a strsage story. How much of it may be accepted as historical is not easy to say."

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is not dated. But the lithographic Plate which is given by Mr. Rice, shows that the engraving of it is to be allotted to approximately the seventh century A. D.: it may possibly be
trife earlier; and equally, it may possibly be somewhat later. And, interpreting the record in the customary manner, viz. as referring to an event almost exactly synchronous with the engraving of it, we can only take it as commemorating the death of #Jain teacher named Prabhachandra, in or very near to the period A.D. 600 to 700. Who this Prabhachandra was, I am not at present able to say. But he cannot be Prabhachandra L. of the paljávali of the Sarasvati-Gachchha (ante, Vol. XX. p. 351), unless the chronological details of that record, -20cording to which Prabhachandra I., became pontiff in A. D. 396, - are open to very considerable rectification. And I should think that he must be a different person, for whose identification we have to look to southern records not as yet available.
As regards Bhadrabshusvåmin, all that should have been of necessity plain at the time when Mr. Rice dealt finally with this inscription, is, that he is not the Sruta-Kavalin Bhadrabahu. Now that Dr. Hoernle has published the pattávali of the Sarasvati-Gachchha, he is easily capable of identification. He is andoubtedly Bhadrabahu II., the last but ono of the Minor-Argins who is represented as becoming pontiff in B. C. 53 (ante, Vol. XX. pp. 349-51.)
The same pallávali enables us to looate properly the Chandragupta of the Sravana-Belgola traditions and inscriptions. Sach of them as make him & disciple of the Sruta-Kévalin Bhadrabaho, are plainly mistaken. He is evidently Guptigupta, the disciple of Bhadrabahu II., - otherwise named Arhadbalin and Visakhâcharya, - who, according to the same record, became pontiff in B. C. 31 (ante, Vol. XX. pp. 350, 351). And this brings us to a point in which the local traditions are possibly more correct than the northern records. The pafiávali in question tells us that one of Guptigupta's disciples, Maghanandin, established the NandiSangha or Balatkara-Gana, as a division of the Mala-Satgha itself. Both names of the gana, as well as that of the Mula-Samgha, are of frequent occurrence, in connection with teachers belonging to it, in inscriptions in the Kanarese country; where, however, the gana is perhaps mentioned most often as the Balatkara-Gapa. This appellation for it is attributed by Dr. Hoernle to Guptigupta's name of Arhadbalin. Agana of his own is allotted to Chandragupta, i. e. to Guptigupta, by inscription No. 40 at Sravana-Belgoļa (see the words quoted from it, on page 156 above), which ultimately deals with the Dest-Gaņa as a division of the Nandi-Gana in the Mala-Sangha, placing it in the lineage (anvaya) of Kondakanda, just as the lineage of the latter is placed in the lineage of Chandragupta, i. e. of Gaptigupta. And the fact that the inscription with which we have been dealing, and others on the Chandragiri hill which similarly record the deaths of Jain ascetics, lie in such & position that they have to be read with the face directed towards the front of the so-called Chandragupta-basti, indicates plainly that gime peculiar sanctity or reverence attached to the person commemorated by that shrine. There can be little doubt that the ascetics in question belonged to the same sect with that person; that he was the traditional foonder of the sect; and that the tradition at SravansBelgola was that the Balatkara-Ghans was really founded by the Chandragupts of the inscriptions, i. e. by Guptigupta, the disciple of Bhadrababu II.8
Wbile recognising, approximately, the period to which the characters really belong, Mr. Rice (loc. cit. p. 15) arrived at the conclusion that, "il this interesting inscription did not provode the Christian era, it unyuestionably belongs to the earliest part of that ora and is cortainly not later than about 100 A.D." But there are no substantial grounds for this view, which depends chiefly apyn Mr. Rice's acceptance as genuine, of the spurious Western Gaiga grants. Unfortanately, much of what would otherwise be valuable work by him, is always vitiated in the same way.
• In connection with division of the Nandi-Barghs, the body of saints of Guptigupta" is mentioned in the Kadab grant, which purports to be dated in Baka-Sat vat 735 (ante, Vol. XII. p. 11.). Ard inscription No. 105 ia Mr. Rioo's book, dated Saku Sath vat 1820, speaks o! Achadbalin, apparentiy establishing a four-fold division of the sathgh.

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Tho migration to the south, whether it really started from Ujjain, or from elsewhere, may well be a historical fact. It may be open to argument, whether the inscription intends to imply that it was led by Bhadrabahu II. But at any rate this is not distinctly asserted. And I think that the contrary is indicated, (1) by the description of Bhadrababu as "a knower of the past, the present, and the future (traikálya-darbin)," which rather points to his predicting a future period of distress, than to his simply announcing the commencement of immediately impending distress; and (2) by the statement that the rich land at which the samgha arrived was reached by the directions of the saint (arshéna = pishi-vachanéna)," which points to instractions given at the time of predicting the distress, - or at any rate to advice given to people wbo were leaving him, - rather than to personal guidance. On the other hand, the inscription, whether correctly or not, does make the migration contemporaneous with Prabhachandra; for it says that, at the mountain Katavapra, he perceived that the end of his life was very near and became "much afraid of travelling any further (adhvanah su-chakitah)," and so dismissed the samgha and remained there till he died. If, then, the record does mean to imply that Bhadrabåhu II. led the migration or even that it took place in his time, it is wrong, either in that respect, or in placing the death of Prabhachandra during the migration; because of the intervention of several centuries at least10 between the period of Bhadrabdho II. and the death of Prabhachandra as determined, with close approximation, by the palæography of the record.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA,
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
No. 17. The Princess Malika-Jarika. There was once a rich old merchant who had seven sons. One day be called them to him and said :-"My sons, it is high time now that you were married and settled in life, for I am growing older every day, and am anxious to distribute my wealth among you before death calls me away from this world."
The young men were notbing loath to do as their father desired, and jumped at his proposal, but the old man added : - "Not so fast, my boys, there is a certain condition to be fulfilled, and a certain test to be applied to you, before you come by your partners in life and obtain possession of my wealth. So listen attentively to what I say."
"On a certain day, which we shall appoint, after consulting the astrologers, you all are to go with your bows and arrows to an open maidán outside the city, where each one of you is to shoot an arrow from his bow in whatever direction he likes best, and I shall trust to the hand of fate to guide it to the feet of the fortunate lady, who is destined to be the bride of the owner of that arrow."
"Agreed," said the brothers, who were all eager both to display their skill in archery, as well as to come by their wives in such a romantic fashion. So they soon set about making preparations for that eventful occasion.
When the day fixed by their father, with the aid of his astrologers came round, the seven young men and their father, accompanied by a number of their friends and relatives, went to the appointed place, sud when everything was ready and the signal given, the seven brothers,
It appears to be mentioned also in the Upasarga kevaligala-kathe; see ante, Vol. XII. p. 99,-"the whole #pemblage of the saints having come by the region of the south, and having arrivod at the tomb of the venerable UDC, &c."
10 I assume that the paitavali of the Sarasvatt-Gachchha is at least approximately correct in respect of the date which it gives for Bhadrabahu II.

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who had taken care to put their own particular marks on their arrows, shot them in sever different directions.
After a long interval of anxious waiting, the arrows were one by one recovered and bronght back to their owners, along with tokens from the fair ladies at whose feet chance or fate had guided them; all except that of the merchant's youngest son. Long and vigorous was the search made for it not only all that day, but for many and many a day following, but to no purpose. The arrow bad flown over hill and valley and over river and ocean, for no trace of it could be found over the entire country.
At last, when no stone had been left unturned, and all hope of finding the lost arrow was abandoned, the old man taunted his son about his ill-luck in not being able to procure himBelf a partner in life, and expressed his belief that he must be a very wicked fellow thus to have incurred the displeasure of God. The poor youth felt so humiliated at this that he quitted the land of his birth in despair, and became a wanderer in distant countries; whilst his father celebrated the naptials of his six sons with great pomp and rejoicings, and, regardless of his yotngest son's claims, distributed his large wealth equally amongst them. Our hero roamed about for days and months from one place to another in search of his lost arrow, but in vain, till at last he became a mere aimless and homeless wanderer, for whom life could have no zest or charm.
One day, however, as he was thus roaming through a large forest in an unknown country, his eye chanced to fall upon a large iron ring fized to what appeared to be a door, and what was his joy to find, in close proximity to the ring, his own long-lost arrow entangled amongst some thorns and brambles that grew there! Naturally the youth's first impulse was to draw out the arrow from its place; but he soon changed his mind, reflecting that perhape it marked the spot where he ought to look for his bride. So he took hold of the ring and palled at it with all his might, and to his great joy the door yielded and revealed to his astonished gaze a dark and narrow passage, which evidently led to some subterraneous abode.
Without any delay our hero boldly entered this passage, and soon found himself sliding downwards and downwards, as if impelled by some unknown power within. When he st last recovered the use of his legs, he found himself in the midst of a beautiful garden, so tastefully laid out and so well stocked with beautiful fruits and flowers of a strange kind, that he was for & while quite entranced, and felt certain that he could be nowhere but in fairy-land, for such things could not belong to the world he had lived in. He looked about him to see if he could find any traces of the inhabitants of that strange and most picturesque place, but nothing met his eye, far and near, save fruits and flowers, and butterflies and birds of rare plumage, while the only other living being he noticed there, was & solitary she-monkey, that was swinging herself to and fro amongst the branches of the trees.
As he walked about in the garden, however, our hero saw in one part of it, a large and very beautiful palace, and on entering it, found it full of gold and silver jewels. Every piece of furniture in that noble edifice was made either of one of these metals or the other, and was, moreover, studded with diamonds and rubies. But go where he would in it, he could find no evidence of any living being, human or otherwise. As he was sitting, however, in one of the balls of this wonderful palace, be perceived to his great surprise, that a sumptuous feast was being spread before him by invisible hands, while a voice whispered in his ear-"Get up, take thy bath, and partake of these good things." He instantly turned round and looked about to find who it was that had spoken to him, but could see no one. So he got up, and, doing as he was bid, sat down to the repast, and did ample justice to the rich viands that were placed before him, having had no food all that day. By and by, the she-monkey he had observed in the garden oame in also, and began skipping about from room to room and making herself quite at home, just me if she were sole mistress of the palace.

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Oar hero remained in this strange place for several days, and had nothing to do, but to eat and drink and enjoy himself. But at last he got tired of the monotony of his situation, for, besides the monkey, he himself was the only living thing in that palace, and she, he thought, was no company for a young man, notwithstanding that every now and then she went and sat by his side, looked wistfully into his face, and asked him by signs to follow her all throughout the palace and the garden, and to look at the wonderful things it contained. One day, therefore, he secretly ran up the passage, through which he had entered the garden, and lifting up the massive iron door made his way back to his father's country.
When at last after a long and toilsome journey the long-forgotten Wanderer reached home, he received but * cold welcome from his father and brothers, and they all laughed at him, when he related to them where and how he bad found his lost arrow. So he thought it pradent not to say anything about the wonderful palace or the sbe-monkey just then, and kept his own counsel. The six brothers were all happy with their six wives, who were all clever and beautiful, and the old man, their father, extolled the virtues of his daughters-in-law to the skies, and ezultingly showed his son the nice and valuable presents the ladies bad brought specially for himself. Amongst them were some exquisitely embroidered little carpets worked by the ladies themselves, which the old man admired most of all, though our hero eyed them with contempt, as he compared them to the rare specimens of workmanship which he had seen in the underground palace.
Not desiring under these circumstances to prolong his stay with bis father, our hero one day quietly left his home, and speedily retarted to the subterraneous palace, to which, it need not be mentioned, some strange power was canstantly attracting him. When he reached it the she-monkey again went skipping up to him, etre played and frisked about him with great glee.
Bat onr hero's heart was sad to think that he should have only a she-monkey to welcome him in a place, which he felt was to him like a home, and one where he most loved to go, and he began to look at the 'unsightly animal with tears in his eyes. She seemed, he / ver, to understand what he felt, for going up to him she commenced to stroke his head and to shampoo his feet. But our hero turned away from her in disgust, and said in a rage, "Begone, thon ngly creature, I don't want thee to come so near me !"
"Hold thy tongue," replied the monkey, all of a sudden speaking like a human being, "I only do as I am bid. If thou utterest one unkind word to me thou shalt have to rue it before long."
The poor young man was non-plussed at this, and said nothing, but his heart grew sad to think in what an unenviable position he had been placed. “My arrow," he contemplated, "came all the way over to the gate leading to this strange place, in which the only living being I can see is this monkey, and since my arrow was destined to indicate the place, where I was to find my bride, am I to content myself with believing that this she-monkey is my lady-love and this fairy place her bower P" As this thought struck him tears began to gush forth from his eyes and trickled down his cheeks. The she-monkey observing this, looked very much distressed, and thus addressed him words of sympathy and comfort, "Do not lose heart and give way like that, my friend; only confide in me and tell me the cause of thy grief, and I shall do my best to help thee."
But our hero had not the heart to tell her the real cause of his sorrow; 80 he said :"I am sorry I appear anhappy in a place, where no pains are spared to make me comfortable, but I am grieved, when I think how I am taunted by my father and laughed at by my brothers at every turn, owing to my not having as yet been able to secure & wife for myself. The last time I visited my father he showed me some rich and artistically embroidered carpeta, which he said had been worked for him specially by his six daughter-in-law, and

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cast the cruel fact again in my teeth, that I had not as yet been blessed with a wife, much less with a clever one."
“Is that all P" cried the monkey. “I doubt whether they can show anything like the carpets and other beautiful things you see in this palace."
*Certainly not!" replied the youth: " nobody in my country has ever seen anything half 80 beautiful and precious; but my only regret is that not one of all these things can I present to my father as the handiwork of my own bride."
« Oh! yes, you can," cried the monkey, picking out seven rich and beautiful carpets all studded with diamonds and rubies, out of a heap lying in one of the rooms, "take these to your father, and lay them at his feet as the resalts of the unaided efforts of your future bride."
The youth was quite taken aback at these words. What could she mean by saying that the carpets had been worked by his future bride ? Could it be that they had been worked by herself ? No, the embroidery was too tine and tasteful to be done by a monkey! Surely there must be some beautiful fairy hidden away somewhere, at whose bidding the she-monkey was thrusting her odious presence npon him! However, he thought it wise to take the monkey's advice, and bidding her adieu, once more started back to his native country with the carpets and many other precious and beautiful articles besides.
As was to be expected, the carpets were greatly admired by each and all of his relatives, and everyone who saw them desired eagerly to behold the fair lady, whose clever fingers had worked such superb specimens of embroidery. Our hero, instead of being elated at this, was downcast and dejected, for he could not, for the life of him, think how he was to produce his fatare bride before his father and his relatives, since he himself had not as yet had the pleasure of seeing her. So he said nothing more about the affair to them, and soon after quietly turned his back once more on the land of his birth, making a mental resolve at the same time never to return home without finding a bride worthy of himself.
When he reached the underground palace he found the she-monkey in her usual place among the trees, and she began to question him as to how he had been received by his father this time.
Our hero, however, was too much absorbed in thinking of the fair lady, who he imagined had worked the carpets, to give heed to the monkey's questions. He was wondering when it was destined that he should see her, when a strange voice thus whispered to him: "If thou wouldst see her at all, swear to forget thy parents, thy relations, and thy country, and to renource for ever all thoughts of ever returning to them, and promise to stay here for weal or for woe."
The youth was surprised at this, but he nevertheless did as he was bid, and in the course of a few days his eye began to see in the palace living beings such as he had never seen there before. He could see male and female slaves flitting about from one room to another, as they did the household work, he could see gardeners tending the flowers and shrubs, and fair ladies waiting upon the she-monkey, who, to his despair, still appeared to be the mistress of all. His dislike, however, for the company of this creature began to wear off by degrees, and he tried to make himself comfortable, since some mystic power appeared to tempt him to stay in that place.
A good many days passed away in this manner, when our hero one day again beard a voice that said to him: - "If thou wouldet like to wed thy bride, thou art at liberty to go and bring thy father and all thy kinsfolk to this place, when thy nuptials will be celebrated with great splendoar in their presence."
"But must I not ask to see my bride first P" cried the youth in answer. “No, that cannot Le !" was the reply. “Thou must place implicit confidence in us, and in return we promise that thy parents and thyself shall behold as fair a princess as ever was seen by mortal eyes, but

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that will be only when all thy kinsfolk have assembled, here to take part in the wedding ceremony, and not before."
The youth was fain to put faith in these promises, so tempting were they. So he started off for his native country, and on arriving there, besonght his father and brothers to go with him to the underground palace, and witness his nuptials with the fair worker of those beautiful carpets, Accordingly, the old man and his sons sent round invitations to all their friends and relatives, and, fixing an auspicious day, they all set out to go, where the youth led them. The latter in his turn tried to look cheerful and composed in their presence, but at heart he was ill at ease, for he was not yet quite sure whether the bride he was going to wed would not after all turn out to be the she-monkey herself, and he shuddered to think what would be his discomfiture in such a case.
After a long and toilsome journey the whole cavalcade of friends and relatives arrived at the door leading to the narrow passage, and on passing through it they all found themselves in that wonderfully laid-out garden. When they had gone about for some time and admired the beautiful fruits and flowers, with which the trees were laden, our hero took them into the palace, where things still more beautiful greeted their sight. But here, as well as in the garden, they were surprised not to meet with any human beings, when all of a sudden they heard a voice that bade them welcome, and told them to wash themselves and partake of the feast that was being spread out for them in one of the large rooms.
As the guests were all very hungry they needed no second bidding, but sat themselves down and began to partake heartily of the sumptuous banquet provided for them by some unseen agency. While they were thus enjoying themselves & voice again addressed them thus : -"My guests, you are welcome to this feast. Eat and drink to your hearts' content, and when you have done, I request each of you to carry away the silver tray and the golden cap that has been placed before you to take your meals from, and to keep them as souvenirs of the memorable wedding of the fairy-princess Malika-jarika with a human being."
On hearing these words all the guests began to look in different directions in the hope of seeing the fairy-bride, but no Malika-Jarika greeted their sight, nor any living being, save the hideous she-monkey, who was all this while moving about here and there with the air of an hostess, and seemed to be in the best of spirits, to the great consternation of our hero, who could not help associating her presence with the thought that she must be the Princess Malika-Jarika herself, who was going to wed him! His doubts, however, were soon laid at rest, for when the feast was nearly over, the she-monkey suddenly drew off from her person, what appeared like a coil or skin, and lo! there stood before the astonished gaze of all a very beautiful fairy, such as they had never even dreamed of!
This lovely creature immediately went up to our hero and joyfully exclaimed: - “Bebold in me the fairy-prinoess, to whose abode fate led thy steps. My name is the Princess Malika-Jarika, and I am sole mistress of this beautiful palace and of all the land for miles around. I am ready and willing to marry thee, but on one condition, namely, that thou takest charge of, and guardest as thy own life, this coil or skin that I have just cast off, for know that, as long as it remains intact, so long only shall I go about in this my fairy form." The young man eagerly took the coil from her hands, and, carefully folding it, put it into a box, and locked it up for safety in one of the rooms of the palace.
The wedding ceremony was soon after gone through amidst great rejoicings, and each and sll congratulated our hero on his having been blessed with such a very rich and beautiful wife The six brothers of the fortunate youth, however, felt jealous of him, and could not bear to see him so happy. So they went up to him while the fairy was away, and with an air of the grentout concern, expressed to him their fears regarding the coil, and told him to beware lest his bride should take it into her head to put it on again, and resume the hideous shape of a monkoy. His father and his relatives, too, when they heard this, shared the same fears, and

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they all joined in persuading the unsuspecting youth to destroy the coil. For some time he was firm, but at last, being unable to withstand the joint advice and entreaties of so many, he threw the coil into the fire ! No sooner, however, did the flames touch it, than the fairy, who was at . distance, attered a loud and piteous scream, came running up, and speedily thrusting her hand into the fire, drew out the burning coil, and as hurriedly put it on!
All this happened in the twinkling of an eye, and the merchant and his sons and their guests suddenly found the scene around them transformed into a dense and dark forest, all traces of the fairy-palace and the garden having vanished before them. Our hero was beside himself with rage and grief at this, and swore never to return home, until he had found his beloved bride again. So, leaving him to indulge his grief in that lonely forest, his father and the rest wended their way homewards.
When they were all gone the youth again saw the she-monkey jumaping from tree to tree, and uttering piteous screams. So he went up to her and besought her to forgive him, and to receive him back into her favour. But she wept bitterly, and said, "No, no, that is not in my power to do ; still, if thy repentance is sincere, leave me for the present, and let us hope some day to meet again." With these words she vanished from his sight, and there was nothing but darkness around. Just then & voice was heard to say, "If ever again you seek the fairy-princess, let this be your watchword :-*What about that affair p'” “Very well," muttered the youth thankfully, “I'll remember it to the end of my days," and then, in obedience to the will of the she-monkey, he made his way out of the forest.
For many and many a month afterwards the unhappy youth wandered aimlessly about from country to country, for he hardly knew in what particular direction to turn, in order to go in search of his lost bride. At last, being fatigued both in mind and body, he sank down under the shade of a large tree, and felt that he was dying.
As to the fairy-princess, having had the misfortune to touch a human being, the poor spirit had lost caste, and was no longer the light aērial being that all fairies are; moreover, she had contracted the odour of mortals by coming into contact with them, and the fairies would not let her mix with them, until she had gone through a sovere form of purification. This was nothing less than throwing seven hundred peils of water over hor body each morning, and remaining among the trees the rest of the day, so that she might be dried in the sun and cleansed of all impurities. This made the poor fairy very unhappy, and she passed her days in great sorrow.
Meanwhile our hero, whom we had left tired and worn-out under a tree, remained there for some days, being unable to proceed any further. One day he heard a strange noise overhead, and looking up, saw that a very large serpent had climbed up the tree and was going to dovour the young ones of an eagle, which had its nest among the branches. So he went up the tree as fast as his worn-out limbs allowed and succeeded in killing the berpent before it could do any injury to the young eagles. Just then both the parent birds came up and were deeply grateful to the brave young man for having saved the lives of their little ones, and asked him to command their services in any way he wished. But the youth said to them with a sad smile: - "No, friends, it is not in your power to help me, since my only object in-life is to discover the fairy-princess MAlika-Jarika, and I am firmly resolved never to taste the sweets of life until I have found her."
“Oh! is that all you want P" exclaimed the male bird, "then it is easy enough. I know the abodes of all the fairies; so you have only to ride upon my back and I shall fly with you to the country of the jins and fairies in no time."
These words of the eagle gave new life to the disabled youth, and he fearlessly mounted the large bird's back, and in a few hours arrived at the country of the jins. At parting the good old eagle gave the youth a sweet sounding Afo, and said: - "By simply

Page #174

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAT, 1892.
blowing into this fife you will be able to produce music so sweet that all the fairies and jins will gather round you to hear it. The king of the jins will be so pleased with your performance, that he will offer to bestow upon you whatever you may ask for, on condition that you consent to stay with him for ever. But remember that you are not on any account to mention the name of the fairy-princess, or to utter the watcbword that has been given to you, or your bead will pay the penalty of your indiscretion. However much the king may entreat you to accept some present from him, you must only say that you require nothing and have to go back the next morning.
He will then bring you gold and silver and rare jewels and also the most beautiful fairies you ever saw, but you must still remain firm and inflexible. Then at last he will bring forth to you some of the ugliest women in his kingdom, amongst whom will be one strikingly hideous in appearance, whom you will know by her coal-black complexion and her large projecting teeth. This woman you are to express your willingness to have, for underneath that dark skin and ugly features will be found hidden the beautiful princess, whom yon are so anxious to meet.
The youth thanked the eagle and promised to remember all his instructions, when the good bird added : “Let us part now, but, before we do so, let me give you this feather of mine. If ever trouble comes over you, hold it before a fire and burn it, and I shall be immediately at your side." And go saying it flew away.
Just then our hero commenced operations. He began to blow into the fife, and although he had no knowledge whatever of music, he produced from it such exquisite melody that, jast as the eagle had predicted, there gathered round him a large concourse of jins and fairies along with their king and queen, and the former offered to bestow upon him whatever he might wish for, if he only consented to stay with them. Our hero, however, acted his part admirably, and refused everything that was offered him in succession, until at last the ugly women were "brought before him. Then only did his eyes begin to sparkle, and he chose from among them the one the eagle had described to him, and she, to his great delight, soon turned out to be his own long-lost bride.
The two young people lived very happily together for some time, and cared for nothing else besides each other's company. But at last the youth felt a longing to return to his native conntry and see his father. The fairy-princess, too, was willing to go with him, though her father stoutly refused to give them his permission, and they were thinking of stealing away unknown to him, when an unforeseen difficulty arose. How were they, especially our hero, who was only a mortal, to travel through the air, sinco no land or sea appeared to connect his father's country with fairyland ? In this dilemma the youth bethought him of the eagle, and forthwith burned its feather. The faithful bird speedily obeyed the summons, and without losing any more time, hoth the young people mounted its back. The good bird flew incessantly, till it placed its precious burden at the feet of the old merchant, now very feeble and living all by himself in the old house, neglected by his six sons, who were fast throwing away the money he had so thoughtlessly given them. The old man's joy knew no bounds at seeing his long-lost son and his beauteous bride once more. He entreated them to stay with him till death called him away, which he thought was very near. Both the young people readily consented to this, and lived with the old man till the last; and after his death returned to fairy-land once more, where they lived very happily for the rest of their lives.
MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF THE GRÆCO-BUDDHIST | note on this unique record. He does not seem to PEDESTAL FROM HASHTNAGAR.
have seen M. Senart's remarks on the same subject," Dr. Bühler has published in the number of this and, I think, it will be interesting to many readers Journal ante, Vol. xx., p. 394, an interesting to compare the views of these two scholars.
* Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, extrait du Journal Asiatique, III., Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, MDCCCXC.

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MAY, 1992.]
MISCELLANEA.
167
Dr. Bühler, having before him both the fac. a relief, and nothing is known of the artistic simile rubbing and the photo-etching, reads the merite of the statue which stood on the pedestal. inscription as follows :
Very likely, it was executed in a much better " Sam II C II IX II I iv Postavadasa masasa
style. I, therefore, give up the suggestion that diva) sammi pam(cha) 5[11]."
the Saka era is referred to in the inscription. M. Senart, before the publication of the photo
M. Senart is a firm believer in the early esetching, read ".... protbavadasa masasa
tinction of the Arian or Kharðahțrf alphabet, and di vasê] pamchame, 4, 1." He doubted the
remarks that "l'ère de Gondophares est donc existence of the symbol for one hundred, and read
seule en cause, parmi celles qui nous sont actuelle. the remaining figures as 74, not as 84. Dr. Bühler
ment connues." The exact date of Gondophares notes that the reading pothavadasa is linguisti
is not known, but he lived somewhere about the cally possible, and would be good Prakrit.
middle of the first century B. C. The probable
date of the inscription is therefore approximately Both scholars, therefore, are agreed that the
284-50 - A. D. 234, or 274.50 = A. D. 224. month named is the Sanskrit Praushthapada
By & slip of the pen M. Senart gives the date of (August-September), and that Sir A. Ounning
Gondophares as "environ 50 après J. C." ham was mistaken in reading Emborasmasa,' 'intercalary. That point may be considered as
I have sent to the Asiatic Society of Bengal a definitely settled.
fuller notice of M. Senart'e paper.
V. A. SMITH. Now that the photo-etching is available, M.
7th February, 1892. Senart cannot well doubt the presence of the symbol for hundred." The date, therefore, is
TAILA II. either 274, as read by Sir A. Canningham and
The time at which Tails II. restored the ChaDr. Bahler, or 284. As to this detail M. Senart
lukya sovereignty in Western India is fixed as observes: "Quant aux années, dont le chiffre est
being the Brimukha samvatsara, Baka-avat lu 274 par le général, il paraît certain que c'est
896 current (A. D. 978-74), by a verse which is par 84 qu'il finit (je ne puis faire aucune différ
given in an inscription at the temple of Viraence entre le troizième et le quatrième chiffre des dizaines)."
Narayana at Gadag in the Dh&rwad District, and
in another, based on the same model, at the The difference between the third and fourth temple of KAļinga at Kaļige in the Tengali symbols for the tens (or rather the twenties) does, TAluka, Nizam's Dominions ; both records be however, exist, though it is very slight. The long to the time of Vikramaditya VI. fourth symbol is somewhat more slender and less
I gave the verse, as far as it could be curved than any of the three preceding ones. I
restored from the transcriptions given in Sir prefer, consequently, to accept 274 as the
Walter Elliot's Carndtaka-Désa Inscriptions, correct reading.
Vol. I. pp. 370, 415, in this Journal, Vol. XII. As to the era used, Dr. Bühler considers as p. 270. I am now able to give it in correct very improbable the suggestion that the Saka form, from an ink-impression of the Gadag stone era may be that referred to. My only reason for which I owe to the exertions of Mr. Daso Balwant making the suggestion was the inferior style of Bettigeri; and to annex the preceding portion the sculpture. But M. Senart has pointed out at the beginning of the inscription, the opening that the workmanship of pedestals is generally part of which is hopelessly unintelligible as it much inferior to that of statues. The inscription stands in the version given by Sir Walter Elliot's under discussion is on a pedestal adorned with copyist. The whole passage runs as follows:
TEXT. Omn Svasti Samasta-jagat-prasatêr-bhbha(bbhagavató Brahmanah putrasy-Åtrêr=nnôtrasamutpannasya yåmini-kimini-lalama-bhatasya Somasy-Anvayê satya-tyaga-sauryy-&di-gunanilayah kêvala-nija-dhvajini-java-kshapita-pratipaksha-kshitiga-vamsah srimån=asti Chalukya. vamsah | A varsado! Kanda 11 Sri-vallabhanwahita-jaya
eri vallabhan=enisi Vikramadityanga. [1] Sri-vadhuvæol=eseva Bontha
dévigay-dam tandbhavaria Taila-nfipa |
* But, in his recently published work. Coins of Ancient India' (Quaritob, 1891), Sir A. Cunningham (page 37 refers to the Hashtagar Inscription being dated 84 only.

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168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1892.
Vritta | Modalolu kitt'-ikki Rattaruppalaruman=adatan Murjanam komdu dôr-gga
rbbada gurbbim yuddhadolu Pamohalana taleyuman kondu Chalukya-rajy-- spadaman kai-kondu nishkamtakam=enisidan kamgadir Srimukh-&bdam modal-&g=irppattu-nálkur barisam-akhiļa-bhachakraman Taila-bhûpa Il
TRANSLATION. Om ! Hail ! In the lineage of Soma (the Moon), the forehead-ornament of the loving woman the night, who was produced from the eye of Atri, the son of the divine Brahman who was the procreator of the universe, there is the glorious Chalukya race, which is the abode of truth, liberality, heroism, and other virtuous qualities, (and) which has destroyed the races of hostile kings by simply the quickness of its bannered armies. In that race :
(Verse):- To Vikramaditya (IV.), who was accounted the favourite of fortune (and) the favourite of the goddess of viotory over enemies, and to Bonthadevi who resembled the goddess Bri, there was born a son, king Taila (IL.).
(Metre):- Having first plucked up and destroyed some Rattas; having killed the valiant Hunja; having, by the terror of the pride of his arm, taken the head of Panchala in battle; and having possessed himself of the regal dignity of the Chalukyas, - king Taila, unaided, caused the whole circuit of the earth to be considered free from troubles for twenty-four years, beginning with the year Srimukha.
J. F. FLERT,
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE EVIL EYE.
SUPERSTITIONS AS TO CROWS IN MADRAS. A.-In Porsia.
The crow is held in high estimation by the It is the custom in Persis to keep a wild boar in
Brahmans of Southern India, as the following stable where valuable horses are kept, in order facts clearly show to keep the evil eye from them. In the same The Brahmans strictly observe the datly paja way almost every valuable horse has an amnlet or adoration of Siva. Towards the end of it the strung round his neck, to which may be also principal food prepared for the occasion is placed attached a boar's tusk, for the same object. in front of the god and by means of mantras he is S. J. A. CHURCHILL.
invoked in order that he may partake of the Tehran.
game, and for this invocation a handful of the
food so presented is taken and kept aside. After B.-In Bihar.
the pajd is over, it is pat on a tray in the open The ovil oyo or naar is very fatal to children
yard and the crows are invited to eat it. This
food is termed the baliannam, or the presented and animals. If a man looks steadily at any
food. It is only after the crows have eaten it .child or animal, and asys or thinks how beautiful it is, it will soon die. A blue thread round the
that the people of the house sit down for their animal or the child's waist will save it. Tiger's
breakfast. claws and old coins are also a great protection.
When a crow caws early in the morning in the It is not right to allow others to look on while open yard of the house, or when an unusual noise you are eating, - especially the hungry. The is heard in the oven of the kitchen, a guest is steady gaze of the hungry at a man eating causes always expected either for breakfast or dinner. indigestion or a disease in the stomach.
K. SRIKANTALITAR. You must never put your feet on the table. Ootacamund. cloth (dastarkhari), nor permit a glass of water to be put on it.
BAD OWENS IN MADRAS, The evil eye cast on food can be averted by If you hear anybody spoesing or you see any setting aside a spoonful of each dish and giving sudden putting out of a burning light jaat it to birds or to beggars, or simply by muttering at the time of contemplation there will be an • prayer.
utter defeat. SAYYID KHAINAYAT AHAD.
K. SRIKANTALIYAR. Gayd.
Ootacamund.
1 First kirtr was engraved, sad then ther WM
noolled.

Page #177

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the xilke of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other language
Case of other languilges),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptious of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarose. Transliteration. ! Sanskrit.
Kannrese. Transliteration अ
jhn
4 al ergo omne
9 98 3
#
#
tha
4
53 &
Who to the took two
da dha na
3 3 3
& CC8&u eta udala d & 3
pa
औ
pla
Virarga
ba
Visargu Jihvimiliya, or old
Visarga before
bha
and स्य
ma
Upanthminiya, or old Visarga be
fore and F Auusuvira
Anusvira Annn isiku
kla
ga gha
4 AS
ak 77 3 3 13
រំ
cha
alala
chha
A single hyphen is used to separate works in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only need in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texte.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was need to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Dêvangaví sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari, marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are much damaged and nearly illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackete, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackete, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #178


Page #179

June, 1892.)
GRANT OF JAYADITYA OF VIJAYAPURA.
169
GORAKHPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF JAYADITYA OF VIJAYAPURA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. THE plate which contains this inscription was discovered in the Gorakhpur District of the
1 North-Western Provinces, near the river called the Little Gandhak. It was brought to Mr. John Ahmuty, Magistrate of the district, and by him commanicated to Captain Wilford, who presented it to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in whose Library it is still deposited. The inscription was first edited in 1807, with a translation and a facsimile, by H. T. Colebrooke, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. pp. 406.12; and Colebrooke's paper was afterwards reprinted in his Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. 11. pp. 247-54. I now re-edit the inscription from an excellent ink-impression, made and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet:
The plate is inscribed on one side only. It measures about 161" broad by 12%" high, not including an oval projection, with a raised rim, on the proper right side, on which is riveted a disc of the same shape, similarly with a raised rim, which contains a flat button about an inch in diameter; on the counterpunk surface of this button there is some emblem which may perhaps be an animal, but it is a good deal worn and damaged. The edges of the plate are fashioned thicker than the inscribed surface, to serve as rims to protect the writing. Towards the bottom, a small portion of the writing has suffered slightly from corrosion ; otherwise the preservation of the plate is perfect, and, with the exception of two aksharas in line 24, everything may be read with certainty. -The sise of the letters is about #". The characters are boldly and well drawn and deeply engraved. They belong to the northern class of alphabets. Of the same type as those of the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena, they show a further development of the northern alphabet in the direction of the ordinary Naguri, and may perhaps be assigned to the beginning of the 10th century A. D. Attention may be drawn especially to the peculiar manner of writing the diphthongs é, ai, 8 and au, when they follow a consonant, which agrees with the practice of some Kaņheri inscriptions of the 9th century, described by me, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 133. It may also be noted that in the conjunct ry the sign for r is written on tho line, in paryanka-, line 3, and aryanari, line 23; and that the sign of an tsrára is several times placed after, not above, the akshara to which it belongs, e.g., in -salvanánt, and varudhen, in line 15. - The language is Sanskrit ; and, excepting the symbol for or at the commencement of the first line, the whole inscription is in verse. As regards orthography,b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is used instead of the palatal in sasvat, line 9, and sáévati, line 16, and the palatal instead of the dental in Sachivasya, line 21 (but not in sachirah, line 9); the dental n is employed instead of anusvåra in sansdra., line 2, and pronsás (for punsas-, i. e. pusisas=), line 16; the vowel si occurs instead of the syllable ri in déritya, line 13; before r, t is doubled in tattra, line 6, and bhráttrá, line 22; and the word duh kha is (correctly) spelt dushkha, in line 5. In respect of grammar and lexicography I may point out the unusual and incorrect word utkhatin uprooting' or 'extracting,' in line 3; nripadkání for rajadhání, in line 6; the employment of susita, in line 12, in the sense of 'given as a grant;' and the ungrammatical use of the gerund doritya, in line 13.
Opening with four verses in honour of the deities Siva, Brahman, Vishņu, and Parvati, the inscription (in lines 4-11) relates that at the royal residence of Vijayapura, on the declivity of the northern mountain (uttaragiri), there was the king Jayaditya, a son of the king Dharmaditya, and that his minister was Madoli, a son of the minister, the great sámanta Ksitakirti. And it records (in lines 11-12) that this Madbli gave the village of Dummuddu. maka, which he had obtained by the king's favour, as a grant to the goddess Durga. Lines 12-18 glorify the liberal, admonish future rulers to respect this grant, and deprecate its resumption. Further, three verses in lines 19-22 state that the preceding prasasti of the minister was composed by the Kayastha Nagadatta ; and another verse adds that the verses referring to
1 See Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 406.
* See Mr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Plate xxviii.

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170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1892.
Nagadatta, who was too modest to speak of himself, were composed by his younger brother Vidyâdatta. And the inscription closes with another verse, the purport of which appears to be to record that this poem was composed, or the donation made, at Jivanapalli, another village which the minister owed to the royal favour. - The only point of interest, not contained in the preceding, is, that the king Dharmiditya is compared to a Bodhisattva, and the poet Nagadatta to Sugata, or Buddha; which would tend to show that the authors, if not Buddhists, were at any rate favourably inclined towards Buddhism.
The inscription is not dated; and the princes mentioned in it do not seem to be known from other records. Of the localities mentioned, Vijayapura was by Colebrooke suggested to be the place of that name near Mirzapur on the Ganges, on the northern declivity of the Vindhya hills; but he has himself stated that uttaragiri-kataké in line 6 would rather signify
declivity of the northern mountain,' and that this interpretation would point to the range of snowy mountains, i, e., the slopes of the Himalaya. On Dummuddumka Colebrooke has the note that a village of this name is situated in the district of Allahâbâd, within twenty miles of Bijaypur on the Ganges; but that the name is not uncommon, and may belong to some place nearer to the northern mountains. I myself am unable to identify either Vijayapura or the villages Dummuddumaka and Jivanapalli,
TEXT. 1 Om*[11] Kshity5-Adi-yajaman-ânta-mûrttayê visvage-atmanê muninâm dhyana
gamy(A)-ya samasta-vyâ pine ta(na)mah | Ajayelya) 2 jagad-utpatti-sthiti-pralaya-kariņé sansara7-sigar-öttára-pōta-saṁsmpitayo namah 11
Namô=stu Larkshma(kshmi)-pa3 tayê Sa(sl)sha-paryanka-skyine I trailokya-kantak-otkhâti-Vishņsve višvarūpiņê 11
Name(m)stu nirjjitácêsha-Ma4 hish[a]sura-gh[&*]tine! Pârvvati-pâdapadm[4*lya jagad-Câlnanda-dậyinê | Vêņas
van-ali-vishaman sikhara-pråkå5 ra-malay=&langhyam I nirjjhara-gabhira-parikhå-dastaram=est-ari-santrâsaṁ Avidita
viyoga-dushkhan santosha-sa6 måpta-sakala-vishaya-sokban asty-uttaragi(gi)rio-kabake Vijayapa (pu)ram nama
pripadh Anil Tattra cha chatur-ambhôdhi-bhranta-ya7 sah sthira-dayô mahå-sat[t]vah i śrimn=Dharmmadityo nsipatir-abhud-V(68)
dhisat[t"]va iva | Tasya cha sasziva sêvyo bha(bhogy8 8 lôkasya kalpasakh=iva [1] hrada iva tộishṇ-Apaharaḥ sutô=bhavati srl-Jayadi.
tyaḥ || Raj=&pi yo vinito yuv-Api dhirð 9 manôbhava-dvdshi | sarvva-pradô=pisa (sa)áva(t)-sarvvasya grihita-paramarthah 11
Tasya sachivaḥ śrut-Arthô mah-Anubhâvô vi10 nirjjit-ârâtih sâmantasya bumahatah Kțitakîrttêr=mmantriņas-tanayaḥ u Yasya
cha suchåru-mu[r*]ttêr=ddadataḥ Karoņô=pi 11 1[A]ghavan yâtaḥ praksiti-para-va(ba)ddha-kêkshóll va(ba)bhůva sa sri-Madôlir12–
iti il Dummuddumaka-nâmå grâmở raja-prasa12 da-samprâptaḥ! kļishi-vasati-gô-dhan-adhyo Darggâyai sisitasetêna (1) Bhavati
hi satan vibhûtiḥ par-Opakritage
* From an impression supplied to me by Mr. Pleet. Expressed by a symbol. * Metre, Sloka LADushtabh); and of the three next verses.
* The proper spelling would be vishvag-, but the palatal sibilant is consionally employod in this woed, in later works. Read on thedra..
• Metre, Ary&; up to the end. The correction in this word appears to bave been made already in the original. 10 Rond -bhavach-chhrf-. 11 Road -kanksha; who by nature was striving for final beatitude.' 12 The socon akshara, do, of this word is quito clear in the impression.

Page #181

JUNE, 1892.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
171
13 mahậntam=isri (ári)tya jalavê (dhe)r=adâya jalan jaladah sasyaya varshanti13 11
Sva-para-jana-nirvviso (se) shah santé(nto) vira14 la hi santi ha(pha)la-danêkalpadrumah kiyantaḥ śru(sr)yante Nandane=pí
vané (11) Må kalaya kaliyugô(ge)-pi hi sama15 natam tata . sarvva-sat[t]v[A*]nâm [*) rakshati vasudham parapatir-Atma-gribam
n=au(ai)va laghu-sat[t*]vah 1(11) Janma maraņañ=cha sampa16 d=vipach=cha punsås14-tu så (sa)śvati-bhavati Iyadi ch=aivan para-kîrttim svâm=iva
kasmin=na pålagata(tha) 11 Krishi-karaṇa-sam17 yaktar vasundharam yo dadati saskavatîm15 vrajati vimin-îrûdhah pitrinle
sa a()h1[A*]dayan=nâkam | Apahara18 ti yô=pi môhâd=vê(dê)va-dvija-pâda-kalpitîm vasudhâm [10] svargga-sthân=api
niyatam pâtayati sa purvvajan nara19 kê !! Atinirmmala-kula-janma dêva-dvija-guru-narapati-nati-sakta[h 1] khânita-bhůri
tadâgâ(ga) kârita-dêvala20 yasetyagi 11 Sagata-pratimaḥ kripaya guņa-nidhir-abhavat17 jit-ôndriyô vidvận 1
vipriya-vâdê vi21 makhaḥ kåyasthô Någadatta iti 11 Sa(sa)chivasya têna rachita lakshana-yukta
so[va*Jrņņa-ksita-sôbhê! 22 sad-vșitta lalita-pada bhakty&' paraya praśastir-iyam 11 Sva-gana-khyapana-bhirosa
tasya bhrâttra ka23 niyasals rachita [1*] a(A)ryaņâm tritayam-idam Vidyâdattêna bhût-artham 11
Raja-prasada-lavdha(bdha) dhana-kanaka-sa24 mäkul=htisasyavati [l*] Jivanapallir=iti satim grâm[]=yam s[8]=sya tad-[AP]
paraḥ19 [11*]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.O.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from page 156.) The influence of a learned orthography apon the linguistic aspect of our monuments does not, as a whole, allow itself to be measured in detail with absolute precision. I shall only quote one example, as sufficiuat to enable the reader to grasp my meaning. Girnar distinguishes between I and I n, but only in the interior of bases. Is preserves I every: where where Sanskrit would write it in the bases, but it writes only 1 in terminations, even where Sanskrit usage would have required a cerebral 1. I confess that a comparison with the Eastern versions, all of which know only 1, makes this invariable practice seem, in my eyes, to be suspicious. I strongly doubt if the popular pronunciation of the people of Girnar correctly distinguished the two n's, but I have no means of rendering this doubt a certainty. Whatever may have been the fact in this and in other analogous instances, many of the divergencies which distinguish our parallel versions are not reducible to an orthographic interpretation. However great may be the latter's importance in its legitimate sphere of action, it leaves remaining a series of phenomena which coustitute dialectic characteristics. It is this face of the question which still remains to be considered.
From this point of view the monuments of Piyadasi divide themselves clearly into two main groups. In the one, there is no cerebral , no palatal i, an initial y is elided, I is
14 Read punsas.
18 Originally varshpanti was engraved, but the p has been struck out. 16 Originally easyavatish was engraved, but tich has been altered to tim. 16 Originally pityan was engraved, but it ha. beon alterod to pitrin. 18 Originally niyasd was ongraved, but it has boon altered to niyasd. 3Colobrouku's reading is easyatarah parah.
17 Read -abhavaj-jit..

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substituted for r, the nominative masculine, and usually the nominative neuter, end in é, and the locative in asi; the other distinguishes the cerebral n and the palatal h, retains the initial y and the r unchanged, makes the nominative singular of masculine a-bases end in 6, and the locative in amhi or in é. The first comprises all the inscriptions, except Girnar and Kapur di Giri, which alone constitute the second class. It is the more impossible to doubt the existence in this case of a dialectic difference, because certain of the peculiarities which denote the first group are quoted by the grammarians as proper to the Magadhi dialect. Such are the nominative in é and the substitution of 1 for r. It must be admitted that these are also the only points of agreement, and that neither in its omissions - the absence of , n, é, the elision of initial y - nor in certain peculiar usages - the retention of j, of chh, &c., - does the dialect of the inscriptions correspond with the Màgadhi of the grammarians. On the contrary, we have seen that the use of the group 8, attributed by the grammarians to Magadhi appears only in the orthography of Girnar.
Is it possible to trace subdivisions, to distinguish sub-dialects, within the limits of these two main groups? Between Girnar and Kapur di Giri, if we except the groups 8! and st on the one hand, and the use of the three sibilants on the other, both of which, in my opinion, should not be admitted into the calculation, the only differences of a somewhat general character, which I note, are the group tp at Girnar, which, according to my theory, corresponds to a pronunciation pp, and which is represented at Kapur di Giri by t; the locative singular, which is in mhi, and more rarely in é at Girnar, and in é, never in mhi at Kapur di Giri; and the genitive of bases in in, which is in inô at Girnar, and which, at Kapur di Giri, follows, by the formation isa, the analogy of the declension in a. It may also be noted that the group hm or mh, which is retained at Girnar, is unknown at Kapur di Giri, where bamhana is written bramaņa, and that the termination vya of the future participle passive, which usually at Girnar adheres to the spelling viya, is, at Kapur di Giri, generally assimilated to va (vva). Finally, we may add one or two other divergencies, such as the 3rd person plural in are used at Girnar, and the accidental substitution of y forjat Kapur di Giri. We can thas have no hesitation in holding that the two sets of inscriptions, to a certain degree at least, do reflect different shades of dialect, which are absolutely distinot.
I do not think that the case is the same with regard to the versions which constitute the former group. If we put out of consideration the alleged use of é and sh at Khálsi, regarding wbich I shall shortly take an opportanity of stating my opinion, and which has nothing to do with the present discossion, the only appreciable differences refer to the initial y, the use of r, and the termination of nominatives neuter in ani. Khálsi and the columnar edicts retain the initial y more frequently than the others, but as they present at the same time a number of examples of its elision, even in the same words, it is clear that no linguistic conclusion can be drawn from the fact, especially as in the versions which elide it most regularly, at Jaugada and Dhanli, examples are inversely found of its retention. In some instances Khâlsi makes the nominative of nenter bases in a, in an and not in &: but it also contains a more considerable number of nominatives in é of bases usually treated as neuters; on the other hand, in one instance, Jaugada writes anusásanari. Räpnâth writes chhavachharé and chirathitike, árád havé, pakaré, bat, alsó, sátiléké, apaladhiyêna, and ahálé; and if it is admitted that it throughout retains the initial y, it must not be forgotten that it is short, that it has only three such examples, and that it is impossible to assume the existence of a peculiar dialect from such a detail, in the face of its otherwise perfect agreement with those inscriptions which more nearly resemble Magadhi. It is plain, however, that we must not neglect sporadic discrepancies. They have a certain significance which should be cleared up. This problem appears to me to be an easy one. It will solve itself when we have elucidated one point, regarding which people have, I think, come to wrong conclusions.
It has been admitted hitherto that each of the versions of the edicts faithfully represents the dialect of the country in which it has been engraved. I believe that

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this is a mistake, and that the deductions, which have been formed on this basis, are altogether unfounded. A priori it would be extremely surprising that a single dialect should have reigned, without rival and without shades of difference, throughout the whole of north and north-eastern India, from Khálsi to Jaugada, by way of Bairât and Rapnath. Our scepticism will be found to be strengthened by several particular reasons.
According to this theory, at the time of Asoka, both at Dhauli and Jaugada, as well as at Rûpnâth and Allahabad, people must have employed a dialect which made nominatives masculine of a-bases terminate in é, and which changed r into l. This I shall, for the sake of brevity, term the Magadhi of Aboka. Now the inscription of Khandagiri, quite close to those of Dhauli and Jangada, the date of which cannot be fixed with accuracy, but is certainly not more than a century later than the monuments of Piyadasi, and which appears to emanate from a local sovereign, makes the same nominatives in ô and the locatives in é, preserves the etymological , and in a word presents none of the characteristic traits of this dialect. We are thas led to think that Asoka's dialect was not that of the country. The ancient inscriptions of che Bharhut stúpa, mid-way between Rûpnâth and Allahabad, perhaps contemporary with Piyadasi, of a surety not much later, and which are certainly expressed in a language analogous to the local idiom, present no trace of Magadhism. So also at Sanchi; yet General Cunningham has discovered there a fragment of an edict which, with a probability almost equivalent to certainty, he attributes to Piyadasi. Now, in this, fragmentary as it is, the nominatives in é, words like chilathitike leave no room for doubt. It was written in Magadhi. But all the native inscriptions found in the same looality, either contemporary with it, or belonging to a very nearly contemporary epoch, agree without exception in the use of a Prükşit free from Magadhisms. In the other localities we are not so fortunate as to be able to use parallel monuments for controlling the apparent evidence of those of Piyadasi, but these facts are sufficiently significant. Evidently, the use of the Magadhi djalect in his edicts does not prove that it was current and in vulgar use in the localities where they have been found. The conclusion readily presents itself to our minds, It was in Magadha that the head-quarters of Piyadaei's empire was situated. Magadhi must have been the language of his court, and nothing can be simpler than to suppose that he used it throughout the extent of his dominions to address his people, and moro spocially his officers, the representatives of his power,
But then, it will be said, how is it that the inscriptions of the extreme north-west and of the coast of Surashtra escape this common level ? The question appears to me to be capable of two explanations, each of which strengthens the other. No one, I think, doubts that it was in the north-west and west that a graphic system, adapted to the necessities of Indian languages, was first elaborated. At least the inscriptions of Kapur di Giri and of Girnar testify that in each case there had been already constituted a peculiar graphic system with its own traditions.
1 At the other extremity of India, in Ceylon, we find a sign which favours this theory. However great, 48 regards details, may be the exaggerations of the Sinhalese traditions with reference to the conneotion of Aboka with Tamraparpi, the testimony of Piyadasi himself would appear to indionte that he held oertain relations with that distant island. That he profited by these relations to help forward the diffusion of Buddhism, his seal and the analogy of his conduct elsewhere do not permit us to doubt. It is hence the more interesting to follow up the traces, which have, in several instances, been pointed out, of the infuence of the Magadhf dialeot on the ancient language of Ceylon. The moat ancient insoriptions which have been found in the island are without doubt of sensibly later date than Piyadasi. This interval explains the alterations which the MAgadht tradition has under. gone from the time of the earliest insoriptions. The fact itself of ita introduction, which it is diftioalt to refer to any author except Piyadasi, only stands out the more clearly from the persistence of certain traita, I do not speak merely of grammatical peculiarities: the locative in si, nominative in , &0., which have been pointed out by P. Goldschmidt (Ind. Ant., 1877, p. 318, of. Rhys Davids, Ind. Ant., 1879, pp. 188 & ff. d. Mäller. Ancient Inseript. of Ceylon, p. 8; and the recent observations of Prof. Kern in the Bijdragen tot de Tral, kunde van Vederl. India, IV. 10. p. 562). Two palieographic facts are equally characteristio. One is the adoption of the siam A before its limitation to the palatal $ (see below), and the other is the absenos of the palutal, not employed in the official writing of Piyadasi, and which we see, for example, in the inuoription of Kivindo (E. Müllor, No. 57) expressed by the compound ny, in savanyutipeta. It in, therefore, probable that Piyadasi had dirootly or indirectly transferred to Ceylon, as he had done to the provinces of his empire, the methode pooullar to hie Magadht system of orthography,

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These were facts which Piyadasi found established, and which he was obliged to take into his calculations. In the second place, it will be remarked that the two systems of spelling, or, if it is preferred, the two dialects used by Piyadasi, exactly coincide with the distinction between his immediate dominions and the merely vassal provinces, which, I believe, I have established by arguments perfectly independent, and having no reference to the facts which we are now considering. It was quite natural that Piyadasi should accommodate himself to the local customs of regions which were only indirectly attached to his empire, and in which traditions must have existed which it might have been both suitable and convenient to respect.
Certain useful indications can be drawn from the inscriptions. The various versions are not equally consistent in the application of orthographical peculiarities which correspond to dialectic differences. Even at Dhauli and Jaugada, where the initial y is most regularly elided, it is occasionally retained: yé (J. det. I. 4); yi (Dh. IV. 17); yé (Dh. V. 20; det. I. 8); at Khâlsi and on the columns this is much more common: at Rûpnath, the y is retained in the only three words in regard to which the question could be raised ; at Bairit, we have, side by side, an and ya. On the other hand, it is at Rûpnath that we find two or three words in which the ris retained and not replaced by l. As a general rule the distinction between masculine and neuter is lost in the Magadhi of the inscriptions, both genders making the nominative in é. Nevertheless, at Khálsi, it would appear that we have some nominatives masculine in 8 (satiyaputo, II. 4; Kelalaputa, ibid. ; sô, V. 14; cf., also, lájáno, Il. 5), while neuters very often have the nominative in an. These inconsistencies can be explained in two ways. They result either from the influence of the learned language, or from the sporadic action of the local dialect entering into the official Magadhi. I do not venture to decide.
Other irregularities, such as those which we meet at Kapur di Giri and at Girnar, are inverse cases. Thus, we have frequently in both versions nominatives singular in é (1) both for masculines and neuters. I may quote at Girnar : prádésiké, yuté, yárisé, bhútapurvé, vadhité, tárisé, apaparisavé, dévánampiyé, sésté, kammé, dhamacharané, manigale, dasané, dáné, vipulé, karimé, múlé; at Kapur di Giri: antiyéké, si, athi, sakali, maté, turamaye, jive, bhutapurvé, radhitē, tadićé, dané, niche, darsané, été, yé, kalavi, hati, yi, nichi, vijité, ghatiti, mahalaké, likhité; at Kapur di Giri, several locatives in asi (mahan asasi, I. 2; gananasi, III. 7; yutasi, V. 13; orodhanasi, VI. 14; &c. are contrasted with the ordinary form, which is in é. It is clear that these accidental forms cannot be explained in this case by the influence either of a learned language, or of a popular one. They are so many Magadhisms, whose only possible source can have been the influence of the Magadhi officially employed by the suzerain of the states.
To sum up, the inscriptions of Piyadasi divide themselves, from a linguistic point of view, into two series, of which one, that of the north-west, betrays by certain, though not very important, indications, the existence of a dialectic sub-division. The other must represent the official language of the royal chancery. They bring before us two strongly contrasted orthographical systems; the one more nearly allied to the popular speech, the other with a greater tendency to approaching etymological and learned forms. Neither the one nor the other is subject to definite rules;- neither the one nor the other escapes individual discrepancies, or certain local influences. We shall see from what follows, and it is this which gives these facts a real interest, that this state of things marks the first phase of an evolution which was destined to accentuate itself more and more as it pursued its course. We shall see, in the epoch which follows, on the one hand, the Mixed Sanskrit, on the other hand the monumental Prakrit, each continuing in parallel lines the tradition of which we here grasp the most ancient manifestations.
On several occasions, in the remarks which precede, I have been led to speak of "a learned language," and "a learned orthography." These expressions might lend themselves to

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misconceptions which it is my duty to prevent. Now that I have explained myself regarding the popular language, it remains to determine, so far as we can from the indications at our disposal, what was the linguistic situation from the point of view of this other most important factor, Vedic or Classical Sanskrit.
Palæographic facts here hold the first place. Some are common to both of Piyadasi's modes of writing, others are peculiar to only one or other of them.
The north-western alphabet possesses no special signs for marking the long vowels. It is quite true that many languages are content with a similar notation, but Sanskrit does not present itself to us under ordinary conditions. A language partly artificial and used only by the learned, leaping into existence, after a long preparation, ready made and almost immutable, it had a grammar before it was put into writing. Neither in its orthography, nor in its grammatical forms, does it shew any sensible trace of progressive development. It could only be put into writing, at the time when it did commence to be written, under the same conditions as those under which it has continued to be written. A language thus elaborated must have imposed beforehand the power of distinguishing long vowels on the alphabet, by means of which it was intended to record it. An alphabet, which was not capable of making this distinction, would certainly never have sufficed to record it.
I may also mention a peculiarity which is common to both methods of writing. I have just now drawn attention to the fact that neither of them represents the doubling of identical or homogeneous consonants. Now, from the time when Sanskțit first makes its appearance, it observes this duplication, wherever it should be etymologically expected. No one can imagine either the Vedic Sanskrit or Grammatical and Classical Saúskrit being written without obserying this practice. But, once established for the learned language, this duplication could not have failed to introduce itself into the popular orthography, as we shall see did actually occur in the case of the literary Prakrit. It will, therefore, be asked how the orthography of the dialects, which we are at present considering, did not, of its own motion, adopt so natnral a usage. For my part, I only see one satisfactory explanation, the persistent influence of the Semitic method or methods of writing upon which the alphabets of Piyadasi were founded. A long effort was necessary to overcome this influence, and the sequel will shew how the new practice is exactly one of the traits which characterised the constitution and expansion of the literary language.
The Indian alphabet, on the other hand, did possess special signs for the long vowels, but when it is considered that at Khálsi, and perhaps at Bairat and Rûpnáth, there are no signs for i and i long, and that in the other versions instances of inexactness in the notation of long vowels are continually met with, it will, I think, .be unhesitatingly concluded that, at the date of our inscriptions, a fixed, arrested form of language, liko Sanskrit, had not yet been established in general use, for it would not have failed to act as a regulator and model for the popular languages, or to introduce into their orthography the precision, the unity and the consistency in which they are so much wanting.
The Indian alphabet of Piyadasi has only one sign to represent ; whether it precedes or follows a consonanı. Would this have been possible it that alphabet were used to record Sanskřit? Now, it is actually in the period which immediately follows, that it develops new resources in this respect. From the time of the inscriptions of Managhat, we find the definite notation of r after another consonant well established, and, shortly afterwards the same sign transferred to the top of the consonant which it accompanied, served to express an antecedent r.
At Bharhat, as in later times at Nanachat and elsewhere, rafter a consonant is placed blow it, citizer in its zigzag form ($) as in ohraniti, or in the perpeudicular form, 44 iu o of brahma. (ct. Cunnilyham. Bharhut Stúpa, Inscrip. Nos. 76, 97, 89.)

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We can also assert that the sign for the vowel ri did not yet exist in the time of Asoka. The reason is simple, and is quite independent of any à priori argument. It is clear to every one that the sign J of the vowel ri, in the most ancient form in which it appears, is derived from the sign used to mark r in composition with a preceding consonant, viz., J; and we have just seen that this sign did not develop till after the time of Piyadasi.
Another lacuna is more significant still; it is the absence of three distinct signs corresponding to the three sibilants of the learned orthography. I am now speaking only of the Indian alphabet. Khâlsi allows us to show that this absence was perfectly real, and that it was neither voluntary or merely apparent.
It will be remembered that Khâlsi, in addition to, the ordinary sign for s, also employs another form, . This s has been considered as representing the palatal . It is true that this last letter has an identical or analogous form in the most ancient inscriptions in which it appears, i.e., at Nasik and at Girnar. But we must understand matters. It is not possible to admit that, at Khalsi, the first edicts and the last ones differ between themselves in dialect, and I consider that the conclusions to which I came in the Introduction of this work are unassailable, that, at Khâlsi, is merely an alternative graphic form of . Other facts confirm my opinion. The sign reappears in the Edict of Bairât, and in the two inscriptions of Ramnath, the first presents only a single example, in the word starga, in which the palatal é has no right to exist. The inscriptions of Râmnâth are, unfortunately, either badly defaced or very badly reproduced. Such as we have them, they do not lend themselves to a translation, or even to an approximate interpretation; all that we can remark is that the first uses the sign and that alone, and the other sign d and that alone. This is a very strong reason for considering that the two signs are simple equivalents. The demonstration is completed by facts drawn from the other end of India. Mr. Rhys Davids (Ind. Ant., 1872, p. 130) was the first to point out, in the most ancient inscriptions of Ceylon, the parallel use of two sibilants and A. The second is clearly only a modification of the of Khálsi or of its prototype. Since then, Dr. E. Müller (Ancient Inscript. of Ceylon, No. 1) has published one in which the form alone figures. He has drawn from these facts (p. 16) the only reasonable conclusion, that which Mr. Rhys Davids had already very justly put forward, that the two signs express indifferently one and the same sound. We cannot come to a conclusion for the north different from that to which we have come for the south. The distance between the two localities of occurrence, and the absolute analogy of the facts prohibit us from thinking of a dialectic differentiation between the two sibilants. The sequel of paleographic history shows us that the form came to be subsequently employed to express the palatal é, when a need to express it, that is to say, to write in Sanskrit, was experienced. At the time of Piyadasi, the Indian alphabet did not yet possess the palatals; and it therefore had not yet been applied, in anything like a regular and consequent way, to the learned language.
-
Another strictly parallel fact indirectly confirms this. By the side of c, the inscription of Khâlsi, in its second half, frequently uses a form . Dr. Bühler (p. 26) transliterates it by sh, and approves of my having recognized its relationship with the cerebral sh of the complete alphabet. I fear that there has been a misunderstanding here. I do, it is true, believe that the of Nasik and of Girnar (Rudradaman) is derived from this , but I in no way believe that this last form had the value of a cerebral at Khålsi. In spite of the transliteration sh, I would not venture to assert that such is even the opinion of Dr. Bühler, and in any case I could not agree with him if it is. The sign does not appear till about the 10th Edict, and only becomes common in the 11th, 12th and 13th, although the form is not absolutely unknown to the former ones, as we have it also in the 4th Edict, 1. 11. In the more than 110 instances in which Dr. Bühler reads sh at Khâlsi, there are only thirty in which the cerebral sh could be expected. Under these circumstances, and the transition between the forms du and being easy, the steps being marked out.by several intermediate shapes both at Khâlsi and elsewhere, it is absolutely impossible to consider the sign as anything other than a graphic variant

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of d. The perfect indifference with which the engravers use one sign or the other is really quite evident. All that has happened is the same as what we have already proved for. In subsequent times advantage has been taken of this duplication of forms to apply one of them to the notation of the cerebral sh, and it has become fixed in its new function, but the fact is later than our inscriptions.
To sum up, neither the North-Western nor the Indian alphabet could have been at this epoch used to write Sanskrit. The Indian alphabet, the only one of the two which subsequently became applied to Sanskrit, appears before us in the condition of undergoing the modifications, which eventually prepared it for that rôle. We know of no trace of any different alphabet, which could have served for tho notation of Sanskrit, and we are driven to the conclusion that at the time of Piyadasi Sanskrit had not yet been written, and, as all our arguments apply equally to the religious, (Vedic) language, the conclusion holds equally good for it as well as for classical Sanskrit properly so called.
Between these two languages there is, however, one important difference. The elaboration of classical Sanskrit could only have taken place with a view to a wide, profane use, with a view to a written use. To say that it was not written, is to say that it did not yet practically exist, at least in its ultimate form. But it is not so in regard to the Vedic language. Not only could its essential monuments exist in an oral state, but they could have been, in this form, the object of a culture purely oral, and more or less complete. Eminent Indian scholars have considered and still consider that the composition of the prátiéákhyas does not imply the use of writing. I need not here expatiate on a subject to which we shall again be conducted by the conclusions of the following chapter. These remarks have merely for their aim to put forward (while we explain it) an apparent contradiction between these two propositions: on the one hand the paleographic condition of our monuments proves that the classical idiom which subsequently took so prominent a position had either not received as yet its complete elaboration, or had at least not yet been regularly written, while, on the other hand, the orthography of the popular dialects as it is reflected by our monuments, reveals the action, more or less latent, none the less certain, of a previous philological culture. It is to the oral tradition of the religious literature, to the efforts for its preservation and for its phonetic analysis, of which it was the cause, that we have to trace back this influence. The reader cannot fail to remark how happily this origin accounts for the peculiar character of the action, unequal and indirect, incomplete and accidental, which we have been able to describe.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH. (Continued from page 113).
XXXIV. The Tenth païnnam, virathaa, virastava, in 43 vv. Enumeration of the names of the siri Vaddhamana [145] (v. 4). It begins: namiûna jinam jayajivabamdhavam bhaviyakusumarayaniyaram 1 Viram girimdadhiram thunâmi (ataumi) payatthanâmêhim 11111 It conclades : iya namavali samthuyă siri Virajiņimda mamdasnnassa (npassa ?) viyara karunâo Jinavara 1 sitapayamanahatthiram (?) Vira! 11 43 I
The gachhayaram, which in V., in the Ratnasagara, and in the second collection of all the painnas that I have before me, is cited as a part of the collection (see pp. 429, 431) contains in 138 vv. general rules of life, especially those for the bhikkhu and bhikkhuni, in the form of a lesson to Gôyama, who is several times mentioned in it. It begins: namiûņa Mahâvtram gachchâyâram kimchi uddharimô suasamuddâô 11111 atth' êgê Gôyamâ! pânî I
jê ammaggapaïtthiê gachchhammi samvasittânam 1 bhamai bhavaparam param II 211 The metre is almost everywhere ślôka, thongh two syllables are often counted as one, one short being cast away; so for example in v. 15: samgahovaggahaṁ vibinâ na karêi a jogani samana

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Bamaņim tu dikkhittà I samayarith na gåhaê Il 15 | vihiņâ, samaņam, samaņim are to be read as disyllables.
At the end it is called (see verse 1) an extract from the mahanisthakappa and the vavahára, sources which explain the use of the sloka here: mahậnisihakappað | vavaharað tahe 'va ya siihu-shui-atthie i gachhâyârain Hamuddhiam II 136 l padhamnsum sahuņo, eam asajjhâyam rivajjium uttamasvanissamdam gachhîyâram suuttamam ll 137 11 gachhiyaram suņittaram 146) padhitti bhikkhu bhikkhuni kunantu jam jahâbhaiam ) ichchhamta hiam appaņô H 138 !!
The fourth group of Siddhanta texts is composed of D. the six chhedasůtras.
So at least according to Bühler's List (see above, p. 226). In the Ayara vibi and in the Ratnasagara (Calc. 1880) these assert a prior place - between the upångas and the painnas. The mame chhedasůtras (ehliêda, cutting, section ) can be explained in many ways. There is no authentic explanation that I have been able to discover. This name recurs in the texts in question as infrequently as in the paragraphs in the MSS. The first time where it is mentioned, so far as I know, 60 is in the Avasy, nijj. 8, 66: jam cha mahakappan7 jania sêsani chhea suttaņi, from which passage it is clear that then, besides the mahakappan, there existed several other texts belonging to this group (kalpâdini Schol.); and in another passage of the above cited work (16, 100), there are enumerated three texts which, at present, still bear this name and which state that they were divided just as we find them. They appear [447] to belong together after a fashion and to form a united group. In the enumeration of the anamgapavitha texts in the Nandi, in the Pakshikasútra and in the three samacharis we find these texts arranged in the same order insapan, kappassa, vavahâ'assa). In the samacharts, in the passage in reference to the number of daya necessary to learn them, we find that but one sayakkhandha is allotted to them all: kappavavaharadasanam (80 Åvi., Svi., dasákaorůņam V.) ego suakkhandhô. The Vidhipr., however, states that some (kei) "kappavavahara namn bhinnar suyakkbandham ichhamti."
The title chhéasutta is not mentioned in this list of the anangapavithas or angabâhiras, which cites, in addition to the three texts held to be chhêasuttas, two others immediately afterward, one name alone intervening. These additional chhêasuttas are nisiha and mahậnisiha, which now stand at the head of the chhêdas. The mahakapparuam (see p. 478), too, is found in the list, but in a different place - abont 24 places previous. From this we draw the conclusion that the author of the list did not regard the malkkappasuam (see p. 478) as belonging to these chhêasuttas.
The mabûkappa® is mentioned in no other passage. In all other passages, where the chhêdasútras are enumerated, the nisiham is invariably placed at the head of the list. Thus in Âvi., where the number of days necessary for learning the ehhêdasůtras is stated, (448] there are enumerated as the “chhêaggartha" (here placed between upaigas and painras; see p. 446) the seven names : nisiha, dasa, kappa, vavahîra, mabảnisiha, pamchakappa and jfakappa. The panchakappa is mentioned also under the pažnnas. Cf. above, pp. 427, 430. The case is similar in Svi., where, however, the name chhêao is omitted, and the discussion on this subject is inserted between that concerning aigas 4 and 5. In Svi. only siha, daså, kappa and vavahira are treated of together, parchakappa and jtakappa not being mentioned, and mahî nisiha is disposed of at another place, viz. : - at the end of the entire jógavibi after the païnnas. V. agrees herein with
65 An older form of the name is perhaps chhaaua, chhedasruta, thus incitation in the Vichkrimrita sangraha: "nistham- Aiya sa chheasusta"; chhedaeamgha, too, is found in the same place (Hee p. 430), where it is said that they are five in number.
66 The name of the second group of the charittagunapramina in the Anayógady Arasíltra - ehhêdavaddbávaniat cbar-may be recalled in this connection.
67 According to the Scholinat those texts are borrowed from the dithivha (anga 19), and, consequently, are to be regarded as rishibhAshita : mahAkalpabrutadinam api rishibhashitatva(a) drishtivadad uddhitya tisht pratipidit. strát dharınakathanuyoga vva (o gatva cha ?) prasamngah.
dasa uddesapakala dasána, kappassa haristi chhach chêva i dasa chêva vavaharassa hurti savvé vi chhartl sau 11

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Svi. completely, with the exception that, as Avi., it adds pamchakappa and jiakappa to nisiha, dasa, k. and vav. In the metrical portion at the close, the jógavihậnapagarana, however, the first four are treated of either as to be learned together in 30 days or as "savvâņi vi chhêasuttani," v. 22. In the next verse (23) there are statements concerning jiyak. and pamchak. (mahậnisiha is not discussed till vv. 63, 64). In the Vicharâmţitas, the chhéasuam is called nisiha-m-aiyam
- on jitak., pamchak. see p. 430 — ; and in the commentary on the śråddbajîtakalpa -- see below - śrî nisithadi chhêdagranthasútra is spoken of. We find that this agrees with Bühler's list (above, p. 226).
Besides this arrangement which places nibîtba at the head we meet with statements in modern sources in which the number composing the series varies in many ways. The series, as we have seen above, was never fixed, continually varying between 4 and 7 members.
[449] In the Ratnasagara (Calc. 1880) we find the following arrangement : vyavahara. vșihatkalpa, daśabruta, nišitha, mabảnisitba, jîtakalpa. These names are the same with an exception in the case of jîtakalpa (Bühler has pañchakalpa ; Åvi. bas both names). The arrangement of Raj. L. Mitra and after him that of Pandit Kashinath Kuntê, taking its rise from the Siddhantadharmasara, is very remarkable. See my remarks on p. 227.
The uncertainty of modern tradition may, it is true, create an impression unfavourable to the age of the chhedasůtra texts which we possess. On the other hand, there are sufficient arguments which permit us to ascribe a relatively ancient date to the chief group at least, i.e. the three texts : dasa-kappa-vavahârâ. The order which I have here followed is, without doubt, the old arrangement, though, for convenience sake, I adopt that of Bühler from this point on: vavahậra, dasi, kappa. We must here consider the statements of tradition in reference to the origin and composition of these texta.
Haribhadra, on Avasy. 6, 88, explains the third of the three forms of the samachari which are mentioned in the text : Ohê darah payavibhåge, the padavibhagasâ mâchårt by chhêdasů. trini, and, as we have seen above, p. 357, he states that this is chhêdastralakshanan navamapůryâd eva nirvyadha. On Avaấy. 7, 64 he limits the equalization of the padaviochårt to kalpa and vyavahara (så cha kahararapa). The same statement exists in the avachûri composed A. D. 1383 by JnanasÂgara on the Oghaniryukti : (450) padavi'cbari kalpavyavaharau ; and purva 9 (vastu 3, prabhsita 20) is referred to as the source - see above, p. 357 - whence this BhadrabahusvøminA nirvyddha. The composition of these two texts, kalpa and vyavahåra, is frequently referred back to BhadrabAha, who is said to have made use of the same sources as they. But in the rishimaụdalasůtra (Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 11), (p. 472) the same is asserted of the third member of this group of texts, the dasia. We have consequently here, as in the case of apånga 4, to deal with an author whose name is specially mentioned. Whether this claim is correct or not (we will refer to this question below), the connection with the pavvas According to tradition, is significant.
The contents of the existing chhedasůtras makes it probable that a large portion of them is of considerable antiquity. This contents refers in general to the clergy and the rules of conduct prescribed 70 for them, though there is a large admixture of subsidiary matter of a legendary character (e. g. the entire Kalpasútram). The first two rules, according to the existing order, refer to expiations and penances (prayaschitta); while all the rest contain general matters referring to discipline.
# The same is asserted of the nistham ; see p. 4630.
70 It corresponds consequently to the vinaya of the Buddhists with which, despite all differences, it is olosely connected in contents and in style of treatment.
71 The expression glatthå in the last verse of Dharmaghosha's sråddhajitakalpa (see p. 478), tratırg ftho prayas. ohitta, is explained in the anonymous scholiast thereupon by gttArthAh briniéfthAdiohhedagramtha ft rarthadharAb, i. e. gita is explained by chhedagrarnthastra. Dh. recommends to the glattha the correction of a work, which ho conceives of as being closely connected with the chhedasutras. This name glta does not agree particularly well with the form of the text of the existing ohhedastras, since a large portion of the latter is composed in prose, and flöka not gåth& is the prevailing form of metre in the metrical portions. Cf., however, the name of the sixth book of the second chhedas.

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[451] There is other testimony of an external character which makes for the antiquity of the chhedasutras. The first of these is, as is well known, closely connected with anga 1, and is, in fact, called a part of the latter (p. 254). Chhêdasútras 2, 4 bear the stamp of antiquity because they resemble angas 1-4 as regards the introduction, and because chndas. 2-5 resemble the same angas as regards the conclusion.72 The ancient date of chhêdas. 4 is eo ipso attested by the thoroughgoing mention of it and its ten sections in anga 3, 10.
The testimony is not so favourable in the case of. chhêdastra 2. It must be ascribed to a somewhat later date from the fact that it contains a polemic against the ninhaga, a mention of the dasapuvvin etc. See below. We have exact chronological data for the Kalpasūtram, inserted in chhêdas. 4. See p. 472.
It is remarkable that there are old oommentaries called bhashya and charni,73 composed in Prakṣit, the first kind of texts written in gåthûs, the second in prose, on three of our texts : -- nisiha, vavahara, kappe. The Nom. Sgl. M. of the 1. Decl. ends invariably in o and not in e; and extensive use is made of the insertion of an inorganic m. The Prakpit shows many traces of a later age, e. g., we find the thematic instead of the declined form. Further. more, the fact that these bhâshyas (452] are, for the most part, composed in gåthis, whereas the verses in the chhồdasůtras are mostly slokas, deserves our attention.
The extent of each of the texts is as follows: -1, nistham 812 (or 818) grahthas, – 2. mahậnisiham 4504 gr., - 3. vavahüra 500 gr., - 4. daśabrutaskamdham 800 gr., exclusive of the kalpasútra, that contains 1254 gr., - 5. brihatkalpa 475 gr., -6, pamchakalpa (is wanting).
xxxv. First ohhedasátram, the nisihajjhayanam. This name is explained, strangely enough, by niśftha, though the character of the contents would lead us to expect nishedha. In the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26 , nisihiyê is paraphrased by naishedhiki; and so in the scholiast on Dasa vêalia 5, % : asamamjasanishedhûn naishedhiki; in the spholiast on Avaby. 7, 1, and on Anayôgadv. introduction (21 in 4) where Remachandra explains it by savapari. sthapanabhumih. The statements in the text in Ayaấy. 7, 88 fg. are decisive: - jamhà tatths nisiddhð têņam nisihia hồi ll 33 11 .. jó hôi nisiddhappå nisihia tassa bhAvað hồi 1 avisuddhassa nisihia kévalamittam bayas saddo Il 19 Il; in 10, 40, 41 we read baddham abaddham ta suam, baddha to duválasamganiddiţtham | tavvivariam abaddhan, nisiham anis iha baddham tu | 40 | bhu& parinayavigaé saddakaraṇam tahøva anisihan pachohhannam tu nisihan nisiha naman jahajjhayana Il a 11 Scholiast here74): iha baddhasrutan nishidham anishidham anishedham sha, tatra rahasya[453]pâthad rahasypadêáâch cha ppachhannar nisbidham uchyate, prakAsapàphêt prakásopadébâch châ 'nishidham, ... nishidham guptârtham uchyatê. From this we may indubitably76 conclude that the explanation by nisitha78 is simply an error, and is to be classed in the same category as the explanation of yvavdiyam by supapâtikam and of råyapasēņaiyyam by râjapraśniyam.
Whether we are to understand our text under the nisthajjhayo mentioned in anga 4 (see p. 280) as part of the first anga or under the nisiha naman ajjhayaņam in À vašy. 10, 41, is a matter of doubt, since its title is perhaps not passive Epachhannam (s. below), gaptartham, but active in sense. Nevertheless the statements, which (see p. 254 ff.) are found in anga 1 in relation to its fifth chalâ called nisiha (cf. also nisihiya as the name of ajjh. 2 of the second chalâ, ibid.), and in the introduction of the nišithachårņi in reference to the identity of the chhêdasůtra with
79 It must, however, be noticed that (p. 448) in Syi. and y. the chheda texts are treated of between anga 4 and anga 5.
18 See Jacobi Kalpas. pp. 16, 25.
** padyagadyabandhand baddham, såetropadesavad; dvad. Ach&r&digaạipitakam .. lokottaran; abaddham laukikar.
76 In the enumeration of the 10 sAmky&rl (angas 3, 10, 5, 7, attarajjh. 26, Åvaly, 7) the avessayé, commandments, are always found together with the nisthiya, prohibitions (Leumann).
76 Intermediate forms are nishidha - see just above - And nishitha in the scholiast onanga 1.

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this fifth châlâ77, make at least for the conclusion that tradition regards the nisiham ajjhayanam in our chhêdasútra as originally forming a part of anga 1 and separated from it at a later period. This does not, of course, exclude the possibility that the text in question existed originally as it exists to-day in an independent condition, and that it was at a later period joined with anga 1, whence it was again separated.
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
181
In the Nandi see below. [454] the nisiham is mentioned after dasâ kappô vavahârô and before mahânistham. It is, therefore, certain that our text is referred to. The statements, which are found78 in Avasy. 16, 114 (s. p. 255n) in reference to the three-fold division of nisîham into three ajjhayanas, by name ngghâyam, anugghâyam and aruvânâ, are not in harmony with the constitution of our text, which contains no trace of such a three-fold division, but on the other hand is divided into 20 uddêsakas,79 containing hardly anything but prohibitions for the bhikshu.90 The words ugghâtiya and anuggh° are, it is true, made use of, but this does not presuppose a direct division into 3 ajjh.81 All these prohibitions commence with the following words (cf. the formula in the Pratimokshasutra of the Buddhists): je bhikkhu.. karêi and end with karemtam và sâtijjai.83 We have here then a fixed canonical rule, which makes upon us the impression of being very old. At the conclusion of the udd. a penitence of one or, as the case may be, of four months is prescribed: tam sêvamânê âvayyati mâsiyam pariharaṭṭhânam ugghâtiyam (or aụnggh°, or chân°) pisahe.
The 20th udd. treats especially of this penitence and appeals thereby to the first udd. of the vavahara.
[455] At the end there are three âryâs, in which Visâhàgani is stated to be the writer (!): tassa lihiyam nisîham. These âryâs are counted as constituent parts of the text, since they are followed by the words iti nisîhàjjhayanê vîsamo uddêsaü sammattô.
There is a very detailed commentary (bhashya) in Prâkṛit in âryâs, akin to the prose commentary, which Jinaprabhamuni, author83 of the commentary on the paryushanâkalpariryukti, mentions as his source of information under the name nisithachûrņi. The bhâshya offers but little assistance in regard to the explanation of the words of the text, but contains general remarks concerning the contents of each of the uddésakas. It starts with a very lengthy introduction, which at the end is called pedham, i. e. pitham, cf. pithikâ in Malayagiri. Each of the paragraphs of the text is called sûtram in every case. This commentary does not discuss the three concluding verses of the text. The writer of the Berlin MS. (Ahmedâbâd Samv. 1629) belonged to the stock of Ahhayadeva.85
XXXVI. Second chhedasûtram, the mahânisiham. Instruction of Goyama in reference to transgressions (salla) and punishments (pâyachhitta, pachhitta), in 8 ajjhayanas, of which [456] ajjh. 1, 2 have a text composed partly in élôkas or trishtubh, (Nom. in o) and partly in prose (Nom. in e); and in ajjh. 3 ff. many ślôkas are inserted. The single copy which I have by me, and that a very incorrect one, reproduces the text so very imperfectly that even the writer,
77 Silanka, in the introduction to the second érutask. of anga 2 says that the "Acharaprakalpo nisithah" is "nirvyûdha" from purva 9, s, 20. (Leumann); see pages 357, 450n.
78 Haribhadra makes no statement on this head, since he holds the verses to be nigadasiddha. Cf. the five-fold division of the Ayara in añga 3, 5, 3 into: masie ugghâiê, m. apugghfié, châummasiê u., châ. apuggh., châ. anugghaie Arovana. (Leumann.)
79 1 with 48 paragraphs, 2 with 59, 3 with 74, 4 with 62, 5 with 76, 6 with 22, 7 with 37, 8 with 19, 9 with 26, etc. 80 According to Kash. Kunt the nié. treats " of the duties of Sadhus, and the fines and penalties to be imposed on them when they neglect them."
51 The 20 udd. are, however, divided into 3 groups (1-5, 6-19, and 20; Leumann).
82 "Who does this or that and who does not do it." See Leumann, Aup. Glossar, p. 159 s. v. sâjj (PAli sâdiyati) "take," ": ""receive," accept, "permit."
88 A. D. 1307, see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 35; also author of the Vidhiprapa, above p. 223.
4 Begins: navabambhacheramaio attharasapadasahassio vêtô (vêdaḥ, see p. 457) I havati ya sapamchachûlo bahu bahutara padaggenaṁ II 1 II AyArapakappassa tu.. II 2 II yaro aggamitiyapakappa taha cholia nistham ti..11311 pakappammi chaliye nisîhê ya.. V. 1 is cited in the same form, by Blanka from Bhadr.'s âcharaniryukti according to Leumann. 85 Samvat 1569 under Patasha Mahamada.

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overcome by the difficulties in his way, at the conclusion of the first ajjh., begg80, in Prakrit, that the fault be not laid at his door. He says that it is not a kulihiyam, but a text sui generis with its onixture of verses, lalf-verses, prose and even single aksharas. See my remarks on p. 472. If my explanation of his words be correct the writer speaks also of marginal glosses and of leaves that have fallen out from his original (pavvayarisa, pûrvådarśa). Since these words too are very corrupt, they are not to be ascribed to the writer of the present MS, which is well written to say the least, but to an earlier scribe, whose comments have always been copied together with the text.
A statement in Sanskrit, of not less peculiar nature, but handed down in a very Orrupt state, is found at the end of the fourth ajjhayaņa, and is directed, not against the conGition of the text, but against its contents. According to this statement Haribbadrasûri had declared that it was impossible for him to believe some of the wonderful accounts contained in the text. (457] The writer first asserts that this scepticism of Haribhadrasûri has reference solely to a few of these statements and not to the entire fourth ajjh. or to the other ajjh. This scepticism, he says, was caused by the fact that in aigas 3, 4 and in upâi gas 3, 4 nothing was said of these matters,“ na kathamchid idam kchak hyê yatha." We must refer yatha to what follows, and regard the words as a kind of citation from ajjh. 4. The latter, however, does not suit the sense, which amounts to this : -cave-dwellers are able to undergo hardships for a year. The meaning of the very obscure words at the end appears to be that since this sûtram according to ancient tradition is an arsham, and in this srutaskandha there are contained many excellent " ganadharôktani vêdavacbanani," it is the conclusion of the writer that there is no occasion for nobelief even as regards these remarkable statements.87 The great Haribhadi asûri88 is undoubtedly referred to here, [458] who must have played an important role at the date of this remark of the copyist, to whom the polemic appeared as a bitter necessity.
The wretched condition of the text is perhaps to be ascribed to the fact that the anthority of the mahâniśithasútra found many opponents even among the Jains themselves. That the text is corrapt is manifested externally first of all in the imperfect tradition as regards its division. According to a special statement in the commencement of the third ajjh., after v. 3,
mahAnilhasnynskarndhas8 pahamam ajjhnyaņnn alluddharana nima II 1!1 éyassa ya kulihiyada na då avvô buaharchiv kim tu jo chava yassa puvvâyrriso asi, tatthéva kattha ya silogó katthai ilgaddhan katthai payakkhara katthaitin akkharapatitiya katthai pattayaputthiyati (" marginal notes"?) kai bê tinni pannapi Ova ghAi (P) bahu gamshpa (gartha P) parigaliyan ti.
$7 atra chaturthidhyayanê bahavah siddhantikih kêchid ily Apakanna (?) samyak sudadhyity (?) évimtair asrnddadhanair asmakam api na samyak sraddhinam ity aha Haribhadrastrih: na punaḥ sarvam évê 'dan chaturthfdhyayanam anyáni v 'dhyayanini asyai 'va katipayai(h) parimitair klipakair asraddhivam ity arthol); yatah sthina-samaraya-jivabhigama-prajnápanidishu na kåthamchid idam Achnkhya, yath proti (?) samt pasthinam asti, tai () guhåv åsinas tu manujnás, teshu cha paramadharmikapan punah punah rapti ahtavaran yarad apapattès, teaháin cha tair darunair vajrasilágharat asampuțair gilitânim paripidyamininam api samvatsaram yarat primavy Apattir na bhavatl'ti; vsiddhavadas tu punar yathavad idam Arshan stram, vikritir na tivad atra pratishta, prabhatha chá 'tra brutaskandhe arthah sushtv apibayêna (?) satibayini ganadharoktini vêda(see p. 4550) vachanann tad var athit na kinchid Asarkaniyam.
88 See pp. 371, 372. In Jinadattasfiri's ganadharasárdhabata, v. 55, 114 payaraņas are ascribed to him; and Sarvarajagani cites in the scholiast the following works: panchayastaka upadéśapada parchalaki 'shtaka shida aks lõkstat(t)vanirnaya dharmavimdu lókabimdu yogadrishtisamuchchaya darśanasaptatika nånachitraka vihanmithy Stvamamthana parchasdtraks samakritAtmånabissna samskritachaityaramdanabhashyz anekarataj yapatika 'nekintapadapravébaka paralókasiddhi dharmalobbasiddhi sastravarttásamuchchay Adiprakaranání, tAtha Avasyakavritti dabavaikAliks vrihadvritti laghuvritti pidaniryuktivsitti jabhigamaprajnapangpi gavritti pathchavastákavritti anekArtajayapata chvritti ohnitysvamdans vritti anuyógadvaravritti naudivritti sariigrahaDivritti kahetrasamleavritti Astray Art Aamushohaysviitti: arhachhrichą Amani Samaridityacharita kathk06disastranArn. Not so complete are the statements in the Vichar Ampitasaingraha which contains, however, a large number of the names. In the Vio. .'s death is placed ($ 8 begin.) in the year 1050 after Vira.
Probably in four dryka, though the metre or rather the text itself is very difficult to make out. The last rerae reads :- nikhittayibhittapaņēņåde samghatténam imê mahniatha() var suyakkhardhar vottavvari cha Auttagapiņagênar (P) till In the preceding verses the word abile is found three times : taie slasa uddêsê att ha tathêra ambilê jaro tarn itan chaütthe vipanchamammi (!) 'ohhAmi yambile || dasa, chhatthe dô, sattama tinni, Attham 'bile daba a l; this is probably s voontive to ambil,“ little mother," and to be explained in the same way as sundari! in panna 7 (see p. 442).

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(a statement that perhaps did not belong to the text originally) the mahâniś. consists of 8 ajjhayanas, each of which contains a certain number of uddesas, which is stated. But in our MS. there is no trace whatsoever of any uddesas. In the first ajjh. there are between the beginning and the end some §§ numbers (31, 33, and 16, 17 for which 36, 37 are to be substituted), [459] and at the end the number 49. These numbers do not, however, refer to uddesa sections, since these are generally of greater extent, as is proved in the case of our text from the number of udd. ascribed to ajjh. 2-7. We have no statement of the kind in the case of ajjh. 1. These numbers are nine for 2, sixteen for 3, eight for 4, ten for 5, two for 6, three for 7, ten for 8. Of the eight ajjhayanas only the first six are specially distinguished, four having special names, though only those ascribed to the first two ajjh. are in harmony with the contents. The sixth ajjh: closes on f. 70a; the remainder is characterized at the close (96b) as: piiyâ, perhaps biiyà, dvitîya, chûliya, so that two chûliyâ chapters are here indicated, 90 which, if added to the 6 ajjh., gives the desired number 8. In this faulty condition of the MS. it is worth while to note the statements of the three sâmâchârîs in reference to the mahân. Avi. treats of this subject (see pp. 447, 448) in discussing the chhêaggantha, and states that there were 8 ajjh. with 83 uddesas. The first ajjhayanam had then no divisions of this kind and was êgasaram; the second had 9, the third and fourth 16 each, the fifth 12, the sixth 4, the seventh 6, the eighth 20. The difference between this account and the information to be drawn from the MS. is very great indeed. (See above.) Svi. and V., on the other hand (see p. 448), separate the mahânisîham from the other chhêda texts, and treat, at the conclusion, of the jogavihi of the sacred texts after the païnnagavihi. [460] They too agree with Avi. as regards the number of ajjh. and udd. The seventh and eighth ajjh. are expressly called by V. chûlârâva (donni chûlâô, v. 64). Forty-three days are necessary to learn the mahin., têyâlîsâê dinêhim ajjbayanasamatti, but as two days are requisite for suyakkhamdhassa samuddesa and for anunna, the total number is 45. The chhêdas. 1, 3-5 required together only 30 days. See page 448.
A statement in Wilson Sel. W. 1, 341 (ed. Rost) is of particular interest: "Vajrasvâmî91 instituted the Mahânisitha-sect ;" and of equal interest are the remarks of Rajendra Lâla Mitra (p. 227) in reference to three different recensions (vâchanâ) of the Mahânisîtha. The question which is proposed in the introduction of chapter 22 of the Vichârâmṛitasamgraha substantiates the belief that the Mahâniśîtha is tolerably old. This question is: - how is it to be explained that the prayaschitta prescribed in the Mahânisitha is not practised? The answer to this includes chhêdas. 1, 3, 5, and reads:-adhunâ mamdasattvaiḥ kalpavyavaharanisîthamahânisîthâ dinâm êkatarasyâ 'pi gramthasya 'bhiprêyêna prâyaschittâni yathâ chaddodham (? 'vasodhum) na sakyamtê atas tê sarvagachheshu jîtavyavahârêna prâyaschittân(y) anucharamto driśyamtê.
The first mention of the mahânisiham, of which I am aware, is found in the enumeration of the anangapavittha texts in the Nandi etc., where the schol. on N. explains the word as follows: nisithât param, yat gramt hårthâbhyâm mabattaram tam mahâniśitham. [461] We have already mentioned (p. 445) that the gachhâyâra states that it is based upon the mahân. as its source.
The introductory words are the same as in anga 1 etc.: suyam mê âusam, tênam bhagavayâ êvam akkkâyam, and each of the ajjh. closes correspondingly with ti bêmi. Besides this, there is nothing which directly savours of antiquity with the single exception that the dialogue form between the bhagavant (who is addressed with (sê) bhagavaṁ and not with (sê) nam bhamtê) and Indrabhuti (Gôyamâ !) is retained. This form, however, ill suits the introductory formula by which the whole is attributed to the bhagavant himself.
The name of the text occurs shortly after the introduction, and is accompanied by laudatory epithets. This fact, together with the epithet mahâo in the name, makes it probable
The conclusion of the first châlâ is not directly marked off, but is to be placed on 80b, where a section closes
with bêmi.
91 Nominally 584 Vira, see pp. 219, 251, of. Avasy. 8, 41 fg. Ganadharasårdhas. v. 23 fg. In reference to the statement above, ef. pp. 463n and 464.

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that it is of later date. It had need of a special sanction because of its secondary character. The words are : pavara-vara-mahnisihasnyakkhamdha(m) Bsuyanusârêņam tiviham- but there follows no three-fold division.
The first book is entitled salluddharanam and treats of the most various kinds of salla, salya. The repeated references to the savvangôvamga are worth our notice; whence the existence of the uvamga at the time of its composition - see above, p. 373 — is eo ipso clear. Then follows the figure of the useful co-partnership of the lame with the blind man which is specially emphasized :-hayam nâņam kiyâhîņam, hayá annaņað kiya i påsamtô pangulo daddhô dhåvamåņô a andhaô 11 .. andhô ya pamga ya vanê samichchà tê sampaüttâ nagaran pavitthâ II. Furthermore [462] stress is laid upon reverence (vande, vamdiyya) for pictures (padima) and temples (chêia, chêiâlaya). A special formula seems to have been made use of in this connection, an enigmatical treatment of the letters of which occurgo nfter the fashion of the treatment of a l m (om) in the Upanishads and in similar formulas in the tantra ritual. This entire subject was a riddle to the copyist - cf. p. 456 - and so it remains for us. After the real conclusion of the work, in an addition, a similar subject is treated of in like manner merely by means of single letters.
Book II. is entitled kammavivayanan, perhaps karmavipichaņa (cf. pp. 270, 280, 335). At the end is found an obscure statement which perhaps hns reference to ajjh. 1, 2 and which reads : éësim tu donham ajjhayaņâņam vihî puvvagêņam savvaskmannam vattēliņam ti (?).
Books III. and IV., without specific titles, are composed almost entirely in prose, and treat especially of the kusila. It is noticeable that in Book III. frequent reference is paid to the daválasamgam suyanîņam and the samgôvamga duvâlasamgasamadda. The commencement with sâmâiya is retained (cf. p. 243), and the suyanâņain is then characterized as sâmâiya-m-âi lôgabimdusagara (sâra !) payyavasanam (p. 245). [463] We find in the text the following statements which are very characteristic as regards the origin and history of Book III. : tattha tattha bahuêhim suyaharêhim sammiliūņam samgôvangaduválasangan suyagamuddân anna-anna-uvařgáguya(kkha)mdha-ajjhayana-uddêsagâņam samuchchinêûņam kimchim kimchiń samvayyamâņaṁettham lihiyam ti, na uņa sakavvakayain (svakivyaksitam) ti. This is an example of the saying qui s'excuse s'accuse. It is more probable that the above is a production of the author himself than that it emanates from the hand of a copyist who is inclined to donbt.
Book IV. contains a legend of two brothers, Sumati and Nila, in which we may observe an occasional reference in Sansksit!) to an old elucidation (!) of anga 10: Sesham tu praśnavyâkaraņavsiddhavicharaṇad avasêyam.- Whoever, bhikshu or bbikshuni, should praise the adherents of hostile systems or schismatics (parapâsandiņam pasamsam kareyye, jê gå vi ņam niņhagâyaṁ p. k.), whoever speaks in favour of the schismatics (niņhagâņań aņuküla bhâsêyya), visits their temples (niņh. Âyayaņam pavisiyya), studies their texts (niņh. gamthasattha Psynckharan và paravâyy4), or follows their ordinance (ninh. Bankaliệ kiyakilesâuê tayểi và sanjamei va janei vå vinnåvei vå snêi va padivvêi vå avimuhasuddhaparisämayyagiê salâheyya), his fate will be as disastrous as that of Sumati, sa vi nam, paramahammiêsum uvavayyêyya jaha Sumati. The hate against the heterodox and schismatics is here so bitter, [464] that the conjecture is not too bold if we assume that the heterodox and schismatics had at that time got possession of the text of this book, see pp. 293, 368.
Book V., davalasamgasuyamânasaa mavatiyasära (), mentions the duvâlasanga, but
amapaa mau kaüttha ava | addhaiņa | amas um pam ap ay | Aņ u krat pa amd om plamaa sa am bh ilnas a 11 amal khat re A sabaddha ipsum nam u eto. - In a similar manner (each of the single consonants having viráma) we find the mantra composed which the Vidhiprapa cites in mentioning the Ayariyapayath vanaviht and uvajjhyapayo. These, however, commence with a um of the Upanishade. Have we here an example of the mâuyskkbar&P see page 381 (with note) and page 850.
* In the thèråvall of Kalpas., one of the four scholars of Vajra (sv Amin), p. 460, or of Vajrasēns, is called by this name. He was the founder of a school which bore his name. Bhadinna, the scholar of NÅgajjuna, was fro the N Ailakula; see v. 44 of the Thêråvall in the Nandis.

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merely in a general way. It treats especially of the relation between the teacher (guru) and scholar (sisa), of the Ayâra (gachhåyåra, see p. 445), and anâyára.
Book VI., giyatthavihara (see pp. 437, 450), treats of the pachhitta prayaschitta, and contains a legend of a teacher Bhadda and the ayyiya AryikA) Rayya. The mention of the dasapuvvi in the introduction brings eo ipso the date of its composition down to a period sa bsequent to that of Bhadrabahu, the last chaturdaśapurvin, and to that of Vajra, the last daśapurvin. See pp. 219, 460.
Books VII., VIII., which (see p. 459) are characterized as two chúliyâs, a name which per se marks them as a secondary addition, treat likewise of the pachhitta, and, in fact, in such great detail, that the words kim bahaņa, together with the formal frame-work enclosing them, are occasionally repeated several times in immediate succession. Shortly before the close these words occar again. A legend of the daughter of Suyyasivi in Avanti plays a very pro. minent part in these books.
The solemn adjaration found also in another passage) to save this satram from any damage, is another indication of its secondary origin : - jaya ņam Gôyama ! iņam-ô pachhittasuttam vochchhiyyihii taya ņam chandaichchá-gaha[ 465]rikkha-taragi ņam satta ahorattê ya ņô viphuriyya, imassa ņas vochhêdô Gôyama ! kasiņasamjamassa abhivo.
To the conclusion (samnttam mahinisihasuyakkhandham) aro joined the reverential invo. cations to the 24 titthamkaras, the tittha, the buyadê vayê, the suyakêvali, all the sâhu, siddhai to the bhagavant arahant. Then follow the incomprehensible separato aksharas etc., mentioned on page 462. The actual conclusion is formed by the statement concerning the extent of the whole book (4504 blokas) : chattari sahassa in pamcha sayaim tahêva chatt&ri chattiri (again !) silágå viya mahanisihammi påênar 11
The mahậnisiham is indisputably much younger than the nisiham, and is almost six times its size. It is noteworthy that this sutram, just as the fourth chhedas., according to its own statements (see above and pp. 456, 458, 461) receives suyakkhamdha, śrutaskandha as an addition to its name. This is a title that is used in the case of the angas for larger divisions of an anga. But in the case of angas 3–5,7-10, up. 8-12 the expression also holds good for the whole and not merely a part. There is no commentary, as in the case of the nisiha, with the exception of the charņi. See above, p. 445, for the origin of the gach håyaram from the mahánisiha.
FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN.
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S. No. 1. - The Prince and his faithful friend, the son of the Wazir.1 There was once a king who had a son, and his wazir also had a son. Both were of the same age and were great friends. One day both of them planned to go and see their wives. So they went and told their fathers. Their fathers objected to their going, but they would not be dissuaded, and secretly mounted their horses and went off. The king's son first reached his father-in-law's house, where he was treated with great respect, and at night his bed was placeil on the top of the roof, but the wazir's son slept below. At midnight the prince's wife got up and dressed herself in her finest clothes, put some sweetmeats and fruit in a tray and came down the stairs. The prince was asleep, but the wazir's son woke and watched her going out. Then he followed her, and what did he see? She went to a faqir, who beat her soundly with a whip, and said: "Why are you so late ?" She replied: "I was delayed because my husband
* The words, however, occur Aup. $ 48.
1 A folktale recorded from the lips of MahtAbo, an old Musalman cook-woman of Mirzapur, and literally translated.
* There is an incident like this, in the Arabian Nights, of the Princess who loved the negro.

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came to-day." The faqir answered: "Well! Go, cut off your husband's head and bring it to me. Then I will be assured that you love me." So she went, cut off her husband's head and brought it to the faqir. Then the fuqir beat her again, and said: "Since you do not belong to your husband, whoso are you? Go, and never come near me again." Then she took her husband's trunk and head and placed them near the wazir's son. He rose, tied them up in a cloth, put them on his borse and rode off to his wife's house. There he was treated with great respect and exactly the same events occurred. For at midnight his wife got up and went out. He took his sword, followed her and saw her go to a fair. He asked her why she was late, and she answered that her husband had come and delayed her. On hearing this the faqir was greatly pleased, and said: "I will give you whatever you ask." She said: "I will consult my father and mother, and then say what I want." So she went and consulted them. They said : “God has given us all we want. Ask your husband : perhaps he may want something." Then she asked her husband and he replied: " My friend has laut his head cut off. I wish him to be restored to life." So the lady went again to the facer and asked him to restore her husband's friend to life.
The fugir gave her some water, and told her to instruct her husband to sprinkle it on the head and trupk of his friend and he would recover. So this was done, and when the prince's head was joined on to his trunk and the water sprinkled over him he revived, and said: "I have had a fine sleep. What time is it?" But when he looked round he said: “This is not the place where I went to sleep." Then the wazir's son told him the whole story. The prince thanked his friend, and they stayed there.
Some days afterwards they both went ont to hunt, and being tired out the prince became very thirsty. The wazir's son seated him under a tree, and went to search for water. With difficulty he found a tank and brought some water. When the prince drank he said: "This water is very sweet. I want to see the place where you got it." So the wazir's son took him there. Bat on the way he recollected that on the edge of the tank ho had seen the image of a very lovely woman, and he thought : "Perhaps he may want her." So he excused himself by saying the place was very dirty. But the prince insisted on going there, so the wazir's son could not help taking him there, but he tried not to take him in that particular direction. However, the prince would walk all round the place, and when he saw the image, he said: "I will never leave this till you marry me to the original of this image." The ecuzir's son remonstrated, but in vain. Finally, the wazir's son had to promise to search for the woman, and told the prince to sleep in a tree there until he returned. When night fell, the prince ascended a tree on the edge of the tank, and at midnight a snake came out, who hau a jewel in his mouth. When he touched the water with the jewel, it all dried up; and in the middle of the tank & door appeared. Then the snake put down his jewel, and by its brilliancy the whole place was illuminated. Then the snake began to drink the dew. When morning approached he again touched the tank with the jewel and the water returned.
In the morning the prince descended from the tree. Then the prince prepared an iron trap and a rope, and again at night climbed up the tree. At midnight the snake appeared and put down his jewel ander the tree, where the prince was. When he had gone a little distance, lapping up the dew, the prince put the iron trap down on the jewel, and the moment its brilliancy was obscured the snake came up in a rage, and began to beat his head with such violence against the trap, that at last he died. Then the prince came down, secured the jewel and entered the tank. The water gave way before him ; so he opened the door and entered.
When he came into the first room, what did he see but a bed of silver and over it a coverlet of silver, and on it was sleeping a silver fairy (chándi ki ek pari). She was extremely lovely, and there were two necklaces of silver - one at her feet and the other at her head. These he took up and examined and put them down, but by mistake he placed the necklaces in the
The word used in taswit.
+ Or ruby fairy (la'l part).

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reverse order : and as he did so the fairy got up and suid : "Why bave you killed my master the snake, and dared to enter here?” The prince answered: “Yes, I have killed him. Had you killed him, you would have been my mistress."
Then the prince went into another room and saw & golden fairy sleeping on a golden couch. She was even lovelier than the silver fairy. Her necklaces also he displaced and she woko. She asked him the same question and he gave the same answer.
Then the prince entered the third room and there he saw the red fairyt (lal part) asleep: and she was even lovelier than the other two. Her necklaces he also displaced. She also &woke, asked the same question and got the same answer.
Then he went into the fourth chamber and there he saw the jewel fairy (jawahir pari) and she was the queen of all, and it was her image which was set up at the tank. When the prince saw her loveliness he was confounded and bit his finger (dánt se ungli dabát). The fairy was greatly surprised how a human being managed to get there. So she asked him : " How did you find me out, and how did you manage to kill my master the snake, by a blast of whose breath a man will die ?” So the prince told her how he had seen her image, and how the moment he saw it he had fallen in love with it. "I made a vow,” said he," that I would never leave this place until I married the woman, of whom this was the image." So he described to her the end of the snake, and she said: "We are all slaves of him who is master of the jewel," and she married, the prince and they lived together.
One day the prince and the fairies went for a walk on the edge of the tank, when suddenly they saw an army approaching and retired into the tank. But as she ran in the jewel fairy dropped one of her shoes on the ground,
Now, there was a king of another land, and he had a son, who had only one eye. He had gone out hunting and by chance came to the tank and saw the fairy's shoe. He took it and went home, and throw himself on his couch and refused to eat or drink. Then his father thought he was sick and asked him what was the matter with him. So the one-eyed prince told him the story, and said: “Until I marry the owner of the shoe I will neither eat nor drink." Finally his father induced him to get up, on the promise that he would send a wise old woman to trace the fairy. So the king called all the wise women, and asked each what her powers were. The first said: "I can make a hole in the sky." The king said: “That is no use." The second said: "I can put a patch in the sky." "You are no use," said the king. The third said: "I can neither make a hole in the sky nor patch it, but if you want any particular woman I can get her by fraud and trickery." "You are the person I want, and I will reward you nobly if you bring this fairy."
So the wise woman made a flying bed (urán khatóla) and came to the tank. There she stayed some days until one evening the fairies came out, and when she saw them the wise woman began to weep. Then the jewel fairy asked her what was the matter. She replied: "Why are you asking me? Don't you know me. I am your family barberecs (náin). Your mother was exactly like you, but she is dead, and you never think of me, and now I am dying of hunger." The jewel fairy believed her, and in pity took her home and entertained her.
When the old woman had been there some time, one day, when the prince was asleep, she asked the fairy where his life was - whether in his heart or in something else.' The fairy replied: "Formerly it was in his heart, but since he has become master of this jewel his life has come into that." Then she had to go into the other room and the old woman snatched up the jewel. She went to the jewel fairy and found her feeding her parrot Hîraman. So she said to the fairy : "Let us take the parrot out for an airing." She agreed, and they went
. We are now embarked on a variant of Cinderella.
• Kane, always an evil sign in India. There is an incident like this in Old Deccan Daya, Seventee Bai's necklace held her life. For many other instances of the life index, see Wide Awake Stories, p. 104, 4. ED.).

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outside the tank. There the flying couch was placed, and the old woman asked the fairy to sit on it. At first she objected, but finally agreed, and the old woman flew off with her, and while she was in the air threw into the sea the jewel, which contained the life of the prince. But, as it fell into the ocean, Hiraman, the parrot, was watching her.
When they reached the king's palace he was much pleased, and his one-eyed son was delighted and wanted to marry the fairy straight off. But she replied: " Take care ! this old woman has stolon me by deceit from my husband, and if you say a word to me now I will burn you up into ashes. But this I will do. If any one comes to claim me within six months, I will go with him. If not I will marry you." Then she began from that day to give daily alms (sadá bart) to the poor.
When the wazir's son went to search for the woman, with whose image the prince had fallen in love he went wandering about through woods and lands and cities. One day he met a demon (de) and they became great friends; and the demon promised to accompany him and assist him in his enterprise. Soon after they met a monkey, and him also they took as their companion. Six months all but passed and the jewel fairy was distributing alms daily, but no one appeared to rescue her, and she was forced to agree to marry the one-eyed prince. On the last day the wazir's son appeared by chance, and he came to get alms, because he had become quite destitute. When he saw the jewel fairy he took out a picture (tusvir) of the lady's image and examined it. When the fairy saw him looking at the picture she took him aside, and he told her the whole story. She told him that she was married to the prince, with whom she was well pleased, and that the old woman had stolen her away by fraud. Then the wazir's son told her to prepare to escape with him, that he would arrange to burn the city and destroy the king's people that night, and that she was to keep the flying couch, on which she had been brought, ready.
Then he went to the demon and the monkey and told them that he intended to carry off the fairy. So he instructed the demon to stand at the gate and kill all that passed, and he told the monkey to go, when an hour or two of night had passed, to the shop of a confectioner (halwdi) and take a burning stick from there and set the city on fire. So he went and sat near the place where the fairy was staying, the demon took his post at the gate, and the monkey fired the city. When the people rushed to the gate in confusion the demon began to devour them. Then the wazir's son climbed up to the upper storey.
So he carried off the fairy and the old woman on the flying couch, and as they passed over the ocean the parrot Hiraman dived down and recovered the jewel; and the wazir's son dropped the wicked old woman into the sea. When they came to the tank he left the flying couch outside, and went into the underground palace. When he placed the jewel near the prince he woke and said: "I have had a good sleep." But when his glance fell on the wazir's son he was sore displeased and wanted to drive him out. But when the fairy told him how the old woman had abducted her, and how she had been recovered by the wazir's son, he embraced his friend, wept over him and thanked him.
They stayed there some days, and the prince proposed to go home. When preparations were made they came out of the tank and there saw an old woman, who was weeping with one eye and laughing with the other. The wazir's son asked who she was: and he signed to the king's son to go on ahead. Then the wakir's son asked why she was both weeping and laughing. Then she said: "I am weeping because on the road by which the prince is going there is a tree, and as he passes under it the thickest branch will fall on him and he will be crushed to death. Hence he ought to avoid this tree. Then, when he comes into a certain forest a tiger will charge out and carry off him and his horse. Hence the horses should be sent alone and the tiger will carry off one of them. Then, when he arrives at the palace the iron gate will fall on him. Hence the gate should be knocked down before he approaches it and replaced by a gate of flowers. Then, when the prince sits to eat with his father there will be a great thorn in

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the first fruit he touches, which will stick in his throat and kill him, but he will escape if any one snatches the fruit from his hands and flings it away. Then the first night that he sleeps in his father's palace a snake will come down from the ceiling and bite him and his wife, so that they will die. But if any one were to sit in the room and kill the snake when he appears, both the prince and his wife will live many days. But if you speak a word of this to them you will be turned into stone and will remain stone until the prince and princess dash their eldest son apon you ; but when they fling the child at you speak not a word. But behind the palace is a tree and on this a large winged bird (garpankh) has built its nest : take some of its dung, rub it on the child and it will come to life again."
So the wazir's son left the old woman and went to the prince, and they all started together. On the way they came to the tree and the wazir's son prevented the prince from approaching it. Suddenly a branch came crashing down, which would certainly have crushed him, and the prince thanked the wazir's son for saving his life. Further on the wazir's son kept the prince away from the horses, and lo! a tiger rushed out and carried off one of them. Again the prince thanked him for saving his life. When they approached the palace the wazir's son asked the prince to wait a little, and he would go ahead and announce his arrival. He went ahead and removed the iron gate of the palace and replaced it with a gate of flowers. Then he invited the prince to follow him. When the prince saw a gate of flowers instead of the iron gate he was sore displeased and said: “You have caused my father great loss." Bnt when the gate fell down he saw that he again owed his life to bis faithful friend, and promised in future to obey his advice.
His father was delighted to see him again. So, when the prince sat down to eat with his father, the wazir's son stood on his right, and as he tried to eat the first morsel his friend knocked it out of his hand. Then the prince was wroth and called to one of his attendants to seize him. But the wazír's son said: “First look at the morsel you were about to eat:" and lo ! it was found to contain a deadly thorn. So the prince again asked his pardon.
When the prince and princess retired to their chamber the wazir's son remained sitting outside, and when it was near midnight he took a sword and entered the room, and immediately a poisonous snake descended from the roof and approached the bed of the prince. Then the wazir's son cut the snake in pieces, but two drops of the blood fell on the face of the fairy princess and she awoke, and as she awoke, this roused the prince, who raised a sword and would have slain the son of the wazir. But he shewed him the dead snake under the bed. So he again begged the wazir's son to pardon him, and asked: “How did you learn about all these events?" So the wazir's son said: "All your dangers are now passed; and you will live in safety. But do not ask me how I acquired this knowledge, or you will repent it." But the prince said: “You shall not leave this until you explain the matter." So the wazir's son perforce had to tell all he learnt from the old woman: but as he went on with the story, so he began to turn into rtone; and when he had turned into stone as far as his breast the prince began to weep and said: "I have been very careless. Don't go on with the story." He replied: “What is the use of my living on in this state ?" If you wish to revive me again you must dash your first child at me." So saying he turned into stone, and the prince never ceased lamenting him until the princess had her first child. Then he threw the baby at the wazir's son, and ho bocame a man again, and without saying a word to any one he went off and got a piece of the dung of the large winged bird, which he rubbed on the baby, whereupon it revived and they all lived happily ever after. 8
. [I have never read a stronger instance than this tale in support of my old argumenta, that in the incidents and not in the thread of a story is to be found the true folklore tradition. Our friend MahtAbo, the cook, has jumbled together, in the most interesting fashion to the folklorist,' an extraordinary number of incidents properly belonging to different classes of tales. There is not an idea in it that could not easily be found in the various Indian tales reported already in these columns, but the general thread of the story is the well-worn theme of the friend who saves the hero at the risk of his own life. - ED.)

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MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE TASHON AND BAUNGSHE | farmhouses; and, except at Minkin, which is a CHINS, WITH REMARKS ON THEIR MANNERS, frontier village, there was no attempt at stockades, CUSTOMS, AND AGRICULTURE.
except such as had been hastily erected near Races :- Beginning from the north, we have Falam for our reception. first the Kànhòs or Kàntôn-Kanhos, who inhabit
We could also see that the authority of the the hills immediately south of Manipür.
chiefs, who seem to act collectively and not South and south-east of these come the Siyins individually, is very much respected and feared. and Sagyilaings, while farther south lies the
The country, so far as we could see, seemed to great Tashồn country, lying in the hills drained
be thickly populated, considering the enorious by the Nankape River south of Manipur and
areas which it is necessary to cultivate in order extending to the Tyau, the north-eastern tributary
to produce sufficient food. Indeed, I should of the Köladain; farther south lies the Baungshe
think that, unless improved methods of agriculture country inhabited by the Hâkà, Tlantlang, and
are introduced, many of the Tashồns will be Yokwà tribes, and containing, besides these, many
obliged to seek fresh fields before many years. independent villages stretching down to 22° 10
Nowhere in the Tashồn country did I observe of latitude.
any virgin forest, except small patches near the My work has lain entirely in the Tashôn and tops of high hills. Elsewhere the country is Baungshe country, and it is about these that I covered with small-growth trees, shrubs, and propose to make a few remarks.
grass, which are cut down every three or four Tashons. The capital of the Tashồn country is
years and the land cultivated, as other clearings Falam, & village of about 400 houses Here live
become exhausted through continuous cropping. Sünpek, Mànlôn, Kalyàn, Bwêmôn, Winsau, and It struck me that there was a greater struggle the other Chiefs who rule the Tribe. Falam is for existence in the Tashón than in the Baungshe situated on the north-west face of the Balumà country, and that this probably accounted for the range, and looks down into the Nankabè River greater love of order which prevails. Moreover, and across its deep valley on to the steep slopes the people have little time to give to raiding, and of the northevn side, where many villages can be it is a curious fact that there are no slaves in the seen nestling on the hillsides.
Tashôn country. Altogether, to a casual observer,
the Tashôns are much in advance of the other During our visit to Falam the chiefs showed the greatest reluctance to give information about
neighbouring tribes, and I have great hopes that,
as their country opens up and their people begin their country or its resources. Moreover, they
to find that money and food can be easily obtained pretended to be unable to give us a list of their
by labouring in Burma, we shall get them to work villages, and we had to be content with knowing their boundaries, which they said were the
on our roads and other public works. following: -
Baungshes.-The Baungshes are known as On the North.-The Siyin, Sagyilaing, and !
Poi to the tribes on the Bengal border. Kanhd Country.
They are also called Poi by the Tashồns. The On the South.-The Yokwà, Hakà, and
termn Baungshe is a Burmese word which simply
means "long turban." I could see no difference Tlantlang Tracts.
between the head-dresses of the Hakàs and the On the East.-The MyitÞå Valley and the
Tashons, but to the Burmese the word Baungshê Yomàdung, west of Minlėdavng.
has a well-defined meaning, and does not include On the West.-The Tyau River.
the TashÔns, who are known by the latter name For the reasons given above, we could get little
only. I have already defined the area inhabited information regarding their manners and customs,
by the Baungshes, by which term I propose to but, from what we could see, it was abundantly
denominate them. clear that some sort of law and order prevails, Baungah Language.-The language spoken by and that there is considerable security for life the Baungshes resembles that of the Tashons in and property. This last was evidenced by the so many respects, that both appear to me to be fact that in the Karon Laiyo Valley we came simply dialects of the same language. Even upon single homesteads built here and there like amongst the Baungshês themselves there is some Printed originally as a Gover
riginally as a Government paper, by the Chief Commissioner of Burma. The notes were made by Mr. D. Rosa, Political Officer in the Chin Hills

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MISCELLANEA.
191
diversity of tongue, but the differences are dialectic, These are killed outside of the village and the and are never so great that an intelligent man head is cut off and roasted on the spot and is from Haka could not find his way about any part eaten by the Tlang Bwê and the people of the of the Baungshe country.
village. The rest of the flesh is divided into To the south of the Baungshês, between them
portions, one for each family, the Tlang Bwê and the Chinbôks, there are a number of large
taking two shares. villages, whose inhabitants are said to speak a Sacrifices to the minor spirits can be made tongue which is not understood either by Baung- without the intervention of the Tlang Bwe. When shea or Chinboks. . These people dwell about the a man decides to make a sacrifice he hangs headwaters of the Myitpa, and seldom or never
bunch of green leaves at the entrance to his house, come down to Burma. Consequently little is which the neighbours know to be a sign that he known about them, but I hope it will be possible is offering to the spirits and, therefore, must not to study them soon.
be disturbed. Origin of the Baungshes :- To return to the During the day the person making the offe Baungshes and their origin. I have been unable must not talk to any one, neither may he do any to meet anyone who can throw even a legendary
work. For sacrifices of this kind a young cock light on their history beyond five or six genera.
or a mole suffices. tions.
The office of Tlang Bwê is an hereditary one in This is not hard to explain, when we remember
Håkà, and some peculiar privileges are attached that they have no written language and no means
to it. For instance, if a maiban cow anywhere of recording dates. The Chin has no names
in the Håka circle outside of the mother village for the months or the days of the week, and
gives birth to a calf, the Tlang Bwê receives a no division of time except into the wet, cold,
basket of millet or some other grain. &nd hot seasons, and the changes of the moon,
Funeral ceremonies.- The Ching bury their day and night, and morning, noon, and evening.
dend in deep graves dug inside the house enclosure. The headmen of Håkà, while knowing nothing
A chief is buried in a sitting posture with his of their origin, say that all the other villages of
chief's plume on his head and his best clothes the circle are offshoots from the parent village.
on. In cases where a chief leaves no son his gun
is buried with him. The funeral, like all other Religion.-The Chins are spirit-worshippers, events in a Chin's life, is celebrated with feasting and offerings are made to the spirits who control and drinking, tinged with a strain of mourning. their destinies. The nats (spirits) have each a local If a Chin is killed by enemies, it is not considered habitation and a name. There are five altogetherlucky to inter his body in the village, and accord. near Hakà, and of these the greatest of all and ingly it is buried outside. I saw an instance of the most powerful is the Rông Nàt, whose this at Yôkwa, where a new-looking grave was home is in the thick forest on the Rõngtlang pointed out to us as the burial-place of a man, Peak. After the Rong Nàt comes the Mwê Nát, who a few weeks before had been shot by a patrol whose favourite haunt is the neighbourhood of a west of Gangò. large tree below Håkà village. Other minor nats are the Héngtan Arman Nàt, the Köring Nat,
Laws. Amongst the Chins certain customs
have obtained the force of law, but in general and the Naurai Nàt.
they have no recognized means of enforcing In Hakà there is a high priest, called the Tlang these customs, except in very small matters, and Bwe, without whose presence no sacrifice may the only real law is the law of might. Adultery be made to the Rông Nåt or the Mwê Nat. He it is theoretically punishable with death, but the is who makes the incantation over the animal be. carrying out of the law depends on the social fore it is slaughtered. In general the Rong Nat standing of the parties. For example, a chief's and the Mwe Nat are asked that the rains may be son may commit adultery with the wife of a abundant, that sickness and pain may not come poor man, or of a slave, and he is protected by amongst the people, that they may be successful his position and the influence of his friends. against their enemies, &c. These festivals take And this is the same in other cases. Theore. place at no stated times, but generally once a tically men are punishable, but practically they year. When it is decided to sacrifice to either of are seldom punished. A case in point occurred these spirits, the whole of the people in the Håkà in our own time. Shwêlên, son of Chief Lwè circle subscribe something towards the purchase Shàn, in a drunken brawl injured one of his of the necessary animal, which is generally a father's servants so badly that he died. Shwêlên maiban or a pig, together with a black hen. then ran away to Aibur, not to escape from justice,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1892.
but to escape from the wrath of his father, who had lost a valuable servant. In a few days the father's anger melted away and a younger brother went and called Shwêlen, who was received like the prodigal son. After his return it was necessary for him to " wash his hands," to use a Chin metaphor, which consisted in slaying a bullock, of which the whole village partook, and thus the guilt was washed away.
Chiefs.--The Chief or Boi class is a numerous one amongst the Ching. A chief's son is also a chief, and descent from a chief is re. warded with as much pride as a lofty lineage in Europe. A Chin, be he ever so dirty or poor, has only to prove his descent from a chief to be at once accorded an honourable position.
In Håkà there are two principal chiefs, Lwê Shan and Lyen MO; but, besides these, there are scores of others, who are related to them, and who claim a voice in the affairs of the tribe. The same may be said of all the other Chin tribes and vil. lages, not only those which are independent, but also those which pay tribute. All the villages in the Håka circle pay some tribute to the Hákà Chiefs, but it is very difficult to find out the exact relations which exist between them. This will be understood, when I explain that the right to levy taxes (I use this term for want of a better) is an hereditary one, and a landlord has the right to subdivide it on his decease. Owing to this subdivision, and the intermarriage of members of one family with those of another in i distant village, the claims to get something are often curiously mixed up. One person has the right to get a pig once a year, another gets a basket of grain, another gets a quarter of any animal slaughtered, and so on.
Agriculture.--Agriculture is practised by the Chins in its rudest forms. The only implements used are small ases, damus, and a little hoe. The atxe and dama are used for felling the jungle, and the hoe for planting the seed and for boeing up the weeds and grass.
The principal food-grains grown by the Chins are fang or millet, fungvai or Indian-corn, mum or Jacob's tears, bè or beans and peas, farsung or paddy, rah or giant bean. There are ten varieties of millet, three of Indian-corn, four species of legume with many varieties, and three varieties of paddy. The food-staples are fungvai, or fang with yams. The only fruits cultivated by the Chins are plantains, peaches, figs, oranges, and apples; but strawberries, raspberries, cherries, pears, and plums are found wild. The raspberries are quite equal to those found wild in England, but the other wild fruits are not fit to eat.
The work of the season is commenced by cutting down the jungle and hoeing up the grass and weeds. This is done in December and January, and the clearings are burnt early in March. Seed is sown early in April, when showers may be expected. Fang is the first to ripen and begins to be harvested about the middle of July. This is quickly followed by fungvai, after which almost immediately come the peas and beans. Sweet potatoes are grown near streams and are obtained throughout the year, but the principal crop is dug in the cold weather. Pumpkins of various kinds, brinjals (aubergines), beans, and peas are the only green vegetables grown.
Trade.-Trade amongst the Chins may be divided into two heads, internal and external.
The internal trade is confined to exchanging property, such as guns, knives, .cattle, or grain for food or drink; but trade, as such, can hardly be said to exist.
The external trade is somewhat brisker. The articles in most demand are salt, cotton blankets, iron, silk, and gongs. These are purchased or exchanged for money, beeswax, fishing-nets, an occasional elephant's tusk, saltpetre, plantains, chillies.
The Chins have considerable herds of common cattle as well as maiban, but they show no disposition to sell them and ask extravagant prices. They are used only for slaughter purposes, the hides being eaten and the horns remaining attached to the head, which is impaled on a post outside the village. Goats are also found at most villages, but never in large numbers. These also are killed and eaten.
Fowls and eggs are largely produced and are sold freely. These, however, are articles of local trade and could not be exported at a profit.
Population-Tashons. I have already stated that the Tashûns were unwilling to afford information about their country, and I am therefore unable to do anything but guess at the population. It is said, but I know not with what authority, that they can collect 10,000 fighting men, which I take to mean that they have 10,000 houses, and, allowing an average of five persons to each house, we thus arrive at a total of 50,000, which I think is not an extravagant estimate.
HAkas.-The Håkås possess about 2,500 houses which, at five persons to each house, gives them a total population of 12,500.
Yokwas.-The Yôk was, estimated in the same way, have a population of about 3,000.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
193
Tlantlangs. -The Tlantlangs are about 7,500, but about them I am not so certain as about the Yokwàs and Håkàs.
Independent Baungshês.-I estimate the independent Baungsbê villages south of Yokwa and Hakà at 2,500 houses, which, computed as above, gives a population of 12,500.
The totals therefore are
Tashöns .................... 50,000 Håkås .............
12,500 Yok was ..................... 3,000 Tlantlangs ..................
7,500 Independent Baungshês. 12,500
Total ... 85,500
NOTES AND QUERIES. GOOD AND BAD OMENS IN MADRAS. made on the forehead with a paste of cummin seed If a person comes across the following when and sugar, which is called the upanayanam pa starting on a journey, or on a special errand, extra, nayanam = eye, or extra eye), and also the it is a good omen: a married woman, a virgin, mental eye. This ceremony generally takes a prostitute, two Brahmans, the playing of music, place before a Brahman boy attains his twelfth any money, fruit, a light, an umbrella, any food, year. If it is delayed longer the boy is classed
with the Sûdras. milk, curds, mutton, precious stones, sandalwood, rice, a cow, a bull, an elephant, a horse, a pot full Punyavachanam are rites of purification. of water, a pot of tadi, a black monkey, a dog, Literally the term means "something said on a a deer, a corpse, a royal eagle, any honey, fish, good day," (punya = good, odchanam = word). the recital of the Vedas.
The rites consist in bathing the body (andnam): But if he comes across any of the following, it seating the principal persone upon wooden seats is a bad omen:-one or three Brahmans, a in the midst of assembled guests and relations, widow, any fuel, smoke, a snake, a new pot, &
new pot, a and announcing the ceremony of sankalpam : i.e., blind man, a lame man, a pot of oil, any leather,
the worship of Ganêśa as the god of wisdom, salt, a tiger.
who is adored in the shape of a cone made of
turmeric powder and water, placed upon rice If a person places his head always towards the
contained in a silver tray. enst in the sleeping posture, he will obtain
This ceremony is wealth and health: it towards the south, a
performed on the twelfth day after confinement lengthening of life: if towards the west, fame:
or delivery, on which day the days of pollution
are said to cease. The husband, who has grown if towards the north, sickness. So a person
his hair from the day of conception till now, may should not lay his head to the north while
shave when the ceremony is over. sleeping If you dine with a friend, or relative, on Monday,
Among the Brühmaņs the host and the hostess
call with the family priest on their friends and Wednesday, Friday, or Saturday, it is well: if on
relations in the place on the day previous to a a Tuesday, there will ensue an ill-feeling: if on a
marriage, generally towards the evening, and Thursday, endless enmity: if on a Sunday,
invite them to the ceremonies and to all meals hatred.
during the days of the marriage celebration. In If, when you are leaving the house, your head
token of the invitation the priest presents them or feet strike accidentally against the threshold,
with a little holy rice or mantarakshadai. The you must not go out, as it foretells that some
invitation party is always accompanied with mischief will befall you.
music. Among the lower castes printed invi. When the thalt or the sacred jewel on a tations are distributed with pan supdri by some thread worn round the neck of a Brahman male member of the house, told off for this duty, woman is lost, it is an omen that her husband will
to the friends and relations in the place. fall ill or be lost soon.
K. SRIKANTALIYAR. K. SRIKANTALIYAR.
SANSKRIT WORDS IN BURMESE. SOCIAL CUSTOMS IN MADRAS.
(1) ThinjÀn. In the Rangoon Gazette of the When an elderly person calls on his friends 6th April, 1892, there appeared the following or relations and expects to see their children, he paragraph :should generally take with him some sweet. "At 8 hrs. 34 m. 488. p. m. on Monday, the meats to be given to the children.
full moon of Naung Taga, 1253, (11th April, Upanayanam is the ceremony of investiture 1892) three guns will be fired from the Post with the sacred thread. In this rite a mark is Officer's Flag Staff at Rangoon and from the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1892.
Court House at Mandalay on account of the Burmese Thingyan (Thinjàn). The new year, 1254, B. E, will begin at 0 hrs. 36 m. p.m. on Thursday, the 2nd waning of Naung Taga, 1253, (14th April, 1892)."
Thinjàn (th as in thin') means to the Bur. mese, the occasion on which the head of Brahma in the custody of seven female spirits, is transferred from one to another at the commencement of each new year, and has several interesting derivatives, e.g., thinjanjà and thinjan-atája, letting go the head : thinjanjat and thinjanatáját, the passage of the head : thinjandet and thinjan-atádet, taking up the head and lastly thinjankò, the state of washing the king's head at the new year in order to wash away the sins of the people, one of the many curious Court expressions now passing into oblivion.
The word thinján is, however, the Skr. san. kerama, the passage of a planetary body through a zodiacal sign, by which the Burmese understand the passage of the sun at the commencement of the new year, the sankordnt of the modern Hindu. The word in Burmese is spelt both sankran and san 8kran, pronounced thinjan. The Pali word is sankama. The Skr. derivation of thinján is therefore clear.
(2) Thinthagayaik= the Sanskrit Langnage. This word is written Sansakarók = Sanskrita. Compare amrók (ante, p. 94, there misprinted amrôt) for amrita. The Pali word for the Sanskpit Language is Sakkata or Saklata. The Skr. derivation of the Burmese word is here very clear.
R. O. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICE. CATALOGUE OY TAX COINS IN THE GOVERNMENT protest against the scandalous indifference shown
MUSEUM, LAHOR... COMPILED BY CHAB. J. ROD by the Pasijab Government to the encouragement GERS, M.R.A.S, eto. Published by order of the of archaeological research, that is to say, to the Panjab Govern ment. Quarto, paper cover, Calcutta.
reconstruction of the history of India prior to the Printed at the Baptist Mission Press, 1891.
Muhammadan conquest. Madras used to be open Uncatalogued cabinets of coins are little better
to reproach on the same account, but the Governthan useless collections of old metal, whereas a
ment of that Presidency is now wide awake, and cabinet of very modest dimensions, if provided
is engaged in directing well-planned and well. with an adequate catalogue, may prove to be the
executed measures for the recovery of the lost source of much valuable historical and numis
history of the territories under its charge. The matic information. India, unfortunately, does
Bombay Government has given ample proof of its not possess any collection of coins which can
intelligent interest in the past by the magnificent compare with the European cabinets of the first
series of volumes of the Archæological Survey of rank, and, until a very short time ago, can hardly
Western India. In the North-West Provinces be said to have possessed any public collection.
and Oudh, ever since the time when Sir John Now, thanks to the exertions of Mr. Rodgers,
Strachey was Lieutenant Governor, early neglect Dr. Hoernle, Dr. Bidie, Mr. Edgar Thurston,
has been atoned for by considerable, though not Dr. Führer, and others, helped by the patronage lavish, patronage of archæological investigations. of the overnment of India and the Local The efforts of the Government of Bengal have not Governments, valuable public collections have
always been happily guided, but, at any rate, been cumulated, and continue to grow, at
something has been done, and the administration Calcutt. Madras, Lucknow, and Lahore, I have
is not open to the reproach of absolutely neglect. not of the Bombay Government forming
ing all enquiry into the history of the vast regions $ t of coins.
committed to its care. For the past thirty years mencipal public collection in India is that the India Office and the Government of India in v ian Museum, Calcutta, and I understand have been most liberal in their support of archæoth: Rodgers is engaged in cataloguing it. logical enquiry, and have done, I think, all that Mr. Edgar Thurston has done good sound work could reasonably be expected of them. It has in the issue of several little catalogues of the been reserved for the Government of the Panjab coins in the Madras Museum. No catalogue of to earn the ignominious distinction of displaying the Lucknow collection has, so far as I am aware, an utter indifference to the early history of its been published. The subject of this notice is a territories, which cannot be parallelod by any catalogue of the coins in the Lahore Museum, other administration in India. Yet, as all readers compiled by Mr. C. G. Rodgers, Honorary Numis- of the Indian Antiquary well know, the Pañjab matist to the Government of India.
is to the archæologist, as it is to the states. Before proceeding to discuss the book under man, by far the most interesting province of review I shall take the liberty of recording a India.

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JUNE, 1892.]
Mr. Rodgers' catalogue of the coins in the Lahore Museum is apparently the only archæological publication issued under the patronage of the Pañjab Government for many years past. The book is enclosed, it cannot be said that it is bound, in a flimsy paper cover which falls off at the first perusal. It is to be hoped that the authorities in the Pañjâb, when next they issue a book for the use of historical students, will harden their hearts, and at least venture on the expense of boards.
BOOK-NOTICE.
In Mr. Rodgers' work nineteen pages are devoted to a general introduction, including an extremely imperfect bibliography, one hundred and forty-nine pages to the main catalogue, thirty-one pages to a supplementary catalogue of coins recently acquired by the Museum, and four pages to Pâli coin inscriptions, with transliterations, and a plate of monogrammatic emblems.
It is a great thing to have a printed catalogue of the Lahore cabinet at all, and I fully appreciate the difficulties of the compiler's task, and the abundant labour and learning which he has expended upon it. Yet it is impossible for any reviewer not to regret the chaotic arrangement of the work, and the neglect of the small details which make perfection. It is confusing to find the early Buddhist Kuninda coins and the Yaudhêya pieces (page 23) inserted between the Guptas and the Khalifas, the Indo-Scythian coins with Hindi legends (page 52) placed at the end of the series of the coins of the Sultans of Dehli, and followed by a class dubbed Miscellaneous Old Indian Coins,' which includes pieces of the Indo-Scythian, Gupta, and mediaval periods. Many other instances of eccentric arrangement might be quoted.
•
Inattention to minor details is shown in a multitude of misprints, in the neglect to distinguish Indian from Bactrian Pali (Kharôshtri) in the table of inscriptions, and in various other ways. The book is printed in such a manner that much space is wasted.
So much for fault finding. I now turn to the pleasanter task of pointing out some of the items of interest to be found in the book.
Mr. Rodgers, in his Introduction, notices sundry desiderata in Indian numismatics, and it may be of some practical use to call the attention of readers of the Indian Antiquary to the
1 [The States and petty principalities of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Malêr-Kotla, Kaithal, Kapurthala, Bahawalpur, Ambâlâ and Jagadhri all had coinages of their own, and, so I am told, had many others besides; George Thomas of Hissar, for example. Since I wrote my paper on the
195
enormous amount of special work, which is required before it can be said that anything like a general account of the coinages of Northern India becomes possible. Mr. Rodgers remarks "how necessary is a Coin Manual for India, which should, in one volume, show how much is known at the present day on the subject." That one volume would, I fear, have to be a terribly thick one, and many and grievous would be the gaps in its contents.
It is odd (page v.) that the Lahore Museum should not contain a single specimen of the Mitra Dynasty, generally identified with the Puranic Sungas. Many of the coins of these princes have been described by Messrs. Rivett-Carnac and Carlleyie, but a monograph on the subject is wanted.
"The numismatics of Kasmir are full of anomalies (p. vii)." This puzzling subject was long ago treated by Sir A. Cunningham, but there is plenty of room for a more exhaustive treatise on it.
"Much work remains to be done to the coins
of Jaunpur. The various types are, as yet, but imperfectly known." At present the brief notice
in Thomas' Chronicles is the standard account.
The coinages of the local dynasties, such as those of Malwa and Kangra, all require further elucidation.
"The neighbouring (i. e., to Kângrå) state of Chamba also had a coinage of its own. The coins were of copper only, and the characters on them were a kind of Hill Sanskrit or Thakuri. On some of the coins are the Raja's name, and that of one of the gods of Chambâ. They have never been written about." (p. xiii). Ten of these coins are catalogued (p. 121).
Pages xiii to xv of the Introduction contain some valuable observations on the coins of the Mughal Emperors, which, as is truly observed, "form an immense series." Nothing approaching a comprehensive account of this immense series exists, and perhaps the most pressing need of the Indian numismatist is that of a fairly complete description of the Mughal coinages, from the time of Båbar to that of Bahadur Shah II., a period of a little more than three centuries. An absolutely complete catalogue is out of the question, because the number of varieties is almost infinite, but the compilation
subject, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 321 ff, I spent but a day or so in Patiala, and picked up gold, silver and copper specimens of some of these mintages new to me, and so far as I know, not even suspected to exist by numismatists. - ED.]

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of a sufficiently satisfactory treatise is quite possible, though the task would be far from easy, and it might be difficult to find a publisher.
The absence, throughout the greater part of Mr. Rodgers' catalogue, of references to published catalogues of particular series renders it extremely troublesome to discover whether the Lahore collection contains any remarkable novelties or not, and, as regards most of the coinages, I cannot attempt to examine the collection in detail.
In a recent paper I ventured to doubt the rather hesitating assertion of Mr. Thomas that coins exist bearing the names both of Prithivi Raja and of his conqueror Muḥammad bin Sâm. But the billon coin described at page 35 sets my doubts at rest. The description is as follows:
"Billon:
:-one specimen, very rare, 48 [scil. grains]. Obv. Horseman, gefi . Sri Prithvi Raja Déva.' Thos. p. 18, no. 15. Rev. Bull, a, Sri Mahammad Sám.""
Pandit Ratan Narayan of Dehli also possessed a specimen of this rare type. It is entered as unique in the privately printed catalogue of his collection.
The confused arrangement of the book under review must be my apology for referring next to coins of earlier date.
Nos. 5-8, described at page 53, are coins of the Gupta period, or possibly a little later. No. 5, the only one at all distinct, is thus described by Mr. Rodgers:
"Wt. 113-2. Diameter. 75. Obv. King in armour, standing to right, left hand grasps a staff, right hand is making an offering at an altar. Above right arm is a trisûl with fillet. Under left arm Pasana or Pasata, letters one above the other as on Gupta coins. To right (P) indefinite. Rev. Female seated on throne, holds cornucopia in left hand, and in right a wreath, as on Gupta coins. To left a monogram not well defined."
I am indebted to Mr. Rodgers for inspection of another specimen of this class. The metal seemed to me to be brass (possibly very impure gold) and the obverse legend clearly to be Pasata. The legend outside the spear (staff) was illegible, and the reverse was without legend. I cannot assign these coins.
A copper coin of Toramana is catalogued on page 54. "Obv. Seated figure to right (). Rev. Standing figure to left, fat...." Coins of this type are said to be common Mr. Rodgers seems to have overlooked the paper by Mr. Fleet
[JUNE, 1892.
on "The Coins and History of Toramâna," ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 225-230.
Like so many branches of Indian numismatics, the coinages of Toramâna and Mihirakula require further examination. Mr. Rodgers catalogues a few specimens of Mihirakula's copper coinage at page 141, but characteristically omits the king's name from his index.
In his notice of 84 specimens of punch-marked coins (page 110) Mr. Rodgers makes the odd observation that "no paper that I am aware of has ever been written on these punch-marked coins." A good deal has been written on the subject.
The description of a few specimens of the well known Varâha coins, (p. 112) ignores the demonstration by Dr. Hultzsch that they were struck by King Bhôja of Kanauj in the latter part of the ninth century A. D. (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 155, note.)
The Supplement contains some novelties, thus ;
Two small silver coins of 'Ali, an early Governor of Sindh (page 6) are stated to be "now published for the first time."
On pages 8 and 9 several new coins of the Sultans of Ghazni are described.
(Rizfya) is noticed on page 17. An unpublished variety of the coins of Razia
Two of the exceedingly rare silver coins struck by Humayan at Kandahar are catalogued on page 26.
One of the rare zodiacal coins of Jahangir, with the sign Taurus, is described on page 27.
V. A. SMITH.
31st Jan. 1892.
Postscript.
Since the above review was written, I have received a copy of a most valuable little book entitled, Coins of Ancient India from the Earliest Times down to the Seventh Century, A. D., by Major-General Sir A. Cunningham, (Quaritch, 1891). This work, which is illustrated by thirteen autotype plates of coins, and a map of N.-W. India, describes the punch-marked min tages, and the coins of Taxila, Odumbara, the Kunindas, Kosambi, the Yaudhêyas, Pañchâla, Mathura, Ayodhya, Ujain, Eran or Erakaina, the Andhras, Kârwâr, and Nêpâl. It marks a great advance in the study of Indian numismatics. I hope to have an opportunity of noticing it more at length.
14-2-92.
V. A. S.

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EKAMRANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATI.
197
EKAMRANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATI; DATED SAKA-SAMVAT 1172.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. THIS inscription is engraved on the north wall of the second prülürt of the Saiva temple of
kamranátha, the largest of the numerous temples at Kanchipura. It consists of 17 Sanskřit verses in the Grantha character and professes to be an edict (súsana, verses 1, 15, 16, 17) of king Ganapati, who traced his descent from the race of the Sun (verses 5 and 11) and whose immediate ancestors were :
Betmaraja (v. 8). His successor: Prodaraja (v. 9).
, : Rudradeva (v. 10). The eldest of his four younger brothers: Mahadeva (v. 11).
His son: Ganapati (v. 12). Prodaraja is said to have constructed a large tank, which he called Jagatikêsari-tataka after a surname of his (v. 9). Ganapati claims to have defeated Simhaņa and the Kalinga king, and to have the kings of Lata (Gujarat) and Gauda (Bengal) for vassals (v. 14). His minister (sachiva) and general (sainyapála), Samanta-Bhoja, who belonged to the race of Dochi, appears to have held the appointment of governor (chaleradhárin) of Kanchi. He was probably a Brâhmaņa, as he claims to be a member of the Kaśyapagôtra (v. 15). By order of the king, he gave to the Êkamra temple at Kâbchỉ the village of Kaļattur(v. 16). The date of the grant was Tuesday, the eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight of Jyaishtha of Saka 1172 (in words), the cyclic year Saumya (v. 17). According to Mr. Sewell's South Indian Chronological Tables, the corresponding European date is Tuesday, the 8th June, 1249 A. D.
The dynasty to which Ganapati belonged, is not named in the inscription. But the names of two of his predecessors, Prodaraja and Rudradeva, are identical with two kings of the Kakatiya? dynasty of Worangal, Prola and his son Rudradova, who are known from the Anamakonda inscription of Saka 1084.* This close agreement and the mention of Ganapati as one of the Worangal kings in unpublished inscriptions and local records leave no doubt that the two pairs of names are identical, that the Ganapati of the subjoined inscription was the nephew of Rudradova of Worangal, and that, at the time of his reign, Kanohi was included in the territories of the Kakatiya kings. According to the Anumakonda inscription, Prôla's father was called Tribhuvanamalla, while the subjoined inscription mentions Betmaraja as the immediate predecessor of Prôdaraja. It foilows from these two statements that Betmaraja was the real name of the father and predecessor of Prôdaraja, and that Tribhuvanamalla was a biruda of his. Thus a combination of both inscriptions furnishes the following short genealogy of the Kakatiyas of Worangal :
1. Betmaraja, surnamed Tribhuvanamalla, of the race of the Sun. 2. Prôdaraja or Prola, surnamed Jagatikësarin.
3. Rudradeva 4. Mahadeva. Three other sons. (Saka 1084).
5. Ganapati?
(Saka 1172). 1 Kalattûr is now a large village, after which the next Railway station south of Chinglepat is called. 2 Thus the word is spelled in the Prataparudriya. The Anumakonda inscription has the forms Kakatya and Kakatiya.
9 This name is spelled Oramgallu in Brown's Telugu Dictionary. In a Telugu chronicle (Madras Journal for 1881, p. 238) we find the forma Orugallu, Single Rock,' wbicla tallies with the Sanskrit nano Ekabila; see below, note 12.
+ Published by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XI. pp. 9 f. • Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. pp. 114 ff. and 172 ff. • Proda or prola is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit prauha, see Brown, 8. v. prola.
7 According to local records, Ganapati was the son of Rudradeva and nephew of Mahadeva ; see Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 77, and Taylor's Catalogue, Vol. III. p. 483. An unpublished inscription, which is quoted by Sir W. Elliot, Coins of Southern India, p. 83, agrees with the Ekámranátha inscription.

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(JULY, 1892.
The Simhana who is reported to have been afraid of Ganapati (v. 14), was probably the Yadava king Singhaņa II. of Devagiri (Daulatâbâd), who reigned from Saka 1131 to 1169, and who, in his turn, calls himself 'the uprooter of the water-lily which was the head of the king of Telunga.'8 In the Paithan grant of the Yadava king Ramachandra, Singhana II. is said to have overcome the Andhra king. The predecessor of Singhaņa II., Jaitugi I. (Saka 1113 to 1131), is said to have slain the king of Trikalinga in battle and to have seized the whole of his kingdom. Further" (this) ocean of compassion fetched Ganapati, the speech of whose mouth was gweet, from the prison-house and made him) lord of (his) country." Accordingly, Ganapati was a contemporary of both Jaitagi I. and Singhaņa II. The king of Trikalinga, who was defeated and killed by Jaitugi I., nay have been either Gaņa pati's father Mahadeva or his uncle Rudradêva.10 The words of the Paithan grant leave it doubtful if Gana pati, before he was installed on the throne by Jaitugi I., had been kept imprisoned by this king, or by his own father Mahadeva, or by his uncle Rudradêva. A still earlier synchronism between the Kakatiyas and Yâdavas appears to be contained in the Anumakonda inscription, which states that Rudradeva defeated one Mailigidêva. This may have been the Yadava king Mallugi, who, according to the Paithan grant, was the predecessor of Bhillama ("Saka 1109 to 1113).
Some additional information on the Kakatiya dynasty may be gathered from the Pratáparudrayaásbhushana or Pratáparudriya, a treatise on Alamkâra. The author of this work, Vidyanatha, must have been a contemporary of Pratâparudra, as he illustrates the rules of Sanskrit composition almost exclusively by verses in praise of that king. For the subjoined extracts I am using an edition in Telugu characters, printed at Madras in 1888 with the commentary of Kumârasvámi-Sômapithin, the son of the well-known Klachala-Mallinathasuri and younger brother of Peddayêrya. The Kakatiyall king Prataparudra resided at Ekabilanagara,12 the capital of the Andhra or Trilinga country. The second of these Sanskrit names of the Telugu country is supposed to owe its origin to three famous lingas of Sivals at Srisaila, 14 Kalebvarals and Draksharama.16 The hermitage of Hidimba (HidimbAsrama, p. 130, or Hidimbalaya, p. 131) must be looked for in the neighbourhood of Worangal. Anumakonda, the former capital of the Kakatiyas,17 is referred to by its Sanskrit name Hanumadachala *the hill of Hanumat' (p. 109). The crest (mudrá) of Pratîparudra was the figure of a boar18 (raráha, pp. 35 and 119, or króda, pp. 203 and 307). The name of his mother was Mumma. damba (p. 12).
Farther details about the king and two of his predecessors are given in a panegyrical drama, which forms the third chapter of the Pratáparudriya. The father of Prataparudra
Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 72. Published by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XIV. pp. 314 ff.
10 Taylor, l. c. states that "Gapapati, making war against the Devagiri ruler, who had killed his uncle Mahadeva, conquered that chief, and took his daughter, named Rudramadevi, to be his wife." But 300 Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, p. 82.
11 As noticed by Dr. Burnell (Tanjore Catalogue, p. 53 f.), the commentary (p. 7) derives this word from KAkati, A name of Durga : - Fararh gor TTTTTTTTTATI AT E
07:. 12 EkasilA is the Sanskrit equivalent of Orugallu, on which see p. 197, note 8. The form kasaila (ante, Vol. XI. p. 12) does not occur in the Pratdparudriya and is probably due to a mistake. 18 Page 143 : - fantaa Feat via les Fietar dat amefariwarang:
: 1 ageTECHYTT: paranterarfer: grau 14 In the Karnal district.
10 The temple at Kalahasti in the North Aroot district. 16 In the G3dkvart district. The commentary notices the form DAksharama, which does really occur in an inscription of Vira-Chồda (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 424), and quotes the following derivation of it from the Skandapurana :स्यारामभामित्वादाक्षारामोभिधीयते.
17 ante. Vol. XI. p. 9 f. The original form of this Telugu name seems to be Hanumatkonda, 'the hill of Heumat.
15 This crest is alluded to in verse 13 of the subjoined inscription.

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EKAMRANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATI.
199
was Mahadeva(P);19 but his immediate predecessor was the daughter of Ganapati (pp. 132 and 136) by Soma.20 Her father Ganapati, 21 who appears to have been without male issue, bad called her his "son" and conferred on her the male name "Rudra” (p. 102). At his death she seems to have succeeded him on the throne. In the text of the drama she is always styled " the king" (rája) and once (p. 123) Maharaja-Rudra, 22 while the commentary (pp. 101 and 104) calls her Rudramba. At the command of the god Svayambha ('Siva) she adopted her daughter's son Prataparudra and appointed him as her successor,33 Thus the Pratáparudriya furnishes the following pedigree: -
1. Ganapati, md. Sômå.
2. Rudrâmba.
Mummadamba.
Mahadeva(?)
3. Pra tâparudra. The local records further suggest that No. 1. Ganapati is identical with No. 5. Ganapati of the pedigree derived from inscriptions (p. 197, above). Accordingly, Rudramba will be No. 6 and Prataparudra No. 7 in the list of the Kakatiya dynasty. The only event of Ganapati's reign, which is alluded to in the Pratdparudryu, is, that he founded a Saiva shrine called Ganapesvara (p. 143). Both Radrâmbâ (p. 101) and Pratipa rudra (p. 42) had the biruda Chalamartiganda. Prataparudra is reported to have conquered a large number of distant countries on his vijayayatrd or grand tour. Repeated mention is made of the defeat of the Yadava king of Savana. This king had crossed the Gautami (i.e. Godivari) river, north of which bis territory must accordingly have been situated, and was put to flight by the commander of an army of Pratû parudra.24 Among the kings of an early branch of the Yådavas, which was settled in the Nasik district, we find three times the name sêunachandra,25 The first Sêupachandra founded Saunapura at, i.e. transferred his capital to, Sindînagara or Sindinêra, the modern Sinnar in the Nasik district,20 Later on, the term Seunadesa was employed as the designation of the territories of the Yâda vas of Devagiri. For, in Hêmadri's account of the reign of Mahadeva (Saka 1182 to 1193), Dê vagiri is said to be included in the couutry called Sêuņa ; 27 and in the Paithan grant of Ramachandra (Saka 1193 to 1230), it is stated that the grented village belonged to the country of Séaņa and was situated on the northern bank of the Godavari.29 This country of Seana is evidently identical with the country of
10 This statement rests on the commentator's explanation of a verse (p. 91) which, in my opinion, rather refers to king Ganapati than to PratAparudra. The local records all Pratáparudra's father Virabhadra, 20 Page 102: - area ffer the
IT parerar [read (41) Art T a r 11 11 According to the local records, she was not the daughter, but the widow of Ganapati.
12 Thas the coins of queen Lilavats of Ceylon bear the legend erweil avval, and those of queen Earlya of Delhi bear the title pline load I u on page 104, Siva addresses the queen thus:
स्वीकृते पुत्रभावेन दौहित्रे प्रामाज्ञया । अस्मिविधेहि धौरेये गुर्वी मुधिरामिति ।। The commentator explains पाक् by जन्मकाले. ** Page 156 - 4 21Haccata af het
d ate gears एषा काकतिवीररुव इति किं नाभावि सप्ताक्षरी प्रयत्प्रातिपक्षपार्थिवमहाभूत महोच्चाटनी ।। Page 291-18 greate : Fera y ate qe fareu !
सद्यो रुवनरेन्द्रनायक चमूनाथेन केनाप्यधिक्षिप्तस्या चरितानि सेवणपतेजानाति सा गौतमी ।। 15 ante, Vol. XII. p. 128.
96 ibid. p. 124, and Vol. XVII. p. 118. Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dokkan, p. 87.
> ante, Vol. XIV. p. 315.

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Sevana, 30 which, according to the Pratáparudriya, was situated north of the Godavart and ruled over by a Yadava king. As Prataparudra reigned from A. D. 1295 to 1323,30 his Yadava antagonist must have been Ramachandra, the last independent king of Dêvagiri. As suggested by Dr. Bhandarkar,31 the name sounadesa is perhaps preserved in the modern term Khandes.
The only inscription of Prataparudra, of which I have a copy at hand, is a fragment discovered by my First Assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya, on the west wall of the second präldra of the Jambukokvara temple near Trichinopoly. It is written in the Grantha character, but in the Telugu language. Of the two first lines only the following words are preserved :1 . . . . . . . . . . [मेश्वरकाकतीयप्रतापरुद्रदेवमहाराजलु . . . . . . . . . [ग]नु पृथिवीराज्यम् सेयुचुण्डगानु आ राजु
TEXT. . 1 स्वस्ति श्रीः [॥*] एतनिखिलभूपालमौलिमण्डलमण्डनम् [1*] गणपत्यवनीन्द्रस्य चन्द्रार्कस्थायि शासनम् । [१] तेजश्श्च श्रेयसाय स्यादृप्यहन्तावळाननम् [1*] अनन्यास्वादितस्तन्यशैलकन्या
2 स्तनन्धयम् ॥ [२*] कुशलमविकलं करोतु कोलस्स किल सरोरुहवासिनीसहा[य] [[*] तरति यदुरुपोवोतपात्र्या प्रतियुगमेव महोदधिन्धरित्री।। [३ *] शाश्वतीम् मुमुदच्चयता[व]श्चन्द्रचूडमुकुटेन्तुकला सा [1]
3 यामुमा स्पृशनि नौरिति मौक्ती मौलिमण्डननदीजलकेळौ ॥ [४] यस्सामय॑जुषाम् प्रमेयपदवीसीनो महिनः पदम् यस्तेज[*] स्तबकीकृतम् क्रनुभुजाम् कोटयास्त्रयस्त्रिंशतः [*] तन्नेत्रादुदपयते
4 ष भगवानम्भोजिनीब[*]न्धवो । बाह्याभ्यन्तरबन्धुरान्धतमसाहंकारसंहारकः॥ [५] तस्मादपथनिपातुकजगतीकरदीपकरणिनीतिकरः ३३ [*] . मनुरादिमो नृपाणाम् [सी]मेवाभूतुपाय[*]नाम् ॥ [.६ *] सगरभगी
5 रथपतिरघुरामाधास्तवनु सन्दधुर्द्धरणिम् ।। अथ गच्छति बहुकाले तइन्वये दुर्जया मियाम् प्राप्तेः॥ [*] अभिमतभुजभाजाम बाहुजानां कुलेस्मिन्नजान जनित[की]तिभूपतिर्बत्मराजः [। * ] 33 अथिगरुड
तुरंगम् प्रेक्ष्य साक्षात्कृतन्तम् प्रथमगरुडवाहम्मेनिरे यम्मनुष्याः।। [८ *] 34 द्विषतुपहतदृप्यतन्तिमेघंकराशो निरविशस्थ भूमिम् भूपतिः प्रोडराजः । प्रतिनिधिमुदधीनां सञ्चयन्तोयसृष्टे
7 रकृत जगतिकेसांख्यया यस्तटाकम् [॥९*] तदनु पवनवेगमत्यनीकावधाटीविहितमहितभूभृद्रिवो रुद्रदेवः ।। भलमकृत कुलन्तत् मापकोटीरहीरप्रकरमुक्कुरबिम्बत्पादबिम्बोक( लक)लक्ष्मी: 3 ।। [१०]
8 तदनुजगणमुख्यइश्रीमहादेवराजस्तपनकुलसमुद्राद्यादृशः पारिजातः [*] अलभत दिनदीपव्यापदं यस्य कीतेरसदृशरुचिजालैरन्यराजन्यकीर्तिः ॥ [११] महादेवमहीपालाज्जातो गणपतिर्तृपः [*] अमी.
9 मिविक्रमैरेभिर्गुणैरामिबिभूतिभिः ॥ [१२*] 36 कोलांकोभून्सृगांको निवसति कमले श्रीरिति श्रीवराहः प्राप्तो नैषा प्रियस्योरसि रतिविरतौ लमगण्डम् प्रसुप्ता [[*] इत्यालापे सखीनामुषसि सकुतुकम्
10 सत्रपम् सानुतापं हस्ताभ्यां यद्रिपुस्त्री विनमितवदना गण्डपाळी पिधत्ते ।। [१३ *] यदुदयकृतचेतोरिखणस्सिहणो यचदुलसुभटधाटीदत्तभंगः कलिंगः [*] अपि च यदुपसेवाजीविनी ला
____WA further reference toaking of Sevaya is found in Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p.68:-"An inscription of (the Hoyeula king) Narasimha II. gives a gre phis account of a battle between his father (Ballapa II.) and a certain Semana or Sevuna, whom he besieged and defeated at Soratur Dear Gadag, and pursued from there up to the Krishpavirpa, where he slew him, and who was probably the commander-in-chief of Jaitugi's army." Mallinatha-odeyar, the commander-in-chief of king Bukka of Vijayanagara, claims to be the commander of theBevana army (Sevana-dala) and of other armies. --See Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 2 and 5; I am quoting from impressions of these two inscriptions, the originale of which are in the Sampige- Siddhesvara temple at Chitaldroog.
BO Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 173. 81 Early History of the Dekkan, Supplement, p. iv. Ba Read °करण.
- Read भधि .
The of द्विषदुप° is entered below the line. - Read °बिम्बोकलक्ष्मी
* The syllables la are entered over the line.

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EKAMRANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATI.
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11 737 ruraya: *[:] wrga *#21 [2x* ) arin u graafq[-2]qr/97 37 9 a aqoothan : 7649ZIT: [1] Fr ar
12 लम् गणपतिनृपतेश्शासनं संव्यधत्त श्रीमत्सामन्तभोजो गणपतिसचिवो दोचितुग्धाब्धिचन्द्रः ॥ [१५ *] देवस्वैकाम्रधानो बहुमहिमसपऱ्यावसुन्याससिद्धचे ग्रामन्नाना कळनूरिति भु.
13 वि विदितं सस्यहृद्यनिवेद्य [*] काझ्यामाकल्पकालं गणपतिनृपतेश्शासनं संव्यत्ति श्रीमत्सामन्तभोजो गणपतिसचिवो दोचिदुग्धाब्धिचन्द्रः।। [१६ *] शाकाब्रे तु विसप्तत्यधिकशिवशतख्यातसंख्यानमाने सौम्याब्दे
14.38 HÊ Mekara i afg [1] # A* taggage 30 BUY श्रीमन्सामन्तभोजो गणपतिसचिवो दोचिदुग्धाब्धिचन्द्रः ॥ [१०.]
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! Prosperity! Verse 1. This (is) an edict (sisana) of king Ganapati, which adorns the heads of (i. e, which is obeyed by) all kings, and which shall endure as long as the moon and the sun.
2. Let the power (Ganesa) which has the face of a ratting elephant, and which has sucked the breast of (Parvati) the daughter of the mountain, whose milk was tasted by no other, - produce happiness!
3. Let that boar (Vishnu) who is the consort of (Lakshmi) that dwells in the lotus, and on whose big enout, as on a boat, the earth crosses the great ocean (at the end of each yuga, - produce complete welfare !
4. Let thnt sickle of the moon on the head of 'Siva, which Uma, sporting in the water of the (Ganga) river that adorns the head (of Siva), touches, (exclaiming : “Here is) a boat of pearls !" - procure you everlasting bliss !
5. From the eye of (Niva) who is the abode of the greatness (which is reachel) at the end of the path that is to be known from the Sáman, Rich and Yajus (Vedas)," and who combines the power of the thirty-three crores of gods, - was produced that god (vis. the Sun), who is the friend of the lotus plant, and who dispels intensely deep darkness without and egotism within (the mind).
6. From him was born Manu, the first of kings and master of expedients, who produced (a treatise on) right conduct, which supplies a handy lamp to men who are apt to stumble on the wrong path.
7. After him, Sagara, the lord Bhagiratha, Raghy, Rama and other (kings) of his race, who were hard to be overcome by approaching dangers, ruled the earth in the course of a long period of time.
8. In this race of warriors, 62 whose arms were respeoted, was born the renowned king Betmaraja, whom people, when they saw him on his horse (called) Garuda, took for the first rider on Garuda (i. e. for Vishņu) appearing visibly.
9. Then the earth was enjoyed by king Prodar&ja, who covered the horizon with clouds, (viz.) the ratting elephants offered (as presents) by his conquered) enemies, and who constructed a tank (tatáka) (which he called) by (his) name Jagatikësarin' (i. e. the lion of the earth), which equalled the oceans, and which accumulated the downpour of water.
37 The first of grasrois entered below the line.
* Read 08. 5. The syllable is entered below the line. 40 Siva is here identified with the universal soul of the Védánta philosophy. 11 Literally, the limit, as it were, of expedients.'
• The Kahatriyas are onlled bahuja,'arm-born,' because they are supposed to have been produced from Brahma's arme.
*) In this compound, as in KAlidAss and other names, the final of the first member (jagat) is shortened in accordance with Panini, vi, 3, 63. The synonymous biruda Avanisimha occurs in yerse 20 of an unpublished Pallars grant from Kadakadi.

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10. After him, this race was adorned by Rudradeva, who put to flight exalted kings by the attack of horses which rivalled the wind in swiftness, and the proud splendour of whose feet was reflected, as by mirrors, by the multitude of the diamonds in the diadems of (prostrated) kings.
11. The first of the multitude of his younger brothers, the illustrious king Mahadeva, (ncas produced) from the race of the Sun, as the parijata (tree) from the ocean. In consequence of the unequalled splendour of his fame, the fame of other kings experienced the fate of a lamp at dey.light.
. 12. From king Mahadeva was born king Ganapati, (who was endowed) with the same courage, the same virtues, and the same power.
13. "The deer-marked (moon) has become boar-marked." "The blessed boar (or Vishņu) has come, because beauty (or Sri) dwells in the lotus." "This lady has not slept with her cheeks pressed to the breast of her husband after dalliance." (Successively) experiencing curiosity, shame and grief during this morning talk of her maids, the wife of his (viz. Gaņapati's) enemy bends her face down and covers the two marks on her cheeks with both hands.45
14. Who can boast of the courage of king Ganapati, at whose rise Simhaņa lost his heart, by the attack of whose fine soldiers the Kalinga (king) was overthrown, and who is served by the Lata and the Gauda (kings)?
15. He, who by his (the king's) order held a province, 46 the splendour of whose arms was famous, the foremost among generals (sainyapála), who, as regards eloquence (?), was the best of the smooth gems of the Tamraparņi (river),47 who belonged to the renowned gótra of the KAkyapas, the minister of Ganapati, the illustrious Samanta-Bhoja, who, as the moon from the milk-ocean, (vas produced) from the Dochi (family), executed at Kanchi the edict of king Ganapati, (whick shall last) to the end of the kalpa.
16. By presenting to the god who resides in the Ékamra (temple), - in order that wealth might be deposited in the temple) for conducting the worship with great splendour, -a village which is famed on earth by the name Kaļattar, and which abounds in grain, - Ganapati's minister, the illustrious Samanta-Bhoja, the moon of the milk-ocean of the Dochi (family), executed at Kanchi the edict of king Ganapati, (which shall last) to the end of the kalpa.
17. In the Saka year, which was measured by the famous (?) number eleven hundred increased by seventy-two, in the Saunya year, in the month of Jyaishtha, in the dark fortnight, on the day of Hari (Vishnu), a Tuesday, at noon (?), - Ganapati's minister, the illustrious Samanta-Bhoja, the moon of the milk-ocean of the Dochi (family), executed at Kanchi the edict of king Ganapati, (which shall last) to the end of the kalpa.
« This simile implies, that the last king, Radradeva, had four younger brothers, and that Mahadeva was the eldest of these. In the Amaraka (i. 1, 53), the pirijáta tree takes the second place among the five celestial trees.
15 As suggested to me by Pandit Rajagopålicharya of Chikka-Ballapura, the maids allude by the words 'moon' and lotus' to the face of their captive mistress, on which a boar, the creat of king Ganapati, was painted. She experiences ouriosity and shame, because she does not immediately catch the allusion, but takes the two first remarks of her maids in their literal sense. The third remark, which clearly refers to the painted figure on her cheeks, undeceives her and reminds ber of her past happiness and present misery. With the opening words of verse 13. WATCH E , compare page 85 of the Pratáparedriya:
मन्धानाचल मूलमेचकशिलासंघनश्यामिकाकारं यत्तहिनयुती स्फुरति तत्सार माचक्षते ।
मन्ये नन्विह वीररुदनपतेः कीर्तिप्रिया निर्जितस्तन्मुद्राजवराहमिन्दुरुरसा बिभ्रत्समुज्ज़म्भते ।। 46 Chakradharin appears to have the same technical meaning, which the dictionaries attribute to chakradhara and chakrapala.
47 "The smooth gems of the Tamraparpt' are the pearls, for which this river is celebrated. The epithet may also imply that Samanta-Bhoja was born on the banks of that river.
+ Literally, 'Siva's hundred.' Siva is synonymous with Rudra, which, since there are eleven Rudras, is used as a numerical word for eleven.'
4 1. e. the eleventh tithi, which is sacred to Vishnu.

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revisel by the Author.
(Concluded from page 177).
CHAPTER V. THE LANGUAGE OF THE EDICTS, AND THE LINGUISTIC HISTORY
OF INDIA. It is not sufficient to consider the language of Piyadasi as an isolated subject. His monuments form only the first link in the chain of Indian epigraphical documents. The facts which they reveal cannot fail to throw light on the period following, and our conclusions, if they are correct, cannot fail to find a more or less direct verification in later facts. It is this order of ideas which I propose to consider in this concluding chapter.
PART I, THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. The most urgent task is to establish, as exactly as possible, the chronological classification of the monuments with which we have now to deal. I do not propose to examine once more in detail the thorny problems which the chronology of India presents for the period which extends from Asoka to the kings of Valabhî : still less do I propose to bring forward here any original system of my own. These questions have been studied by such good judges, and have been replied to in so many different ways, that little room is left for new theories. I believe that the true solutions have been already indicated, and I intend simply to group dispersed elements together, and to connect them into a coherent whole, both by the consistency with which the principal dates fit into each other in one uninterrupted chain, and by the support lent to them by accessory considerations and coincidences.
Amongst the works which have thrown most light on a very obscure subject, Prof. Oldenberg's essay, leber die Dalirung der ältesten indischen Münz- uwl Inschriftenreiher, certainly holds the first place. It is, I believe, sufficient to combine his conclusions with certain results obtained by the labours of Messrs. Bühler, Bhagwanlal Indraji, Bhandarkar, and Fleet, I only mention the most recent publications, to obtain a chronological series, the main points of which appear to be firmly established.
With Prof. Oldenberg, I consider that the saka era starts from the coronation of Kanishka, and that it is in this era that the inscriptions of this king and of his Indo-Scythian successors are dated.2 With him, I consider that the era of the Guptas, which was also adopted by the kings of Valabhi, should be calculated, in accordance with the evidence of Alberûni, from the year 319 A. D., and that no sufficient reason exists for distarbing one of the rare positive traditions which we have the good fortune to possess.3
This being settled, it remains to determine the chronology of the Satraps of Surashtra and of the Andhrabhrityas. Here several synchronisms come to our help.
1 Zeitschr. für Numismatik, Vol. VIII. pp. 289 and ff. ? Prof. Max Müller holds the same opinion, India; What it can teach us, p. 291. 3 With regard to the era of the Guptas, I would refer the reader specially to Appendix A. of Prof. Bhandar.
of the Deckan. New arguments have been put forward quite recently, which have led Dr. Bühler to the same opinion (cf. Bühler, Ueber eine Inschrift des Königs Dharasena IV von Valabhi, in the Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akademie, 1885, pp. 13 and f, of the reprint). (Since the above was published the admirable researcbes of Mr. Fleet, contained in the 3rd volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, have put an end to all debate regarding the era of the Guptas. It has not been necessary for me to modify my original text in consequence, for it maintains the accuracy of the fact, of which Mr. Fleet has proved the certainty: but I cannot deprive myself, en passant of the pleasure of rendering a grateful tribute to the fertile labours of this skilful epigraphist. ]

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An inscription of Nâsik, dated the 19th year of the reign of Vasithîputa Pulumâyi, and emanating from his mother, Gotami Balasiri, refers to his father and predecessor Götamiputa Satakani, as the destroyer of the family of the Khak haratas' (Khakharátadsaniravasésakara). We also find at Nasik a parallel series of inscriptions emanating from Usavadata, son-in-law of the "Satrap Nahapana, a Khaharata king,' and even a dedication presented by a minister, Ayama, of this prince. It is in the person of Nahapana that Gotamiputa Satakani must have destroyed the dynasty of the Khaharatas or Khakharatas, for the same locality has preserved for us a document, by which he exercises over it an act of sovereignty. He transfers to a community of ascetics certain lands, which come from Usavadata, probably the very son-in-law of the dispossessed sovereign.
The reader can see in an ingenious article of Dr. Bühler's, that the numismatic discoveries of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, on a comparison with epigraphic data, allow us to reconstitute the following series of sovereigns in the dynasty of the Andhrabhsityas.
Gotamiputa Satakani, who reigned at lenst 24 years. Pulumáyi Vasithiputa, who reigned at least 24 years. Madhariputa Sirisena, who reigned at least 8 years. Vasithiputa Chaturapana Satakani, who reigned at least 13 years.
Siriyana Götamiputa Satakani, who reigned at least 16 years. It is not certain, but it is at least probable, that the succession was immediate between the second, third, and fourth of these princes.
Rudradaman, the Satrap king, in the celebrated inscription of Girnar, tells as how he twice conquered Satakarni, the king of the Dekhan; he only spared him from total destruction by reason of their close relationship. Now, an inscription of Kanhêri7 has preserved the memory of a queen, daughter of a Kshatrapa king, whose name was composed of two syllables commencing with ru, and wife of the king Visishthiputra Satakarni. Whether the Ro[dra), father of the queen was, as appears very likely, or was not, the Rudradaman of Girnar, it remains almost certain that the Satakarņi of whom that prince was the contemporary and conqueror is one of the two last princes named in the foregoing table. Fortified by palæographical coincidences which tend to confirm the likelihood, which in itself is very strong, of these facts, we can hold it for proved that Rudradaman belonged to the same time as Vasithiputa Satakani, or Siriyana Satakani.
The third synchronism, together with an indirect verification of the second, gives us a valuable means for approximately fixing the dates, not only relatively but absolutely, of these persons. In a well-known passage, Ptolemy mentions Tiastanes and Siri Polemaios, as sovereigns of Ujjayini and of Paithana. These two names have been long identified, the first with that of Chashtana, and the second with that of Siri Palumâyi. Now Chashtana is known by the inscriptions as grandfather of Rudradâman; and it is quite easy that he should have been a contemporary of Pulamayi Vasithîputa, grandfather or great-grandfather, or at any rate third or fourth predecessor, of the Satakaại, of whom we have just seen that Rudradâman was the contemporary and the conqueror. A remark of Prof. Bhandarkare contributes a still higher degree of probability to these identifications. Ptolemy tells us that, while the northern parts of the west coast were governed by Siri Polemaios, the southern parts were under the rule of Baleocouros. Now, there has been discovered at Kolhapur a series of coins, in which the name of Viļivåyakura, whose identity with Baleocouros forces itself on our notice, is associated with that of Vâsithipata and of Gotamiputa, to whom we have just been introduced.
• Arch, Surv. West. Ind. IV. 168.
Arch. Sury. West. Ind. pp. 99 and ff. • Indian Antiquary, 1883, pp. 272 and ff. It will be seen from what follows that I have not been able to place myself in entire accord with the learned author. Arch. Surv. West. Ind. V. 78.
* Early Hist. of the Deckan, p. 20. . Cf. Bhagw&n]Al Indrajt, in J. R. A. 8., Bo. XIII., 303 and ff.

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The terms in which Ptolemy speaks of these sovereigns, Tiastanes, Siri Polemaios and Baleocotros, give us naturally the impression that he speaks of princes of his own time. Without any doubt this conclusion is in no way a forced one. He could, it is true, have drawn upon previous authorities, and his information regarding such distant countries was not necessarily up to date ; but, until the contrary is proved, every presumption is in favour of the most simple solution, which makes the princes reign at the same epoch as that in which he wrote the geography, or a short time before. Ptolemy is credited with having composed his book a few years after 150 A. D., and we are, therefore, entitled, à priori, to consider that Chashtana and Pulum&yi V Asițhiputa must have been in possession of their power between about 135 and 145. This conclusion, which is admitted by several scholars, 10 will impose itself with yet greater force upon our attention, if it is found to accord with the chronological data, wbich it is possible to collect directly in India. This is exactly the case.
Prof. Oldenberg has strongly insisted upon the reasons which prevent us from fixing at a later date than the commencement of the second century the era of the Kshatrapa kings of Gujarat, that is to say of the dynasty, the founder of which was, as we gather from the inscriptions, Chashtana. The arguments on the basis of which he hesitates to make it coincide with the Såka era of 78 A. D. appear to me to be less convincing. We know of a Kshatrapa coin bearing not only the date 300, but the date 310 of the Kshatrapa era ;12 the date 83 of the Gupta era, i. e. (319 + 83 = ) 402 A. D., is the earliest one of their successors in Málava, 13 the Guptas, of which we have evidence, and it is hence impossible to bring down the commencement of the Kshatrapa era to a later date than 90 A. D. As it is, on the other hand, certain that the Kshatrapas were not the originators of the era which they employed, - we shall shortly see that it was also used by Naha pâna, - it seems to me that the strongest probabilities lead us to conclude, with Pandits Bhagwanlal and Bhandarkar, that it was the 'Saka era of 78 A. D., the era of Kanishka, which they adopted.
Every one is now, I believe, agreed in considering with Messrs. Oldenberg and Bhagwan. lal,15 that Nabapâna was, in Gujarât, the representative of the race of the Kshaharatas, which was conquered by Gotamiputa Så takani, and which immediately preceded this dynasty of Kshatrapa Sênas, of whom Chashtana was the first representative.
It will now be sufficient to mention the dates supplied to us by certain inscriptions; and we shall see how they adjust themselves, and how happily they coincide with the presumptions to which we have come independently.
According to the Girnar inscription, Rudradaman was on the throne in the year 72 of his era, which we suggest to be the Saka era. Coins of his son Rudrasimha bear the dates 102 to 117, and it is probable that the first mentioned ones go back to the commencement of his reign.18 It is, therefore, likely that the reign of his father Rudradâman could not have commenced much before the year 150 A. D., the date of the bursting of the embankment at Girnar. Every indication points to the conclusion that the reign of his father Jayadaman was short, and Chashtana, as founder of the dynasty, could only have come into power at a mature age. There is, therefore, small room for making mistakes, if we'allow for these two reigns a period of 20 or 22 years. The accession to power of the Senas would thus be placed at about the year 128 or 130 A. D.
An inscription of Junnar, 17 proves that Nahapana was still king in the year 46 of the era which he employed : the inscriptions of his son-in-law Usavadâ ta, which are known to us; are earlier, bearing the dates 40, 41, 42. We can thus put the destruction of his power by the
30 Of. Bhandarkar, loc. cit. BhagwânlA1 Indraji, art. cit. 11 art. cit. pp. 315 and #f.
12 Bühler, in Burgess, Arch. Suru. West. Ind. p. 78. 11 Of., for example, Thomas in Burgess, Arch. Suru. West. Ind. II. p. 20. 14 loc. cit. pp. 319, and ff.
10 Ind. Ant. 1878, p. 258. al. 10 Bhagwanlal Indraji, in J. R. A. 8., Bo. XIII. p. 315.
17 Arch. Surv. West Ind. IV. 103.

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[JULY, 1892. Andhras, at about the year 48 or 50 of his era. What is that era ? If, hypothetically, we suggest the era of Kanishka, the date 125 to 128 A. D. which we get, agrees so exactly with that to which we are led on the other hand as the date of the coming to power of his conqueror, that the proof seems to be decisive. I may add that, according to a restoration which Dr. Bühlers considers as almost certain,' Usavadata, the son-in-law of Nahapâna, in one of his inscriptions calls himself a Saka. It is, therefore, probable that this family of Kshaharâtas held its power, as vassal satraps, from the Turashkas of the dynasty of Kanishka; and nothing could be more natural than that they should have used the era adopted by their suzerains. After them, the family of Sênas must have simply followed their official tradition, as the Valabhi kings did in later years when they succeeded the Guptas. The name of Salivahana by which this era came eventually to be designated, appears to be a recollection of the similar procedure by which the sovereigns of the Dekhan, on their side, appropriated the era founded in the north by the 'Saka king.
206
Another result which follows from the above is that we now find the members of the Andhra dynasty, who more immediately interest us here, placed in their chronological position. I have mentioned their names above.
If we take 126 A. D. as the date of the victory of Gotamiputa Satakani over Nahapana, an inscription of the conquerorie proves, on the other hand, that this event must have occurred before the 14th year of his reign, for he sends orders dated in that year to the representative of his authority at Násik. Various epigraphical monuments testify that he reigned at least 24 years; and we thus get the year 126 + 11, say 137 A. D., for the end of his reign, and the coming to the throne of his successor Vasiṭhîpata Pulumâyi. The rule of this prince having lasted at least 24 years, that of Madhariputa Sirisena at least 8, and that of Visithiputa Sâtakani at least 13, we arrive, for the conclusion of this last reign, at least at the date 137+24+8+13= say 182 A. D. Rudradaman, the Kshatrapa, having ceased to reign before 180 A. D., it follows that it was certainly Vasithiputa Satakani, and not his successor, who is referred to in the inscription of Girnar.
We see how completely all these data agree amongst themselves. The verification which is, in my opinion, the most important, consists in the complete accord which this system establishes without any effort, with the presumptions which we are entitled to draw from the mention made by Ptolemy of Chashtana and Palamâyi. It must be, as we have seen, about the years 185 to 145 A. D. that this mention should à priori, lead us to fix the reigns of these personages, and, that too, independently of any preconceived ideas, or of any clue obtained from Indian sources. On the other hand, our deductions, founded on absolutely independent calculations refer the former to the years 130 to 140 or 145, and the second to the years 137 to 161 A. D. In the face of so striking a result it appears to me difficult to avoid recognizing how artificial and how fine-drawn must be the suppositions, by which some writers have sought to weaken the induction which the text of the geographer at once suggests to us.
On the other hand, I must express my entire agreement with Dr. Bühler in the criticism to which he submits the rash attempts which have been risked to reconstitute the chronology of the period anterior to the Andhrabhṛityas. Their contradictions, and especially the positive data which are furnished by the monuments, shew how little confidence is deserved by the lists of the Puranas.
The more this epoch is still enveloped in obscurity, the rarer the means of marking out its historical development, the more important is it to cling with all our power to the marks which we have been able, in my opinion, to fix with confidence. I sum them up here.
1. The Saka era of 78 A. D. is the era founded by Kanishka. His monuments and those of his successors, the last of whom are lost in the obscurity which surrounds the commencement of the Gupta dynasty in 319 A. D., are dated in that era.
18 Arch. Sur. West. Ind. IV. 101.
19 Arch. Sur. West. Ind. IV. 15.

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2. It is in the same ora that the inscriptions and coins, on the one hand of Nahapana, the Kshaharata, on the other hand of the Kshatrapa Benas of Gujarat, are dated. The monuments, known to belong to the former, relate to the years 118 to 124 A.D., and the rule of the latter dynasty extended from about the year 130 to the end of the fourth century A. D. The great inscription of Rudradâman at Girnar dates from the third quarter of the second century of our era.
3. The reigns of the five Andhrabbritya kings, whose names I have given above, and the order of whose succession we are enabled to determine with the aid of various monuments, from Gotamiputa Satakani to Siriyani Satakani, All the greater part of the second century of our era.
These conclusions put us in a position to date several epigraphical monuments which are certainly of decisive importance for the linguistic history of India. It is desirable that we should be able to do more, and to attain to equal certainty both with regard to the preceding period which separates the inscriptions of Asôka from those of Kanishka, and for the subsequent one. Unfortunately the elements for analogous deductions are not forthcoming, and we are, as a general rale, reduced to indications borrowed from palæography, to which it is prudent to accord but a limited confidence. I should add that, so far as regards the principal question with which we have to deal, this uncertainty very luckily does not appear to have 'very serious consequences.
There is one class of monuments, the coins, concerning which I have not much to say. M. de Sallet20 has submitted the problems connected with them to an examination at once complefe and thorough. I doubt whether the main lines of his conclusions can be seriously altered by later researches. Under any circumstances, I do not believe that the uncertainties which may remain unexplained, or the errors which may require correction, are of such an extent As to compromise the deductions which philology can draw from the legends of the coins.
It would be more essential, but it is more difficult, to fix with confidence the relative dates, and the order of all the inscriptions which belong to the same period.
By the side of those which bear the names of Kanishka, Huvishka, and Väsndêva, whose dates, as I admit, are certainly to be referred to the Saka era, there are others which various indications connect more or less closely with the same series, without its being proved, or even shewn to be probable, that they employ the same era. I refer especially to two characteristic inscriptions in Indo-Bactrian characters, that of Taxila, 31 dated in the 78th year, and belonging to the great king Môga, and that of Takhtibahi,2, dated the year 103, and the 26th year of the reign of a king whose name is read as Gudapharas, most probably the same as the Gondopbares or Yndopherres of coins and of legend; but if this identification is admitted, and if, on the other hand, we also allow the identification, which has been proposed, of king Môga with the king Mauas of the coins, there are, from a numismatic point of view,23 serious difficulties to be met in fixing the epoch from which to count this year 78, so as to calculate these two dates. All that is at any rate certain is that these monuments belong approximately to the same period as those of the Tarushka kings; and the study of the former should not be separated from that of the latter.
As regards the two inscriptions of Mathurg (No. 8 and No. 9 of Dowson) which are dated in the year 135, and the year 280 respectively, I see no decisive reason against referring them to the series of the SA ka era.
90 Die Nachfolger Alexandera des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien. Of., however, also Gardner and R. 8. Poole, Coins of the Greek and Seythie king of Bactria and India in the British Museum.
21 Cf. Dowson, J. R. A. 8. XX. 921 and f.
23 Dowson, J. R. A. 8., N. 8. VII. p. 876. Of. now my Notes l'Epigraphie Indienne, in the Journal Asiatique, 1890, I, pp. 114 sad ff. 45 Cf. Ballet, op. cit. pp. 48, 51, 157.
# Cf. Dowaon, J. R. A. 8., N. 9. V. pp. 182 and l.

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A certain number of inscriptions, though undated, contain names which enable as to determine their age with some precision. Such are the short dedications of Dabaratha, the grandson of Asoka, and the inscription of Bherhut, engraved under the rule of the Sungas '25 To the same category belong some texts of a higher value, - the inscriptions of Nanaghåt. They are connected with the most ancient of the royal inscriptions of Nasik,26 that which contains the name of king Kanha (Krishna) of the family of the Satavahanas. The reader may be referred to a learned essay which Dr. Bühler has devoted to these inscriptions and their date. It can be seen from what precedes, that I am not able to accept the whole of his conclusions. I consider at least that these monuments belong to the beginning of the dynasty of the Andhrabhřityas or Satavahanas. While I admit that it would not be safe to accept the discrepant evidence of the Puranas as a solid foundation for calculating the period which clapsed between the kings of Nânaghat and the series of sovereigns who have left us at Nasik authentic documents, we should not, at the same time, too lightly discard these confused traditions. Dr. Bühler has been perhaps led to display the more severity towards them because they disagree with the date, in my opinion too ancient, which he attributes to Götamipata Satakani and his successors. There remains the evidence to be adduced from palæography. Dr. Büh'er calculates thnt this does not allow us to presume a space of more than a century between the inscription of Nânaghat and those of Götamiputa Satakaņi at Nâsik. Dr. Bühler's authority in matters of this kind is too considerable to allow me to venture to dispute his opinion, and I will only confess that, if an interval of a hundred years does not appear to him improbable between the characters of Asoka and those of Nánåghat, I can scarcely understand how it can be certain that between the engravers of Nânâghat and those of Nâsik, there did mot elapse 200 years or even more. The trath is that, at least for this period, we have no scale of paleographical development graduated by documents to which exception cannot be taken. After all, vexations as these uncertainties are, I do not undertake to reconstitute the history of the Andhrabhsityas; so far as the aim which I have in view is concerned, it is sufficient to remember that the inscriptions of Nanaghat certainly fall in the period intermediate between ABóka and Götamiputa Satakani, and that they are, at least, & century earlier than the latter.
As for the other monuments of the period we are compelled to content ourselves with analogous, though still more valuable conclusions. It is a fortunate circumstance that however desirable it may be in many respects to fix the exact age of each text, these conclusions are in the present case sufficient for us. There are, I believe, very few instances in which we are not in a condition to assert that such or sach an inscription is or is not anterior to the line of demarcation which marks the epoch of Rudradaman the Kshatrapa, and his contemporary Satakani the Andhrabhřitya. To the period which extends from Asoka down to these sovereigns belong the edict of Khandagiri and the inscriptions of Ramnath,27 the inscription of Kangra, 29 as also that of Rów4,29 and several epigraphs both in the caves of the west coast, as well as in the ruins of Sanchi,30 of Bharhut, 31 and Amravati.32 Taking the word in the very wide sense which I have explained above, the dates of these texts are subject to no serious doubts.
It is a matter for regret, that, for the period which follows, I mean the 250 years which extend from the commencement of the 3rd to the middle of the 5th century We are still worse provided. The absence of materials is here almost complete. We shall see, when we explain the linguistic importance of this epoch, how much this is to be regretted, We are hardly entitled to include in this period the inscription of Banav&si33 or those of the
25 Cf. Hultzsch, Iul. Ant. 1955, p. 138.
26 Bühler, Arch. Suru. West. Ind. IV. 98, No. 1. 27 Canningham, Corpus. Cl. Ind. Ant. 1873, pp. 245-243.
28 J. R. A. S. XX. 254. 29 Ind. Ant. 1880, 120.
50 Canningham, Buddhist Stapas. 51 Cunningbam, the Bharhut Stapa, and Hoernle, Ind. Ant. 1881, 118, 255; 1882, 25; Hultzsch 2. D.M.G. XL p. 70. 32 Arch. Surt, Wext. Inuel. Burgess, Yoter on the Amriratt Stripe. 33 Burgess and Bhagwanlol, Inscript. of the Rock-cut Temples, p. 100.

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Jaggayapetta Stapa, for they so closely follow the time of Siriyaña Satakaại that they really belong to the preceding group. Towards the end of the 4th century, the series of Gupta inscriptions opens with that of Allahabad, engraved in honour of Samudragupta, and with the dedications of Udayagiri and Sanchi35 contemporary with his successor Chandragupta, JS and dated in the years 82 and 93 of that era, say 401 and 412 A. D. They are followed by the inscriptions of Skandagupta at Girnar (138 G. E., i. e., 457 A. D.), and by others more recent.37 From this period the series of monuments is prolonged in fairly sufficient number of specimens.39
But between the commencement of the 3rd century and the first year of the 5th, I know of no inscription which has been dated with certainty. Even those the palæographical character of which would probably place them in this interval are of great rarity. A:nongst the numerous dedications of the caves of the west, there are very few which appear to belong to it.39
We must put aside the most anciant monaments attributed to the dynasty of the Gangas 10 for the most experienced authorities in Southern Indian Epigraphy have declared them to be apocryphal.41 We are thus reduced to a few documents which emanated from the kings of
Vêigi.
The earliest in point of date would appear to be the donation of king Vijayanandivarman, which Mr. Burnell, and, agreeing with him, Mr. Fleet, refer to the 4th centary. Both these gentlemen refer to the same reign a donation of the 'yuvamaharaja' Vijayabuddhavarman contained in the papers of Sir W. Elliot. It has since been published by Mr. Fleet.43 It seems, however, that the name, which had originally led them astray, is in reality Vijayaklandavarman,' and various circumstances go against the idea of a close connexion between the author of this inscription, and that of the preceding one. It is, however, none the less one of the most ancient inscriptions of the dynasty of the Pallavas, and dates either from the end of the fourth century or the beginning of the 5th. The language in which it is couched renders it a monument of the very highest interest, and I shall subsequently deal with it again. It is either contemporary with or very little earlier than the donation of Vishnugopavarman, 45 of his brother Simhavarman, and of Ativarman,*7 which are referred to the 5th century.
* Ind. Ant. 1882, pp. 255 and fr. Bargess, Amravati Stapa, p. 55. Prinsep, I. 233. 36 Prinsap, I. pp. 266-217.
37 Inscription of Skandagapta at Kahaon (142) (Prinsep, I. 250), at Indoro (116) (J. 4. S. B. 1874, P 383), of the column at Bhitari, belonging to a successor of Skandagapte (Prinsep, loc. cit. p. 210), of the column of Eran, under Budhagupta (155) (Prinsep, p. 218); the inscriptions of Tôramaya at Eran and at Gwalior. With regard to the other Gapta inscriptions I may also cito here the Jain inscriptions, dated in the year 188 of the Guptas, of which Dr. Hoernle has given a transcription and a revised translation (Ind. Ant. 1882, p. 309). - It is now enough once for all to refer to the excellent Corpus of Mr. Fleet.
38 I quote, simply as examples, the plates of Gurjara Dadda (158) (Dawson, J. R. A. S. N. 8. I. 218 and ff.; and Fleet, Ind. Ant. 1881, pp. 81, 115); the inscription of Umêta &c. The plates of Jayabbata (Ind. Ant. 1876, pp. 109 and ff.) appear to be earlier (429), if Dr. Bühler is correct in referring them to the era of Vikramaditya, but this conjecture appears to me to be very improbablo.
89 Nos. 7-10 of Kuda, Arch. Suru. West. Ind., (IV. 85-86) seena to me to be of slightly later date. I may men. tion, however, No. 1 of Kanhêri, which Dr. Bühler dates in the 4th or 5th century. The inscription is both very short and very obscure, but its date has, nevertheless, in our eyes, an interest, which will become clear later on.
* I refer to the donation of king Chêra Arivarnan dated Baka 169, quoted by Dr. Eggeling (Ind. Ant. 1874, p. 152) and published by Mr. Fleet (Ind. Ant. 1879, p. 212), and the inscription published by Mr. Rice (Ind. Ant. 1878, p. 168), and referred by him to the year 350 of our era. We should add the plates of Merkara (Ind. Ant. 1872, p. 360) for which the figures 388, caloulated in the SAka Ora, gave the date as 466 A, D.
41 Burnell, 8. I. P. p. 34. Fleet, Ind. Ant. 1883, pp. 111 and ff.
12 Ind. Ant. 1876, p. 175. Mr. Foulkes has published a donation of Nandivarman, which ho believes to belong to the same prince (Ind. Ant. 1879, p. 167). The numerous discrepancies which exist in the genealogy, in my opinion, render this suggestion inadmissible; and, if the inscription is not apocryphal, a Mr. Fleet considera (Ind. Ant. 1880, p. 101, note), it must emanate from another king of the same name, posterior to this first Nandivarman. 48 Ind. Ant. 1880, p. 100.
# Fleet, loc. cit. 45 Fleet, Ind. Ant. 1876, p. 50.
46 Fleet, Ind. Ant, 1876, p. 154. 47 Ind. Ant. 1880, p. 102.

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But, as I have already said, from this time the harvest of monuments again becomes sufficiently ample for it to be useless to undertake enumerations which would necessarily be incomplete. I lay stress neither on the plates of the earlier Kadambas, nor on those of the first Gurjaras, Dadda,49 or Jayabhata.50 They bring us down to a period too modern to affect the questions of formation and origin which alone interest us at the present moment.
These are the known dates of the monuments which enable us to put forward precise conclusions for the chronology of the linguistic history of India. The preceding summary has therefore, been indispensable. By language, or more exactly by grammar and spelling, the epigraphical types divided themselves, in the period under consideration, into two series. The two currents continually intermingle and become confused, but we are, nevertheless, compelled to follow them separately. Of the two sections which follow, the first will be devoted to Mixed Sanskrit and to classical Sanskrit, and the second to monumental Prakrit and to the literary Prakrit. I shall commence in each case by detailing the characteristic facts which are furnished by a study of the inscriptions, and shall then examine the general questions which connect themselves with it.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from page 185.) XXXVII. Third chhedasatram, the vavahara. We have already seen above, pp. 447, 449, that the three texts dasa, kappa and vavahara, according to the Avašy. 16, 109, are connected as one group. In the arrangement found in the Avasy, and in that handed down in the Nandi, vavahara is placed in the last place after dasâ and kappa. This position after the kappa is also allotted to the vavahâra [466] in the penultimate verse of the bhåshya85 belonging to it, and consequently in Malayagiri's comm., where there are two statements to this effect - in the introduction and at the conclusion of the seventh udd.97 The same conclusion may be drawn from the compound kalpavyavahârau in schol. on Oghaniry. (see p. 449), though there may be here nothing more than a mere reference to the greater brevity of the word kalpa. In the Rutnasdgara (see p. 449), however, the vavahara stands at the head of the chhêdasútra.
We have already seen (ibid.) that kalpa as vavahira is attributed-especially tu Bhadrabahu and considered as an extract from půrva 9, 3, 20 According to Avašy. 2, 6, Bhadrabibu (sapposing that he is here the speaker) composed at least a niyyutti on it. And we have also seen (p. 446) that the text is divided into ten uddesasoa in agreement with the statements in Avasy. 16, 109. The contents consists of general regulations in reference to the penances etc., of the clergy and of disciplinary statutes concerning right and wrong - kappati, no kappati.
Each of the uddesas closes, after the fashion of angas 1-3, with ti bêmi. The text is in prose and well preserved. The Prakrit bhâshya in dryâ, is found entire in Malayagiri's very detailed commentary, which is in reality rather a commentary on the bhåshya than on the text itself. [467] In the commencement of the very lengthy introduction we find the relation of the text to the kalpa stated as follows:- kalpadhyayanê abhavat prêyabchittam uktam, na ta dânaprayaschittar dânam; vyavahîrê tu dinaprayaschittam âlôchaniividhis cha 'bhidhásyatê.
49 Ind. Ant. 1877, p. 22; 1878, p. 34. 19 Dowson, J. R. A. S., N. 8., 1, 2 18; Bhandarkar, J. R. A. S., Bo. X. p. 19. 50 Inscriptions of Kåvi, Bühler, Ind. Ant. 1876, p. 109; of Uinêtà, ibid. 1878, p. 61. 5 kappavvavahirkņam bhásain muttuna vittharam savyam.
uktnin kalpadhyayanan, idanin vyavahäradhyayanam uchyate. 7 parvam kalpidhyayane bhanitá. 98 Or according to its own schol., also in 3 khandas (udd. 1, 2; 3-6; 7-10).
99 pîthika (see p. 455), in 2356 gr., corresponding to 182 verses of the bhåshya. The entire commentary embraces 35122 gr.! The MS. which I have before me is dated Samvat 1565 A.D. 1509.

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udd. 1 treats of pariharatthåņam lasting 1, 2, 3 or 4 months, - 2 of the relation of two shammiyas, -- 3 of teacher and scholar, - 4 of the mêra (maryâdâ) såhůņam, -5 of the mêrå samjatîņam, - 6 of mischances (also niggamthiņa), -7 of the râjâ dinâm avagraha, - 8 of the sadharmikavagraha, - 9 of the âhâra, - 10 of the abhigraha.
See above, p. 445, in reference to the vavahára as source of the gachhâyâra.
XXXVIII. Fourth chhedasutram, the dasa6 or Avaradasau, daśâs, in fuller form daśaśrutaskandha, in 10 addesas (uddesaņakala Åvašy. 16, 100), of which i to 9 are called dasâ, the eighth is called also ajjhayanam and the tenth ajjhayanam only. In Avašy. 2, s the speaker declares himself to be author of a dasaņam niyyutti whose author tradition (see Jacobi, 1. c. p. 12) calls Bhadrabahu. The great antiquity of the text is proved by the fact that not only is it cited in anga 3, 10 under the title Ayaradasâu, but also the names of its ten ajjh. cited there are the same as those given here. See p. 272.
Each of the first seven dasás begins after the fashion of anga 1 with the formula: suyam mê â usam ! têņam [468] bhagavaya êvam akkhiyam and closes with ti bêmi. After akkhayam there follows another formala, which briefly says that the contents of the following section is as "thêrêhim bhagavamtêhim pannatta," as in up. 3 (p. 388), see Abhayadiva on anga 3, 10 f. 2886. The doctrines in question it refers to the predecessors of the bhagavant (see also up. 10, p. 423). In the first das 20 asamáhitthânâ are treated of, in the second 21 sabala100 (sabalâni), in the third 33 ásayaņiu, in the fourth 8 ganisampada, in the fifth 10 chittasama hitthâņâ, or, according to V, attasõhî (here there is a legend of a -sermon of Mahâvîra at the time of Jiyasatta, king of Vaniyagama, closing with 17 élôkas), in the sixth 11 uvasagapadimâa, in the seventh 12 bhikkhupadimâu. All this deals with regulations having reference to the department of the viņaya, and treats of the course of life and the discipline of the laitg and clergy. The method of treatment is short and compact.
The eighth section is called ajjhayanam, but in auga 3, 10 as in V., pajjösavaņåkappo, exceeds the first 7 dasas in its contents and in its extent. Certainly its largest portion has been inserted here at a later period. It is formed of the work called Kalpasutra and in fact of the entire work of this name in its three parts, according to the MSS. and the Kalpantarváchyani. Jacobi (Kalpas. pp. 22, 23) has already called our attention to the fact, that in reality only the last (the third) section, [469) which is called "samichârî, rules for yatis," and also paryushaņâ. kalpa - cf. the title of this book in anga 3 and V. - belongs in this place, and that it alone could claim, together with the remaining parts of the daśiśr., to be ascribed to Bhadrabahu. The closing words tti bêmi, payyosanâ kappadaså attbamam ajjhayaņam are similar to those of the other dasâu and substantiates this conclusion. The contents of this section refers to the varshavâsa, and treats of that which thereby is kappal and nô k. In the introduction commencing with the legendary formula — têņam kalêgam - it is stated how Mahâvîra acted in these cases. The following portions, each of whose sentences invariably begins with a stereotyped refrain, is at the end ascribed to Mahavira in special legendary form likewise introduced by têņam kålêņam. I will refer to the other parts of the Kalpasûtra
The ninth dasi, also called môhaniyyatthipam, has the usual legendary beginning: têpan Fáléņam.., and tells of a sermon of Mahávíra under king Kúņiya of Champá in reference to the 30 (so also anga 3) môhatthânâim. The portion dealing with this sermon consists of 39 blokas, for the most part with the refrain : mahåmôham pakuvvaï. The conclusion is ti bêmi.
The tenth book, âyâtitthâņam2 commences with the usual formula: tônam kaléņam, and tells in great details how Sênia [470] Bhimbhisára, king of Råyagiha, together with his spouse
100 Cf. Av. 18, 94 - 90, and Praśnavyâk. conclusion (Leumann).
1 Cf. Avašy. 16, 17 fg. 2 ajananam &jati(h) sammůrchhanagarbhópapåtato janma, tasyah sthånarit samsårah Abhayadeva on anga 3, 10 (299a) in the introduction.
3 It refers to ap. 1.

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Chellana, listened to a sermon of Mahavira. The sight of the princely splendour turned the thoughts of the followers of Mahavira to worldly things, to rebuke which Mahavira preaches a lengthy sermon on the excellence of his doctrine, divided into 10 SS and beginning with the same refrain. Nor does he forget to mention the rewards of those who follow his teachings. The result of this sermon was that his audience were delighted and Mahâvîra continued to preach in Rajagriha.
The legendary excursi of the last dasáu (5, 8, 9 and 10) in reference to Mahavira are doubtless the cause of the introduction of the Kalpasútra, the first part of which treats especially of the life of Mahavira.
The Kalpasutram was the first Jain text which was made known, in 1848, in the very faulty translation of Rev. J. Stevenson. It is now carefully edited by H. Jacobi, 1879, to whose instructive introduction I have so often referred,
We have already observed, that of the three parts of which it is composed, the last alone can claim to belong to the dasâu. The two other parts were originally not connected, Each of them is divided into three portions, the first of which contains the history of Mahavira, the second that of his 23 predecessors, the third a list of his successors, [471] Théråvall, to Deviddhi-khamisamana, the nominal redactor of the 45 agama.
This Thoravalt agrees as regards each of its first twelve parts with those statements which are found in the thêråvalî of the Nandi and of the Avasyakasútra, and in the later tradition of the Jains (fishimandalasůtra of the Dharmaghosha etc.), But from this point on there is no such harmony. The list found here is the most complete, since it embraces a large number of the lateral branches proceeding from each of the patriarchs; and contains all sorts of divergences from the other lists. Jacobi distinguishes" four or five distinct treatises" (p. 23).
It is self-evident that any connection is impossible between this Thêråvali and Bhaddabahu, the nominal author of the Kalpasůtra - see below who appears in the seventh place in the list of patriarchs. The Thôrâvali contains eleven members more (ajja Vaïra, Vajrasvåmin, as number 16) nor did it belong originally to the Kalpasútra. This conclusion holds good also in the case of the account of the 23 predecessors of Vira which introduces it. In this account we find some few details in reference to two of Vira's immediate predecessors, Påsa and Aritthanêmô, and in reference to Usabha who is placed first in the series. The other pre. decessors are treated of in a very few words. The relation is retrogressive, beginning with the 23rd. We find no mention that Malli (Mali in the text of Jacobi) was a woman.
The intention of collecting everything that had reference to Jainism is manifest in the addition [472] (see Stevenson, p. 99) of these two sections, in reference to the successors and predecessors of Mahavira, to the main part of the Kalpasđtra which treated of his life.
This main portion contains towards the close ($ 148) statements mentioning the dates 980 and 993 after Vira. According to Jacobi (p. 23) it is self-evident that these dates do not "refer to the author, but to Devarddhiganim, the editor of the Kalpasútra." Tradition places Bhadrabahu, the nominal author of the Kalpasútra, in the year 170 after Vira (see Jacobi, p. 114). But as far as I can see, an error or confusion has brought it about that the Kalpasůtra has been ascribed to Bhadrabâ hu, as tradition, e. g. the introduction to the Kalpântarváchyâni, states. In the well attested statement (see above, p. 449) that the Kalpavyavaharau was extracted from purva 9, 3, 30 by Bhadrabahu, we must not understand by "kalpa" the Kalpagútram, but the chhêdastra 5, a conclusion that may be drawn from the statemente in reference to the division of the two texta kappa and vavahara, which is found in Avasy. 16, 109 The similar statement concerning the dasa-kappa-vyavahara in the Rishimaņdalasutra (Jacobi, p. 11) is, after a consideration of this passage of the Avaấy., not to be referred, as Jacobi refers it, to "the
4.. mad dhammé pannatte, inam &ya nigganthê påvayaņe, sa che anuttare padipunne kevald .. (of. Aupapat: $ 56, p. 62, ed. Leumann),

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ten kalpas and the Vyavanâra," but (see p. 357, 450) to the three chhêdasútras 3–5: the dasâu, the vavahâra and the kappa.
Personally I am inclined on the strength of $ 148 to hold Devarddhigani as the editor, and and even as the [473] "author" of the chief part of the Kalpasútra. I will even go a stepfarther and assert that in reality the Kalpasůtram, or its present essential part, has no claim to this title, which is at complete variance with its contents. It has received this name after its junction with the paryushaņakalpa, the eighth chapter of the dasan. This ancient title (see p. 468) is cited in the beginning of the sandêhavishaushadhi as a collective title of the work. See Jacobi, p. 99.
The Panchanamaskara, placed " keshuchid adaráeshu" at the commencement of the text, is known to us from anga 3 and upanga 4. It is followed here as in up. 4 by the passage in its praise, which is supposed to date back to Vajra (see Kup. 811), and is designed to glorify this commencement. This passage of the pamchanam. contains the form havai - and not hoi as in up. 4 - which in more modern times is regarded as the only well attested form. See p. 393, $$ 1, 2, which contain the recital so obnoxious to the Digambara (see Jacobi, p. 22) --- sce p. 261 – that Mahâvira first "entered the womb of (the mîhani) Dêvinanda before ho was placed ($ 21) in that of (the kbattiyâņi) Trišala "7), are borrowed outright from nugn 1. Jacobi, p. 23, considers the portion containing the 14 dreams (S$ 33-46), with their long, complex compounds, as a secondary addition, since it is not in harmony with the prevailing "archaic style" of the text. I shoald prefer to regard the solemnity of the subject as the cause of these stylistic differences. [474] Upon such occasions the aigas contain numerous stylistic excrescences, which, it should be remarked, occur not infrequently in other parts of the Kalpasútra. The differences of this kind in $$ 3-46 (or does J. extend the description of the dreams further than 16 ?) may therefore, I should think, be reduced to a minimum.
The historical kernel of the recital is exceedingly small. Up to $ 96 (incl.) the events before the birth of Mahavira alone are treated of. The following S8 to 111 discuss the birth, naming, childhood of M. and his life as gihattha. It is noteworthy that there is no mention of foreign nurses, as is usual in the angas and upangas on such occasions, nor are the 72 kalas etc. referred to. The enumeration of the Brahminical sciences in § 10 is the usual one, which we have already met with in auga 5. The recital as to how Mahavira : anagariyam païrrae (8 116), and of his farther development up to the time of his death ( 132) is devoid of every particle of life. There is no trace of the many legends concerning him which we find scattered here and there in the angas, etc. They have not been made use of at all; hence the whole makes a most unsavoury impression as regards any biographical information. In 147 the mention of the 55 ajjhayaņas of the pâvaphalavivâyáim (see p. 271) is of interest, as also that of the 36 aputthavayarañain, which, according to Jacobi, p. 114, are to be referred to the uttarajjhayanam,
We have in the work entitled Kalpantarváchyani, a production partly in Prakṣit, partly in Sanskrit, and in a mixture of the two (475). After a self-evident introduction in reference to the ten forms of the kalpa : achêlukka (achêlatvam), uddesia (auddesika pinda), sijjáyara (sijjátarô (sayy&o] vasatisvâmi), rîyapinda (presents from the king), kiikamme (kritio), vaya (vrata), jittha (jyeshțhatvam), padikkamaņe, mâsam (masakalpab), pajjövasaņakappe (varshasu chaturmâsâvasthanarûpah), in reference to the purvas, out of the ninth of which the srikalpa of Bhadrabahu, "uddhrita," etc., is the Kalpântar., in loose connection with the text of the Kalpasūtra, makes the text of the latter the point of departure for the insertion of a large number of legends and other statements in prose and verse. The freqnent mention of Hêmachandrasûri and of Manatungasûri, Malayagiri, of the Vamanam, Sarasvatîkaņthâbharaṇam (as vyâkara
. Wo find, however, mention made of a ten-fold division of the kalpa, e. 9. in the introduction to the Kalpântarychyani. See p. 475.
6 Wife of Usabhadatta, cf. Wilson Sel. W. 1, 203 (see Bhagav. 9, 33. Leum.). 1 Wifo of Siddhattha of the Ndys race.

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nam !!) and Sarasvatam vyâkaraṇam shows that it was composed at a tolorably recent date. In general it may be said that there is a large amount of citations collected here. Of especial interest is the peculiar attempt made in the introduction to prove the great age of the Jinaśåsanam from supposed Vedic passages, as the two "vaiśvadêva-richau Yajurvéde9 ." ôm rishabham pavitram puruhůtam adhvaram yajneshu nagnam paraman pavitram śrutadharam yajnapatipradhanam pitaryajana (!) pasum indram ahavê 'ti svihî, and : trataram indram rishabham vadamti anithram indram tam arishtanêmim bhavê , subhavam sapáróvam indram havê tu sakra ajitam jinesdram tad vardhamanam puruhůtam indram svâhâ, and also Vs. 31, 18, Rik 2, so, e etc. all of which is cited [476] incorrectly! The detailed enumeration of the Brahminical sciences in $ 10 contains much of interest (18 purâņas, 18 smpitis, 18 vyákaranas). The foreign serving-women are enumerated in § 16, essentially in the regular way: - khujjað chilið vamanið vadabhỉð babbarið paüsikô jāņiko palhavið isiņið chârainião lâziâô laüsið dómalið simhalió abarið (!) pulimdiô pakkaņið marum dið bahalið sabarið pârasið jâtîyê dîsyah. - On 108 : bhagavató lekhanašalakaranaprárambhô likhyatê (in Prakṣit), - on $ 209 a double enumeration of the 72 kalas and of the 18 lipayas - see above p. 400 - on $ 211, 64 mahilâgunks.
The oldest of the coramentaries to which I have had access is the Samdehavishaushadhir of Jinaprabhamuni, composed in Ayodhyâ A.D. 1307; at the end there is added a commentary to a paryushaņike paniryakti. Both texts are composed in Prakrit, and the commentary is based especially on the nisithnehûrņi. This fact recalls chap. 8 of ehhêdasûtra 4.
XXXIX. Fifth chhedastram, the bțihatkalpa, in 6 uddêsas. Ordinances for the clergy of both sexes (niggatha and niggamthi) in reference to that which is proper (kappati) and that which is not (nð kappati).
The ngreement in reference to the division into 6 addesas shews that it is our text which (p. 446 ff.) is designated in the Avašy. 16, 109 in connection with dasâ and vavahara and under the name of kappa simply.
5477) We shall bave to recognize it under the designation of kappa, or kalpadhyayana, in other passages (see pp. 449, 472) where there is mention made of the extraction of kalpavyavahârau from půrva 9, 3, 30 by Bhadrabahu. Its designation as bțihatkalpa, or vșihatsådhukalpa is unsuitable if we regard the diminutive size of the text (only 475 gr.). The conclusion (ti bêmi) of udd. 4 and 6 is worthy of note.
The old bhashya in Praksit âryâs, belonging to this text, is designated simply as kalpabhåshya, and is an enlargement of the “kappassa nijjatti," which the author of the Âvasy. declares that he composed (2,7). See Kielhorn (in the Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. 1880-81, pp. ix. x.), in reference to an old MSS. of it (Samvat 1218), and to its very curious use of letters of the alphabet to denote numerical notation.10 The commencement differs considerably from that in a palm-leaf MS. similar to this, but much younger (Samvat 1334), of which the Berlin Library possess a copy made on transparent paper. The commencement of the Berlin MS. - after prefacing the first 6 SS of the text - is namo arabamtâņam, kâûņa namokkâram titthayaråņam tilôyamahiyanam kappavvavahârâņam vakkhåņavihim pavakkhâmi Il
XL. The sixth chhedasutram is called pamohakalpall in Bühler's list; - see p. 226. I have not bad access to a text of this name, which is repeatedly mentioned (see pp. 448, 449)
I am unable to explain the first passage, the second is manifestly Rik 6, 47, 11 (Ts. 1, 6, 12, 6): tratAram indram avitfram indrarh have havê suhavan @dram inndrath hvay Ami enkrat puruhatam indrath avasti maghava dhAtv ithdrab II The words of the text which I have enclosed in brackets above do not occur here.
na che 'data Jinsiaanam arvachinam, vēdadishy api tadvachanAt, tath hi : vedeshu jinapramapAngull (?) darvi, tath& Yajurvédé vaibvadeva-richau ...
.1. On this see Bhagvanlal Indraji on the ancient Nagari Numerals in the Indion Antiquary, 6, 9 fg. (1877) and Bühler, itid. p. 47 fg.
n In Kielhorn's report, p. 94, there is mention made of a paichakalpastrachurņi by Amradevacharya.

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JULY, 1892.
MISCELLANEA.
215
both in Avi, and V., together with a jfakappa. According to the Vicbärämritasamgraha, the pañchakappa is a work of Samghadasavâchaka, while the jîtakalpa belongs to the Jinabhadragaộiksbama [478]śramaņa.12 We find in it citations from both texts. The jita kaipa is also enumerated in the Ratnasågara, p. 507, as the sixth chhedasútram. Raj. L. Mitra, however (800 p. 227 above), mentions it as the last of his "five Kalpasūtras."
In lieu of commenting upon a text of the name of pañchakalpa I will at least remark on the jîtakalpa, which is mentioned together with it, that a sraddhajîtakalpa in 141 Prakṣitgâthas actually exists. It treats of the prâFaschitta, which suits the character of the cbhéasútras exactly, but is referred to a definite author, Dharmaghôsha, scholar of Dêvêndramuniśvara. In the anonymous commentary on it it is designated as composed upanishatkalpa(!)kalpa-vyavahara-niśîthayatijitakalpânusårêņa. In the commentary reference is paid to the pravachanam as samayikâdibimdusaraparyamtam, and in v. 58 erroneous doctrines and pashandin are treated of in detail. Then the giatthâs (see above, pp. 437, 450, 464). to which the text refers in v. 141, are expressly explained as érînišithâdichhêdagrarthârthasútradharah.13 From all this we may draw the conclusion that the text is closely, [479] if not directly connected with the chhêdasůtras.
We have already mentioned in reference to the mahakappa, Avasy. 8, 55, above pp. 446, 447, that the Nandi in its anangapavittha list recognizes the existence of a mahakappasuam, a chullakappasuam, and a kappiyakappiam. In the scholiast ibid. we find the following explanation : kalpakalpapratipadakam adhyayanam kalpakalpam ; tathå kalpah stbavirakalpâdih, tat pratipâdakam śrutar kalpaárutam, tach cha dvidhâ: kshullakakalpo mahakalpo cha, tatrai 'kam alpagrantham alpârtham, dyitiyam mahậgrantham mahârtham cha. There is, therefore, no doubt but that texts of this class existed.14
MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON THE CHINBOKS, CHINBONS, AND I bounded on the south by the Chinbông, the other YINDUS OF THE CHIN FRONTIER OF BURMA.1 boundaries being the same as those of the
Geography.-The Welaung Chins inhabit the Chinbôks. villages on the head waters of the Myitha river. The Chinbôns inhabit the southern end of the They are bounded on the north and west by Mônchaung and stretch across the Arakan Yomia Baungah8 Chins, on the south by Chinbôks, and
into the valley of the Pichaung. They are on the east by Taungås of the villages round bounded on the south by the Chinbông of the Wébet, which is distant four days' journey. Minbu frontier, on the east by the Burmans, on
The Chinboks live in the hills from the Mol the west by the Arakaneae. River down to the Sochaung. They are bounded History.--The Wêlaung Chins are stated to be on the north by Wêlaung and Baungehê Chins,
of Baungshe origin. The Chinbôks claim a similar on the east by the Burmans, on the west by the
origin. The Yindus state that their origin is Arakan Yomàs, on the south by the Yindu Chins.
similar to that of the Taung Pås, an industrious The Yindus inhabit the valleys of the Salin race, who inhabit the Yo and Myith& Valleys chaung and the northern end of the Môn Valley, I in Burmese territory, and who claim to have come
12 See above, pp. 427, 430, where both texts are counted in with the painnas. There are there several other texts ascribed to Jinabhadra. The passage reads : Jinsbhao Gramapa krito jitakalpah, kshetrasamleah, samgrabant vibeshanavati cha.
13 In the scholiast on Vich Ar Amritasaragraha the following explanation for Jlyakappa is found in citation from the Panchakappa : jar jassa cha pachchhittam &yariyaparampardyaïviruddham joga ya bahuvihi ya leo khalu jiyakappo all; - and the word jiyam is ibid. explained as follows:- jam bahdhim giyatthehim Aiņņain tarin jyam uchitam Achittam ity anaithAntaram vyavahårachårpipithe, jftam nêms prabhatåndkagitarthakita mary&da, tatpratipAdano grantho 'py upaoh ArAt.
14 Compare, also, the title of upanga 9.
1 Notes, dated the 20th April 1890, by Lieutenant E. M. Rainey, Commandant, Chin Frontier Lovy, regard. ing the Chin tribes bordering on the Yd Country in the Pakokku District, and printed originally as a Government paper by the Chief Commissioner, Burma. [The original paper is very difficult reading owing to want of care in composition. -è as aw in 'awful' throughout.-ED.)
· [The word clyaung in such compounds means 'stresm' or ' river.' -ED.)

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216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
from Pôpå Hill. The Chinbons, further south, point out a rock, which they state is the body of a min or official, who was killed in a quarrel with his brother, when they were emigrating from Pôpå, and was turned into a stone. The brother returned to Pôpâ. The Chinbôns claim Burman origin. Further than this the Chins appear to have no history. In appearance they resemble Burmans, though some have better features.
Languages. The four villages on the head waters of the Myitbå speak two dialects: the village of Wêlaung having a dialect of its own, differing from that of the other three.
There are three distinct dialects of the Chinbôk language, the northern, spoken from the Mò to the north bank of the Chè with slight variation; the central, spoken by the south bank of Chè and the Chauksitchaung; the southern, spoken by the Kadin and Sòchaung Chins.
The Yindus speak a language of their own; while the Chinbôns speak a language which is identical with that spoken by the Chins, who live in the Laungshê township, and to whom they are related. There is no written language.
Government. There appears to have been no attempt at government further than an incomplete village system. Each village has a thugyi." The title is hereditary, and does not necessarily indicate a man of influence. There is generally in each group of villages some man (or perhaps two of three), who is looked up to and respected either for being a brave sportsman or raider, or for having a knowledge of Burmese, or for some special qualification. These are the men who really lead the people.
Quarrels are wiped out with blood only. There are no laws, but certain customs, which all observe.*
Religion. There is no religion further than propitiating and consulting nàts or spirits. The Chinbôks appear to be perfect slaves to their nàts (spirits). To propitiate nàts an animal must be slaughtered; buffaloes, bullocks, maiban, goats, pigs, fowls, and dogs are chiefly used for this purpose; the three latter being more commonly used as they are so prolific. All are afterwards eaten, if the offering was sacrificed near home; but when raiding, on a journey, passing through notoriously unhealthy jungles, &c., saorifices are frequently made, animals being carried on purpose. For this purpose dogs are preferred,
[JULY, 1892.
as they follow and require no carriage. Nats are consulted in a similar manner, the direction in which the blood flows, &c., being one of the signs. Eggs are also used for these purposes, being blown as we blow them for egg-collections, i.e., with a hole at each end. They are afterwards painted and stuck on a stick, as also are cocks' feathers. Rows of these sticks are frequently seen across paths.
3 i.e., bijt in Burma the man who actually collects the revenue and is a kind of village headman.
Raids are frequently abandoned at the last moment and after travelling long distances, if the omens are unfavourable. When nàts are consulted or propitiated near home, every one gets drunk off home-brewed rice-beer. Tom-toms, music, and dancing accompany the ceremonies. Nats are sometimes humbugged by the wily Chins, an example of which will be found under the heading Marriages. They do not trouble about a future world. There are no priests.
Medicine.-Medical science and surgery are unknown. No medicines are used. When a person falls sick the nàts are consulted or propitiated: consulted to ascertain if the patient will recover or not; propitiated in hopes that the patient will be spared. The principal diseases are fever, bowelcomplaints, skin diseases, and wounds.
Dress, Arms, Customs, &c.-The Wêlaung and Kwônàn Chins more closely resemble the Baungshês than the Chinbôks; but, as I have seen but little of them, I will not attempt to describe them.
The dress of all the Chinbôks from the Ma down to the Chè is much the same everywhere, though there are slight differences. Those who inhabit the Chauksit, Kadin, and So streams wear a sort of compromise between the dress of the Chinboks and of the Yindus. The dress proper of a Chinbôk man (see Plate 4) consists of a very small langôt, as worn by natives of India when wrestling, and a piece of cloth, about three feet in length and one in breadth, which is folded and hung behind, being suspended by bits of string across the shoulders. The chief object of this cloth is apparently to have something warm to sit upon when the ground is cold. The women weave the clothes, and, when new, they are generally striped red and blue.
The dress of a woman (see Plate 4) consists of a garment like a short jersey without sleeves and with an open V-shaped throat; also of a small lungs, which shows about 6 inches below the jacket. These jackets are also home-made and of similar patterns to the men's garments.
[These have to a certain extent been reduced to writing: vide Maung Tet Pyo's Customary Law of the Chin Tribe. Rangoon, Government Press, 1884.-ED.]

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INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
Plate A
A
A Chinbók man.
A Chinbók woman
CE
Jirar
Chinbôk woman.
Chinhon woman.
Yindu woman.
Prom Irisut. Rainey', Sketches.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Plale B
www
ww1
HL.
Tor
A Yindu man
NI
1,21
NAL
U
Chinbôk in full dress.
A Yindu woman.
From Lieut Rainey's Sketchas

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JULY, 1892.]
MISCELLANEA.
217
In the presence of strangers the women either are also used. Women wear skewers in their stand or kneel. Any other position they could hair, but no feathers. not with modesty or decency assume on account Necklaces are much worn by both men and of their scanty skirts.
women. They are made of beads of all kinds, The men tie up their hair with bits of rag,-red glass marbles with holes drilled through them, for choice. The hair is grown long.
white metal bands, little bells like ferret-bells, In the cold weather men and women wrap
cockspurs, teeth of hog.deer, cockle shells, kauris, blankets of Burmese or European manufacture
coral, and stones, according to fancy. round their shoulders.
Earrings of one pattern only are worn by men ; The Yindu man (see Plate B) wears a largúti,
they are plain flat rings about two inches in diasimilar to that worn by the Chinbôks, and also
meter, supposed to be made of gold, but are pro
bably generally of brass. They can be put on or off a loose blouse, without sleeves and open at the throat, which reaches down to below the knees.
at pleasure by pressing the ends in opposite direcExcept in cold weather, they take their arms out
tions. The elasticity of the metel keeps them of the sleeve-holes and wind the upper part of
closed under ordinary circumstances. The holes
in the ears are much pulled down by the weight the garment round their waists. The dress of
of these rings. The women have large holes in the women (see Plate B) is similar to that of the
their ears, in which they stuff thin strips of Chinbok women, except that the Yindu women,
bamboo tightly rolled up. The only women I as well as the men, wear the blouse I have des
have seen actually wearing earrings were some cribed above in addition to their other garments.
Chinbók women on the Maungchaung, who wore The Yindus also use extra wraps and blankets
bits of telegraph-wire about five inches long bent in the cold weather.
into an oval-shaped ring! The dress of the more civilized Chinbôns is
Bracelets of brass wire are much worn by the exactly similar to that worn by the hundreds of
men, sometimes nearly the whole of the right emigrated Chinbûns, who live in the Laungehê forearm being enveloped in rounds of wire. They township, and closely resembles the dress of the
seldom wear them on the left arm. The women Burmans. The less civilized Chinbôns, who live
do not wear brass, but a white-metal branelet. on the Arakan side of the Yômùs, wear what can hardly be called even an apology for clothing
Wristlets to protect the left arm from the bowIt is stated that some even use the bark of trees
string are always worn by men. Among the Chin. to hide their nakedness. The Biblical fig-leaf
bôks they are made of cane wicker-work lacquered would be more covering than was worn by some
over ; but sometimes a strip of leather is used. of the villagers we met.
These wristlets are about six inches in length
and are frequently ornamented with bells. The Ornaments.--The clothing above described is
Yindus wind a piece of string or rope round their supplemented by various ornaments. To begin
wrists in lieu of the wristlets described above. with, the head is often decorated with coils of beads of different colours, kaurte, &c. Brass
The Chinboks of the Chèchaung wear long brass skewers are generally stuck into the hair, and,
| guards, enveloping the whole of the back of the in the case of the Yindus, are generally beautified
left arm up to the elbow, which are kept in by tassels of goat's hair dyed red or bunches of position by the wristlets. They are intended the teeth of the hog-deer. These skewers are
partly to protect the arm from dagger-wounds used for scratching their heads, which are full when fighting, and partly for ornament. of lice. Sometimes bone, ivory, bamboo, or Arms and Accoutrements.-Among the Chinporcupine quill skewers are worn. Feathers bôks and Yindus every male.carries a bow (see are universally used as head decorations by the Plate C) from the time he begins to toddle. men. Sometimes only a few, generally white cocks', It is made of bamboo, well seasoned by being feathers, are stuck into the topknot, for they smoked for several years over the fireplace wear their hair like Burmans: sometimes the in the hut. It takes five years' seasoning to whole of a cock's tail and part of the back is thoroughly mature a bow. The length of the worn. In the latter case the bird is skinned, and bow of an adult is usually about four feet. It the part to be worn is dried and stretched on is thickest at the centre and tapers to the ends, a bamboo frame with a bamboo skewer to stick where it is notched to hold the string. The into the hair. This arrangement is worn at the string is made of cotton, sometimes plaited with back of the head and presents a peculiarly bamboo and other fibres. When bows are not ludicrous appearance. Green parrots' feathers' in use they are frequently unstrung.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1892.
The arrows are carried in a quiver or basket waist in front to the small of the back behind. (see Plate C) on the left side. They are about a It is worn across the left shoulder, like the sash of foot and a half in length (the shaft being made #military officer, the ends being tied together at of bamboo about the thickness of a pencil), and the right side with a string, to which the dagger are neatly tipped with feathers or bamboo shav. in its bone sheath is attached. In the case of the ings. The heads (see Plate C) are of several kinds. Yindus this armour is frequently made of cane For war purposes and for killing big game iron | basket-work thickly covered with kauris. The heads are used. These again are of different Chinbôks also frequently adorn theirs with kauris shapes and various sizes, some being barbed and and small bells like ferret-belle. some lozenge-shaped. The other heads they use
The arrows are carried as follows:- A neat are hardened-wood points spliced on bone-heads
basket, generally measuring about one foot four for shooting fish,--these are said to be very
inches in depth, one foot eight inches in length, deadly for this purpose,-and, lastly, shafte with
and eight inches in breadth, is slung on the right the points sharpened for shooting birds.
shoulder, hanging therefore on the left side. It The arrows with iron heads carry 150 yards is divided into compartments. Nearest the front and further, and are very deadly, killing bear, a bamboo quiver containing the iron-headed tiger, deer, &c., at 80 yards range. Chins do not arrows is kept in place by cane loops in the basket. poison their arrows, and usually keep them This holds about twelve arrows, and has a top, bright and clean. But, as they use their arrows sometimes of bamboo or canework lacquered over, time after time whenever they can find them and sometimes of bamboo ornamented with red again, and as wounded animals frequently escape beads. This top is attached by a string to the only to die afterwards in the jungles, and as these breastplate, the string being frequently adorned arrows, which are frequently pulled out of the
with small bells. The next compartment in the carcasses of animals in a putrid state, are used basket contains a somewhat smaller bamboo, indiscriminately with those that are clean, blood. which acts as a box for tobacco, tinder, steel, and poisoning is very likely to follow an arrow wound. flint. The tinder used generally consists of This has probably given rise to the idea that they bamboo filings. The lid of this 'box' is generally poison their arrows by sticking them into dead ornamented with red seeds. The rest of the animals.
basket holds a pipe, arrows without heade, and
odds and ends. Outside the basket at the back is The only other weapon which every man carries
fixed a small bamboo holding a spare bowstring. is a dagger (see Plate C) a little over a foot in length, worn in war-time in a bone scabbard on
On the left [P ED.] side a basket, measuring the right side attached to the shield or rather one fopt in depth and length, and eight inches in to the leather breast-plate (see Plate C). When breadth is generally worn. In this food, &c., is
ca.crad in nencefal parauite it is stuck into al carried. It has a compartment, into which the basket, worn on the right side, in which there dagger fits as already described. is a sheath to receive it (see Plate C). The bone The pipes smoked by Chinbôks and Yindus (see scabbard mentioned above is the shoulder-blade
Plate C) are of three kinds :-firstly, a plain bamboo of a buffalo or bullock with a bamboo back. pipe with a bamboo stem a foot long; secondly, a
These daggers are used both for fighting and pipe with a baked bamboo bowl and bamboo stem : for cutting up food, &c. The people make great thirdly, a pipe on the principle of the hubbleuse of them when fighting among themselves, bubble. This last consists of a gourd, in which which they frequently do when drunk. It oosta
some water is kept, and from which a bamboo nothing to stick a knife into a man, while it he
it into a manthila i he tube fitted with a neat earthen bowl, projects were shot with an arrow and afterwards escaped, about an inch from the npper side. The smoke is the arrow-head, which is valuable, would be lost. drawn into the mouth through the end of the
gourd, where it tapers off at its stem. The tobacco Many men carry spears (see Plate 0), which the people smoke is grown by themselves, and resemble Burman spears :-in fact, many are
is very rank and offensive in smell. They are obtained from Burmans.
always smoking. The women smoke as well as Every man wears a kind of leather armour. the men. It consists of a strip of bent buffalo hide, about The Chinbons for the most part carry nothing nine inches to one foot broad, reaching from the bat spears. They have a few guns and a few
(I make out from this that the dagger-basket, Bee Plate C, in the time of peace, is the food basket in time of war.-ED.)

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Plate C.
Dagger
TOLLER
Dagger basket
Arrow Basket
Scabbard a
Breast Plate
72
Tube
101
Www
Liquor Jars.
Pipes and Hubble bubble.
Arrows
GOURD WUBBLE-DUBBLE
From Litut Rainey's Sketchas.

Page #232


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JULT, 1892.)
MISCELLANEA.
219
bows and arrows. They have a square leather weeds have constantly to be kept down, and the shield, which, when on the war.path, they carry in work of weeding falls to the lot of the women, the left hand, and with which they ward off spear who also loosen the ground round the young thrusts and arrows. They have no accoutre- shoots with Dámbyás, which are bought from ments.
Burmans, as soon as the crop is a few inches high. Exports and Imports.-The principal exports The first crop of sàt is reaped in August; other of these Chin tribes are
crops are reaped in November and December. Plantains.
Sat (a small millet). The same ground is cultivated for two years only, Tobacco. Ginger.
as in the third year the grass grows so strongly Indian-corn leaves Pork.
that cultivation is impossible. It is therefore left (for cheroots.) Honey.
until jungle has again grown on it, when, usually Chillies. Beeswax.
after five years.-- it can again be cleared and Turmeric. Cane mate.
cultivated. The principal imports are
Threshing is performed as under:-The grain Salt. Marbles.
in the ear is collected in heaps near the grainBlankets. Trinkets.
huts in the fields, and trodden out by foot on large Sheets. Spears.
cane mate, from which it is transferred into Gaungbaungs. Damarks.7
enormous cane baskets standing over four feet Cotton (raw). Pauktis."
high. Some grains, such as Indian-corn, are Cotton (thread). Iron.
stored loose in the ear in the grain-huts. Needles. Sickles.
The principal crops areDyes. Cattle.
(1) Taungyá paddy. (12) Sugarcane. Brass-wire. Goats.
(2) Sát (a small mil- (13) Plantains. Gongs. Dogs.
let).
(14) Pineapples. Cymbals. Fowls.
(3) Chaiksàn (a large- (15) Chillies. Small bells. Ngapi.
grained millet). (16) Brinjals. (AuBeads. Dumbyàs.10 (4) Millet.
bergine). Agriculture.-The system of cultivation carried (5) Indian-corn. (17) Tomatoes. on by the different sections or tribes on the South (6) Yams.
(18) Pumpkins. Yd frontier is much the same everywhere, and (7) Sweet potatoes. (19) Gourds. the crops produced vary but slightly. It is all (8) Ginger.
(20) Tobacco. taungya" cultivation. No cattle are used in (9) Beans (of various (21) Cotton. ploughing. All the work is done by hand, a great kinds, some an (22) Turmeric. deal being performed by women. The only
inch in length). (23) Onions. exception to this systom of agriculture is that a (10) Peas (of kinds). (24) Garlic. few villages of Chinbôns in the southern end of
(11) Dal. the Môn Valley have a few buffaloes, with which they plough a few paddy-fields; but this industry Much damage is done to the crops by bears, does not prosper, as their more powerful neigh- pigs, and deer, and also by birds. The Yindus bours carry off their cattle to sacrifice to the nats. build huts high up in trees, in which they sit at The first operation in the taungyd system is
night to frighten off the bears. Various scareto clear the jungle off the slopes to be brought
crows are also used to frighten off birds. under cultivation. This work is performed by Grains which require to be husked are treated the men in the month of October with damauks, as follows:-A log is planted in the ground which they buy from the Burmans. The jungle, protruding about three feet. The top is scooped thus cut, lies until quite dry, till it is burnt in out so as to form a deep cup, into which the grain the month of April. The ground is then cleared is dropped and pounded with a club. The Chinand, without further preparation, the grain is bôns, who live in houses near the ground, have planted as follows:-In the right hand a sharpened this log protruding through the floor of their or rather pointed, stick is held, with which holes houses and therefore perform this work inside are drilled into the ground. Into these holes the the house. This work falls on the women, and grain is dropped with the left hand. After this very hard work it is. While cultivating, the
Burmese turbans. 1 dls or knives used for household purpose. & Spades.
Preparation of putrified fish used as a condiment. 19 Trowels. 11 Temporary forest clearing.

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220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1892.
Dogs.
villages are deserted, the people living in tem. porary luts in their fields."
Local Products and Industries. The only local producte, besides agricultural, are
(1) Pottory, which is confined to a few villages only, Myaing on the Môn and Myin on the Maung being the foremost in this industry:
(2) The manufacture of daggers, arrow-heads, and spear-heads confined to certain villages :
(3) The production of lac, which is abstracted from troes in most villages and used in the manufacture of accoutremente, &c:
(4) The production of salt. The largest saltsprings are on the Mò at a place called Sanni, six daing" from Tilin, where 200 viss of salt can be produced daily, and there are other springs further up the stream. These are, however, the only springs of importance. A small quantity of salt is procured at a place on the Chèchaung, three dains from Yayin, a Burman village. The salt is produced by boiling down the water:
(5) Spinning, which is done by the women; all the clothes of a purely national character being made by them. The people import most of their cotton, but grow a little :
(6) The minufacture of mats, brooms, baskets, and such like articles; besides bows, arrows, and accoutrements:
(7) Hunting, as a means of filling the pot, though the people collect heads (of animals) and trophies with a thoroughly sportsmanlike interest. They track their game and shoot it with arrows, bringing down tiger, bear, admbhar, pig, &e. They frequently come to grief and get badly mauled, and many are killed by tigers and bears :
(8) Fishing, which is carefully and systemati. cally carried out in various ways;-a) by shooting the fish with arrows, at which the people are wonderfully skilful; (b) by catching the fish in basket traps, in the manner of the Burmans on this frontier; (c) by catching the fish with nets made locally; (d) by diverting a stream and isolating stretches of it with dams, and then poisoning the fish with the bark of a certain tree, which is stripped off, pounded, and thrown into the water prepared as above.
Forests.-The lower slopes on the Burmese side of the Chin Hills contain some fine teak, especially near the mouths of the Yd, Maung, and Chè streams. Bamboos are plentiful throughout the hills. On the higher slopes are fine fir foreste, oaks of various kinds, rhododendrons, and so on.
12 [A Shân custom also. -Ed.).
Dwarf bamboos, making excellent fodder, were constantly met with, even at heights over 7,000 feet above sea level. There is some cutch on the lower slopes on the Burmese side.
Flora and Fauna.-On the lower slopes the usual flowers and vegetation seen in Burma are met with. Higher up flowers and plants of a colder climate are seen, including orchide, ferns, roses, lawn daisies, marguerites, thistles, mosses; also a shrub with a flower likę hawthorn. The wild animals are :Tigers.
Hare. Bears.
Porcupine. Leopards.
Otter. Pigs.
Wild cats. Deer of many kinds. Jungle fowl. Wild cattle (sain Pheasants(silver). and pyaring).
Partridge. Monkeys.
Many kinds of Apes (Hoolocks).
small birds. The domestic animals are :
Maiban. Pigs.
Fowl.
Goats. All are used for food and sacrifices, and for marriage gifts.
Housos.-The houses resemble those of Burmans, except that they are stronger and better built; the thatch on the roofs being often a foot thick, well put on, and firinly tied down. The foors are frequently of teak or fir planks hewn out of a single tree. The floors are raised three to six feet from the ground. Pigs, gonte, dogs, and fowls lire underneath and all round, and the houses, though otherwise clean, are full of fleas. The fireplaces are similar to those in Burman houses.
During the cultivating season the villages are abandoned and temporary huts are built in the abandoned and tempo fields, as well as sheds for storing grain. To prevent rats from getting into the latter they are ruised six feet or more off the ground, and branches of fir, stalk-ends uppermost, are tied to the posts, because rats cannot run up them. Flat circular boards are also used for the purpose of preventing rats from running up a post, the post passing through a hole in the centre.
Engineering Works.-There are no engineering works on a large scale.
Fishing dams are constructed to isolate reaches of streams in order to catch or poison the fish, or to divert the stream.
13 dainks about 2 miles.

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JULY, 1892.)
MISCELLANEA.
221
Bridges across streams are also made on the eantilever principle. These are wonderful constructions of bamboo and very clever. Other simple bridges are also made, including swing. bridges.
Aqueducts for bringing water into the villages are also ingeniously designed. They are made of bamboos, split so as to form a gutter, along which the water runs. The bamboo gutters are supported, according to the level required, on tripods. A spot higher than the village is chosen as the source of water-supply often nearly half-amile distant. The Chinbôns, who have paddyfields, irrigate them in the same way as the Burmans.
The roads are mere tracks and are not in any way constructed.
Household Furniture, Dishes, &0.-The only articles of furniture to be found in a Chin house are the fireplace and cooking pote, similar to those used by Barmans. Water is kept in ghards, bain boos, or gourds. They eat with their fingers off bits of matting, which take the place of plates.
Each house has a rough loom, spindle, &o., for spinning. In Chinbôn houses the grain-pounders protrude through the floor.
In all houses are found a few baskets containing grain for present use and some liquor jars.
Trophies and Decorations. In the verandah of each Obinbôk or Yindu house are the heads of every animal shot, captured, or killed by the houseowner. The Chinboks also carve boards, or rather posts, about eight feet high, which they erect outside their houses. These iudieate the number of hend of game which the owner has killed. No man is thought much of unless he has a good show of heads and posts. The heads include tiger, bear, sdnbhar, sain, and various kinds of deer, monkeys, and domestic animals. Chinbôns shoot but little.
Raids.---'The objects of raids are to obtain possession of slaves, eattle, money, and property of all kinds; and are never undertaken with the sole objeet of human) head-hunting. They are not only directed against British-Burman subjeets, but also against those dwelling across the Yomàs, and even against another Chin tribe.
The eaptíves taken in raids into Burma are usually held to ransom. The actual process of raiding is accompanied with much bloodshed and cruelty, but the prisoners are well treated if once they reach the village of their eaptors. Women are not outraged.
As captives, women, children, and púngyís, (priests), are preferred: the two former as there is less chance of their effecting their escape than men; the latter because they can obtain such enormous ransoms for their release. Captives are at first placed in stocks, but are afterwards allowed out with a log attached to their legs, and a string to carry it by. To secure the leg to the log a hole is cut through the centre of the log. Through this hole the foot and ankle are inserted, and also a wooden pin so as to make the hole too small to allow of the foot being withdrawn. A string is attached to either end of the log, which the pri. soner holds in his hand when walking, thus taking the weight off the ankle. If it is thought that prisoner is not likely to attempt to escape, the log is removed. Prisoners are obliged to work in the fields, fetch water, husk grain, &c.
Captives, if not quickly redeemed by their own people, are sold from village to village, which renders it very difficult to trace and recover them. They fetch from Rs. 80 to Rs. 300, sometines paid in eash, bat generally in cattle.
Cattle are much prized, and are driven off from the plains, whenever opportunity offers.
Iron is greatly valued for spear and arrow heads, &c. When raiding in Burma the Ching frequently tear off the t'ís (summit ornaments) from pagodas for the sake of the iron they contain.
Certain villages are notorious raiders, cultivating but little and living by raiding. They are a terror to the weaker and more industrious Chin villagers, whom they greatly oppress, and who are consequently frequently driven to raid on Burmaa villages to recoup themselves for the heavy losses they sustain at the hands of their more powerful neighbours. This system of terrorism keeps the Chins the savages we find them. They have no incentive to become prosperous, as they are liable to lose their all, including wives and children, at any moment. They can ransom their relations, if well enough off, but the price demanded is beyond the means of most Chíns.
Raids are organized as follows. The leading man or chief, who wishes to get up a raid, gets men together from his own and other villages. He gives a feast and arranges for rations on the road. All these expenses he defrays, but gets the lion's share of the captives and loot. Quarrels frequently occur, attended with bloodshed, over division of the spoil. The nats are always consulted and, if the omens are unfavourable, the raid is postponed and often abandoned altogether.

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222
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1892.
Moonlight nights are usually chosen for raids domestic animals they keep, and the game and and a "surprise" is always attempted. While fish they shoot and catch. Grain and vegetables retreating they generally spike the path behind are boiled, except chaiksin, which is generally them with bamboos and, if pressed, they often kill roasted, as is also the flesh of animals. They cook their captives. On this account the Burmans like the Burmans, but do not use oil. frequently hesitate to follow them ap.
Except the beer they brew, water is their only Warfare.The Chin system of warfare is beverage. The women draw water in ghards, almost identical with the system of raiding.
gourds or bamboos. When attacking an enemy's village, or a force Drunkenness.-The most remarkable custom encamped, they always attempt a surprise, and of these people is their habit of getting drunk unless they consider themselves very strong, they on every possible occasion. Every and any in. content themselves with harassing a column on cident is an excuse to bring out the beer jars (see the line of march by creeping up and discharg. Plate C)-the arrival of a stranger or visitor, the ing arrows, generally at tbe reur-guard. They birth of a child, a marriage, a death, a case of will also roll down boulders and rocks, if appor- sickness, an offering to or consultation of nats, tunity offers, upon an advancing force, and will are all sufficient excuses for every one present, attempt to burn the jungle through which a men, women, and even tiny children, to get column is passing. They only attempt a front drunk. They frequently keep up these debauches attack when confident of success, and then for days. The liquor is made of grain, boiled and advance yelling and shouting. On the defensive fermented, and varies much in quality, depending they roll down rocks, spike roads, and discharge on the grain used (rice is the best) and the length arrows from behind cover. They do not dig pits. of time the liquor has been kept. Good Chin Chinbók villages are not fenced in any way.
beer is a very palatable drink, much resembling Yindu villages have a thorn or bamboo fence
cider in taste, but more like perry in appearance. which presents no serious obstacle.
The liquor is stored in jars, standing over two
feet in height and filled half full with the ferment. Chinbône stockade with what is known as “ Chin
ing grain. As the liquor is drawn off the jar is stookade-work" and form most.forunidable abettis filled up with water. by felling the bamboo jungle in which their
The liquor is drunk as follows:-A villages are generally built, sharpening the ends of
hollow the bamboos, and planting innumerable spikes.
bamboo, the thickness of a little finger, is thrust There is only one gate to a Chinbôn village and
into the jar, and pressed well down into the it is a very narrow one, approached by a path
grain. The company sit round this and take which admits of men advancing in single file only. 1
sucks in turn. A few of the villages are not stockaded, but built A more civilized way of drawing off the liquor on high poles.
is sometimes followed. A hole is made in the Chin villages are generally built in dense jungle
side of the bamboo above mentioned, the hollow hollows on the sides of the hills. They can
top being stopped up; into this hole another always be taken in rear and commanded, and
bamboo is inserted sloping downwards over the
side of the jar (see Plate C). The host gives a should never be attacked from below. Approaches will always be found to be spiked, and rocks will
Buck to start the liquor running: gourds are
then filled and handed round. be rolled on the advancing column.
Tattooing.--All women have their faces Smoking and Washing.-Men, women, and
tattooed (see Plate A). The process is comeven small children are never without their pipes
menced' when they are small children and and tobacco, and smoke constantly. A descrip
gradually completed, the operatione extending tion has already been given of the different kinds
over bereral years. of pipes they smoke. The tobacco used is grown by themselves and sun-dried. It is very rank.
The Chinbôks cover the face with nicks, lines,
and dots in a uniform design, the women's breasts Chins, especially the Northern Chinbôks, have
being also surrounded with a circle of dots. The the greatest dislike to water. They never wash
Yindus tattoo in lines across the face, showing their bodies, and very seldom touch their faces
glimpses of the skin. The Chinbûns tattoo jet and hands, with water. Their clothes are never
black and are the most repulsive in appearance, washed.
though often fair-skinned. The beauty of a Food and Drink.-The food of the Chine con. woman is judged by the style in which the tattoo sists of the grain and vegetables they grow, the ing has been done. Men are not tattooed at all.

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JULY, 1892.)
MISCELLANEA.
228
Proper Names.-Most Chin villages have Burmese names. Many have two names, one a Chin and the other a Burman name, which causes great confusion. Among themselves they usually talk of a village as So-and-so's village, naming the Djút (headman). Thus, a village of which the headman's name was Nga Tin would be called Nga Tinywê (Nga Tin's Village). The names of men resemble Burman names, but they invariably prefix Nga instead of Maung.
The women's names are curious; they prefix Mi and Ba. The following are examples of names :Men
Women. Nga Kwar.
Mi Ba Do. Nga Shain.
Mi Ba Laung. Nga Cha.
Mi Ba Sôk. Nga Tin. Sanitation.-The villages are kept cleaner than Burman villages, otherwise their sanitary arrangements are similar.
Carrying Loads.-Everything is carried slung across the forehead by a strap, usually in cane baskets about the size of a Burmese paek-bullock's basket. Sometimes there is a second strap, which pasbes across the chest. Even water is carried in this manner, gourds being filled and placed in the basket, or, if gharás are used, the ghara is placed in the basket. A Chin makes nothing of a sixty-pound bag of dra (flour) going over the worst possible tracks.
Music and Dancing.-Musical instruments consist of gongs, cymbals, drums, and bells. There is also & curious kind of banjo made out
ne piece of bamboo & little thicker than & man's wrist and about eighteen inches long. The bamboo used is hollow and cut off at both ends just beyond the joint. Narrow strips of the bamboo are then slit and raised on small pegs without severing the ends; four or five strings are thus formed, which are manipulated with the fingers. The music produced is rather pleasant.
There is no tune, but time is kept on the drums. Dancing, in which both men and women take part, is generally commenced when they are all primed with liquor.
The men brandish spears and dds and shout, or rather yell. By firelight the sight is a curious and pretty one.
Oaths.-Oaths are of several kinds and are supposed to be binding. The one most feared is drinking water that has been poured over the skull of a tiger.
Another oath is partly Burmese, [P ChineseED.) in origin. The terms of the oath are written on paper and burnt, while the swearing parties place the butts of their arms, spears, dds, guns, bows, arrows, &c., in a basin of water. The ashes of the paper are then mixed with the water and drunk by the parties concerned.
Another oath is drinking blood. In all oaths much liquor is drunk. It is doubtful whether oaths are of any value.
Births, Marriages, Deaths.-All these are great oceasions and necessitate sacrifices to the nats, feasting, and much drinking, accompanied by music and dancing.
When a child is born the nats are consulted to ascertain if it will live or die.
Marriage among the Chinbôks is a lore affair, and takes place at about twenty years of age. The young man proposes and, if accepted, the consent of the girl's parents is asked. They, it they approve of the suitor, consult the nate to see if the marriage will be a lucky one.
If the omens are favourable, one maiban at least must be given to the bride's parents. If the bridegroom has not got the value of a maiban, he promises to pay by instalments and takes possession of the bride at once. If the girl has many necklaces, several maiban must be given. A big drink and feast follows, and sacrifices to the nats.
If, however, the omens prove unfavourable and the young couple are nevertheless anxious to be married, the nats are periodically consulted until they are favourable. This always must happen in time, if the nats are only consulted frequently
The Yindu marriage customs are different. Among them the love is one-sided. The would be bridegroom selects the lady of his fancy and goes to her father's house with ten pairs of earrings, or their value, and demands the girl, giving the father the earrings. The girl is immediately handed over to him, whether willing or not, and whether the parents approve of the match or not. The usual drinks and ceremonies follow.
4This oonfusion is universal in the East, e.g., an average Pathan village has six names; an average Sikkim village has five; & Kasmir village has four, and may. have nine ; in the Amherst Distriot a village or place will have ordinarily a Burmese, Talning, ShAn and Tsung 80 name, to which may be superadded - Pali name
also. See my papers on the Tal-Chotiali Route, J. R. G. 3., Vol. L., and J. 4. 8. B., Part II. for 1882, and my Edition of Sir E. Temple's Journals kept in Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim, and Nepal, 1887, preface, pp. xviiixxi-ED.]
(Bee anto, Vol. XX. p. 4234: ED]

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224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[JULY, 1892.
There are no divorces. If a man's wife is carried off by another man, as frequently happens, the husband kills his rival, if he can, and takes back his wife.
There is no restriction as to the number of wives allotted to one man. If a man dies, his brother must take his wife and children. In this way one man may accumulate many families.
On a death occurring all the friends assemble and drink. A maiban, or other suitable sacrifice, is slain. The number of days the body is kept, and consequently the duration of the festivities, depends on the age and importance of the deceased. The body is eventually carried far into the jungle to a burial-ground on the ridge of a hill, where it is burnt. The charred bones are collected and, together with the clothes of the deceased, are placed in an earthen pot.
The pot is, amongst the Chinbôks and Yindus, then placed on the ground under a slab of stone supported on four upright stones. In the Chinbôk and Yindu country there are large cemeteries of these stones, some of which are of enormous size and must have taken great labour to bring from the places where they abound to the burial-ground.
The Chinbông do not use stones, but erect miniature houses, which are models of the style of architecture of the particular village to which the deceased belonged, being either raised on poles or not, as the case may be. In these houses, which form miniature villages, the pots are placed. Those Chinbôns who have emigrated to and died in Burma, are cremated where they die, but their bones are carefully collected and sent in a pot to be placed in the cemetery of the village, to which they or their forefathers originally belonged.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SOCIAL CUSTOMS IN SOUTHERN INDIA. about half a dozen peacock feathers. As snakes When a young Brahman visits or takes leave have a very acute sense of smell, and as the of an elderly man of his caste and sect, either
smell of these two things is very repugnant to in consequence of age or learning, the custom them, they will always keep away. The above is is for the younger to prostrate himself before
said to be very effective in the case of cobras. the elder and to receive his blessing.
Snake charmers in Southern India havo often In poor Brahmap houses, a widow is the chief
been seen to catch cobras with their right hand, cook and she performs almost all the menial work
while keeping a small stick in their left hand.
This stick is always besmeared with onion in the house. She gets up early in the morning and shuns the presence of everybody else in the
juice. house, as it is superstitiously believed that if any. A pinch of tobacco snuff thrown over the head body sees a widow's face on rising from his bed of a cobra acts as chloroform and the cobra he will have bad luck during the day. Even her benumbed as it were. own children, if she has any, are averse to seeing It is considered a great sin to kill a cobra. her face in the morning, and she herself, knowing
When a cobra is killed the people generally burn the evil that would arise, will not approach them.
it as they do human bodies. A man who has killed When a person starts on a journey or on any
a cobra considers himself as polluted for three special errand, if a widow comes before him, it is
days or at least for ninety hours, and in the an evil omen. On entering upon her widowhood,
second day milk is poured on the remains of the a woman takes off the hair on her head, and a
cobra. On the third day he is free from pollution. portion of her waist cloth is put round her head. She usually tuns very religious, takes only one
SUPERSTITIONS ABOUT ANIMALS IN meal a day, and sets aside all worldly pleasures.
SOUTHERN INDIA. She is also prohibited from singing on marriage The Indian screech owl or desth-bird is occasions.
held in great fear by the Hindus of Southern K. SRIKANTALIYAR. India. If this bird happens to sit on the roof
of a house and screech thrice, it is said that the SCPERSTITIONS AS TO SNAKES IN MADRAS, chief member of the house will die within one week Take half a measure full of native onions and
from that date. make about three or four dozen small bags, put If bees build a nest in any part of a house, it is half a dozen onions into each and then tie np the said that the chief member of the house will die bags at some small distance from each other to within one month from that date. the rafters under the tiles, or tie up to the rafters
K, SRIKANTALIYAR.

Page #239

BYBTEX OF TRANSLITERATION The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, anbmitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - 18 this: Banskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration,
भ
ja
jha
$3 $
tha
431 # al mig
dha
tha
da
123 23 63 83
dla
.28a & UAE U 21 adalad & 3
na
$
Visarga
pa pla ba bha ma
Visarga Jihvdmálfya, or old
Visarga before a
and a Upadhmántya, or old Visarga be.
fore and Anystdra Anundsikt
Anusvdra
Iba K
glia
in
218
cha
chla
ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single byphen is only used in the ordinary wey, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line: intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing neceesilies, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hypben is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and
bat the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordini texte, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are much damaged and nearly illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to wad. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #240


Page #241

Acoust, 1892.]
BHARAUT INSCRIPTIONS.
225
BHARAUT INSCRIPTIONS.
BY E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.; BANGALORE. THE remains of the Buddhist Stupa of Bharaut were discovered in 1873 by General
1 Sir A. Cunningham, who very judiciously saved most of them from destruction by removal to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. His richly illustrated monograph The Shipa of Bharhut (London, 1879) contains eye-copies and tentative transcripts and translations of the Bharaut inscriptions, both of those which are now at Calcutta, and of those which remain in situ. Part of the Calcutta inscriptions have been minutely treated by Dr. Hoernle. With the kind permission of Dr. Anderson, Superintendent of the Indian Museum, I prepared mechanical copies of all those at Calcutta in 1885 and published them with German translations. The importance which the Bharaut inscriptions undoubtedly possess on account of their antiquity, now induees me to republish my German paper, with some additions and corrections, in English, and thus to make it more generally accessible.
The age of the Bharaut inscriptions is approximately fixed by the inscription No. 1, which records that the East gateway of the Stûpa was built "during the reign of the Sungas,” ise., in the second or first century B. C., by Vätsiputra Dhanabhati. From the manner in which he refers to the Suigas, it may be concluded that this king was one of their tributaries. One of those inscriptions which have not been removed to Calcattat contains the name " of princo Vadhapala (i. e., Vyadhapala ?) the son of king Dlanabhäti." At the beginning of another fragment, one is tempted to conjecture tisa instead of kasa, the reading of General Cunningham's eve-copy, 5 and to translate : -“The gift of Nagarakhita (i. e., Någarakshitâ) the wifo of king
Dhanabhû]ti." A gift by some later Dhanabhûti is recorded in a Mathura inscription, which has been removed to Aligadh.
With the exception of No. 1, the Bharaut inscriptions do not contain any historical information. They are simply labels which record the names of the donors of the pillars (stamoha) or rails (suchi) on which they are engraved, or explain the subjects which some of the reliefs represent. The following towns from which some of the donors hailed, are incidentally mentioned :- Bhôgavardhana, Bhôjaknţa, Bi[m]bik[A]na[n]dikata, Kåkandi, Karahakata. Kubjatinduka (?), Mayûragiri, N[an]d[i]nagara, Påtalipatra, Parika, Sirishapadra, Sthavirakūta and Vaidiša. The epithets Chikulaniya or Chekulana, Chudathilika and Dabhinika appear to be likewise derived from names of localities, the Sansksit originals of which are, however, doubtful. In General Canningham's eye-copies of those inscriptions which were not removed to Calcutta, occur : - Karahakata (Plate lv. No. 96), Moragiri (No. 95), Nasika (No. 87) and Vedisa (No. 100, and Plate lvi. No. 1); also Bhojakataka, 'a resident of Bhôjakata' (Plate lvi. No. 46), Kosabeyeka, 'a female resident of Kausâmbi' (Plate liv. No. 53), and Selapuraka, 'a resident of Sailapura' (Plate lv. No. 91). Among these geographical names, Kaunambi, Nasika, Pataliputra and Vaidika are the modern Kósam, Näsik, Patna and Bêsnagar.
Of the Buddhist scenes which are represented in the sculptures and referred to in the inscriptions, part are still obscure, and part have been successfully identified by General Cunningham. The most interesting among these representations are the Jatakas, or supposed previous births of the founder of the Buddhist creod. As will be seen from the subjoined table, & considerable namber of them have been traced by the Rev. Subhûti, Professor Rhys Davids, and myself, in the Pali collection of Jatakas, for the publication of which we are indebted to the scholarship of Professor Fausboll.
1 As stated by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 188, note 1, this appears to be the correct spelling of the name. General Cunningham uses the form Bharhut.
1 ante, Vol. X. pp. 118 ff. and 255 ff. Vol. XI. pp. 25 ff. : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. pp. 58 #f. Stúpa of Bharhut, Plate lvi. No. 54.
Ibid. No. 67. • Ibid. Plato liii. No, 4, and Arch. Survey of India, Vol. III, Plate xvi. No. 21.

Page #242

226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1892.
Below, No. 3. Maghadeviya jataka.
Fausboll's No. 9. Makhadeva-játaka. → 6. Sujato gahuto jataka.
» » 352. Sujâta-játaka. Bidala-jata[k]a, (alias) » » 7.
→ 383. Kukkata-ja-aka. "
Kukuta-jataka. 10. Isi-migo jataka.
.. . .. . . . .. . .. . . . 12. Kinara-jậtakam.
Vol. IV. pp. 252 to 254. 14. Uda-jataka.
No. 400. Dabbhapuppha-játaka. 13. Secbha-jataka.
» 174. Dùbhiyamakkata-játaka. 17. Bhisaharaniya jatakan).
488. Bhisa-jûtaka. 32. Någa-játaka.
» 267. Kakkata-játaba. 37. Miga-játakam.
482. Raru-jậtaka(?). 72. Yavamajhakiyan játakan, 85. Chhadartiya játakam.
» » 514. Chhaddanta-jatake. 86. Vitura-Punakiya jatakan.
. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. 109. LaļuvA-játaka.
,
357. Latakika-játaka. , 155. M[u]ga(pa]k[i]y[e]j[A]ta[ka]. ................... „ 156. Isis[imgiya já]taska).
528. Alambusa-jậtaka. ,,157. Yam bram[h]ano avayesi jatakan.
» 62. Andabhâta-jậtaka. ,, 158. Hamsa-jataka.
, 32. Nachcha-játaka. Cunningham's Plate xxvii. No. 9.
206. Kurangamiga-jataka. » » » 13.
, 181. Asadisa-jậtaka. » » » 14.
„ 461. Dasaratha-játaka. , xxxiii. , 4.
, 407. Mahâkapi-jậtaka. ,, xliii. , 8.
» 12. Nigrôdhe miga-jataka. xly., 5.
► Nog. 46 and 268. Aramadusaka-játaka. It appears from the above table that the titles of the single Játakas in the Bharaut inscrip. tions generally differ more or less from those which are adopted in the standard redaction of the Játaka book. A very curious proof for the antiquity of the verses which are handed down to us in the Jataka book, is afforded by the inscription No. 157, which quotes the first pada of one of these verseg.7 As discovered by the late Professor Childers (Páli Dictionary, p. ix, note 3), an alınost literal quotation from the Life of Buddha, which is prefixed to the Játaka book (Vol. I. p. 92), occurs in the inscription No. 38. The announcement of the future conception of Buddha (No. 80), his descent to earth (No. 98), and the festival in honour of his hair-lock (No. 78), are referred to in the seme introduction to the Játaka, Vol. I. pp. 48, 50, and 65.
The assembly (of ascetics) with matted hair' (jatila, No. 13) is probably intended for UruvolaKassapa and his followers (Vol. I. p. 82 f.). The Indrašala cave (No. 99) corresponds to the Indrasaila cave of the Northern Buddhists, who also mention the visits of king Prasênajit of Kosala and of the serpent king Airavate to Buddha (Nos. 58 and 60). The visit of Ajátaśatru (No. 77) is described in the records of both Northern and Southern Buddhists.
In the inscriptions, Buddha is generally designated Bhagavat, the Blessed one,' and once (No. 46) Sakyamuni, Of the former Buddhas the following are named: - Vipaśyin, Viśvablů, Kakutsamdha, Konagamana, Kaśyapa. The inscriptions also mention Sudharmi, the hall of the gode,' Vaijayanta, the palace (of Indra),' the two classes of deities called Kamavachara and Suddhîvâsa, and give the names of four celestial nymphs (apsaras), three goddesses (dévata), one angel (dévaputra), one vidyddhara, six male and two female yakshas,
7 The chief story of the fifth book of tho Pafchatantra is closely related to the Chatudvdrajataka (Fausboll's No. 489). At the beginning of the Panchatantra story oocure the following verse (No. 22 of the Bombay edition): -
अति लोभी न कर्तव्यो लोभमेव परित्यजेत् । अतिलोभाभिभूतस्य चक्र धमति मस्तके ॥ The fourth pada of this verso la idention with that of the 5th verse of the Chatudvdrajataka, the second half of which reads : ichchhahatassa pásassa chakhash bhamati matthake.

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and two serpent kings (någardja). Baddhistical terms are: - chaitya, bôdhi or bodha, bidhichakora and dharmachakra. The mention of donors who were versed in the Pitakas, (No. 134), in the Satranta (No. 95) and in the five Nikdyas (No. 144) proves that the Buddhist canon and its subdivisions were known and studied in the second or first century B. C. Among the donors are one householder (grihapati), one trooper (asvaváriku), one sculptor (rúpakdraka), four preachers (bhdnaka) and twelve nuns (bhikshumi). Others are characterised as members of the priesthood by the epithet reverend' (Arya or bhadanta).
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS.
No. 1 (Cunningham's Plate liii. No. 1). 1 Suganam raje raño Gâgi-putasa Visadevasa 2 pauteņa Goti-putasa Ågarajusa puteņa 3 Vâchhi-putena Dhanabhätina karitam torann 4 silê-kammato cha upamņa.10
Daring the reign of the Sungas, - Vatsi-putra Dhanabhati, the son of Gaupti-putra AngAradyutil (and) grandson of king Gargi-putra Vibvadeva, caused (this) gateway to be nade, and the stone-work1 arose.
No. 2 (liii, 1.b). Aya-Någadevasa dânam. The gift of the reverend Nagadáva.
No. 8 (liii. 2 b; Hoernle's No. 5). Maghadeviya jataka. The játaka (which treats) of Makhadova.
No. 4 (liii. 3 b; Hoornle's No. 6). Dighatapasi sise anusâsati. Dirghatapasvin instructs (his) pupils.
No. 5 (liii. 4 b.; Hoernle's No. 7). Abode châtiyam.13 The chaitya on (Mount) Arbuda.
No. 6 (liii. 5). Sujato gahuto jataka. The já taka (entitled) "Sujata caught. "14
No. 7 (liii. 6). Bidala-jatara 15 kukuta-jataka. The cat játaka, (also called) the cock játaka.
No. 8 (liii. 7). Dadanikamo chakama. The enclosure (called) Dandanish krama (?).
. The text of Nos. 1 to 154 is transcribed from impressions which I prepared at Caloutts in 1885. A facsimile of No. 1 is found ante, Vol. XIV. p. 189, and facsimiles of Nos. 3 to 15, 17 to 51, 55 to 151, and 159 in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. pp. 60 and 70.. • Read toranan (I instead of D.
10 Read upanno (1 instead of I). 11 As suggested by Dr. Buhler, this name has to be explained by Angara[ka] ia dyötata ity Angaradyut, shining like the planet) Mars. The ouatom, in accordance with which each of the three kinga bears & secondary name derived from the gótra of his mother, has descended through the Andhras to the Kadambas and Chalukyas ; se Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 5, note 2.
11 See Childers' Pau Dictionary, s. v. lammanto. 18 Possibly & clerical mistake for chetiyan.
# Gahuto (Sanskrit grihttan) appears to mean either surprised' or 'anderstood' (by his father); see the Sujdtajataka, Fausboll's No. 852.
10 This is a clerical mistake for jataka (i.. jdtakar).

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No. 9 (liii. 8). A sada vadhu susane sigálato fati.17 The woman Ashadha, who has observed the jackals on the cemetery.
No. 10 (lii. 9). Isi-migo jataka. The játaka (entitled "the antelope of the saint."
No. 11 (liii. 10; Hoernle's No. 1). Niga-samadaka [m] chetaya.18 The chaitya which gladdens the antelopes.
No. 12 (liii. 12). Kinara-játakam. The Kinnara játaka.
No. 13 (liii. 13). Jațila-sabha. The assembly (of ascetics) with matted hair.
No. 14 (liii. 14). Uda-jataka. The játaka (which treats) of the two) otters.
No. 15 (liii. 15; Hoernle's No. 4). Sechha-jataka. The saikshal9 játaka.
No. 16 (liii. 16). 1 Karahakata-nigamasa 2 dana. The gift of the city of Karahakata.20
No. 17 (liii. 17). Bhisaharaniya jataka[m). The játaka (which treats) of the stealing of the lotus-fibres.
No. 18 (liii. 18; Hoernle's No. 8). Veduko katha dohati Nadode pavate. Vêņuka 21 milks22 katha23 on Mount Nadoda.
No. 19 (liii. 19; Hoernle's No. 9). Jabů Nadode pavate. The jambú (tree) on Mount Nadoda.
No. 20 (liii. 20; Hoernle's No. 2). U..... Janako râja Sivala devi. ..... King Janaka. Queen Sival4.24
16 Read sigole (acc. plur.) ? 17 nati probably represents the Sanskrit jnatri, as keta in No. 88 stands for kreta.
18 It remains doubtful whether the vowel a in the second syllable of this word is due to a clerical omission of the sign for i, or if it is the expression of an indistinct pronunciation of the vowel i. Compare Sabhada for Subhadrdan Ajätasata for Ajatašatru in Nos. 52 and 77.
19 See Childers' Pili Dictionary, s.v. sekho.
20 Karahikadaka, a resident of KarahAkada,' decurs in the Kuda inscription No. 18, Arch. Survey of W. India, Vol. IV. p. 87. Karahakata or Karahákada is probably identical with Karahataka, which is referred to in a Råshtrakuța inscription of Saka 675 (ante, Vol. XI. p. 110), and with the modern Karhad in the Sattard district.
21 According to No. 63, this person was a gardener. Vēļuka, 'little reed,' occurs in the Jataka No. 43 as the name of a snake.
22 See the corresponding relief, Stipa of Bharhut, Plate xlviii. No. 9.
23 This word may be meant for katha (PAli kattha, Sanskřit kushtha), or, according to Dr. Bühler, for kvatha or kratha, 'a decoction.'
2. Similar formations are Ahila and Vasula in the Kuda inscriptions, and Himala, Isila and Sivald in the Amaravati inscriptions.

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No. 21 (liii. 21 ; Hoernle's No. 3). Chitupida-sila. The Chitrôtpata rock.25
No. 22 (liii. 1 c). Vedisa Chapadevîyâ Revatimita-bhariyâya pathama thabho dînan. The first pillar (is) the gift of Chapadêve, the wife of Rêvatimitra, from Vaidiba.
No. 23 (liii. 2 c). Bhadamtasa 20 aya-Bhutarakhitasa Khujatidukiyasa dânam. The gift of the lord, the reverend Bhatarakshita, from Kubjatinduka(?).
No. 24 (liii. 3 c). Bhagavato Vesabhuno bodhi salo. The súla (which coas) the bólhi (tree) of the blessed Visvabha.
No. 25 (liii. 4 c). Aya-Gorakhitasa thabho dânań. A pillar, the gift of the reverend Gorakshita.
No. 26 (liii. 5 b, 6 b). Aya-Pathakasa thambho da nam Chula koka devata. A pillar, (representing the goddess Kshudrakoka, 27 the gift of the reverend Panthaka.
No. 27 (liii. 7 b). 1 Dabhinikaya Mahamukhisa dhitu Badhika2 ya bhichhuniya dânam. The gift of the nun Badhika, the daughter of Mahamukhi, from Dabhina(?).
No. 28 (liii. 8 b). 2 Pataliputi Nagasenya Kodi1 yâniya dînam. The gift of Nagaséna, a Kodyani,29 from Pataliputra.
No. 29 (liii. 9 b). 1 Samanaya bhikhaniya Chudathilikâyà 2 dânam. The gift of the nun Sramaņ430 from Chudathila.
No. 30 (liii. 11 b). Bhagavato Konigamenas 31 bodhi. The boni (tree) of the blessed Konagamana.
No. 31 (liii. 12 b). Bhojakatakîya Diganagay[e] bhichhuniya danno. The gift of the nun Dinnaga from Bhojakata.32
* Chitri utpat yatra 81 sila,' the rock whero miraculous portents happen.' The Pali uppada represents both utpada and utpåta; compare Anddhao for Anotha in No. 88.
26 tasa looks like tdso, and the ta of Bhuta liko ta.
27 i. e..the little Koka. Her counterpart, the big Kôka,' is mentioned on Plate lv. of the Stapa of Bharhnt, No. 98, which reads :- Mahakoka devata.
38 Perhaps Bödhika has to be restored. The name Bödhi occurs in three Kuda inscriptions.
29 Kodiyani, which is found again in No. 100, might be the feminine of Kodiya (No. 63), compare arya-aryliti, and kshatriya-kshatriyin. On the Kidyas, & tribe residing near and related to the SAkyss, see Dr. Kern's Buddhismus, translated by Jacobi, Vol. I. pp. 174 and 295. Besides, Kodiyani might correspond to the patronymic Kaundiny Ayant; compare Kachchana = KAty Ayana, and Moggallina = Maudgalyayana.
30 It follows from Nos. 103 and 104, that Sramaņi is heis used as a proper name.
31 In the fourth syllable of Konigamenasa we appear to have a case of short (Prikrit) e for Sanskrit a. Short for i occurs in Petakin (No. 134) for Pitakin, and Seri (No. 149) for Sirt (81); short o for u in Aboda (No. 5) for Arbuda; long & for 4 in the termination yt (No. 65, 106, 120, 121, 116, 148 and 150) for yar; and long for din tim (No. 130) for ding. The first syllable of bodhi is injured and looks like be.
32 According to a grant of the VAkataka king Pravarasena II. the village of Charmáóka,--the modern Chammak the Ilichpur district,-belonged to the Bhojakata-rajya ; see Dr. Floet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 236.

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No. 32 (liii. 13 b). Naga-játaka. The elephant játaka.
No. 33 (liii. 14 b). 1 Bib[i]k[A]nadikața Budhino gahapatino 2 dânam. The gift of the householder Buddhi (from) Bimbikanandikata (?).
No. 34 (liii. 15 b). Supavaso Yakho. The Yaksha Supravrisha (?).
No. 35 (liii. 16 b) Dhamagutasa dana thabho. A pillar, the gift of Dharmagupta.
No. 36 (liii. 17 b). 1 Bibikanadikața Suladhasa asavärika2 5233 danan. The gift of the trooper Sulabdha (from) Bimbikanandikata.
No. 37 (liii. 18 b, 19 b). 1 Pusasa thambho dânam 2 miga-játakam. A pillar, (representing) the antelope jdtaka, the gift of Pushya.
No. 38 (liii. 20 b). Jetavana Anadhapediko deti koţi-samthatena keta. Anathapiņçika gives Jótavana, (which) he has bought by a layer of crores (of gold pieces).
No. 39 (liji, 21 b). Kosa[m]ba-kati. The hall at Kaubambi.
No. 40 (liii. 22 b). Ga[n]dhakuti. The hall of perfumes,34
No. 41 (liii, 23). Dhamarakhitasa dûnam. The gift of Dharmarakshits.
No. 42 (liji. 24). Chakavako Nagaraja. Chakravaka, the king of serpents.
No. 43 (liii. 25). V[i]rudako Yakh[o]. The Yaksha Virudhaka.35
No. 44 (lii. 26) Gamgito Yakho. The Yaksha Gangita.
No. 45 (liv. 27; Hoernle's No. 17). Aya-Isidinasa bhậnakasa dânam. The gift of the reverend Rishidatta, a.preacher.
13 Bend "vdrikasa. 4 On gandhakuti see ante, Vol. XIV. p. 140, "and Arch. Survey of W. India, Vol. V. p. 77. * Soe Böhtlingk and Roth's Sanalepit-Wörterbuch, s. 7., and Childer