Indian Antiquary Vol 44

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 85

APRIL, 1915.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI
79
IST PLURAL: ját chad amhe “We are going " (P. 649) amhe karai chau We are doing" (Şaşt. 115) etc.
Modern Gujarati adopts the game form and so also Marwari, except that it changes che, chai into ha, hai eto.
$ 119. The imparativa tenso is made up purtly of the old potential, partly of the old imperative, and partly of the present indioative.
IST SINGULAR : Does nowhere occur in the pure imperative meaning, but is obviously formed from the 1st singular present indicative. In the last of the examples quoted at the end of $ 117, der may be caid red as an imparative as well.
2ND SINGULAR : Ends in i as in Apabhrança (š, č, sea Pischel's Prak. Gr., 461). Ex.: sevi Bh, 102, Indr. 100), virami (Bh. 25, Indr. 13), kari (Kal. 39, Adi O., P. etc). With roots ending in a the i termination contracts with this vowel ($ 14), as in the examples: tha (Indr. 100), ja (P. 217), kâyara tha me mu "Do not be a coward !" (P. 193). In poetry. è is often substituted for i, ex.: karê (P. 250, 255), migi (P. 223, 233), ghâle (Kanh, 73), bolé (F 722, 4) etc. Quite exceptional are forms in oe in prose, like kahe and thaye which occur in Adic. When used in poetry, the ending é is no doubt introduced only to suit the exigencies of prozody, when a long quantity is required. I would explain it either as a survival of an intermdiate form between Sanskrit eh and Apabhramça and Old Western Rajasthani ě, oi, or-which is practically the same as a lengthening of the latter vowels. For comparison's sako let my quote Old Western Rajasthani joê (P. 358), which is identioal with Apabhrauca joi (Sid thahem., iv, 364, 368), from Sanskrit dyoteh (Pischel, 461). In P. there occur thros instances of forms in • aï, namely rahaï (P. 430, 826) and kzhzi (P. 533), which are possibly but strong forms of rahi, kahi according 1 4, (2).
3RD SINGULAR: Ends in aü (weak formou, § 11, (1)) as in the Apabhramça, from Sanskrit atu. Examples: chaü (Kal. 7, 19), haii (F 644).
IST PLURAL: Is apparently identical with the lst plural of the present indicative, as in the Apabhraica. The two examples, however, which I have met with in Dag. are not nasalized : ma thaü "Let us not become !" (Doç. i, 13), amhs lahu "Let us take !" (Daç. i, 4).
2ND PLURAL: Takes the termination aü (ou), from Apabhramça ahu < Skt.atha. Examples are: karaü (Bh. 9), sunaü (P. 29), jou (Bh. 15, 74, P. 291), avaü (Adi C.), diu (P. 294) etc. The ending aü is sometimes, though very rarely, changed to iu, as in: padikkhasiu (Bh. 3), bhaņaviu (P. 25).
3RD PLURAL: The regular ending ought to be al (i) as in the present indicative, from Apabhramça ahi. The only instance of this form I have come across is Indr. 76, where the MS. in Florence (F 579) reads padai, and that in the India Office Library (S. 1561, c.) padaü.
The prohibitive imperative is formed by the aid of the prohibitive adverbs, for which gee & 103. For the prohibitive-imperative future see ( 121.
$ 120. Of the procative tense or, as it is commonly, though improperly, termed, respectful imperative, Old Western Rajasthan presents more evidence than any of the modern cognate vernaculars. Whilst in the latter the use of this tense is confined to the 2nd person singular and plural, in Old Western Râjagthân traces are still surviving of the use of other persons also, namely of the 1st and 3rd singular. From this we may gather that in origin this tense was rogularly conjugated through all persons and numbers. The terminations for the persons that are evidenced are the following: