Indian Antiquary Vol 31

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032523/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY. FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., LIEUT. COLONEL, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXXI.-1902.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
.65
The Name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.. PAGE
PAGH TEX LATE PRoT. G. BÜHLER, C.I.E., LL.D. - 36 REY. A. H. FRANCKE:E. K. Burgose.
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA ... 32, 147 K. K. BURGESS:
LADAKHI SONGS (with the aid of the Rev. 8.
RIBBACR and Dr. E. SHAWE) ... ... 87, 304 THE SUXEITABAXKIRTANA OY ARIBIMHA (trans
NOTES ON Rock CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH, 898 lated from the German of the lato Professor G. BÖHLIR, C.L.E., LL.D., Vienna, under the GEO. A. GBIERSON, P.D., O.I.E.:direotion of JAKAS BURGAS, C.L.E., LL.D.) ... 477
NOTE ON THE Koxt-CHIN LANGUAGES .. . 1 JAMES BURGESS, C.L.E., LL.D. :
B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. :EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF COLONEL
NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA COLIN MACKENZIE'S PANDIT OF HIS ROUTE
(with a Note by H. A. Ross) ... ... ... 293 TROX CALCUTTA TO GAYA DX 1820
J. KIRSTE :The Sanskrit Version of Euclid ...
THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION ... .. .. 5 Destemals, Sgarderberal, &o. ..
STEN KONOW, Ph.D. - GEO, A, GRIERSON, A. BUTTERWORTH:
PE.D., C.I.E. Koneti Bayi ... ... ... . .
TAW SEIN KO:T. DESIKA CHARI, B.A., B.L. :
The Derivation of the Burmese Word " PinthaBoxca UNPUBLISHED MA'ABAR COINS ... ... 231
gugyi" ... ... ... ... .. .. .. 360 T. M. LANGA CHARI, B.A. - T. DESIKA K. P. PADMANABHA MENON, B.A., B.L. :CHARI, B.A., B.L.
DISCURSIVE NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A.: -
PLACE-NAMES ... ... ... ... ... ... 336 ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHAPTERS OF
AKSHAY KUMAR MOJUMDAR :PEITRIRAJ RASO .. ... ***
THE RAMAYAN -A CRITICISM .. .. GEO. F. D'PENHA:
BABU P. C. MUKHARJI :The Life of the Palliyars ... .. ...
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OF EXCAA Fire and Car Festival, Travancore
VATIONS AT PATNA .. ... .. ... 37, 195 DONALD FERGUSON :
G. K. NARIMAN :LETTERS FROM PORTUGUNE CAPTIVES IN CAN.
TI RELIGION OF TAE IRANIAN PEOPLES, BY THE TON, WRITTEN IN 1584 AND 1596 .. .. 10, 59
LATE Peor. C. P. TIEL* (translated into # Fan Jin" and "Frang!"
... ... .. 950
English)... ... ... ... ... ... 298, 365 J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.:
G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU:NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY :
Boxe MILESTONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE: - The Want plates of A. D. 807 O A. D. 807
317
The Age of Bhima Kavi .. . ... ... 329 The Sigit plates of A. D. 933 ... ... 219
The Age of Vemana ... .. ... .. ... 401 The Kharda plates of A. D. 972 ... ...
TULA-KAVERI-MAHATHYA ... ... .. . 444 The Chionoole plates of Nandaprabhafija
CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.: varman The Chokkhakati grant of A, D. 867 ... ... 254 A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S The Sunt plates of A D. 1051 ... ..
HOBBON-JOBSON OR GLOBBABY OF ANGLOThe introli-Ohharoli plates of A. D. 757 ... 829 INDIAN WORDS ... 106, 157, 213, 284, 822, 358, The une and bearing of the words odstavya and
887, 429, 471, 509 vi m rgata
M. R. PEDLOW: ... ... ... ... .
1 The Nanskel plates of A. D. 706 ... ... ... 867
Saperstitions among Hindus in the Central
... The Nausart plates of A. D. 817 ...
...
Provinces ... .. .. .. ... .. 21 A partionlar instance of the use of the word ARTHUR A. PERERA datavya ... ..
GLIXP8E8 OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LITE - The two note of plates from Bagamra of A
(1) Domestic Ceremonies ... ... ... ...
SIDNEY H. LAY:WILLIAM FOSTER:
NOTES ON Sre RICHARD C. TEMPLE'S THEORY OF LETTERS FROM MADRAS IX 1669 - ... 182 UNIVERSAL GRAXKAR .. ..
***
851
891
... 392
255
- 185

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CONTENTS.
....
... 215
PAGH
PAGE H. A. ROSE:
NOTRS ON MALAGASY CURRENCY BEVORS THI Unlucky Children
FRENCH OCCUPATION (from the Notes of the The Janeo ... ...
Rev. C. P. CORY) ... .. . . .. 109 The Mother's Brother ...
THE WEEK OF THE “ DODDINGTON," Chankhanda ... ... ...
1755 ...
114, 180, 222 The Origin of the Suthra Shahis
Doob Grass ... ... Inherited Power of Curing Disease or Canning Ponny ... ... ... . Evil in the Panjab . ...
... ... 475 The Indian Attitude towards Folklore and Unlucky and Lucky Children and Some Birth
Science ... ...
... .. ... ... 327 Superstitions ... ... .. .. ... .. 515 Human Sacrifice and Serpent Worship .. . 828 VINCENT A. SMITH, M.B.A.S., I.C.S. (RED.): -
The Lal Begi Sect of the Panjab Soavengers ... 359
A Modern Instance of the Belief in Witoboraft ... 483 TRE INSCRIPTIONS OF MAHANAMAN AT BODR
NOTRB ON A COLLECTION OF REGALIA OF THE GAYA ...
KINGS OF BURMA OF TER ALOMPRA DINASTY ... 442 RAVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THS EARLY OR
... .. 257
Chee-Chee .. ... .. ... XPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY ...
.. ... 476
Corruptions of English, Hingain - Anglo-Iron. 476 LT.-COL. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E.:
Hobson-Jobson in Literature ... .. .. 514 EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OY
Tas LATA Pror. C. P. TTELE - 366 G. K. NARIMAN. TEM XVIIIth CENTURY RELATING TO THX ANDAMAN ISLANDS ... 40, 78, 197, 197, 233, 267, M. N-VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.S., M.F.L.8. -
311, 382, 413, 454, 302 FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINORS :Kaping - Keping - Kapong ... ... ... 61 No. 18. -The Nymph vf the Wire Hill. 47
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. The Indian Attitude towards Folklore and Science, A Modern Instance of the Belief in Witohoraft, by
by Sir R. O. Temple ... ... .. .. ... 327 Sir R. O. Templo ... .. .. ... .. 403 Chaukhandu, by H. A. Rose ... ... ... ... 859 Inherited Power of Ouring Dimase or Causing Evil "Fan Jin" and "Frangi," by Donald Ferguson ... 359 in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose ... .. . .. 475
NOTES AND QUERIES. Kaping - Koping - Kupong, by Sir R. 0. . The Derivation of the Barmese word "PinthaTemple ... .. .. *** ". ***
... 61 gagyi," by Taw Sein-Ko ... ... ... ... 380 Unluoky Children, by H. A. Rose
... 169 The Life of the Palliyars, by G. F. D'Ponha ... 891 Doob Grass, by Sir R. C. Templo ... ..
A Fire and Car Festival, Travancore, by G. F. Ponsey, by Sir R. O. Temple ...
D'Penha ... ... ... ... ... ... 392 The Sanskrit Version of Euclid, by J. Bargess
Hindu Child Marriages (Part of a Petition sent by The Janeo, by H. A. Rose . ..
a prominent Bombay Citizen to the Gaekwar of Royal Faderals in Travancore ... ...
Baroda) .. ... .. ... ... . .. 496 Konoti Rayi, by A, Butterworth .. ...
Dostomale, Sgarderberal, &o., by J. Burgos ... 499 Superstitions among Hindus in the Central Pro- The Origin of the Suthra Shahis, by H. A. Rose ... 493 vinces, by M. R. Pedlow ... ..
291
Chee-Chee, by Sir R. O. Temple ... ... ... 476 The Mother's Brother, by H. A. Rose
Corruptions of English, Hingain - Anglo-Iron, by Human Sacrifice and Serpent Worship, by Sir R.O. Sir R. O. Temple
.. Temple ... ... .. ... ... ... ... 828 Hobson-Jobson in Literature, by Sir B. O. Temple... 51 The Lal Begi Seot of the Panjab Soavengers, by Unlucky and Lacky Children, and some Birth Sir R. O. Temple *
... 859 Saperstitions, by K. A. Rose... .. ... ... 515
ILLUSTRATIONS Rosk Carvings from Lower Ladakh ... ... 401 White Umbrellas to right of Throne ... . E lvations at Patna ... ..
. 441, 498 White Umbrellas to left of Throne ... Burmese Regalia folding Plate... ... . .. 42

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXI. - 1902.
NOTE ON THE KUKI-CHIN LANGUAGES. BY STEN KONOW, PA.D., AND G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D.
Prefatory Bemarks. THE territory within which these languages are spoken extends from the Naga Hills in the 1 north to Sandoway in the south. Their western frontier is, broadly speaking, the hills extending from Sylhet in the north, through Hill Tipperah, the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the Arakan Hill Tracts, and the Arakan Yomas. Towards the east they do not extend much farther than the Kab8 and Myitthå valleys. Most of the tribes seem to have passed the Lushai or Chin Hills on their way to their present homes, where they have settled in relatively recent times. In Manipur, however, the Meitheis have resided for a considerable period, at least since the eighth century.
In the north the Kuki-Chin languages show an affinity to the Någå Group, while in the goath they gradually become more like Burmese. The whole group is more closely connected with Burmese than with Tibetan.
In the vocabulary there is a great abundance of apparent synonyms. The same idea is seemingly often rendered in more than one way. The reason is that these languages, like 80 many other ancultivated forms of speech, are only able to give expression to the most ooncrete ideas, every abstract notion being difficult to express. Thus, in Lai, there are words to denote the differ. ent ideas of coming along, coming down, coming up, etc., bat apparently no word which means simply " to come." In the same way we find that the ideas of relationship or parts of the body are never conceived in the abstract, but always attached to some person. They speak of "my father," "thy father," eto., but a father" in the abstract, who is not the father of a special person, is an unconceivable idea. In the same way every action must be pat in relation to a person or thing as subject. The words denoting an action, which correspond to the verbs in Aryan languages, are themselves verbal nouns, and the person whose action is spoken of is, in most of the Kuki-Chin Languages, indicated by means of a possessive pronouo prefixed to the verb. Thus, instead of "I go," we find my going." This is one of the most characteristic featares of these languages. In the extreme south, in Khami, and in the north, in Meithei, this principle seems to be unknown.
There is no grammatioal gender, and only the natural gender of animate beings is distinguished.
(This is exactly true slao of the Andamanose Language which have developed a special grammation form for"- 's father, ' D.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
The adjectives are all verbs. They often take the form of relative participles, and their place is generally after, but often also before, the noun they qualify. Noun and adjective form a kind of compound, and case suffixes and postpositions are added to the last member of this group of words. All relations are denoted by means of postpositions and suffixes. On the other hand, qualifying words, such as genitives and possessive pronouns, are prefixed. This is also the case with the generic particles added to the numerals in order to indicate the kind of things which are counted. These generic prefixes are wanting in Meithei.
With regard to pronouns there is no relative, its place being supplied by a relative participle. The demonstrative pronoun is often used as a kind of correlative. The indefinite pronouns are usually formed from the interrogatives by adding some particle denoting indefiniteness.
The wholo conjagation of the verbs show that there is no formal distinction between verb and noun.
The root is combined with postpositions, in the same way as a noun, in order to denote different relations. There is often no difference between the present and the past time, and the various suffixos which denote the past are certainly all originally independent words. In some cases the signification of these suffixes can still be traced as meaning "completeness" or some such idea. Similarly, the future seems to be formed by means of a postposition meaning " for " or something of the sort. The same postposition is often used after ordinary nouns. The future is generally also used as an infinitive of parpose. There are no verbal suffixes common to all languages of the group, and often the same tense in the same dialect may be formed by means of different postpositions. This is quite natural, considering that the verbs are really nouns and that the verbal suffixes are postpositions.
The negative particle is suffixed to the verb. It precedes, however, the ordinary tense suffixes or postpositions. It is probably originally a verb, and the negative voice a compound. One of the negative particles which occur, mdk, in Rângkhôl and connected dialects, seems to be identical with Lushểi mák, to divorce, give up. In the south, in Khyang the negative verb is in some dialects, formed by prefixing a particle, as in Burmese.
Meithei, the chief language of Manipur, in many respects differs from the other languages of the group. It bas, to a great extent, influenced the other dialects of the Manipur Valley. It seems to have branched off from the original stock at a very early period. All the other languages appear to belong to the Chin stock, though some of them have had more independent development. With regard to some of the true Chin languages we know that they are polytonio; but we are not informed whether this is the case with the whole group.
Some dialects belonging to this group are still only known by name, and the following classification is therefore, in some points, only conjectural. It starts from Meithei in the north, and ends with those dialects which form the connecting link with Burmese.
The Linguistic Survey of India does not extend to Burma, and all the information regarding the dialects spoken in that province has been compiled from Gazetteers, the Reports of previous Censuses, and such Grammars as were available. The information given regarding the languages of Assam and Bengal is based on the records of the Survey.
REVISED BRARRANGEMENT OF THE KUKI-CHIN GROUP.
I. - Meithei or Manipuri. The principal language of Manipur. Also spoken in the Cachar Plains, Sylhet, Hill Tipperah, Dacca, and Mymensingh.

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JANUARY, 1902.] A NOTE ON THE KUKI-CHIN LANGUAGES.
II.
Northern Chin Dialects.
1. Thado.In Manipur called Khongzai; in South Cachar also called Sairang. The dialect is spoken in different parts of the Manipur State, especially in the south. It is also spoken in six villages in the Kanhow jurisdiction of the Northern Chin Hills. Almost identical dialects are spoken in the Nâga Hills, South Cachar, and Sylhet.
Note.
Jangshên.-Spoken in North Cachar. Probably identical with Thâdo. Katlang, Khlangam, Kotang, Shikshinshum, and Shingsol are said to be different forms of Jangshên. They are probably only tribal names.
2. Sokte.Spoker in the northernmost part of the Chin Hills. Includes the Kanhow and Yo tribes. Probably closely akin to Thâdo and Siyin.
3. Siyin. 4. Balte.
Spoken to the south of Sokte in the villages round Fort White. Spoken in the Lushai Hills and the Cachar Plains.
5. Paite. Spoken by individuals in several Lushêi villages in the Lushai Hills.
Note.
—
The two last dialects are a link between the Northern and Central Chin dialects.
III.
Central Chin Dialects.
1. Shunkla or Tashon. Probably more than one dialect. Spoken to the south of the Siyins. Comprises the Tawyans, Kweshins, Whenos, and Yahows.
(a) Yahow or Zahao. - Spoken in the western part of the territory of the Tashôns, and in the Lushai Hills to the west and south of Lungvel.
-
2. Lushei or Dulien. — The lingua franca of the Lushai Hills. Also spoken by a few individuals in the south-west corner of the Cachar Plains. It seems to possess great vitality and is said to have entirely superseded dialects such as Vangche and Kolrhing.
(a) Ngenté. A dialect of Lushôi spoken in the southern part of the Hills.
3. Lai or Baungshe. Under this name are comprised several tribes of the Chin Hills to the south of the Tashôns. The chief are the Hakas, Tlantlangs, Yokwas, Thettas, and Kapis. The most eastern is the Shonshe of Gangaw.
(a) Tlantlang. This tribe is to the south and west of the Tashôns, bordering the Lushai Hills. An offshoot of Tlantlang is
(b) Lakher. Spoken in the Lungleh subdivision of the Lushai Hills.
Note. Most of the tribes known as Shendus and Pois are Tlantlangs.
4. Banjogi. Spoken by a small tribe in the Chakma and Boh Mong Chief's Circles in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
5. Pankhu.-Spoken in the same locality as Banjôgt. Seems to have been originally almost identical with that dialect, but has been influenced by some Old Kuki form of speech.
IV. Old Kuki Dialects.
1. Rangkhol.-Spoken in Hill Tipperah, North Cachar, and the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. 2. Bête.-Spoken in North Cachar and the Cachar Plains.
3. Hallam.-Spoken in Hill Tipperah and Sylhet. It is probably identical with Khelma and Sakajaib.
4. Langrong.-Spoken in Hill Tipperah, and in the Cachar Plains to the South and East of the Sadr sub-division. It is also spoken in Kamalganj; Sylhet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
5. Aimol. Spoken in the hills in and round the valley of Manipur. Also spoken in the valley at Aimol.
6. Chiru. Spoken in the hills to the north of the valley of Manipur. Also spoken by a small migratory tribe in the valley.
7. Kolren or Koireng.-Spoken in eight villages in the hills to the north of the valley of Manipur, and by a migratory tribe in the valley.
8. Kom.-Spoken in Manipur, chiefly in the hills bordering the west-side of the valley. Note. All these dialects are closely connected. Kôm in some respects resembles the Nâgâ languages.
9. Cha or Kyau. Spoken in one village in Arakan, on the banks of the Koladyne river. This dialect, which is so widely separated in locality, possesses important points of resemblance with the preceding forms of speech.
Spoken in several Lushêi villages in the Lushai Hills. Is a link between Old
10. Mhar. Kaki and Lushêi.
11. Param. Spoken in the hills in and round the valley of Manipur. Also spoken in the valley at Pûrûm, to the west of Aimol. It is largely influenced by Meithei.
12. Anal. Spoken in the hills in the south-east of the Manipur State.
13. Hiroi-Lamgång. - Spoken to the south of Anal.
Note. The two last dialects are so largely influenced by Meithei, that they, in many respects, differ from the other Old Kuki dialects. In some respects, like Kôm, they agree with the Nâgâ dialects.
V. Southern Chin Dialects.
-
1. Chinme. Spoken on the soarces of the eastern Môn. Said to be a connecting link between Lai and the dialects of the southern tribes.
2. Welaung.
Spoken on the headwaters of the Myitthâ River. There are said to be two
dialects.
3. Chinbok. To the south of Welaung, from the Maw River down to Sawchaung. There are said to be three dialects.
4. Yindu. Spoken in the valley of the Salinchaung and the northern end of the Môn Valley. Said to be related to Chinbok. Some of the tribes known as Shendus on the Arakan frontier are probably Yindus.
5. Chinbon.-Spoken in the southern end of the Môn Valley, and across the Yomas into the valley of the Pichaung.
6. Taungtha.-Spoken in the villages round Wethet. The name means "sons of the hills," and is used to denote various hill tribes.
7. Khyang or Shö. - Spoken on both sides of the Arakan Yomas.
8. Khami, or, incorrectly, Kumi or Khweymi. - Spoken on the Koladyne River in Arakan, and the upper part of the Sanga River in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Note. These two dialects, Khyang and Khami comprise several sub-dialects, and gradually approach Burmese. They may be considered as transitional forms of speech.
[For the sound of aw in 'awful'; for which is usually employed in this Journal. ED.]
-

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THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.
Note. The following dialects are provisionally classed under the Southern Chin subgroup on the authority of the last Burmese Census Report. We know nothing about them :
JANUARY, 1902.]
Anu. Daignet.
9. 10.
11. Kun.
12. Pallaing.
13. Sak or That.
5
Note. Mru, which has hitherto been classed as belonging to the Kuki-Chin group, turns out, on examination, to be more closely connected with the Burma Group. Note. Arakanese, which in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is known as Maghi, of course belongs to the Burmese Group.
Note. Finally, note that there is no such thing as a "Kuki" language. "Kuki" is the name given to a congeries of tribes speaking a number of different dialects. Similarly "Shendu" does not connote any one language, but does connote a number of very different tribes.
THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.1
BY J. KIRSTE.
WHEN, five years ago, Dahlmann brought forward his revolutionary hypothesis on the Mahdbharata, he found very few adherents, and he therefore tried to refute his critics in a new work published last year. But as neither he, nor any of his adversaries who again took up the gauntlet, were able to produce new facts, the debate seems at present to have reached a dead point. It may be useful, therefore, to sum up the main points which have been cleared up by the discussion.
I.
Recensions.
In an article of the Vienna Oriental Journal (Vol. XIV. p. 60) it is asked by Winternitz:"Which Mahabharata shall serve us as a basis for our inquiries regarding the origin of the epic ?" Now, it is true that there is a great number of manuscripts which differ from each other in such a way that Pratapa Candra Râya held it impossible to prepare an edition satisfying both the North and the South of India (Holtzmann, Das Mahabharata, Vol. III. p. 33); but on the other hand it must not be forgotten that the two principal editions, that of Calcutta, 1834-39, and that of Bombay, 1862, 1868, go back to a common and well fixed recension notwithstanding their being published in widely distant places and at different times (Holtzmann, I. c., p. 9). Moreover, the Madras edition, 1855-60, which is printed in Telugu characters, is nearly identical with the Calcutta one-as has been pointed out by Ludwig (J. R. A. S., 1898, p. 380),—although it is based on manuscripts independent from those utilised for the two others. Hence it follows that this Vulgata' or Northern Recension,3 as it is called, represents an uniform tradition, which extends all over India, and the wording of which is, moreover, warranted by several commentaries, a point not to be neglected in Indian works. Should we not be authorised, then, to make this text the basis of our disquisitions? For that purpose it would be highly advisable to prepare a critical edition of this recension together with the commentaries.
There is yet another point which might be settled by such an undertaking. The two principal editions do not agree in what concerns the number and the length of the adhyayas, and the same is
1 Reprinted, with additions, from the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XIV. (1900), pp. 214-234. Generis des Mahabharata, Berlin, 1899.
According to Pratapa Candra Raya South-Indian manuscripts have also been collated for the Calcutta edition (Holtsmann, c., p. 8).

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6
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
the case with regard to the adhyáyus given by the parvusangraha and the ndgari-recension examined, by Burnell (Aindra school, p. 77). Respecting the number of chapters, the Vulgata stands between the parvasashgraha and the last mentioned recension, as will be seen by the following synopsis :Book Parvanaingraba. Caloutta ed.
Nigart-rec 227 234
250 78 . 79
111 314
I.
iv.
197
200
VI. VII.
119
VIII.
IX.
XI. XII.
364
252
XIII, XIV.
105
XY.
1,917
2,096
2,255
The most interesting item of this table is furnished by the comparison of the figures relating to the XIV th book. Here the Vulgata is short of 11 chapters with respect to the paroasengraha, whereas a South-Indian manuscript gives 116 chapters to the same book, a cireumstance mentioned by Pandit V. §. Islâmpurkar in bis edition of the Pardbara Smrti (Vol. I., Part I., Pref. p. 8; cf. Barth, Journ. d. Sav., 1897, p. 19). There are found in this work a number of quotations drawn from the Mahabharata which the learned editor was unable to trace in the printed editions, and for that reason he feels compelled to agree with Burnell, in whose opinion the Northern recension, wbich alone has been published, is the shorter one (ibidem, Part II., pp. 5,9).
It is to be regretted that the South Indian manuscripts have as yet not been thoroughly examined. Burnell gives only the number of chapters of a Grantha recension, but his figures, vis., 248, 120, 302, representing respectively the number of adhydyas of the first second and third book, do not agree with those found by Winternitz (Ind. Ant., 1898, P. 124) in another Granths manuscript, diz.. 218, 72, 269; the last of which is identical with that of the Parvasasigraha of the Northern recension. Moreover, we are not informed by Burnell, whether his figures are real ones or simply found in the Parvasaugraha. These discrepancies, assuredly, do not strengthen the hypothesis of an uniform tradition in the South.
The only parvan of the Southern recension to which a little more attention has been paid, is the Adiparvan, and it is certainly noteworthy that Burnell (Aindra school, p. 79) agrees with Winternite in stating that the Southern form of this book is shorter than the text furnished by the printed editions. But are we justified in drawing inferences from this fact, as has been done by Winternite ?
In South Indian manuoript, examined by Winternita (...), the same book numbers only 78 chapters.

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JANUARY, 1902.]
TAE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.
If the episode of Surys, Rehu and Aruņa is missing there and in Kşemêndra's Bharatamañjari, which professes to be an abstract of the great poem, are we authorised in looking at this passage as an interpolation? Yet that has been supposed by Winternitz (Ind. Ant., 1898, p. 128). Moreover, it appears to me that his conclusion is not quite correct from a formal standpoint. His words are:-"If the story could be proved to occur in all MSS. representing the Northern recension, we should be justified in concluding that the branching off of the Southern recension took place after the time of Kşemêndra." Now, if the Southern recension represents the original form, must we not suppose the Northern recension to have branched off? In a similar way the legend of Ganesa has been stated by Winternitz to be
later insertion (ib., p. 80; J. R. A. 8., 1898, p. 632), but he has been refuted by Bühler, and I cannot but agree with the latter, inasmuch as such an hypothesis is in formal contradiction to the fact, ascertained beyond a doubt by Bühler, of the epic having been settled in its main features many centuries before Kşêmêndra's time. All conclusions of this kind are necessarily premature, for we do not know, if there ever existed an uniform Southern recension ; nay I am afraid that it may turn out to be true with respect to Southern MSS., what has been said by Kosegarten with respect to the MSS. of the Pancatantra: quot codices, tot textus.
II. - Uniformity. Next to the disquisition regarding the recensions comes the question, in what way the Mahdbharata, or to speak more correctly, the satasdhasti sanihitd, has originated, Dahlmann has tried to prove its uniformity, and his view bas met with the approval of scholars like Barth (L. c., pp. 8, 52) and Jacobi (Gott. Gel. A., 1896, p. 67). Therefore I surmise we may accept it, but with the restriction, as has been pointed out by Jacobi (l. c., p. 74), that we can only speak of uniformity of the diaskeuasis, whereas Holtzmann, and in some measure alao Dahlmann, hold it possible that a single man created the whole epio by the power of his imagination. By the poem itself (I. 62, 40; 50. XVIII. 5, 48) we are informed that Vyâss - perhaps this name represents a committee of redaction finished it in three years, and this statement as well as the fact that there are contradictions and repetitions in the poem agrees very well with the hypothesis of a diaskeuasis executed by several men who stored up in a gigantic cyelopædia all the materials which suited their purpose. Are there not repetitions and contradictions too in the Shdanáme, notwithstanding its being composed by a single man ? (Nöldeke, Das iran. Nationalepos, pp. 168, 170). Therefore I am unable to agree with Winternitz, who styles the epio sarhit& • carelessly made compilation (Vienna Oriental Journal, XIV. p. 67).
It has been shown by Dahlmann, that the epic and the didactic element of the Mahabharata penetrate each other in such a way that it is impossible to separate them and to take the one for the older. On the other hand his assertions that the ethic-moral principles of the poem agree with the ordinances of the dharmasastra, nay that the plot has been invented in iHustration of those ordiDanoes, have been justly controverted by Winternitz, who shows that the rules for the niyoga are not identical in both works (J. R. A. S., 1897, pp. 720 899.).
From this state of things Winternitz has drawn the conclusion (I., c.p. 732) that the Brabmans, for the sake of personal advantages, threw the old tradition into the form in which we now find the narrativo in our MSS. But it is exceedingly improbable that Indian scholars should have been able to falsify popular songe, which moreover were, supposing this theory to be true, in accordance with the law-books. In my opinion the diaskeuasta altered nothing, save that they turned the Prikrit wording into Sanskrit (Barth, 1, c., p. 48). It is the European standpoint which induces so many scholars to look upon the epic element as the older and the didactic as the younger one. But in the Indian fables too the didactic portions overgrow the narrative, and it is well known that Firdaust, in his Shahnáme, • Soo his edition, Bonn, 1848, P. vi.
See Ladwig. Das Mohabharata, ale pos, oto. Prec, 1896, p. 25, When Vuk Karadié oollected the popular songs of the Serviage, he published very often different recensions of theme song side by side. Beo, .. 9., my translation of Omer and Mayn in the Magarin . d. Lit. In. . Awal. 1888, No. 19.

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has made use of many s'nitidstra' (Nöldeke, I. c., p. 180), so that we are justified in calling his epon! either a kávya or a smrti, unless we prefer to give it both titles, inasmuch as the first term refers moro to the form and the second more to the contents. What then of Başa's and Subandhu's calling the Mahabharata a kdvya (Cartellieri, Vienna Or. Journ., XIII., pp. 57 899.)? Does it follow from that statement, as Winternitz argues, that the Mahabharata was the great national poem of India before the didactic elements were added to it? I think we must be careful in applying our precise European definitions to literary works of India ; thus the Visnudharmottara-Purana is styled by Alberuni Visnudkarma (Bühler, Ind. Ant., 1890, p. 882) and in the Pardaara-Smrti it is quoted simply 88 Dharma (ed. Islampurkar, Vol. I., part ii, pref. p. 7); and the Mahabharata itself is often called the fifth Veda, a name which points to the fact that some people looked upon it as a sectarian book.
III. - The Pandava-saga. There has been much discussion about the curious fact that the five brothers, who occupy such a prominent position in the epic, are, in opposition to every Indian law, represented as married to one woman. Dahlmann tried at first to explain this polyandry as a mere invention by the author for the sake of illustrating the doctrine of the undivided family. But as no one was willing to follow him in this explanation, he combined it, in his second work, with another proposed long ago by Lassen, vit., the five brothers represent as many members of political federation. Unfortunately there is not a single historical fact in support of such a view, and Dahlmann himself makes use of the same argument (Genesis d. Mhbhr., pp. 177 899.) to refute the hypothesis, according to which the polyandric marriage of Draupadi was a real historical event. As in the last case ethnological coincidences prove nothing. so in the first the lack of historical evidence is not made up by the · Five Tribes of the Veda. Now, if, on the one hand, the story of Draupadi has not been invented by the author, and, on the other, if it is not a historical event, we are compelled to acknowledge in it a poetical license. Polyandry was, it is true, against Indian custom, but it existed among many of their neighbours, and therefore was familiar to the Indians. This is also the way in which Jacobi looks upon the vexed question (G. G. A., 1899, pp. 884 899.), and in adopting this standpoint we escape the necessity of supposing with Holtzmann (D. Mhbhr., I., pp. 30 sq.) and Winternitz (J. R. A. S., 1897, p. 752; W. Z.K.M., XIV., p. 68) that the Brahmans invented legends to justify a real polyandric marriage. What authorises us, e.g., to take the Pancendropakhyana for a younger rationalistic supplement? I cannot but agree with Barth (J. d. Sav., 1897, p. 45) that we go astray, at least in the present state of the Mahabharata question, if we try to find out chronological stratifications in the published text 10 The satasdhasri sasihitd bears & striking likeness to a mosaic work composed of innumerable little stones. If we wish to get an idea of its technic, we must above all examine, how many kinds of stones of the same size or the same colour have been made use of; but during this inquiry the age or provenance of the stones will be of little, if any, value to us.
But let us retarn to our subject.
It is a most characteristic feature of the Indian mind to represent one personage under different aspects (avatdra, jdtaka), and the five brothers might very well turn out to be personifications of as many qualities of a single hero :-- his righteousness is personified by Yudhisthira, his strength by Bhima, his skill by Arjuna, his beauty and vanity by Nakula and Sahadeva. Moreover, the story of Indra's tejas, which quits him, - as it is told in the Márkándeya Purana, - reminds one of the Iranian legend of the hrarenó, the majesty, which quits Yima in consequence of his sin. Further, it is very curious that instead of asvin the vedic word násatyall is here used,
On the other hand, Lillie in his work Buddhiem in Christendom (London, 1887) suggests that "in reality the five sonn (i. e., the Pandavas) were one man."
• Of. Franke, Lit. C. Bl., 1900, p. 1016. 16 I exprorror this conviction some time ago. See my article on the Khoddi-me, W. 2. K. X., 1806, p. 325.
11 In the Veda ndsalya seems to be a single person, out of which the 'twin brothers' may very easily evolve. Could asuin not signify a centaur ?

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THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.
which corresponds to the avestic naon haithya, the demon of vanity, and that, precisely in virtue of this fault, Nakula and Sahadeva do not reach the svarga. Is there not a common origin? The principal hero, who gains the bride and whom Draupadi prefers above all - proference for which she is punished in the end - is Arjuna ; and for this reason, his son is the true heir. Finally I may mention that in the Mujmil-at-Tavarikh the five brothers are begotten long after På du's death by inhabitants of the atmosphere' (sAkindn i hará), which points to their being individuals without fixed lineage. In fact the god 'Dharma is but an imaginary personality.
To sum up, the Pandava are true Indians, and there is no reason to assume that the pivot of their great national epos was modelled on the customs of a foreign people.
IV.-Date. Regarding the date of the diaskeuasis, we can only look for internal evidence in the epic itself. An often quoted passage of the Vanaparvan proves, as has been pointed out by Barth (L. c., p. 42), that Dahlmann is wrong in placing the compilation before Baddha. Besides that the Mahabharata itself professes to be written down, and nothing written has been found which goes back to a time before the third century B, C. (Barth, I. c., p. 39). Hopkins (A. J. Pk., 1898, p. 22; of. Jacobi, G. G. N., 1896, p. 55) also accepts this as the higher limit. On tje other hand the signs for the liquid vowels are said to have been invented either by Nagarjuna or by Sarvavaman, who lived in the second century A. D., and it would bare been well-nigh impossible to write down a Sanskrit text without them. Of course, it does not follow from this circumstance that the poem did not exist
orally in its Sanskrit garb before that latter period; on the contrary several reasons seem to prove that - this was really the case.
First, Bühler has shown that the katasdhasri sanihitá existed ca. 500 A: D.,13 but that its compilation in all probability was to be pushed back by four to five centuries and perhaps even further (Indian Studies, 1892, p. 27). Jacobi holds now the same view (G. G. 4., 1899, p. 882). Then, Weber has long ago (I. St., XIII., p. 357) alleged a passage of Dio Chrysostomus, in which this author mentions the Indian Homer, and this quotation goes back to the second century B. O. To the same epoch point two facts brought to light by Kielborn (J. R. 4. S., 1898, pp. 18 sq.) and d'Oldenburg (R. H. R., 1898, p. 848). The first is that the epic Sanskrit, as well as the Pali of the Jatako have much in common with the language used by Patanjali in his Mahabhdeya, a work composed in all probability in the second century B.C.; the second is that the bisastanyopákhyána of the XIIIth book, ch. 93 and 94, oceurs in the Pâli and the Sanskrit Jataka-collection with many coincidences of detail, and is represented on the Stupa of Bharhut, which has been constructed ca. 150 B. C. Finally it may be worth recording that Asvaghoßa mentions in the Buddhacarital several epic personages, that in the Lalitavistara the Påņdava are spoken of as belonging to one family, and that in the inscription of Pulumayi, which dates before 150 A.D., Kroņa, Arjana, Nabuşa'and Janamējaya are alluded to (Lévi, Rev. Cr., 1893, Vol. I., p. 281). Although Asvaghoss lived in the first century A. D., he drew of course from older sources, and the same may be supposed of the authors of the Lalitavistara and the insoription.
We come, then, to the conclusion that a committee of rhapsodiste collected in the second centary B. C. the most popular songs into one large work, translating them at the same time into Sanskrit. This work was handed down orally till the second century A. D. and then written down.
Now the question arises, if we know of an event, which could possibly induce the bards to gather together the “disjecta membra" of the tradition of the past. I think there was one. As long 28 Indis proper was under the sway of kings favourable to the Buddhista, we can hardly imagine the
Professor Hörnle hun kindly drwn my attention to this point. # This was also the opinion of Cunningham (Bhila Tepes, p. 187).
And in the Vajrasiict, but it is doubtful, whether this work is of the
author.

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• súta' storing up legends which, to say the least, did not hold the shaven followers of the Tathdgata' in high esteem. But this tendency came to . sudden standstill, when Pusyami tra in 180 B. O. killed the last of the Maurya kings and, to strengthen his usurped power, favoured as much As he could the Brabmans, the natural enemies of the Buddhist monks. Those in their turn collected all legends of vişnuitic and sivaitic stamp, which showed the true national creed' of India, and perhaps chose the Sanskrit form in opposition to the popular preaching of the Sakya prince.
Be that as it may, the first thing to be done in this field of Indian literature seems to me to be a new critical edition of the Vulgata' together with all available commentaries. During more than 2,000 years the Mahabharata was shaped and sung in this form all over India, and, I surmise, we can do no better than to make it the standard and touchstone of all further researches.
LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON,
WRITTEN IN 1584 AND 1536.
BY DONALD FERGUSON.
(Continued from Vol. xxx. p. 491.) [t. 104) D Copy of a letter that came from China; which letter was written by !
Christovão Vieyra and Vasco Calvo, captives there, who wore of the company of the ambassadors that Fernão Peres took in the year 1520.26
In the year 1520, on the 23rd of January, we set out for the king of China, 37 In May we were with the king in Nanquim: thence hecommanded us to go forward to the city of Piquim, in order to give us dispatch there. On the 2nd of August letters were sent to Cantão, regarding what had passed with the king so far: the letters reached Jorge Botelho and Diogo Calvo, who were in the island where trade is carried on. However, I do not again write of that, because the time requires brevity and little verbiage. In February the king entered Piqnim and was ill three months; he died, 20 and the day following [they said] that we must go to Cantão with the present, that the new king would come, that they should go to him to the other city, that he would send us the reply to Cantão. We left Pequim on the 22nd of May, and arrived on the 22nd of September at Cantão; because the guide came leisurely according to his own will. The cause of the present's not being accepted is this.
When Fernão Peres arrived at the port of China, be ordered the interpreters to write letters to the effect that there had come a captain-major and had brought an ambassador to the king of China, The interpreters [f. 104v) wrote these according to the custom of the country, thas: "A captainmajor and an ambassador have come to the land of China by command of the king of the Firingig30 with tribute. They have come to beg, according to custom, for a seals1 from the lord of the world,
# This heading (by whom I know not) contains several errons. In the first place, there are two distinot lettera and not ope. In the next place, Vasco Calvo was not one of the ambassador's company, but came with his brother Die lyo in 1691. In the third place, Fernko Pores de Andrade took only one ambasador, Thomé Piros. And. Intly, it wwe in 1517, and not 1520, that Fernko Pores arrived in China.
. For previous events, so Introduction. This letter begin nabraptly, that it is evident that the writer maat, in previous communication, or in portion of this one that has been lost, have described the doings of the embassy dowa to January 1580.
The Tha da Voniaga or Tamko. (See Introduction.)
In the original, after the word fallegue, the copyist has made nonaand of what follows by loaving out some worde. I have made the best sense I could of the jamble.
# Frank. (See Hobson-Jobron, . .'Firinghee."
51 Barros mys (Deo. III., VI. 1.) :-"This seal, which that emperor given to all the king and prinons that make themselves his rusale, is of his device, and with it they don themselves in all letters and writing, in demonstra tion of their being his subject. (Cf. t. 110.)

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JANUARY, 1902.) LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN OANTON.
the son of God, in crder to yield obedience to him." According to custom, for this letter we were received on land. This is the substance of the letter that they wrote, without giving an explanation of it to Fernão Perez, nor his being at any time aware of it : only the interpreters said that the letter had been well done according to custom and as they had comprehended the substance of it.
In the city of Pinquim [sic] within the palace of the king the letter of our lord the king was opened, and there was found therein the reverse of what the interpreters bad written. It therefore appeared to them all that we had entered the country of China deceitfully, in order to spy out the land, and that it was a piece of deception that the letter to the king was written differently from the other letters. The king thereupon commanded that we should come no more to his palace to do reverence, and soldiers and a guard were placed over us. The custom with ambassadors in Piquim is to place them in certain houses with large enclosures, and there they are shot in on the first day of the moon; and on the fifteenth day of the moon they go to the king's Palace, some on foot, and some on jades with halters of straw; and proceed to measure their length five times before a wall of the king's palace all in order with both knees on the ground and head and face flat on the earth. Thus they remain until they are commanded to rise. Five times do they do this at this wall.32 Thence they return and re-enter the looked enclosures. It was to this reverence that they commanded that we should come no more.
The interpreters were asked why they had written a false letter (f. 105) and one not conformable to that of our lord the king. They said, that they had written it according to the custom of China; that the letter of our lord the king.came closed and sealed, so that it could not be read nor opened; that it had to be given into the king's hands; that we were from a far country, and did not know the custom of China, which was great ; that in future we should know it; that they were not to blame, as they had written the letter according to custom. The mandarins were not satisfied with the reply. They were asked each one whence they came; and as soon as the king died they were imprisoned and the young men their servants.
The king arrived at a town that is two leagues from the city of Pim [s10] in January of the year 162. He remained to pass judgment on a relative of his who had risen against him ; 89 and commanded him to be burnt after being hanged. There he took up the business of our answer; because there had been brought to him three letters4 against the Portuguese, - one from two mandarins in Piquim, another from the mandarins of Cantão, and another from the Malays, the substances of which were as follows, vis.
"The mandarins who went to the Island of Trade to receive the customs dues by order of the mandarins of Cantão beg to inform the king, that, when they had gone in such a year and day to collect the customs dues, there came Firingi folk with many arms and bombarde, powerfal people, and did not pay the dues according to custom; and they are constructing fortresses; and they have also beard say that these people had taken Malaca and plundered it and killed many people. That the king ought not to receive their present; and if he wished to receive them that they should say upon what kingdoms the kingdom of the Firingis bordered ; and that he would command then that he was not willing ff. 105v] to receive them."
The letter of the mandarins of Cantão said, that the Firingis would not pay the dues, and they took dues from the Siamese and seized them and boarded their junks and placed guards in them, and would not allow them to carry on trade or to pay dues, and had a fortress made of stone covered with tiles and surrounded with artillery, and inside many arms; and that they stole dogg36 and ate them roasted ; and that they had come to Cantão by force, and that they carried bombards in quantities, reconnoitring the rivers; that they fired off bombarde in front of the city and in other prohibited places.
» Barros donoribes this ceremony more fully (Deo. III., VI...). * C. Barros, Dee, IIL, VI. i.
The Prince of Ning. (See Introduction.) * On this see footnote in Introduction.

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The Malays said, that the ambassador of the king of Portugal who was in the country of China had not come in truth, that he had come falsely to the land of China in order to deceive, and that we went to spy out the lands, and that soon we should come upon them; and that as we had set up a stones on the land and had a house we should soon have the country for our own; that thus we had done in Malaca and in other parts; that we were robbers.
A chief mandarin said, that we had asked him by letter for a residence or houses in Cantão; that, as we were Firingis, it seemed to him very bad, that in place of obedience we asked him for a residence in the country. Another mandarin said, that in the year 1520 in the Island of Trade the Firingis knocked off his cap and gave him blows and seized him when he was going to collect the customs dues by order of the mandarins of Cantão.
To these things the king replied, that "these people do not know our [f. 106] customs; gradually they will get to know them." He said that he would give the answer in the city of Pequim. (He soon entered it, and the same day fell ill. Three months later he died without having given any answer.) With this reply that the king gave the grandees were not much pleased; and the king soon sent word to Cantão, that the fortress that the Portuguese had made should be demolished, and likewise the whole town; that he desired no trade with any nation; that if anyone came he was to be ordered to return. And immediately they set out on the road to Cantão that they might inquire into what had been told them, if it were true or not. The mandarins of Cantão did this only in order to plunder; they prepared armed fleets, and by deceiving them they captured by force those who came and plundered them.37
As soon as we arrived at Cantão they brought us before the poohacy, and he ordered as to be taken to certain jail-houses that are in the store-houses of food-stuffs, and Thome Pires did not wish to enter them, and the jailers put us into certain houses in which we were thirty and three days, and thence they took Thome Pirez with six persons to the prison of the pochagy40 which they call libanco, and me with four persons to the prison of the tomeçi where we were imprisoned ten months. All the goods remained in the power of Thome Pirez. They treated us like free people; we were closely watched in places separate from the prisoners. During this time the amaloages who was then there ordered Thome Pirez and all the company to be called. In like manner they summoned the Malays. He said that the king ordered that our lord the king should deliver up to the Malays the country of Malaca which he had taken from them. Thome Pirez replied that he had not come for that purpose, nor was it meet for him to discuss such a question; that it would be evident from the letter that [f. 106]he had brought that he knew nothing of anything else. He asked what force there was in Malaca; that he knew that there were three hundred Portuguese men there, and in Couchin a few more. He replied that Malaca had four thousand men of arms on sea and on land, who were now combined and then scattered; and that in Ceilão" there was a varying number. With these questions he kept us on our knees for four hours; and when he had tired himself out he sent each one back to the prison in which he was kept.
On the 14th of August 1522 the pochaçi put fetters on the hands of Tome Pirez, and on those of the company fetters, and irons on their feet, the fetters riveted on their wrists, and they took from us all the property that we had. Thus with chains on our necks and through the midst of the city
This apparently refers to the stone erected by Jorge Alvares in 1814, as mentioned in the Introduction. ST See f. 121. Read pochäcy.
"The original has "alleoqoets (7) dos mantimentos." I am not certain of my reading of the first word; but in any case it is evidently a copyist's error. Sr. Lopes suggests allmares (almazens, armazene), and this I have adopted. The word may, however, represent allogeações (alojações), which would have much the same meaning.
40 Read pochacy.
41 I cannot explain this word. Chin. pan koo means "to look to and take care of" (Mor., Chin.-Eng. Dict 835).
P.
43 See Introd.
48 Read pochagi.
See Introd.
"Apparently an error for Cochim.

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JANDARY, 1902) LETTERS FROM PORUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
13
they took us to the house of the anchugi. There they knocked off our fetters and put on us other stronger obains, on our legs riveted fetters and chains on our necks; and from there they sent us to this prison. At the entrance to the prison Antonio d'Almeida died from the heavy fetters that we bore, our arms swollen, and our legs cut by the tight chains. This, with a decision that two days afterwards they would kill us. Before it was night they pat others once more on Thome Pirez and conducted him alone barefoot and without a cap amid the hootings of boys to the prison of the Canoheufue in order to see the goods that they had taken from us which had to be described ; and the mandarin clerks who were present wrote down ten and stole three hundred. The pochăgy and anchuci proceeded to say to a mandarin named Ceuhi that, since the Portuguese had entered the Island and because he was of opinion regarding us that we had come to spy out the country and that we were 'robbers, we should at once die. The ceuhi replied :-" You want to put an end to all these, who are on an embassy, it may be true or false. Order their (f. 207] fetters to be struck off impiediately. I shall write to the king; and it shall be done according to his wish." On the following day they struck off our fetters, which if we had borne a day longer we should all have died; and they brought Thome Pirez back once more to this prison.
The goods that they took from us were twenty quintals of rhabarb, one thousand five hundred or six hundred rich pieces of silk, a matter of four thousand silk handkerchiefs which the Chinese call zopas of Naquim, and many fans, and also three arrobas of musk in powder, three thousand and odd cods of musk,61 four thonsand five hundred taels of silver and seventy or eighty taels of gold and other pieces of silver, and all the clothes, pieces of value, both Portuguese and those of China, the putchuks of Jorge Botelho, incense, benjamin, tortoise-shells, albo pepper and other trifles. These were delivered into the factory of the Caucheufo as the property of robbers. The presout of our lord, the king which he sent to the king of China is in the factory of the pookuncy. The substance of the pieces and how many and of what kind I do not remember well : however, the sum is over one thousand five hundred; because they carried off the inventory with other papers of import. ance and the obosts of clothes which they took and put with the goods.53
From the ship of Diogo Calvo there remained the following persons :- Vasco Calvo, Estevão Fernandez the clerk, Agostinho Fernandez the master, Simão Luis the steward, João d'Alanquer, João Fernandez, Diogo da Ilha of the master, and sailors Antonio Alvarez and four lads - João Fernandez a Guzarati, Pedro a Javanese of the master, Gaspar of Estevão Fernandez, Gonçalo of Vasco Calvo ; and because they were known in Cantão and said that they belonged to the embassy they escaped ; the others were all seized and put into this prison. Some of them died of hunger and some were strangled. Simão the interpreter and the Balante Alli were imprisoned ; and. Alli died here in this prison : they struck him on the head with a mallet, and so they killed him ; (f. 107] Simio Baralante who was in the Chichefu died of beatings; - having already ropes on their necks : with soven hundred who died thus, The Portuguese, and the goods and cannon that they had with them, all were plundered, except it was for the king. The supply of ship's fittings that Vasco Calvo had, all was plundered by the oonoongepaçis who went to Pequim, so that nothing was left.
Bertholomeu Soares who was in Patane, Lopo de Goes in Syon,so Vicente57 Alvarez & servant of Simão d'Andrade, and the Father Mergulh&o who was in Syon, came in the year 1621 ; and Diogo Calvo being in the port of trade the fleet of the Chinese attacked them, because ** Read anchaçi.
" Kwangobau-fu, the Chinese name of Canton. # The orig. adds "curi laldes," which I cannot explain. 4° Chinese show-pa, handkerobiot. Road Naquim.
61 Orig., Papou dalmi scare. See Now Eng. Dict, .. . ' Cod' ; And of. Gaspar da Crus in Parches, Pily. III. p. 169; Gonsales de Mondos, Hist. de la China, Hak. Soc. trad., I. p. 18. See Hobson Jobson, ... 'Patohook.'
65 Cf. Barros, Deo. III. VI. ii. M I have made the best senso I could of the original of the foregoing passage. I think all for 'Al) must be bore proper name, and not the Portuguese adverb of place. I am not sure if balanto and baralante refer to the me person. The word balante means "bloating." and was applied by the Portuguese to a negro tribe in West Afrios " See Introd.
Siam. " Barros, ip quoting from this pamago (Des. III., VI. ii.), calls this man Vasco Alvaros.

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(JANUARY, 1962.
the junks kept coming, today one, tomorrow another, from Syon, and they were captured by them through their deceit when fighting. They were carried to Nanto, and their slaves and many goods all stolen and themselves wounded. The Father Mergulhão died fighting. They were taken to the prisons at Cantão in irons and fetters: here they were strangled, after carrying boards, [stating] that they should die as ses rubbers. They accused them of wishing to rise with their chains on, this not being so, all the time that Martim Affonso came; and through not seeing the other Portuguese whom they brought from the ships, they all died. 68
The five janks that remained in the port of trade in the year 1621, four of the king of Malaca's and one of the king of Patane's, vie., one of Francisco Rodriguez's, another of Jorge Alvarea's, and two others; and as soon as Diogo Calvo left they were all plundered by the people of the fleet, while they were in full view of Diogo Calvo.69 The greater part was taken by the enchianqi and the ampochico and captains and probl of Nanto and part of the fleet, and the king bad a great part; and from here they withdrew and stole much, and it was seized by the king as the property of robbers. The junks were divided : [f. 108) those of Francisco Rodriguez and Jorge Alvarez were given to the capas, 62 and in them those of the king of Patane went to the Malays and another to the Siamese; of the other I know nothing. All was considered as the property of robbers. From the grest amonnt of goods that the mandarins had from these junks, they ordered that not a Portuguese should escape, so that no one should give an account of these goods that had been plundered.
In the same year there came from Patane other junks in which came Bertholameu Soarez from Syam, and another in which came Lopo de Goes. The Portuguese, as I have already said, were craftily taken by them by force and they came to Nanto, and likewise on account of false messages the people went on shore, and they captured them, because they came separately, today one, tomorrow another, until finally all were taken prisoners. In the same junks they speedily cut off the heads of the captains, masters, pilots, and merchants because they had goods. The rest of the riffraff they carried off to prison, in which, they say, there died above one thousand five hundred persons, besides the heads of the killed, which were a great quantity. In order to plunder them they accused them of bringing Portuguese by land to these prisons in Cantão. Many of them were strangled or died of blows and of hunger in the prisons, so that of all this great number of people, who in all would be two thousand, there escaped only sixty rascals whom they released, and some fifty women and children, of whom the half afterwards died: these went to Siam.
A Siamese named Chicoantão,63 a brother of his and three other Siamese were beheaded in the square and their bodies truncated, hecause they said that they had brought Portuguese on shore by false stories which they lind reported to them. As soon as the mandarins had the greater part of the goods in their hands and the lesser for the king they were not wanting in eagerness (f. 108v) to kill them. The mandarins said that these might escape who were well-known persons, that these Siamese would write letters against the mandarins regarding the goods that they had taken from them, and that it would fare ill with the mandarins; that it would be better to put an end to the whole matter, so that nothing should be known of such a thing. They ordered that no stranger should be received in China; and by this affair of these goods and that of the five junks the mandarins were very rich. These who stole bave not been in Cantão for a long time; they were sent to other provinces according to their customs; now most have gone from the kingdom.
In the year 15214 Martim Affongo de Melo came on a visit with five ships and a junk from Malaca. The poople that remained here are as follows, vis., from the ship of Diogo de Mello: - those who died in the ships : Manoel Chamarro, João Quoresma, Vasco Gil, Rodrigo Alvarez, João Vaz, Lopo Gonçalvez, João Soarez, Pero Bouno, Alvaro Perdigão, Manoel Alvarez, João Pinto, João
# The moaning of the original is somewhat obsoure. See Introd., and infra, 1, 123. Seo Introd. 6! A mistake for pio. Soo Iutrod.
Unboes this be an error for capados, eunucha, Ioannot explain it Changkwantung?
* An error for 1522.

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JANUARY, 100%.) LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
13
Carrasco, Bastião Gonçalvez, men of arms, a cleric, João de Peral master; Bras Gonçalvez master's mate, Francisco Pires a sailor, Alvaro Annes gunner, Affonse Annes bombardier, Joxo Affonso "sawyer. These sixty died in the ship. Diogo de Melo captain, Duarto Lopez, Diogo Carreiro: these being wounded and having been collected in the junks, while going forward, because they cried out swing to their wounds and fetters, they cut their heads off in the same junks. Duarte Pestana the barber, Benedito sailor, Domingos Gil s grammet, Roqne & grummet, Pero do Toyal a grummet, João Gonçalvez bombardier, Joannie a slave : these nine67 were taken to the prison of the tooeoy. Pero Annes pilot, Bertholomeu Fernandez mason, João de Matos, Antonio Medina, Joanne a Moluccan, these grummets, Domingos Fernandez, Jorge Diaz, Fernão Liarão, men of arms: these were brought to this prison of the anchūgy, where I now am68
[f. 109] People of the ship of Pero Homem - those who died in the ship :-Pero Homem, Gaspar Rodriguez, Martim Affonso steward, Francisco d'Andrade, Diogo Martinz, Antonio Alvarez
- these six men of arms; Pantalião Diaz master, João Luis master's mate, Bras Martinz, Pero Annes, Antonio Estevez - these three sailors; Alvaro, Pero, Joanne, Manoel a black - these five grommets; Luis Pirez carpenter and the barber Vasco Rodriguez, Jorge Diaz cooper: all these sixteen persons were killed in the ship; João da Sylveira, Domingos Serrão, Martinho Francisco do Mogadouro, Francisco Ribeiro Magalhães, Jorge Rodriguez - these six70 were brought to the prison of the tomegy, and four grummets, vis., Pina and Francisco, Manuel a Malabar, Diogo a Caffre, and Andre Carvalho pilot; Antonio Fernandez a sailor, Francisco and Antonio grummets, and Matheus Diaz, Francisco Monteiro, Afonso Martinz, Marcos, Tome Fernandez tiler, Sisto Luis gunnerthese ten were brought to this prison. The women whom they captured in these ships were taken to other prisons and sold. After they had been put in the prison of the tomagi all died of hunger and cold: there remained only four Portuguese men and one Caffre, who died in this prison in which we are. There died six and remained eighteen, both those in this prison and those in the prison of the tomegi.
On the day of St. Nicholas74 in the year 1522 they put boards on them with the sentence that they should die and be truncated as robbers: the sentences said : " Petty nea robbers sent by the great robber falsely; they come to spy out our country ; let them die trancated as robbers." A report was sent to the king according to the information of the mandarins, and the king confirmed the sentence. On the 23rd of September 1523 these twenty-three persons were each one cut in pieces, piz., heads, legs, arms, and their private members placed in their mouths, the trunk of the body being divided into two pieces round the belly. In the streets of Cantão, outside the walls, in the suburbs, through the [f. 109v] principal streets they were put to death, at distances of one crossbow shot from another, that all might see them, both those of Cantão and those of the environs, in order to give them to understand that they thought nothing of the Portuguese, so that the people might not talk about Portuguese.73
Thus our ships were captured through the two captains' not agreeing, and so all in the ships were taken, they were all killed, and their heads and private members were carried on the backs of the Portuguese in front of the mandarins of Canton with the playing of musical instruments and rejoicings, were exhibited suspended in the streets, and were then thrown into the dunghills. And from henceforward it was resolved not to allow any more Portuguese into the country nor other strangers.
The Malays who had gone to Piquim received answer that they were to go to Cantão, and that here they would send them the dispatch; and it came to the effect that they should give them a
Bie.
• A ship's apprentice or young Milor. (8. Jal, Glou. Nauf., ... Grumeto': Smyth, Bailor's Work Book. . .'Gromete.') c; but only seven are enumerated.
#aj. Vasoo Calro's letter infra, f, 181. Only four are Damod. 70 Fire only seem to be named.
"The 6th of December. 17 Cl. Ymco Calvo's letter infra, f. 1845.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JAKUARY, 1902.
letter for our lord the king in order that Malaca might be delivered up to them, the tenor of which is this, according to the translation de verbo ad verbum of another that the mandarins wrote in Chinese, that it might be made from it, of which they wrote three of this tenor, which was to be conveyed to our lord the king, to the governor, and the other to the captain of Malaca: -
"Quenhiçi and Ohigi73 mandarins heard say that the forces of the Firingis had seized Malaca. They wrote a letter to the king of China of how it had been seized and plundered and mach people killed; and the king wrote to the mandarins of Cantão that a council should be held regarding this. After this letter there came another from the king of Malaca which Tuão Mafame" the ambassador brought, which was given to the king of China, which reported in the following manner: The Firingi robbers with great boldness came to Malaca with many men and took the country and destroyed it and killed much people and plundered them and captivated others, and the rest of the people that remain are under the [f. 110] authority of the Firingis, on account of which the king who was of Malaca has a sad heart oppressed with great fear. He took the seal of the king of China and fled to Bentão, where he is; and my brothers and relations fled to other countries. The ambassador of the king of Portugal who is in the country of China is false: he does not come in truth but comes to deceive the country of China. In order that the king of China may show favor to the king of Malaca with heart oppressed he sends a present and begs for help and men in order that his country may be restored to him.' This letter was given to Libo,75 who is the bearer of this." Libo reported that the country of the Firingis must be a small affair bordering on the sea; for since the world was made there had never come to the country of China an ambassador from such a country. The country of Malaca has the fome and seal of China and of submission to it. Libo departed and delivered the letter to the king. The dispatch:
"The king of China sends a letter to the grandees of Cantão that they receive no ambassador from Portugal. The letter of the king of Portugal has been burnt. The ambassador and his company have already been questioned as to how Malaca was taken. Do not let him go. Send a letter to the king of Portugal that he may know it, and his mandarins that they may know it at once, and may deliver Malaca to the said king of Malaca, as the king of Malaca delivered up Malaca and the people, just as they took them from the king of Malaca, and as the king of Malaca delivered them up. They might let the ambassador go; and if Malaca was not delivered up to the said king another council must be held."
This letter came from the king of China to the tutão and comqom and choupim of Cantão, who sent it to the genhituçi, the poohançi and the anchagi, who hold the seal, to the haytao and pio, and to the other mandarins, that they summon Tuão Healie77 the ambassador of the king of Malaca, and that he be questioned. He told the mandarins that much people of the Firingis had taken from him his country Malaca; that this was the truth. The mandarins held a council, and ordered that the ambassador of the king of Portugal should write a truthful letter, and that it should be given to Tuão [f. 110v] Alemançet's the ambassador of the king of Malaca, who should take it to Malaca and thence go to the king of Portugal, that he might deliver up and return to him his country and people into his power, just as they had taken them from him, and also to Tuão Mefamet; and that then they should order the ambassador of the king of Portugal to go as soon as there should come a letter from the king of Malaca to the king of China, that they had delivered up to him his country and his people; and if the king of Portugal should not deliver up the country of Malaca to his king, and no letter should come to the country of China of the surrender, that they should not allow the ambassador to go, and another council must be held. Being in this prison, the mandarins sent a letter in Chinese that it might be done into Portuguese, of which three were made; one for our lord the king, another for the governor, and another for the captain of Malaca, and they were given into the hands of the anchagi on the first day of October of the year 1522.
16 Tuan Muhammad.
1 Lipa
1 Kwan-hea as and Wd-hen '?
Chinese fung, to seal; also, an set of appointment to a dependeney. Tuan All. Tuan All Muhammad.

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JANUARY, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
The mandarins ordered the ambassador from Malaca to take these letters and convey them to Malaca, and that when his country had been delivered up to him he should come back with a message. The ambassador was unwilling, saying that with those letters they would cut off his head in Malaca; that they should give him leave to buy a small junk, as he wished to send half of his people to find out about his king, because they did not know where he was, since the women that they took in the two ships said, one that he was dead, the other not; and that they might bring a letter if they could send it. The small junk left by leave with fifteen Malays and as many Chinese on the last day of May 1523. It arrived at Patane, and there took in some Malays and a Bengali eunuch, and returned with a message from the king of Malacca, and reached Cantão on the fifth day of September. The Chinese who went in the junk all remained in Patane, as they did not wish to return to China. The letter of the ambassador said in substance as follows:
17
"The king of Malaca is in Bintão surrounded by the Firingis, poor, deserted, looking from morning till night for help [f. 111] from his lord the king of China; and if he will not give it that he will write to the kings his vassals79 to help him with men, and that he send some provision of food to his ambassador and things similar to these." The letter also said, that, the junk being loaded at Patane, the Portuguese had notice of it, and that they came upon it to seize it; that they put to sea with a storm, without any more merchandise and provisions, and that they would certainly die of hunger at sea."
On receipt of this letter the mandarins entered Cantão, and there proceeded to dispatch them once more, saying that both the ambassadors, viz., Tuão Mafamet and Cojacão,80 and their company were to go to Bintão, the junk being already ready; and that if they did not wish to go they would not give them provisions. They replied that they could not go, that they might kill them and do what they pleased; that the Firingis had taken everything there; that they could go to no place where they would not seize them. The interpreter also said to the tutuão who came from Patane, that he had had news that in the present year there were to come one hundred Portuguese sail for which speech they gave him twenty lashes for daring to speak of such a thing. The ambassador left in the year 1524. I heard say to some merchants here, that in order to avoid the coast of Patane they made the islands of Borne in bad weather, and that the junk was wrecked and they were captivated. I do not know if this was true.
In the ship of Diogo Calvo there came a Christian Chinese, with his wife, named Pedro: this man when he saw the rout returned to Foym,81 of which he was a native. There he lay hidden; and he took the opportunity, when he had got security from the mandarins, to say that he would tell them the force that the Portuguese had in Malaca and in Cochim: that he knew it all; that he knew how to make gunpowder, bombards and galleys. He said that in Malaca there were three hundred Portuguese men, that in Cochim there were none; and he commenced in Cantão to build two galleys. He made two; and when quite finished they were shown to the great mandarins. They found that they were very lop-sided, [f. 111v] that they were useless, that they had caused a great waste of wood. They ordered that no more should be made, discontinued the work of the galleys, and set to making gelfass at Nanto. They found that he knew something of gunpowder and bombards, and, sent him to the king. He gave the latter information regarding Malaca, and was made a noble, with a pical of rice as maintenance. They say that he made bombards in Pequim because the king there makes war for war's sake. This may be so, as they told me thus of this Pedro's making bombards in Pequim. On account of this information the Chinese hold the Portuguese in little esteem, as they say that they do not know how to fight on land, that they are like fishes, which when you take them out of the water or the sea straightway die. This information well suited the wish of the king and the grandees, who had heard otherwise, for which reason they took council regarding Tome Pirez,
as to how they might entrap him in order to bring him to Cantão,
19 That is, the Rajas of Patani, Pahang, etc.
Khojah Khan P
1 From the statement infra (f. 118v) regarding the situation of this place, it is evident that Fahiun on the east coast of Lintin Bay is meant.
sa Gelfa or gelea, translated "shallop" in the Hak. Soc. ed. of the Comment. of Albog. III. p. 19. See HobsonJobson, p. 276, s. v. Gallevat.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1902.
The people that remained in the company of Tome Pires were :-Duarte Fernandez * servant of Dom Felipe, Francisco de Budoya a servant of the lady commander, and Christovão d'Almeida a servant of Christovão de Tavora, Pedro de Freitas and Jorge Alvarez, I Christovão Vieira and twelve servant lads, with five juribassos.89 Of all this company there are left only I Christovão, a Persian from Ormuz, and a lad of mine from Goa. Those of us who remain alive at present are:Vasco Calvo, a lad of his whom they call Gonçalo, and, as I have said, we three who are left of the company of Thome Pirez. These by saying that they belonged to the embassy escaped, and they put them with us here in this prison. We came in thirteen persons; and, as I have said, there have died Duarte Fernandez (when we went to Pequim he died in the hills, being already sick), Francisco de Bedoig86 (when we came from Pequim he died on the road), also three or four lads in this prison by reason of the heavy fetters as I have said above, Christovão d'Almeida, also Jorge Alvarez, both Portuguese (the scriverer of the prison being fuddled with wine killed him with lashes, and he died in six days 85). The interpreters in Pequim were taken prisoners and killed, and their servants st. 112] given as slaves to the mandarins for belonging to traitors. The head juribasso died of sickness, the other four were beheaded in Pequim for having gone ut of the country and brought Portuguese to China. Pero de Freitas in this prison and Tome Pirez died here of sickness in the year 1624 in May. So that of all this company at present there are only two here, as I have said above.
The damos that wo bore:- Tomo Pires,"captain-major." When Fernão Perez came to Ohina he said that there has come an ambassador and captain-major: they supposed that it was all one name, and put down "ambassador captain-major." They withdrew the name of "ambassador," because they said that it was a false embassy : we are now proving it to be true. The mandarins consider what is pass to have been badly done, and do not hold this as an argument against our release. At any rate, "captain-tajor" remained; and they imagine that it was his name. Me they call “Tristão de Pira," becanse Tristão de Pina remained here as scrivener: he was removed, and I was left in his place and name, because of being already so written in the books of the mandarins, and thua they call me. Vasco Calvo they call “Cellamem," Gonçalo his lad "the dog," Christovão "Christovão," Antonio "Antonio," and those that died I forbear to write down, all of whom had their names altered, because they could not be written down, nor have the Chinese letters that can be written, as they are letters of the devil; $7 and moreover they could not be rectified, as they were already dispersed throughout many letters and in many houses ; and if they had done differently the eum total would have appeared in it exactly the same. The women of the interpreters as also those of Tome Pirez that were left in this city in the present year were sold as the property of traitors; they remained here dispersed throughout Cantão.
The country of China is divided into fifteen provinces. Those that adjoin the sea are Quantão, Foquiem, Chequeam, Namquy, Xantão, and Pequy: these, although they border on the sea, also extend inland all round. Quanoy, Honzo, Cuycheu, He[f. 112Y]cheus, Cheamcy, and Sangy confine, with Pequim, upon these provinces that are in the midst :Queangy, Vinão, Honão. Of these fifteen Nãoquim and Pequim are the chief of the whole
# Interpreters. (See Hobson-Jobeon, . v. ; Yule's earliest instance is dated 1603.) * Bedoia P (Spolt Budoya above.
The original is very confused, and I am anoertain of the sense. WIoannot explain this word: it may represent some Chinese name.
H . Gaspar da Crus in Parchas, Pilg. III. p. 185:"The China bave no certain Letters in their Writine. for all that they write is by Characters. Their lines are not over thwart in the Writings of all other Nations, but Ase written up and downe." The fifteen provinces enumerated are the following :-Kwangtung, Fákien, Chehkiang, Nanking, Shantung,
1. Yunnan, Kweichaa, neobwan, Shenhal, Shanbal, Kianghel, Hopan, and Hoben. (In the Kanghat reign, 1662-1722, the country was divided into eighteen provinces, some of the old ones being divided, and names being altered in a few cases.) Compare with this list thone given by Gonzales de Mondose in his Hist, de la China, bk, I. ohape vil. and viii., some of the names in which are soarely identifiablo. (The editor of the Hak. Boo. od. does not seem to have noticed that the name "Bazij," whiob Ooours at the end of the first list in the English translation, is an interpolation, to supply the accidental omission of "Caton" in the original.) Fr. Guapar da Crus, in the Afth chapter of his Tractado da China (1589-70), enumerates only thirteen provinces, bat gives the names fairly agourately. The list given by Barros (Dec. m., II. vil.), though the earliest published, is the most correct.

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JANUARY, 1902.) LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
. 19
country. Over all Pequim is the capital where the king by law resides. Nanquim lies in 28 or 29 degrees, Pequim in 38 to 39. From Cantão to Foquõ the coast runs along north-east and southWest a little more or less. From Foquem to Piquim the coast runs straight north and south. The coast winds about, which they say is a very safe one, and having many cities and towns near the sea on rivers. All these fifteen provinces are under one king. The advantage of this country89 lies in its rivers all of which descend to the sea. No one sails the sea from north to south; it is prohibited by the king, in order that the country may not becom, known. Where we went was all rivers. They have boats and ships broad below without number, there are so many. I am certain that I must have seen thirty thousand including great and small.01 They require little water. Certainly there are rivers for galleys suitable for every kind of rowing foist for war. Close to the sea the country has no wood, nor at thirty leagues from the sea : I mean that on the coast from north to south the land is all low, all provisions are carried, and on the rivers the wood comes down in rafts from inlund, and it is towed from more than one hundred leagues round Pequym because the province in which the king resides has no wood nor stone nor bricks : 92 all is carried from Nanquim in large boats. If Nãoquin did not supply it with its provisions, or other provinces, Pequym would not be able to sustain itself, because there are people without number and the land does not produce rice, because it is cold and has few food-products. The king resides in this province, which is situated at the extremity of his country, because he is at war with some peoples called Tazas, 99 and if the king did not remain there they would invade the country, because this same Pequim belonged to these Tazas, with other provinces.
In this country some fifteen leagues from the gulf of Caucbim, from fifteen to twenty longues inland from Haynão, here commences a mountain range: this range is called [f. 119] Miuylem or Moulem, and runs eastward and ends in Foquem, and divides Foquem from Chiquião. These mountain ranges are very high, without trees; they are lofty and very rugged, so that these ranges divide three provinces. On the sea Cangy borders on the country of Cauchi and Cantão and then Foquem. These three provinces stand by themselves. Of the others Cantão and Foqnem border on the sea and reach as far as the mountain range. Capgim lies between Cantão and the range as far es Canchim: it does not border on the sea of Canchim. The whole of this line of mountains which divides these three provinces from the other twelve has only two roads very steep and difficult. One is from this city to the north : by this one is served the province of Cançi and Cantão and part of Foquem. The other is there above Foquem, with roads cut through the fuck in many parts like that which goes to Santa Maria da Penna, and on the other side there will be a like descent. In these lofty and steep ranges rise rivulet's which afterwards here below for rivers that go flowing down to the sea, and anyone that
The orig. has sorra, mountain range, coppiat's blunder for terra evidently.
Of. Gaspar da Crus in Purchas, Pilg. ILL. p. 190; Mendusa (Hak. Soo, ed.), I. p. 94. * cf. Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 149. * This statement is incorrect. (Soe Williama's Middle Kingdom. I. p. 89.)
# Barros, in quoting this statement from Christovo Vieyra's letter, says (Deo. TII., VL. I.) that the emperor resided in Poking "boonuse of its being on the frontier of the Tartars, whom they call T&tas or Tancas (as we have already said (in Deo. III., II. vii.] ), with whom he is continually at war." (Soo also Galeotto Pereira in Purchas, Pily. pp. 205, 207; Gaspar da Crux in ib. p. 170; Mondosa, Hak. Soo, od. pp. 9, 28, 77, 85, 90.)
N That is, Cochinchina. See Yulo's Hobson-Jobson, , •. 'Coohin-China' Gaspar da Cras in Porabas. Pilg. III. p. 167; and Galeotto Pereira in same, p. 205.
* Meiling, the "Plum Paas," by which nearly all intercourse between the northern and southern provinces was carried on. The name is applied locally to the Yanling range. (See Mid. King. I. pp. 12, 87, 89, 113, 150, 174) * Sic, for Cauchim.
Cf. Mid. King. I. p. 174. This is the famous monastery at Cintra in Portagal, immortalised by Byron in Childe Harold, canto I. versos xix.-XX., under the title of "Our Lady's House of Wow," the poet being under the mistaken impression that it derived ita name from pona, punishment, where it is from ponha, rook, clift. (In his note on the name, and the one correcting the error, Byron has jumbled up Spanish and Portuguese in s ridiculous way.) The spelling penna in the text is an antiquated form of Spanish gefla. I owe the reference to Childe Harold to Sr. David Lopes of Lisbon, to whom I am indebted for much kind help. It is a remarkablo coincidence that, according to Sir John Barrow (Travels in China, P. 507), Lord Macartney should, whon crowing the Mollie Pana, have been reminded, like Obristovao Vieyna, of the Cintra rocks.

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comes from Cantão thither is through only a span of water.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
in the middle portion of the road always towed with hooks, sometimes There is another similar one from the range to other provinces.
This mountain range has on the Cantão side a city, and on the other side another: the range lies in the middle; from one to the cther there will be some six or seven leagues, 100 As regards the range, it is a steep and very difficult country. It is a great thoroughfare, because the whole country of the twelve provinces passes through here; those who wish to come to Quiençy and to Cantão in one day pass along this road on mules or asses. The water of the rivulets that runs from these ranges both from one extremity and the other to the foot of these ranges on both sides unites and begins to form rivers having in places two spans of water, and the boats go grating on the pebbles; this in many places for some eight to [f. 113v] ten leagues downwards from the range, and in some places it is deep. From this range to Cantão all the merchandise that comes and goes is by this river; all the mandarins who come and go do so by this river. By land there is a road paved with stones (?), and there are some rivers on the way that they cross; however by it they go but little, because there are robbers all along the road and on the rivers. As I have said, the roads of the country are not safe. All the traffic and journeys in the country of China are by rivers, because the whole of China is intersected by rivers, so that one cannot go two leagues by land without crossing twenty rivers: this is throughout the whole country, and there is only one province that has no rivers,
All the craft of Cantãos in which the people and merchandise go to the mountain range and to other parts of these two provinces, viz., Cantão and Queançy, all is made in the city of Cantão close to the sea in places surrounded by rivers of fresh water and by mountains; because from Cantão right up to the mountain range there is not a single tree from which a single boat can be made. In Cangi which is far from here, they build some large boats for merchandise, but not many: all the manufacture is in these outskirts of Cantão and around Tanção." If these boats of Cantão were destroyed, help could not come from other provinces, because they have no roads by land. So that, whoever should be master of the district of Cantão, all the advantage is on the border of the sea and twelve, fifteen, twenty miles inland: all this is divided up by rivers where every kind of boat can go. This is the most suitable race and country of any in the whole world to be subjugated, and the whole aim lies in this district of Cantao. Certainly it is a greater honor than the government of India further on it will be seen that it is more than can be described. If our lord the king had the real truth and information as to what it is so much time would not pass.
[f. 114] This province of Cantão is one of the best in China, from which the king receives much revenue, because there are rice and food-stuffs incalculable, and all the wares of the whole country come to be shipped here by reason of the sea-port and of the articles of merchandise that come from other kingdoms to Cantão; and all passes into the interior of the country of China, from which the king receives many dues and the mandarins large bribes. The merchants live more honestly than in the other provinces which have no trade. No province in China has trade with strangers except this of Cantão: that which others may have on the borders is a small affair, because foreign folk do not enter the country of Chins, nor do any go out of China. This sea trade has made this province of great importance, and without trade it would remain dependent on the agriculturists like the
The city on the Kwangtong side of the pass is Nanhiung; that on the Kianghat side is Nanngan. (See Mid. King. I. pp. 113, 159, 174.)
100 According to Williams (Mid. King. L. p. 159) the road between Nanhiang and Nanngan is twenty-four miles in length.
1 Cf. Barrow, op. cit. p. 542.
The orig. has "em recados de p" which is unintelligible. Sr. Lopes suggests enrocado de pedras, which I have adopted, though I am not quite satisfied with it.
An error: there is no riverless province.
⚫ It must be observed that the Portuguese Cantão represents both the province of Kwangtung and the city of Kwangchau-fu.
I think this should be Tancão, and that the place referred to is Tungkwan on the Tungkiang or East River. (See infra, ff, 1197, 121v.)

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others. However the port of the whole of the country of China is Cantão; Foquem has but little trade, and strangers do not go there, Trade cannot be carried on in any other province except in Cantão, because it is thereby more suited than others for trade with strangers.
This province has thirteen cities and seven chenos, which are large cities that do not bear the name of cities; it has one hundred walled towns besides other walled places. All the best lies along the sea as far as Aynão on rivers which may be entered by vessels that are rowed ; and those that are distant from the sea lie between rivers into which also all kinds of row-boats can go. Of the cities and towns that lie on rivers which cannot be navigated except by towing no account need be taken at the first; because when the greater obeys the lesser does not rebel. As I have said, there is under the sun nothing so prepared as this, and with people without number, and thickly populated on those borders where there are rivers and where there are none it is not so populous, not by
fifth), of every sort of craftsman of every mechanical office, I mean carpenters, caulkers, smiths, stone-masons, tilers, sawyers, carvers : in fine that there is a superabundance [f. 114v] of the things that are necessary for the service of the king and of his fortresses, and from hence may be taken every year four or five thousand men without causing any lack in the country.
The custom of this country of China is, that every man who administers justice cannot belong to that province ; for instance, a person of Cantão cannot hold an office of justice in Cantão; and they are interchanged, so that those of one province govern another: he cannot be a judge where he is a native. This is vested in the literates; and every literate when he obtains a degree begins in petty posts, and thence goes on rising to higher ones, without their knowing when they are to be moved; and here they are qnietly settled, when a letter comes and without his knowledge he is moved from here three hundred leagues. These changes are made in Pequim : this takes place throughout the whole country, and each one goes on being promoted. Hence it comes that no judge in China does equity, because he does not think of the good of the district, but only of stealing, because he is not a native of it, and does not know when he may be transferred to another province. Hence it comes that they form no alliances and are of no service where they govern nor have any love for the people: they do nothing but rob, kill, whip and pat to torture the people. The people are worse treated by these mandarins than is the devil in hell : hence it comes that the people have no love for the king and for the mandarins, and every day they go on rising and becoming robbers. Because the people who are robbed have no vineyards nor any source of food it is necessary that they become robbers. Of those risings there are a thousand. In places where there are no rivers many people rise; those that are between rivers where they can be caught remain quiet; bat all are desirous of every change, because they are placed in the lowest depth of subjection. It is much greater than I have said.
The mandarin nobles although they are mandarins hold no post of justice. Of these there are many; they are mandarins of their own residences, [f. 115) and have a salary from the king : while they hold office they go to fight wherever they are sent. These for any fault whatsoever are straightway beaten and tortured like any other person of the common people. However they go on advancing in names, and according to the name so is the maintenance. These do not go out of the district of their birth, because they do not administer justice. Sometimes they have charge of places of mon of arms; however, wherever they are, they understand very little of justice, except in places with populations of people of their own control.
The arms of the country of China are short swords of iron with a handle of wood, and a bandoleer of esparto cord. This is for the men of arms; the mandarins have of the same fashion but finer according as they have anthority. Their spears are canes, the iron heads
• Chin, chan, now a market town.
c. the letter of Diogo Calvo in the Introduction. . Cf. Gal. Pereira in Purchas, Pily. III. p. 202. Couto (Deo. VII, 1. i.), in referring to the appointment vioeroy of India in 1554 of D. Pedro Mnaourenhos, describes this custom of the Chinese, and highly commends it.
cy. Mendos, I., III. chap. v.

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being spikes and hooks; pieces of wood, head-pieces or helmets of tin of Flanders foil for the sake of the heat. Before the Portuguese came they had no bombards, only some made after the manner of the pots of Monto Mór, 10 a vain affair. None of the people may carry arms except they do it under pain of death. The men of arms may not carry them at home when they have done their daty, the mandarins give them to them so long as they serve nndor them : when this is finished they are collected at the house of the mandarin. They have wooden cross-bows.
The capital punishment 11 in the country of China. - The most cruel is putting one on the cross, where they take from him three thousand slices while he is alive, and afterwards open him and take out his pluck for the hangman to eat, and cut all in pieces and give it to the dogs that stand waiting for it. They give them shigle to eat in the case of captains of robbers, for whom they have a liking 16 The second is cutting off the head, the private members being cut off and put in the mouth, and the body divided into seven pieces. The third is cutting off the head at the back of the neck. The fourth is strangling. Those that are liable to less than death become men of arms of China in perpetuity to son, grandson and great-grandson, that is, one that belongs to Cantão they transfer to another province very [f. 115v] far off, and nevermore does he return to his own; there they serve as men of arms. These are the men of arms of China. From this they rise to be mandarin knights, of those whom I have mentioned above ten thousand, some banished in their life-time for a term of years, and those who have been banished they transfer to various provinces to serve in the houses of the mandarins and sweep and carry water, split wood, and to fulfil every other service of this kind, and to serve in works of the king and other services. The tortures are to fasten boot-trees for stretching busking one between the feet and two outside with cords, with which they torture their anklebones, and with mallets they strike the boot-trees, and sometimes break their ankle-bones, and sometimes the shin-bones of their legs, and they die in a day or two. And there is also the similar one with pieces of wood between the fingers and toes: these suffer pain but do not ran risk of their lives; they are, however, beaten on the legs, buttocks and the calves of the legs, and on the soles of the feet, and are given blows on the ankles. From these beatings many without number die ; and all great and small are tortured. They hold very strongly to onstom, and the people are ill-used, and no one writes a letter against the mandarin because he is of the gentry. The whip. is a large dry split cane of the thickness of a finger and of the breadth of the palm of the hand, and they put it in soak that it may hurt the more.17
Every person that has lands. -The whole country of China is divided ap into lots; they call each lot 18 quintei :10 it will be sowing land of four alqueire:30 of rice. Every husbandman is obliged to pay from this land of his a certain quantity of rice. Now they sow, then they do not; now today they have good sensons, then bad ones. When the seasons are not favorable they become poor, and sell their children in order to pay: if this is not sufficient, they sell the properties themselves. They are obliged, every person that has this acreage of land, to give certain persons for the service of the mandarins, or for each person twenty or wados. They
1. There are two small towns of this name in Portugal. - Monte Mór o Novo and Monte Mór o Velho. To the former, doubtless, are to be oredited the pots to contemptuously referred to by the writer, since the country around Brons in famed for its pottery. (I am indebted for this information to Sr. David Lopes.)
11 f. Mendoza, L, III, chap. xii; Goapar da Orus, ohap. II. Mid. King. I. p. 511 f. 11 This is the well-known ling chim, or Bioing punishment. See Mid. King. I. pp. 512, 516. 11 That is, the hangmen.
14. The pluck. To Wella Williams says (Mid. King. I p. 614),-" It is not anoommon for bim(the exeogtioner) toont out the Kallbladder of notorious robbon and sell it, to be eaten i specifio for courago."
* Cl. Gwpar da Oras in Parohu, Pig. IIL P. 189; Mondore, I. III. Chap. I; Mid. Ling. L p. 507.. 11 OJ. Guapar da Crus, in Parohes, Pilg. III. p. 188; Vendosa (Hak. Boc, ed.), L p. 180. * The orig. bas paroi, which is unintelligible, unless it bes copyist's error for parte. 19 Ohin ung ti or kay to plowed land.
* An alqueire, s dry merur 18 litros.

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are obliged to supply all furniture of colored tables, chairs, beds, owers and other trifles for the houses of the mandarins. [f. 116] Those who have not lands are obliged each one to give certain persons; and, if he have no person, money; and, if he have no person or money, he in person has to serve and eat at his own cost and fee the person he serves. Besides these duties they are liable for the following.'
Throughout the whole country of China there are now rivers, now dry land. On the high roads froia stage to stage there are houses ready, with each one its mandarin clerk, where they have rice, meat, fish, fowls and every other sort of food and preparation of the kitchen; and boats with kitchens, tables, chairs and beds. They have also beasts ready, rowers for the service of the mandarins and every other person who travels by the rivers, that is, every mandarin or other person whom the king sends or the mandarins who in connection with their government carry letters; for whicb purpose they give them mach, - if they go by land, horses; if by sea, boats, beds, and every necessary.a1 Indeed” the persons are already farnished for these houses. The persons of the districts are obliged to give this for a certain time, now some, now others for this reason, they have nothing left that they do not spend ; and if anyone refuses he is immediately imprisoned and everything is sold, and he dies in prison. No one refuses what the mandarin demands, but with head to the ground and face on the earth listons to and regards the mandarin like another lightning-flush. Hence it is that the people oome to be poor; moreover for any cause whatever they are at once beaten and put in prison, and the least penalty is seven quintala of rice and two or three maces (P) * of silver to them, and of these they pay five hundred and a thousand taels,whence I verily believe that the fines that are exacted for the king from the persons that are imprisoned is a very large sum of silver, and I am certain that in the prisons of Cantão there are constantly as many as four thousand men imprisoned and many women. And every day they imprison many aud release fewer; and they die in the prisons of hunger like vermin.27 Hence the people come to have a hatred of the mandarins, and desire changes in order to obtain liberty.
st. 116v] The cities, towns and walled villages of the country of Chin.- All the walls are broad built on the surface of the ground: the walls have no foundations; they stand on the earth. The face of the outer part is of stone from the ground to half-way ap the wall; the rest of brick. Some are all of stone. I mean the outer face; inside they are of mod. At the gateWays they make great arches and great gates, and above the gates sentry-boxes of wood. From these mid-walls they remove the earth for the mud-walls. The villages and wallsso lie within walls and ditches. Those that I saw were all on the surface of the ground: they have no other fortresses. The cities, towns and villages that have walls open their gates at sunrise and shut them at sunset.31 They intrust the keys to the mandarin who has charge of them : at night he receives them, and in the morning every gate has & person who guards it with ten or
1 of. Guapar da Crus in Parohas, Pilg. III. p. 185; Mendons (Hsk, Soo. ed.), L. p. 108. 11 The orig. bus jabe, which may possibly be an error for ja ba. u Cl. Gaspar da Crux in Parohms, Pilg. III. p. 187 : Mendowa (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 148.
* The orig. has como outro rela pando," the last word being apparently an error for relapado, an ancient form of relampago.
» The orig. has "dous trore me," which would mean "two, three and shall." As this is not intelligible I suggest that the"." is an interpolation, and that "mo" should be " ," for mache, matos, or mame. (Cf. Mondosa, Hak. Soo, od. I. p. 82; and Gaspar da Crus in Purchas, Pilg. III. pp. 175, 178.)
* The orig. has tates, an evident error for tacs.
Cf. Gal Pereira in Parobne, Pilg. III. p. 208; Guapar da Oras in Parohas, Pilg. III. p. 189. » Of. Gal Pereira in Parcbas, Pilg. III. p. 200; Gaspar da Crus in same, PP. 170, 173; Mendors (Hak. Soc. ed.), I. Pp. 24, 26; Mid. King. I. p. 728.
* If the orig. is correct, the only sense I can make of this is, that the earth was dag out to form ditebus and used for filling in the walls. (CJ. Gaspar da Crus in Parchas, Pilz. III. p. 171.)
0 The words ". muros" in the orig. may be an interpolation of the copyist's, # of. Guapar da Crus in Parohas, Pilg. III. p. 178; Mendoza (Hak Soo, ed.), I. p. 180.

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twelve persons; at night all watch vigilantly, as they are afraid of the natives. All the houses are protected by timber on wooden props; the walls of a few are of mats, but in most cases of canes and mud with clay with a facing of lime, and generally floored with small planks. Thus they are all a very flimsy affair; and for the most part the whole family lives within one door, and all have one surname. Each family has a family name by which they are known: in addition to this they have their names, Mirandas33 or any other cognomen. Besides this patronymic (?) they have their own names. The oldest person of this family has the names, in order to give an account of how many there are; and no person can go twenty miles out of the village where he dwells without a letter from the mandarins: if he is found without it he is imprisoned as a robber; because all the roads are full of spies. For this letter they give something: the letter declares what person he is and his age and all for which he is given leave.
24
With respect to the courts of justice that there are in this city of Cantão, [f. 117] the first is the Cancheufu,35 which is the court of the city. This has twelve or thirteen mandarins and one hundred clerks: every mandarin lives in the court where he is a mandarin. The court of the pochançi has some twenty mandarins petty and great, clerks, chimchaes, 36 messengers, and other persons, with clerks: in all there are more than two hundred. The court of the anchaçy has as many other great and petty mandarins, clerks, and other persons. The court of the toçi has six or seven mandarins and many clerks. The cehi is one who has charge of the men of arms and of the salt: he has many clerks; and the cuchi who has charge of all the affairs of justice is one who has many clerks. The court of the tutão and the choypi and the great and lesser congom and of the tiqos.37 Besides these there are some fifteen or twenty whom I do not name. There is no doubt that all the mandarins of this city of Cantão must have over seven or eight thousand servants all employed at the expense of the people. I do not speak of other great courts of the mandarins who keep sheep, 38 who have no charges, so that they may be reckoned as houses of men of the people. Take note that every house of those of the mandarins has terraces and freestone for the purpose of being able in each one to erect a tower, and here there is cut stone in blocks enough to build anew a Babylon. I pass over their houses of prayer and the streets which are so much carved as to defy description. Then as regards wood, one of these houses has enough to timber a fortress with ten towers. These houses have teiçães3 of strong gates within, all with houses and stables. Each of these houses covers enough ground to form a handsome town. The house of the aytao also is very large, and has great, strong, beautiful gates, and the wall at the hinges stands on the surface. Of all those of Cantão this is the abundance of the mandarins; and every day some go and others come, so that in every three years and more all have gone and others come. Since I have been in this city many crews have been changed.
As I have said of the much stone, so also of the much craft, that there is [f. 117v] in this province of Cantão,40 not one of war, all of peace, of such a number of royal galleys and foists and brigantines, all with gunwales and beaks and masted in the manner of galleys. If
92 The writer here several times uses the word parenteira, for parentela. (For a similar use of the word see D. Lopes's Textos em Aljamía Portuguesa, p. 136, 1. 11.)
33 I cannot explain the use of this name in this connection. Perhaps the copyist has blundered.
The orig. has "aboanha," which I cannot explain, unless it be connected with avo, grandfather. Kwangchau-fil="the city district of Canton, with the surrounding country; also the magistrate who presides over it." (Mor., Chin.-Eng. Dict. p. 508.)
36 See Introd,
Regarding the various officials mentioned see Introd.
38 Orig. "que teem ovelhas." I cannot explain this, and suspect some error of the copyist's. Perhaps we should read "que são velhos"="who are old."
I cannot explain this word, which appears to be a copyist's blunder. Sr. Lopes suggests trações forms. 40 Cf. Gaspar da Cruz in Purchas, Pilg. III. p. 178.
I am not certain if this is the exact meaning of postica here. (Cf. Jal, Gloss, Naut., s. vv. 'Posticcio,' 'Postiza,' etc.)

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into each one be put a deck and its knees they become galleys and foists and brigantines; and at first they would do instead of those of Cochi. There are also oars and rowers without number. Of these boats the best and newest should be taken, and all the rest burned. At leisure royal galleys can be built, and all the other rowing craft. These draw less water than ours, and can thus serve as well as ours in these rivers. For the sea I do not know how safe they would be ; so that it would be needful to make a beginning with these, because they are very necesssary, until others were made, for, if the affair proceeds as projected, there can be made here in a month ten or twelve rowing boats, because workmen and wood are in plenty, and especially when they see good payment. These boats are of much importance, because all the strength is in the rivers.
25
This country of China is great, and its commerce is between certain provinces of it and others. Cantão has iron, which there is not in the whole of the rest of the country of China,43 according to what I am informed. From here it goes inland to the other side of the mountain range; and the rest lies in the vicinity of this city of Cantão. From this they manufacture pots, nails, Chinese arms and everything else of iron. They have also cordage, thread and silk, and cotton cloths. By reason of trade all goods come here, because this is the port whither foreigners come for this trade of goods from the provinces to Cantão and from Cantão to the interior, and the people are more numerous than in the other provinces. All the goods that were coming to Cantão before this war broke out should be kept until it is seen how things turn out. The [f. 118] country inland has many, without a possibility of their being wasted, because they would manufacture them according to the wishes of the Portuguese : I mean silks and porcelains.
This country cannot be sustained without trade. Goods do not come here now, nor are there here goods and traders as were wont, nor the fifth part, because all were destroyed on account of the Portuguese. This city, because of foreigners' not coming and because goods do not come from the other provinces, is at present poor. A good trade cannot be done until those from above come here when they learn that foreigners have arrived, and trade has once more to be negotiated. Every day I think that the province of Cantão is going to revolt; and the whole country inland is bound to do likewise, because the whole is fastigated after one manner. When things have been settled in one way or another the country will carry on trade, whilst the land will not yield such large revenues, which is a thing not to be desired. The whole country is cultivated; and the goods that the foreigners bring are very necessary in the country, especially in order to effect a sale of the local ones. The country inland has many and good articles of merchandise, many kinds of silks that have not yet come to Cantão, because they are anxious that they should not be rivalled, and because of its being forbidden by the king that good wares and those of value should be sold to foreigners, only things of barter; there is also much rhubarb. I now leave this subject and turn to that which is of more importance.
In Cantão they have not been forming fleets as they used to do formerly. It must now be sixteen years since certain Chinese rose in junks and turned robbers, and Cantão armed against them. Those of Cantão were defeated; and the mandarins [f. 118v] of Cantão made an agreement with them that they would pardon them and that they would give them land where they might live, with the condition that when other robbers should appear on the sea they should go and fight with them, and whatever they got in plunder should be theirs, excepting the women and things for the king. They gave a settlement to these robbers, some of them in Nanto, some of them in Foym,45 some of them in Aynameha and in other villages that lie between Nanto
42 Here, again, I am doubtful as to this being the correct rendering of liames.
43 This is incorrect. Iron is abundant in various provinces of China. (See Mid. King. I. pp. 95-96; and cf. Gaspar da Cras in Purchas, Pilg. III. p. 178.)
That would be in 1518. I have no confirmatory account of the events described by the writer.
5 Doubtless Fahiun, on the east coast of Lintin Bay. (See supra, f. 111.)
46 Anunghoy near the Bocca Tigris. (See infra, f. 129).

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and Cantão : these all had janks. All the janks of Cantão were of these robbers of whom I have spoken. By the capture in the year 1521 of the junks that remained at the island 7 they became rich, and by the booty of Syảo and Patane; and through the conquest of the two ships in the year 1522 they became so arrogant that it seemed to them that now no one could come whom they could not defest. Wherefore in the year 1523 they prepared a fleet of one hundred junks watching for Portuguese: half of them lay in front of Nanto, and the other half at sea among the islands watching. At the end of August a hurricane barst upon them which lasted a day and a night, which dashed in pieces all the principal ones that were at sea so that not one escaped. The other half that was before Nanto put into the river and took refuge in Anyameha, which is a safe port; if al bad been at sea all would have perished. There are no other junks, nor had they any other force than there was in these men, of whom there is not one, and the rest have gone because they did not pay them. In the year 1524 they equipped a fleet of salt janks which they took by force; and until the year 1528 they prepared fleets. The janks went on decreasing until they left off doing this, and of the junks that escaped to Aynamehs there is not one, -all were defeated by robbers who after these appeared on the sea, who now live on land with the security that they have given them: they must have some seven (f. 119) or eight junks. Now there are no others except it be those of these men. If they go without victuals they do not equip fleets, nor have they junks of which they would wish to form them. There is now no other strength than that which lies in the walls of Cantão.
In this fleet that the Chinese prepared to watch for ours there was not one man of arms of the soldiers of China: all were people from those villages and janks taken by, force and weak and low people and the majority children. Nevertheless every one of them is better than four men of arms: it is a mere mockery to talk of men of arms of this country of China. In this fleet that they sont to Nanto are some captains, it appearing to them that they could capture Portuguese as in the year 1522. If this gentry had a taste of the Portuguese sword they would soon fraternize with the Portuguese, because the most are people of floating possessions, and with little or no root in the soil. This people of Cantão is very weak in comparison with the people of the interior, who are strong. In this Cantão, - I mean in the district of Cantão and throughout the province, - because it is a region distant from the rivers, they quickly rise. They attack villages, and kill much people: this happens every day in many places, and they cannot do them any harm, and they send for men to the province of Cancy which lies to the west of Cantão. They call these Langås or Langueas :60 these are of somewhat better bearing ; nevertheless the whole is a trumpery affair. The Chinese say that if the Portuguese should land they would summon many of these men ; and they cannot come except by river, so that if a hundred came it would profit nothing, because when the river was freed from their craft and our vessels were clear and began to proceed under bombards there is nothing that would appear within ten leagues. These Chinese of Cantão when they go to fight with people who have risen never [f. 119v] kill like robbers. They surprise these abodes of robbers and kill an immense number therein, and bring their heads and many others as prisoners : they say that they are robbers, and there is no more need of proof. They kill them all in a cruel manner. This they do every day. The people is so docile and fearful that they dare vot speak. It is like this throughout the whole country of China, and it is much worse than I have said ; wherefore all the people long for & revolt and for the coming of the Portuguese. So much for Cantão.
4T That is, the Laland of Trado. (800 Introd.) Of. Fa, Biool in Hak. Soe. Mendona, Introd. p. lrxx.
• Orig. bona boya. The writer is probably making punning Allwaion to the large floating (literally) popul tion of China.
The writer seems to refer to some of the Laos (Shea) triber inhabiting Kwanghal, and to have attached to them the name of the Dragon Biver, Lang-liang.

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LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN OANTON.
27
The island of Aynão has one citysland foarteen towns. It lies within sight of the country of China. It has a good port, 6 but has no timber, 54 and for this reason has no boats. When any people of Luohim rise in janks and go to these parts to commit robberies they ask for help from Cantão : they are a very weak lot. On the land of China facing Aynão as far as Cantão along the sea there are four cities and many towns along the whole sea-shore and on rivers.56 Into several ships can onter and into all large rowing boats can enter, Navigation is carried on at all seasons. Along this coast there are many fertile islands that form a shelter from every wind. This is the capital of the province; and it must contain two-thirds of the pro. vince. If Cantão be entered by the Tomo 57 all this will be surrendered when the capital has surrendered and been captured. This Aynão has many jades; 58 and it has coconuts and areca. which all the rest of the country of China has not. In Cantão there is a trade in this area and coconuts, as also in seed-pearl in great plenty, which all the rest of the country of China has not. As I have said, it has jades which the Chinese call horses : of these they bring numbers to this province, and many can be had hence for a small price.
This Cantão has some two hundred of these horses. The petty mandarins who cannot afford an andorol have a horse; (f. 120] the mandarins of war also have each one his. These jades are small, and are only pacers ; in the hands of the Portuguese they could be utilized equipped with short stirrups and spars. These Chinese use a haltera and no bridlo. Cantão has more than twenty or thirty working saddlers; persons who make stirrups are many. The people are without number; and anyone when he gains ten reals a day for a living praises God: after this sort are all the workmen of China. Thus, as I have said, these with those of Aynão can be utilized for the country. One of these horses is worth here from three to ton taels of silver. Not a person, so they affirm, do you see going nor can go on horseback, - I mean through the
city.
The tutão, compim and compuð are three persons who have charge of this province of Cantão and Cangy : these are the head-men; they reside in a city called Vohou,63 which lies at the border of both those provinces. This city belongs to Queangy. They reside there most of the time, because they carry on war there, and from there they govern both. Sometimes they come to Cantão, and stay two or three months, now one, now another; and sometimes two years pass without anyone's coming. In this province of Quěcy a very large part is perpetually in a state of insurrection, without their being able to remedy it. This is the cause why they stay there the most of the time. This city lies to the west of Cantão a matter of thirty leagues by river, because there are no roads by land and the country is all intersected by rivers. They go there in five days travelling post-haste with many people for towing, and come in three, going night and day. The water flows from there to Cantão. This road has a large city on the border of the river which is called Cheuquymfu. The whole of this river can be navigated by every kind of rowing craft. Along this road there are villages without number and on any (f. 120v] occasion of war in Cantio these are set in commotion and send people. Let our fleet go up the river, and I warrant that no one will come; and anyone who should come in force must disembark in front of this city near the town of this suburb or half
Kiungohad-fa. (899 1800 Calvo's letter infra, f. 128.) n Williams (Mid. King. I. p. 176) says there are thirteen distriot towns in Hainan.
15 Hoihan. # This is an error: the interior is well wooded. - A copyist's error, I think, for Cuchim or Cauchim - Cochinchina.
Of Ouchim or Cauchim - Coohinchina. Seo VM0o Calvo's letter infra, t. 128. * By this contraction is apparently meant Tongkwan on the Tangkiang or East River, at the entrance to which is the First Bar. (800 rupra, f. 118, and infra, f. 121v.)
Orig. sondeyros. (. 1. 104 rupro.) All the horses of China, including those of Hainan, are very small (f. Mid. King. I. p. 829.)
This is oorroot. Soo Mid. King. I. p. 175. A mistake, which is repeated by Vasco Calvo infra, t. 1817. a Sedan-chair. Soe Hobson-Jobson, . . 'Andor.'
Ot whip. Wuohau-l in Kwanghal, at the junction of the Kwai-kiang and Lang-liang. # Shauking-ta, regarding which we Mid. King. I p. 13.

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a league up this river northwards. In fine, no one could come who would not be seized, and especially as all navigate in the day and not at night, because the rivers in places are shallow and in places are stony; and if they came they would all lie at our mercy, even though they brought more Language than I have said.
Cantão has mandarins besides these, 06 — the cheuhi and the pochácy and amchacy and tocy, whom they call camoy, who reside permanently in this city. The ceuhy comes every year. The latter is afraid of nobody; all are afraid of him. He comes, in order to dispatch all cases and to see what mandarin does evil. If the mandarin thnt does evil is a petty one he at once deprives him of his ears, and gives information of this to the king; if the mandarin is a higher one he writes to the king regarding his crime. Thence comes the order that he be no longer a mandarin; because the king gives entire credit to him, as also to the tu tão and the comquão. The campyn I do not describe, who has charge of war. The tutão commands in everything. If any letter is to be written let it be to the ecuhi,67 because he comes each year and knows nothing of the robberies that have been committed on the Portuguese. These are only expedients according as they may serve. They also make presents to them in the case of every dispatch, without taking into account the tutão nor any mandarin.
(f. 121] Martim Afonso de Melo came in the year 1522. At the entrance of the port be did well.es Of his entry and of some people that were killed there by artillery the news came to Cantão; they said also that he had written a letter, which, they said, was well-spoken. The mandarins who had plundered the goods the previons year were angry at his coming, and began to make a disturbance : they asked the ouhy what he thought, - whether they should carry on trade or not. The obuhy said, that trade should be carried on as before. They replied that it should not; that they were afraid that with this trade there would come some harm later on; that they would lay hands on some place. The couhy answered them nothing, and they departed in ill humor. They asked the same of the aytao, who has charge of the sea and of foreigners; he replied in like manner. These two mandarins who asked were, one the chãoy and the other the anchagy, who were the head-men of Cantão. These ordered the oytao to go and fight the Portuguese. This aytao was newly come, and did not know of the past. He said that he could not, and pretended to be ill. They then sent there the tiquos, who has charge of foreigners under the aytao : I do not know what he did there. These two mandarins, viz., the pochancy and the anchacy, they say that they bribed the pio of Nanto and the pachain of the fleet that they shonld strive to capture some ship and exert themselves so that peace should not be made: this took place secretly. It happened that by ill-lock and by the captains' having & poor opinion of the Chinese and not having their artillery loaded or ready, and as each captain fired on his own account, and Diogo de Melo having been first wounded by a stone-shot so that he was stunned; and they say that all the people betook themselves ander the castle of the ships on account of the shower of stones. Thus they captured Pedro Homem; being ready for the fight, no one came to his help, and he was killed by showers of stones and blows. The boatswain, boatswain's mate and several sailors fought; but the other people did not come to their assistance and the junks were lofty. Finally, when they were captured in the ship of Diogo de Mello, three hundred Chinese leaped into it to plunder it. After the people had been taken to the junks they set fire to the powder magazine; the ship was burned, and all the Chinese perished, not one escaping. News of this came to the aytao, of how two ships had been captured and the others had gone. He at once set out, and came accompanied by pipers. He wrote that those people that had perished in the fire bad been killed by the Portuguese. He wrote to the tutão, and the tutão to the king; and there came the sentence that I have already mentioned. The aytao with this victory, and with the bribe that the 'two mandarins
Bee note nipra regarding langile. Read chihi.
Regarding these officials see Introd.. Or, "He made a good entrance into the port."

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gave to him and to the tutão that he should permit more Portuguese to come to China, these two continued enemies of the Portuguese, and others who were rich.
Martim Afonso came by order to China with an embassy to ask for a fortress; if they would not grant it, to try if he might build it with workmen whom he had already brought by land and by sea. It does not appear to me that he came with good orders. The Chinese will not give a fortress to any foreign person throughout the whole world, how much more to us who they think have come to spy out their country. Tome Pirez asked for [f.121v] a house in Cantão and in the island. All the advice of the king is that we have come to ask him for his country; because the country of China lies ander a strange custom by itself, in that it does not suffer a foreigner in the country ander pain of death, except it is a submissive embassy,69 how much more give them a house for trade. They do not like populous places to be created, in order that they may not lay hands on anything; and they order them to be made in evil places, aninhabited and unhealthy, because they are very jealous of their country. So that by no means in the world will they give it, except it be by force; and if a house had to be erected in the Island of Trade it should be secretly made strong. There would be found lime and stone, masons and tiles and other needful things, and workmen. This will be difficult with permission; how much more so secretly, since in that island, to make houses of straw, before they are finished half the people are dead. If he ordered that some kind of cartigoo or strong house should be built, which could not be done, at once war would be on hand, and provisions stopped by land, and on land sickness is bad. I do not know how much they might soffer: so that the matter was not well arranged.
Martin Affonso de Mello brought three hundred men. This was a very small body to carry out the enterprise ; and I believe that all the people would have died of hunger and sickness, there being in the end no result. With a greater force of two or three hundred men Nanto might be captured, or a town that is much better, called Jancangem, which stands on an island surrounded by the sea, with a port and of great height, which lies to the west of Nanto seven or eight leagues. It stands on the water's edge, walled round, with a large population, close to the sea. This could be soon taken, without any body's being killed; and from there one could run np their rivers and destroy their craft, and put the Chinese to straits; for from this island to the gates of Cantão it is very fertile, cultivated with rice, and having flesh and all kinds of fish: it is capable of sufficing for twenty thousand men, and cheap. With less trouble and more case and without loss of life it could be dono,' than commencing anew the country, which has so many cities and towns and villages bordering on the water; there is no need to kill the people, though it has to be done by force of some kind : when the Chinese see that the Portuguese have taken possession of the fortified place, they are all bound to begin to rise.
Going from Nanto to Cantão there lies in the middle of the river almost adjoining the bar of Tăcoa" a large town also73 on an island that is called Aynacha. It has cut stone in the houses, streets and churches, and in the jetty, of which could be made a (f. 122] fortress like that of Go&. It has a port safe from all the winds, all the bottom of mad, a very safe port; the main force of the junks was here. This fortress lies above Cantão. Nanto dominates this town of which I speak and another that is called Xuntaeim. From here one could stop provisions and place Cantão in extremity, and it would capitulate in any way that the captain pleased. I repeat, that to capture Cantão en blog76 with a force of two or three thousand men is better:
. cf. Gaspar da Cruz in Purobas, Pilg. p. 197 ; Mondosa (Hak. Soc. ed.), pp. 46, 04. 70 I cannot explain this word.
T1 I am uncertain as to the identifioation of this island town. 11 Tungkwan. (See supra, fr. 113v, 119v.) 13 The orig. has "outro" (" or three"), which is nonsense. I think we should road "outrosi." Shuntak ?
15 The orig. bas" de peça," which I hava ventared to render as abovo, though I am very doubtful to the meaning.

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I say two or three thousand, not because with less the object would not be attained, only that it is a big affair, and there are the charges of places, for which Portuguese are needful. Six thousand would not suffice to conquer with less than I have said and attain the end; because the Chinese would at once rise against the city with the help of the Portuguese.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Moreover with the craft that the Portuguese bring and those that shall be made here out of their paraos in our fashion there will be enough to clear all the rivers. The rivers cleared, the mandarins will have to surrender perforce, or will have to flee and leave the city; then Cantão and its environs will at once be in our hands. This can be done by captains who shall bring a force of seven hundred to a thousand men; and there must remain with him the craft and large rowing boats and all the Portuguese people and Malabars; and if he find any ships. he shall send them to Coachim divested of the Chinese officers that he shall find in them, because ten million will come. And if the governor will put matters in train for next year Cantão will soon be in his hands with the whole province; and he can leave therein a fortress, and in suitable places leave Portuguese people and Malabars, and can return with all his fleet laden with Chinese, carpenters, masons, smiths, tilers, sawyers, and of every other trade, with their wives, to be left at those fortresses; for he can carry away in his fleet in junks from the country ten thousand men without causing a scarcity, and every year four thousand could leave without making a difference. This is the marvellous reason why for each Portuguese a hundred Chinese can be taken for the fortresses.
Cantão has within it a flat mount close to the wall on the north side on which stands a house that has five stories.70 Within the slopes of this mount are six or seven churches which have enough cut stone to build in ten days a town with walls and houses; and the churches are without number; stays, beams, doors. From here one could dominate the city. Another might be built on the edge of the water in the middle of the town where the mandarins disembark, which could be erected in five days, because there is cut stone [f. 122v] in the streets and courts of justice sufficient to build a large walled city with towers. Another in the church. that stands on the river. Just as there are stone and timber and lime in abundance, so there are workmen for this and servants. Nowhere in the whole world are there so many, and they are good servants: for a small wage for food a hundred thousand will come. And out of theire paraos can be made galleys, foists, brigantines; of some can be made galliasses with few ribs, because the rivers do not require the strength that the sea does. So that all these things require more time; and if written orders should be sent to engage in the work the country is prepared for everything. God grant that these Chinese may be fools enough to lose the country; because up to the present they have had no dominion, but little by little they have gone on taking the land from their neighbours; and for this reason the kingdom is great, because the Chinese are full of much cowardice, and hence they come to be presumptuous, arrogant, cruel; and because up to the present, being a cowardly people, they have managed without arms and without any practice of war, and have always gone on getting the land from their neighbours, and not by force but by stratagems and deceptions; and they imagine that no one can do them harm. They call every foreigner a savage; and their country they call the kingdom of God. Whoever shall come now, let it be a captain with a fleet of ten to fifteen sail. The first thing will be to destroy the fleet if they should have one, which I believe they have not; let it be by fire and blood and cruel fear for this day, without sparing the life of a single person, every junk being burnt, and no one being taken prisoner, in order not to waste the provisions, because at all times a hundred Chinese will be found for one Portuguese. And this done, Nanto must be cleared, and at once they will have a fortress and provisions if they wish, because it will at
76 This is the still extant five-storied tower on Kwanyinshan: the northern gate of Canton. It is referred
to by Gaspar da Cruz. (See Purchas, Pilg. III. p. 172.)
17 See Vasco Calvo's letter infra, f. 127.

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once be in their power; and then with the whole fleet attack Aynácha, which lies at the bar of Tacoam, as I have already said above having a good port. Here the ships, which cannot enter the river, will be anchored, and whatever craft they may have will be burnt; and after it has been taken if it seem good the town can be burnt, in order to terrify the Chinese. Before this has been done let a letter be sent by a Caffre black boy; and let it be sent in this manner :
"I (then the titlo of the person who shall come) beg to inform the cuhi and the cãos of Cantão that so toany years ago our lord the king sent a letter to the king of China and a present by Tome Pirez, who was received by the grandees and others who bear office. He was given a house in Cantão; and from there was summoned by the king of China. He went, and he saw him in Nãquỹ. Thence he ordered him to Pequim in order there to give him dispatch, saying that there was the place for giving dispatches. We have heard nothing more of him. In the year so-and-so there came a ship in search of him ; it paid its dues and payments, but they armed against [f. 123] it to capture it. And in the year 80-and-so there came in search of him five janks laden with goods; and the mandarins armed against them in order to plunder them. Doing no evil on land or giving any offence, because the junks came separately from the sea, they retired to other ships, and left the junks in port laden with many goods, quite full, without taking anything out of them. And in the year so-and-so there came five ships with an ambassador to the king of China ; and the mandarins of Nāto prepared one hundred78 junks of robbers to entrap two of the ships by means of false messages of peace. They captured the two ships; and the three that remained did not know how that the ambassador of our lord the king had been put in chains, and his company, and all their property and clothes taken, and without food in the prisons, like the property of robbers; the embassy having been thus received by the grandees, and the present that came for the king kept, withont wishing to send away the ambassador. This is not justice, but it is the justice of three thievish mandarins, namely, the ampochim, the anhançi and the lentocin, and the pio of Nanto, who for the robberies they have committed deserve all to die. Because the king of China may not know of it, this has been brought to my notice; and I have come here, and very early tomorrow I shall be in Cantão to see the city where such justice is donc. Let the ambassador be sent to me before I arrive in Cantao. When he shall have been delivered over to me then we shall speak of what is to be overlooked and what are to be the consequences of that which has passed. And if you do not desire this let the blame rest with you who receive ambassadors and presents, and in order to plunder them put them in prison. This is written on such a day of the moon."
When the letter has been written and sent to ask for liberty on land for all, then enter the river with all the rowing boats; and if the answer is delayed, if it seem good, let fire be pat to the town, and burn all the craft that will be of no use for service of war, and all the people that do not obey the ban shall be killed. It they are deprived of provisions for three days they will all die of hunger. The city has a large provision house very close to the gate on the west side within the [f. 123v) walls; but for dividing among the people it is nothing, because the people are without number and each day buy what they have to eat. So that all must die of hunger and are bound to rise against the mandarins; and if the people rise at onco the city will be in revolt. It will be necessary to be very careful not to receive reports of delays if many par aos with provisions do not arrive at the city. In Cantão there will be idle reports, which are so many, and the population so large, that it cannot be realised. Above all, when the craft has been destroyed in the river, there will not appear a single Chinese affair that has not been burnt. With this and a like slaughter fear will arise regarding the worth of the mandarins, and they are sure to come to blows with them. And this will have to be done, and
7 Orig. has "com" ("with"), which I take to be an error for "cem."
The orig. has" oficio," which I think is an evident error for " o fogo."

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will take less time than I have said ; because all the people are waiting for the Portuguese. In the city provisions cannot reach them by land, as the roads are often in rebellion; if they do this before the arrival of the Portuguese, how much more after it. All the rice has to come by river ; and it will be necessary to keep watch in the strait that is in the river up above to the north a matter of half a league, by which provisions and help may reach them. Boats can be placed there ; so that, the strait being held, so that nothing can come, all is.in your power. If the mandarins should think of fleeing, it would be to this creek : here is their salvation. In this creek galleys could lie, and one can come from this creek to the city by land, as it is near. There every mandarin arrives, and thence his arrival is made known; and then he enters, and horsemen come by land to inform the mandarins of the city what mandarin has entered.
Done in the year 1584.
(To be continued.)
THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR-SAGA.
BY REV. A. H. FRANCKE.
(Continued from p. 341.) Additions to the Sage from other versions.
Preliminary Note. Tas Keser Saga is told differently in different villages. To arrive at a final solution of the question, as to whether the oral tales (kha sgrunge) or the Kesar Epic (dpe sgrungs) are the original source with regard to Ladakh, it will be necessary to arrange something like a Kesar-survey of Ladakh, i.e., in every village the following material will have to be collected : -(1) the version of the Kesar Saga, () the gLing glu (Hymnal of the Kesar Saga), (3) the marriage ritual of the village. All this material will have to be compared with the Kesar Epic.
List of Additions. The following list of additions is not, in the least, claimed as a full one.
1. At the place where the Agus ask for a king, the following request is also added : “Send us nine kinds of corn-seed, and also horses, oxen and many four-footed animals."
2. First detailed version of the story of the birth : - Gogzalhamo sat spinning in her room while the hail was falling. As she was hungry just then, she ate some bail-stones, and soon after conceived. When the hail came, all the horses fied: the mare Thsaldang was the last. All the dogs also fled, the she-dog dKarmo was the last ; all the sheep fled, and the ewe Dromo was the last; all the goats fled, and Tsetse-ngangdmar was the last. Then came Agu d Palle and brought food to the animals that were with child. Thereupon the mare Thsaldang gave birth to the foal rkyangbyung-dbyerpe, the she-dog d Karmo to the puppy Drumbu-brang-dkar, the ewe Dromo to the lamb mThsalmig, the she-goat Tsetse-ngangdmar to the kid Tsetse-ngangdmar.
3. Second version of the story of the birth : - Mother Gogzalhamo heard within her & voice, which said: "I must be born in the lofty sky; please go to the lofty sky !" So she went, and gave birth to [the] sun and moon. Then it said: "Sun and moon I am not ; I must be born on the lofty mountain ; please go on to the lofty mountain !" So she went, and gave birth to the white ice-lion. Then it said: "The white ice-lion' I am not; I must be born on the lofty rock ; please go on to the lofty rock." So she went, and gave birth to the wild bird-king. In this way the narrative progresses, and Gogzalhamo gives birth to the horse rKyangbyung-khadkar in the midst of the steppe ; in the midst of the sea to the little fish Gold-eye; in the midst of the meadow to the yak'a Brong byung rogpo; in the midst of the forest to the rat Kraphusse, in the midst of the field to the little bare bird; also, in Stanglha to a golden frog ; in Barbtaan to a white frog; and in Yogklu to a blue frog. After all that to her child also.

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4. Third version of the story of the birth :- Over the whole earth it was dark; but at Gogelhamo's house appeared a bright light. The child teased the mother in the same way as Dongrub did the giant in III. 84-45. Finally it came out between the ribs, without causing the mother any pain. The child was very beautiful, and had golden hair and wings; yet the mother could see nothing of its beauty. At its birth the fire blased up of itself; grand disbes were cooked in the oven; sweet fragrance filled the room, and jewels came raining in. The child grew in a day as much as others in a month.
6. To V, There came eighteen Andhe Bandhe, who put the child in a kettle, in order to boil it. The unintended effect was that the child came out much stronger and more hardened than it had been before
6. The young folk of gLing have gone hunting, and have killed nothing. Thereupon the Street-child goes out with the sling, and drives a whole herd of game into the cattle-pen, where be kills the animals with his knife, and cuts off their heads. Now appear the Lamas from the monastery, and reproach him for killing animals. Kesar asks if they never ate meat. They say: "Only [that] of animals which have died a natural death." He says, “Diridir," and maps his fingers All the animals come to life, and look for their beads. In doing so, they take the wrong beads in their hurry, so that large animals get small beads, and vios verea. Then the whole herd runs away, and the Street-boy says to the Lamas: "Be sure not to forget to fetch the animals and eat them when they have died."
7. The Agas institute an archery-contest. The one who hits in the middle shall be king.. The Street-boy comes, and bits a tiny mark at an enormous distance; but vanishes again completely immediately after.
8. According to another version, it is Agu Khromo, and in one case the husband of Gogzslbamo, who is said to have killed the devil-bird; but this gives no logical coherence. 9. (To III.) Advice for the journey to the earth :
If Dya khyung dkrang nyima troubles thee,
Call Byemo dkarmo to thy help Il 'a Dre lha btsan bog troubles thee,
Call Dsemo 'a Bamaa 'aBum skyid to thy help. 10. B'Brugama, a donkey's mother. This story is told after Spring Myth No. VI. 16. All the guests, being drunk, had gone to sleep. Kesar silently left the room and went to a neighbour's she-A88, that was with child. He caused her to give birth to a young ass at once by giving ber very cold water to drink. The foal he carries to the banquetting ball and puts it in the lap of the girl, who is nearest the door. When she awakes, she puts it into her neighbour's lap, and so on. Last of all 'Bruguma awakes, sees the foal in her lap and tries to hide it, because the Street-boy has entered the room. She succeeds in hiding it in her sleeve. The Street-boy says: "You will certainly be scolded, because you are late for breakfast!" "Oh no," she replies, “it is only the poor people, who bave their breakfast early in the morning, we do not belong to them !" Then by witchcraft be caused the foal to fall out of the sleeve and said: "Look there, you have given birth to a little donkey I” The girl is ashamed and wishes to keep him still; therefore sbe prays him to come to another banquet. Of this we hear in Spring Myth No. VI. 17-69.
11. To be inserted Spring Myth No. II. 36: He who is beaten in the contest, will have to go to the land of g Ling.

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The Mythology of the Kesar Saga.
General Notes. Ur to the present, when editing Ladakbi folklore of a non-Buddhistio character, I have made use of the terms Pre-Buddhistic' and Bonpo' indifferently, because I did not expect to meet with more than a single non-Baddhistic religion in Ladakh. Dr. Lanfer's latest publications of Bonpo MSS., however, make it advisable to separate Bonpo mythology from the mythology of Ladakhi folklore; because, although both of them may have much in common, there appear to be fundamental differences between them. In future, therefore, when speaking of the mythology embodied, for instance, in the Kesar Saga, I shall make use of the terrugLing-chos,' i. e., mythology of gLing.
The material, from which I draw my information on the gLing-chos, has increased a great deal since the first pablication in German of the first half of the Kesar Saga ; but I do not wish my ideas on the subject to be taken for more than a theory. At present, the existence of the gLing-chos can only be supposed for Ladakh ; but it may hereafter become evident that the same or similar systems of mythology were known in Tibet and many parts of Asia.
Sources of Information. (1) The Kegar Saga. It is related in four parts :(a) Prelude to the Kesar Saga, which tells tells of the creation of the world
and of the birth of the 18 agus. (6) First half of the Kesar Saga (Spring Myth), which tells of Kesar's birth
in g Ling, his wooing and marriage to 'aBruguma. () Second half of the Keser Saga (Winter Myth), which tells of Kesar's
journey to the north, the killing of the giant-devil, marriage of the devil's wife to Kesar and of 'a Bruguma's deliverance out of the hands of the
king of Hor, who had abducted her. (d) Kesar's Journey to China, which is a different version of the Winter
Myth, and tells of Kesar's marriage to the King of China's daughter. (2) The Ladakhi Marriage Ritual. This was publisbed ante, Vol. XXX., 1901,
pp. 131 ff. (3) Songs of the Nyopa on their way to the bride's house. (4) The drinking song, which is of a similar character to the marriage ritual, (5) The gLing-glu. This has entirely the character of a hymnal of the gLing-chos.
It is sang at the time of the Kesar Festival each spring. So far, the gLing-gla of only two villages has been collected, i. e., of Phyang and Khalatse. It will, perhaps, be easy to collect a large number of these songs, which appear to be of the greatest value for a proper understanding of the character of Kesar.
The Cosmology of the gLing-chos. In nearly all of the above-mentioned sources three large realms are spoken of. Compare : Spring Myth No. IV. 20, 23, 26; Marriage Ritual No. I. B. 1, 2, 3; gLing-glu of Khalatse No. XXVII.; gLing-glu of Phyang No. L.
1. Tang Iha, Hosven (lit., the upper gods' or 'gods above;' no etymology is wanted, because the word is colloquial Ladakhi). Of this realm we hear in Spriny Myth No. II. ; Winter Myth No. V. 8-19; g Ling-glu of Phyang No. V.; g Ling-glu of Khalatse No. XXI., No. XXVII. 1,2. From all these sources the following information can be drawn: A king reigns in sTang-lhe,

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THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR-SAGA.
35
called d Bangpo-rgya-bzhin (according to Dr. Lanfer rGya-byin, compare under 'Names'). He is also called skyer-rdzong-enyanpo and 'a Bum-khri-rgyalpo. The name of his wife is bŁur-dman-rgyalmo, Ane-bkur-dman mo or 'a Bum-khri-rgyalmo. Both are called almighty: compare g Ling-glu of Phyang No. V.
They have three sons, Donyod, Donldan, Dongrub. The youngest is the most prominent figure. Lightning flashes from his sword out of the middle of the black clouds (Ling-glu of Khalatse No. XXIX.). Thunder seems to be caused by the walking of the gods (g Ling-gis of Khalatse No. XXI.). Dongrub descends to the earth and becomes King Kesar of gLing.
The life of the gods is an idealized form of man's life. They form a state according to the Vinter Myth No. V.8.13. Besides a king there are ministers, servants and subjects. They live in perfect happiness and become old without illness. They tend goats, called thara, apparently on the earth (Spring Myth No. 1.). Kesar later on discovers many of the stolen lkara in the devil's realm.
The king and the queen often change their shape. The king becomes a white bird (Spring Myth No. I. 3); the queen takes the shape of a woman (Spring Myth No, IV. ), of a Dzo (Winter Myth No. I. 53).
2. Bar-btsan, the Earth. (No etymology is wanted, the name is colloquial Ladakhi for the firm place in the middle"). Other names are: Mi-yul, Land of Men (compare Spring Myth No. III. 7); gLing, Continent in colloquial Ladakhi). It is remarkable that neither the Spring Myth nor the Winter Myth tells us of beings, which entirely look like men. That the 18 Agus are something different, is sbown by their attributes.
The principal deity of the earth is mother sKyabs-bdun (Marriage Ritual No. I. B 2; Spring Myth No. VII. 19). It is probable, that she is identical with brTanma, the goddess of the earth, compare Jäschke's Dictionary), but at present nothing can be said for certain ; nor do we know, if father brTanpa is her spouse and 'Brugums ber daughter. All this will, perhaps, become plain with the publication of the Prelude to the Kesar Saga. Mother Kyabs-bdun rides a horse, called bTsan-rta-dmar-chung (Spring Myth No. VI. 22).
3. Yog-klu, the Underworld (lit., the Nigas below). Of this realm we hear in Winter Myth No. V. 14-17; g Ling-glu of Khalatse No. XXVII, 8, 4. Like BTang-Iha Yog-klu also seems to be a kingdom. There is a king, called 1Cogpo (Marriage Ritual No. I. B 8; Spring Myth No. VII. 24, 28); there are his servants and subjects, famous for their large number of children. The Klumo or Nagint are famous for their beauty; Kesar is warned not to fall in love with them.
According to all the material, which has accumulated so far, it is impossible to prove a distinct antagonism between the gods and the Nagas. According to popular superstition, girls have to take care not to go near a well, where a male Nâga resides. All the Nagas have become protectors of the Buddhist faith and show great enmity to all non-believers, if they can reach them.
The Colours of the three Realms. They are mentioned in Spring Myth No. IV. 20, 23, 26; No. V11. 22, 30; No. IX. 1; Winter Myth No. II, 21, 22, 28. The colour of aTang-Iba is white: it is perhaps the colour of the light; Bar-btaan is red perhaps on account of the reddish colour of the ground; Yog-klu is blue: this may be due to the deep-blue colour of many West-Tibetan lakes. It may be in connection with this Bystem of colours, that at the present day often three mchod-ston are erected, which are painted blue, white and red. Also most of the Thatho show the white colour. In how far this system of colours may have influenced the pantheon of Lwdaism, with its blue, white, red, green and golden-faced occupante, cannot yet be shower.

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The King of Hor, called Gur-dkar is referred to in the prophecy (Spring Myth No. IX. 1-3), when 'a Brugama takes a blue ribband and sits down on a blge carpet. This fact seems to suggest that he may be conneeted with Yog-klu in some way or other.
The Devil bDud. A In the g Ling-glu of Phyang No. 1., to the three realms of the world, as described above, a fourth is added, the Land of the Devil bDud. We hear of the devil in Spring Myth No. I. 2-12, where he tries to carry away the heavenly goats and is killed. Apparently he comes to life again ; for the first half of the Winter Myth tells of Kesar's victory over him. The devil is in possession of great treasures (g Ling-glu of Phyang No. III.) and of a girl, who is kept in an iron cage (Winter Myth No. III.). As regards his size, appetite and stapidity, he closely resembles the giants of European mythology and folklore. The colour of the devil is black (Spring Myth No. I. 2; Winter Myth No. II. 25). At first I was inclined to believe in a certain connection between the black and blue colours, because the hair of the Ladakhi girls is called turquoise' in some popular songs ; however, this expression may refer to the actual turquoises, which are worn on the head. But alao Kosar's pigtail, which is certainly without turquoisea, is called blue; and the pool of the klu mentioned in Spring Myth No. III. 27, is called black,
Other names of the devil bDud are; Brinpo (Wimter Wyth No. III, 2); Ourulugu (Winter Myth No. III. 8); 'ADro-lha-btaan-bos (Spring Myth, Additions, No. IX.); Digpa (Winter Myth No. III. 26).
Of a very similar nature is Aga Za in Spring Myth No. III. 34-45. He devours not only Kesar, bat also the sun and moon. He is in possession of the srin yahu, the bow of the giants.
The devil bDud lives in a castle in the north (byang). There can be no doubt, that the word byang means actually the north, because everybody understands it in this sense. Near the castle there is the well of nectar (bdud-rtsi) and milk (Winter Myth No. IV. 17).
The Agus, Dr. Lanfer in his criticism tells me that the word akhu, from which the word agu may have developed, means uncle' in Tibetan. As I said before, it will be safest to look at the Ladakbi version of the Kesar Saga from a Ladakhi point of view; and in Ladakhi the word . uncle' is never expressed by akku or agu, but by ashang.
With regard to this word I can only repeat, what I said in my German Ed, of the Kesar Saga: In Ladakhi the word agu serves to express (1) a husband in general, (2) from a child's point of view one of the principal husband's younger brothers, who is more than an uncle to the principal husband's children; he is something like their step-father, as the principal husband's wife is his wife too.
Thus the word agu may be variation of the word pha-apun, father-brothers (Spring Myth No. V. 88, VI. 66) of Kesar. At present the word phanipun is always used in the sense of
undertaker.' The pha-rpun bave to burn the dead; but it is possible that in ancient times the relatives of the dead had to take care of this office,
It is quite true that neither the Spring nor the Winter Myth tells us anything of a possible relationship between Kesar and the Agus. The Prelude to the Kesar Saga' will probably throw Bome light on the question. The latter contains a list of all the 16 Agus with their characteristic mars. Many of them seem to possess more than a single name. This list was published ante. As far as I can see, their attributes point to an ancient zodiac and to the days of the week. A picture, showing all the 18 Agus, can, as I am told, be seen at Phagyptgonpa, Laboul, and at Hemis, Ladakh.

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JANUARY, 1902.)
THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA,
The Spring Myth of the Kosar Saga. This is the portion of my raythology, that has met with the greatest opposition. Not taking the names into account, there were two reasons in particular, which induced me to believe in the possibility of a Spring Myth: (1) The two forms of Kesar. One of them is ugly, and in this Kesar is born (Spring Myth No. IV. 3, 4, 5). The other is beautiful, and its attributes are the sun and moon (Spring Myth No. VII. 33). These two forms he changes continually, as is shown by the Spring Myth. (2) Kesar's ability to disappear altogether (Spring Myth No. VIII. 5, No. IX. 6, 7, Additions No. 7).
According to Dr. Lanfer's criticism, the Kesar Myths, as related above, are very ubrupt, and do not explain the motives for certain actions. They are repetitions of certain passages of the Kesar Epic, in which important ideas were forgotten. He gives an example : The story told in Spring Myth No. VIII. 33-41 is according to his conception a weak reflection of a passage of the Kesar Epic, given in Additions No. 10. With regard to this example, I must say that it does not hit the point. The Ladakhis themselves distinguish between the two stories. There is no more similarity between the two than there is between the story of Dongrub's descent to the earth through hail and the story of Zeus's descent in the golden rain. There is an endless variety of versions of the Spring Myth as well as of the Winter Myth, changing sometimes considerably from one village to the next. Most of them are matter learnt by heart. But all this material is never learnt by consulting the Kesar Epic. These are stories handed down in those villages from time immemorial. They are a necessary supplement to the g Ling-glu, which would be unintelligible without them. Now the story, given in Additions No. 10, is not only a portion of the Kesar Epic (dPe-sgrungs), but is a portion of many oral tales as well (Kha-sgrunge). (The Ladakhis themselves distinguish emphatically between dPe-sgrunge and Kha-agrunge). In one of my MSS. of the Kha-agrunge, the story, given under Additions No. 10, is told at the end of the story of the banquet, that is, after Spring Myth No. VI. 16, and the story Spring Myth No. VIII. 83-41 in its usual place. Thus one and the same M8, contains both of them.
If it be a characteristic mark of the Kesar Epic to give motives for all the sudden disappearances of Kesar, that would not induce me to believe in the previous origin of the epic; it would confirm my belief that there are fundamental differences between the epic and the oral tiles. All the oral tales agree on this one point, that Kesar is capricious to the utmost extent. He comes and goes without a given reason, and likes nothing better than teasing.
That the form of the oral Kessr-stories, as we find them in the different villages, is not the original, is shown by their conglomerate character. They do not exhibit the labours of an editor but tell the same story several times according to different versions. Examples are :
(1) Spring Myth No. JI. 1-28. The father asks his sons, who would like to go to the
country of men, and Dongrub decides to go. Now this story ought there to come to a end. However, the same tale continues (compare Additions No. 11; Spring Myth No. II. 36-42; g Ling-glu of Phyang No. VII.) that he shall go who looses
in the contest. (2) The full stories of Kesar's birth on the earth (Additions No. 2, 3, 4) were told
in the following way. The first MS. relates the birth-story (Additions No. 2), and then, without any break or preceding notice, continues with Additions No. 3. The second MS. at first tells Additions No. 4, and then continnes with Additions No. 3:
Thus the child is born twice in the same tale. (3) Spring Myth No. 71. and No. VII. are two different versions of the engagement
story, told one after the other in the same oral tale.

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Now, if the oral tales (Kha-ngrungs) are repetitions of the Kesar Epic in spite of all this, it remains a wonderful fact, that all those stories of wars and armies, which form the larger portion of the epic, are never repeated in the oral tales. As will be seen in the Winter Myth, the defeat of the giant of the north, as well as that of the king of Hor, has nothing to do with armies and battles. The killing of both of them is a private affair of Kesar. Nor do the oral tales ever tell us much of human subjects of Kesar. The animals occupy a much more prominent place. A number of animals are born together with Kesar (Additions No. 2, 3), and another number of animals lament over Kesar's departure for his journey towards the north (Winter Myth No. I. 39-44). Looking at this passage, it is remarkable, indeed, that 'a Bruguma is the only human being who mourns on account of Kesar's departore. I do not wish to offend any body, but I must say, that I am simply unable to understand & paggage like that without accepting the possibility that it is meant to express the mourning of Nature over the departure of the sun.
I am far from believing that every incident in the Kesar-saga ought to be explained on the ground that the whole of it is a Spring and Winter Myth ; and I may have gone too far in my first outlines of the Kesar mythology; but I am afraid my critics are making the same mistake, if they will not even accept the possibility of a Spring and Winter Myth in the Saga.
In this connection it is also of some interest, that sun and moon are attributes of Kesar's beautiful shape, and that according to g Ling-glu of Khalatse No. XXVIII. Kesar is compared with #flower, blooming on all the high passes, and according to No. XXIX. in the middle of the black clouds lightning flashes from the godly king Kesar's sword.'
The Lokapalas. There is some likelihood that the g Ling-chor of Ladakh had four deities, corresponding to the Indian Lokapalas. Up to the present I have met with them only in the marriage ritual (compare Song No. I. B 4-7). This is the list of them :
Tibetan.
English.
Sanskrit (Dhy Anibuddha).
Region.
North. East,
..
Donyod-grubpa
Da-rje-sems-dp'a Rinchen-byungidan #Nangba-nth'a-yat
Fulfiller of the sim, he has ... Amoghasiddha ... Thunderbolt, courageous soul ... Vajrasattva ... ... Great price, possessing creatures. Ratnasambhava ... Eternal light ... ... ... Amitabha ...
South.
... West.
This list shows that the Tibetan and Indian names correspond to a great degree. We sball, perhaps, be obliged to accept the theory of a mutual influencing between North India and Ladakh in pre-Buddhist times. Dr. Lanfer for instance identifies d Bangpo-rgya-behin with Indra, Also the name of the glacier, Sengge-dkarmo-ygu-ral-can, the white lioness with the turquoise loeke (songge = siniha) may be mentioned,
What induces me to believe in the originality of the Tibetan names, is the fact that two of them, Do-rje-sems-dp'a and Rinchen-byung-ldan (the pronunciation of the latter is not Jung-Idan, but Byung-ldan in Lower Ladakh), contain more meaning in Tibetan than in Sanskrit. I only wish to mention this fact. This subject was treated more fully in the Globus.
The Tree of the world. We hear of it in Marriage Ritual No. V. VIII., Ling-glu of Khalatse No. 1. Its roots grow in Yog-kla, its top touches Stang-lhe; it has six branches.

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JANUARY, 1902.] THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
Animism in the gLing-Chos.
Here I should like to mention the following personifications: skyeser, the wind; sbang-char-zilbu. the rain; sengge-dkarmo-yyuralcan, the glacier; bya-khyung-dkrung-nyima, the sun; byamoakarmo, the moon. With ynyan, living in rocks and trees, I have met only in the wedding songs of Tagmacig.
39
It is remarkable that several of these personifications are mentioned together with the representatives of the animal world. Compare Additions No. 3; Winter Myth No. I. 39-44.
The Pre-Buddhist Origin of the Kesar Saga in Ladakh.
In my German edition of the Kesar Saga I tried to make it probable that the Kesar Saga was in existence in Ladakh at the time of the introduction of Buddhism into Ladakh. Dr. Lanfer tells me that I had better fix the culture-historical epoch of the Kesar Saga. He makes the following suggestion: In Spring Myth No. I. 5-12 the us of the sling as a weapon is mentioned, and in No. IV. 14, the use of a stone vessel. To this I may add that according to Winter Myth No. III. 25, a stone sword is mentioned side by side with rifles and other weapons. This suggestion of the stone age may be very useful under European conditions, but is not of any use for fixing the age of a Tibetan tale. The reason is that the stone age has lasted in Ladakh up to the present day. I wonder. how many stone vessels there are in use in my own private household! The sling of Agu dPalle is no more a weapon than that of David, because dogs are not used here for tending goats. Goats and sheep are called back with the help of stones thrown at them. I myself have seen a stone axe in use, and in side valleys near Lamayuru a stone hatchet, called kalam, is still in general use, so I am told. Pottery and iron ware are well known in Ladakh, however, want of wood makes both these articles extremely expensive, and side by side with pottery and iron ware, stone ware cannot be dispensed with.
I therefore stick to what I said before: that apparently the Kesar Saga was existent in Ladakh at the time of the introduction of Buddhism into Ladakh. The lines in Spring Myth No. III. 5 and 12, sangs rgyasla btangbai gri, a knife to stab Buddha, were probably inserted at the time, when enmity against Buddhism became general. The passage in Winter Myth No. III. 26 and other researches have shown me plainly, that the passage in Spring Myth No. III, 5 and 12 can only be translated as I did.
In my German paper I had also mentioned the fact that Kesar is not at all scrupulous as regards the killing of animals. Dr. Lanfer tells me that this fact does not in the least prove the non-Buddhistic character of the Kesar Saga, because animals have been kid and are still killed all over Tibet. I can only repeat what I said some time ago, that although the Ladakhis are very fond of eating meat, it is very difficult to find persons who are ready to kill animals. Most of the meat eaten by Ladakhis is taken from animals which have died a natural death. The fact that everybody is simply swarming with lice is due to the fact that nobody wishes to kill these animals.
I hope the publication of the different gLing-glu, the Marriage Ritual, the Winter Myth and Prelude to the Kesar Saga, will justify my attempt to draw the outlines of the mythology of the gLing-chos. Whether the material of the Kesar Saga is originally Ladakhi, or whether it was introduced into Ladakh from some other part of Asia, 12 whether the materials contained in the folklore of Ladakh are the original, or whether they are borrowed from the epic; all this does not alter the
1 In one of my former papers on the Kesar Saga (Globus, Vol. LXXVI. No. 20) I made a mistake in saying that the Ladakhi versions of the Kesar Saga were entirely different from the Mongolian epic. This mistake was caused by a misunderstanding. As I had no means of comparing my Ladakhi MSS. with the Mongolian epic, I asked a friend to look up the latter in the Strassburg University Library. He apparently got hold of the wrong book; for what he told me of woodmen and other mythological beings could not well be reconciled with what I knew from the Ladakhi version. Dr. Lanfer, starting from my mistaks, proves in a long domonstration of about 10 pages, that the subject in both is the same.

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fact, that in Ladakh this material has taken the shape of a religion, which exercises its influence up to the present day. I do not see why I should not write down the outlines of a religion, whose influence cannot be denied by all who have lived in Ladakh for some time.
General Position of the gLing-chos, As has been stated, the Kebar Saga is not only known to Ladakhis, but is recited in & great number of countries all over Asia. Until it has been studied in all of them, it will be impossible to decide where is the original home of the Saga, nor by which road it has travelled from one country to the other. European folklore and mythology also contains many parallels to the Kesar Saga, as has been shown by Schott, Ersch, Graber, Grimm, Jülg and Potanin (according to Dr. Lanfer's criteism). There are certain mythological ideas which seem to be existent in a very large territory all over the globe. Dr. Lanfer mentions the frequent use of number 9.; great power of the hero ; quick growth of the hero when a boy; two rocks, knocking against each other; a smith, teaching the hero, all of which occur in the Kesar Saga.
If future researches should enable us to see the route, which all of these stories have followed in their wanderings, the question still remains, why just these stories, which do not appear to be particularly amusing, have travelled all over the earth. I could well imagine that solar mythologies, grown, perhaps, out of animism (and if stones were considered to be animated, why not the sun ?), may have arisen in different places of the earth. These mythologies may have prepared the road for certain mythological tales; and the relationship of the different mythologies may rest in the fact that their originator, the sun, is everywhere the same.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from Vol. XXX. p. 186.)
1792.- No. XIV. Fort William, 30 November 1792. Read a Letter from Captain Kyd.
Captain Kyd, 28th Novr. Edward Hay, Esqr., Secretary to Government,
Sir,-- I did myself the pleasure of acquainting you, that Captain Lindsay of the Ship Eagle had consented to take my Baggage to the Andamans on his being permitted to carry the Company Ophium on freight to Prince of Wales Island, on which account I promised to endeavour to have the right Made a liberal one. The Master Attendant has I understand adjadged the fair freight of one Chest to be Ten Rs. I should hope that it will on this occasion be encreased to twelve which as there is hat a small Number of Chests will not much encrease the Expence; while by this agreement the greatest part of my Baggage - and Servants with Six month. Grain and Provisions for all my Servants, with a great Many Trees and Plants, will be conveyed - all of which would not occupy less than balf a Pilot Vessel, Fort William,
I am, etc.. 28th Novr. 1792,
(Signed) A. Kyd. The Board agree that it will not be proper to charge the freight of the Ophium going to Prince of Wales Island with the excess pointed out by Captain Kyd, but they think it reasonable that Captain Lindsay should be allowed freight for his Baggage to the Andamans, and they determine that the amount payable on this Account shall be 500 Sicca Rupees.
Ordered That a Treasury Order be issued in favor of Captain Lindsay for this sum,

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JANUARY, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
493,
1703. - NO. I. Fort William, 21st January, 1793.
Read a Letter from the Chief Engineer. My Lord, Agreeable to the Orders Communicated to Me through your Sub Secretary, how do myself the honor to transmit a Copy of the Plan for repairing of his Majesty's Ships at Port Cornwallis, and also return the Original.
I have the honor to be etc. Fort William,
(Signed) M. Wood, 19th January, 1793.
Chief Engineer. Ordered that the Plan above mentioned be deposited with the Copy of it in the Secret ry's Office.
1793. – No. II. Fort William, 28th January, 1793.
Capt. Blair. The following Letter was received from Captain Blair, on the 25th Instant, upon the arrival of the Pilot Vessel, Cornwallis, from the Andamans. To the Right Honble. Charles Earl Cornwallis K. G. Govr. General etc. in Council.
My Lord, - Having written pritty [? privately] the 31st Ultimo by the Ranger I have little to add at present, but having received a Letter from the Honblo. Commodore Cornwallis inclosing # Dispatch for your Lordship, I with all expedition forward it by Captain Crawley who returns with the Pilot Vessel he brought from Calcutta.
The Seahorse has been ander water for Some Days, which I have no Doubt will effectually destroy the white Ants and all other Vermine. This Vessel I expect will be ready to return to Calcutta by the end of this Month when I Shall do myself the honor to address your Lordship again.
The Natives continue inoffensive, the Settlers in General are healthy and the progress in Clearing and Cultivating is a good brain (sic) [? in good train]. Port Cornwallis 31
I am with great Respect &ca January, 1793.
(Signed) Archibald Blair. - 1793. – No. III. Fort William, 1st February, 1793. . . Captain Blair,
31st Dec. The following Letter and its enclosure were received from Captain Blair by the Ranger, and circulated for the Perusal of the Members of the Board. To the Right Honorable Charles Earl Cornwallis K. G. Governor General &ca in Council.
My Lord, - Agreeable to your Lordships orders of November 12th, 1792 I quited Oalentta in the Union the 4th accompanyed by the Honble. Company's Snows Juno Cornwallis and Seahorse ; having on board 360 Settlers, a great variety of Stores, and Provision for six months. Nothing remarkable occured until the 24th when we were overtaken by a voilent gale from the Eastward off Cape Negrais, Attended with cloudy weather and almost incessant rain
2) The present Port Cornwallis.)

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and a very high and confused sea. This caused a seperation but as I had previously instructed the Gentlemen in charge of those Vessels, in case of such aocident to proceed direct for Port Cornwallis and given them the situation of the Port with such other directions as appeared necessary, I thought there was little to be dreaded from that misfortune.
I arrived at this place with the Union, the 30th of November and found in the harbour, the H. C. Snow Ranger, and Dispatch Schooner. Lieutenant Wales with the Crew of the Ranger and a few Laborers, had cleared a considerable space of ground, sufficient to erect Huts on for the Major part of the Settlers and store houses for the Provisions and Stores he had also made a convenient ships Watering Place. For these services I distributed amongst the Crew of the Ranger 369 rupees, as a gratuity, agreeable to the promise in Lieutenant Wales's Instructions.
On the 1st of December H. M. Ship Minerva arrived when I delivered your Lordship's Dispatches to the Honble. Commodore Cornwallis. At this period about 180 Settlers were on shore, lodged in two private Tents and a large Hut. The evening was gloomy and there was a gwell in the harbour without any apparent cause. About seven in the evening a vessel in this opening of the harbour fired a gun and hoisted a light, which was answered by a gun and blue light from the Union; this Vessel I have judged since to have been the Juno, which has not yet made her appearance. In the morning of the 2nd the wind was strong, from North East, increasing and with it a very considerable swell. At Two it blew excessively hard, when the Ranger was driven through a very high Sarf which broke entirely over her in 41 fathoms. At Three, the Union, after parting one cable, followed the Ranger; and by the extreme violence of the wind and sea, with two anchors in the ground and drawing 14 feet was driven up the bank into 6[? or]7 feet water. It affords me great satisfaction to inform your Lordship, that the Banks which terminate the interior part of this admirable harbour are of so soft a texture, that the Vessels have received no damage in their bottoms notwithstanding the excessive and United force of the wind and sea. The loss in the Union is a fourth Rudder two anchors and one cable, the Ranger one anchor, the Leeboard which was also driven on the bank a boat. H, M. ship Minerva one anchor, and the Dispatch which drove on a sand bank a trivial loss of copper. The wind made great devastation amongst the trees having torn many very large ones ap with the roots, and the branches from others which were in more sheltered situations. This Hurricane and its consequences prove that the largest ships may run into this harbour as a place of safety even in the distressed condition of having neither anchors or cables.
On the 10th of December the Ranger was dispatched to Diamond Island by desire of the Commodore, to bring Turtle, and the Leeboard accompanyed her to bring some for the Settlement. H. M. ships Minerva and Dispatch sailed the same day for Old Harbour, and the Seahorse arrived and what appears extraordinary, this Vessel, though not exceeding the distance of 160 miles from this place, had only a gentle gale all the 2d being then in company with the Cornwallis which arrived the 14th and Confirmed this Account. The 16th the Eagle from Calcutta bound to Prince of Wales Island touched here and sailed the 17th when the Viper arrived from Old Harbour. Lieutenant Roper mentions that it blew pretty fresh at that place the 2nd from S. W. but not so hard as to have done any damage. It therefore appears that the Hurricane which we bad here the 2nd which blew from Northeast to East with excessive violence, and as it subsided veering to South west had been confined to a small extent, not having been felt 60 leagues to westward, nor at the distance of 40 leagues to Southward,
The Ranger from having very bad winds and contrary Ourrents, did not arrive until the 27th she brought 41 and the Leeboard 24 very fine Turtle ; and the Viper was immediately dispatched for Old Harbour with 34 for the Commodore.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
The Stores for the Settlement being discharged from the Seahorse her masts ballast and Stores heing also taken out, she shall be sunk in a day or two hence, in such a depth as to be intir ly rnder water at full tide; five or six days in that situation will effectually destroy the white Ants and all other Vermin. Being not yet prepared to receive the Provision and Ammunition on shore, I am under the necessity of detaining the Cornwallis; but I expect to have the Storehouse finished a fortnight hence when no time shall be lost in dispatching both Vessels to Calcutta.
43
It gives me concern that there is so much reason to have doubts about the safety of the Juno; having besides her compliment about 90 Settlers and a large proportion of the Provision for the Settlement. Impressed with the idea that the Vessel that appeared off this Port the evening of the 1st might have been wrecked in the neighbourhood, I sent the Leeboard to examine to northward and Southward, immediately after the gale; and cince, the Commodar has been so good as to examine the coast between this and Old Harbour, and Lientenaut Wales all the northward as far as Cape Negrais.
I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Settlers continne healthy, and that there is a tolorable progress made in the tedious and laborious work of cutting down the trees, and the thick entangled underwood. The clear space extends from the Northwest to the Northeast point of Chatham Island and the general breadth about 100 yards, by 600 long. The soil is excellent and the general surface being planer, it is better addapted for cultivation, than the land about Old Harbour. There is reason to conclude, from the tenacity of the soil, and the vicinity of the highest land of the Andamans which attracts the clouds; that this part of the Island will be well watered even in the dry season,
At present there are several Bills of excellent fresh water in [? and] the Wells are abundantly productive. On the north end of Pit Island, I have also made some progress in clearing with my own People, having a space of about two acres containing a small kitchen and nersery Garden already pretty well stocked with fruit trees from Calcutta and Old Harbour, and several kinds of vegitables are now appearing from the seed.
The settlers are now well accommodated in a double line of dry comfortble Huts, the european Overseers and Artificers are in private Tents. There are besides those three Bungalows just compleated, a Smithy a Pottery Kiln; and a temporary store house for Provision half finished. I am happy to add that we have met with no molestation from the Natives who now and then appear on the Reefs, but show no inclination towards an intercourse: they do not even interrupt our fishermen who are so successful as to afford a tolorable daily supply to the Buzar of excellent fish; in general sufficient for all the Settlers.
Repeated instances of misbehaviour and a growing spirit of insolence in the Europeans belonging to the Pilot vessels has induced me to send Robert Denham seaman as a prisoner to Calcutta in the Ranger and I beg leave to inclose Captain Crawley's letter to me on the Subject. This example I hope will bring them to Order, without obliging me to use further severity. I am with great respect My Lord Your Lordships most obedient humble Servant
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
Port Cornwallis, December 31st 1792.
Enclosed in ditto.
To Archibald Blair, &ca &ca &ca.
Sir,The constant Mutinious disposition of some of the Europeans belonging to the Honble Company's Snow Cornwallis, has given me a great Deal of Vexation for this some time past But they are now come to such a length that I feel myself under the necessity of applying to you for assistance, to keep them to their Duty.

Page #48

44
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
Robert Denham has this Day behaved so Ill that I request of you to Order him to be taken out of the Vessel as an example to the rest. His crime has been creating Riots and Disturbances on Board absolutely refusing to Obey my Orders or acknowledging my right to Command Him useing very importenent and threatning language to me on the Quarter Deck and Beating one of the People before my face and in Direct opposition to my orders. It is the Man Who During the Passage behar'd very Ill to one of the Passenger Girls, and Who I had not Complained of He Promis'd better behaviour.
H. C. Snow Cornwallis,
Port Cornwallis
27th December 1792.
I am Sir
Your most Obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) C. Crawley.
Ordered that a Copy of the last Paragraph of Captain Blair's Letter Dated the 31st Ultimo, relative to Robert Denham, of the Snow Cornwallis, be sent with a Copy of Captain Crawley's Letter to the Master Attendant, and that the latter be instructed to cause a particular and strict enquiry to be made into the Conduct of that Seaman reporting the result to the Board, and the Punishment he thinks due to his Conduct, as it shall appear at that examination.
Captain Crawley having also generally mentioned the constant mutinous disposition of some of the Europeans belonging to the Honble. Company's Snow Cornwallis, the Master Attendant is to desire Captain Crawley to point out the Men to whom he alludes, and an enquiry is to be made into their Conduct also.
The Result must be reported to the Governor-General in Council, and the Master Attendant will deliver his Opinion of the degree of Punishment which they appear to him to merit.
Ordered that Instructions be sent to the Master Attendant and Instructions to the Acting Marine Paymaster, that Capt. Crawley's Allowance as Commander of the Cornwallis is to cease from the end of last Month.
Bead again the Governor General's Minute containing Propositions agreed to by the Board, and recorded on the Proceedings of the 5th of November.
Agreed that the Appointment of Captain Alexander Kyd, of the Corps of Engineers to the temporary Command at the Andamans be published in General Orders.
Agreed that the Chief Engineer be desired to Nominate a Subaltern Officer of the Corps of Engineers to accompany Captain Kyd, on duty, to the New Station.
Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to order a Detachment of Sepoys to be Commanded by a Careful and Intelligent Officer of Infantry who shall assist Captain Kyd in making his various Arrangements and take charge of the Settlement in the Event of his temporary Absence from it.
The Detachment is to consist for the present of One Subadar, One Jinmadar, four Havildars, four Naicks and Eighty Sepoys for the protection of the Establishment at the Andamans.
The Commander in Chief Recommends that Lieutenant Edmund Wells may be nominated to the Office of Commissary of Stores and Provisions on that Establishment.
Agreed and Ordered accordingly, and that his Allowance be fixed at Sicca Rupees 250 per Mensem.
Ordered that the Cornwallis Pilot Schooner be discharged from the Pilot Service and appointed to the Andaman Station and that Directions be sent to the Master Attendant to deliver her over, with her Stores, to the Charge of Lieutenant Wales of the Bombay Marine who now Commands the Ranger.

Page #49

JANUARY, 1902.
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
Agreed that the Command of the Ranger shall devolve on Lieutenant Thomas, of the Bombay Marine, he being the present Senior Officer of that Vessel, and Ordered that the necessary Instructions be sent accordingly to Lieutenants Wales and Thomas by the Secretary to the Government. Ordered that the people belonging to the Pilot Service be removed from the Cornwall Bohooner, and that Lieutenant Wales be Directed to provide a proper Officer and a Crew for that Vessel, to have her fitted out for Sea with all Expedition and Compleated with Six Months provisions and Stores.
Ordered that Similar Directions be sent to Lieut. Thomas, with Respect to the Ranger.
1793. - No. IV. Fort William 11th February 1793.
Capt. Kyd ath Feb.. The following Letter was received on the 9th Instant from Captain Kyd, and a Treasury Order was issued in Compliance with his Request. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have to request that you will make Application to the Governor General in Council in my name for an advance of Ten Thousand Sicca Rupees, for the purposes of Making advances to the Sepoys and Artificers now going to the Andamans which Sum to be deducted from the advance of Cash, to be furnished for the expence of the Settlement, on my departure.
I have the honor to be &ca Fort William 9th February 1798.
(Signed) A. Kyd. 1798. - No. V.
Fort William 18th February 1793. Minuto and Resolutions of Detail Concerning Captain Kyd's Appointment
to the Andamans. The Governor General in Council Resuming the subject of Captain Alexander Kyd's Appointment to be Superintendent at the Andamans as recorded on the Consultations of the 5th of November 1792 and 1st Instant now passes the following resolution.
That in lien of a Detachment of the Strength Specified in the Orders of the 1st Instant, the following be fixed, for the present, at the Recommendation of the Commander in Chief, as the Strength of the Detachment, of Native Infantry to be Stationed at Port Cornwallis under the Command of Lieutenant Edmund Wells, whom his Lordship has appointed on that duty.
1 Lieutenant Commanding the Detachment. 1 Sergeant with a Staff Allowance of 20 Rupees per Month. 1 Subadar. 1 Jemadar. 4 Havildars. 4 Naicks. 2 Drums, 80 Sepoys.
3 Hand Bhestees. Staff Effective) 1 Drill Havildar NE Staff with an Allowance of 5 Rupees per month. non Effective {1 Sircar
"Ji Native Doctor Effective Staff.

Page #50

46
[JANUARY, 1902.
That an allowance of Sonat Rupees 30 per Mensem be made to the Commanding Officer of the Detachment for Iron, Steel, Charcoal &ca.
That the first Supply of Cloathing for the Detachment be furnished by Indent on Lieutenant Mouggach from the Surplus Cloathing in Store, and that the Contract price thereof be Credited to the off reckoning Fund.
That the future Stoppages for the Detachment be reckoned by the Commanding Officer, who is from thence to furnish the Annual Cloathing.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
That full Batta be granted to the Officers and Men, whether European or Native, Composing this Detachment.
The Commander in Chief acquaints Government that he has directed the Acting Secretary to the Military Board to signify his Lordships wish to the Members of that Board, that they would propose Such an Establishment of Writers and Artificers as may be Deemed necessary for the duties to be performed by the Commissary of Stores and Provisions at the Andamans.
Resolved that, in the present State, of the Settlement, and until some progress has been made to wards a regular Establishment, the Undermentioned Artificers, with the Annexed Rates of Pay be allowed, under the direction of the Superintendent, at the public Expence, but that, as Several Classes and descriptions of such Artificers will, in time, be enabled to earn a Livelihood by laboring for individuals, it be made an Article of Instruction to the Superintendant to discharge them from the Service of the public whenever he finds it consistent to do so, and that they can Subzist from their own Industry.
1 Head Carpenter
3 Carpenters ...
1 Head Smith
1 Head Carpenter
20 Carpenters
12 Sawyers
1 Turner
1 Cooper
4 Overseers of Works...
1 Sail Maker
1 Head Smith
12 Smiths
2 Brassmen
1 Tinman
2 Sicklegars
1 Mestry Painter
2 Painters
Establishment of Artificers &ca.
Europeans.
...
1 Mestry Stone Cutter...
6 Stone Cutters
1 Head Bricklayer
15 Bricklayers
...
000
...
***
...
Natives.
000
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
100 rupees @30 Rs. 90
60 40
@35 Rs. 140
40
14
10
@10
@10
10
222222222
280
120
20
120
10
20
20
60
20
150

Page #51

JANUARY, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
13 rupees 100
...
... @8
7
.
1 Mestry Brick Maker.. 10 Workmen ... 6 Potters or Filemakers 4 Grammies ... 10 Gardners
8 Washermen ... 10 Fishermen 4 Taylors 3 Barbers 1 Shoe Maker ... 2 Ohuoklers ... 1 Baker ... ... 3 Assistants ... 5 Hand Bhustees
12
24
@ 9.
8
47.8
1968.
Lascars.
2399592278) ****8|31||
..
...
...
..
1 Serang 2 first Tindalls 2 Second Do... 40 Lascars ...
... ... @ 11.8
... @ 9.8 ... @ 6.12
16 23 19 300
***
***
... ...
358
8 Sudars 170 Bildara
...
...
...
...
... ...
Bildars. ... ... ... ...
... @ 12
.. @ 6
96 1020
•
1116
Rs. 3462.8
Besolved that Ensign Joseph Stokoe, of the Corps of Engineers be appointed to Accompany Captain Kyd on duty to the Andamans, and that he be entitled to draw, from the 1st Instant, the Allowance of Sicca Rupees 240 per Mensem, being the same as that which is granted to Engineer Officers Superintending public Buildings.
Ordered that the Military Auditor General be informed that the following Allowances are to be drawn, from the 1st Instant by the Superintendant at the Andamans, the Engineer, and Mr. Wood on Medical duty at that Settlement.
Captain Kyd the Pay and foll Batta of his Rank, whatever that may be, while employed on the present Service, and Allowance as Superintendant Sicoa Rupees 1,000 per Mengem.
Engineer Stokoe the Pay and full Batta of his Rank, Allowance as above mentioned Sioca Ropeeg 240 per Mensem.

Page #52

48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Mr. Wood Surgeon fixed Allowance Sicca Rupees 300 per Mensem.
Resolved that the Superintendant be authorized to draw Monthly the following Establishment of Office, from the 1st Instant.
For 1 European Writer
1 Native
Do.
2 Sircars @ 20 each Allowance for Stationary
[JANUARY, 1902.
***
Sicca Rupees 150
30
40
..
30
250
Ordered that the necessary Forms of Abstracts and Bills for the Detachment, for the Military officers, and for the Artificers, be furnished by the Military Auditor General.
Resolved that, in the present State of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis the Accounts shall be kept distinct under the two Heads of Military and Marine, the first comprehending the pay and Allowances of the Commandant and Staff and all Military Officers, the Detachment of the Military, and all Artificers, the Expences of all Military Stores furnished from the Arsenal, of all Provisions issued at Port Cornwallis to the Military and Artificers, the Second Comprising the pay and Allowances of the Officers and Crews of the Vessells attached to the Station, the Expence of all Naval Stores issued by the Naval Storekeeper in Bengal for their use, and of all Provisions issued at Port Cornwallis for the Supply of the Marine.
Resolved that, in Addition to the Sum of 10,000 Sicca Rupees already advanced upon Account of Captain Kyd, the Superintendant, the Sum of Sicca Rupees 25,000 be issued to him from the Treasury to make up the Estimated Amount required for 4 Months to enable him to discharge, Monthly, the pay Abstracts and Bills of Monthly Allowances to the Military, and the Monthly pay & Wages of the Officers and Crews of the Marine Establishment, the Vouchers for the former to be sent round by the Superintendant as Opportunities offer, to the Pay Master of Garrisons and Artillery, who from these Materials will make out regular Setts of Disbursements, and forward them, with the Vouchers, for Audit Debiting himself to "Cash" for the Amount admitted on the Disbursements and taking Credit by "Military Charges" for the same. In like manner the vouchers for the Officers and Crews of the Marine are to be Sent round to the Marine Pay Master, and undergo the Audit of the Civil Auditor, who is to furnish Captain Kyd with the Forms for drawing the Bills and Abstracts for the same.
Should any Contingent Charges occur, either in the Military or Marine Branch of the Expenditure, the Superintendant is to accompany the Vouchers thereof, which must be attested upon Honor, with the fullest Explanations of the necessity for incurring the Charges. These Explanations are to be laid before the Board, with the Charges themselves which can only be admitted and passed on the authority of Government.
Resolved that, as Specie for some time to come can be of little use to Individuals at Port Cornwallis the Superintendant be authorized to grant Bills of Exchange, drawn at par upon the Bengal Government at 30 days sight, for any portion of the pay or Allowances of Individuals, which they may wish to pay into his Treasury, and to remit to Bengal by that means. The Superintendant will be debited for the Amount of Such Remittances on the General Books of this Presidency.

Page #53

JANUARY, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
49
Resolved that the Commissary of Stores and Provisions at the Andamana be directed to Indent upon the Arsenal at Fort William, for the Military Stores Required for the Use of that Settlement; the Indents to be Countersigned by the Saperintendent and submitted to the Military Boards in Bengal for their Sanction,
The Store Keeper will be furnished by the Secretary to the Military Board with all the forms, which regulate the Officers of Ordnance in making their Books and Accounts, and is directed to adhere Strictly to them ander the control of the Military Board.
Besolved that the Provisions required for the use of the Settlement be indented for, from time to time, in the same manner, a pon the Garrison Store Keeper, who is not however to provide them but by an Order from Government either direct or through the Military Board. The Commissary is not to issae any Provisions, except on regular Indents Countersigned by the Superintendant; and he is to keep, Separate, the Indents which are for the supply of what is to be placed under the Head of Military, and what belongs to the Marine, Branch of the Establishment.
Ordered that regular Returns be made by the Commissary of Provisions, quarterly or oftener if opportunities of sending them occur, to the Secretary to the Military Board for their Information, of the Balance of Provisions remaining in Store.
The Commissary is to be in all respects accountable to the Military Board for his Receipts and Issues of Provisions, in the Same manner as for the Military Stores and to attend to the Same forms in keeping his Accounts, which are not however to be blended.
Besolved that no Military or Naval Stores shall be dispatched from Bengal without having Undergone the prescribed Survey, nor shall any Provisions be dispatched for the Use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, without having undergone the previous Inspection and Survey of a Committee of the Military Board. Regular Reports and Surveys are also to be taken and made of their Condition upon being landed and Received into Store at that place.
Besolved that the Accountant General of Bengal shall be furnished Annually, after the Close of each Years Books, with the following Accounts by the Undermentioned Officer respectively,
By the Military Pay Master General with an Account of the Amount Admitted
by the Military Auditor General upon the Annual Disbursements of Port
Cornwallis on Account of Military Charges, Established and Contingent, By the Marine Pay Master with an Account of the Amount Admitted by the Civil
Auditor, as above for Marine Oharges. By the Naval Store Keeper with an Account of the Value of all Naval Stores Supplied
for the Marine Establishment in the Course of the Year, deducting the value of
the balances; and By the Secretary to the Military Board with a similar Acoount of all Military Stores
supplied in the Course of the Year, as well as Similar Accounts of all Provisions 80 Sapplied, distinguishing, as nearly as may be practicable, the Value of the Issues and Expenditures, to and for the Military and Marine Branches of the
Establishment. Resolved that, from these Materials and Sach other as the Accountant General muy find it necessary to call for, he be directed to state Yearly as soon as possible after the close of the Annual Books, the whole Expences of the Establishment at Port Cornwallis under the District

Page #54

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1902.
Heads of Military and Marine, in order that Government and the Honble. Court of Directors may be kept Constantly informed of the Charges of that Establishment, and of the Increase and Decrease therein.
50
Resolved that Lieutenant R. H. Colebrooke, Assistant to the Surveyor General, be directed to take Charge of that Office, and Authorized to draw the Establishment Annexed to it from the present Date.
Ordered that a Copy of the above Minute and Resolutions be Recorded in the Military Department.
Ordered that another Copy be sent to Captain Kyd, with Extracts from the Board's proceedings on the 5th of November 1792, and 1st Instant relative to his Appointment to the temporary Command at the Andamans.
Ordered that Captain Kyd be informed that the Allowance granted to Mr. Wood, who is on duty as Surgeon at the Andamans, not providing for Medicines or Instruments &ca, Such of these as may be occasionally wanted at the Andamans are to be obtained, as they have been hitherto, by Indents on the Hospital Board.
1793. No. V.
Fort William 18th February, 1793.
Copy of Captain Kyd's Commission as Superintendent at the Andamans.
Agreed that the following Commission be granted to Captain Kyd. - The Right Honorable Charles Earl Cornwallis Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Governor Gener... and Commander in Chief Peter Speke William Cowper, and Thomas Graham Esquires Counsellors of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal and its Dependencies To all to whom these Presents shall come and Greeting Know ye that we reposing espècial Trust and Confidence in the Fidelity Prudence, and Circumspection of Captain Alexander Kyd, in the Military Service of the United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the East Indies, have Nominated made Constituted, and appointed, and by these Presents do nominate make, Constitute, and Appoint the said Captain Alexander Kyd, to be Superintendant and Commandant of the Military Force Garrison, and Settlement now formed on the Island called the Great Andaman and Situated in the Bay of Bengal, likewise those Islands and Dependencies known by the Names of the little Andamans, The Cocos, The Preparies, Nurcandaam, and the Barren Island, also to superintend and Command all other Islands and Places Contiguous thereto, and lying within the Parralells of 10 and 15 Degrees of North Latitude and 92 and 95 Degrees of Longitude East from Greenwich, and all Harbours Towns Garrisons, Forts, Fortifications or other Military Works or Posts that now are or may be hereafter erected upon the said Islands, to hold them, in the Name and for the Use of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies, and to keep and Maintain the same against all Enemies or Intruders whomsoever, He is Nominated, made, constituted, and appointed, by these Presents, to Control and Command all Officers and Soldiers, belonging to the Military and Marine Establishments of the said United Company, all Europeans and Native Artificers, Labourers and Servants of every Discription in the Pay or Employ of the said Company, and all Settlers, and Persons who now are, or hereafter may be, permitted to reside at, or be in any Manner attached or belonging to the Settlement and Dependencies aforesaid and they and each of all and every such Discription or Discriptions of Persons are and is hereby required and directed to obey all legal Orders issued by the said Captain Alexander Kyd, And, in general, he is to do and Perform all and every such Acts and things

Page #55

JANUARY, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
as appertain to the Duties of his Office and Station as Commandant, and Superintendant of the said Settlement and Islands, in Conformity to the Instructions that have been or may be given him by the Governor General in Council of Fort William aforesaid Given under Our Hands and the Seal of the said United East India Company in Fort William this Eighteenth day of February in the thirty third Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the third, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth, and in the Year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and Ninety three.
Cornwallis. Peter Speke. William Cowper.
Thos. Graham.
Registered in the Secretary's Office By Order of the Right Honorable the Governor General in Council.
(To be continued.)
Signed
NOTES AND QUERIES.
KAPING
KEPING-KUPONG.
IN Vol. XXVII. p. 223 f., I have given a number of quotations on the Malay coin and bullion weight kapong and have since come across some more information on the same and kindred words.
In the MS. work, Asia, etc., by T. B., 1669-79, occurs, fol. 132, the following passage: -
-
1869-79. "They [at Janselone] have noe Sort of coyned monies here, save what is made of tinne w is melted into Small lumps, and passe very currant provided they be of their just weight allowed by Statute: and are as followeth: One Small lumpe or Putta valueth here 3 Eng. One great Putta is 2 Small ones Val: 74d penny En, w is theire Currant moneys and noe Other, but if wee bringe Silver or Gold massy or Coyned, the rich men will trucke wh us for tinne and give some advance 10 or 15 p! Cent upon y moneys. When wee shall have a considerable quantitie of these Smal pieces of tinne togeather: wee weigh w Scales or Stylyard 52 pound w and
ch
and melt it in a Steele panne for y. Purpose, and runne it into a mold of wood or clay: and that is an Exact Cupine: 8 of wh are one baharre weight (of Janselone) or 420: English pound weight. In any considerable quantitie of goods Sold togeather wee agree for soe many Baharre or soe many Cupines, when a Small parcell, then for soe many Viece: or soe many great or Small puttas: 4 great puttas make a Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece."
Apparently, some form of pichis, the Malay cash: ef. Bamporfs for Songp'és in Stevens, Guide, p. 127, and ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 7. Maxwell, Malay Manual, 1888,
51
This statement affords a table of weights for Junkseylon in 1669-79, taking the viss (viece) at its most persistent value of 3 lbs., as follows:2 pattas small make 1 putta large 4 puttas large
1 viece
15 viece 8 cupine
1 cupine
1 baharre of 420 lbs.
A century later Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, 1775, p. 127, gives the following tables: - Jonckceylone. Tocopa. 3 Punchorfa 1 Poot 3 Pingas' 1 Puta 4 Poots
1 Vis 4 Putas 1 Viss
10 Vis
1 Capin 10 Viss 1 Capin 8 Capins 1 Bahar 8 Capin 1 Bahar. The Bahar in the above cases must have been about 476 lbs.
In 1818, Milburn, Commerce, Vol. II. p. 291, trepors:-"They [at Junkceylon] have certain pieces of tin, shaped like the under half of a cone, called poot, which are used on the island as also their weights." His table is as follows:money, weighing about three pounds: these are
4 Poots I Viss
10 Viss 1 Capin
8 Capins 1 Bahar of 476 lbs.
In 1885 Kelly's Cambist, Vol. I. pp. 108 f., 121, copies this information, but makes the bahar of Junkceylon 485 lbs. and that of Tocopa 476 lbs.
So far then we have the history of the putta and cupine of T. B's account of Junekseylon. p. 143, has penjuru as the lowest of "the silver coins used in weighing gold "

Page #56

62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JAXOABY, 1902.
The Malay terms are patah, a fragment, and Tbe scale in all the cases is probably meant to kaping. But his statement that the patah of tin refer to the same standard, the differences arising was worth 3d. sterling was probably not meant out of the relation by weight and value to each to apply to wholesale purchases, as that would other of the several metals used for measuring make the tin to be worth 60 Spanish dollars the bullion. bahar, which we find from fol. 134 he did not pay for it: - "What else wee bringe hither are
Under date 1639, Mandelslo, Travels, E. T.. Ryalls of 8: w wee alsoe trucke for tinne, att
p. 107 f., has rather a difficult reference to Malay y! rate of 28 dollars p baharre ready moneys
weights in somewhat similar terms: -"A drug and 40 upon trucke for our Goods." Taking the they call Baroyboura [edible birds' neste, sarung. Spanish dollar (loyal of 8) at 58., T. B paid in
burung). These are only Swallow-nests, which cash at the rate of 11d. for the patah, and of 2d.
they find on the Rocks by the Sea-side, and are in goods, for wholesale purchases, one presumes.
of such esteem in China, that they sell them But Milburn says, loc. cit., that the tin in his day
for three or four Crowms the pound. There are sold at Junkeeylon at "from 12 to 16 Spanish
two sorts of tbem, the white which are in much dolls per pecul." Now 3 picul make 1 bahar:
request and are sold for six, seven or eight therefore at 36 dollars the bahar the price was 24d
Campans the China Catti; but the grey are
not 80 dear and are not worth three or four the patah, and at 48 dollars it was 3d. thé patah, which supports T. B. in his statement.
Campans the Catti, which amounts to not above It is worth noting here also that at 3d. the
eleven Sols, or a Mamide of Cambaya....
T'be Portugueze heretofore bought there at patah tbe value of the viss of tin works out to
Patani) fifteen or sixteen horned Beasts in a 26. 6d., the then approximate value of the Siamese
year, and carried them to Malacca, paying a tickal, the standard of value in Siam, of which Junkneylon formed a part.
Campan a head for the export."
It was this value that most likely settled the value of the patah for Now, taking the 16. Av. to be three quarters of retail payments.
a China catty, then at 3 Orowns the lb., the catty In 1887 Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, would be worth el: at 4 Orowns the lb. it would says, Appx., p. 61, "the tical and tin piece were be worth 268. ed. Then it follows from the state. the currency of Tavai and Mergui, but the former ments that the campan was worth from 3.. 4d. to has been superseded by the rupee. The rates for
41. 9d. at the rate of 6 to the catty, or 2.. 60. to the rapee and pico' may be expected to vary, but
36, 7d. at 8 to the catty. This rate is something the following was in use at the date of our autho
like the probable fact, as at the present day in the rities (1826) :
Andamang clean white edible birde' nesta are 12 small piee make 1 large one or kobean
bought up for the Chinese at Rangoon for their 40 kebean 1 Madras Ruppe
weight in silver : i. 6., at Re. 1 per tólá, or say at
£2 the lb. Av. and £2 6s. 8d. the catty. Whereas 44 do.
1 Sicca Rupee 88 do I Spanish dollar" the next statement that Mandelslo makes, vis,
that 3 to 4 campans are equal to 11 sols or mamide This works out the value of the keboan of tin is impossible; because the mahmudi varied from to be 17 to the penny. Kebean no doubt repre- 3d. to 4d., which was no doubt the value of 11 sents some form of keping or kaping, but here
sols (sous) also. This makes the campan about a refers to the kapong as distinct from the keping.
pendy or less Thus from the following extract from Kelly's
Now, on Kelly's statement the keping would be Cambist, Vol. II. p. 348:
the eighth of a Spanish dollar, or say 7 d., and the Fort Malborough in Sumatra.
kapong would run about 40 to the dollar, 1. e., Gold and silver weights.
about 11d. each. Mandelslo evidently meant . 80 Coopdees (kondarf make 1 Keping the tapong by his "campan," and probably 8 Kepinge
1 Ringit [Sp.
mixed up with it some local form of the kaping, dollar)
from what he had heard or read that the kdpong
was worth. These considerations confirm the Moco Moca and Ft. Marlborough.
opinion that Wilson's kebean also refors in 4 Koopangs or Soocoo make 1 Mas (mace]
some confused way to the kupong as a measure 4 Mas
1 Pauh
1. of value. Pano. 1 Ringit
R. O. TEMPLE. • Beems to represent the word pichis and no doubt Buku quarter. represents the patah, it may also be miaprint for For an examination of Malay bullion weight so, "piec.."
ante, Vol. XXVII. Pp. 87 .

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FEBRUARY, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
53
LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON, .
WRITTEN IN 1534 AND 1536.
BY DONALD FERGUSON.
(Concluded from p. 33.) [f.124] Copy of another letter that the same Christovão Vieyra wrote from China.
Sir,91 - Looking constantly at your letter, 92 I am much relieved of my infirmity. With the strength that your honor gives me I am moved to take the opportunity to write, Sir, in brief: the reading will not take long, repeating, Sir, in this city, in which, Sir, I say, were you but in ludin, so that the governor would send Eytor da Sylveira93 with the fleet that goes each year to tbe Strait, conveying therein three thousand men and carrying Malabars in order with them to terrify the people when they see theso Malabars. With the help of the Portuguese they would go on until they conquered half the country of China, if there were there enough people to maintain so great a city and so many towns, so weak a people are they, and they have no kind of defence.
Into this river of this city can enter only ships of two hundred tons, and every galleon however great, by reason of their drawing little water. The whole of this river, Sir, is muddy and is entirely free from rocks, so that even if it be left dry it does not matter; because the river is very high the city would remain dominated under these ships. When the sea is on the How they can put planks from the galleons and ships to the land by which the people can go out. By this river are placed the houses of the suburb, having a protection in order that the water may not overflow all, which protection is of stone filled in with earth of the height of a man or half a man, and in places none. In all parts there are very fine ways paved with fine stone, which stone would serve at present for fortresses. Fire shonld be pat, Sir, to the end of this suburb, whereby it wonld go burning all along the river, so as to leave all clear for the artillery to play, and because if it were not put (f. 124v] there the Chinese would shoot with arrows. As they would have the protection of the houses, it would be necessary to put fire to them that all might be clear without any houso remaining.
Withal, Sir, let it be well observed that the principal ladding-place is in the middle of this saburb, where is a house of the mandarins ;95 when they are going anywhore they go there to disembark and embark ; at which house there is a reception of such. The which house is enclosed around by a wall made of earth rising to the height of a remessão,86 where in this, place could assemble a number of men with an order to destroy the houses all around in order to leave a place for the fortress to be made, in order to place artillery there, making loopholes in these walls, in order to place therein great bombards, until the completion of the fortress that must be erected in that place. With the fortress standing over against the river on the one side and the gate of the city on the other, making a very strong and fine breastwork, which would go on approaching the gate of the city, so that the city would be entirely dominated,
* This heading, added by the copyist apparently, is, like that prefized to the first letter, erroneous, this second letter being by Vasco Calvo.
I have been unable to discover to whom this letter is addressed; but, from what the writer ways further on the addresses would appear to have been the commander of a ship sont to the Gulf of Tongking to try and open up communications with the Portuguese prisoners in Canton. (c. Introd.)
13 I have no information regarding this letter, nor when or how it was dispatehod
# The writer' was evidently not aware that Heitor da Silveira had been killed in February 1531 in the storming of the inland of Beth, ono of the darkest pages in the history of Portuguese Indis. (See Whiteway's Rin of Port. Porcer in India, Pp. 225-227.)
# The Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb. Heitor da Silveira had d ed several expeditions to the Ruu Sen.
. The yamar of the hoppo, doubtless, the site of whiob is not bocupied by a Roman Catholio onthedral. (So. Mid. King. I. p. 166.)
* A remessão (augm. of remeso, javelin = 104 pilmos or Fans.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
because all is ground flat as the palm of one's hand, with artillery at one end and at the other. The which breastwork must be in the manuer of the bridge giving passage to a rivulet that runs between the wall and the suburb; and in order to enter the city there is a very fine stone bridge; and the breastwork would have to be joined to this bridge. This breastwork would go towards this gate and lead from the bridge, and would have to be the means of access to the fortress itself, where the governor must reside.
[FEBRUARY, 1902.
As soon, Sir, as the disembarkation shall have taken place at this spot, observe well that it is near the gate of the city. If the city do not surrender, three camellos must be placed there, and the gates, which are two, must be destroyed. Both of them consist of two, one is front of the other. These gates, Sir, are overlaid with copper. As soon as they enter they must make their way to the house of the pochegy, which is the principal house that there is in this city, and is the house where is the king's revenue, where will be found much silver, more than can be reckoned, and also much gold and merchandise. This house is the chief of this province; for in this house from morning [f. 125] until night there is nothing done but weighing the silver of the rents that come from all the officers; in which house must be placed two or three hundred men with a captain to remain stationed in the city until the fortress shall have been built. And likewise a fortress will have to be made within the city where is a small mount87 with some churches. It has in itself stone for making the fortress; which fortress must be situated above the wall that goes towards the north, which is the main land, with a tower of four stories all full of artillery which can fire towards the north and west and east, and also towards the city. All points will thus, be defended by this fortress, and the city placed and restrained under this fortress; in which förtress, Sir, should be stationed a hundred men; the city will then become so strong that not a bird will be able to descend that will have an opportunity of escaping. The which hundred men, Sir, should be changed every three or four months. They should go, Sir, with the fleet that they may make a profit.
It will also, Sir, be needful to go and seize a factory that is called the Conchefas, whence will escape a thousand prisoners, at least if the mandarins do not kill them through fear lest they rise in the city and kill the mandarins also in consequence. It is also full of silver, which is moreover collected in dues for the king and the fines of the prisoners which are on a large scale, much silver; which property, Sir, that shall be in this factory, shall be removed from this to the house of the pochegy, where must be those men to erect in the meanwhile the fortress. Let them collect there all that has been taken; and in like manner they shall go to two other factories of the king, which also have much silver of the dues that are exacted; the which two factories are called by name Nayhay and Ponhaem. And if this property is found, all shall go to the pochegy, who will have to guard it there until all is settled. Let them be advised that in case they should find no silver, and should find within those houses, which are large, any man, he shall be questioned regarding it, as it may be buried in some place so that it may not be found; because in those cities that are attacked [f. 125v] by robbers they do this, that is, bury it, and leave as a blind four or five thousand taels, in order that the robbers may not go searching everywhere and happen to find it.
And inquiry should also, Sir, be made for the rice godowns, which are seven or eight houses where are stationed three petty mandarins like receivers of customs,00 the which houses have in them millions upon millions of piculs of rice under the management of the mandarins and also other people, the which rice if they could sell it to the people of the country, they would make more than forty thousand taels of silver thereby. For which purpose, Sir, there should be placed thirty men with a captain, and they should remain guarding this rice until the city and affairs shall have settled down, without any of that rice being touched, which if it should happen, Sir, there would be no remedy. At present if rice and provisions did not come in from without 7 The peak of Yuehsiu, near the five-storied tower referred to above. Kwangohau-fù. (See note supra. These names evidently represent Nanhai and Pwanyü, the two districts in which Canton is situated. The orig. has" allees," which, Sr. Lopes suggests, is a contraction for alimosarifes.

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FEBRUARY, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
the whole population of the city would die of famine. Then, Sir, it would be necessary to open up this store of rice and sell this rice to the people that are in the city, and, even if it should be worth a good deal, somewhat cheap, on account of the people's not being able now to buy it anywhere; because of all the populace the most, Sir, that live in this city are all craftsmen and merchants and people who all live to carry on trade. For the people, Sir, who are rich and have lands live in the villages where they have their lands, and lands here are worth their weight in money. This is the reason why the people would die of hunger if rice did not come from without for sale; because this city could not sustain itself for three days without the people's dying, because the population is large.
55
Let them observe well.
And also, Sir, some of this rice should be given to the masons and carpenters and smiths and workmen that shall be engaged on the fortresses, giving them each day three fanams9l as their wage, which is twelve reals a day, and they will be content; because here the mandarins give them for their services two fanams, and if they do not work give them floggings in a trice.92 Wherefore, Sirs, these workmen would be well paid without taking or spending a single ceitiles [f. 126] of our lord the king's. With this rice alone a hundred fortresses could be built in this country; as every mandarin's house has stone, supports for the stories of towers, and as much as one would wish of anything, so many would not be necessary.
And also, Sir, orders must at once be given to quickly close up with stone and lime all the gates that lead to the north, and also those on the west and east, leaving in this city only this gate which the people shall use, which must be connected with the fortress; and the captainmajor should return to the place where he disembarked, with all the people except the three hundred men who shall remain in the city in the house of the pochegy. It is a great affair, and all shut in by the fortress; and the keys of the city should be given at night to this captain who shall meanwhile remain there while the fortresses are being built; and in the morning they should be given to him who shall have charge of guarding that gate and shutting it; and at night they should watch and beat the drums as is the usual custom.
Aud also, Sir, arrangements must be made with the people of the country, to distribute them and appoint a man as head of that same country. The tallacos of the wall would watch the people that lived in those streets, because such is his custom and style. They should also be given drums, which they would get at the houses of these mandarins. In the morning they would come to give their report, as is the custom, to that captain who would be in that house; that "such a part is safe"; then others would come, and say "such a part is safe," and they would give the keys to open the gate. It would also, Sir, be necessary to leave undisturbed the style of the country with regard to going on the knees to the captains and also to every other person who has any charge, as such is the custom of the country and it must not fall into abeyance. The people are bad, and so as a consequence they must be flogged if they are not prompt at that which they are ordered to do: otherwise it will be a trouble to endure these people; for the mandarins do nothing else from morning to night, and kill them, and yet can do nothing with them.
The contraction for in the orig. must, I think, stand for fanões. It occurs again near the end of the letter 92 The orig. has "como palhus," lit., "like straws." In Portuguese "á lume das palhas" means "in the twinkl ing of an eye, in a trico:" and that seems to be the writer's meaning here.
A coin worth of a real.
9 Cf. Gaspar da Cruz in Purchas, Pilg. III. p. 173; Mendoza (Hak. Soc. ed.), I. p. 86.
If a Chinese word is really intended to be represented here, the last syllable, as I have said in Introd., must atand for king," a watch of the night."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1902.
If it should happen, Sir, that they should place there some boats and should [f. 126v] shoot from them, let them go out and capture them, for any force would be able to capture them. When they saw that they came out for that purpose they would not wait,'! because their arms wonld not allow them to await the attack of the Portuguese. The swords are after the fashion of ours, some three spans in length, of plain iron, without any point. For! armour they wear quilted bajos and a helmet on their head made of tin. They shoot arrows, and that not very well. This is their manner of warfare; and these, Sir, are those who are pressed for this. For the common people do not know how to do this, they simply shat the doors, and do not trouble any further, and bury what silver they have, for they have no household articles, only an old table and a chair: everything else of silver they bury.
And this, Sir, is not the case with the common people : they have nothing in the way of sword or arrow; only when any rising takes place the people shut the gates, and everyone gets inside his house ; and whoever is most capable, him they obey. In fine, Sir, these people, by means of whom the mandaring maintain the country, are of this fashion, which description I have given in brief. Every man who is taken prisoner is condemned to death ; but when he has been four or five years in the prison there come other mandarins, and if the prisoner has silver for a bribe they write respecting him to the king, and the great mandarins free him from that penalty that rests upon him, and sentence him to banishment in perpetuity; and the song are likewise liable to this banishment. It is comparable, Sir, to the men who in Portugal are banished to the islands. To the man who is like the hangman these men give each month a pioul of rice to eat in his house with his wife. And so of other doings, if they recur, they make exiles of these men likewise. These men of this city they banish to another province, and those of other provinces they banish to this. In this province there are distributed throughout the cities, towns and villages, and employed in guarding the gates and prisons and going along the rivers, in order that they may not rise (f. 127) in the cities, thirteen to fourteen thousand men. In this city there are constantly some three thousand men gaarding the gates of the city with captains. As to which, there is not a Malabar that could not fight with forty of these men and kill them all, because they are just like women: they have no stomach; simply onteries.99 It is with these people that the mandarins maintain this country, which is a world in itself.
Wherefore as soon as the fleet should mako sail to come to this city there is not a man. darin that would await in the city the fleet in the river: the mandarins would certainly hurry out by the gates; of this there is no doubt that it wonld be so. In the middle of this river is a church of the Chinese which stands on the outskirts in the middle of the city (it is about as big as the fortress of Calequo), which has already been made into a fortress, only they are to erect the wall and construct towers for it, the which should form a strong fortress with towers or bastions ; 100 wherefore with this fortress standing there with twenty or thirty men the river would be blocked and everything cut off, because from there the artillery would be able to dominate all sides, both towards the city and towards the river upwards and downwards.1 This is the reason why artillery must be brought from India, so that it will be possible to do great things against any people whatsoever.
When the people in the city have settled down, then, in a short time, after not more than two to four days have passed, they should take paraos, and dispose themselves in foists if they
* The orig. has "fos," which I take to stand for filhos. Of The orig. has fto," which should represent feitos ; but the sense is not very clear.
# of. Fa. Ricoi's opinion of the Chinese, as quoted in Introd. to Hak. Soc. ed. of Mendoza, p. luxviii. Conto says (X. X. iv.): "... tho groter part of the heathens of India fight as much with their tongues me with their banda." (See also quotations in Hobson-Jobson, 1. w. 'Cucuya, Cucuyada.')
This must, I think, refer to the rook on which, in later times, wag erected the Hai Chu (Sea Pearl) Fort or Datoh Folly. It is referred to above by Christovão Vieyra (f. 122v). Soe also Gaspar da Crus in Purches, Pilg. III. p. 195. 10 See sketch of fort in Nieubof. .
1 Canton oity was bombarded by the British from Dutoh Folly Fort in 1856-87

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FEBRUARY, 1902.J LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
57
should be available, and go up the river, at the same time taking a quantity of artillery, and go burning as many paraos and junks and other things as they find in the way of towns and villages, causing great destruction and leaving nothing in existence, in order to put terror into the people; so that, even if the great mandarins came from above with some men, they would find no boat, nor would 'they find any food for the people [f. 127v] to eat. How much more do I believe that no one would or could descend ; because if the robbers are left there they would be bound to rise throughout the country, and to go plundering and killing everybody when they knew that this city was taken. They might also come to take refuge here; and the country would be put in such a turmoil that there would be a general alarm, so that the people would be certain at once to rise throughout the province, and there is not a mandarin that they would not kill. Wherefore let war be waged cruelly, wherever they are able. Since the king of China is bound to lose these three provinces, it will be necessary to make an agreement with his captains. It will be impossible to obtain sustenance, or to maintain the country, or to carry on the government, or to pay taxes to the king; because it will not be possible to sow or to carry on trade : wherefore, an agreement having been made, it will turn out greatly to the profit of our lord the king that the king of China should give him a ship laden with silver every year, in order that the whole fifteen provinces may not be im broiled, or lest he be removed, and so trade will be carried on as before.
And moreover, Sir, by the island of Viniaga the road goes direct to four or five cities of this province and many towns and villages half a league in extent with much population; the which cities are large and contain rich people and much silk, and all iron and tin come from there. And thus, Sir, it is a great trade that the king carries on with this, Sir, who obtains from it a large revenue. The which cities are situated along the coast with the sea beating on them; and these cities would give as much revenue as the king bas in the country to our lord the king, and would also be obedient so as not to be destroyed and that the population may not see themselves ruined. And they must not consent to their being governed by a mandarin of the country, but only that they make choice as to who shall be their captains, content to give the half of the revenues to our lord the king. For there is not (f. 128] a city that would not give forty or fifty thousand cruzados each year. I do not speak of towns; but the towns would have to do likewise, and would give according to the revenue twenty thousand and thirty thousand cruzados in tribute, and they would give a shipload of silver to our lord the king withont the spending in this conntry of a ceitil of our lord the king's; only they should take it to India to defray the expenses and freights of the ships for Portugal.
These cities - one can go to them in all seasons, as well in winter as in summer, it is all one ;. because all must be fine galleys and foists and vessels - everything that is rowed ; and. all go along the rivers and amongst islands, as the Chinese here navigate all the year round, both in one direction and in the other. And the province of this Cantão and that of Foquem are divided there by one of these cities that is called Coichenfu. Then in the province of Foquem there is a city that is called Camcheu : it is a fine and large city. It stands on the sea, and is rich in silk and tafetas, and in camphor and much salt, and is of grent traffic, and bas in it a great number of junks, which can come and go in all seasons. These go from this city in all seasons, and take from fifteen to twenty days by this route from the island. This is a beautiful route, having many towns and villages. There is also another arm of the sea between this land of Cantão by which they go and likewise a good route. Regarding all these matters it will be needful to question the Chinese. And there are many other rivers by which they go to other places,
* Chinchau-f0.
·
Changohau (Chincheo or Chinobow). Seo Introd.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1962.
Also, Sir, on that coast of that Coljay where you now are there are three cities, which are called by the names of, the one Loycheu, the other Lencheu, and the other Quancheu:" they are there situated further in, because the arm of the sea that runs between the islands of Aynão [f. 128v] washes these cities, and around are many towns and villages; and they are large cities with many revenues, and they also have some seed-pearl. The which perforce would have to submit to the power of our lord the king, and mandarins of the king cannot be allowed, only if it should be that an agreement be made as to what his captains should do, by which perforce they should give three thirds of the revenue to our lord the king and one third to the king of China, in order that these cities and towns, all of which will be easy of capture, should not be burnt or destroyed. This could be done by five or six hundred men, with thirty or forty sail, all foists, with artillery for waging war.
58
For in this city that is called Quancheufu there are great mountain ranges," and in these mountain ranges are collected a large number of robbers, who have twice attacked this city and plundered it completely. The which robbers, when they learnt of the taking of this city, would be certain to come down and attack it now that it had no one to govern it (for the mandarins would undoubtedly flee); and in towns and villages also they would assuredly rob and kill. Until their own captains make provision for this these people would not refrain from coming to beg for help from the captain-major, asking also for Portuguese to go and govern that country, that it may not be destroyed by the robbers; because the people have no means of defence; only most of the people would join in bands to plunder, because the greater part of them are a fickle people, restless, all engaged in trade, a vain crew. As, Sir, there are rich people there, so also there are people that cannot get enough to eat: this is the reason why all are thieves.
Wherefore, Sir, as soon as this city shall have been made strong by fort[f. 129]resses in those places that are needful, and there shall have come from India troops to all these cities that are near the sea and on the rivers, there should be built in each city a strong fortress where should be placed a captain with fifty, men to govern the land and collect the revenues for our lord the king, with the people of the country also. The which Portuguese who shall be there must take charge of all, and are all certain to be rich, which will be the case by the custom of the country. These Chinese are sure to be faithful when, Sir, they shall have become reconciled to the Portuguese; and also in the towns as well fortresses must be built, and there must be constant intercurrence of boats going and coming. The more the people and the greater the profit, so much the more one must go on getting.
At first, Sir, let fire and sword be carried amongst them vigorously, for so the enemy will require from the first; and as soon as the captain-major shall come to enter the river let' this place that is called Nanto be destroyed, where are stationed captains of war with some two thousand men of those that have been banished. Because of its being the frontier, and because foreigners come there for trade, there are stationed there some junks: let all be taken and burnt, and that place be all consumed by fire, so that the people who are there may have no chance. And so coming up along the coast there is a village of people which the boats must be ordered to burn, and the good paraos must be captured, and if there should be junks let them be burnt, not burning the paraos which will be useful for going up the rivers. And so coming further forward where there is an island that is called Aynacha," they will get fishermen
I cannot identify this place, which, judging from the towns mentioned below, should be in the Gulf of Tongking near Hainan. The copyist may have blundered over the name.
5 See Introd.
These three names are easily identifiable as those of Laichau and Lienchau in south Kwangtung and Kiung chau in Hainan. (Cf. Christovão Vieyra's letter supra, f. 119v.)
The Li-mu-ling ridge. (See Mid. King. I. p. 175.)
The wild mountaineers of Hainan are even now only semi-subject to Chinese authority. Anunghoy. (See supra, f. 118r.)

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59
who know the entrance to the bar; the which island is populated and has on it many junks. The boats (f. 129v] and foiste must go and burn the junks if they have not fled; and there are also many paraos: they must not destroy these paraos, which at first will be very necessary, as every one of these paraos can carry three bergoglo and five or six Portuguese men, not counting rowers. All this, Sir, should be destroyed, in order that all may be made clear, so that the ships that remain at the bar may find all safe, and the boats will be able to come and go every time that shall be needfal. Without fear of any harm's being done to them from any direction they will be able to come and go. Noting, Sir, that all has been well considered and no mistake can be made in anything : as in these terms and by Christovão Vieyra has been set forth, let everything, Sir, be well looked at, not departing from what is said here. Let all be destroyed, and let not these enemies remain to cause trouble.
From this province, Sir, when fortresses and everything else have been settled, they should go to Foquem, which is a province by itself, and is of importance in the matter of silk and merchandise that is carried on in it; the whole year through they come and go, and all the cities and towns are near the sea. When there has been formed a fleet of galleys and foists to the number of forty or more, in which might go sit or seven hundred men, they should make a demonstration there, by which they would make all tributary to our lord the king, all these cities and towns, and take away every year as tribute a shipload of silver: they can do no less. In order that the land may not be destroyed and lost the revenues must by agreement be divided in half with onr lord the king. As this people has no means of defence, when they hear a bombard roar they are sure to go and place themselves on the mounts and see what the Portuguese intend to do. It may be seen how great wealth there is without its having to be fetched, nor would it be exhausted: they could simply carry it (f. 180] openly to Portugal. Another India would be won, and of as great profit; and in time much more so, as more people would spring up; and thus they would go on gaining more and would subjugate more ; and so all the Portuguese would become very rich, which the country permits of. Moreover they must go to this Foquem by the side of the island where they carry on trade, where there are cities and towns and villages and hamlets belonging to this city and province and also to Foquem. With this fleet all intercourse is carried on, both from this Cantão to the land and also that of Foquo. The whole, Sir, with one stroke of the sword they may make tributary at once, and there must be caused great destructions in the burning of junks, which this Foque possesses to the number of millions, and also by sending bombards into the cities from the prows of the galleys and foists. Even if they come to beg for morcy, do not let them grant it to them, Sir, at first, so that they may know what they can do and the power of our lord the king in the country, in order that the full tribute may come in, without their refusing at any time what their captains order. For this they must have acquaintance with what they can do to them.
Moreover, Sir, in the sea off this Foquem are the Lequeos,19 who every year sell merchantdise at Patane and Sogão and in the time of the king of Malaca used to go to Malaca. They are many islands, and where the king is, is a very large island ; and it cannot, Sir, be less, because the people are civilized and build very large junks. The which islands have much gold and copper and iron and many articles of merchandise that there are in Malaca end Patane ; for they bring and have damasks and much silk and porcelains. From this province of Foquem to reach the first islands takes three days of sea. These Lequeos come every day to carry on trade with this country of Foque, and from Foquem they go secretly (f. 130v] thither to carry on trade. In which place in time they may come to carry on trade with them, and they come híther to carry on trade; and there would be seen, Sir, business being transacted in this city from all parts, from Pacé and Patane; and by means of the
10 A short annon. 11 Cy. the Chinese saying quoted by Gaspar da Crus (Purghas, Pilg. II. p. 173). 15 The Liakid islanders, (Farther on he repeats the information here given, in almost identical words)

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[FEBRUARY, 1902.
wood of Syam there will be formed here another C. da India,13 because this country has great want of this wood of Sya, which at present is worth much her. Other arti ies of merchandise can be dispensed with, but not this wood.14
Let these letters, Sir, be shown to the captains-major; let them not be kept secret, Sir; for if Jorge Alvarez15 had shown the letters that he took to Dom Estevão,16 and they had known about us, I am confident that we should not have remained here in this prison either dead or alive. Within two years either the governor would have sent, or from Malaca something would have been ordered by means of which we should have been rescued from here; because much service will be done to our lord the king in seeking for every means to deliver us, Sir, from here. Therefore, Sir, I trust that your honor, when these are delivered, will not wait for orders from Portugal from our lord the king to come to this country, but that your honor will settle it with the governor in India, For, however great the wishes that the king of this country has, our lord the king is not in error as to his having these wishes; only we are astonished that no force has come against this country for so many years back: we do not know the reason. So, Sir, in one way or another, with six ships, as will be seen by other letters, all can be accomplished, Sir, while engaged in our release.
In one way or another, by whichever, Sir, they shall come, as soon as they shall arrive at that port let the juribassos at once prepare letters regarding us: let them not order, Sir, to kill; asking for us very boldly, because they have come for that purpose; [f. 131] and that as there was reason for a great force to come so it had arrived in that port to ask for us very insistently. Because these mandarins are afraid of us, Sir, that we know the country, that is the reason why they do not release us and keep us in this prison, it being the strongest that there is in this city.
I am not able, Sir, to write more fully because my hand is painful with wounds that keep opening, and because of its not being further necessary, since Christovão Vieyra does not fail to describe everything else.
Done in this prison of the Anchal in the tenth moon and on such a day of October 18 Praying our Lord to guard you and to carry you in safety wherever your honor desires.
The servant of your honor, VASCO CALVO.
This man, whom your honor should take as guide, is a respectable man. He was a man that had property, and was a long time a prisoner, but freed himself and was banished, and took an opportunity of going to Malaca. He is, Sir, a man worthy of honor's being done to him, and he is a capable man as regards this country. Let there be given him, Sir, sustenance in Malaca, and to the juribasso what are necessary.
Sir, This province of Cantão will have under its rule in a circuit of two hundred leagues well built cities and towns and villages. The whole is built on the flat ground, placed beside rivers,
18 The India House in Lisbon.
14 The orig. has thrice "pão" (bread) for pao. The wood referred to is that known under the names of kalambak, agila, eagle-wood, lign-aloes, etc. (See Yule's Hobson-Jobson, s. vu. Calambac' and 'Eagle-wood.') The Chinese used the wood for incense in their temples. (See Mendoza, Hak. Soc. ed., I. p. 58, who copies verbally from Gaspar da Cruz. In the translation of the latter in Purchas, however, at p. 196, the word aguilla of the original has been wrongly rendered "civet.")
18 See Introd, regarding this man.
16 D. Estevão da Gama, who, as mentioned in the Introduction, succeeded to the captaincy of Malacca on the death of his brother Paulo in 1584. He left Malacca for India at the beginning of 1599, and became governor of India in 1540. The writer's reference to letters sent by Jorge Alvares is puzzling: apparently he was ignorant of the fact
that this man had died at Tamão in 1521.
17 This apparently represents Chinese ngancha (er'); since it was in the prison of this official that the writers of these letters were confined. (See Christovão Vieyra's statement supra, f. 108v.)
18 The year is not given; but it was probably 1536, as the letter was finished in November 1586.

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the houses adorned with woodwork. The province of Foquem is smaller, and has two cities less.19 [f. 131v] It will have under its rule a circuit of one hundred and sixty leagues. It is a very fine thing, and the cities and towns are also situated after the manner of this Cantão.
61
These two pages in which are described these provinces must not be detached, because they accord with these things that are here about to be written down.
I, Sir, have the book20 of all fifteen provinces, how many cities each province has, and towns and other places, all written at large, and the manners and customs that prevail in the whole country, and the government thereof, as of all else, and the cities, how they are situated, and other places, and also the profits of our lord the king. Being a man, Sir, given to study, I know how to read and write the letters of the country; for I am sick, and I see the Chinese and learn the letters.
This page of drawing, Sir, is the province of Cantão, all of which shows the rivers, the cities, which are ten, 23 all given by name at the foot of this page, and a city that is called Aynão, which when one comes to this port lies on the left hand. The whole is islands, as, Sir, you will see there. on the which islands is a populous city and three cheos that are under the city, and ten towns, each of which towns is larger than the city of Evora and has ten times as many people; and another town where are stationed captains of war like those that are in your guard. From these islands to this city of Cantão will be fifty or sixty leagues.
Because, Sir, there are fifteen large cities and very large towns it is a rich affair with large revenues and with palm-groves and arecas. By reason of these arecas and palm-groves it is the best thing that there is in the country of China. Where also they fish for pearls: in no other part is. there any, but only on these [f. 132] islands. The which islands, Sir, border on the south side on the kingdom of Cauchim; and from this land of Cantão to go thither there is an arm of the sea, which with a fair-wind may be crossed in one day, and with an adverse wind in a day and a half.
Wherefore, Sir, when a fortress has been built in this city, these cities will immediately rise, and the majority of the people will take to robbing and killing one and another, because there will be no one who governs them nor whom they have to obey, because the mandarins will either be killed or will flee, since the people are very poor, and are ill-treated by the mandarins that govern.
These islands and cities, Sir, have no means of help; and when a fortress has been built in the principal city, with five hundred men stationed therein, and with much boatage to scour the arm of the sea with other five hundred men, they will become submissive to obey our lord the king; because from the method of raising the revenues that they are accustomed to pay to the king, great riches on a large scale will be derived from these cities and these islands when the country has been settled, for the revenues are very large.
You must know, Sir, that it was more difficult to take Goa than it will be to take these cities and subject them, by reason of the people's being very weak to a large extent, and they have no loyalty towards king nor father or mother; they go only with him who can do most. Which thing so good is in consequence waiting to be taken possession of. There is also great plenty of ginger: this province has much ginger very good, and cinnamon which is not very fine.
19 Galeotto Pereira says (Hakluyt, II., II. p. 68) that there were eight cities in Fukien and seven in Kwangtung: whereas Gaspar da Cruz (cap. 5) attributes to the former ten and to the latter eleven cities; while Mendosa (Bak. Soc. ed. p. 23) makes the numbers thirty-three and thirty-seven.
20 What happened to this book, it is impossible to say.
The orig. has "esta," which I take to be a copyist's error for estando.
This seems to have disappeared with the original letters.
23 Bee footnote supra.
25 Chin, chaudepartment or district. (Cf. Barros, Dec. already been mentioned by name.
Cf. Christovão Vieyra's letter supra.
"The island of Hainan seems to be meant. III., II. vii.) The three chans in question have

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With wbich, Sir, I leave this subject of this Aynio, [. 132v] and return to this city of Cantão, which is the capital of this province: that is to say, here reside the chief mandarins, all the acts of justice are dispatched here, and the revenues. Consequently it is a fine and popalous city, and is. thing very suitable for the force of our lord the king to perform bold deeds therein. It is of the fashion of the city of Lisbon; and a galleon that entered this city would make it surrender, because it would place the city under its power, and not a man would appear when the artillery fired : not a man would appear, neither any that governed the people nor any of lower rank in the city.
A fleet having come with three thousand men, they should build a fortress in the city, holding it for our lord the king; the which fortress they should make where Christovão Vieyra Writes, with a breastwork going towards the gate of the city, of three or four stories, which would dominate half the city. Within the city they should build a fortress on a mount where are some churches of the Chinese. The which fortress should be of the fashion of that of Calecu ; it should control the wall that goes towards the north by a large tower that would play on that side, and the city would be entirely subjugated. In which place there are stone, wood and tiles enough to build two fortresses with the masons of the country, and servants like the sands on the sea-shore. There should be stationed in this fortress up to one hundred men, and the keys of the city must be given at night to the captain of this fortress; the gates that lead to the north and east and west should be closed, and the entrance should be on the side towards the river.
There must also be appointed porters, at each gate a Portuguese and fifty men of the country who shall bave charge of the gate. These people have a wage: every day two fanams should be paid to them, which will be according to the custom of the country. They will have to know who enters the city, and what he comes to do, and they must come for the keys in the morning to the fortress that is inside the city.
Above this city where two rivers are formed must be built a fortress made with high walls with much artillery and with two hundred [f. 133) men and boats ; so that if any people should say that they would get to them by the river they may have no way by which they can come to this city. For, Sir, it is more difficult to sustain Goa than it would be to sustain this province; and besides our lord the king's having great riches all the rest of the people will be rich, because the country affords room for all, by reason of the many offices that there have to be in the country.
Wherefore, Sir, at first it will be needful to have some of these largo paraor of the country, which are sufficient for that purpose; and they must scout as many rivers as there are there, and born as many boats as they shall find, and junks. If at present this were burnt and destroyed they would die of hunger, because they would have no moans by which food could reach them; and if they bad soy way they would not dare to go by it, for the reason that there are robbers everywhere. In the whole world there will not be found a country of sach wealth and so easy to bring under power as this, and not much power either; and if the power were great, how much more wealth would be obtained.
At first, Sir, they must be severely punished with artillery; for speaking of it now they put their finger in their mouth amazed at such a powerful thing, by reason of being people that have no stomach, and from the time they are born until they die they take nothing in their hand bats knife without a point to cut their food, saving, Sir, the people that act A6 soldiers, who are employed in guarding with those captains the ports and rivers from robbers, and that they may not build large janks, so that the people may not rise and become robbers; because they live in great subjection, as Christovio Viagra relates in these letters, in which, Sir, he has given a fall account.
Wherefore, Sir, there will be created in this city another Casa da India, nothing being brought from Portagal, but there being taken bence a shipload of silver and gold for the purchase in India of cargoes for the shipe for Portugal and for expenditure in India. There would go hence copper,
The orig. is here not quite intelligible.

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[f. 139] saltpetre, lead, alum, tow, cables, all iron work, nails, pitch; all these things are in such abundance, that it is astonishing.28 Here could be built every fleet that would be required in India, galleys, galleons, ships. There is much wood, carpenters of the country as plentiful as vermin, and also smiths, masons, tilers, and other workmen in amazing numbers: not a Portuguese need put his hand to stone or wood in the building of fortresses.
With all the pepper from Pace, from Pedir, Patane and Banda would be formed a large factory of riches here. When the country has settled down they should fix the pepper at fifteen or sixteen taels, and no one must trade in it but only our lord the king. And also, Sir, they should take all the articles of merchandise from Syão, such as wood,30 and give them other articles; because the factory must be full of merchandise of the country and also the merchandise of those parts. A great amount of riches will be made; and it will not be necessary for the men of arms to trade in these goods, because the country is so large and of such great profits that if there were a hundred thousand men all would have a post, and by the custom of the country all these carry with them very large bribes and gifts.
From here, Sir, they would proceed to the province of Foquem, the which province has eight cities and seventy towns and villages of three thousand inhabitants.31 I speak of only an affair of walls. If they go there with a southerly wind they can return when they wish, because there is always the monsoon, and they can enter the rivers. Wherefore, Sir, there should be ordered from here the captainmajor with thirty sail, namely galleys, foists, and every rowing boat, and any galleon; and as tribute from these cities, towns and villages they would take galleys laden with riches. With six hundred men all this could be done.
Because, Sir, every city would pay by agreement forty to fifty [f. 134] thousand taels of silver, the towns twenty to thirty thousand taels, and they would take away goods and bring merchandise. They would pay this tribute in return for their not destroying the country and that the people may not rise throughout the province killing the mandarins and plundering the factories of the king which are all full of silver. For every city has a factory and a chief mandarin and other three who govern and have charge of justice; every town has a factory. It is a good thing this province; and if they ran along the coast with a southerly wind with pilots of the country they would soon come to the province of Chaqueam, which has eleven cities and eighty towns.32 It is a very rich province with many and large revenues; it has much silver and much silk. With six or seven hundred men they would bring away the fleet laden with silver, all tribute.
Off this coast of Foquem, Sir, lie the islands of the Lequeos three days' journey from Foquem, They are many, and are rich in much gold and copper and iron. They come every day to carry on trade in this country of Foquem. These people in the time of the king of Malaca used to go to Malaca to carry on trade, and now they go to Patane. These islands of the Lequeos are a good thing and also a big affair. They lie in the sea three days' journey from this Foquem. There is much gold and many articles of merchandise, and they come every day to carry on trade in this country. They were accustomed to go to Malaca in the time of the king of that country; now they go to Patane to carry on trade. They also use much pepper.
Martim Affonso de Mello, Sir, came rightly ordered to make peace and deliver us and build a fortress in such a place. They gave bad information to our lord the king, that all would be settled, because he brought an ambassador and came for the one that was here.33 It was the misfortune of many that so great disorder should be caused as took place in thus sending two ships with young men,
Cf. Diogo Calvo's letter given in Introd.
The orig. reads apparently" oanda," which seems to be an error for banda.
Here again the orig. has "pão" for pao.
Cf. footnote supra. Mendoza (Hak. Soc. ed. p. 23) credits Fülkien with 83 cities and 99 towns.
Gaspar da Cruz (chap. 5) credits Chehkiang with fourteen cities; while according to Mendosa (Hak. Soc. ed.
p. 24) this province contained 35 cities and 95 towns.
se I am not sure that I have correctly rendered the original, which is somewhat obscure.

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who should never have come [f, 194v] on any account. By reason of which, Sir, each ship fired on its own account, when such a large number of junks came in disarray and proceeded to attack the ship of Diogo de Mello without his firing on them a sicgle bombard shot or a man's drawing his sword from its sheath, saying in mockery that they should arm themselves against the Ramis. Pedro Homem came to the help of Diogo de Mello, and proceeded to place himself among the junks without firing & bombard shot. The janks, Sir, were high, and they hurled showers of stones upon them, and killed Pedro Homem and Diogo de Mello in the ships, and other mon; and the rest of the people they brought to this prison, afflicted as God knows. They remained thus for a year, at times beaten by this jailor who has charge of these prisons. The mandarins expected that other Portuguese would come; but when the monsoon passed they took them to be pat to death, inflicting shameful punishments on them.85
The whole world, Sir, would not be enough to capture one of our ships, how much more two, if they showed them their teeth. My brother, Sir, remained in this port three months beset, having also to feed more thau ten or twelve mon, without their being able to gain an entrance to him, because he showed them his teeth; and be went away, as, Sir, you know there, his people remaining captives in this city and in my possession more than ten thousand taels. The whole was taken from me, whereby God saved me by reason of this property.
Wherefore, Sir, if the governor should allow this province to remain thus in so great prosperity without having any determination regarding the coming hither, there might well be ordered from Malaca and from Paçą five sail well armed and with merchandise to ask for us, there being made at the saine time proposals after the tenor of those set forth in the letters of Christovão Vieyrs, and there must be written three letters to the ceuy, the pachengy and the anchagy, and to the aitao, that our lord the king has sent them for that purpose for the ambassador and people who are in the prisons, who have been twenty years (f. 185] in this country without either the king's or the mandarins' dispatching them; and that if they are not willing to give them up our lord the king will take another course. As soon as they arrive they must send for these mandarins that guard the port, and suy that they have brought merchandise if they wish to trade in it, and will pey their dues as they did at first; and if they wish to come to this city they must destroy it entirely with artillery and set fire to them, that they may enter the houses on the river and those of wood both in the city and outside, without there being anyone to prevent it. There is no one there that will await the assault of the Firingis.
Always asking for us in all the letters that are written, and let it be the first matter, lest they strangle us, for they have great fear of our giving information of the country ; because if they should cease for a little to ask for us they would at once strangle as, as they are afraid of us.
If it should happen, Sir, that it seem well to send an ambassador, taking no notice of what has happened in the country, the governor should recompense him. The mandarins would receive him with a present of camlets and velvets and large sails for equipping brigantines. They have deer and rabbits according to 38 what are found; including, no birds in the present, because they do not care for that kind of thing ;s" but large mirrors, coral, sandalwood, and other things that seem good.
Let this, Sir, be observed if his captains would in this matter do service to our lord the king, and all the time carry on trade so long as the ambassador is going and coming. These letters are written in duplicate, so that if the one set is lost the others will remain.co
44 Turks. (See Hobson-Jobson, 6. v. 'Room.')
36 See Christovio Vieyn's letter supra, f. 109. N6 The orig. bas "asta 0," which I take to be a copyist's error for aitao.
" A slight exaggeration, # The orig. haa "seqdo," which may be an error for segdo regundo. The whole paragraph, however, is very confused.
59 The Portuguese were acoustomed to send faloons and other birds as presents to the Adlatio princes. In China, with its wealth of birdlife, euch gifts would naturally be out of place.
* If both sete ronchod the hands of the Portuguese authorities it is strange that neither is now forthooming.

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[f. 185v] The custom of the country is for them to call their country the country of God, and every other people outside the country they call savages who know neither God nor country, and that every ambassador that comes to their country comes to yield obedience to the son of God , 41 and other absurdities, Sir, that would take a long time to read. I, Sir, as I have said, am much afflicted" in body with twinges and pains; and I am not afforded the opportunity of writing with one of our pens, but with a Chinese pen, not being able to write a more detailed letter, Christovio Vieyra has written with one of our pens, because he is in good health.
Done within this city of Cantko in the infernal prisons the tenth day of November in the year 1536. Commending you to our Lord to carry you from this China, as your honors wish.
While, Sir, these were being written I was constantly on tbe watch lest some Chinaman should come and find us writing, for we are on our guard, Sir, even against our servants, because they are inclined more to the Chinese than to us.
With all the letters, Sir, that come to be written, there are so many letters, that no more space is spent on this, as you have much more, Sir, that is written, than man can ask for.
Let all the letters large and small be preserved without any being torn or lost of those that sball go for that purpose.
VASCO CALVO.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF COLONEL 'COLIN MACKENZIE'S PANDIT
OF HIS ROUTE FROM CALCUTTA TO GAYA IN 1820. COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, whose antiquarian labours and researches in the Madras Presidency in the early years of the 19th century are so well known, was transferred to Bengal in 1819 as Surveyor-General, and took with him his Pandit, a Jaims of Southern India. In 1820i this Pandit performed a pilgrimage to Gaya and Parswanaths, and kept a Journal of his route which was, partly at least, translated into English and published in the Oriental Magasine and Caloutta Review for 1823. As this work is nowrrare, and the notices of the Jains monuments, written eighty years ago, by a member of the sect are of considerable interest, it may not be out of place to reproduce it entire, with the omission only of some of the translator's footnotes, which are hardly required now-days.
J. BURGE88. November 23rd, 1880. - On the 12th day of my departure from Calcutta, in which time I had travelled by computation above 70 kos, I arrived at Madhuvanam, place of great sanctity in the estimation of the Jains sect. It is said that in former times this place was called Madhurs Tanano, *the elegant grove, where various kinds of fruit and flower trees were preserved. South of Madhuvanam is a lofty hill, called Sumedhaparvattam, upon which are sculptured about twenty impressions of the feet of the Jaina Tirthakaras, or divine sages of the Jaidas, who obtained Moksham or salvation upon this hill. In consequence, great numbers of Jainas used to come to this hill, from distant countries, and paid their worship at the shrines of their saints.
In the course of time the hill was overgrown with wood, and the residences of the Tirthakaras being no longer distinguishable, the pilgrimage was discontinued -- at last Jain king, named Srenika Mabaraja, cleared away the jangal, and discovered the places where the Tirtha karas had resided, st
41 Tien tax', "Son of Heaven," is one of the titles commonly applied to and used by the emperor of China. The term "Celestial Empire" commonly upplied to China by westerns is derived from tien chau, "heavenly dynasty." (See Mid. King. I. p. 5; Mendoza, Hak. Soo, ed. p. 76.)
* The orig. has" cibado," which seems to be an error for crivado.
+ The Chinese prisons are still called "hells." (900 Mid. King. I. p. 514; Mor., Eng-Chin. Dist., 1. . Prison.'') * I am doubtful of the correctness of this rendering. 1 Between Pachit and Pflaganj. --T.

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which be placed the twenty sculptured feet. In the centre of the hill also he built a Jinalayam, or Jain temple, with the image of Parsvanátha Tirthakara : on the north of the hill, near the foot, he erected two other Jinalayams, one dedicated to Chandraprabha Tirthakers and another to Parvanatha Pirthakars; and finally he constructed a Dharmakala, or Cheultri, close to the temples, for the accommodation of travellers. freniks ruled at Rajagiri, and during his reign, the hill Samedha-Parvata attracted an immense number of Jain pilgrims.
After the race of Breniks, Maharaja had ruled for some time, the Bauddhas Sacreased and took possession of the country, and obstracted the Jain travellers. Their fall was succeeded by a state of anarchy, in which the petty chiefs of the country compelled the pilgrims to pay a heavy toll. When the principal temple was destroyed by the Bauddhas, the image of Parsvanath was carried off my a Zamindar, who kept it in his house, and subsequently showed it to the pilgrims at a fixed rate. This practice still continues. When the Jains assemble in considerable number, and the sum demanded is paid in money or goods, the image is sent abroad to the place where the travellers halt, and set up under a guard for the worship of the Jainas who have collected: the image being erected is worshipped by the people, and various offerings are presented of greater or less value -- the whole of which is appropriated by the Zavinder; and when the ceremony is concluded, the image is restored to his charge.
There are two seeta of the Jains religion, one called Digambara, the other Swetambars: the images of the Digambaras are plain and naked, but those of the swetambaras are richly ornamented.
In the year of the Vikrama-sakam 1825 (A. D. 1769) there was a rich merchant of the Swetambara sect at the city of Murshidabad, and going to Madhuvanam, he perceived that the feet of the Tirthakarns or gods, upon the bill of Sumedha Parvattam were nearly obliterated : baving no family, he applied his wealth to the service of religion, and he renewed the Padame or feet, in an elegant style, bailding over each a small mantopam or shrine, with four pillars; and #sikhara or peak. On the centre of the hill he built a Jinalayam or Jain temple, where he placed the 24 images of the Jain Tirthakaras. The temple was surmounted by four pinacles, and enclosed by wall; and since that period, Jagat Seth and other Swetambaras of Makhsudabad, have contributed to maintain a Gauda Bráliman at Madhuvanam, to perform the ceremonials of their faith; and # Naubat-khána, or band of drums and trumpets, to sound twice a day at the bours of worship. In like manner the Digambara Jainas, who were at Murshidabad, entered into a subscription, and erected another temple of their own, close to the temple of the Swetambaras, in which they placed about 100 small marble images of the Digambara gods, with the establishment of the Naubat and a priest of their own caste to attend and perform the proper rites ; they built alko & Dharmasála or Chaultri, for the nse of travellers. — The said Digambaras established another temple upon the hill of Sumedha Parvattam, in which they placed 33 marble images of the Jinas; among them, three are very large. On the north of the bill is an unfinished temple. It is said that in the year S. S. 1686 (A, D, 1762) a priest of the Jainas named Kolapus Lakshmi Benacharya arrived at this place, and built a Garbhalayam, or inner part of the temple, in which he established an image of Partyanaths ; but his funds failing, he determined to revisit his home, to collect # supply ; he accordingly went to his country, but dying there, the work remains unfinished.
There are two divisions of the set of Digambaras: one is called Vibpanthi and the other Therapanth1.. The pilgrims of the Vispanhti seet worship with flowers and fruits, and offer different kinds of sweetneats; but those of the Therapanthi division present no flowers nor fruits. They offer sacred rice called akshata, sandal, cloves, nutmeg, dates, mace, plums, almonds, dry cocoanuts, and sweetmeats, etc. These things they place before the images, after which, standing before the temple, they leap and dance to their own songs, the naubatkhdna resounding all the time, and passages of their sacred volumes being read by a priest. When they advance to present their
By theno, bowever, the writer intends evidently the Muhammadans. -T. Cf. Ante, Vol. VII. p. 28.
Y

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offerings, they tie a cloth orer their moatha, so as not to allow the breath to escape: the ceremonial is the same in most respects for the Digambaras and Swetambaras..
Half way up the hill of Sumedha Parvatam is a pond, called Sitakund, on the bank of which is a small temple, with a stone ball that is called Sita-md; a!l travellers, as they pass, worship this goddess with chandanam or red powder, and offer fruits, sweetmeats, betel and areka nuts: they then bathe in the pool, and thence proceed to the upper part of the hill to visit the feet of the Tirthakaras. From Siti-kund flows a spring, which forms a small stream that passes by the east side of the Join temples. The Digambarss have erected & bridge over it to their temple. On Sumedhaparvat grow numerous teak trees of great size; the thicket is tenanted by several kinds of animals, wild hogs, bears, tigers, and porcapines: but it is said that the beasts of prey never appear to any travellers, the latter being protected by the Jaina gode. The breadth of the hill is three gaus; it takes three days for travellers to go round the hill: the pilgrims usually halt some time at MadhuVanam.
The Zamindar of this place lives in a mud fort at the village called PAlaganj, three kon from Madhuvanam; he is of the race of the sun and Rajpat caste : his name is. Suprasiúh; one of his cousins, Muttasinb, resides at the village of Katarasi, five kos east of Madhuvanem ; another cousin named Prithvisinh, lives at the village called Jaraya; and another a female cousin called. Datamani Rån, lives at a village called Navagarh, southward of Madhavanam sis. kos; she bus ro husband nor children, the other three have families. Of the money received from the pilgrims, half goes to the chief at PAlaganj, and the ocher half is divided equally amongst his three cousins,
The most numerous resort of pilgrims is in the month of Magh, or January, at the full moon when the Varanta Yatra is held at Madhuvanam Jain Sanyasis or pilgrims, who come in the month of AshAdha or June, remain for four months according to the Sústras.
The names of the twenty Padums or feet of the Jaina gods, which are placed on the bill of Sumedha-parvatam, are the following :-(1) Ajita Tirthakwa Padam ; () Sambhava; (3) Abhinandana; (4) Sumati ; (5) Padmaprabha; (6) Suparáts; (7) Chandraprabhs; (8) Pushpadanta : (9) Sitals; (10) Sreymás; (11) Vimals; (12) Ananta ; (18) Dharma; (14) Santi: (15) Kunthu : (16) Ara; (17) Malli; (18) Munisuvrata ; (19) Nemi ; and (20) Parswanath Tirthakara Padam.
The people of the place call it Parkwanth Kubotram, and give the Damo Sekkarajaya to the hill. At the annual meeting, the people of the ZamindArs establish Thanas, and attend aimed with-swords and muskets. The inhabitants of the neighbouring villages bring firewood grass, milk, rice, ght, pepper, eto., and a number of dholis to carry old people, women and children up the hill. Along with the travellers, who scend the hill, prooved number of beggar, blowing their bankas or horna, round instruments made of brass; to these mendicants the pilgrims, when they perform their worship, give alms.
It should have been mentioned that, at the beginning of the ascent, is & small shrine with two images-whore worship is first paid ; and that a little way higher up is's 8wetambara temple dedicated to the Kahotrapals or goardian of the place. From the 24th Jannary to 1st February. I passed my time with some Jain travellers who had come from Dehli to the pilgrimage of Madhuvanam. They came with 20 camels, 40 hackaries, 15 horses, and with 50 peons; Most of the above was gathered from an old pilgrim of the party of this Swetambara caste, who was well acquainted with the history of the Jaiza-religion.
February 2nd. - I had resided at Palaganj, a village about three kostrom Madhuvanam until this date, in order to observe what was going forward there witA more attention. On this day I departed, and proceeded through the jangal of Jharkhand to Vaidyanath, which I reached on the fourth day, it being about 20 kos from Madhuvanam.
In 1887 the division sem to have boon Palganj 8ADBA, Jarayi 8t Anna, Navagarh 21, And Katarda 2 ann. - Quart. Orient. Mag. Vol VIII. p. 101. Boe Note at the end of this paper.-J. B.

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Vaidyanath is also a holy place. In the centre of the village is the temple of Vaidyanath Swami, with a Prakáram or wall round it, in front of which is another temple of the goddess Parvati. On the tops of these two teinples are erected the Sikharams or spires on which are placed gold or gilt vases. When I arrived there was performed the ceremony of Sivaratri, a festival of Sira, when white turbans are bound over the gold Fases of the temples. During that ceremony thousands of travellers bring carboys, containing water from the Gangå river, procured at Gangautri, Haridwar, Prayaga, Uttarabahini, and Gangasager. With this they make the abhishekam or aspersion of the god, the Vaidyanath Lingam, and worship him with sandal and flowers, etc. Any person who brings the water from ench of these five places, and presents them for three years to the god Vaidyanath Swami, will undoubtedly obtain his desires. It is said that the pilgrims bring every year one lakh of carboys and present them. North of the temple of Vai lyanath Swami is a temple called Sita Ramaswami, in which are placed five images called Bharata, Satrughna, RAMA, Lakshmana, and Sita. On the north of this is the tempio of the goddess Chandt or KAII, where sheep and goats are offered in sacrifice. On the south side of the temple of Vaidyanath Swamt, is the temple of Bhairava Lals in which is an image : all the travellers as they pass exclaim Bhâm Vaidyanath' or Bhairavalálji.' This last resembles & Bauddha image, sitting in the posture called Padmasanam. The statue is of the height of 4 cubits, and wears a yogapatta
(Yojnaparita) or cloth bound across the breast. The people say that this image is the khazanckí or treasurer of the god Vaidyanath-Swami. On the north of the village is a large tank.
February 10th. - Arrived at Bhagalpur, having left Vaidyanath on the 7th.
Bhagalpur is a large town, where the Collector and Judge reside. In the city is a Jain temple in which is placed a Padan, or the sculptured feet of the god Vasupaya Tirthakara, who obtained moksham or salvation, at this place. It is said that this temple was established formerly, by the king Srepika Maharaja, and in front of that temple stood two pillars or turrets built with chunám and bricks, of the height of two cocoarat trees. It is said that about four centuries ago there was a merchant, named Manikys Chand, of the Jaina sect, who dwelt at this city: he built four pillarg of the same size at this place, and "laid a terrace upon them, standing upon which every morning after he rose be could see the hill of Sumedha-parvat, and so visit the temples of that sacred place. Of the four pillars two have disappeared entirely. The other two are still in good condition, in front of the feet of Vapupajya Tirthakan. At the bottom of the pillar on the left-band is a bil or hole, into which it seems a man can pass: the Jain pilgrims, after worshipping the sculptured feet of Våsapůjya proceed to the mouth of that bole, and cast into it cocoanuts, cardamoms, nutmegs, and sweetmeats, eto. It is said that there are many Jain images in that cavity, and that all the ancient sages were accustomed formerly to go into the cavern to visit those images. On the east and north of the temple of Vasupujya are two tanks, and between them is a mango grove, where the pilgrims encamp.
February 15th. - From Bhagalpur I went to Champapur, one kos, on the bank of the river Ganga.? There are two temples of the Jainas, one of which was dedicated to Vasupujya; the other teinple belongs to the Swetambaras. It is said that, sixty years ago, the Swetâmbaras of Murshid
• A form of Siva, one of the twelve great Lingams. See Hamilton, Vol. I. p. 160; but the best account of it is given by Col. Fraoklin in the appondix to the second part of his Enquiry into the site of Palibothra. It is to be regretted that he should bavi so metamorphoged names -- thus 'Vaidyanath' is with him 'Bijoonath, etc. -T. The twelve great Linkams are Mallikarjuna at Brisailam, Mahek Alaat Ujjain, Omers on the Narmada, Amaresvara wear Ujjain, Somanatha in Kathikwad. Rimeivara on the island in Palk's Strait, Trayambaks near Naik, Bhimatankar probably at Droharam, Vaidyanaths in Bengal, Kedaron on the Himalaya, Viavevar at Bankus, apd Gautamesa unknown. - J. B.
• The tarrota of Bhagalpar are dolinented in Lord Valentis's Travels, and in the frat part of Col. Franklin's Palibothra.-T.
• Oriental Magasins and Calcutta Rovio, Vol. I. (June 1823), pp. 770-775.
1 Champ or Champkpur is called by the author of the Dada-Kumara the onpital of Angs. It is also frequently mentioned in the Vrthat. Katha and Malapra Charitra, works of the 12th and 13th centuries. --T.

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abad made a subscription and built the said temple, in which they placed some of their Swetambara images; and also, close to the temple, they built a Dharmasála or charitable cheultri for the use of the travellers, since which many of the Swetâmbaras come annually to this place to visit their gods.
February 18th. - Left Châmpapar and proceeded to Uttarabahini where the river Gangå runs from east to north. In the middle of the river is a rock, on which is a temple of Iswar. At the festivals of Siva, many travellers come to this shore, fill their carboys with the water of the river, and carry them to Vaidyanath.
19th. - I set out from Uattaribahini, and arrived at Mongir. Ten kos east of this is a small hill, at the bottom of which are five Kundas (or pools) called Ramakund, Lakshmanakund, Bharatkund, Satrughnakund, and Sitakund. These Kunds are enclosed with masonry: the length and breadth of each is 12 feet. The old people of the place say, that in ancient times, when Rama, Lakshmana, Bharata, Satrughna, and Sita the consort of Bama, were travelling to the forests, they arrived here, and formed the five wells for their ablutions, whence the Kunds go by their names. Amongst these five kunds, the water of SitAkund is very hot: if any person touch the water, his hands will be scalded. Tbe Ramakund water is very cold. The water of the three other Kundas, or of Lakshmana, Bharata, and Satrughna, is of moderate temperature. The pilgrims, who go to Vaidyanath come to this place to bathe, and give alms to the Pandas, or proprietors. There are sixty of these Pandas. Early in the morning, these people issue forth on all sides and look out for al travellers and pilgrims, whom they conduct to the Kundas and receive money for their trouble.
February 28th. - From Mongir I proceeded by Suraj Garh, Balgudar Shaikhapur, Kakandi, : and Jamuna, to the city of Bihar. On approaching the city, I found some stone Bauddha images at all the neighbouring villages, but the people of this place call them by the names of Mahadeva and others, being ignorant of what they are. There are about twenty houses of Swetâmbaras in this city, and two Jaina temples, one of the Digambara, and the other of the Swetambara sect. In the temple of the Digambaras there are placed seven copper images and one of stone ; and in the temple of the 'Swetambaras are five stone images and fifty of copper and brass. Bihar is chiefly inhabited by Musalmans; and there are forty Dargâhs, and twelve Masjids. The Nawab, whose name is Miyah, lives here; he has & Jagfr of about five thousand Rupees 8 year; and has one ngubatkhåna before his palace, four elephants, twelve horses, and one hundred servants. It is said, that in former times this city was called Visakhapur. When the Jain king, Siddharti Baja ruled Kshettrikupd, there was another king, called Vihakha Raja, of the race of Ugravamba, who arrived at this place, and established a city, which he called by his name Visakhapur: he resided here, and ruled the vicinity. At that time, Srepika Maharaja reigned at hie capital of Rajagiri; and these three kings were all related by marriage and were all on friendly terms. After the death of Visakha Baja, his son, named Parkwa-sena, quitted dominion, and adopted the Diksha, or profession of an asoetio. At the same period, Vardhamana Swami, the son of Siddhartha Raja, adopted also a holy life, and performed his devotion on the banks of the river called Surjaks-Nadi, south of the hill of Sumedha-Parvata. After twelve years of austerity he became a Mahâjõyani or wise man; and the Devendra [Indra), the lord of the deities, appeared to him, and worshipped him.
When Parkwasena, who had been performing his penances at Visakhapur, was informed of Vardhamana Swami's having obtained the divine rank of Tirthakara, he was highly mortified And enraged; but being helpless, he restricted the object of his devotions to the rank of Ganadhara, the second rank under the Tirthakara. In this the deities were not disposed to place him, as he was a man of great ignorance. Devendra, therefore, assumed the shape of an old Brahmap, and wrote
This is better known as the Faqir's rook of Sultanganj or Jangira. The temple on the summit is dedioated to Sing, and a sort of college of Deanámi Gomains is attached to it. They have been there for thirteen couNiODS of Pontiffs or Mahanta :.. mumber of figures and soulptarea have been out on the granite blooks, which form this rocky elovation. They are chiefly Saiva, though some aro Valahpava, and a few Jain. -T.
The hot water of BitAkupd, on one coonsion, raised the meroury to 180°, whilst the temperature of the air was 760. .

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a difficult verse on a palm leaf, which he took in his hand, and traversed the earth, intending to confer the dignity of Ganadhara on any one, who should expound the stanza. At that time there was a Saiva Brahman named Gautama at the village of Gautamapur, who taught the ásástras to about 500 disciples. Devendra showed him the verse, and he was equally unable with the rest to explain its sense; but this he would not admit, and contented himself with saying, that he would not expound the stanza to the person who brought it but would readily do it to his master. Devendra challenged him to visit his master, who was, he said, but a little way remote.
Gautama, unable to retract, followed him full of shame and fury: his scholars accompanied him Devendra took them to Vardhamana Swami, in whose presence Gautama and his pupils became sensible of their ignorance and error, and were accordingly enrolled amongst his disciples. Gautama, who was a man of learning and wisdom was made Gaṇadhara by Vardhamana himself, and consequently is the chief of the Ganadharas. Parkwasena thus again disappointed, prayed next to have a heaven of his own; and the deities, compelled to obey him, at least in appearance, created one for him which was purely illusory. Devendra soon put a term to this with his thunderbolt; and Parkwasena was hurled to the earth, more humbled and enraged than ever. He therefore determined to attempt the downfall of the Jaina religion; and, with this view, he composed the Mula Sastra, the doctrines of which are, in fact, those of the Musalmans, to which Parkwasena was converted, and laboured to convert others. Besides the Mula Sastra, he composed, it is said, the Parsi Nighantu and the Maskheri Purana.
March 4th. Left the city of Subah Bihar, and thence proceeded to Bahad, foar kos. In the centre of the village are two temples of the Jainas, in which are placed fifteen images of copper, and a stone image and also the sculptured feet of Gautama Swami. On the west side of the village is a mango garden in which I found a large Bauddha image, in the Padmasana posture. There are fifteen houses of Jainas in this village.
5th. Leaving the village Bahad I went to Pavapuri, nine kos. South of the village is a large tank in which is a temple with a double wall. On the peaks of the temple is placed a gilt vase, and inside are two small feet of stone. It is said that these were made by the feet of Vardhamana Swami, who obtained salvation at this place. A bridge across the tank leads to the temple; and on the west of the tank is erected a circular platform, forty cubits in circumference, upon which are also sculptured the feet of Vardhamana Swami. Besides these remains, there is a flower garden in the village, in the centre of which is an open building called the Navaratna Mantaps. On three sides of this Mantapa are erected three Salas or Halls; each hall can accommodate about fifty persons. North of the garden is another in which is found a Vimána, or octangular car, built with chunam and bricks, of the height of a tall cocoanut tree. It is formed in three stories; the middle story is a pavilion with four pillars, where are placed two feet of Vardhamana Swami, upon a seat behind which is a Jaina image of marble; and in front of which are three images of bellmetal. On the four sides of the Vimina are bailt five Sálas or halls: around it are planted several kinds of flowers and fruit trees as plantains, limes, oranges, etc. A Swetambara Sanyasi resides in the garden, and performs the worship of the feet and images. Travellers who go on pilgrimage to Sumedha Parvata come to this village on their route and worship here. In the vicinity of this village, and in the country henceforward, the poppy is extensively cultivated. Southeast of Pavapuri, five kos, is the village Gohun, which, it is said, was in former times called Gantamapur, from Gautama being born there.
A7th. From Pavapuri I went to Rajagiri, six kos, west of which is a small fort, built by the Moguls, but now in ruins. Southward of that is a lofty mound, where stood, it is said, an old fort built by Brenika Maharaja; the length and breadth of the mound are one mile, and the ruins and ditch may be still distinctly traced. North from hence about a mile are twelve Kundas or water pools, amidst which runs a river called the Saraswati. Five pools are on the east side of the river, and seven on the west: amongst them is a pool called Brahmakund, the water of which is very hos; and

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southwest of that, is another pool, the length of which, from south to north, is thirty feet, and the breadth ton feet, enclosed and banked with stones. On the western bank of this are constructed five conduits, which bring the water from the adjoining hill into the reservoir : the water that descends is so hot that the hand cannot be immersed in it. Another hill, called Vaibhara, proceeds from that already noticed, running two miles west : on the range are two Jaina temples. It is said, that in former times Gautama Swami obtained the rank of Garadhara upon the said Vaibhara-parvat, in consequence of which the temple and image of him were here erected. To the west is the hill called Vipulagiri; it is two miles in length from east to west. After travelling amongst these hills some way, I came to an open place, strewed with the ruins of a city for about four miles, from south to north, and two miles from east to west ; on the four cardinal points of this ruined city are four hills. On the east is the bill of UdayAchala, where formerly stood twenty-four temples of the Jsina Tirthakaras: of these the temple of Parbwanath is the only one remaining. It contains a large image still worshipped. The hill on the south of the city is called Manikyagiri, upon which is situated a Jaina temple. On the west of the open place is the hill Suvarnagiri, on which is another Jains temple; and on the north side is the hill Vipulagiri. It was amidst these four hills that Sronika Maharaja founded his capital, giving it the name of Rajagriha, or Giripur, subsequently modified as Rajagiri. The temples of the Jains which are on the above hill were erected in his reign; and the wall of the city may be traced amidst the ruins. Among these hills, at some distance at the foot of the hill of Suvarnagiri, is a mound of singular appearance. It is said that in the government of Sreņika Maharaja, his khardnchi or treasurer, named Sågaradatta, had a son named Salabhadra, who was the incarnation of a celestial spirit. The father, therefore, built a lofty house at this place, consisting of seven stories and ornamented with the most costly materials, in the upper floor of which his son was reared. Salabhadra never left this place during his life, and was here attended by the spirits of heaven. A temple is now built on the ruins of the palace, in which stands the image of the boy Salabhadra. It is said that there is a book called the salabhadra Charitra, in which his life is recorded. On the declivity of the hill Suvarnagiri is an excavated temple, cut in the hill, with agate : the length of it is forty feet, the breadth fifteen feet; and inside of it are placed a Jaina image and a stone couch. The people say that in the time of Sreniks Maharaja, the royal treasure was left in this cave. At present it is occupied by a Bairagi. Between the hills Udayaohala and Manikyagiri is a pool of water cut in the rock, the length of which is four fathoms, and breadth two. It is about six feet deep and is called Banatirtha. When Rama was travelling in the forests, his wife Sita suffered here much from thirst; in consequence of which Rama took his bang or arrow, and rent open the hill, from which the water immediately flowed, and has ever since continued to exude.
Two kos from Banatirtha is junglo called Tapovans (or grote of devotion) where the Rishis performed their penances. They then established three Kundas or pools of water, called by their names Agastya, Vasishtha, and Valmika Kundas. In the month of May, pilgrims come to these pools, hear the Sthalapurdņam, or local legend, read, bathe, and give alms according to their means. In the Sthalapuranam, it is mentioned that there were eighteen pools in the Tepovana. In the present village of Rajagiri is built a Jaina temple, within which are ten images of marble.
After the death of Branika Maharaja, his son Kuniks was raised to the throne, and ruled the country for eighty years according to the laws of his father. His son Abhayakumara recived Diksha or became a pilgrim and ascetic.
His son Abhayaghosha succeeded to the throne; but being a minor, he was unable to protect his dominions and the native chiefs rendered themselves independent.
After some time, the Bauddhas overran Magadha-deka, and destroyed all the temples of the Jainas.
Lately, or about thirty years ago, some Jain travellers from Dehli arrived at Bulagiri; and perceiving the tains of the Jaina temples, they were induced to repair some of them ; since that, the

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Swetambaras residing at Pattana (Patna) have made a subscription, and repaired many of the ruined temples at Rajagiri and Pavapuri. At present there are sixty houses of Brahmans at Rajagiri, who perform the worship of all the Jaina temples and receive presents from the Jaina travellers who come to this place. Those Brahmans are not originally of this country. They say, that about 300 years ago, when a prince named Chatra Sinha reigned at Bajagiri, no Brahmans were to be found here. The prince sent, therefore, to the Maratha country, and, having invited about 120 families of the Brahmaps to his capital, granted them lands and establishments. Since that period, their descendants have resided here, and have performed the daily worship of all the temples.
1:
11th.Leaving Rajagiri, I went to the city of Gaya, where I arrived on the 12th. This is a very holy place in the estimation of the Hindus. In the centre of the city is a large temple, where the Vishnu-pada, or feet of the god Vishnu, are sculptured, the soles being carvel to represent the Sankha (or shell), Chakra (or discus), Dhwaja (or flag), Ankusa (or elephant hook), Gada (mace), Padma (or lotus). The feet are placed on the north face of the temple. It is said by the old Gayawala Brahmans that about forty years ago, the Rani of Khandu Rao Holkar, Ahalya Bai, visited Gaya, and erected a large temple to the Vishnu-pada. The length of the temple is twenty yards and the breadth twenty feet on the top is placed a gilt vase. The temple has two gates, one on the east, which is the public gate, and one on the north, made with copper plates. In the front of the temple, she erected a pavilion with sixteen pillars, where a large bell is suspended, which is struck by the worshippers before they enter the temple. In the vicinity, on the side of the hill, in a pavilion, where eighteen places are levelled out of the rock, at which the Pindas are offered. The Pinda is a ball made up with rice, flour, and milk, of the size of a lime. Eighteen of these are severally presented at each altar, along with sandal, flowers, sacred rice, and Tila, or oil seeds. These Pindas are offered for the sake of the souls of their ancestors. South of this mantapam is built a hall for the accommodation of the pilgrims.10
East of the temple of Vishnu-pads is the Math, or convent of the ascetic Satya Dharma who is a priest of the Vaishnavas. Here are an image of Hanuman, and a Dharmatúla, or hall for the use of travellers.
North of the temple of Vishnu-pada is erected a stone pavilion with twenty pillars. The travellers who come to place the Pindas on the feet of Vishnu, dress the food at this pavilion.
East of this is a Garuda-bála or gymnasium, where the GayAwAlas exhibit athletic feats. North of it is the temple of Gadadhara, in which is placed an idol of Gadadhara: the right hand of the image holds the weapon called the gada or mace. East of this temple is the river Phalgu, to which a Ghat or flight of stone steps, descends, embellished by a stone pavilion on each side.
West of the temple of Gadadhara is a ruined mantapam, in which is an image of Bhairavs. North of that is a marble image of the Rani Ahalyabal, in the shape of an old woman holding a japa-mald, or string of beads in her right hand. On the left side of the image is the image of the goddess Lakshmi. Close to this is another temple with the image of the goddess Kali,
On the north of the temple of Gadadhara is a Bairagi's convent, in which is built a small temple with a lingam. This establishment consists of a superior, and about ten sishyas or disciples.
South of the Gadadhara temple, are placed three images called Madhusudana, Ganapati, and Surya Narayana. These are in three rooms separately: east of which is the convent of the followers of Bankaracharya, a renowned priest of the Hindus in former times.
The river Phalgu runs also to the north of the Gadadhara temple; and between the river and that temple is another Ghat or stairs, upon which is a large pavilion for the use of the travelling Bairagis.
10 Or. Mag. Vol. II. pp 68-78.

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North-east of the same temple, at some distance, is , holy tank, called Surya Kunde, enclosed with a wall. Pilgrims bathe and offer pindas at this pool.
Eastward of Gays is the river Phalgu. It is said that when the five Pandavas were travelling to the woods, they arrived at this holy place to visit the feet of Vishnu, when the third person of them, tuned Phalgana (Arjuna) gave his name to the river.
There are two public gates to this city, one on the south, and another on the north : on the west is a ditch. The length of the city is about three miles, and the breadth is one mile ; it is built on an irregular and rocky base, so that all the houses of the city are not on a level. Fromerly there were about 700 houses of the Gayawala Brahmans, bat at present there are not above 800 houses. Gaya is a celebrated and holy place for all the tribes of Hindus; in consequence of which, many lakhs of travellers come hither from several dominions. The Gayáwálas employ agents to conduct the pilgrims, sending persons off about ten or twelve kos distance to meet and bring them in.
West of Gayâ two kos, is a hill called Rama Sila upon which is a mantapam, in which are the feet of Brahma, and close to it two images. East of the mantapam are placed five images at the foot of a Ravai tree, where the pilgrims offer cakes.
South-east of the said mantapam is square stone, upon which are sculptured feet with the marks of the Kurma (or tortoise), Padma (or lotus), Matsya (or fish), Sankha (or shell): close to these are broken images. The people say all these marks belong to the god Rama. In the lower part of the hill is a pond of water, called Brahma Kunda: all the pilgrims bathe in this pond before ascending the hill.
North-east of Rama Bila is a hill called Preta sila, on which is placed a Lingam : in front of the Lingam are some broken images, where the travellers perform their funeral ceremonies, and give the Pinda. At the bottom of the hill is a pool of water, the banks of which are built with stone and chumam, and surrounded by a wall; it is skirted by a flowergarden. Some time ago, a person named Lala, who was the Diwan of the Nawab of Lakhnau, arrived at this place, and constructed this tank, where travellers nsually bathe. South of this hill is another square tank called Uttaramanasa Kunda, or Pafcha Tirtha; the breadth of the square is fifty feet; stairs lead down to it; and on its bank is built a temple of Mahadeva. In front is a pavilion, in which are placed the following images of stone: -(1st) Sita-devi, (2nd) Suryottarini, (3rd) Asadevi, (4th) Chitrak Mayi, (5th) Gauri-Sankar, (6th) Durga, (7th) Vighneswara, (8th) Pârvati, (9th) Kuvera.
Besides these, there are five images called Chandrama and one Lingam. All pilgrims perform the funeral ceremonies, and give the cakes, in front of these images, at the foot of an Aśvattha tree.
East of Gaya, at some distance, is a hill called 81t4 Kunda: on the descent of the hills is a magtapam, with images of Ramachandra, 81t4, and the Lingam. All the pilgrims perform their funeral ceremonies, and offer the Pindas before this Lingam. On the wall of that mantapam are carved nine images, one of Yama, and eight of the goddess Gauri or Parvati. Fronting the image of Ramachandra is the place of Brahmastan, where are the feet of Brahma. About two kos from the hill sita Kunda, on the river Phalgu, is situated a temple, in which is placed the idol of the goddess Saraswati, where the pilgrims offer Pindas.. South-west of the temple of Saraswatt is & ruined city of the Bauddhas, with the remains of an ancient fort. It is said, that in former times, when the Bauddhas had possession of the country, they destroyed the old city of Gaya, and established another city called Bauddha Gaya, of which these are the vestiges; they erected here a large Bauddhalayam or temple of Buddha, with nine storeys, making the height of the temple 108 feet. The gate of the lower storey was five yards high, and eight yards broad, so that a man could pass, riding on an elepbant. Much of this temple is still standing. Inside is # seat of two yards broad, upon which rises a smaller one, and upon that sits a Bauddha image of the natural stature. The people say, that there was another stone image of Buddha, which has been carried away by the Bairagis of this place, who keep it in their content. On the second storey of the temple are three round platforms, upon one of which grows a large Asvattha tree : at its foot are four images of

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[FEBRDARY, 1902.
stone called Brahms, Ramachandra, Gaurikanker. and Ganeta, Travellers offer Pinder here, and on every Saturday the women of the Gayâwâlâs come to this place, performing the worship of the said tree, and of the images. The inner wall of the temple is painted with many pictures. In former times there were placed 108 small images of stone, and 108 vases, on the nine upper storeys of this temple; and a lakh of small, but elegant images and vases were ranged about the temple : these have all disappeared, some being destroyed by time, some removed by the Bairagis, and some carried off by English gentlemen.
In front of the ruined Bauddha temple is a stone pavilion, in which is a round seat of stone, four feet in breadth, on which are situated two stone Padas, or feet of Buddhs. These feet are sculptured with representations of the shell, discus, mace, lotus, flag, elephant, hook, vase, and Swastika (8 particular diagram). The length of the feet is three spans, and the breadth one span. South of the building are three small temples. The first is apied by a Bairagi, who did penance here in a former life: it is dedicated to Siva. The second temple contains a Kalaia, or round vessel of stone, upon which are engraved the images of the Buddhas: the people of this place, however, call it Mahadeva, and on every Friday offer worship to it. In the third temple are placed five male idols of stone, and one female image. These look like Bauddha images ; but the people call them the five Pandavas - the female, Draupadi, their wife. In the vicinity of these images stood an old broken stone pillar, 11 yard high, and 14 cubit in circumference. North of this is another temple with a stone image, but of whom, no one knows. To the east of this is a square enclosure with one gate, and within it & stone image called Baleswart. In front of this is built another square wall, with three gates; and in the centre is a large Chakra, or round slab, the breadth of which is two yards and 1} span thick : on this slab are carved forts, elephants, camels, horses, and many curious reliefs. The people worship the Chakra. North from this is an elevated platform, surmounted by three pavilions with pinnacles: they enshrine three images, Jagannath, Ramachandra, and Mahadeva. It is said, that in the year of Vikrams Saka 1857 (A. D. 1801) in the full moon of the month of Bhadra (August), a person named Gangawart Seth arrived at this place from the wife of Kushal Chand, treasurer to Daulat RAO Sindhya, and established the above three gods and placed a stone inscription there.
During the government of the Bauddhas, having destroyed old Gaya, and broken the images of all the temples of the Hindus, they carried the Gayawala Brahmans to their new city, or Bauddha Gaya and put them in confinement, to compel them to transfer all the ceremonies of pilgrimage to the latter place. In this way some of the Gayâwâlâs were destroyed; bnt some escaped to distant countries. The Bauddhas established themselves, and ruled here for about 700 years in the Vikramasaka.
On the south-west of the Bauddha temple is a large mound of rubbish, where the king of the Bauddhas, it is said, had his palace : the people hence still give the name of Bauddha Rajagriha. or the palace of the Bauddha Baja, to this high ground, on which are yet visible many ancient and curious stone buildings, images, and pillars. The Bauddhas also constructed a large fountain between the temple and river, for the use of their women. The masonry of the reservoir was six feet in breadth and eight feet high; it is in ruius now. Throughout the whole neighbourhood, Bauddha remains are abundantly to be traced amidst the brushwood, which covers the site of the city. When the government of the Bauddhas had ceased, all the Gayawalls that survived returned to the former Gaya aud repeopled it. Travellers then resorted to the ancient Gayâ ; and the city of the Bauddhas was deserted, and overrun with junglo. At last a Bairagi, who arrived at the ruined city of Bauddha Gaye, found the dilapidated temple, and he took up his abode on the gate there. He performed his Tapas, or penance, for about sixteen years, when the goddess Annapurna appeared to him, and enquired the motive of his austerities. He-thanked the goddess and communicated his wish to live where he was, and to be able to grant food and charity to all travellers and beggars : accordingly the goddess Annapurna gratified his desires. The Bairagi, in consequence, built * convent on the north of the ruined Bauddha Gaya about one kos; on the high road between Gaya

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and Calcutta, where, accompanied by some Sishyas or disciples, he resided, shewing hospitality to all beggars and pilgrims, by the favour of the goddess Annapurna till he departed this life.
A PANDIT'S VISIT TO GAYA, 1820.
His chief Sishya, or disciple, succeeded to the Math, and, accompanied by six or seven Bairági disciples, contued the practices of the founder. The Raja of the country hearing of their circumstances, then made à grant to the Bairágis of the ruined city of Bauddha Gays as Mokhassah or free gift. In consequence of this, a number of poor people were invited by the ascetic to Bauddha Gaya; and they cut down the woods, built houses, peopled the city, and lived in it under the authority of the 'Bairagis. The same Mahant, or superior, built another Math in the town of Bauddha Gaya, and divided his residence between the two.
75
After him, the third Bairági of his order succeeded to the superiorship; and observing the charity of his predecessors, the neighbouring Zamindars granted him four villages in Jâghîr."
The Journal stops here, at the end of the third instalment, whether from the translator having given up his task, or from some other cause. Possibly the remainder, containing the return journey, was not found to be of equal interest. J. B.
Note.
From an account of a visit to Mount Parévanath, by an official, in the Quarterly Oriental Magazine, Vol. VIII., for Dec. 1872, pp. 97-132, and signed A. P.' we glean the following additionai details:
"At Palganja the devotional duties of the Jaina pilgrims who flock to this remote spot from every part of India, even from the furthest provinces of the Dakhan, commence. The Zamindar, who has dubbed himself with the title of Raja, is considered by that sect as the guardian of the holy lands, and has in his possession a small image of Parávanath, which every pilgrim pays for worshipping before he proceeds to the temples at the foot and on the summit of the mountain. The manner in which he acquired this charge was thus related to me by that person himself. Several centuries ago, an ancestor of the family, whom he called Nawadeva Singh, came from Rohilkhand to perform his devotions at Banaras. There ... he was one night visited by a god', (whose name was forgotten). . who "declared to the pilgrim that his devotions had been well received, and that if he would travel eastwards, he would be invested with the sovereignty of Mount Bikhar. Accordingly Nawadeva Singh... made himself master of the lands lying at the foot of the mountain. After a residence of some years Parávanath . . . appeared and revealed to him his satisfaction with his conduct, named a certain pool, at the bottom of which he would find an image of himself, and declared that henceforward prostration before the Raja should be a necessary prelude to a favourable reception within the sacred precincts."
The writer points out that this Zamindar belongs to the local Bhûnya tribe and had no claim to Rajput origin. The old Raj of Kharakdiha had been of Brahman caste, and the revenues were probably collected by the more influential Bhûny&s. Kamdar Khân expelled the family of Mura Narayanadeva of Kharakdihâ, and the taxes on travellers and pilgrims were collected by Bhanya Ghatwals. These, under the British settlement in 1783, procured their independence as separate proprietors under the perpetual settlement. Thus the ghatwall tax was converted into a private claim.
The Raja shows a small stone image, found in the tank: its rude appearance and small size (not being above 8 inches high) show that it was made at Palaganja,-possibly by the inventor of the story. He had two other images: one inscribed with the name of Bindraband Bå of Gwâliar by whom it was given to the Raja, and another which had recently (1824) been sent from Dehli by a Mahajan, in whose charge the old idol was broken while being carried from Pålaganja to Madhuvanam. The broken image, which is the most beautiful, measures 1 foot 8 inches high, and is cut out of a single piece of black marble, the eyelids appear closed, and it has two rows of necklaces round the neck. 12
11 Oriental Mag. Vol. I (Angust 1828) PR, 173-176..
13 Loo, cht. pp. 100-102.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(FEBRUARY, 1902.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY R. C, TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 61.).
1798.-NO. VI.
Fort William 18th February 1793. Ordered that the following Letter be written to Captain Blair by the Secretary.
Captain A. Blair On Service at the Andamans. Sir, - Captain Alexander Kyd, who has been appointed Superintendant at the Andamans being now on his Departure from Bengal, I have Orders from the Governor General in Council to aquaint you that according to the Notice in my Letter of the 12th of November last you are to deliver over the Charge of the Settlement to him on his arrival.
It will be a Matter of course that you make over to him at the same Time the public Correspondence, Papers and Accounts Appertaining to the Station you have held to the New Settlement and any Balance of the public Mony that may remain in your hands.
I am
Sir,
Your most obedient bumble Servant, Fort William
(Signed) Edward Hay 18th February 1798.
Secretary to the Government. 1788. - NO. VII. Fort William 18th February 1793.
Instructions to Captain Alexar-ler Kyd. To Captain Alexander Kyd.
Sir,-1. You have been advised of Your Appointment to the temporary Command of the New Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and the Secretary has transmitted to you a Copy of the Resolutions that we have passed on points of detail Connected with the Duties Assigned to You.
2. We now transmit to You a Commission, directing the general Authorities with which You are vested, and We desire that you will proceed to the Andamans with all Convenient Expedition.
3. The enclosed Letter to Captain Blair contains Orders to that Officer to deliver Over the Charge of the Settlement to You on your Arrival, when you will enter on the Duties of the Station; Attending to the following Instructions.
4. Our principal design in making a Settlement at the Great Andaman being to establish a Naval Arsenal in the Bay forming the North East Harbour of that Island, and recommended by Commodore Cornwallis as particularly eligible for the Rendezvous and Accommodation of the National Fleets that may hereafter be employed in the Protection of the Company's possessions in India, it will be Necessary that, after examining well the Capacity of the place for those Parposes, you should ascertain, without Loss of time, what means it possesses to effect them and what Aids will be required from this or Other Countries, so that there may be no delay, that is not amvoidable, in Accomplishing an Object which we deem to be of great public Utility and Emportance.
5. You will observe that the Harbour is to be equal to the Reception of Fifteen or Twenty Sail of Line of Battle Ships, and, among other necessary Considerations, incident to the choice of it, You will attend to the means there are of Conveniently obtaining Sapplia of Wood and Water.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
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FEBRUARY, 1902.]
6. It will be also requisite that a large Spot of ground should be Chosen, in the most healthy Situation for a Hospital, and an extensive Kitchen Garden adjoining to it, provided at the times with a Measures Assortment of the Tropical Fruits (sic) and of the best kinds of Vegetables for the Sick and Convalescent and a proper place of some extent to be cleared for pasture, and Subsisting and keeping up, Constantly, a Stock of Cattle.
7. Another object of your Attention will be to fix upon a Spot where the necessary Store Houses may be built, and the Apparatus had for Careening Ships, and we wish you also to ascertain and inform Us where abouts you would propose to Construct a Wet Dock, if that should be thought Necessary at any future time, On the most approved plan adopted in the Harbours of Europe where the Situations, as at Port Cornwallis [Port Blair], are unfavorable from a want of Water Owing to the Rise of the Tides :
8. You will likewise have in View the building a Suitable Granary, Baking Houses with Mills for Grinding, -a Brew House or Distillery, Curing Houses, Working Houses for the Sail Makers, Coopers, and all Artificers of different discriptions, and places for the Stores of the Several Departments, Also Quarters for the Officers and Men when [? upon] a plan Duty on Shore (sic), -and every other Accommodation that properly belongs to an Establishment of so much Consequence as that which we design for a Naval arsenal at the Andamans.
9. Having now given You Such general directions as appeared to us necessary Concerning the Arsenal, we are next to desire that you will prepare and lay before Us a plan of Fortification for its Defence, and the Defence of the Port, Whether in the Absence of a Fleet, or for the protection of any Number of Ships booked [? locked] (sic) up in the Harbour by a Superior Force.
10. The Works you recommend are to be the most Solid and durable, and at the same time the least expensive, in their Construction, and they are to be so planned and Situated as to be as able [?capable] of being defended by a Small Body of Troops until relief; in some way or other, can be afforded to the Settlement in the Event of an Attack.
11. Your further Duty will be to chuse a Spot On the adjoining Shores, or in the interior part of the Main Island, upon which an Establishment may be formed for Supplying the necessary Stock of Cattle, and alimentary Grains for its own immediate Support, the use of the Garrison and Settlement in general, and the wants of the Navy, as far as Circumstances will possibly admit, without looking [or] trusting for Assistance in these respects, from Bengal, or any Other part of India, and We wish you to consider the object of providing gradually for the wants of the Settlement, in Such Instances, without Aid from Other Quarters, as materially Connected with the Views of Government in maintaining an Establishment at the Andamans but if you should at any time require Supplies of Grain, Cattle, or Other Articles, for present or future Subsistence, you may occasionally. apply to the Superintendant of Prince of Wales Island, to the Collector at Chittagong, and to the Chiefs of the Company's Settlements on the Corromandel Coast who will be furnished with instructions to Comply with Such Applications.
12. You will furnish us with Copies of Shore Applications from time to time, and advise us to what Extent they have been severally Answered.
13. Such Military Stores and Articles of Subsistance as may be required from Bengal will be Supplied, in the node pointed out in the Regulations transmitted to You by our Secretary, as already noticed in this Letter.
14. We desire you will prepare a place of Security for Native Felons that may be sent from Bengal to labour on the Worką, and you will Report to us occasionally, what Number can be received.
15. In olearing the Islands and Shores of the Underwood, xuborant forest Timber, you will be careful to Set apart Such of the latter as may be applied to the purposes of Ship-building in

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[FEBRUARY, 1902.
the Neighbourhood of the Port, And to preserve Such of this kind of Timber, as will Answer for the Fortifications or Buildings to be erected, or for the Service of the Navy.
16. It is to be presumed that the Island affords no internal Water Carriage, by which firewood can b3 conveyed from one part of it to another, and no improper Waste should therefore be admitted in cutting down the Wood (adjoining to the Bay) that May be fit for that Use ; but particular spots of ground should be allotted, On which the Wood May be collected to Answer the Occasions of the Settlement,
17. In establishing and keeping up an intercourse with the Natives you will naturally take care that the atmost degree of forbearance is observed to secure them against Illtreatment or Violence of any Sort whatever, and you will never permit force to be employed against them, but in Cases of the most urgent necessity for Self defence You will, on the contrary, endeavor to conciliate them by kind Usage, by distributing among them trifling presents, and Such Articles in use with Us, as they May ask for, and can conveniently be Spared, and you will leave them in the undisturbed possession of their Shores and fishing places, on in other words, in the Same State of Freedom, in every respect, as that in which you find them, granting them protection, and yiel ling it especially in the instances of Acheenese or other Native Cruizers, or any European Vessels, toucbing on the Coast for the purpose of trepenning them and making Slaves. And in the Case of any Europeans being detected in these in human practices you will insist upon the immediate Release of the Natives, and having procured it, You will exercise your direction, (sic) as Circumstances shall appear to you to render expedient, in securing or not, the persons of those Most forward in carrying out this infamous Traffic, and send them Preseners to Bengal. But it will be very proper that you should first take the best Means of having it generally understood that such & Commerce is disallowed, and that the Consequences will be very Serious to those who engage in it.
18. We wish you to direct the Surgeon, upon Duty at the Andamans to furnish You halt yearly for Information, with & Diary of the Dese ages that have prevailed or do prevail, in the Settlement, including in such Diary the Remedies and Treatement which he has found Most efficacaous for their Cure, and Such further Remarks as may tend to ascertain the degree of healthiness of the Climate and Port, and the Means most Conducive to the preservation of the health of the Europeans and Natives employed on the present Service,
19. It is our pleasure and Direction that for the Maintenance of good Order and the Administration of Justice among the European Artificers, the Lascars, and Indostan Labourers in the Compauy's Pay and for the punishment of Misdemeaners and faults Committeil by them in the Settlement and places over which your Anthority, as specified in your Commission, extends, Recourse shall be had to the Articles of War for the Company's Troops, and all disputes and offences occasioned or done by the said persons shall be tried by the Process and Rules laid down for the Proceedings of Regimental or Garrison Courts Martial, due notice having been previously, and generally given To all European Artificers &ca As above mentioned, of their being liable to be tried Accordingly, and You will consider this Order as applying to other Indostan Natives, including the Servants of Officers and others residing, or being within the Circle of your Authority.
20. With respect to Crimes committed by European or Sepoy Commissioned Officers or by the Commanders and Officers of the Vessels belonging to or hired by the Company, at your Station, you will make it a Rule to Report them to us or the Commander in Chief, according to the discrip tion of Persons offending, whether in the Civil or Military Service, and either Send them, at your direction (sic) in Arrest or as Prisoners immediately to Bengal, or detain them in Custody antil you receive Orders and Instructions concerning them.
21. In the caso of your occasional absonce from the Apdamans, or in the event of any accident depriving the Settlement of your Services, the powers and duties of the Superintendant as specified in your Commission, and these Instructions, are to devolve to Liontenant Edmund Wells, or the next Senior officer.

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FEBRUARY, 1902)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY,
22. From the period of your Arrival at the place of Your distination you will report, either directly, to ourselves or through Our Secretary, from time to time, as opportunities offer, the progress You have made in fulfilling the Duties of your Station, and you will also not omit to Mention and enumerate the Animal, Mineral and Vegitable productions of the Islands, as the Same shall fall under your Notice, or the Notice of others belonging to the Establishment.
23. We have only to add to these Instructions that we wish you, upon employing the Vessels allotted to the Andaman Service to give particular Orders to the Commanders to Omit no opportunity, in their different Courses thro' the Bay of Bengal of noticing in their Journals, the prevailing Winds and Ourrents, the soundingo, Anchoring boals, or Dangers throughout the Bay, and on the Consts of the Islands, yet un[as]certained, As well as the productions of those Coasts, the Quality of the Soil, dispositions of the Surface, and that when you Report to 18 the informations You may receive, you communicate to us your own opinion of the Benefits that may be derived to the general Advancement of Navigation, or other Useful purposes from the Lights obtained upon those Subjects. Fort William
We are &ca. the 18th February 1793.
1798. - No. VIII. Fort William 18th February 1799.
Capt. Kyd 18th Febry. Read a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir,- In addition to the Sum of Money that may be ordered to be furnished me for the Expences of the Settlement at the Andamans: I have to request that you will be so good as to represent to the Right Honble, the Governor General in Council that the Sum of Two thousand Dollars will be necessary for the occasional purchase of Articles of Provisions at Acheen or on the coast of Pedier.
but I have the bonor to be &ca
(Signed) A. Kyd Captain Commanding Andamans. Fort William 18th February 1798.
1703. - No. IX.
Fort William 220 February 1793. The Secretary lays before the Board a return sent to him, at his request by Captain Kyd, of the Establishment at the Andamans. General Return of the Establishment at the Andamans February 1708.
Commissioned Omcors and staff. Captain Alexander Kyd Commandant Lieutenant Edmund Wells Commanding the Infantry Ensign Joseph Stokoe Engineer Mr. Wood
Assistant Surgeon
Infantry Detachment. 1 Lieutenant 1 Sergeant Major 1 Subadar 1 Jemadar

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Fasari, ioo2.
4 Havildars 4 Naigs 1 Drummer 1 Fifer 80 Sepoy་
Total Native Troopa 92 1 Drill Havildar or Naig 1 Sircar 1 Native Doctor 8 Hand Bheostees Store and Provision Departme.
Europeans. 1 Commissary 1 Magazine Sergent 1 Writer
1 Sircar 1 Tindal 8 LAHOSTS 1 Head Smith 3 Smiths 1 Armourer 1 Bioklegar 1 Carpenters Mate 1 Do Workman 1 Chuckler 1 Sailmaker 1 Bbeesty 1 Sweeper
Artifloors Labourers &oa.
Europeans. 1 Head Carpenter 3 Carpenters 1 Head Smith 1 Cooper 4 Overseers 1 Sailmaker
Native Carpenters. 1 Head Carpenter 20 Carpenters 12 Sawyers . 1 Turner

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FEBRUARY, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
Native Smiths
1 Head Smith 12 Workmen 2 Brassmen 1 Tinman 2 Sicklegare
1 Mistry 2 Workmen
Stone Outters.
1 Mistry 6 Workmen
Bricklayers.
1 Kostrey 15 Workmen
Brick and Tile Makers.
1 Mistrey 10 Workmen 6 Potters
4 Grammies 10 Gardeners
8 Washermen 10 Fishermen
4 Taylors .3 Barbers 1 Shoemaker 9 Chuckler
Bakers,
1 Baker 3 Assistants
6 Hand Bheesties
Lascars. 1 Berang 2 1st Tindal 92d. : Do 40 Lascars
Bildars. 8 Sordars 170 Bildars
Marine Department.
Gornwall Sahooner. Commander Lieat. Jno. Wales 1st Officer Cornelioes Crawley 22 Officer Charlow Timins

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.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1902.
-
3uropeans. 1 Commander 1 1st Officer 1 2nd Do 1 Gunner 4 Quarter Masters 6 Native Hilmsmen 1 Carpepter 1 Caulker 1 Syrang 1 lst Tindal 1 2d Do 1 Cossoh22 30 Lascars 1 Commanders Cook 2 DO Servants 2 Officers Servante
Ranger Schooner. Commander Lieut. George Thomas 1st Officer John Roberts 2d Officer John Frazer
Establishment Similar to the Detail of the Cornwallis. N. B. - The Show Union freighted for 4 Months from the 1st November, 1792.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendent at the Andamans.
1793. - No. X.
Fort William 25th February, 1793. Road a lotter from Captain Kyd Superintendant at tho Andamans.
Capt. Kyd 20th Febry. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government
Sir, Accompanying I send a Bill for Provisions for the Establishment at the Andawans furnished by my desire by Messrs Wilsone, Harrington and Downie; which I request you will lay before the Right Honble the Governor General in Council, that an Order may be granted for its Payment. I beg leave to observe that there are four Hundred Bag of Rice that could not lwe received on Board of the Vessels now under Dispatch which Mesra Wilsone, Harrington and Downic will deliver, whenever a further supply may be wanted. Fort William
I have the honor to be &ca 20th February 1798. (Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Ordered that a copy of Captain Kyds Letter be sent, with its Enclosure, to the Military Bonrd and that Authority be given for Passing the Bills of Mossrs. Wilsone, Downie and Harring. ton, for the Provisions laid in by them at Captain Kvd'desire for the Establishment at the Andamans.
22 Also spelt Casab, Cuab.

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FEBRUARY, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
1793. No. XI.
Fort William 25th February 1793.
Read a Letter from Captain Kyd Surveyor General.
Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir. Accompanying I have the pleasure of transmitting you a List of all the Maps and Plans now in the Surveyor General's office.
Fort William
21st February 1793.
I have the honor to be ea
(Signed) A. Kyd, Surveyor General.
Marine Surveys and Plans.
1.
Mr. Blair's first General Chart of the Andamans.
2. A Plan of Pulo Penang.
3.
Port Campbell, Interview Island, North East Harbour, of Port Cornwallis 4. Captain Councils Plan of Cornwallis Shoal in the China Seas Original and Copy
5. A part of Pulo Penang.
7. Original Survey of the Harbour of Pulo Penang by Captain Kyd.
8. Plan for repairing His Majesty's Ships at Port Cornwallis.
9. Ariels Track round the little Andaman.
10.
Do Do Do Do Do Do
11. Chart of the Andamans.
12. Rough Plan of Stewarts Sound Andamans.
18.
Plan of Part of Pulo Pinang.
14. Track of the Ranger over a Coral Shoal near the North West Coast the Great Andaman.
15. Plan of Pulo Penang and Harbour.
16. Port Cornwallis.
17. Port Cornwallis.
18.
19. Malay Islands.
20. Upper Part of Port Cornwallis,
21. North East Harbor..
Nancowrie Harbour.
22.
Port Cornwallis, large Copy.
23. General Chart of Great Andaman. Port Meadow fair Copy.
24.
25. Lieutenant Blair's Plan of Pulo Penang.
Copy.
1793. No. XII.
Fort William 15th March 1793.
Read a Letter from Captain Blair.
To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, As His Majesty's Ship Minerva proceeds to Calcutta I embrace the opportunity informing you that the Settlers in general continue healthy, that we have made considerable progress in clearing, and that the Natives have been perfectly inoffensive.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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The 24th ultimo the Viper on her return from the Cocos with Plans [? Palms) and Nuts for the Settlement, unfortunately run upon a coral Reef three Leagues to northward of this Port, and received considerable damago She is now under repair and I expect will be ready for Sea again by the 20th of next Month.
With the concurrence of the Commodore I propose to dispatch the Bes horse to romove the remaining People and Stores from Old Harbour unless Captain Kyd should arrive in two or three days who I have been anxiously expecting for some time past. Port Cornwallis
I am &ca 24th February 1798.
(Signed) Arohibald Blair. 1798. - No. XIII.
Fort William 15th March 1798. The Secretary lays before the Board an Extract of a Letter received by LieutenantColonel Boss from Lieutenant Wolle.
Extract of a Note from Lieutenant Wells to Colonel Ross Dated 9th March 1798.
The Subject on which I now have occasion to trouble, you, does I believe properly require an official Communication, but as I am not quite certain of the Channel which I ought to embrace for that Purpose, I hope you will pardon the intrusion upon yourself.
I embarked on the Honble. Company's Snow the Cornwallis with the Detachment of Sepoys distined for the Andamans, and a few of the Most necessary of the Artificers on the Morning of the 7th Instant and we immediately proceeded with the Ebb Tide down the River. The embarkation of the People and their Baggage orested an appearance of inconvenience from their Nambers which it was hoped would be removed after the usual arrangements and distribution of their proper Places, but after every Endeavours, it is found totally impobible, with the great Quantity of Stores on Board for the Settlement, to transport such a Number of Persons without great Inconvenience both to them, and the Management of the Ship I had intended nevertheless to prosecute the Voyage with the whole of the People and not without hopes, founded on their own Chearfulness and Content with the Indulgence shown to them by Lieutenant Wales and his Officers to have effected it without any Material difficulty An occurrence this Morning has deserted f? defeated my Intention, In the first Opportunity which has offered of carrying Sail the effect of it has been discovered of such a Nature, on the vessel that Lieutenant Wales, the Commander declares his Apprehensions for our Safety, in the Event of our Meeting with Weather in any Degree unfavorable after we shall get into the Bay.
Under these Circumstances I considered it my Duty to forego every other Wish and Without hesitation to decide upon the only Measure to afford Relief, and ensure as far as may be our futuin Safty and accommodation I have therefore Selected all the Wives and smallest Children helonging to the Detachment who from their inactivity in Times of exigenoy are the greatest incumbarance, as well as most linble to harm, some of the Artificer-Class, and Eight Sepoys. The care (sic) of the whole Amounting to 47 I have committed to one of the Commissioned Officers with Orders to land them at Fort William wait the opportunity of the first [ship] distined for the New Settlement, and to embark with the other Artificers whom for want of room in this I was obliged to leave on my Departure.
After this diminution the number of Persone remaining in the Vessel will be full one hundred and fifty; which in Addition to the Cargo is the utmost that can be accomodated.
I request you will do me the favour to represent this to the Marquis Cornwallis whose disapprobation I hope I shall not encur on the occasion When the Circumstances are considered which have influenced my Conduct.
As the favorable season is so lioer its termination, I beg permission to suggest to you whether it be not worthy of offering to his Lordship's Consideration that instead of waiting the uncertain return of the Vessels now belonging to the Settlement it be not more desirable immediately to dispatch one

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FEBRUAST, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
85
on Freight capable of carrying the 400 Bags of Rice left by Major Kyd when he sailed Augmented to a Thousand or thereabouts with the remaining Artificers, and these people whom I now leave they will Amount to Eighty or a hundred Persons, and I am of opinion that more could not with propriety and regard to Safety be sent away in such a Vessell at the Approaching oritioal Season. If I mistake Rot, one of the expected Vessells from the Andamans (the Union) is under Engagement for a fixed period which has nearly elapsed.
'1798.-Xo. XIV.
Fort William 15th March 1798. The following Correspondence between the Secretary and Mr. Peok is laid before the Board.
Sir, -In answer to your favour of yesterday I beg leave to mention the Terms of Freight to Port Cornwallis 12 or 1500 bags of Rice at 8. Rapees per Bag Seapoys and Artificers at 15 Rapeos cach or should Government take ap the whole Vessel will be Nine Thousand Rupees She Carrys 3,500 bage. Calcutta
I am, &cs. 12th March 1798.
(Signed) Bobt. Pook. To Mr. Bobert Peok Dated 13th March. Mr. Robert Peck, Sir,
The Governor General in Council having had before him your Letter of this Date I am directed to desire that in explanation of the Terms which you have offered for conveying the People and Stores to the Andamans, you will be plonged to say whether the sum of Rapeer 15 which you require for each Seapoy or Artificer, you meant to enclade their provisions Water &ca daring the Passage, and if this Charge on these accounts was intended to be included in the 15 Rupees (as the Board from the Rate suppose to be the Case) what deduction you would make from it if the Provisions and Water should be laid in by Government
I am doa Council Chamber
(Signed) E. Hay 13th March 1798.
Secretary to the Government. (A true Copy.)
Fort William 15th March 1798.
Mr Peok 18th March. Sir,- In reply to your Letter of yesterday I beg leave to mention for the information of Goverament that I will Sapply the Seapoy and Artificers with Provisions Water &cs at the rate of 15 Rupees per Man or should Government Sapply the same my Charge will be 12 Rupees each I bog to be favored with an answer to Day if convenient, as my Vessel baals oat Dock to Day and will be ready to roosive on board Cargo tomorrow. Calcutta
I am Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant 18th March 1798.
(Signed) Robert Pock. To Xr Robert Peok 14th March.
Mr. Robert Peck, Sir, I reopived your Letter yesterday and am directed to acquaint you that it upon a regular Survey of the Darlington, it shall be found that she is in all respects, • proper Vessel to tako, at this season of the year, to Port Cornwallis, a Number of Sepoys and Artificers not exceoding one hundred and Quantity of Rice not exceeding one thousand Bags, the Governor General in Oduncil will acoude to the Terms of your Offer Vizt. that the rate of twelve Sioca Ropees per man shall bo paid for each Sepoy or Artificer for the Voyage, the Company laying in their Provision, Water &oa and that the rate of three Sicca Rupees par Bag shall be paid for the freight of the Bice. The Survey will be ordered immediately.
I am Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant Coaneil Chamber
(Signed) E. Hay 14th March 1708.
Secretary to the Government. (A true Copy.)

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PEARY, 1902.
ent
Fort William 15th March 1793. The following Orders were sent yesterday to the Marine Officers. Cudbert Thornhiu Leqre Master Attendant and Bruce Boswell Esqre Acting Marine
Paymaster and Natal Storekooper. Gentlemen, - I have orders from the Governor General in Council to desire that you will be pleased to cause a regular Survey to be immediately made of the ship or Snow Darlington which has been tendered by Mr Robert Peck to take a Number of Sepoys and a freight of Rice to Port: Cornwallis at the Great Andamana Island, and that you will acquaint me, for the information of the Governor General in Council whether she be in all respects, a proper Vessel to proceed thither at this season of the Year with a Number of Sepoys or Artificers not exceeding 100, and . Quantity of Rioe net Exceeding 1000 Bags. . Council Chamber
I am Gentlemen Your most obedient humble servant March 14th 1798.
(Signed) E. Hay. Fort William 15th March 1798. Read a Letter from the Acting Marine Pay Master. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, In consequence of the orders of the Right Honble the Governor General in Council Communicated to me in your Letter of the 14th Instant for the immediate survey of the Snow Darlington I am to inform you that Mr Robert Pook, has withdrawn his proposals for freighting that Vessel, as you will find by the enclosed Copy of the Assistant Depaty Master Attendants answer, to my official Letter of yesterday to him on that subject
I am &ca Fort William Marine Paymasters Office
(Signed) Bruce Boswell 18th March 1798.
Acting Marine Pay Master. To Bruce Boswell Esqre Acting Marine Paymaster.
(Enclosed in the Letter from the Acting Marine Paymaster 15th March.)
Sir, - I have seen Captain Peck who has declined taking the Company's freight and is now nearly loaded with Rice for Masulipatam.
I am &cs Marine Office
(Signed) G. French 15th March 1708.
A. Dy. Mr. Attdt. A true Copy Bruce Boswell Acting Marine Paymaster.
Fort William 15th March 1798. . . Read a Letter from Captain Pock. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir,- I received Your Answer from Government with respect to the Proposals for conveying the Stores &oa to the Andamans and beg you will be pleased to inform the Board as the Quantity of
rain is not to exceed One Thousand Bags and the men to be carried at 12 Rapore per Mengem it will not Pay the Sailing Charges of my Vessel which I Informed you was said to have Carried three Thousand five Hundred Bags to Bombay in the S. W. Monsoon, The extent of time I should sap poss the Darlington would be in making The Passage to the Andamans if she left the River in all this Month would not exceed fifteen Days. ..
Calcutta 18th March 1798.
(Signed) Robert Peok. Ordered that Inquiry be made for another Vessel to taka the Sepoys and Artificers and the Rice to the Andamans.
(To be continued.)
.
I am doa

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FEBRUABY, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
87
LADAKHI SONGS.
BY THE REV. A. .. FRANCKE, LEH. (With the aid of the Rev. S. Ribbach and Dr. E. Shawe.).
• Introductory Notes. WHEN I wrote a paper on Ladakht popular poetry about three years ago (published in Globus, LXXV. No. 15), my collection consisted of only twenty-five songs. Those songs had been collected in Leb, Stock and Sheh, that is, in the residences of the ancient Ladakhf kings and were all of the same type. As I had then been unable to discover any specimens of a more natural type of Ladakhi poetry, I concluded that really popular poetry was entirely absent in Ladakh. Meanwhile travels in Lower Ladakh and Pårig, which extended my collection to about 250 pieces, have enabled me to discover other branches of Ladůkhi poetry, which bear a less artificial character. But before presenting any of them to the readers of this Journal I will shortly describe the different types of Ladakhi pootry, as far as I have got to know them.
1. The Court Song. It has been fully described in the Globus. Its principal characteristics are the following:- The language is as near as possible to the book-language : a certain knowledge of Buddhism is displayed: it flatters persons in high position. It has no rhyme, but a certain rule of metre is strictly observed. The predominant metre is that each line consists of three trochees. I give specimens of the Court Song in Nos. I.,II., V. and IX. The first line of No. I. is pronounced thus:
trdshie phineum thaogopas. That of No. II. is pronounced
di chi gángyi-tsúg rgyan. * In consequence of the strict observance of this metric rule many of the sentences are incomplete, and the meaning can only be guessed from the context.
2. The Dance Song. - Its language is the dialect of the country: where it is sung religious ideas hardly ever come in ; it tells in naïve language the thoughts of people's hearts. It makes use of the rhyme of sentonoe, generally called parallelism when occurring in European poetry. Two or more sentences are constructed accordingly, and in the corresponding places different words sro inserted. Examples for illustrating this rhyme can be found in Nos. III, IV., VI, VII, VIII., and X. I am told by Prof. Conrady of Leipzig and Dr. Lanfer that this form of parallelism has been observed also in Chinese popular poetry. These are two examples taken from No. IV.: ,..
6. ndohung gydoo yógkhorla rdés, 7. Khyógthong gydvai skyédthorla rdés, 15. gánla rdxéspe gándaos shig in,
16. yangla rdserpe yangduos shig in. In many cases the Ladakhi Dance Song reminds us of Hebrew poetry; but as the principles of poetry among these two nationalities are not the same, occasional conformities may be taken fo be a matter of chanoe. Whilst the Ladakht rhyme is, as many examples prove, s rhyme of sentence, the Hebrew town of poetry may be called a rhyme of thought.
The Dance Song generally also has a metre, which is not of Bo stricts uniformity as that of the Court Song. In it only the accentuated syllables are counted. The number of the unaccentuated syllables between them varies from one to three. As regards the accentuated syllables, the number 4
* 1 Dr. Lanfer also speaks of end-rhymes we ooonrring in Ladakhi songs. I feel doubtful about this. As regards w pornobloul observations the Ladakhle do not seem to be able to hear end-rhymes at all. At least in my English clan, when studytag Eng Hah poetry, the Ladakhte could take hold only of the metro; the poetion form of the end. thyme ww entirely lost on them.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FABRUARY, 1902.
is predominant, but not of exclusive occurrence. Though No. IV.is, Dance song in particular, all the other songs, mentioned above (with the exception of No. III.), may be song at a dance. To show the exactness of the metric rule, examples may be given from the other songs also.
II. 1. tang mang namgel có im đểi, .
2. jópa gar shaganed léi. Not observed in all verses, for instance not in 11, 12, 21.
VI. 1, 2. those nang thónpo gun,
namstod gur thólonpoi. Khyérri yddo ngas mi shos,.. yddo Tharringoloyid ngda mi shes, migoma galhai náro meg, dágra ina sólongaed.
yukung dagro, máne agángla bingba. Because the number of the anaccentuated syllables is not limited, suffses are hardly ever lett out, and the sontences are complete.
of the same form as the Dance Song is the song of the Fairy Tale. In fairy tales direct speech is generally given in the form of song.
9. The Wedding Song. It is a kind of osteohism of the Pre-Buddhist Religion of Ladakh. One verde contains many mythological questions, the next answers all of them. Its language is a more ancient form of the dialect, not quite the classical language. Nine of the wedding songs were published ante, Vol. XXX., pp. 181 ft.
4. The Drinking Song (chang glu). It is of the same type as the Wedding Song and of very different character from what we should call . Drinking Song. It may also be called ontechiam of the Pre-Buddhist Boligon. At weddings it is the continuation of the Wedding Song, but may be sung at many other feasts too.
6. The Pro-Buddhist Hymn (gling glu).-It is of the same type is the Dance Song and prinos Keear and other Pre-Buddhist deities. It is sung at the time of the Spring- or Kosar festival, when overybody exercise himself at archery.
In Song No. X., which is an sorostio, the first letters of every line are arranged according to the order of the Alphabet. In another song the first letters of the verses show the Alphabet in inverted order. This form of poetry might have led to arranging the initials of the lines 80 as to repreacht a name, but I have trot yet discovored much tong.
As regards the age of the popular poetry of Ladakh, I should not have entered into the question, had not Mr. Hanlon raised it in his paper (Transactions of the 9th International Congress of Orientalista, II., London, 1898). According to Mr. Hanlon the whole of the Ladakht poetry is of modern origin, the oldest of the songs being about 100-200 year old. He comes to this conclusion, boonte several persona, mentioned in the songs, have actually lived 100-200 years ago. Yirst of all, I think it necessary to state, that this method of fixing the age of Ladakht song is not at all reliable. Just as the words of the national anthem God save the Queen' were originally God samo the King,' the names, which Mr. Hanlon found in the Ladakht songs, need not be those the poet had Airt pat in. In some of them the names of the kings and winisters have been altered continually, until at present we find in them the present er-king and ex-minister of Ladakh! If at the present time the power of the ex-king is praised in a song, it sounds like irony, but as the Ladakhls are still very loyal to their old royal family, they would never think of composing ironical songs regarding it.
Aangaande my knowledge of the Rev. Mr. Hanlon's paper, au ladotted to Prof. Dr. Let for ledly wondlas me brief review and to Dr. Lanfor for concional note l'his oroit.
of M
ount

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Such songs can only be explained as having been handed down from ancient times and adapted to the present members of the once famous family.
LADAKHI SONGS.
But there are certain ideas occurring in some of the songs, which suggest a very high antiquity. Thus, as has already been mentioned, the Wedding and Drinking Songs treat of the probably PreBuddhist Religion of Ladakh.
The orthography of the Ladakhi and Pûrig dialects has always kept as near to that of the book-language as possible. As to the verb, the idea of the Ladakhis is that its stem agrees fully with the perfect stem of the classical language, though in reality there are many exceptions. For this reason all the silent prefixed letters which the classical perfect stem shows, are written with the Ladakhi verb, even when used for the present and future tenses. I thought I had better succumb to this general custom, and thus the orthography of my songs is in accordance with the orthography of modern Ladakhi letter-writing.
Song No. I.-The King's Garden at Leh.
Text.
1. bkrashis phunsumthsogspas 2. bde ldan karbzoi skyed thsal 3.
ma bzhengs lhundu 'agrub byung 4. thsangs sras nyimai phobrang 5. gung ysal nam mkhai Itongsnas 6. nyi zlai ydugs dang Idan byung 7. ngo mthsar dgabai ltadmo 8. yzabkhang kaba zung ldan
9. nangna senggei khrii steng 10. ynya khri btsanpoi ydung brgyad 11. chos rgyal thse dpal yum sras
12. zhabs pad bakal brgya brtancig 13. ljonsbing stargai stengna
14. 'adab chags pho moi ysungs suyan 15. 'ogna stag shar 'adzompos
16. bkrashis skyidpai glu dbyangs.
bstod thsigs 'adi karbzoi yzabkhangla slel blon dngos grub bstan 'adzingyis brispai dge.
Notes.
2. Karbro means " risen by itself," see dictionary karlangba; skyedtheal principal garden, see also skyedago.
4. Theangs eras, holy sons, name of the gods (has).
5. Ltonga, a high point (here zenith).
13. Ljonshing, the tree of paradise, any beautiful tree.
89
According to Dr. Lanfer's criticism in Wiener Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenl. XV. p. 98-107, this song consists of four strophes of four verses each. As regards the translation of v. 10, 12, 14 and 15, I indebted to Dr. Lanfer's snggestions.
Translation.
1. Through perfect good fortune
2.
8.
4.
The happiness containing garden karbso
Not being built, was completed by itself. It is the house of the gods and the sun.
5. Having in the zenith of the clear sky
6.
Sun and moon like umbrellas, so it arose.
10.
11.
7.
It is a wonderfully pleasing sight.
8. It is like a fine room with pairs of pillars.
9.
Within on the lion's throne
Sita yNya khri batanpo's family.
That is Choargyal Thsedpal with mother and son.
12. May their feet on the lotus stand 100 kalpas ! 18. On this magnificent high nut tree 14. Male and female birds sing melodious songs. 15. Underneath the youths, having gathered, 16. Sing a song of happiness and welfare.
This song of praise was written by the Leh Minister dNgosgrub bstan'adzin in the fine castle within the karbo garden.
Notes.
10. Nya khri batanpo is the name of the first king of Ladakh.
11. The King's name means religious king, glory of the time.'
12. Kalpa, a fabulous period of time, at least 100,000 years. Skr...
18. The royal family is compared with this high walnut, tree, under whose shelter happiness dwells; walnut trees do not grow in Leh. 9. The lion's throne points to the King's castle, which was built in the middle of the garden. This garden is at the present time the British Joint Commissioner's grounds in Leh.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Song No. II. -The Aristocraoy of stook. Text.
Translation. 1. 'adi phyi kangyi ytsug rgyanı
1. The great protector (amulet) in this and in
future life, 2. drincan rtsabai blama
2. The gracious lama, the root [of the teaching], 3. nam kun thugs rje 'agyar med
3. He is of everlasting unchangeable mercy. 4. mthsungs med dpal ldau 'abrugp
4. There is no equal to d Paldan, the red monk. 5. dgung engon mkhanas shar byung
5. Just as out of the blue sky there rises 6. dro 'ajam rta bdun rgyalpo
6. The warm and mild king (sun) with his seven
horses, 7. mi dbang thse dpal rnam rgyal
7. So Mi d.Bang thaedpal rnamrgyal (the
king) 8. 'adzam gling mun sel sgronme
8. Is the lamp, which illuminates 'a Deambu
gling. 9. chos srid 'akhorlo begyar mkbas
9. Reigning religiously and turning the wheel
wisely 10. Iha sras thse dbang rab brtan
10. Is the god's son Thsedbang rabbrtan (the.
king's brother), 11. bsam 'aphel dbanggi rgyalpo
11. The king of thoughtful power. 12. skye dgui reba bskang byung
12. [In him] the hopes of many creatures are
fulfilled. 13.gapur bail yzer 'aphrobai
13. Issuing cool beams like camphor 14. nys rgyas zilcan mkhanpo
14. Is the bright full moon, so is the abbot. 15. lha loam dpal mdzes dhangmo
15. The godly queen dPal mdses dbangmo 16. nam mkhai kumud 'abar byung
16. Flourishes like a heavenly lotus, 17. luga yayis brgyadeui khrims skyong. 17. She is the upholder of the eighty kinds of
the two-fold custom. 18. mnga 'abangs phan bdei skyong mkhas 18. The wise protector of the welfare of all
subjects 19. dgang blon thse dbang dongrub
19. Is the prime minister Theedbang
dongrub. 20. ladvags yongskyi mdzes rgyan .
20. He is the joy of all Ladakh. 21. gongma bdagpoi bka lung
21. The prophecies of this high master, 22. ci bsam don bahin 'agrab byung
22. Whatever he thinks, is fulfilled according
to its meaning. 23. lhag bsam ghaltai 'od dkar
23. The white light of advice of superior thought 24. nangso dbang graga dpai rgyas
24. Is the castle warden dBang grage dpal
rgyas 25. lha dmag 'adzompos bzhengspai
25. The multitude of the god's having gathered,
built 26. 'achi med lhai phobrang
26. The castle of the never dying gods, 27. tog mkhar bkrashis yang chaga
27. The Castle of Stock, where blessing and
welfare grows. 28. ngo mthsar lhunda grub byung
28. It was completed in a wonderful way with
out man's work. 29. mi dbang yab yum sras boas
29. King Mi dbang, father, mother and child, 80. bekal brgyar zhabs pad brtancig
80. May your feet on the lotus stand 100 kalpas ! 81. chab grid lo 'adab rgyas shig
31. May your reign grow like leaves (in spring) 32. phanthsogs dbang phyaggi smonlam. 32. That is Phunthog dbang phyug's
prayer.

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FEBRUARY, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
91
Notes.
Notes. 1. Tsug rgyan, amulet, worn on the head ; 4. dPalldan means having glory.' . Dr. Lanfer translates it by head-ornament;' 6. The Indian Haritas. however, in Ladakhi this is always an amulet. 7. The king's name means 'Lord of men, 3. Namgun = namsang, always.
glorious time, king of all.' 4. 'abrugpa, name of one of the principal red 8. 'a Dzambu gling one of the Buddhist contisects.
nents, about Asia; it is the Indian Jambadvipa. 8. 'adzam gling = 'adzambugling.
9. Turning the wheel of religion,' Buddhist 16. Kumud = Kumuda, Lotas, Skr.
term for studying religion. 19. Ngung blon, respectful for bkablon, minister. 10. The name means power of time, excellent
21. ble'a lung, respectful for lungbetan, pro- firmness." phecy; Dr. Lanfer suggests orders.'
15. The name means beautiful glory.' 24. Nangso, he who takes care of the inside 17. Refers to the clerical and temporal juris(of a house), the steward.
diction. 27. Tog, anoient name of the village of 19. The name means power of time, fulfiller Stock, means the top. Chags is originally # of the aim.' verb to produce,' here it must be taken as a 24. The name means strong power, spreadsubstantive the producer,' the source.'
ing glory.' . 28. Lhundu, by itself.
29. Only the first part of the name is given, 31. Chaberid, respectful for arid, government: for full name see 7. lo 'adab, comp. cop. of loma and 'adab, means 82. The poet's name means the perfect one, * all leaves.'
rich of power.'
As regards the translation of v. 2 and 17, I am
indebted to Dr. Lanfer's suggestions, Song No. III. - The Polo Song. Text.
Translation. 1. sa 'agal nang nam 'agul coyin lei
1. With an earthquake we shall shake the sky 2. jopa gar shagssed lei
2. Where goes our Master ? 3. yul dkyilgyi shagaranla
3. To the Polo ground in the middle of the
village. 4. jopa polola shagssed lei
4. There goes var Master to play Polo. 5. cigtan grongagi shagaranla
5. To the Polo ground of the Village Oigtan 6. khanpa polola shagssed lei
6. There goes our Khan to play Polo. 7. gyon gyenni gyenpola
7. In the uppermost part of the Polo ground) 8. jopas graphog cig salled lei
8. Our Master hits the ball in the air. thur thurri thurpols
9. In the lowest part of the Polo ground) 10. jopas halka rig srangoged lei
10. Our Master hits it straight through the goal. 11. dga mkhan theocig jopas 'athad chuggin 11. There our Master brings the ball] to please 'akbyongnged lei
his friends. 12. mi dga mkhan thgocig jopas thser chuggin 12. There the Master brings (the ball] to grieve 'akhyongaged lei
the enemies. 18. yarri chibs chenpoi thogla
13. There on your high horse 14. jo yarang yaspai mentog
14. You are like a flower in bloom. 15. yarri chibs chen 'olla rting dkarri thogla 15. There on your high black horse with white
hind feet 16. yarang cospai chagbu
16. You are like a bunch of flowers. asta nangla gong yoggi
17. Of the upper and lower part of the village 18. parang sgompai phali yod lei
18. You are the protecting shield. 19, adin 'sdi ndan buangcanpola
19. Thus before your excellent presence 20. mä khamo bzanpo
20. There is a good rumour. 21. bka blon raim khanlalob stong thge 21. A lifetime of 1000 years may ripon for aminshig lei,
Raim Khan, the Minister..

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Notes.
1. Nang, governs the accusative in Parig, and is used as a suffix of the Locative and instrumental. Dr. Lanfer together with Mr. Hanlon translates this verse by the earth is quaking, the heavens thundering.' However, the natives understand this verse in the above given sense : With an earthquake we shall make a shaking of the sky.'
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
8. Graphog, at the beginning of a new game one of the players throws the ball in the air in fall gallop and hits it with the stick.
Of this song several different versions seem to exist. The above version was bought from the actual Village of Cigtan, belonging to Purig. Mr. Hanlon's version, which apparently was taken down in Chushod near Leh, mentions a
2. Shagssed, present tense of gehegspa.
8. Shagaran, Purig for polo-ground.
6. Khanpa, the Turki Khan; Mr. Hanlon has certain rGyaripa instead of Raim Khan (v. 21). mkhanpo instead. I do not believe in the originality of mkhanpo, because the title khan or khanpa is very common among Muhamedan Purigpas.
10. Hal, halka, goal, srangnged, present tense of arongba, pass straight through.
18. Yarri, contraction of yarrangngi, Purig for nyerangngi, your.
15.
Ollaolba, black.
17. Asta, a certain part of the village (Purig). 18. Skompa in Purig has the meaning of protect.
19. 'aDin 'adi-'adi adi-thus.
20. Khamo -fame.
21. Lob stong1,000 years, with a word lob, year, instead of lo, I have met also in several other connections.
1st party.
2nd party.
Song No. IV. The Goldsmith (a Dance Song. Text.
1. yser mgar mkhaspai blugs 1st party. phorpai nangna
2. yser nang ragan thsang cig yod lei
3. yser ning rgyalpoi khognor rig yin lei
4. ragan nganpa thangla skyur
5. thangla ma skyur sdig re che lei
Notes.
15. Horses are of different value according to their colour, those described in v. 15 are about the most valuable.
The tune of this song is played at every game of Polo in Ladakh.
6. nachung brgyabai yogkhorla brdzes
7. khyogthong brgyabai skyedkhorla brdzes.
[FEBRUARY, 1902.
2nd party.
Translation.
1. In the melting pot of the clever goldsmith
2. There is gold and brass together.
3. The gold is the life-wealth of the king.
4. The bad brass throw on the plain!
5. Do not throw it on the plain, it would be a great sin.
6. Fasten it to the yogkhor of hundred [poor] girls.
7. Fasten it to the girdle of hundred [poor] youths.

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FEBRUARY, 1902)
LADAKHI SONGS.
98
1st party.
8. dngal mgar khaspai blugs
phorpai nangna 9. dngal nang ronya thsang cig
yod lei 10. dngul ning rgyalpoi khognor
rig yin lei 11. ronya nganpa thangla skyur
2nd party. 12. thangla ma skyur sdig re che
lei 13. nachung brgyabai yogkhorla
brdzes 14. khyogthong brgyabai skyed
khorla brdzes 15. kunla brdzespai kun brdzes
shig yin 16. yangle brdzespai yang brdzes
shig yin.
Notes. 2. Nang, within the gold there is brass, they are mixed.
8. Rig - cig, indefinite article.
5. Ro, assumes here as sometimes in Parig the meaning of the indefinite article.
1st party. 8. In the melting pot of the
clever silversmith 9. There is silver and lead
together. 10. Silver is the life-wealth of the
king. 11. The bad lead throw on the
plein. and party. 12. Do not throw it on the plain!
It would be a great rin! 13. Fasten it to the yogkhor of
100 [poor] girls! 14. Fasten it to the girdle of
100 [poor) youths ! 18. It is a general ornament to be
used by many, 16. It is a most general ornament
to be used by many more.
Notes. 6. Yogkhor - lower wrappinga, name of the sheep skin, which is worn over the shoulders, formerly it may have been wrapped round the waist.
Song No. V. - The Alchi Monastery. Text.
Translation 1. bde skyid phan sum thsogspas
1. Through the most perfectly happy circam
stances 2. bzangpoi rten 'abrel 'agrig song
2. The good suspioes were fulfilled. 8. blamai thagskyi smonlam
3. Through the spiritual prayers of the Lamas 4. bzangpoi rten 'abrel 'agrig song
4. The good auspices were fulfilled. 6. skam shing lo 'adabs rgyas song
5. Green leaves came out of the dry wood. 6. thugskyi rgya mthso legs byung
6. The spiritual ocean has been blessed. 7. bsgrub thabs yzabmoi dgonpa
7. The carefully built monastery is completed. 8. ladvags yongskyi chos skor
8. All Ladakhis may make the meritorious
circumambulation. 9. ka ylang sengge yzong bsgrubs
9. With the chisel lion-like pillars were formed. 10.rimo nor 'adzin pātra
10. [Also] pictares and treasure-holding book
shelves. 11. zhalchad brtanpoi chos srung
11. The promise-keeping protector of religion 12. ming grage rdo rje chenmo
12. Is the famous great thunderbolt. ming grags rdo rje chenmos
13. Oh, famous great thunderbolt, 14. bstanpa yul srung mdzod cig
14. Protect the country through the teaching ! 15. yul ngos yongskyi yzabmoi
15. Through a careful teaching in all directions 16. bstanpas yul srung mdzod cig
16. Protect the country! 17. . byang chub shinglas rkos begrabs
17. From the wood of the holy fig tree scalp
tures were cut. 18. sgo bagrigs yongskyi yzabmo
18. The folding doors more carefully than any
other.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
19. yyas bzhugs yeergyi blonpo
20. yyon bzhugs yum ni lha mdzes
21. skyil bkrung sa dang benyams bzhag
22. shag thub bstanpai nyima
23. yul ngos yongakyi zabmor 24. rdo rje ydangyi ynas bzhugs
25. nyima sharnas phebs song 26. blamai slobma rnam yayis
27. dbus ytsang yzhungnas phebspas
28. drung rams thse brtan rnam ynyis
29. rnam ynyis mthar phyin bsgrubs byung
30. rnam snang yserla begrubs byung
31. chos nyid dadpai ngangnas
32. bka 'agyur betan 'agyur phebs byung
33. glu dbyangs rkyengyis ma rdzogs 34. bkā 'agyur rim ynyis begrube byung
35. alci dad Idan bud med
36. blo sems chosla sgrubs mdzod.
Notes.
10. P'atra, originally begging bowl' Skr.,.is used for any religious receptacle, here book cases; but probably, as I am told by Prof. Dr. Leumann, the Indian pattra, leaf, book, is meant,
11. Dorje-chenmo, seems to be Phyagrdor, one of the Ladakhi popular Boddhisattvas. 21. Kyilbkrung, a religious posture; a man whom I asked to sit down in this position, also folded his fingers in a religious way.
22. Shagthub, the powerful shagkya, comp. determ.
Song No. VI. -
-
[FEBRUARY, 1902.
19. There on the right side sits the golden (rich) minister.
On the left sits mother 1Ha-mdzes
Text,
1. mthossi nang mthonpo kur
2. ynam stod kun mtholonpo
3. bys rgyal menne ldingspa rig min 'adng
4. dbyar zla ysum ysum ei yasnayang gang yas
5. dbyar zla yeum menne mentog wa med
20.
21.
22.
28.
Dwells better than in any other country, On the place of the thunderbolt's throne. 25. From the east came
24.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
33.
84.
35.
36.
On the plain ground with pious attitude. Buddha, the sun of the teaching,
It was fulfilled to the golden Dhyani Buddha.
31. Out of (through) the great faith into religion itself
32. The holy scriptures and the commentaries have arrived.
Notes.
9. According to Dr. Lanfer's suggestion the word sengge, lion, probably refers to sculptures, showing lions' heads. Perhaps he is right; but people understand it to mean 'strong like lions.' 19. The man who chiefly built the monastery. 20. His wife.
26. This two-fold way is, as I am told, the bKa 'agyur and the beTan 'agyur.
33. Because singing of religious songs is also considered to be meritorious.
34. This line may refer to the fact that the 26. The first edition contained a mistake: whole of the bKa 'agyur was copied and thus two rnams was given instead of rnam. endless rows of books were obtained.
The disciple of the Lamas, the two-fold way Arrived from the middle of dBusgtsang, The doctor Thsebrtan [with the] two-fold
way.
[Through] the two-fold way the salvation was fulfilled.
2.
3.
4.
5.
With songs
The two endless rows of the scriptures were finished.
Ob, thou believing Alci, unceasingly Fulfill with heart and soul the religions teachings.
The Joy of Youth.
Translation,
1. The high ones (live) in high places.
Into all the heights of the sky
Besides the king of birds none flies.
During the three summer months, whatever. can bloom, blooms.
Except in the three summer months, oh, there are no flowers.

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TEBRUARY, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS,
96
balo
6. mi thse ycig cig menne bomo nga amals 6. Besides this one life-time I shall not med lei
belong to my mother. 7. mi thse ycig cigpo ci skyidnayang gang 7. In this one life-time, whatever can be . skyid lei
happy, is happy. 8. mi thee yoig cigpo ci yyangenayang gang . Enjoy this one life-time as ever you can Yyangs shig.
enjoy it. Notes
Notes. 2. After luna silent nang, corresponding to 6. Dr. Lanfer remarks that the proper translathe first line must be supposed.
tion would be I, the girl, do not belong to my 3. Menne, lower Ladakhi for mannas, besides ; mother.' He is quite right. Istingapa means originally to soar; min adug: the silent 'a of 'adug is sounded 88 a nasal, as is often the case.
7. Skyid must here be taken for * verb corresponding to yange.
Song No. VII. - The Beautiful Thseringekyid. Text,
Translation. First girl. 1. ngari yado ma mthongasa wa First girl. 1. Have you not seen my com
panion ? yado thseringskyid ma
Have you not seen my commthongs88.
panion Thseringskgid P Second girl. khyeri yado ngas mi shes second girl. Your companion I do not
know, yado thseringskyid ngas mi
Your companion Theeringshes
skyid I do not know. sgobongs ysorla bzhangs
A girl, whose body was built mkhan meg
as of gold dagen 'adina solongssed.
Was passing by here just now. First girl. 2. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa First girl. 2. Have you not seen my com
panion ? yado thseringskyid ma
Have you not seen my commchong88a.
panion Thseringskyid ? Second girl. khyeri yado ngas mi shes second girl. Your companion I do not
know. yado thseringskyid ngas mi
Thseringskyid I do not know. shes skralo, yyubai rgya loang meg
A girl with a mass of matted
hair [full of] turquoises dagsa 'adina solongssed.
Was passing by here just now. First girl. 3. ngari yado ma mthongsa wa First girl. 8. Have you not seen my com
panion ? yado thseringskyid ma
Have you not seen my com| mthong888.
panion Thseringskyid ? Second girl. khyeri yado ngas mi shes Second girl. Your companion I do not
know, yado thiseringskyid ngas mi
Thseringskyid I do not know. shes dpalpa hoo Ingai slaba meg
A girl, glorious like the moon
on the 15th dagsa 'adina solongseed.
Was passing by here just now.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1902,
-
-
First girl. 4. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa First girl. 4. Have you not seen my com
Panion ? yado thseringskyid Dua
Have you not seen my commthongesa
panion Thseringekyid ? Second girl. khyeri yado ngas ini ghe Second girl. Your companion I do not
know, yado thseringskyid ngas mi
Thseringskyid I do not know. shes mig sma kakhai naro meg
A girl with eyebrows like the
of the (Tibetan) Alphabet dagsa 'adina solongssed.
Was passing by here just now. First girl. 5. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa First girl. 5. Have you not seen my com
panion ? yado thseringskyid ma
Have you not seen my com. mthong888
panion Tbseringskyid ? Second girl. khyeri yado ngas mi shes Second girl. Your companion I do not
know, yado thseringskyid ngas mi
Thseringskyid I do not know. Bhes sozho har nang mutig meg
A girl with teeth like curdled
milk and pearls dagsa 'adina solongssed.
Was passing by here just now. First girl. 6. ngari yado ma mthongasa wa First girl. 6. Have you not been 'my com
panion ? yado thseringskyid ma
Have you not seen my commthong sa
panion Thseringskyid ? Second girl. khyeri yado ngas mi shes Second girl. Your companion I do not
knew, yado thseringskyid ngas mi
Thsøringskyid I do not know.
shes
skyedpa rdo rje drilla meg
dagsa 'adina solongssed. 7. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa
Pirst girl.
First girl.
ma
yado thseringskyid
mthong sa khyeri yado ngas mi shes
A girl with & Waist like a . monastery bell
Was passing by here jast now. 7. Have you not seen my com
panion ? Have you not seen my com
panion Thseringskyid ? Yonr companion I do not
know, Thseringskyid I do not know.
Second girl.
second girl.
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes sikims rkyang zhud sal
mkhan meg dagsa 'adina solongssed. 8. khyozha thsangka shipi re
Another
person
A girl, who is spinning a silk
thread,
Was passing by here just now. 8. You all belong to the shoe . maker caste,
Why did you come to my, ; house?
person.
pgabai khangpala cila yongs.

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FEBRUARY, 1902.)
LADAKHI SONGS.
Notes.
. Notes 1. Ngari and khunri are Lower Ladakhi The whole is not to be taken seriously, the abbreviations of ngarangngi and khyedrangngi; girls are teasing each other; all the same, the syobongs = sgobo, body; meg - ma ig - description of the girl who had passed by, is mazhig ; solongssed songs sod-songute yod, in acordance with the Ladakhi ideal of beauty. has gone; lo is inserted only for creating one Dr. Lanfer is of opinion that the companion more syllable.
Thseringskyid, who is asked for, was a boy. 4. Migsma = 8minma, eye-brow.
But Thseringskyid is a name for girls. 5. Har is either pearls of & rosary or as in 2. Or hair like a willow.' Lower Ladakhi = white as if never used.
8. On the fifteenth of the Tibetan month there 6. Dorje-drillu, bell dedicated to the ought to be fall-moon. Boddhisattva Phyagrdor.
8. This verse is either part of a different song, 7. Sikims - silk from Sikim. rkyangahud - or it may be taken to express :-"Now we have rkyangokud.
had enongh of this nonsense, go away!" 8. Shipi the shoe-maker caste of Parig.
Since the first publication of this song I have discovered four more verses with the following new lines:
(a) obsko choskyi poti meg dagsa 'adina (a) A girl with a chin like a pile of religious solongssed,
books was passing by here just now. (6) khurthsoga padmai mentog meg, etc. (6) A girl with cheeks, red like a lotus-flower,
etc. (c) spakhung zangskyi pari meg, etc.
(c) A girl with nostrils like a copper tabe, etc. (d) lcemo dargyi mdudma meg, ac.
(d) A girl with a tongue like a silken knot, etc. Notos.
Notes. (6) khurthoogs - khurthsos.
(a) refers to a double chin. It looks like the
folds of many books. Song No. VIII. - Secret Love. Text.
Translation. The girl says : 1. spangla spang gongma The girl says: 1. On the meadow, on the spang
upper meadow, 2. gongma spangla mentog
2. On the upper meadow there yassed
is a flower in bloom. 3.wa yadopa
3. Halla, my boy! 4. yzugscan yassed wa yadopa
4. A flower of very fine shape is
in bloom there, my boy! 5. mentog adus shig ymdopa
5. Gather the flower, my boy. 6. yzugscan adus shig jamad
6. Gather the well-shaped sag
flower! 7. lag nang suns mentog
7. If you gather it with your ldudps chen
hand, it will fade. 8. ROTOS nang sduste nentog
8. Gather it with your goul and yidla tog wa
keep it (fasten it) in your
mind! 9. sems nang sduste mentog
9. Gather it with your soul and yidla bor.
keep it in your mind! Notes.
Notes. 6. Jamadsag is said to mean together,' 'gather together,' 800 No. X., note.
7. Dudpa, Lower Ladakhi for ruffled, faded.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FBBRUARY, 1902.
k kh 8 ng c
Song N. IX.- The A B Co Song. (Aorostio.) Text.
Translation. 1. bka dag semskyi ynas logs
1. The disposition of the teacher's soul 2. kha Itar drimed chos sku
2. Is pure like snow, his transient body 3. gana bltas kyang mdses byong
8. Is beautiful, wherever you look at it. 4. ngayi rang sems 'adika
4. This my own soul, 5. caco chosla bagyar kyang
5. Though it agrees with religion as regards
speech, 6. cha lugs yid dang mthunpar
6. May my behaviour also agree with my
mind! 7. ja chang mebodpa mobodgin
7. When bringing the offerings of tea and
i
beer,
ny 8. nyara semala mdzod dang t 9. talai thugskyi 'od yzer th 10. mthamar semala 'aphogna d 11. dalta yidkyis rtogena n 12. na rga 'achiba mi 'adug P 18. dpabo sbagkys chenpo ph 14. pbarol nyon mongs kagnon b 15. ba glang bzhinda ma nyal m 16. ma yyengs dranpa skyong zhig ta 17. rtse phran ba spui buga the 18. mthsen Idan blamai dkyil 'akhor dz 19. mdzabo rang sems 'adika W 20. walei ngangla zhog dang zh 21. zhva Itar stenpai blamas
22. zagmed mchodpa 'abalos 28. 'ala thoorbai'adu abes 24. ya mthaan semskyi Itadmo 25. rarva Itabai sems brgyad 26. la 'ur thulbai dpabo
I 1
8. Give that I may take care of my soul! 9. When the clear light of the Dalai Lama's spirit 10. Finally toaches the soul, 11. All that at present I perceive in my soul, 12. Illness, old age, death, become nothing. 18. The great and powerful Shakya 14. Is the hinderer of misery in the other world. 15. Do not sleep like an ox, 16. Unchangingly, watch your soul ! 17. The fine arteries have pores. 18. Excellent is the sphere of the Lama. 19. Friend 1 Also your own soul 20. Keep in clearness ! 21. When the Lams to whom I stick, as to my
cap, 28. Bringe a spotless offering, 28. Oh to have this sight (perception) 24. Is a wonderful spectacle for the soul, 25. Oh mankind, with hearts like the wind 1 26. Oh, thou hero, who sabdaast even a passing
storm 27. Teach and at the same time explain (thy
teaching)! 28. Fulfil quickly the path of perfection, 29. The self-salvation of sPyanras yzigs ! 80. Oh, mother Dorje Phagmo 31. Ob, great mother, thou and I, 82. May we without any separation alwaya remain united!
Notes, 9. This verse proves, that the name of Dalai Lama is not perfectly unknown to Ladakhis,
17, 18. The translation of these lines is by Dr. Lanfer.
29. The Boddhisattvas name meang Soes with a clear eye.'
80. The mother's name means 'sow thunderbolt,
sh
27. bshed agrol dus snyoms mdzod dang
28, sa lam myurda agrub cig 29. balarigpai rang 'agrol 30. ama rdo rje phagmo 31. yum chen kyed dang nga yugis 32, 'adu 'abral med par shog cig.
Notea. 14. Kagnon in Lower Ladakhi means hinderer. 28. 'Ala is an exclamation, 29. Hala-rig is a name of Pyanras grige. 25, 26. Dr. Lanfer translates as follows The soul of the speedily conquering hero is in almost intoxicated condition. But as this translation necessitates several alterations of the text and is not in agreement with the people's conception of it, I cannot accept it,

Page #103

FEBRUARY, 1902.)
LADAKHI SONGS.
Text.
bingba
Song No. 1.- The Bride's Farewell.
Translation. 1. yyu zhungbobtagse mane egangls 1. The little turquoises being fastened, we
arrived (came out) on the hill with the
manë. 2. khrag dkarpo btagse mane egangla 2. The bright torquoises being fastened, we bingba
arrived on the hill with the mane. 8. kyespai pha ma bsamse loggin loggin 8. I thought of father and mother, to whom I bltaspin
was born, and I looked back again and
again. mnyampai jamad kun beamse phyi mig 4. I thought of the friends, with whom I was logste bltaspin.
together, and I looked back. Notes.
Notes. 1. Se = ste, gerandial termination in Parig; The bride generally receives many of the tur. mäne, a stone wall covered with stones bearing qunises, which her mother had worn, on the the inscription Om mani padme hum.
2. Khrug dkar is turquoise of a very light- 1. vyu shung = yyu chung, little turquoises. blue coloar.
I am inclined to believe that Jäschke's name of 4. Jamad friends = jama'ad, Hindustani for the forget-me-not ought to be spelled yu shung * company.
metog, not yyu yahung metog.
wedding day.
lei
Song No. XL. - The Three Seasons. Text.
Translation. 1. chagssed wachagssed yoor mdog rige 1. Thoro grows, oh there grows, there grows chagssed lei
golden shade. 2.ston ni ston zla ysumpo yeer mdog rig chags 2. In antamn, in the three months of antamn,
there grows a golden sbade. . 3. chagssed wa chagssed yyu mdog rig chagssed 8. There grows, oh there grows, there grows
turquoise shade. 4. dbyar ni dbyar zla yumpo yyu mdog rig 4. During summer, during the three months of chags
summer, there grows a turquoise shade. B. chagssed wa chagssed dung mdog rig 5. There grows, oh there grows, there grows cbagseed let
pearl-white shade. 6. dgun ni dgon bla yumpo dung mdog rig 6. During winter, during the three months of chags
winter, there grows a pearl-white shade. 7. dung mdog chags na yul chung pacarii bsod 7. If it grows pearl-white, it is for the welfare bde.
of the little village of Paoari. Notes.
Notes. 1. Chagaed, present tense of chagsces.
3. If the green colour of vegetation in summer is compared with that of turquoise, it looks rather, as if the Ladakhis could not see any difference between green and blue. The idea is, that if in winter much mow has fallen, the water for irrigating the fields will not run short..
According to Dr. Lanfer's suggestion the idea of three sonsons only, instead of four, may have been imported from India.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRDARY, 1902.
Song No. XII. - The Brahman Beggar. Text.
Translation. 1 sharri khacul yzbungna tamasha yod lei 1. In the middle of the town of Kashmir
there is a festival. ci molled bramzele
What do you say [to that], oh Brahman 2.sala mentog yang 'adzin tamasha yol lui 2. On the ground there is the festival of the
yang'adsin flower! yang inolled bramzele
What do you say (to that), oh Brâhman? 3. sharri khaeul yahangna bras dkar'ollo yod 3. In the town of Kashmir there is milk-white lei
rice! i molle bramzele.
What do you say [to that], oh Brahman ? Notes.
Notes. 1, 3. Sharri = shahr, town, Hindust.; Brahmans, on their pilgrimage to the source of tamasha, Hindustani for show, festival
the Indus, often pass through Ladakh and ask 2. Yung'adzin, a certain flower of Kashmir; alins from the people. The Ladakhis, who canwhich people cannot tell.
not understand the Brâhman's aims, ask, if they 3. 'ollo, milk-whito, compare 'Olyong in "The had not better stay in Kashmir, where there is so Golden Boy."
much better food and pleasure.
Song No. XIII. - The Ibez.
Text. 1. stabai skyin sabai nangna 2. skyin chen brgya dang stong badussed
3. Iba klu kun ma 'athadna su 'athad 'adug
Translation, 1. In my father's place of (hunting) the ibex 2. There gather hundreds and thousands of
large ibex. 3. If the lhes and klue do not enjoy this
spectacle) who would enjoy it ? 4. If the deities do not enjoy it, who would
enjoy it! 5. The horns are thy caruelian ornament. 6 The colour of the hair is thy gold. 7 In my father's place of (hunting) the female
4. yzhi bdag kun ma 'athadna su 'athad 'adog
5. Tuba kbyerri chongla 'adug 6. Spukha khyerri yerls 'adug. 7. stabai dan sabai nangna
ibex
8. danmo brgya dang stong bedussed
9. lha klu menne su 'athad 'adug
8 There gather hundreds and thousands of
female ibex. 9. Besides the lhas and klms, who enjoys [this
spectacle] ? 10. Besides the deities who enjoys (this spec
tacle)? 11. The horns are thy carnelian ornament. 12. The colour of the hair is thy gold.
10. yahi bdag spenne su 'athad 'adug
11. ruba khverri chongla 'adug 19. spukha khyerri yerla 'adug.
Notes.
Notes.
1. Ata, father, in Lower Ladakh, Purig and Baltistan. 4. yxhibdag = owner of the ground, Tonal deities. 5. Chong, beads, made of carnelian stone. Khyerri = khyedrangngi, thine, 9, 10. Menne = mannas, besides,
3. Lha, a god, klu, a water-spirit, pre-Buddhist godling. The meaning is that man hardly ever visits those regions and therefore cannot enjoy the spectacle. 5, 6, 11, 12 are addressed to the iber. 11. Also the female ibex bas small horas.

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FassUARY, 1902.]
Song No. XIV. The Girl of Sheh.
Text.
1. rgyabri shel dkar mchod rten
2. mdunna yyu mthso sngonpo
3. mth'a na metog 'abar byung
4. phayul skyid mnyam chags
5. mth'a na yaer chen 'abar byung.
6.
shel mkhar 'oma 'akhyil byung.
7. yasteng rtsena bzhugspa
8. rtsebai rtse lha sayanpo
9. brtses rgyallu gar skyodna
30. Ihayis sku srung mdzod dang
11. mi dbang sde akyong rnam rgyalla
LADAKHI SONGS.
-
12. theeyi dngos grub stsol dang
13. nomos mospai blama 14. lha khang lha bris 'adra 15. bzangmos mospai blama 16. lha khang lha bris 'adra
17. dam thsig ytsangmai ngang dang
18. dkon mchogla mchodpa 'abul 19. dam thaig ytsangmai ngang dang 20. ngan slongla sbyinpa tong.
Notes.
This song was composed after the fashion of the court song, but the metre is not always strictly observed. 14. Lhabris, the written god, a picture of a god. 11. The name of the prince means 'power of men, protector of the nation, ng of all.'
Song No. XV.. Text. All. 1. shag nang skarma 'adzoms yod
mentog Itanmo lei.
2. skarma rgyal stod sharba
zhag yod
zhag
mentog Itanmo lei.
mentog Itanmo lei.
3. yar ngoi beo Inga gangbai
Translation.
1. On the hill in the back there is the mChod réen of white crystal
2. In the front there is the lake, blue like a turquoise.
On the shore flowers are in bloom.
They grow in my fatherland together with its fortune.
3.
4.
5.
On the shore large yellow flowers are iu
bloom.
6.
In the Castle of Sheh the milk flows.
7.
On the high summit there lives
8
The well speaking tha of the summit.
9. Wherever our gracious prince goes,
10. Oh lha, protect his life!
11.
12.
13.
101
21.
76.
18.
19.
10.
To Midbang sdeskyong rnamrgyal Give blessing during his lifetime!
The Lama, who is loved by the girl
14. Is like a picture of the gods in the temple.
15. The Lama, who is loved by bZangmo
-
- Harvest Festival at Skyurbachan. Translation.
Is like a picture of the gods in the temple. With pure and holy words
Bring offerings to God.!
With pure and holy words
Give alms to the poor!
Notes.
1. mChod rten, a Ladakhi stúpa. 2. There used to be a lake in front of the Castle of Sheh. 6. Milk, a sign of abundance. 7, 8. Originally the thas were supposed to live above the clouds and to descend only occasionally on certain hills, where little white altars were erected. Later on hill tops were believed to be the dwelling places of certain lhas. 13, 15. The girl who loves the Lama, is the poet of the song; bZangmo, the girl's name, means the good one."
•
All. 1. This is the day of the constellation of the stars:
The flower show, hurra!
2. It is the day of the finest of
the lunar mansions:
The flower show, hurra!
3. It is the 15th, when the first half of the month is full: The flower show, hurra!
First party. 4. mentog Itanmo gangnas shags First party. 4. From where do you bring
mentog Itanmo lei.
these showy flowers? The flower show, hurra!

Page #106

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1902.
5. mentog Itanmo sharnas shags
Second
party.
mentog Itanmo lei. I. 6. sharri skadcha cinda 'adug
mentog Itanmo lei. II. 7. rgyalpoi dbu rmog mthorpo
'adug
mentog Itanmo lei. 1. 8. mentog Itanmo gangnas yongs
mentog Itanmo lei. 9. mentog Itanmo Ihonas yongs
mentog Itanmo lei. 10. Thoyi skadeba cinda 'adug
mentog Itanmo lei. 11. lhona 'abru ons 'adzommo
'adug, eto.
I. 12. mentog Itanmo gangnas
yongs, etc. II. 13. mentog Itanmo byangnas
yongs, etc. I. 14. byanggi skadcha cinda 'adog,
etc. II. 15. byangna theva bal 'adzommo
'rdag, etc. 16. mentog Itanmo ganguas
yongs, etc. II. 17. mentog Itanmo nubnas yongs,
etc. : I. 18. nubkyi skadcha cinda 'sdag,
etc. II. 19. nubna thaos sna 'ndzommo
'adug, etc. AU. 20. azhangpai ma zhingla lo
lagssed, etc.
Second 5. These showy flowers we bring party.
from the East !
The flower show, hurra! 1. 6. What news do you bring from
the East ?
The flower show, hurra! II. 7. There the king's helmet is very
high!
The flower show, hurra! I. 8. From where do yon bring
these showy flowers !
The flower show, hurra! II. 9. These showy flowers we bring
from the South !
The flower show, hurra! 1. 10. What news do you bring from
the South?
The flower show, hurra! II. 11. In the South there is abun
dance of all kinds of grain,
etc. 1. 12. From where do you bring
these showy flowers ? etc. 13. These showy flowers we bring
from the North ! etc. I. 14. What news do you bring
from the North ? etc. II. 15. In the north there is abun
dance of salt and wool ! etc. I. 16 From where do you bring
these showy flowers ? etc. II. 17. These showy flowers we bring
from the West ! etc. I. 18. What news do you bring
from the West ? etc. II. 19. In the West they dye with
all kind of colours ! etc. All. 20. From our uncle's mother's
fields there will be a good
harvest ! etc. 21. In onr uncle's mother's fields
the first green appears, eto. 22. The barns for 100 and 1,000
busbels will be filled, etc 23. Hasten, you flower boys, han
ten, you dancers, etc.
21. azhangpai ma zhingla ljang
'akhrungssed, etc. 22. brgya bang gangste stong
bang gang, etc. 23. mentogpa mgyogsen Itan
topa mgyogs, etc.

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FEBRUARY, -1992)
LADAKHI SONGS.
103
hill, etc.
etc.
24. dramanpa ragyogssa haribpa
24. Hasten, you drummersh as. mgyogs, etc.
ten, you clarinet players, etc. 25. gangs stod mthonpoi steng
25. On the top of the high icedena, etc. 26. gangssi singye vyuralcan
26. There sits the ice-lion with bzhugs, etc.
the turquoise mane, etc. 27. sing phruz legsmoi dg‘nbala
27. Look at the joy of the lion's yzigs, etc.
good child I etc. 28. brag stod mthonpoisteug
28. On the top of the high rock, dena, etc. 29. skyin chen ba rgan brag
29. There sits the big ibex, the stengilu bzhugs, etc.
old ox, etc. 30. sha phran 'adzommoi dg'abala
30. Look at the joy of all the yzigs, etc.
young deer! etc. 31. mkhar stod mthonpoi steng
31. There high up on the castle, dena, etc.
etc. 8.2. mi chen gongma khrii kha
32. All the king's family is bzhugs, etc.
sitting on thrones, etc. 33. grags zhan 'adzommoi dg'a
83. Look at the joy of all the bala yzigs, etc.
other famous men ! etc. 34. makhang gru bzbii nang
34. Inside the four-cornered de ia, etc.
mother's room, etc. 35. skyid khang gru bzhii nang
35. Inside the four-cornered room dens, etc.
of happiness, etc. 36. gab yum yayiska bdemo nang
36. Father and mother live in 'adug, etc.
comfort, eto. yiyen drung 'adzommoi
37. Look at the joy of all the dg'abala yzigs, etc.
assembled friends ! etc. 38. ngazha thsangkai mentogla
38. Look at all our flowers ! etc. yziga, etc. 89. phrugapa thsangkai mentogla
39. Look at the flowers of all the yzigs
children ! mentog lanmo lei.
The flower show, hurra! Notas.
Notes. 4. Originally from where does the flower the scene is the following: The village boys, show come ? 6. Cinds ought to be spelled who all through the summer have lived a shepherd according to the views of Ladakhis ci mia; A life in distant secluded valleys, have to come parallel is minda nyis, mi mda nyis, about two down for the festival and dance whilst singing the men ; thus & word mda (or perhaps 'ada] 'about' above song; in their hands they carry long sticks ieems to exist. 15. 'adzommo = 'adzompo covered all over with alpine flowers. gathered, abundantly. 20. Pa used as emphatic I n v. 4-19 we have a little play of answering article ; lo lags sed, it is a good year, the questions, which almost exactly corresponds to adjective used as a verb. 23. mGyogspa, quick, Wedding Song No. IV. The variations are the is also used as a verb. 26. Ralcan, having following: in the Wolding Songs the abur lance locks of hair. 84. Makhang, mother's room, is of colours is attributed to the North, and the * certain part of the house near the fireside. West is considered famous for medicines. 20. 39. Phrugupa, the children as a body of Mother's fields" are very fertile fields.
26, 27. The ice lion and his child are originnlly the glacier and the brook, later op they developed into fabulous beings thought to be living there.
dancers,

Page #108

104
THS INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1902.
Text.
lei
Bong No. XVI. - A Dance.
Translation. 1. Ngobongs nomoi yerla bzhangs mkhan yod 1. The body of the girl is as it it was built of
gold : 2. skralo nomoi vyubai rgyal lang yod 2. The hair of the girl is like a turquoise lei
willow. 8. yyasla 'akhor 'ang amai bomo
3. Now turn to the right, mother's daughter ! 4. yyonla 'akhor 'ang bakal bzang rolma 4. Now turn to the left, Skalsang Bolma! 5. rgyab de la chog 'ang lei
5. Then break off backwards ! 6. rgyab ri bzangpola Itaste rgyab dela chog 6. In the direction of the good bill in the back
break off backwards! 7. mdun de la bsus ang lei
7. Now again advance, meeting (your com.
panion]! 8. mdun la bauste yar kholas la sedar cos. 8. Advancing again give honour to God on
high!
Notes. 1. Syobongs - sgopo, body. It is remark- able, that the genitive nomoi is placed after the word it is related to ; lgi to be pronounced like Datoh lij. 4. Rolma = sgrolma, see Ladakhi Grammar, Laws of Sound 8; the name means good kalpa, deliverer.' 5. Chog, imperative tense of googpa, a sudden move backwards in dance. 8. Khodas = Khuda, God, Hindustani, serdar = sijda, prayer, Hindustani.
Notes. In this song we have a queer mixture of Buddhism and Muhammadanism. Whilst the word Khodas, God, is only used by Muhammadan Tibetans, the name of the girl is quite a Buddhist one : also the idea of paying ho.nage to a god by an ordinary dance is perfectly Buddhist.
Song No. XVII. - Tobacco from Kashmir. Text.
Translation. 1. khaculli damagpo hazarri damag
1. Tobacco from Kashmir is the tobacco o
lords. 2. spyilimla skang dogs 'ang med
2. There is no fear of its being filled into a
general (pipe). 3. bathsa ngarang khacalla cha zana 8. When I, a boy, shall go to Kashmir, 4. skompala skom cha rig yin
Then it will be water for the thirst. 5. ali buthsa dbus ytsangla cha zana 5. When Ali, the boy, will go to Central
Tibet, 6. ngalbari ngal 'athso rig yin
6. It will be like rest to the weary. 7 khacalli damagpo culibai mentog 7. Tobacco from Kashmir is like apricot
blossom. 8. spyilimla skang dogs 'ang med
8. There is no fear of its being filled into
general (pipe). 9. buthsa ngarang dbus ytsangla chana 9. When I, a boy, will go to Central Tibet, 10. sduna sun rogs yin lei.
10. It will be my comforter, when I am
homesick.

Page #109

FEBRUARY, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
105
Notes.
Notes. 1. Damag = thamakha, tobacco; haxar = 2. This general pipe is the hukka, which is kunr, Hindust. 2. Spyilim = spyim, compare given round. 5. Ali, the boy, is the poet. First Series VII., solongaeed = songssed. The name is a Mahammadan one, the inha6. Ngalbari, in somo villages, for instance. bitants of Purig being Mohamedans. Phyang, the genitive of the participle ends in pari instead of mkhanni.
10. The verb Bunces is used in Ladakhi mostly for being homesick.'
Song No. XVIII. - Good Wishes to the Bridegroom. Text.
Translation. 1.zhag bzaugpola bltarte
1. Looking out for a good day, 2. amai buzhangagi bagston btangnged lei 2. We shall celebrate the wedding of
mother's little son. 3. skar bzangpola bltaste
3. Looking ont for a good star, 4. dngos grab bstan 'adzinni bagston btang- 4. We shall celebrate the wedding of nged lei
. Ngosgrub bstan'adsin. 5. Amala bu zbig skyens
5. If a boy should be born to the mother 6. ngari blon chen thsogs shig skyes shig 6. A boy like our great minister be born! 7. stangscan rig skyena lei
7. If a clever boy should be born, 8. angos grub bstan 'adzin thsogs shig skyes 8. A boy like aNgosgrab-bstan'adzin be shig.
born! Notes. 2. For buxhung = buchung see Lad, Gram- 1 and 3 refer to good constellation of mar. laws of sound 6; the boy is not a very the stars. 6. The minister is the bridegroom little one, the diminutive is only a sign of himself. affection. . 6. Ngari, contraction of ngaranggr, our,
Song No. XIX. - Good Wishes to the Bride. Text.
Translation. 1. dman mthsarmo nyerang bltams AANA 1. When yon, beautiful girl, were born, 2. stang Iba yulla cang zhig brdungssed lei 2. How many [drums) did they not beat then
in heaven. 3. a nan mthsarmo nyerang bitams tsans 3. When you, beautiful girl, were born, 4. yyog klu yulla dung cig rang phus
4. They blew on a shell in the underworld, 5. dman mtbsarmo nyidkyi pangla dpallo nang 5. Oh beautiful woman, from your womb may gras shig skyes lei
be bora a son like dPalle. 6. dman mthsarmo nyidkyi pangla dpalle nang 6. Oh, beautiful woman, from your womb may sras shig skyes lei
be born a son like d Palle. 7. phod re rig songna 'ang lei
7. If you should be able to do so, 8. yerri nang golus sal 'ang lei
8. Kindly give me a golden coat. 9. ma phodpa rig songna 'ang lei
9. If you should not be able to do so, 10. mdzomo nang ru yon kan sal 'ang lel. 10. Give me the crooked horns of a female Dzo.
Notes.

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106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1962.
Notos.
Notes. 2. Sed = sta yod. 4.. Kluyul, the realm, 6, 6. dPalle is one of the most famous not only of the watersnakes, but of the whole heroes of the Kesar Myths. 10. Although horus lower world.
are often offered to the lhas, it is difficult to sea 5. Nang is said to stand for dang, which what the musician and singer wishes to do with in oortain CABOS may be translated by liked them ; people take this line for a joke. 7. Phodro = phodres sa phodoes, parallel to rig = cig. 10. Here the nang seems to have been added only for the sake of the inetre.
Song No. XX. - Preparations for a Dance. Text.
Translation. 1. yyogmabai nachang kun rtaesla mkhaspa 1. The girls of the lower village are clever
in dancing 2. rtaesla bzhangs 'ang nachung thsangka
2. Get up then for a dance, all you girls! 8. sgobonga bdemoi 'abog chung zhig gon
3. To improve your appearance, put on
sbawl! 4.sha mdog.bdemoi sboglo youm skus
4. To improve your complexion, smoar your
face three times with shoglo! 5. 'abog chungbo gonte Itanmola yong 5. Having pat on the shawl, come to the
dance ! 6. shoglo um bskuste Itanmola shogs 'ang. 6. Having smeared your faces, come to the
dance ! Notes.
Notes. 4. Shoglo, a berb, the yellow juice of which is smeared over the face
(To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
(Oontinued from Vol. XXX., p. 351.) Carabansara , ann. 1404 : 1. v. Caravanseray, Caracora; ann. 1606: «. v. Caracon, 122, ii. 772, ii.
Caraffe; .. v. 122, ii, s. v. Carboy, 125, i. Carabeli; ann. 1598 : . v. Carambola, 129, i. Çarafo; ann. 1560: . v. Shroff, 680, í. Carabus ; ann. 688: 4, v. Caravel, 124, ii. Carajan ; 4. v. Caréns, 773, i. Caracal ; ann. 1818: 8. v. Shoe-goose, 629, ü. Carake; ann. 1611 : . v. Langasaque, 884, i. Cracatis ; ann. 1648: s. v. Carrack, 127, i. Caramanis; ann. 1727: 1. v, Bophy, 649, i. Caracca ; ann. 1566-68: 4, v. Carrack, 127, i, Carambola; 5. v. 122, ii, ., v. Camranga, 216, twice.
ii; ann. 1568 (twice), 1598 (twice) anu Carack; ann. 1684 : •. t. Carrack, 137, ii. 1672: 4. v. 123, i. Caracos; 5. v. 122, ii, 3. v. Carrack, 127, 1, s. v. Carambolage; •. v. Carambola, 128, i.
Karkollen, 363, ii; ann. 1618: . v. Orankay, Carame; s. u. Cerame, 198, i ; ann. 1651 : 1. v. 492, i; ann. 1711: «. v. 122, ii.
Cerame, 188, i. Caracoli; aun. 1516: 1. v. Porcelain, 549, i. Caranchies; ann, 1828 : 6. v. Oranchee, 811, i. Caracolle ; .. v. Caracoa, 122, ii; ann. 1606 : Caranja; ann. 1536 : #. 0. Salsotto (m), 594, ...u. Caracoa, 122, ii.
ii; ann, 1644: «. v. Panwell, 611. i.

Page #111

PEBRUARY, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
107
Carans; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Cranny, 212, i. Caravelle ; ann. 1506 : s. v. Caravel, 125, i. Caranz denter, ann. 1875: . v. Cavally Carayner, ann. 1799 : 8. v. Caréns, 773, i. 774, ii.
Carbachara; ann. 1554 : $. v. Caravanseray, Caraona ; ann. 1653: 8. v. Cranny, 786, i. 124, i and ii, twice. Uaraque ; ann. 1620: * v. Carrack, 137, ii. Carboy: ... 125, i. twice. 772. ii. 8. v. Caraffe. Carat ; .. v. 123, i (twice) and ii (13 times), 122, ii, s. v. Demijohn, 286, i; ann. 1813 :
3. D. Kohinor, 375, i, 8.0. Mace (b), 404, ii, .. . Mangelin, 422, ii ; ann. 1298 : $. v. Carcana: 8. v. 125, ii, 772, ii. 124, i; ann, 1843: 8. v. Outery, 494, ii; ann. Carcapuli; ann. 1578 and 1672 : . v. Corcopali, 1516: 1. v. Magelin, 423, i; ann. 1554 : s.v. 196, ii. Batta (b), 55, ii; ann. 1676: 6. o. Kobinor, Carchemish; B.O. 667: 8. v. Maund, 431, ii. 875, i, twice, 8. o. Mangelin, 428, i, 3 times, Carcioffo; s.v. Artichoke, 27, i. 8. v. Ruttee, 587, ii ; ann. 1693: 3. v. Matt, Carconna; 8. v. Carcana, 125, ii. 480, ii.
Carcoon; 8. v. 125, ii; ann. 1826 : $. v. 125, ii. Caravana; ann. 1556: 8. . Nanking, 472, ii. Cardamom; 8. v. Baya, k6, i, 8. v. Cucou li, 106, Carauano; ann. 1653: 8. v. 'Khan (b), 812, ii. ii, 197, i, 8. v. Halwa, 327, i; aun. 943: 8.0. Caravan; 1. o. 124, i, 8. v. Caravanseray, 124, i, Cabeb, 214, ii ; ann. 1150 : 8. v. Mace (a),
8. v. Cafila, 109, i, s. v. Panthay, 510, ii, 404, i; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Sürath, 666, i, 8. v. twice ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Vanjārās, 88, i ; ann. Zedoary, 747, ii; aun. 1563: 8.. Cacoali, 1554 : 1. v. Rajpoot, 572, i; ann. 1627 : ... 107, i, twice; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Dumpoke, 124, i; ann. 1864: 8. v. Cathay, 774, ii ; 254, ii; ann. 1610: 8.0. Calay, 111, ii ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Mamiran, 419, ii; ann, ann. 1623 : 8... Carry, 218, ii. 1674: 6. v. 124, i; ann. 1676 : R. v. Nuggar- Cardamomi; ann. 540 : .. . Zedoary, 747, ii. cote, 483, i ; ann. 1706-7: 8. v. Pindarry, 539, Careened ; ann. 1498: 8. o. Anchediva, 20, ii.
i; ann. 1774 : 6. o. Parwanna, 564,i. Caréns ; 8. o. 772, ii. Caravana; ann. 1270: 8. v. Caravan, 124, i. Caresay; ann. 1495: 8. o. Kerseymere, 365, ii. Caravance ; ann. 1630 : 8.. Calavance, 110, ii; Careum : 1. v. Carraway. 127. ii. ann. 1638: . v. Vanjārās, 88, ii.
Çargab; ann. 1505 : $. o. Veranda, 787, i, Caravane; ann. 1615: 8. v. Serai, 614, ii; ann. and ii.
1674 : 8. v. Caravan, 124, i; ann. 1762 : 8. D. Cárgaba ; ann. 1505: %, v. Veranda, 787, i.
Chouse, 779, i; ann. 1845 : 8. v. Bish, 73, i. Cargados; ann. 1769 : 8. v. Seychelle, 617, ii. Caravanis; ann. 1330 : 8. v. Caravan, 124, i. Cari; ann. 1880 : 8. v. Ourry, 219, i. Caravansara ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Serai, 614, ii. Carian; ann. 1819: 8. o. Caréns, 778, i. Caravan Sarai; ann. 1685: s. v. Munzil, 458, i. Carianer; ann. 1799: 3. v. Carens, 773, i. Caravanserai; 4. 0. Khan (b), 366, i; ann. Carianner; ann. 1759 : 8.0. Talapoin, 678, i,
. 1619: 6. v. Caravanseray, 124, ii, twice. 8. o. Caréns, 773, i, twice. Caravanseray ; 6. v. 124, i, 772, ii; ann. 1727: Carib ; 8. v. Cayman, 136, i, 8. v. Papaya, 511, ii.
3. v. Bilooch, 71, i, 8. v. Dawk, 232, i, . v. Carical ; 8. v. 125, ii. Mosque, 452, ii.
Carica papaya ; 8. D. Papaya, 511, ii. Caravasarai; ann. 1564 : . . Caravansoray, Caricare ; 8. v. Carrack, 127, i. 124, ii.
Carichi ; ann. 1568 : 8.0. Carrack (n. p.), 126, Caravasarias ; ann. 1584 : 8. v. Serai (@), 855, ii Caravel; s. v. 124, 1, 3 times; ann. 1492: 8. v. Carick; ann. 1618 : 8. v. Langasaque, 384, i.
125, i; ann. 1502: 8. v. Dabul, 224, ii, Carickes ; ann. 1620: 8. v. Oarrack, 127, i. 8. 5. Nacoda, 469, i; ann. 1518 : 6. . Carika; ann. 1383 : 8, v. Carrack, 127, i. Gallevat (a). 277, i; ann. 1586 : $. . Caril; 8. D. Carry, 218, i ; ann. 1560, 1563, Pandarāni, 509, i ; an. 1552 : 8. v. Gallevat 1606 and 1608-10: 8,. Curry, 218, ü ; ann. (d), 277,-i; ann. 1554: 8.0. Grab, 300, 1610: #. #. Plaintain, 542, i ; ann. 1623 : i; ann. 1666: 8. v. Doney, 250; i; aun.
8. v. Curry, 218, ii; ann. 1881: 6. v. Carry, 1673: .. Fool's Rack, 272, i.
219, i. Caravellae ; ann. 1549: 5, v. Caravel, 125, 1; Carimon; ann. 1727: 8. v. Governor's Straite, AAN, 1550 : 8. v. Caravel, 124, ii.
299, i.
ii.

Page #112

108
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1902
Caris; ann. 1681 : 8. v. Curry, 219, i.
Çarrafagem ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Batta (b). 55, it. Carisil ; 8. v. Kersey mere, 365, i,
Carraca; 6. v. Caracoa, 122, ii, ., . Carrack, Carissa carandas; , v. Caroanda, 217, ži, 127, i, twice ; ann. 1403 : s. 8. Carrack, Carize; 8. v. Kerseymere, 365, i.
778, ii; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Carrack, 127, ii. Carmani; ann. 1561 : 8. v. Sophy, 648, ii. Carrack (n. p.); 8. v. 126, ii. Carmania; ann. 150 : 8. . Ormus, 493, i ; ann. Carrack (8.); 8. v. 126, ii (3 times), 8. v. 773, 1673: 8. v. Hing, 318, ii.
ii; ann. 1403 : 8. ». 773, ii; aun. 1888: 8. v. Carmania shawool; 8. v. Shawl, 624, i.
127, i; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Gallevat (a), 277, i ; Carmania shell ; 8. v. Shawl, 624, i.
ann. 1554 : &.v. Grab, 300, i ; ann. 1613, Carnac ; ann. 1672 and 1884: 8. v. Cornac, 1615, 1635 and 1660: 8. o. 127, ii. 198, i,
Carrack [= Carat] : ann. 1673:8. v. Carat, 124, i. Carnack; ann. 1727: 8. v. Cornac, 198, i. Crranis; ann. 1781: 8. v. Crapny, 212, i. Carnak; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Cornac, 198, i. Carravan; ann. 1781 : 8. v. Overland, 495, ii. Carnalli; ann. 1644: 8.v. Panwell, 511, i. Carravansraw; ann. 1627: 8. v. Caravanseray, Carnataca; ann. 1672: 8. . Naik (c), 470, ii. 124, ii. Carnatensis ; ann. 1737 : 8.». Badega, 94, ii. Carraway ; 8. o. 127, ii. Carnatio ; 8. v. 125, ii, 126, i, twice, 778, i, 8. v.
Canara, 117, ii, twice, 8. v. Malabar Rites, Carrees; ann. 1681 : 8. v. Curry, 218, ii. 413, ii, 8. v. Payen-ghaat, 522, ii, ... Carreta ; 810, ii, footnote, 3 times. Rapee, 586, i, &. v. Triplicane, 716, i; ann. Carrica ; s. . Carrack, 127, i. 1743 : 8. v. Nabób (a), 468, i ; ann. 1760: Carricare ; s. v. Carrack, 127, i, twice. 8. v. 126, i, 4 times; ann. 1784 : 8. o. Payen
Carrick (n. p.); ann, 727: 8. v. Carrack, 126, ii. ghaut, 522, ii; ann. 1789: 6. . Circare, 171, Carrick (.); ann. 1596 : 8. v. Carrack, 127, i. i ; ann. 1790: 8.0. Punjaub, 562, ii ; ann. Oarridarries ; s. v. Piece-goods, 536, i. 1792: 8. v. 120, ii; ann, 1793: . v. Gram, Carriel ; ann. 1598: 8. v. Carry, 218, ii. 301, i, 8. v. Teloogoo, 695, ii; ann. 1799:
Carrocos; ann. 1680: 8. v. Carrack, 127, ii. 8.». Tank, 685, i ; ann. 1809: 3. v. Nabób (a),
Carronade ; 8. v. Bombay Marine, 78, ii. 408, i ; ann. 1826 : 8.. 126, ii ; ann. 1886 :
Carrube ; ann. 1843: 8. v. Sugar, 655, ii. 8. v. Circars, 171, i.
Carrattam ; 6. v. Parabyke, 512, i. Carnatica ; ann. 1652: 8. o. Carnatic, 126, i;
Carsay: ann. 1626 : 8. v. Kersey mere, 365, ii. ann. 1750: 8. 8. Shroff, 630, i ; ann. 1753:
Carthaginian; B. C. 150: 8. v. Indian 8. v. Sonba, 649, ii.
(Mahout), 383, ii, twice. Carnatic Fashion ; 8. v. 126, in. Carnatic fashion ; 8. v. Benighted, The, 65, i.
Carthame; ann. 1810: 8. 9. Safflower, 589, i. Carnelian; ann. 1554 and 1849: 8. 8. Baba
Cartbamus; 8. v. Safflower, 589, i. gooree, 32, i.
Carthamus tinctorius ; 8. v. Saflower, 588, ii; Carnes; ann. 1518 : 6. D. Arrack, 26, i.
ann. 1813: 8. v. Safflower, 589, i. Carnicubar; anu. 1727: . v. Sombrero, Ohan
Cartmeel ; 8. v. 127, ii. nel of the, 647, i.
Cartooce; 8. v. 128, i. Carnoply; 8. o. Factory, 264, i.
Caruellas ; ann. 1624 : 8. v. Caravel, 125, i. Caroanam ; ann. 1420: 8. v. Caravan. 124, i.
Carum carui'; s. v. Carraway, 127, ii. Carob-honey; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Sugar, 655, ii.
Carum copticam; 8. v. Omum Water, 486, ii. Carob-tree ; s. v. Sugar, 654, ii.
Carvansera ; ann. 1650 : . v. Banyan Tree, 50,
,ii. Oarob tree; 8. v. Carat, 129, i. Carongoly; ann. 1503 : s.v. Oradganore, 211, . Carvatschar: 4. r. Compound (a), 186, ii. Oarovada; ann. 1384 : 8. v. Oaravan, 124, i.
Carvel ; , v. Gallevat, 275, i; ann. 1615 and Carpella ; ann. 1572: s. v. Jask, 345, ii, 846, i. 1883 : 8. . Caravel, 125, i. Carpets ; s. v. Piece-goods, 586, i.
Carvi; 8. v. Carraway, 127, ii. Carpintero ; 6. D. Toucan, 714, i.
Carvil; app. 1673 : 6. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i. Carpobalsami; ann. 540 : , ». Camphor, 116, i. twice. Carquois ; 6. D, Scymitar, 608, ii.
Carvy ; & v. Carraway, 127, ii. (To be continued.)

Page #113

MARCR, 1902.)
NOTES ON MALAGASY CURRENCY.
109
NOTES ON MALAGASY CURRENCY BEFORE THE FRENCH OCCUPATION.
BY R. C. TEMPLE.
From the Notes of the Rev. C. P. Cory. ALL payments were made in vakim-bola,“ broken money," made up of chips of the A five-frano piove. Every chip had to have some recognisable portion of the five-franc piece on it to pass as currency. With that proviso a chip of any size would be accepted, however small. The chips were weighed out by the purchaser.
The currency of the country was in fact such chips of silver by weight. But, as an exception, the full five-franc piece would be accepted in payment, and dollars of sorts were also passed. The number of the only coins thus in circulation being naturally limited, as there was no native mint, the Native Government put a factitious value on the whole coin, which was 1/12th or 81% in excess of the value of the pieces of the coin cut up and passed by weight : 1. e., the five-franc piece untouched was worth 81% more than its weight when cot up. This was done in order to prevent the reckless cutting up of the coin. The above percentage was thus arrived at. The Malagasy unit of ourrency was & red seed called voamena : 24 voamena went to the five-franc piece: the excess value of the whole coin over its parts by weight was made to be 2 voamena.
For the purposes of its currency the Native Government issued standard weights, and ang tampering with these weights was a grave offence. A man using a false weight in any of the large markets would in all probability have been immediately stoned to death without trial.
Scale of Weights. 10 variraiventy make 1 eranambatry 3 eranambatry do. 1 voamena 3 voamena
do.
1 sikajy 2 siksjy
1 kirobo 2 kirobo
1 loso 2 logo
1 ariary or farantea
720 variraiventy do. 1 ariary or farantes In the above scale, up to the voamena, the units are native Malagasy seeds : beyond that they represent parts of the dollar. Thus : ariary is the Spanish dollar or real, through the Arabic ar-ricil, while the farantea merely represents the name "French" and is used for the five. franc piece. The torm ariary is used usually, but not always, for the dollar made up of cu parts, i.e., for the dollar of account. Loso (pron. lúshu) is for the Arabic word nisf, half, through Swahili nusf: kirobo (pron. kiribu) is the Arabic rubs, & quarter, with the common Malagasy and Swahili prefix ki: sikajy (pron. sikdiz) is the Turkish sekiz, eight (sekinji, an eighth) through Arabic and Swahili. There are other and false derivations curreat for lcirobo and sikajy: viz., that kirobo represents the Arabic coin kharrabah, and that sikajy represent the Italian scudo or crown. But these identifications do not fit in, because the kirobo obviously weighed 90 grs., whereas the kharrúbah was only 3 grs. The kirobo corresponds in teality to the Arabic great copper fols, which was 90 ges. Again, the sikayy at 45 grs is only an eighti of the Italian sudo of 360 grs. Whereas the Spanish dollar and its parts came naturally to Madagascar from the slave-dealing Arabs, who had their head-quarters on the Swahili Coast.
1 Latterly the Government had began to coin five-frano pieces on its own woount.
* It was affected by adding to the standard weights made for woighing the parts, not by adding a value to the upout coin.

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110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
51
1 loso
Out of this scale we get one or two very interesting facts. The dollar and five-franc piece were to the Malagasy obviously convertible terms for the same money unit. The weight of this money, as & theoretically standard coin, may be taken as 360 grs. Troy. Now the ariary or farantaa weighed 720 variraiventy or rice-seeds: therefore the lower unit of the Malagasy ponderary system was practically half a grain Troy. It was so in daily practise; thus, when a grain of quinine was required as medicine, it was weighed out by 2 pariraiventy.
Specimens of the standard loso, kirobo, sikajy and voamena, small cabes of good steel accurately made and stamped thus og have been weighed and were found to weigh as follows:
double voamena 34 grs. Troy sikajy
52 kirobo
103 loso
210 Taking these weights first as proportional parts, it will be found that they do not exactly (though they very nearly do) work oat correctly. Beginning at the bottom of the scalo we find
1 voamena should be 17 grs, and actually is 17 grs. 1 siksiy
52 1 kirobo 102
103 204
- 210 By reversing the process we find
1 logo should be 210 grs, and actually is 210 grs, 1 kirobo 105
109 1 sikajy 52 1 voamena 17
17 By the theory of the scales already explained they should run thus :
1 voamena 15 grs. 1 sikajy 45 1 kirobo 90
1 loso 180 But the actual specimens of the standard weights we have been examining are intended. to mark the difference between the weight in silver of the five-franc piece cut up and the five-franc piece uncut, for the reasons above explained. That is, they are enhanced weights: the enhancement being two voamena in the five-franc piece. Now, if we are to accept the enbancement as being intended to be 1/12th or 81%, then the enhanced voameng would weigh 15 grs. plos 11, 1. e., 16grs. : or in other words something less than the standard voamena seems to have been intended to weigh. At any rate we get thus & clear reason why the standard voamena is what we find it to be.
And this leads us to some interesting facts. The actual five-franc piece which the Malagasy cut up (or made at their mint) must have weighed 366 grs. as nearly as may be, and when cut up its weight value was enhanced by two voamena, i, e., to 32, 34 or 35 gra. So that the weight of the cut up piece was made to be 3981 to 401 grs. The Spanish dollar of commerce weighs 401 grs., and we thus see why it was that ariary was the term usually employed for the cut up dollar, while farantas stood for the uncut piece. And we further see the reason for the particalar enhancement ordered by the Native Government. It
52

Page #115

MARCH, 1902.]
NOTES ON MALAGASY CURRENCY.
111
simply made the cat ap dollar equal in weight to the big Spanish dollar and left the small uncut French dollar as it was, helped in this aim by the fact of the actual difference being about two of their standard seeds when proportionately enhanced. The people naturally muddled the two denominations in speech and practice.
The seed weights theoretically work out thus: the variraiventy or rice seed equals 1 gr, Troy : the eranambatry or seed of the Cajanus Indicus (pigeon-pea, Congo-pea, cadjan-pes, no-eye- the universal dal of India) equals 5 grs. : the voamena, the red-seed of the (?) equals 15 grs. There is nothing Indian or Far Eastern about this seed-unit system, but taking the old rapee or told (the representative of the rupee as a weight) at half the theoretical dollar or 180 grs. Troy we get & suggestive scale :
8 Indian ratis: make 1 voamena 12 voamena do. 1 rupee
96 ratis
1 rupee which is the fact in the modern popular Indian scale. Again taking the old rati as 1,875 grs. (its standard) and equal th Doamena, we get the soamena as equal to 15 grs., which is its Troy weight. However, this analogy, anless a trade with India of sufficient volume can be established for long years back, will not bear further following up.
Like all peoples of their class of civilisation the Malagasy divided their currency into very small portions, the mental operations of which are most clearly brought out by the following tabulations.
The eranambatry, the dal seed or pes, consisted of 10 rice seeds (vary). Each of these seeds had its separate name, consisting of the word vary, rice, plus the numeral, plus venty, lamp or piece: thus -
var-irai-venty ... rice 1 piece vari-roa-venty rice 2 pieces vari-telo-venty rice 3 do. vari-efa-benty ... rice 4 do. vari-dimi-venty ... rice 5 do. vari-enim-benty ... rice 6 do. vari-Ato-venty ... rice 7 do. vari-valo-venty ... rice 8 do. vari-sivi-venty .... rice 9 do.
eranambatry ... 1 fall ambatry (pea) Of these, however, only the saridi miventy or five rice seeds, the varifi toventy or 7 rice seeds and the eranambatry of 10 rice seeds were in common use and parlance. The varidimiventy was the half ambatry and the varifitoventy was the conventional half ilavoamena (itself the half voamena or red seed),
good of the abre precatorime, known as Black-eyed Susan in St. Helens among its many nicknames wide Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 914,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
The full scale ran thus:
Full Scale. varidimiventy (half ambatry)
5 rice seeds. varifitoventy (quarter voamena) eranam batry (a fall pea) ... ilavoamena (one side of a red seed) roanambatry (two peas) ... voamena (red seed) ... ... ... efatrambatry (four peas) lasiray (one side and one) dimimambatry (five peas) ... roavoa mena (two red seeds) ... ... ... lasiroa (one side and two) ... sikajy (an eighth) ... .. lasitelo (one side and three) ... venty (substance, volume, (?) the lump) iraimbilanja (the full weight) kirobo (a fourth) ... ... ... ... ... 180 , loso (a half) ... ... ... ... ... ... 360 »
ariary (a real, dollar) ... ... ... ... ... 720 , » The multiples of the ambatry conse at the dimimambatry of 50 rice seeds and for the intermediate quantities between those given in the scales the terminology is to some extent mixed up between the ambatry and the voamena, thus it is correct to say :
ro&voamena-by-eran, two red seeds and one (ambatry), = 70 rice seeds. sikajy-latsaka-eran, a sikajy wanting one (ambatry), = 80 rice seeds. roavoamena-latsaka-varifitoventy, two red-seeds wanting 7 rice seeds, - 53 rice seeds. roavoamena-latsaka-varidimiventy, two red-seeds wanting 5 rice seeds, = 55 rice seedo. voamena-sy-varidimiventy, a red-seed and 5 rice seeds, = 85 rice seeds.
voamena-latsaka-varidimiventy, a red-seed less 5 rice seeds, = 25 rice seeds. It would be incorreot to say :-roanambatry-sy-varidimiventy, two peas and 5 rice seeds, for 25 rice seeds, or dimimambatry-sy-varidimiventy, five peas and 5 rice seeds for 55 rice seeds, though theoretically correct.
All this shows that the full Malagasy scale was made up of three separate scales based respectively on the ambatry or pea, the voamend or red seed, and the dollar, but all mixed up in their subdivisions and multiples. Thus we have
(1) The Ambatry Scale. varidimiventy ... ... ... 5 rice seeds or ambatry eranambatry ... ... ... 10
or 1 > roanambatry ... ... ... 20
or 2 efatumbatry ... ... ... 40, or 4 dimimambatry ... ... ... 50
or 5 at which point the scale stops, the missing point of 8 ambatry being saperseded by the doamena, the unit of the next scale.

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MARCH, 1902.]
NOTES ON MALAGASY OURRENCY.
113
(2) The Voamena Scale.
varifitoventy
7 rice seeds or voamenat ilavoamena ... ... ... 15 .. or voamena ... ... ... 30 , , or 1 lasiray
... ... ... 45 „ „ or 1 , rosvoamena
... ... 60, or 2 , lasiroa ... .. 75
or 2 .. lasitelo
... ... ... 105. or 3 Here again the missing point of 3 voamena has been superseded by the sikajy of 90 seeds of the next scale. As also have those of 4 voamena and 5 voamena by the separate terms venty and iraimbilanja (pron. bilandza). The venty, I take it, corresponds to the upper Troy weight, "the lamp" or full amount put into the scale and the iraimbilanja to the greator lump or increased apper Troy weight, the term meaning " full weight," i. e., the extreme amount put into the scale.
(3) The Dollar Scale. sikajy
... 90 rice seeds or dollar kirobo
180 » , or loso ... ... ... 360, , ort ,
ariary ... ... ... 720, or i . The available evidence seems to give a clear history of the full scale: as if the Malagasy had by degrees raised their upper unit in the Troy scale from very low beginnings. Thas, it would be arguable that the original scale had been 10 rice seeds to the pea, with the rice seed as the lower and the pea as the higher denomination, while the pea itself gave way to the red seed of three peas, which, in its turn, was superseded by the imported trade dollar of 24 red soods, the final upper Troy weight. In the full scale, in fact, we seem to see reflected the extension by degrees of Malagasy trade and huckstering operations.
The English in Madagascar had no difficulty in reconciling the local scale to the money they had been accustomed to, by taking standard dollar at 4s. This made the great unit of all weighments, the voamena, to be two-pence and henceforth there was no difficulty in making the rest of the scale fit in with the English monetary system. In their dealings it was customary to weigh out payments as low as the half-voamena or a penny in silver ; below that denomination values of the minute pieces of silver were guessed or assumed by appearance or feel.
The cowry was once also in currency, but it has long been confined to the savage tribes of the West Coast. However, it seems to have left traces in the nomenclature of the more civilised currency. Thus we have akoranbola, uncoined silver currency (akora, shell: vola, money): akorambolamena, uncoined gold currency (mena, red). Silver money went by the Dame of volafotsy, white money.
• Conventionally that is
• Irambilanja is a regular derivative of iraika-vilanja, in the sense of "one full-weight," through a common root lanja, & weight, derived from the Swahili mlana, to carry.

Page #118

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
THE WRECK OF THE DODDINGTON," 1755.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from Vol. XXX. p. 499.)
Transactions on Bird Island. Monday 26th. The Wind Werly and Fair Weal. This Morning the Boat Went out a Fishing and Made two Trips with (caught] 23 Fish [ 3.31 The Carpenter Employ on the Timbers; Smith Mending a Saucepan; people Carrying Over Plank.
Tuesday 26. Wind and Weat as pr Day past. Had great Success to day. Catched 45 large Fish, Weighing one with Another About 8 pound apiece. Lickwise Fetched the Pork from the Other Island & am in great hopes Smoaking will keep it from Growing Worse. Carpenter as before. Smith Finish'd & Saucepan & Made a Frying pan out of a Copper (Pot] and Some Fish Hooks. Boild Salt Water all day and Made About a pound of Salt.
Wednesday 27th. Light Variable Winds. In the Morning, Went Out the Boat a Fishing d Brought in 27 Fish. In the Afternoon I went Round the Island in the Boat to See if I Could Find the Ships Bottom, but did not. Canght 11 Fish & Came in. Carpenter Employed on the Timbers, Smith Making & Maull. This Tarn'd out a fine day to go to the Main, but looking Dirty (in the Morn] : was the Reason we did not attempt it. Raised a Tent On the Building place to Smoak Oar Pork in. The Salt we Made is so Copperish Cannot Use it.
Thursday 28th. Fresh Breezes Eterly, this morning Mr Collett & 2 men Sett out for che Main in the Small Boat, but the day did not Tarn out so good as it promised; for before they got one third of the Way Over, the Wind Freshened & looked Dirty, which Soon Made too Much Sea, for that little Babble of a Boat, So was (were] Obliged to Return. They had not landed of an hour Before the Barr Broke so Much that it would be [have been] Impossible for them to [have] Come in; however, Shall have the Other Tryall [Tryal] the First Oppertunity Made Some More Salt but is (prov'd) as bad as the First.
Friday 20. Variable Wind & Cloudy Weather, the people Clearing away the Wreck, to Come at a Sail to Cover Tent we Intend to Raise on that Side the Boat is Building, to gett our things in Readiness, when please God, we shall be Ready to go Away, which I fear want
will not be this 3 Months. Made a Dam to Hold Salt water. We Are in hopes the sun will Make Salt. Notwithstanding Put in Some Tons None will Remain one the Top 10 Minutes, No give Over all Thoughts of Success in this Affair.
Saturday Augt 306 Wind Wterly and Cloudy Wea!. Carpenter at Work on the Timbers People Carrying round Sparrs to Baild Tents, the Boat went (out) a Fishing & Cangkit 20 Fish.
Sunday Aug 31. Wind Southerly & Cloudy Wear & Rain. Our only want now is Bread.
31 A word erased after
fish.'

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MARCH, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE DODDINGTON," 1755.
115
Monday Septr 1. Moderate Breezes Easterly and Some Rain wbich Hinders The Carpenter from Working.
Tuesday 24. Light Breezes Wterly and Cloudy Wear with Some Rain. The Boat went Out a Fishing. Return'd with Only 3 Fish. The Carpenter at Work on the Timbers, the people Opening the Kiln, and Carrying Wood for Another.
Wednesday 3d. The first part Light Airs Eterly and hazey Wea!. Latter wind Wterly. About 8 o Clock this Morning Neale Bothwell and 2 others, Sett (set] Out for the Main in the Small (Jolly] Boat, & 4 Men on the Cattamaran a fishing. In About 2 hours the Cattamaran Came in, not liking the looks of the Wear and Brought in 3 Dog Fish & a Shark. 'An Ugly Accident happened to the Carpenter, by Cutting his Legg to the Bone and it was with much Difficulty Stopp'd the Blopd. Kept a Fire in the Highest part of the Island all Night for a Signall to the Boat, but she is not Returned.
Thursday 4. Fresh Gales from N W to SW, so that I did not Expect the Bout. Carpenter at Work on the Timber, people Carrying Plank round. In the Evening it Blew so hard that our large Cattamaran broke loose And by baving no Boat, to Send out, Lose (Lost] her.
Friday 5th. Fresh Breezes & Variable. People Employ's Bringing Over peices of Topmasts in order to Make a Cattamaran Large Enough to Bring Any thing from the Main, in Case the [Jolly] Boat Succeeds.
Saturday 6th, Light Airs & Calm all Day. [Are] So am in great Hopes (therefore] of Seeing The Boat. At Noon Grew Very Uneasy at not Seeing of her, but Just as we were going to Dinner, two of the people Came Running Over the Island, Calling out the Boat, the Boat, which I was greatly Rejoyced at, and Indeed Every Body Else. But [our Joy) it was soon lessen'd : for Upon looking with the Glass, Could See but one man Rowing with Both Oars. (Wel Therefore Conjectured immediately that the Other Two was (were detained; but Soon After Saw Two [in the Boat] which Gave us Spirits Again, thinking the Other might not be well. So [we Rest Myself Satisfied, till (She came the Boat comes in, Which She did was) in About an Hour after, With two only [2 of them) which was were] Rosenburry & Taylor. As Soon as they Stept Out [they] of the Boat fell on their Knees to Thank God for their Deliverance [& safe Return to] this Island Again, Bad as it was. They Were Very Much Spent with Rowing And want of water & provissions. [We] Therefore helped them to the Tent & Gave them some Fish, which we dress'd Against [their Coming in] they come in, which they Eat Very hearty [heartily] & Went to Sleep. [We] Did not Care to Ask any Questions till tbey Awoke; when they Gave the following Account. When th[@]y Were of the way Over [they) let go their Killock and Each Took half a Cake & & draught of water; and then Rowed Again. About 3o Clock got Round The point where I was in hopes, was a Harboar (the Land Appearing Double were) but it Proved no such thing. [They] Row'd round Another bat Still Found no Harbour. [Only]83 A Very Large Sarf all along Shore. Aboat 4 o Clock, they Pulld in Shore. Detrimin'd [Detrimining] to Land [which they did), but it proved Fatal to Bothwell: for as Soon as
52 'Only' written over word erased.

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116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
they got in the Surf the Boat Filla & he was Drown'd. The Other two, Just got on Shore with Life [their Lives). The Boat was on Shore as soon as they Were, but without their Provisions & [the] things they had for to Trade with. The first thing they Endeavoured to do was to get the Boat up from the Water Side in order to Oversett her, & Sleep under her [that]33 Night; but being so tire'a (fatigued) with Rowing & Swiming was (were] not Able Stirr her to do it]. By this time it was Dark. Therefore Took their Lodgings under a Tree, and by what they Told me After was (were] Surprizd they were not Devour'd by the Wild Beasts.34 As soon as it was Day light, they went to the Place Where they Left the Boat, but to their great Sorprize Found She was Gone, but Walking a little way [farther] Upon the Sand they found her. She had been Taken off by the Surf & (was] washed on Shore Again. In looking round them they saw a Man which they Walked towards. He no sooner perceived [them] than he ran into the Woods, which are (were] Very thick there. However, they went to the place Where they saw the Man nim), & there Found Part of Bothwells Body.36 This frightned them much, (especially) as They Saw the print of the feet of a Great Many Beasts. They then would have Gladly Return'd, without seeking (making] any Farther Discovery, & Attempted to do it, but Blowing' fresh and (having) a Large Sea Against them the Boat Over Sett a Second Time with them. Being Drove on Shore together (again they] hauld her up & assoon as they Gathere'd a Little Graes to Ent, Over sett the Boat [her] in order to Shelter them from The Wild Beasts. [In looking about]3 They found a Root as Big as a large Apple & not much Unlike a potatoe, Which Was Very Wetry & (not so well] Tasted. However, they were Glad of that, Bad As it was, having Nothing Else to Subsist One [On]. They Saw Neither Man nor [or) Benst all this day, and at Night got under y Boat, but did not sleep much, for they Heard the Beasts Close to the Boat all [by them the whole) Night, which by the description, they give of them, must bo (have been] Tygers. As soon as they Perceiyd day Light, they haul'a Some of the Sand from Under the Boat's Gunnell to See if the Tygers were [still] About them for they had not heard them for some time before and tho they Saw None was Nothing of them, were Afraid to Venture out, till a while After. But upon Seeing Mans Foot they Lifted the Boat & Gott out [got] from under. The man (soon ran]" to two Others & a Boy at Some distance. At First they made a Sign for Our people to go away, which they Complyed With Immediately by going Cendeavouring] to Launch the Boat, tho' it Blew Very hard at The Same Time.1 The Natives (they say then) Ran to our people (them) with their Launces in their hands & Rosenburry Imprudently took up a pistol (which Was Washed Out of the Boat when first Oversett, & found on the Sand Afterwards with the best (Boat's] Mast) and advanced towards them thinking to Frighten Them away, But was Mistaken; for they Spread them selve and Immediatly Surrounded them Both Whetting their Lances, Rosenburry Ran into the Sea, and Taylor fell on his Knees & Beggd for Mercy. But they began beating him about the Back & Head With a Short Stick and Beat him till he Lay down for Dead. Then They pulld of His Shirt and Waistcoat and was were] pulling of his Trousers, brit being recovered from a Blow that Stune'd him, would not let them Take his Trousers, crying (making Signs for Mercy. They at last desisted. Rosenburry Was all this Time in the Water. They now made Signs for Him to Come on Shore, which he Refused Signifying to them that they Would kill him; on which they Pointed to Taylor as Much as to Say, They had not kill'd bim. He then Throwd (them) the pistol, [his] waiscoat & & (sic) Trousers, and Every thing but his Shirt, and then came to them. They did not Touch him, but Took the Bonts Mast & pistol & Show'd him how he Ran after them, & Laugh'a, Seemingly well pleased with Their Clothes, which they put ono In uediately, Bome [snatching) one thing & Some Another. They Took Every bit of Rope they found in the Boat. They seemed very fond of the Iron Work & Took * &.... that written over words erased.
A line and a half erased here. * A line ersed here.
4 words erned bere.
ST Halt a line erased here. # In looking about written over words erased.
* Not so well' written over words erased. * Soon ran' written over words erased.
+1 2 words erased. Half a line erased here,

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MARCH, 1902.]
off the Pentle of the Rudder, & was [were] going to Break the Stem of the Ring that was in it, but as Soon, as Our People Perceivd it [that], they Cry'd & fell on their Knees, Making Signs to them Not to do it; on Which they desisted. They then Made Signs to the Natives for Some what [thing] to Eat, on which they pointed their Lances to Our Peoples Breasts & Repeated the Same as Oft [Often] as they Ask'd. Rosenburry Took up Some Grass & Eat; Upon which, One of the Natives took up Some of the Roots, that lay by them, which I men. tioned before, & Gave to Our People. When they found there was Nothing More to be got, they made Signs for Our people to go, but the Wind Blowing Strong, Wterly, they made Signs that they Could not go. They then Made Signs for Our people to Cover themselves with the Boat and go to Sleep under her: and so left them. The Next Morning Proved fair Weather and a Light Breeze Eterly. They Launched the Boat As Soon as it was Day. With Much Difficulty got through the Surf And row'd along Shore, till they Saw the Island and then pull'd for it. By their description, the Natives are Hottentots, Wearing a Skin like them [those] at The Cape of Good Hope & Clacking When they Speak like them. In the Morning the Cattamaran went went (sic) out a Fishing and Returned at Noon with a few. In the Afternoon the Boot went out a Fishing but did not Catch more than Serv'd for Supper. This Morning the Sun Was Eclips'd from 8 o Clock till 11: of it Obscured. In the Evening. Killed a Hogg.
Sunday 7 Sept. Fresh Gales Wterly & Cloudy Weather. Nothing Done this day.
Monday 8. The First part a fresh Breeze Werly. The Last Light Airs Southerly, Carpenter Employ'd on the Timbers, People Employ'd Carrying Round Plank, Smith Makeing a Handle to a Sword Blade. We Intend having one Each Man, Made out of Iron Hoops; also a Launce To Defend Ourselves, in Case Should be Obliged to Land to get Water And provissions. This Day had great Success in Catching 75 Large Fish which wond last. Some Time, if had Salt to Cure them, ror want of which Intend to Smoak Them, in Hopes That will Preserve them.
43Tuesday 9th. Hard Gales at S W. The Carpenter Employed as before, People Carrying round Plank and Making a Kiln for Warming the Plank for The Boats Bottom, on the Same place where Some Unhappy people had Made their Tent as we Suspected Some time ago, by Reason of A parsell of Stones being Gathered as I Imagine to Skreen their Covering from Blowing of. Their [sic] was Some Deal Boards Lay'd as a Platform under which we Found a Great deal of Iron Work, Such as Bolts Hooks & Nails, which Suppose was Burnt of the Wood, they made Theire Fire With. There is Some peices of Timber About the place, Where we Are Building Our Boat, the thick end of a large Sparr and Some Railers & Boards. There was Also Some Bolts, and Other Iron Work, found On the Other Island, but not so Much Decay'd as that Were the Tent Was One. Lickwise the Stanchin going down the Hatchway, with the Steps On it, which is Much Fresher than the Wood on this Island which Convinces me that Severall Ships has Shared the Same Fate of The Doddington, & I made no doubt but Capt? Sampsons Conjectures of the Dolphin was Very Just,
Wednesday 10th Septr, Strong Gales at S W with SomeShowers of Rain, Saved 2 Batts of water; This Morning the Smoak Tent Blew down, the Weather prevents the Carpenter from doing Much, the Smith Making Nails Built the Smoak Tent.
See this Day's Work in the Paper of References. [Note in MS., but the Paper is not now forthcoming.] [Wrecked in 1748. See footnote, Vol. XXX. p 455, ante. ED.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY":
[MARCH, 1902.
Thursday Septr. 11. Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wear. The Carpenter Finished the Timbers, People Carrying Over Sparrs to Build the Tent, Smith Making Nails.
Friday 12th, Light Airs & Calms. Carpenter Dubbing the Outside of the Timbers. for Planking, the people Building the Tent and Carrying round Sparts for the Same; Smith Making Nails. There is too much Surf On the Barr to go a Fishing, therefore have recourse too [to] Our Old Diet Pengwin Broth.
Saturday 18. Wind Wterly and Fair Weat. The Boat went a fishing And Brought in 24 Fish. Carpenter as before, People Building the Tent, found a Grapnail washe'd on Shore in a Shroud Hawser.
Sunday 14. Wind NW & fair Weat. The Cattamaran went to the Other Island And Brought 25 Gallons of Brandy : and the Boat Brought in 24 Fish.
Konday 16th. Moderate breezes Søerly, Carpenter Employ'd Planking The Bottom. The Boat Brought in 24 Fish, Smith Making Nails ; people Carrying round Cordage de Oleaning of it.
Tuesday 16. Light Breezes & Calm. The Boat went out and Brought in 12 Fish. Carpenter & Smith as Before. People Cleaning the Tent that We Entend Moving into to Morrow.
Wednesday 17th Septr. Light Breezes Wterly and fair Wear. This Morning Moved Every Thing Over to the Other Side of the Island to the New Tent. Carpenter & Smith Employ'd as before. Being Very Smooth Water I went Round the Island to look for the Ships Bottom, Which I Imagine is Kept out by the Dead Weight that is in it, but Could See Nothing of it. However had good Success in Catching 30 Fish & Came in. The Boat went out Again & Brought in 26 More. Sent the Cattamaran To the Other Island for the Remainder of the Brandy.
Thursday 18. Fresh Gales Wterly & Olondy Wear. In Clearing the before Mentiond Grapnail Found another, [We] Cleared them Both, and got them ap: Cleared (also] a peice of a Hawser for a Cable.
Friday 19th, The First part Moderate Breezes Easterly and Clondy Weather the Latter fresh Gales at NW The Carpenter & Smith as Before. Two men went out a Fishing, but Returned without any, being too much Ses for the Boat to Ride.
Saturday 20. Fresh Gales Westerly. (T00) To Much Sea to go a Fishing. Carpenter Finished 4 Streake on the Starboard Side. People Employed Opening the Kiln and made another also. Kild a Hogg.

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MARCE, 1902.)
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON," 1755.
119
Sunday 21 t. Fresh Gales and fair Weat.
Monday 224. Fresh Gales Westerly and Cloudy Wea! with Rain. Saved 21 Tons. Carpenter Could not Work.
Tuesday 284. The First part Light Airs Werly & Calm. The Latter Fresh Gales Easterly. The Carpenter Employ'd Planking, Smith making Nails. The Boat Brought in 12 Fish.
Wednesday 24th. Wind and Wear as pr day past. Carpenter & Smith as Before. The Boat Brought in 12 Fish.
Thursday 25th, Wind & Wear as before. Carpenter as before, People Bringing Round Water for a Sen Store. Boat went ont & Brought in 8 Fish.
Priday 26. The First part Werly and Rain, latter Fair Wear. This day Caught 48 Fish. The Carpenter Planking, the Smith not at Work for want of Coals, the People bringing Round Water.
Saturday 27th Septr. The First part Fresh Gales Easterly the Latter More Moderate. The Boat went a Fishing and Brought in Only 3 fish. People Carrying Round Plank.
Sunday 28th Fresh Gales S W & Rain. This Morning Found the Chest of Tronstro Broke Open and above Taken out and hid. Every body Denies doing of it, but Refusco taking an Oath Which MT Collett Offered first.
Monday 29th. Fresh Gales Wterly. This day Several Birds Settled on The Lland. Knock'd several Down for Dinner.
Tuesday 30. Fresh Gales Easterly. Carpenter Employ'd Planking, Smith Making Nails.
& Before.
Wednesday Ootr 1. Wind & Wear as pr day past. Carpenter & Smith People Opening the Kiln and making another.
Thursday 84. Strong Gales Easterly & fair Wear. Cutting Lengths of Jank off the Cable for Spunyara.
Friday 8d. Light Breezes Easterly & Cloudy Wout. The Boat went out & Brought in 80 figh. Carpenter as before.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
[MARCH, 1902.
Saturday 4th. Fresh Gales at W SW & fair Wea, the Carpenter Finished the 8th Streak on the Starboard Side, Smith Making Nails, the People Brought Over the Butt of water for Sea Store, the Boat went a Fishing but Return'd without Success.
Sunday 5th. Light Variable Breezes, in looking about the Rocks. One of The people Found a Fowling Peice, the Barrell Bent. The Carpenter Straignted it and Shott Some Birds with it.
Monday 8th, Fresh Gales Eterly & Cloudy Wear. People Employ'd Knotting of Yarns.
Tuesday 7th, Wind & Wear as pr day past the Boat went a Fishing and Returned without Enough for Dinner. People Employ'd picking Oakum.
Wednesday 8. Light Variable Winds & Cloudy Weather. The Boat went Out 3 Times & Could not Catch one fish. Three men went to the Other Island in Search of Ees & Brought Over a Buckett Full.
Thursday 9th Oct. Fresh Gales at SW & Some Rain Cannot go a Fishing, but Providence Provides for us Otherwise; for the Birds Settle in Great Numbers. Knockd down 60 and Could have got More.
Friday 10th, Strong Gales at W 8 W with Cloudy Wear & Rain. The Birds Settle Still in great Numbers. We Take care not to disturb them, hoping they are Come to Lay their Eggs.
saturday 1 Wind at SW & tair Wear in the Morning the Boat went a Fishing and Returnd with 18 Fish. This Last Week the Carpenter Finished 6 Streaks.
Sunday 12. Moderate Gales Easterly. All hands Trying to Catch Small Fish amongst
the Rocks.
Monday 13th. Fresh Gales Eterly and fair Wear Carpenter Employed Planking: Smith Making Nails. One of our men Endeavouring to Make An Oven, in Order to Bake our Bread for Sea Store when [against the time] we go away. Finding the Birds dont lay knockd down about 200 of them for their Livers. it being the part that is Tolorable to Eat.
Tuesday 14. Light Breezes Wterly and pleasent Wear. To [too] much Sea To go a Fishing. Went to the Other Island and got about 70 Eggs.
Wednesday 15. Strong Gales Westerly & Uloudy Wear. Carpenter Thinning Plank for the Bottom, Smith Making Nails, People picking Oakom And Knotfing Yarns. In the Afternoon the Smoak Tent Caught Fire, but it being Discovered Immediatly was Extinguished: one End [only] being burnt.

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THE WRECK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
Thursday 18th. Winds Variable and pleasent Wear. People Employd Carrying Over Plank & Spinning Spun Yarn; 2 Went out a fishing & Brought Enough for Dinner & Supper.
MARCH, 1902.]
121
Friday 17th Fresh Gales Easterly & hazey Wear People Employed Spinning of Spun Yarn & Carrying up Wood for the Kiln.
Saturday 18. Light Breezes Westerly & fair Wear. Carpenter planking, People Picking Oakum, & Spinning Spun Yarn. The Boat went a Fishing and Brought Enough for Dinner, & Went out Again but not Meeting with Success, they Landed on the Other Island & Brought Over 100 Gulls Eggs:
Sunday 19th Ootr. The First part Light Airs Wterly, the Latter a fresh Gale. In the morning 2 men went a fishing and Brought in 26 Fish. Afterwards went Over to the other Island, & Eronght Some Shag's Eggs, but Not being Satisfyed, Mr Collett & 3 Others went Again on the Cattamaran & 2 More in the Boat, but it began to Blow Suddenly so that Those that went on the Cattamaran were Obliged to Take up their Lodgings Amongst the Sealer The Carpenter & Mr Powell Returned in the Boat.
Monday 20th. The First part Fresh Gales Westerly with Some Rain, The Latter More Moderate. About Noon the Boat went Over for Mr Collett And the rest of the people; but as She wou'd Carry no More than 4 at that [a] Time, Those that went to fetch them. Stay'd and the Other 4 Came Over having Been 24 Hours without Eating or drinking. The Cattamaran Broke adrift before the Boat Came Over Yesterday, but Luckily drove on Shore again.
Tuesday 21st. Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wear. Cat Some Lengths of Junk for Spun Yarn. Opened the Kila and Made Another. The Birds Continue on the Island; Therefore, am in great Hopes they will Lay.
Wednesday 224. Hard Gales Easterly and Hazey Wear. People Employed Knotting Yarns. This Day Tryd the Oven which does Extreemly [Extremely] well Making our Bread as Large Again With the Same Quantitys of Flower [Flour] Than the day we did before, which Was in a pan Over the Fire: but I am Sorry to Say it, there is not above a fortnight's More Flower at the Small [Flour even at our Small] Allowance45 besides What Allowance we Keep for Sea Store [Stock]; & I Fear have 3 Months More to Stay on this Island, before we are Ready to go away [shall be Ready to depart].
Thursday 234, Winds &c as before, Carpenter at Work on the Kelson, Smith Making Nails, & People drawing of Yarns.
Friday 24. Light Variable Breezes the Boat went to Egg Island, And Brought 40 Galls Eggs. We pick up 30 on this Island. People Fitting the Rigging for the large Boat which we Intend to Make a Sloop off [of].
45 2 words erased here.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
:
[MARCH, 1902.
Saturday 25. The first part Light Airs & Calm, the Latter a fresh Gale Easterly. The Bont went a fishing and Brought Enough for Sapper & dinner To Morrow. As they Came in, Landed on Egg Island, & Got 30 Gulls Eggs. Gott 30 More on this Island.
Sunday Oct 26. Wind and Wen" as pr day past. The Boat went a Fishing and Brouglt in 16 Fish. Some went to yo Other Island in order to gett the Cattamaran afloat which they did, but it Blows [blew] too hard to get her Over; they got 30 Gulls Eggs and we got as Many on this Island.
Monday Oct 27. Variable Winds & Cloudy Wear. The Carpenter Employed Planking, Smith Making Nails. In the Morning Some of the people went to Fetch the Cattamaran. The Boat went a Fishing, but Neither provet Saccessful, there being too Much Sea for the Boat, and the Cattamaran was a Groand.
Tuesday 28. Little Winds at NW and Hazey Went. The Boat went out 8 Times to day withont Success : 2 Men Employ'a Mending the Oren.
Wednesday 29th. Light Breezes Easterly. The Boat went a fishing and Brought in 8 Fish. In the Mean Time Raised the Birds and found 6 Eggs : So that we are Convinc'd they are going to Lay. Therefore, am Sure There will be No fear of Starving: for there is a great [are] many Thousands of them. They make the Island quite Nausous in Calm Weather. Three Men went and Brought the Cattamaran over. Sett Fire to Some of the Wreck to get (burn out] Some Bolts.
Thursday 80. The First part Light Airs Easterly. The Boat went out and Brought in Fish. Two Men went to Shagg Rock in Search off [after] Eggs, but Found None. This Rook is about 2 Miles to the Westward of our [the] Island (we are upon). They got 30 Gulls Eggs from Egg Island.
Friday 81". The First part Light Airs Northerly, latterly fresh Gales Westerly. The Boat Brought in only 3 fish at (diff*. Times].46
Saturday Noyl lot. Fresh Gales Westerly & Cloudy Wen" with Some Rain, which we have been Praying for some time ; having only 2 Butts left, besides Our Sea Store, which Lastes (Lasts] but 13 Days by Living Eatirely on Broth, when we dont Catch Fish. Saved
of a Butt. Carpenter Employd Thinning Plank.
Bunday 2d. The first Part Moderate Gales Westerly the Latter Wind at S E And Cloudy Wer in the Night. [Fell] A few Showers of Rain. Saved a Batt of Water. Raised the Birds & Gott 97 Eggs.
dit Times' written over word ermed.

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MARCH, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON," 1755.
123
Monday 3d. The first part Moderate Breezes at N W latter fresh Gales at S E. Carpenter Planking, Smith Making Nails. The Boat went to Egg Island & Got 160 Gulls Eggs. People Bringing Timber Over for to Make Beams for the Boat.
Tuesday Nov 4. Fresh Breezes and Variable with Cloudy Weather. Carpenter Employd on the Inside. Smith Making Gimbletts. Got 40 Gulls Eggs.
Wednesday 5th. A Strony Gale Werly. The Carpenter Fitting O Timbers, Smith As Before. People picking Oakam. Got 60 Gulls Eggs.
Thursday 6. Wind and Wear as pr day past. Carpenter &o as before.
Friday 7th. Strong Gales Westerly, Carpenter Employe'd Planking gott 60 Gulls Eggs from Egg Island.
Saturday 8th A Fresh Breeze Easterly and Hazey Weat. Carpenter Finish The Outside, Smith Making Fishing Hooks. People knotting Yarns and Spinning Span Yarn.
Sunday 9th. Strong Gales Westerly Nothing Else Remarkable.
Monday 10. Fresh Gales Westerly and Rain. Carpenter Employed on the Inside. Open'd the Kiln, & Gott up Wood for to Make another : 2 Men went to Egg Island and Brought Over 36 Gulls Eggs.
Tuesday 11th Moderate Gales Easterly. In the Morning Some Showers. Saved of a Butt. Carpenter as before, Smith Making Nails, people Picking Oakum. For Some Time past, has been too much Surf to go a Fishing in the Boat. Try to go on the Cattamaran but could not.
Wednesday 12. Moderate Gales Easterly: People Employed Splitting Wood for the kiln. Some on the Sails for the Boat.
Thursday 18th, Light Breezes Variable & foggy Wea". Carpenter Employd On the Inside : People Making < Kiln and Carrying round Plank. Raised the Birds & Got 800 Eggs. The Boat went Over & Brought in 17 Fish.
Friday 14th, Light Airs Westerly with pleasent Wea". About 6 Weeks ago I heard Some talk of Going to the Main, which I gave but Little Credit to ; but all of a sudden 3 Men took it in their heads, & Accordingly Sett off. About Noon they Returned Again, having been Olose to the Shore, but did Not see any of the Inhabitants, Nor any thing Worth Mentioning. They Talk of going Again with the Cattamaran & Boat, the first favourable Opportunity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MARCH, 1902.
Saturday 15. Fresh Gales Easterly & Hazey Wear. Carpenter Employed Making The Beams; people picking Oakum, and Bringing Plank Over.
Sunday 16 Novr. Fresh Gales Wterly and fair Wear. In the Morning Rais'd the Birds and Gott 1600 Eggs. In the Afternoon discovere'd a Little Salt upon the Rocks, Made by the Sea, Which Encourage'd us to Look further & found about a pound. This give me great Hopes that Weeks Fine Weather will produce Plenty.
Monday 17th Moderate Gales Southerly & pleasent Wear. Carpenter Laying The Beams, Smith Making Nails. In the Afternoon the Boat went to Egg Island and Brought from thence 86 Gulls Eggs.
Tuesday 18. A Fresh Gale Eterly & fair Wea". Carpenter as before. In the Morning When the Tide was Out, all hands went to Cleaning away the Rocks, in order to Make a Channell for to Launch the Boat. Finished the Mainsail.
Wednesday 19th, Wind & Wear as pr day past. Carpenter Employed Fixing Knees to the Beams. At low Water the people at Work in the Channell, And Afterwards picking Oakum & Knotting Yarns.
Thursday 20th. The first part Calm, the latter a fresh Gale Easterly. [Y] Carpenter Employ'd as before. The Cattamaran went out & Brought in 17 small fish and a Shark. Raised the Birds & Got 12 Firkins of Eggs. Saw a large Smoak on the Main, Right Opposite to us, and not far in the Country: Bat the People Seems to be quite off about going to the Main, tho' they Eeem'd (were] Detirmins to go a few days Ago.
Friday 21. Moderate Gales Westerly and fair Weat. Carpenter Fixing Ledges, Smith Making Nails : The poeple Carrying Plank and Making a Kiln: 5 Men Went to Egg Island & Return with 60 Gulls Eggs.
Saturday 22d. Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before. The Boat and Cattamaran Went a Fishing and Caught plenty. One of which, Served all Hands for a Meal.
Sunday 28. Light Winds Variable. 5 Men went to Egg Island and Knock down Some Shaggs, Which is Care] Much the Best Eating, of any fowl kind we gett and also Brought [over] Some Gulls Eggs.
Monday 24. Fresh Gales at 8 W with Rainy Wear, but Saved no Water. People Employed Picking Oakom,
Tuesday Nov 28th. The First part a Light Breeze Westerly, latter Eterly. In the Morning 2 Men Went out a fishing and in About 2 Hours Returned with 45 Large figh. This Success is Owing to the Bait, which we now Use, Calle'd a Souttle fish, we get them from the Birds, when

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MARCH, 1902.)
THE WRECK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
125
we Raise them [in order to take] to gett their Eggs : at Which Time, they Vomit up the fish. 80 that now we Are Wholly Obliged to the Birds for Our Subsistence. The Carpenter Employd Oa the Larboard Gunnell. Removed the Store Tent from the Other Side.
Wednesday 28. Fresli Gales Westerly and fair Weat. Carpenter as before. People Employd Opening the Kilns & Made Another, Smith Making Nails.
Thursday 27. Moderato Breezes Westerly & fair Wear. Carpenter Laying The Deck: people picking Oakam. The Boat went a fishing and Brought in 20 Fish : [but] and lost all their hooks with the Sharks.
Friday 28. Light Variable Breezes & hott Weat. Carpenter Laying the Deck: Sunith Making Hooks. 4 Men went a fishing on the Cattamaran and Return'd at Noon, with 70 Fish. 4 Men went to Egg Island to get some Shaggs but did not Succeed.
Saturday 29. Light Breezes and Foggy Wear. We are in great Hopes it would bayo Turn'd to Rain, being Reduced almost to our Sea Stock. Carpenter on the Starboard Gunneli [Gunwale], Smith Making Nails, People Opening Marline to Sew the Sails with,
Sunday 80. Wind Easterly & fair Weat. The Boat went out a Fishing & Brought in Oaly 3 Small Fish & lost 2 Hooks. Raise'd the Birds for Baits & Gathere'd 3 Firkins of Eggs.
Monday Decr1 Light Breezes & pleasent Wea". Carpenter as Before : Smith Making the Rudder Irons, People Opening Marline. 2 Men Went a fishing lost 4 Hooks, but Caught no Fish. In the Afternoon had Better Luck, Caught 2 dozen of fish. We are this day Obliged to Broach Our Sea Stock of Water ; & Served Each Man a pint & Intend to go to an Allowance of 3 pints a Day. At low Water went to a Clearing [Clear] the Channel.
Tuesday 24. Fresh Gales Easterly & fair Wea. Providence has prevented is going to Allowance of Water, baving severall Showers in the Night we Saved Butt of Water.
Wednesday 3d Door, Fresh Gales Eterly & Hazey Weat. Carpenter Employ'd Laying the Deck, Smith Finished the Rudder Irons. At Low Water went to Clearing of the Channell.
Thursday 4th. Fresh Breezes Wterly & Hazey Wear. Carpenter as before, Smith Making a Goose Neck for the Boom : People Clearing the Chanell & P.cking Oakum. Rais'd the Birds for Bait & Got 3 Firkins of Eggs. 2 Men went a fishing.
Friday 5th. Light Breezes Wherly & fair Weat. Carpenter as before : Smith Making Bolts for the dead Eyes of the Shrouds. People Clearing the Channell.
Saturday 6. A Fresh Gale Easterly and fair Wea". In the Morning 2 Men went (out) a fishing and Caught 15 Fish, Smith Making Caulking Irons: People Open't the Kila & Clear the Channell.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCE, 1902.
Sunday 7th. The First part Moderate, Latter fresh Gales, Westerly & Fair Wen'. 2 Men went Cont] a fishing and caught only 4 Small Fish.
Monday 8. Light Variable Breezes & Cloudy Weat. The Carpenter finish'd The Deck Smith an Before, People Carrying up Plank for the kiln. 2 men went out a fishing & Caught Plenty; In the evening to our great Joy had severall Showers of Rain. Saved & Butts of water ; having this Morning Served 3 pints a man pr Day.
Tuesday 9th, Moderate Breezes Southerly & Some Rain. Saved a little more Water. Carpenter Fitting Comings to the Hatchway; Smith Making fishing Hooks, People picking Oukum.
Wednesday 10th
A Strong Gale Easterly. Employd as pr day Past.
Thursday Ilth. Moderate Breezes Westerly & fair Wea. Carpenter Fixing Ledges & Making Scuttles. 2 Mon went (out] a fishing & Canght 20 Fish. Set Fire to Some of the Wreck to gett (biru) the Iron out. Raisd the Birds and got 4 Fixkine of Eggs.
Friday 12. Light Variable Breezes and Cloudy Weat. Carpenter Caulking the deck; Smith Making Caulking Irons. 3 Men Went (out) a fishing & Caught 6 dozen [of] fish.
Saturday 13th, Wind S W the first part Cloudy, the latter Rain. & Men went and Caught Enough for Dinner.
Fishing
Sunday Door 14. The first part Moderate Gales Sotherly: the latter Fine Wew. 2 Men Went A Fishing & Caught 4 Dozen of fish. Rais'd The Birds and Gott 300 Egge
Monday 15th. Strong Galea Eterly & hazey Wea". Carpenter Lining [5° ) Iaside, Smith Making Iron for the Bowsprit.
Tuesday 10. Mostly Rainy Wear. Carpenter as Before Smith Making Chain Plates out of the Phuttuck [futtock] Plates, that came ashore in the Top At Low Water Employ'd Clearing the Channen.
. Wednesday 17. Moderate breezes Westerly. Carpenter & Smith as before. 2 Men went Fishing & Caught 4 Dozen & fish. The Ret Employ'd Opening the Kiln, and Afterwards went to Egg Island to get some Shaggs, but do not Catch any, so return'd with Only a few Eggs.
Thursday 18th, Wind, &c as p' day past. 8 Men went a fishing & Caught & Dozen, of fish. Carpenter Employ'd as before, People Clearing [y] Channell
Friday 19. Light Variable Breezes & thick Wear with drizling Rain. Carpenter Employ'd - Before, Yesterday 5 Men went to Egg Island & Stayd all Night in Order to gett Some Sgs: and Return'd this Morning with 14: two Men Want tistung & Langht 5 dozon of fish

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MARCH, 1903.]
THE WRECK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
127
Saturday 30. Fresh Gales Easterly and Hazey Wear. Had-Such plenty off Egys for Some time past, that we afforded the two Hoggs (each) a Peice 50 pr day. They seem to like them so well that we are were] Obliged to look well After them to keep them from Raising the Birds: tho' they Gett among them Sometimes & fill their Bellys before we can get them Away. And [They1 would have paid Dearly (Dear) for it, Ere now, had we not Great Dependance on them for a cour] Sea Store.
Indeed7 it is Not for what they Eat themselves but the prodigious Number of Gulls that give due Attendance **And as soon as any thing disturbs the Birds off their Nests, they Are Dawn as Quick as Thought and Devour the Eggs, but we Are Pretty Even with Them for they will have no Young this Year; for Their Eggs Being much the Best, Every Body looks Sharp for Them, tho' We Run a Treat Risque of having our Eyes Pluekt out by them, so Inveterate are They Against us, that when ve Are in Search of their Eggs they Come About us in Great Numbers & Fly Close down to you making a terrible Noisy Cry, & Sometimes Take their Own Eggs & fly of with them. At Low Water Went to Work on the Rocks,
Sunday Deot 21. Mostly Little winds & fair Weat.
Mondsy 324, Light Southerly Breezes & Calms. The Cattamaran & Boat went a Fishing and Gott plenty. This Morning our Cook's Tent took Fire and Burnt down, and Burnt most of our furnture. In the Afternoon Built Another.
Tuesday 234 Light Breezes Southerly & Cloudy Wear. Two men went . Fishing & Caught 8 Dozon of fish.
Wednesday 34 Light Variable Breezes and fair Weat. Carpenter Employ'd Caulking the Deck, Smith Making fish hooks. Caught 60 Small Fish. Rais'd the Birds & Gott 950 Eggs,
Thursday 25. Do West. The Gulls have Done Laying. The Pengwins have Begun. 3 Men sent to Egg Island & Brought 44 Eggs.
Friday 26. Wind Variable and fair Weat. Carpenter finished the deck Caught 40 Fish..
Saturday 27. Mostly a fresh Gale Easterly & Cloudy Wear. Carpenter on the Upper Work Smith making a Scraper.
Sunday 38. Fresh Gales Easterly with thick Squally Wear & Rain. Raigd the Birds & Got firkins of Eggs. men went to Egg Island & Brought over 30 pengwins Eggs.
Monday 28. Wind & Wear As Yesterday. Carpenter Employed about The Stern. 4T 'Indood' written over a word ernsod. * The remainder of this pars, is first corrested and then soored through; it is given a first written. ** Four words ended here and rendered iflegible.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
Tuesday 30th Light Variable Breezes & fair Wea". Carpenter Planking The Boats Quarter.
Wednesday 31. Carpenter as before. Caught 4 Dozon Small fish.
Anno 1756 Thursday 1st Janty. Light Breezes Westerly & Calm: got 2000 Eggs & Caught 8 Dozon of Small fish..
Friday 24. The first part Light Airs Easterly latter Westerly. Caught 7 Dozon Small Fish.
Saturday 34. Fresh Gales Easterly and Pleasent Wea". Carpenter Employ'd Caulking, People Clearing the Channell. Our Brandy all Expended but 3 or 4 Gallons [which we] kept for the Carpenter.
Sunday Janry 4th. Light Breezes Westerly and Cloudy Weather. 3 Men went out a fishing & Caught 14 but lost all their hooks.
Monday 5th. Light Breezes & fair Wear. Carpenter Lining the Boats, & People Clearing the Channell.
Tuesday 6. The first a fresh Gale Easterly & fair Wear. Latter Variable and Cloudy weather. In the Night with Thunder & Lightning. Carpenter Caulking. People Carrying up wood for Another Kiln.
Wednesday 7. Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before, Smith Mending the Grap Nails being much Straitned. The Boat went to Egg Island and Brought 176 Pengwins Eggs & 2 Shaggs.
Thursday 8. Mostly Calm & foggy Wear. Carpenter &c as before, People Sawing Blocks, to lay the ways for the Boat.
Friday 9th Light Airs at N W & fair Wear. Carpenter as before. In the Morning Rais the Birds & got 12 firkins off Eggs. Two Men went a fishing but had no Success. In the Afternoon 4 Men went on the Cattamaran to Seal Island & Kill 4 for their Blubber to Make Oil. 2 Men Employ Mending the Oven in Order to Bake what Bread we have left for Sea Store.
Saturday 10. Light Breezes & Variable, with some Rain. Carpenter as before, Smith Making an Iron for the Jibb Boom. 2 Men went a Fishing and got plenty for Dinner.
Sunday 11. The first part a Moderate Gale Westerly & Cloudy Wear the Latter Fair.
Monday 12. Fresh Gales Westerly. Carpenter as Before. In the Evening 2 Men went [out] a Fishing and Brought only 5 Small [Fish].50
60 Fish' written over a word erased.

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MARCK, 1902.)
THE WRECK OF THE DODDINGTON," 1755.
129
Tuesday 13. Moderate Breezes and fair Weather. 2 Men went a tishing and caught 4 Dozon Small fish. 5 Men went on the Cattamaran to Seal Island for Blubber. Carpenter Caulking, Baker getting his Flower (Flour) Ready for Baking; one Cask of Which proved Sower [Sour] Nevertheless we mix it: tho am Sure a well fed hogg in England Wou'd not Touch it,
Wednesday 14 Janry, Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter Finish' The Starboard Side ; Smith Making Fish Hooks, 2 Men went out & Caught 5 fish.
Thursday 16. Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wear. Carpenter Begun to Caulk the Larboard Side; Smith as before ; People Picking Oakum.
Friday 18. Light Breezes Westerly and thick foggy Wear. Carpenter as Before: People Clearing the Channell. 2 Men went a fishing & Caught 93 Small Ones.
Saturday 17th, Fresh Breezes Variable & fair Wear. Carpenter Employ'd Lining the 3oat, people picking Oakum, 2 men went a Fishing & Caught 136 Small Ones, Raisa the birds and Gott 1 800 Eggs, 400 of Which we Eat Every Day.
Sunday 18. Fresh Gales Westerly & fair Wear.
Monday 19th Moderate Gales Westerly & fair Wear, Carpenter Employd Caulking : People picking Oakum. 3 Men went a fishing & Caught 60 Small Ones.
Tuesday 20. The first part a Moderate Breeze Søerly; the Latter a fresh Gale Easterly. Carpenter as before ; people Clearing the Channell & picking Oakum, 2 Men went a fishing and Caught 4 Dozon Small Ones. Raisd the Birds & Gott 286 Eggs.
Wednesday 21. Mostly Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before : People Clearing the Channell. 3 Men went to Egg Island and gott 380 Pengins Eggs & 44 Shaggs Eggs.
Thursday 22d. Moderate, Breezes Westerly & fair Wear. Carpenter as Before: "People Opend the Kiln. 3 Men went a fishing & Caught 148 Small fish,
Friday 23. Fresh Gales Easterly & Hazey Wear. Carpenter Empld as before.
Saturday 24. Light Variable Breezes & hott Weather. Carpenter as Before. This Morning 5 Men went to Egg Island & Gott 100 pengwins Eggs. The Boat went a Fishing but Returns without Success. In the Evening She went Again & Return's Laden Quite deep with Fish. In the Morning Went among the Parcell of Birds we lett Sett (gave leave to Set], and Took About 50 of their Young, and (We) Dresgd [them) for dinner, but find them Very Indifferent food; Their flesh Being as Blew (blue) as Indigo and Quite Spongy. Carpenter Finished Caulking the Larboard Side.

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Sunday 26 Jan". Moderate Breezes and Variable, with Some Showers of Rain.
Monday 28t4, Wind and Wear as pr Day past. Carpenter Employ'a Lining the Boat. 2 Men went a Fishing and Caught 2 Dozon Small Ones.
Tuueday 27. Moderate Breezes at 8 E & Rain: gott 9 Eggs from Egg Island.
Wednesday 28th, Moderate Breezes & Variable. Finish Lineing the Boat.
Thursday 20. Fresh Gales Easterly with Hazey Wear. Carpenter Employ' Fixing Hanging . Knees to Some of the Beams,
Friday 30th, Wind and Wear ny before. Carpenter Enploy't about the Stern; People Making a Kiln and Clearing the Channell.
Saturday 81*t. A Pleasent Gale Westerly and fair Weat, the Rudder: People Getting of Iron out of the Wreck for Ballast:
The Carpenter Employed Making
Sunday Febry 15. Moderate Breezes and fair Wear. Raigd the Birds, and to Our great Disappointment, got [gathered] only 2 dozon of Eggs, which I believe will Be the last we shall gett. In the Afternoon 2 men went out a fishing And Caught 3 dozon of Small fish and One large One.
Monday 24, Moderate Breezes Easterly, with Some Rain. Carpenter about the Rudder : People Employd Bringing Over Iron for Ballast.
Tuesday 8d. Fresh Gales Easterly & fair Wear. Carpenter Employed Fitting the Pump ; · People Bringing Over Billett Wood for to Burn [our Burning] at Sea,
Wednesday 4th. The First part Light Breezes Westerly & fair Weather. Latter Cloudy [with] and Some Rain. Carpenter Employ'd Caulking the Stern: Smith Making Rudder Irons.
Thursday 6. Light Breezes Westerly and Fair Weat. Carpenter and Smith Employd as before. 3 Men went a Fishing and Caught a Large Shark, and One dozon of Other Fish.
Friday 6. A Pleasent Gale Easterly and fair Weat. Carpenter Employa Nailing on the Rudder Irons: People Employd Watering the Boat. Found her pretty Tight.
Saturday Febryth 1766. The First Calm with Sultry Weat Latter a Fresh Breeze Easterly.

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181
Sunday 8. Light Breezes and Pleasent Wear. 3 Men went a Fishing And Caught a Stingrey, 8 Sharks & 2 Dozon of Other Fish.
Monday 9th. A Fresh Gale Easterly and Fair Wear. Carpenter at Work Upon the Stern.
Tuesday 10th The First and Middle Parts Wind Westerly with Cloudy Wear & Rain, Latter Variable. Carpenter Employd Making the main Boom, People Bringing Over Iron, & Buming the Remainder of the Wreck. Got 100 Pengwins Eggs from Egg Island.
Wednesday 11th, Moderate Breezes Westerly with Cloudy Wear & Rain. Carpenter Making the Mast. Saved 2 Butts & a Hgsbead of Water.
Thursday 12th, Wind and Weat as pr day past. Carpenter Finish the Mast and Made a Bowespritt & Crossjack Yard.
Friday 19. Wind & Wear as Before. Carpenter Making a Gaffe, People Employed (about] at Sundry Jobbs.
Saturday 14. A Moderate Gale Easterly. Carpenter Finished the Gaffe and Pay'd the Larboard Side of the Bont with Pitch. 3 Men went a Fishing, And (afterwards] to Egg Island, Gott 10 Fish and 80 Pengwins Eggs.
Sunday 15. Light Variable Breezes and fair Wear. Carpenter Paya The Starboard Side. [We] and Got Ready for Launching to Morrow Morning. 3 Men went out a fishing & Caught 3 dozon.
Monday 16. The first part a Light Breeze & fair West Latter a Fresh Gale. At 4 AM Began to Lay the ways for Launching, and at 1 o Clock Got the Boat in the Water and gave her the Name of The Happy Deliverance. Got The Mast in and some of the Iron for Ballast and all Our Water.
Tuesday 17. Moderate Breazes Westerly, People Employed getting their things into the Boat. At High Water, Hauld out. When we came to the Mouth of the Channel the Grapnail Came home, and She drove Upon the Rocks, which had like to have Domolishe'd her, but Thanks to the Almighty we got off Again. Soon After Ran Over to the Barr and Came to an Anchor, to gett the Remainder of Our things on Board ; and then Weighd and Stood to Sea, having on Board 2 Butts & 4 Hogsheads of Water, 8 Weeks Salt pork, & 6 lb of Bread p man, and 2 Live Hoger
See for this Mark
in the Paper of References.52
To be continued.)
gave her the name of written over two words erased. This pota is in the name hand as the corrections and additions. See sboro noto.

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[MARCH, 1902.
LETTERS FROM MADRAS IN 1659. • BY WILLIAM FOSTER.
Introduction. The following letter - interesting alike for its narrative of the shipwreck of the “Persia Merchant" on the Maldives, and its account of Madras at a little known period of its history was first brought to notice by a brief entry in the report of the Royal Historical MSS. Commissioners on the Welsh MSS. preserved at Mostyn Hall (Parliamentary Paper C. 8829 of 1898, p. 195). It occurs in the middle of a volume of miscellaneous Welsh poems (Mostyn MS. 147, pp. 676-9), into which it has been copied by some unknown (contemporary) hand, presumably on account of its interert to the family of Middleton, to whom most of the poems refer. The copyist has mangled some of the names of places beyond recognition, and the folding of the paper bas damaged a few other words, but on the whole the loss has been less than might have been expected. The letter is now printed from a transcript recently made by Mr. Edward Owen, with the courteous permission oi Lord Mostyn, for incorporation with the India Office colleetion of Madras Records.
Of the writer, Captain Roger Middleton, little is known beyond what he tells us himself. He had evidently seen military service, probably in the Cromwellian army; and as he speaks of himself as "part of mariner," le must have had some maritime experience as well. Our first notice of him, however, is on the 12th February, 1658, when the Court Minutes of the East India Company record his engagement as “Lieutenant," i. e., comander of the garrison, "of Fort St. George at 25 l. per annum." He was allowed a sum of 4 1. to expend in fresh provisions for the voyage, and was assigned a berth on board the good ship" Persis Merchant,” Captain Francis Johnson, bound for Madras. His fellow-passengers included four factors, viz., Jonathan Trevisa, Ambrose Salisbury, William Vassall and Stephen Charlton, besides four soldiers - Roger Williams, Samuel Dorman, William Lloyd and Richard Middleton (a cousin of his) - engaged to serve under him in the garrison. The vessel sailed about the middle of March, 1658, and from this point we may allow Middleton himself to take up the story.
A few facts about Middleton's subsequent history may be of interest. We hear of him next in January, 1661, when the Madras authorities wrote home that he had been granted leave to repair to Surat, and had accordingly embarked on the Madras Merchant in February, 1660. They appear to have been glad to get rid of him," being faine a little before to restraine his person upon some misdemeanours." He had been invited to Surat, it seems, with the view of utilising his services at Maskat, in the Persian Gulf. Sultan bin Seif had recently expelled the Portuguese from that city, and negotiations had been set on fout for the transfer thither of the English staff at Gombroon. An English garrison, not to exceed one hundred men, was to be posted in one of the forts; and of this body, it was intended to make Middleton commandant. The scheme, however, came to nothing, as the Surat factors found they had quite enough on their hands without interfering further in Maskat affairs.
In November, 1660, Middleton was sent in the Swally pinnace to Danda Rajpuri, Karwar, and Citos. The authorities at Surat had for some time been anxious to find some spot, outside the Mogul's dominions, suitable for the establishment of a fortified depôt, to which they could retreat should the exactions of the native officials become unendurable. This was shortly after secured by the acquisition of Bombay ; but in 1660 the Portuguese were turning a deaf ear to all suggestions of parting with one of their ports. The factors' attention was then turned to Danda Rajpuri, a fort on the coast about fifty miles south of Bombay, held by the Janjira Sidis, nominally on behalf of the King of Bijapur. Middleton was accordingly deputed to pay a visit to the governor of the fort, ostensibly to compliment him and request his assistance to any of the Company's shipping in need of his help, but our maine scope is that under this forme hee may take a veiw of the strength of the piace, how scituated, the best way to be assailed, that if we cannot fairly obtaine it, we may forcibly

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per our shipping, and that lawfully, considering them as Pirats" (Surat Consultations, June 22nd, 1660). From Danda Rajpuri he was to proceed to Karwar, and survey two islands at the mouth of the Karwar River, which were reported to be suitable for a settlement; and coming back, he was to call at Goa, and inquire casually regarding the possibility of obtaining permission to reside on the island called the Ellebant, lying in Bombay."
Nothing can be traced as to the result of this mission; bat Middleton was back by the 9th April, 1661, for on that date he witnessed two declarations at Swally (Forrest's Selections from Bombay Records : Home, Vol. I. pp. 190-1).
In a commission to Richard Craddock, proceeding to Persia, dated 3rd March, 1662 (ibid. p. 199), the Surat factors mention that Middleton had been sent to Gombroon, apparently to seize the native broker and send him to Surat for punishment. This is the last entry that can be found relating to him; and it seems probable that, like so many of his contemporaries, he found a grave at that most unbealthy settlement.
Roger Middleton's Letter. . Loving Brother and Sister,
I am betwixt too opinions wheather to write unto you or not; though I be silent, yet the newes of my misery will soone come to your eares. Five monthes after our departure from England our shipp was cast away and many weare drownd, amongst the rest Cosen Richard Myddelton; bat my selfe miraculously saved (praysed be God of my salvacon), being sick of a feaver at that Instant, but had nothing about me but my shift, and of all I had in the shipp I saved not the worth of 2 d. I can not expresse tbe miserablenesse of our condicon, the shipp beating apon & Rock under watter, and after four howers fell in peeces ; this in darke night, not knowing where to looke for Land, our boate sunck under the shipp side, having but it and another, into which I, being parte of Mariner, was admitted, but the Merchants was faine to stay on board that night and most of the next day. Att breake of the day wee saw land, at which wee conceaved noe small joy, which wee with much danger recovered, for the sea broake upon us and fild as twise with watter. Although I was sick yet I laboured to save my skin; nothing but life endeavoured for. Wee went unto the Island called Ingramrudoo, haveing noe living thing upon it for the use of man, wee haveing neither meate, drinke nor clothes, doe armes for defence nor anything to keepe life. Wee fitted our boate as well as we could to save some men ; some they tooke up swimming upon broaken peeces of the shipp, which stuck fast in the Rock, amongst whom was Captain Roger Williams and arch deacon Lloyd son, who are both my soldiers. Thus having as many as wee could save, being without food, wee ranged about the Island. We found a well of watter, of which wee dranke like pigeons, lifting head and harts for soe greate a mercy. Thus drinkeing watter, by good providence wee found coker nutt trees, which is both food and raymen* ; soe wee went by the sea side and found little shell fish and the like, but wanting fire we tooke sticks and rubbed them togeather untill they kindled; thus wee lived heare ten or twelve dayes, not knowing wheather it was better for us to be seen by the Neighbouring Islanders, for some of the ancient seamen sayd they would cutt our throats. Att last there arived three of their boates full of men, which wee dreaded but could not resist. One of our men swam a board of making singes [signes ?] and signifieing our condicon, by hirogliphicks they did seeme to comiserat us. Thus they did once or twice, and broug[ht us] Toddy to drinke and rice to eate, which was a greate refreshm[ent], promising us a boate to transport us to the King of Maldiv[ ], who stiles bimselfe the welthiest king in the world; but they juggled with us and carried us into another Island called Corwmbo, where wee had fish and other good things, as hony and rice, on which wee fedd like farmers. But they lorded over us sadly, telling us wee were att theire mercy, takeing from us what they would. Soe after a long tyme they brought a rotten vessell and bid us begon, murmuring against us, which created in us much jelouzie, fearing (for) our lives both day and night. Att last two of their Vice Royes came, saying if we would send the king a Regalo or Piscash they would give us a vessell, Soe one of the Merchants had a gold chayn
1 A gift (Portuguese).

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and 100 dollers. Soe wee left them. We sayled in this vessell towards Columbo, being a Citty iņ Zolon which the Dutch lately tooke from the Portugalls. Meeting a storme att sea in our tottering egshell wee were put by our port, being in greate danger. Wee putt into Caliputeen, being a small barbour in the King Candies countrey, an utter enemie to all whyte men. Wee not knowing, for wee can not heare of any English that were ever in those seas, sent some of our best Mercbants to treat with them for a pilot, which they detayned, as it is thonght, to a perpetuall imprisonment, and I scaped very hardly. Soe wee tooke too of their men and sayled away as fast as wee could having [leaving ?] behind us fifteenes men wandering in the woods, which can not possibly scape the Tirants hands. Now wee Bayle towards the mayne Land of India, but theese two Rogues did pilate ug upon a bae [bar ?] of sands, called by the Portuguees Adams bridge, fondly conseyving that once to be paradice - I am sure now it is the purgatory, for they have lost almost all their power in India by there pride and cowardice. Here wee sustayned & nother shippwrack, but these two doggs were either drowned or gott away in the dark night. My selle Was faine to swim a greate way for my life, but by the hands of providence I recovered shore, and, amongst the rest, came to Monar [Mannar], a garison of the Dutch, where I gott victualls enough. And from thence to the Generall my Lord Rickloff (Rijklof van Goens], who made much of mee, and his Major generall proffered mee to take Armes, but I refused, saying I would hazard an other shippwrack, before I would be entertayned in any other service then that of my honourable Masters the East India Company. Soe that they sent me 200 Leeagues in a small open boate, and that in winter. Soe wee mistooke our port, and with noe small trouble and danger wee came to the coast of Cormadell, to a place called Porta Nova, from whence wee travelled five hundred miles upon bulls; thus comeing safe to St. George, where I was much commiserated. The President gave me a peese of flowered Eatten to make me clothes, and many other things; and findeing me inclyning to recreation he gave me a cast of brave falcons, which have killed many. Herons sence; alsoe greyhounds. I must not omitt how the foxes come to the Castle gates to kill our poultry. They have bere good fighting Cocks, and they fight them with penknive blades instead of gavelocks. This is a place healthfull, using all kind of recreation save hounds; all sort of provisions being to cheap; onlly sack is too deare, yet wee have other good drinke to remember our freinds. Withall I have the absolute comand of the soldiers, within and without, and have divers Captaines under me, for wee have 600 men in dayly pay, viz. 100 white and 500 black. This place was beseedged twise within this too years. But my fine boy is dead, which has been very neare the occason of my death, for I lay sick bopelese above a moneth and am not yet recovered ; and to add to my griefe, my honorable freind the President (Henry Greenhill] is very sick and can not live ten dayes, and in his stead is one Mr. Chambres, who claymes kindred with those [of] our country. He is worth 50,000 1. as I am credibly informed, yet a batcheler. He hath shewed me divers curtesies in my sickness and bids me not question but that he will be as loving to me as his Predecessor. Deare Șir, I have noe more but my prayers for you and my good sister, with the sweet pledges of your Love. I shall not tempt providence soe as to say but that I hope I may be unto them servisable, though att present I want the assistance of others. It is heare as in other places : "empty hands never catch hawlkes." I have here signified unto you misfortunes which I beleeve few men can paralell, as my shippwrack twise in one voyage, my one sicknesse, 10.se of Estate and freinds, continuall feare of being murthered, soe that I need not any thing to add to
Kalpitiya, or Kalpentin, about 90 miles N. of Colombo. . This should be 'ton,' making thirteen in all left behind (see Trevina's narrative, given later).
These unfortunate men became fellow-captives of Robert Knox, who often mentions them in his well-known narrative. Eleven of them were still living in 1670. Repeated efforts to procure their release proved unavailing; bat two (Thomas Kirby and William Day) managed to make thoir son pe in April, 1688. William Vassall and Thomas March wrote to Madras in Marob, 1091, that they and Richard Jell, of the Perria Merchant', company, together with eight other Englishmen, were still alive, but" in a very miserable condition;" and this is the last that was heard of them.
These probably included a large proportion of Portuguese and Mestizoes or baltoastes. A return of the Madras garrison, dated January 18th, 1658 (1. O. Recorde: 0. C. 2643), gives 24 English soldiers (inolading a geant, a ganner and two corporals) and 49 - Portugalle and Mistataca."

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185
my affliction. Now I shall begin to confort my selfe with the hopes of your being all in good health, for which I shall ever pray. Remember me to all my freinds as if I should name them; bid my Cosen J[ ] write unto me, and Roger alsoe. I doe not take any felicity (of or in my life, though I live in greate pompe, eating and drinkeing and wearing noe worse then the best in this Town, yea, rather Citty, for it is built to a marvelous biggnesse in few years. We have a Citty of the Portugalls within three miles [St. Thomé]; but they leave that famous place, for the Moors have it, and they are come to us for protection against the Dutch. Theire is a brave Church built for them heare, and they have a convent of franciscans in it, very learned men. The Moors army are round about us; yet wee feare them not. They have beaten our king out of his country; they have gallant horses and are good horsemen, well armed; they bave gunns, both greate and small. They bring up theire youth heare to Letters, fencing and dancing, and all sort of the Liberall Sciences, a thing I thought very strange att my first comeing; exelent Astronomers. If I live long among them I shall not onely give you, but all that read English, a larger accompt of them. If a man have in this place but two or three hundred pounds he might quickly raise an Estate, but he that is poore lett him be soe still. I pray lett me beare of all passages in the Country. Tell cosen Chambres that his namesake and I remember him oftener than he doth any of us ; alsoe Champers of Petten.
P. S.The President, my noble freind, is dead, 5 and I have been soe busie this five dayes, that I could not] close my letter in all that tyme. He bath left me tenn pounds to buy mourning, and a gould Ring. Besides, this is an expensive place, and from the drunkenesse thereof good Lord deliver me - all gamsters and much adicted to veuery. I lost yesterday my best ffalcon. Tell Cosen Samm Audrewes one Gurnay remembers him, whom, with his wife, I alsoe salute; alsoe att Coddington Brumbo my good cosen Meredith with her family. I should write to my uncle Lloyd, but this may serve for an Epistle generall. Comending me to Cosen ffoulke, Ann, Betty, and Mall; remember me to Cosen Peeter ffoulkes and Mr. Parry and all our parishe ners ; unto włom with your selfe, bed fellow, and children, be peace from God your father and the Lord Jesus Christ, both now and ever. From my lodgeings in the Castle
Your ever loving within Fort St. George,
ever serving Brother, 12° January, 1658 [i, e., 1659).
ever praying J
ROGER MYDDELTON.
Jonathan Treviss's Acoount. As supplement to the foregoing narrative, a second and fuller account of the two shipwrecks may be quoted from a letter written to the East India Company by Jonathan Trevisa, dated from Madras, December 30th, 1658 (India Office Records: 0. C. 2682), and first printed by Mr. Donald Ferguson in a privately issued work on Robert Knox, the Ceylon captive. It is as follows:
It will be my unhappiness to begine my Correspondensy with you Relatinge the sad disaster of the losse of the Percia Merchand, on which my selfe, Mr. Vassell, Mr. Chorleton and Mr. Salsburey Imbarked; which shippe on the Maldiva Ilands was cast away the 9th of August last, at about ten of the Clocke at night. Our first sight of these Ilands was the night before, when ware almost in the Breach before did see it, or could sertainely tell what Breach it should be, for every one accounted themselves 100 leages and more past said Ila[n]d. Bnt in the mor[n]ing we see to our great greef our selves to wind wards of them. All this day was used wat dilligence they could to weather them, and did before night gaine some thinge, and hoped next morninge to be cleare of them. Bat Contrary to expectation about ten of the Clocke at night (by reasent of a Corrant' or tyde that sett into the Ilands and a gust of winde at about eight of the Clocke) oor ship was Close on the
. Greenhill died January 4th, 1688-59. • William Gurney, a faotor employed in Bengal in 164 and in Madru itaell (
• Vol. III. pp. 189, 193).
mocountant) in 1659 (Badges'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
Breach, and before she could tacke strucke, and by the extreame forse of the said Breach in a short time fild her hould with water, to the terrer of us all, expectenge death, which we provided for the best we could. In this Condission we Continued four how res, Indeveringe the safety of our lives, gettinge out the skeefe, but she was sodonly sunke by forse of men. At last got out the longe boate, and in her went as many as she could carrey, all which (god be praysed) got ashore one of the nighest Ilands, being above two leages distance from thence; who landinge and findinge it uninhabetd, sent our boate to save the rest of our men and what Treasure they could of your worshipps. For the first in parte effected; but for the tresure, could not gett any, the Breach beinge soe violend that Contenually broake over the shipp, and at last broak out her quarter next the sea, soe that one of the natives Cominge aboard with severall others boates and people nigh her, dived into the hould, but never was seene more. These Boats did sense on what they Could of oures; and our seamen ware to us as bad, for they had the first sharch of all our trunkes in the Cabbing and did strubb us of all we had thare, which was considerable. At this time of Castinge away we lost but six men ; soe fifty of us came safe to the Iland where we ware. And after six dayes stay we ware, upon our Pittifull Complaint which we made them by signes, brought to a Iland, where we had a howse to keepe us dry, and Rise and honey to eate. Heere we gott a boate after 24 dayes stay, and [the natives?] seeing our salers had money, demanded 150 peeces of eight for thare boat; to which we agreed, seeinge [they] would not take of cloth Mr. Madeson had, which we requested him to bringe us. This money he saved in a bagge with 230 peeces more; and, seeinge his money must goe, did obledge my selfe with all others your worshipps servants for the Repayinge said 150 peeces for the boate, the which we did; and then delivered me the bagge to tell the money. Which Indeveringe to doe, was by one of the cheef taken from us all with the Cloth, tellinge us that [he ?] had power to doe more; if pleasd with to take our lives alsoe. On this we had order to enter the Boate, which when we rowed found unsuffisient to Carrey us; so againe did desire him for a better; and on promise to gett more money [he ?] would, the which we did. Soe the next day brought us a very good boate, and agreed for her in 200 peeces of eight, which I towld him would procure if possible, but at present had hopes of but 50, besides a hatband [lungi ?] which I had, and that they would have to supply the 150 peeces, wantinge which I Consented to, the batband costinge me but 10 1. or thare about. Soe beinge fitted with Cocar nutts and water, sett saile for Calombo on Zeland; but fell to leward, and soe after greate hazard came to a place Caled Calleputt, aboute mid way betwixt Calomba and Manar, both duch [Dutch] factorees. Heere is a harber for smale vessells, where we found about 16 saile, all Malabars, who came. thare lcden with Clothes and other Comodities. These people, beinge afraid of us, though without Armes and strenth to use them, left thare boates and goods; but we, wantinge provisions onely and a pilott to Carrey us over the flatts to the Duch, tooke nothinge from them, desiringe onely the forenamed, the which, after some difficulty in speakinge to them, was granted. And sendinge Mr. Vessell, Mr. Morgason, the third mate, and Mr. March, the Gonnour, [they] ware all seased on by the malabars; and presenly ten men left us, goinge by land for Calomba. [We] ware forst to sett saile, fearinge [they] might take the rest of us; but, before did saile, had thare promise to se[n]d them, out performed not. These Malabars had one Mr. Edward Omes Passe, the Cheefe of Tregenbar [Tranquebar], a duch factorey on the Coast, to which towne these people belonged that tooke our men. This night with our two boates got to a plase Caled Adams bridge, havinge two pilotts we seased on thare and gave them 20 pieces for thare paines. These men at light brought us nigh a shore, soe that at night was in the breach, and then againe ware forst to swime for our lives, Coming a shore naked and our great boate broken, but (god be praysed) none lost. Heer in the morninge found some of the Duch to reside, which used us kindely and sent us to Manar, a plase newly taken from the Portegeses; and from thense ware sent to Yaflapatam to thare Generall Ricklift, who was verey curtious to us, assistinge us with what we wanted for our cominge here [Fort St. George], which was the 6 of October, two mount[h]s after our shippes losse."

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY
137
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITE CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY R. C. TEMPLE (Continued from p. 86.)
1793. - No. XV.
Fort William 22nd March 1798. His Majestys Frigate the Minerva being to proceed from hence to the Andamane, Ordered that the following Letter be written to Major Kyd. Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans,
Sir, - I am directed by the Governor General in Council to signify to you that, if Commodore Cornwallis who is proceeding to the Andamang, should have occasion for the Services of any of the Company's Vessels, belonging to this or the Bombay Establishment, Directions, corresponding with his Excellency's application, are to be immediately given.
You will receive enclosed an Extract of a Letter, dated the 9th Instant, which has been received by Lieutenant Colonel Boss from Lieutenant Wells Every Inquiry bas been made for a proper Vessel to convey to Port Cornwallis the People whom Mr Wells was under the Necessity of sending back to Fort William, and the Quantity of Rice which you left; and if a proper Vessell had been found, there would have been no objection to adding a few hundred Bags to this Quantity; but Freight is so much in demand at present, and the Terms that have been offered were so high, in Ships that most have been wholly taken up, if taken up at all, that the Board, considering that the Service did not indispensably require them to send the People and the Rice, immediately, have thougbt it better to detain both until Freight on more reasonable Conditions can be procured. Fort William 22nd March 1793.
I am &ca. 1793. - No. XVI.
Fort William 27th March 1793. The following Letter and its enclosure were received this Morning from Major Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
My Lord, 1. I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship that I arriveu nere in the Ranger on the 5th Instant after a speedy passage of eleven Days from Calcutta during which we experienced the finest Weather possible.
2. I found here Captain Blair to whom I delivered a Letter from the Secretary of Governznent, and he has given over the Charge of the Settlement to me.
3. He has already cleared a sufficient space of ground on Chatham Island for Hutting all the Europeans and Natives who are nearly now under Cover, and there is a temporary Hospital erected and a Store House in a good state of forwardness there is also a sufficient spot of ground cleared for a Nursery Garden in which have been put all the Plants from the Old Harbour and those that have been lately sent from Bengal.
4. I am very sorry to acquaint your Lordship that there has been no account of the Juno Snow so that there is every reason to fear that, that vessel has been unfortunately lost in the Gale of the end of December which in addition to the other losses that this misfortune entails deprives the Settlement of the Services of the a great mapy useful Artificers and Labourers and necessary Stores which at this period will be much felt.
5. I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Europeans and Natives are in general Healthy, the principal Complaints amongst the Natives being from hurts contracted in clear. ing the ground which from the Scorbatic habit that many of these people have already acquired from the privation of all Vegitable diet are very difficult to cure.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCE, 1902.
6. In rounding the North end of the Andamanis in the Ranger at about three Miles from the Shore we discovered a shoal of Coral Bocks upon which there was not more than 21 fathoms this shoal was discovered some time ago by the Captain of a Countrey Ship who reported it to Captain Blair, and as it is in a very dangerous and inconvenient Situation for the approach of this Harbour from the Northward and Westward Captain Blair of the Union Snow, with one of the other Vessels went immediately to examine and lay its Situation exactly down.
7. About a Month ago the Viper Snow was returning from the Coco's, where she had been for a Cargo of Coconnts, was in a Calm hazy night by an unexpected set of a Current carried so near the Shore a few Miles to the Northward of this Harbour Before it was discovered that she grounded on a lidge of Rocks from which she was with difficulty got off with so much damage to her bottom that she has been deemed obliged to be layed on Shore at this place to be repaired, which is now ncarly effected, in consequence of this aceident Captain Blair was obliged to detain the Sea Horse Pilot Vessel then ready to sail for Bengal, to bring up the remaining part of the Labourers Stores, aud Planks from old Harbour, from which place She arrived on the 7th Inst.
8. As the Sea Horse is one of the vessels that is Esteemed too large for the Pilot Service but peculiarly well Suited as a Transport for this Settlement, I have in concurrence with the Wish of the Master Attendant at Calcutta exchanged the officers and Crew of the Ranger into her and now dispatch the Ranger under Command of Captain Pitman to be taken again into the Pilot Service..
9. Upon consulting with the Captain it appears that three Vessels of nearly the burthen of the Cornwallis or Sea Horse will be necessary to supply the Settlement in its present state with provisions and Stores ; untill another of the large Vessels from the Pilot Service can be spared, it will therefore be oxpedient to keep the Union Snow on freight.
10. On making out the macessary Establishment of People for this Settlement there was an omission of a European and an Assistant to attend the Peach and Superintend the Shipping and reshipping of Provisions and Stores and a Serang and twenty Sea Lascars for manning the Boats employed on this Service, also a Ship Carpenter and Assistant for making repairs on the vessels and for building Boats, these people are exceeding necessary and have been heretofore employed by Captain Blair ; I have therefore taken upon me to continue them on the same salaries that he allowed them.
11. There is a small decked Vessel and a large Long boat the property of Captain Blair for the purpose of transporting Stores and Provisions and as they are absolutely necessary for the use of the Service I have requested Captain Blair to leave them. The charge that he makes for them is three thousand Sicca Rupees which I believe to be moderate I have therefore drawn on Government for this Sum in his favor ; several more Vessels of this Sort will be necessary but in future, I shall construct them of the limber of the Izlanil, anil with the Workmen of the Establishment.
12. I have great satisfaction in saying that there is the greatest abundance of good fresh Water in this Harbour, and that by a very little trouble watering places may be made for supplying: the largest Fleet with great expedition and ease.
13. The surface of Ohatham Island is very uneven but the Soil appears to be rich and there is no mixture of Stones as at the old Harbour, so that there is little part of the Island that may not. with ease be cut into Terraces and put into Cultivation.
14. On the neighbouring shores of the main Island there appears much Land of a more lerel Surface which as it is exactly of the same quality cannot fail of being very productive when cleared, and put in Cultivation and from a first view of things I cannot help entertaining the most sanguine hopes there are few of the Fruits or Grains of Indostan that will not be produced here in great aburdance; I must however observe that the Clearing of the Land from the immense Timber that it is taickly covered with, is a slow and most laborious work, Good Labourers are therefore what we most

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want and as many of those sent were in the Juno, and some of those that were first Carried down by Captain Blair are now returning I have to request that no opportunity may be lost of sending as many of this class of people as possible for we can employ a great many to much advantage.
15. In compliance with your Lordships Instructions I beg leave to acquaint you that we can immediately employ two hundred of the Male Convicts advantageously; by putting them to clear several Islands in the Harbour where they could be kept entirely separate from the rest of the Settlement, We could even find employment for more, but with the small force that we have at present it probably would not be prudent to have a larger Number of such Neighbours.
16. I imagine it would be most expedient to freight a Vessel on purpose to bring such a Number down which at the same time could carry six months provisions of Rice Dhall & Ghee the Rice to be of the coarsest kind of that called Cargo Rice. I mention not this simply on principles of Economy but also that it might be well that some difference should be made between these Men and the present Settlers; when by removing the best behaved to better provisions and a small pay it might prove a stimulus to industry and an inducement to a reform of manner in the rest.
17. Accompanying I transmit the Copy of a Letter from Mr Wood the Surgeon requiring some Assistance in the Hospital; as it is likely that there will constantly be a Number of Sick I shoull suppose that it were best for the Hospital Board to fix on the necessary Establishment of Dressers and Servants at a Station where there will soon be above one thousand work people much liable to accidents.
18. It will be necessary that great Attention be paid to his Indents for Medicens and the necessary articles of comfortable diet that is required where Scorbutic Complaints are common.
19. As soon as Captain Blair has completely surveyed the Shoal at the Northern part of the Island he is to return to this place when I shall dispatch the Union Snow to Bengal for a further supply of Rice and for some Artificers and Labourers who I had engaged in Calcutta but who could not be taken on Board of the Cornwallis and Ranger.
20. The Viper Snow will at the same time return to Bengal as Captain Blair does not think she is in a state to perform the Voyage to Bombay at so late a period of the Season.
I have the honour to be &ca Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Alexander Kyd, 13th March 1793.
Superintendant at the Andamans.
(Enclosed in the Letter.) Major Alexander Kyd
Superintendant Port Cornwallis Great Andaman.
Sir, - From the number of sores, and other Complaints the people are subject to in clearing the Jungul the sick list has so much encruased lately, as to make the Assistance of his [? some] Native dressers biolutely necessary.
There are at present a considerable number of Sick in the Hospital I am much afraid the list will be considerably Augmented, on the breaking up of the Monsoon.
The people in the Hospital are greatly distressed for want of proper Attention which they are deprived of as no Establishment for the Service of the Hospital has been made at Port Cornwallis.
I have the honor to b: &ca Chatham
(Signed) David Wood March Uth 1793.
Acting in a Medical Capacity. Ordered that tho following Letter be written to Major Kyd by the Secretary and sent by His Majesty's Frigate the Minerva.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCH, 1902.
To Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamang,
Sir,- I am directed by the Governor General in Council to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter Dated the 13th Instant which arrived this Morning by the Ranger.
Paragraphs 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. His Lordship observes with great Satisfaction the progress that has been already made in forwarding the Establishment at Port Cornwallis and that the Europeans and Natives are in general healthy. He is sorry to find that there is too much reason to apprehend the loss of the Juno Snow, and instructs me to acquaint you that, when the proper Season returns for Ships to proceed from hence to the Andamans the Number of Artificers and Labourers that can be sent, and the Quantity of stores that you may think necessary to supply the Deficiency occasioned by this Accident will be ordered to Your Settlement.
Para, 6. His Lordship in Council entirely approves of Captain Blairs having been desired to examine and lay down exactly the situation of the Shoal of Coral Rooks, that have been discovered in rounding the North Eod of the Andamans in the Ranger; and trusts to your sending him the best Account of it for the Information of the Merchants and the Conmanders of such Vessels freighted by the Company as may have occasion to pass that way.
Para. 7. The Detention of the Sea Horse Schooner by Captain Blair seems to have been necessary for the reason mentioned in this Paragraph and the Board desire me to say that thay have no objection to your having substituted the Sea Horse in the stead of the Ranger and returned the latter to Bengal to be taken again into the Pilot Service of this River.
Para. 9. Your Resolution to keep the Union Snow on freight is so much the more approved, as one, at least, of the Vessels at the Andamans will probably be employed by the Commodore, and Althou' the Dispatch Brig should be left by his Excellency in her Place you still have no more Vessels on the Establishment than appear to be absolutely wanted.
Para. 10. His Lordship in Council being persuaded that you thought the encrease advised in this Paragraph to the Establishment of People necessary Assents to your having entertained them and he has also no objection to your continuing to them the same Salaries that they received from Captain Blair.
Para. 11. There is likewise no objection to your having made the Agreement you mention with Captain Blair for his small decked Vessell, and large long Boat; and the Bill which you have drawn upon this Account in his favor to the extent of three Thousand Sicca Rupees (Sa. Rs. 3,000) will be duly lionored.
Paras, 12, 13, 14. Your report of the Abundance of good fresh Water to the New Harbour, and of the Timbers which the Board admit must be a slow laborious Work is extremely Satisfactory and carries with it a powerful Confirmation of the Propriety of Settling the Establishment at Port Cornwallis.
Para. 15. The Court of Nizamut Adawlut will be made acquainted with the Intimation in this Paragraph relative to the number of Male Convicts that can be employed at the New Settlement wit you will be informed whenever any Resolution for transporting thither such Description of People, shall be passed.
Para. 16. Your recommandation of the best Means of conveying them to Port Cornwallis will then also be brought before the Board.
Para, 17. The Governor General in Council desires me to say that his Lordship will consult the Hospital Board on the Subject of Mr Wood's Letter Dated the 11th Instant respecting the Establishment of Servants for the Hospital and he will instruct them to give particular Orders that great
Attention may be paid Mr Wood's Indents for Medecenes and the proper Articles of diet recom. mended in Scorbutic Cases.

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Para. 19, 20. His Lordship has observed upon the Communications in these Paragraphs that your Intentions with respect to the Union and Viper may perhaps undergo some Alteration upon your knowing the Commodore's Wishes, as referred to in my Letters of the 22nd Instant and the present Date and that if the Union cannot on this account be sent round to Bengal another Vessell, should it be necessary, will be taken up to carry round the Artificers and Labourers and the requisite Supplys of Rice. Fort William
I am &ca 27th Maroh 1793.
(Signed) Govr, Genl. in Council. The following Resolutions are passed on Major Kyd's Letter dated the 13th Instant.
Para, 8th. Ordered that the Master Attendant be directed to receive the Ranger just returned from the Andamans, into the Pilot Service in the place of the Sea Horse detained at Port Cornwallis and acquainted that the Commander and one such of the Crew as are not already in the Pilot Service are to be discharged, and paid up to the last day of the present Month.
Ordered that Notice of this Resolution be also sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster and Acting Naval Storekeeper.
Paras. 10 & 11. Ordered that Copies of the Paragraphs be sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster and Acting Naval Storekeeper and that the Bill advised in the 11th be duly honored.
14. Ordered that Copies of this Paragraph be sent to the Master Attendant, and to Captain Boswell, also to the Military Board.
15 & 16. Ordered that Copies of these Paragraphs be sent to the Nizamut Adawlut and that they be requested to deliver their Opinion whether any and what number of Convicts shall be Ordered to the Andamans.
17 & 18. Ordered that Copies of these Paragraphs and of Mr Wood's Letter be transmitted to the Hospital Board with Instructions to recommend the necessary Establishment of Servants and Dressers to be kept ap under the Surgeon at the Andamans and to give the necessary Orders that great Attention may be paid to the Indents for Medecines and the Articles of Diet required in Scorbutic Cuses.
1798. - No. XVII.
Fort William 1st April 1793. Read a Letter from Mr George Allen, T. Edward Hay Eegre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Understanding that it is the intention of Government to freight four hundred Bags of Rice and also to send one hundred Sepoys or Artificers to the Island of Andaman, I beg leave to offer the Phenix Snow for that purpose for the Sum of four Thousand Sicca Rupees. Calcutta
I have the honor to be &ca 1st April 1793.
(Signed) George Allen. Agreed that the offer made by Mr allen be accepted, provided that upon a regular Survey made under the direction of the Marine Officers the Phenix shall be found to be a proper Vossell to take 100 Sepoys and Artificers and 400 Bags of Rice to Port Cornwallis at this season of the year.
Fort William 12th April 1793. The following letter was received froin the Town Major on the 10th Instant, and Notice was. sent to the owner of the Phoenix, as well as to the Garrison Store Keeper, of the encreased Number of Persords to be accommodated in that Vessell to the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Governmeat,

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[MARCA, 1902.
Sir, - I bave the honor to inform you that of the Troops Artificers &ca that have engaged to Serve at the Andamans there yet remains to be embarked -
1 Jimindar. 7 Sepoys. 1 Fifer. 92 Artificers. 36 Women & Children.
In all 137. Fort William Town Majors Office
I am &ca 10th April 1793.
(Signed) A. Apsley. Fort William 12th April 1793. Read a Letter from Captain Allen. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - I have the honor to reccive your Letter of this date with one from the Town Major Containing the number of Sepoys &cs to he embarked for the Andamans on board the Phoenix Bnow Hugh Moore Commander.
The Vessel is now ready to receive on board the necessary Stores, and the accommodations shall be arranged in the best possible manner, I observe the Number of Persons to be embarked amount to 137 which is Thirty Seven above what I at first had an Idea of, however I hope to be able to manage So as that the whole may proceed on the Vessel, there will be no delay on her Side and I have given information to that purport to the Town Major and Garrison Storekeeper. Calentta
I am &ca 11th April 1799.
(Signed) George Allen. Fort William 12th April 1798. Read & Letter from the Secretary to the Hospital Board. To I. L. Chauvet Espre Sub Secretary.
Sir,- I am directed by the Hospital Board to Acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of the 27th Ultimo and to acquaint you for the Information of Government that they beg leave to recommend the following Establishment of Servants for the Surgeon at the Andamans Vizt.
One Native Apothecary at Sicca Rupees Two Componnders At 8 Rupees each Two Dressers at 8 Rupees each
per Mensem Four Coolien
at 4 Rupees each One Beesty
At 5 Rupees... Two Sweepers at 4 Rupeer each
71 2nd. The Hospital Board have given instructions to the Purveyor and Apothecary that the Indents shall be punctually complied with. Fort William Hospital Board Office
I have the bonor to be &cx 8th April 1798.
(Signed) A. Campbell Secretary. Agreed that the Establishment of Servants proposed in the above Letter, for the Surgeon at the Andamans, be Authorised, but that it be made an Instruction to Major Kyd, the Superintendant to Certify to the Monthly Charge, which is not to be allowed for any of the People excepting those who are notually on the Spot & Serving in the different Situations.

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1793. No. XVIII.
Fort William 22d April 1793.
The following Letter was received yesterday, by the Snow Union, from Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
To the Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis K. G. Governor General in Council &c &c.
My Lord, I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship that the Snow, Cornwallis, with Lientenant Wells, and the Detachment of Sepoys, arrived at this Place on the 20th of last Month.
Captain Blair, in the Union Snow having Compleated the Survey of the shoal that was discovered off the North end of the Island as well as of the Shoal without the Archipelage, that was discovered bye the Honble Commodore Cornwallis, now proceeds to Calcutta in Charge of that Vessell, and if it is your Lordships pleasure that she should be continued on Freight, I have to request she may be dispatched as Soon as possible, with the Artificers and Labourers that could not be taken on board of the Ranger and Cornwallis, and the Stores and Provisions that we find most necessary at this Time for which the Commissary has transmitted Indents on the proper officers by this Opportunity.
The Sea Horse Snow which I dispatched on the 16th of last month to Diamond Island, and the little Cocos, arrived on the 30th, with Sixty one Turtle and Two Thousand Coconuts. The first an excellent Article of Provision for the Europeans, and the last for the Natives. The Cornwallis Snow will be immediately dispatched for Acheen and the Coast of Pedeir, for a Supply of Rice and Live Stock, and for Such usefull Fruit Trees as can be procured; and on her return will touch at the Carnicobars for Coconuts, which are of a far Superior kind to those at the Cocos, and therefore more proper to introduce in Culture here. By the time of her arrival, I hope to have a proper Spot of Ground prepared, for Planting any number she may bring.
The Viper Snow has been Completely repaired, and is now fit for Sea. She is to be Sent immediately to the Cocos for a Cargo of Coconuts; and on her return, I will immediately dispatch her to Calcutta, in Order that Captain Blair may take her round to Bombay, or that She may be disposed of, in any Other way that your Lordship may think Proper, Observing, that from her small burthen, She is entirely unfit for the Service of this Establishment. As Lieutenant Roper who now Commands her, has been on this Service Since its Commencement, and is in every way qualafied for Conducting a Vessell, I hope your Lordship will think it just that he should be permitted to take Charge of the Union, for Captain Blair, untill Such time as another Vessell, the property of the Company, can be Spared for this Service for him to Command.
I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship that the Europeans and Natives are in General, very healthy; appear to be Pleased and contented with their Situation, and go on Cheerfully with their Labour. We are now entirely Employed in Constructing a Granary and Store room, and Other necessary temporary Buildings for Covering Settlers of all Descriptions, which I hope will be effected before the Monsoon Setts in.
Port Cornwallis
April 4th 1793.
From the very confined State of the Provisions and Stores, lodged in Different Places without any arrangement, it is impossible to make a regular Survey of them, so as to deliver them over to the Commissary; but before the end of the present Month there will be Buildings for the reception of the Provisions and Stores, when he will be enabled to make due Arrangements thereof, and to prepare the necessary Reports and returns to he transmitted to the proper Officers. conformably to the established Regulations.
I have the honor to be &ca. (Signed) A. Kyd Supt. at the Andamans..

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[MAROH, 1902.
Agreed that the Union be continued on freight for Six Months from this Period, on the former Terms, and that Notice thereof be sent to Captain Blair, who is to be acquainted that, on the Arrival of the Viper at the Presidency, it is intended to put the Union under the Command of Lieutenant Roper.
Ordered that the Military Board and Garrison Store Keeper be informed that the Stores and Provisions, indented for by the Superintendant at the Andamans are to be pat on Board the Union, which will Sail for Port Cornwallis in a few Days.
1798. - No. XIX.
Fort William 26th April 1793. Real a Letter from the Garrison Store Keeper, Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, -Having received an Indent by the Union for (1000) One Thousand Maunds of Rice and (100) One hundred Maunds of wheat for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I request you will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, and communicate to me his Orders wbether, and when, it should be provided. Fort William
I have the honor to be &ca 26th April 1703.
(Signed) C. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper. Agreed that the Garrison store Keeper be authorized to comply with the Indent mentioned in bis Letter, and informed that the Rice and the wheat May be sent in the Union, which will be dispatched to Port Cornwallis in a few days.
1798. - No. XX.
Fort William 26th April 1798. The following Letter and its enclosures were Received on the 24th Instant, from the Town Major. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a list of Sepoys, Artificers and Followers who are to embark on the Phoenix for the Andamans.
I am &ca Town Major's Office
(Signed) A. Apsley 24th April 1798.
Town Major, Enclosures of Town Major 24th April. List of Artificers and followers remaining of Major Kydds Establishment to be embarked on the Phoenix for the Andamans.
1 Tindal. 16 Sawyers.
A List of Sepoys, Artificers and followers 11 Carpenters.
remaining of Lieutt. Wells's Establishment. 5 Potters.
1 Jemidar. 2 Washermeu.
1 Fifer. 5 Brickmakers.
7 Sepoys. 5 Bricklayers.
2 Bhesties. Total 45.
3 Shop Keepers. 1 Barber. 23 Women & Followers. Total 38.
Town Major's Office 24th April 1798.
!
"
(Signed) A. Apsley
T. M

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145
1798.-No. XXI.
Fort William 26th April 1793.
The following Letter was written yesterday by the Secretary, in Consequence of the Boards Orders to Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans,
Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir,The accompany ing Letters, dated the 22nd and 27th Ultimo, were put on board His Majestys Frigate, Minerva, in expectation that the Commodore would have proceeded from Bengal to Port Cornwallis; but Circumstances having afterwards induced him to alter his Purpose, the Letters were returned to my Office.
In pursuance of the intention generally signified in my Letter or the 22nd of last Month, the Snow Phoenix, Commanded by Captain Moore, has been freighted for a Trip to Port Cornwallis to take thither, a Number of the Sepoys and Artificers, and the four hundred Bags of Rice that were left here on the departure of the Company's Vessels.
It was originally intended that the full Number of Persons with their Families, consisting altogether of 187, shoull be sent in the Phoenix, and Provisions, Water Cooking Utensils &ca Were put on board accordingly for an expenditure of 50 Days; but as it was afterwards found that they could not all be well accommodated in the Vessels and as the Town Major has discharged Sum of them, in Consequence of an intimation received from you, the Number has been limited to those mentioned in the inclosed Lists.
Whatever Surplus of the Provisions &ca laid in may remain, beyond the expenditure during the Trip, is to be delivered by the Commander of the Phoenix to your Order.
The Governor General in Council has directed me to acknowledge, by this Conveyance the receipt of your Letter dated the 4th Instant, which arrived on the 21st by the Snow Union, This Vessel, which has been freighted for a farther Period of six Months, will, on the Arrival of the Viper, now daily tide [? to be] expected, be put according to your recommendation, under the Charge of Lieutenant Roper, and returned to Port Cornwallis, and by that Opportunity the Stores &ca required by your Indents, received bere by the Union will be forwarded.
I am directed to transmit to You a Letter, dated the 4th instant which has been written to the Sub Secretary of Government by the Secretary of the Hospital Board and to Acquaint you that the Establishment of Servants proposed in it, for the Surgeon at your Settlement has been authorized, but that you are to consider yourself instructed to certify to the Monthly Charges, which is not to be allowed to any of the People, included within the Establishment, excepting those who are actually on the Spot and Serving in the different Situations.
I am &ca.
Fort William 26th April 1798,
Fort william 26th April 1793.
Ordered that the following Letter be written to Captain Allen by the Secretary and that a Copy of it be sent to Major Kyd.
To George Allen Esqre.
Sir, You have already been advised of the number of Sepoys and Artificers to embark on board the Phoenix for the Andamans,
I am directed by the Governor General in Council to desire that you will be pleased to instruct the Commander of that Vessel to pay particular attention to the Accommodation of these People, and to give such Orders to his Officers as he May think Necessary, to prevent any improper interference on the part of the Ships Company with them during the Passage. Captain Moore is farther to be instructed to deliver to the Order of Major Kyd the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
(MARCE, 1902.
Superintendant all the Cooking Utensils &ca that have been put on Board by the Garrison Store Keeper and also whatever Surplus Provisions and Water May remain beyond the expenditure during the Trip Conncil Chamber
I am &ca. 26th April 1798.
1799.- No. XXII.
Fort William 26th April 1793. Read a Letter and its enclosure from the Acting Secretary to the Military Board. Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Having Submitted to the Military Board the Letter from Kr Sub Secretary Chauvet dated the 27th Ultimo with the Extract from Major Kyd's Letter of the 13th March Which accompanied it I have been directed to transmit to you the inclosed Copy of a Resolution of the Military Board containing their Recommendation of the Mode in which Workmen and Labourers fron the New Establishment at Port Cornwallis should be provided in fature.
I have the honor to be &CA Military Board Office
(Signed) C. A. Robinson 22nd April 1703.
Acting Sec. M. B. Resolution of the Military Board the 22nd April 1793. Agreed to inform Government, that this Board are not competent from the Application before them, to dotormine what Number or Description of labourers are required for the purposes Specefied, but understanding that Major Kyd has given some Information apon this Subject to the Town Major the Board recommend to Government to Authorize to engage the Namber and description of Labourers and Workinen whicla Government May think proper to Authorize being sent to the Andamans in addition to those already there, and Order that it may be affected with the greatest Occonomy, that the Town Major be duly advised by the Secretary of Government of the probable Opportunities of embarking them for the Andamans; and instructed to engage them in the Service of the Company, as near to that period as possible. A true Extract.
(Signed) C. A. Robinson
Acting Sec. M. Bd. Ordered that the Town Major be desired to ascertain from Captain Blair, Now here, what Number of Labourers and Workmen can be properly accommodated in the Union, after providing for the Stores, Consisting, of 1000 Maunds of Rice and 100 Maunds of Wheat, going in that Vessel to Port Cornwallis and that he be Authorized to engage that Namber.
The Town Major should be informed that probably the Union will be dispatched to the Apdamans in about Ten Days.
1793. – No. XXIII.
• Fort William 1st May 1793. The following Letter was received on the 27th Ultimo from Captain Allen, T. Edward Hny Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have received a small box and Separate paroel containing Dispatches for the Andamans together with a Letter of instraction relating to the Sepoys and Artificers and the Jelivery of the remaining Stores at the Port Cornwallis, which will be regularly complied with.

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THN SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
147
The dispatches I bave this Moment put on Board the Vessel now lying in the Bight and in readiness to proceed as soon as the Stores from the Fort are pat on Board and the Men Embarked.
I am &ca 27th April 1793.
(Signed) George Allen. 1793. – No. XXIV.
Fort William 1st May 1793. Read a Letter from Captain Blair. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - I have the honor to enclose two sets of Accounts of the Settlements at the Andamans, the 1st Marked No 1 are brought up to October 1st 1792 The 2nd Marked No 2 are brought up to the 15th of March 1793, when the remaining Stores and Provisions were delivered to Major Alexander Kyd.
I have to request that you will be pleased to notice to the most Noble the Governor General the charge of Ten per Cent, Commission, on the last parchase of Stores at Calcutta in the Account particular of the 2nd set, Marked No 3 which I hope May be admitted. Calcutta
I am, &ca April 29th 1793.
(Signed) Archibald Blair. Ordered that the accounts transmitted by Captain Blair be sent to the Accomptant General of his Report thereon, and ordered also that they be entered in the appendix,
(To be continued.)
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
BY REV. A. H. FRANCKE. (Concluded from p. 40.)
Philological Notes. Proper Names in the Kesar saga.
Introductory Note. In reference to my list and translation of the names of the Kesar Saga Dr. Lanfer makes the following remark: "In a monosyllabic language, which is abundant in homonyms, it is most easy to interpret every name just in that way, which appears to be most suitable for the system." He gives an example: - The name of Kesar's first wife, 'a Bruguma, which I understood to mean
a little grain,' "could just as well be translated by 'friend, companion' (grogamo) or woman from the Steppe' ('abrogmo)."
As regards the abundance of homonyms, the case is not so bal as it appears to Dr. Lanfer. l'here may be a great number of homonyms in the dialects of Lhassa and Eastern Tibet ; but that does not concern my West-Tibetan version of the Kecar Saga. Whatever the pronunciation of some of the modern Tibetan dialects may be, the classical language, on which the orthography of everything written in Tibetan at the present day is based, is almost entirely free from homonyms. The reasons are the following: -(1) There is a great number of prefixed letters, which are silent in most of the modern dialects, but which vary the different hoinonyms as soon as they are written down. (2) Those homonyms, which in several dialects begin with tr, thr, dr, appear in writing dissolved into the following variants: dr may be written as br, gr, dr; thr may be phr or khr; tr may be ler, er or pr. (3) Those words, which in several modern dialects begin with j, o, che appear in writing to begin with j or by; c or py; ch or phy.

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As Dr. Lanfer must know, it has been proved, with the help of the different West-Tibetan dialects, that the orthography of the classical language is in accordance with the ancient pronunciation. The further we advance to the West, the more the actual pronunciation of a word is in accordance with the orthography of the classical language, and the number of homonyms diminishes rapidly. Thus, the pronunciation of the Balti and Purig dialects exhibits signs of very great antiquity and almost compulsorily leads to the correct writing of many words. The fixing of the few doubtful names of the Kesar Saga will probably depend on the Balti and Purig versions of the Saga. Although I do not myself live in Baltistan or Purig, for two years I have been in the enjoyment of the advantages of the dialect of Lower Ladakh, which comes very near to those of Baltistan and Parig.
148
Here is a list of the most prominent characteristics of the dialect of Lower Ladakh :
(1) pr, phr, br, py, phy and by are always pronounced as they ought to be in accordance with the orthography of the classical language.
(2) In many cases the otherwise silent prefixes of Lower Ladakhi words are pronounced, if the preceding word ends in a vowel.
(3) In many other cases, those prefixes are pronounced distinctly as s, r, and sh.
(4) In all other cases the silent prefix influences the pronunciation (a) of the following tenuis, as has been stated in my Ladakhi Grammar; (b) of the following media. My Munshi has often tried to teach me, for instance, the different pronunciation of bu, boy, and 'abu, worm (with a silent prefixed 'a). Although I was able to hear a slight difference, I never succeeded in imitating his pronunciation, nor in stating what its nature was. Probably many of the Tibetan dialects have still vast fields open to phonetic research.13
Now, if we examine Dr. Lanfer's etymologies of the name of 'a.Brugums, it becomes evident, that they are not at all well founded. It is impossible to derive the name from grogsmo, friend, because the name is never pronounced Druguma or Drugmo in Lower Ladakh, but Bruguma and Brugmo. Nor would it be right to derive the name from 'a Brogno, woman from the Steppe. Although the scientific treatment of the Tibetan dialects is still in its infancy, it has become evident that vowels cannot be exchanged in them according to one's pleasure. At present only a few suggestions can be made: a shows a certain inclination to become e; but e probably never becomes a (thus, if a dialectical form shows a instead of e, as for instance stang instead of steng, the dialectical form is perhaps the original). If the perfect stem of the verb could be proved to be the original, we might add that a also shows a certain inclination to become o. As regards the change from o to u, or from u to o, in a closed syllable, i. e., between two consonants, I doubt that it would be possible to produce many examples. I do not know of a single one. But if Dr. Lanfer wishes to place 'abrogmo side by side with 'a Bruguma, he will be obliged to produce a number of parallels to show the probability of the change of the vowel. Here in Khalatse both of the words, 'abroymo and 'a Bruguma, can be heard, the one as often as the other; but nobody would ever think of a connection between them.
As regards my translation of the name 'a Bruguma by a little grain,' it ought not to be called an etymology, because I leave the word as I find it and simply say what is its meaning according to colloquial Ladakhi. If Dr. Lanfer charges me with 'pressing etymologies out of the words just to suit my purpose,' he does not, I think, treat my work fairly.
13 Dr. Lanfer in his Bühngedicht der Bonpo attributes some importance to the orthographical mistakes of Tibetan M88. He is inclined to consider many of them as being influenced by the modern dialects. As far as my experience goes, great caution has to be taken here. In consequence of the inclination of the tenues to be pronounced like media, the ordinary man is never certain about the actual value of either of them; hence a great number of orthographical mistakes. They are a very unsafe foundation for researches in the field of Bandhi laws and similar questions. The ear of the European student alone will have to decide.

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monta
The name 'a Brugmo is not considered as a contraction of 'a Bruguma by Ladakhis, but is understood to mean she who thunders'; this explanation is quite in accordance with gLing-glu of Khalatse, No, I., and is not an etymology, bat colloquial Ladakhi. If the spelling 'a Bruggums instead of 'a Bruguma could be supported, it would be possible to translate it by little thander'; bat, of course, it will be necessary to support this by documents.
I wish here to remind the reader of the following fact. There is a fundamental difference between the Tibetan list of Buddhist names and the Mongolian list of Buddhist names (compare Grünwedel, Mythologie des Buddhismus). Whilst the Mongolian list in many cases shows the Sanskrit and Tibetan names in Mongolian orthography, the Tibetan list presents most of the originally Indian names in Tibetan translation. The reason is that the Tibetans wish to understand every name. I do not believe that there is a single Tibetan personal name, which is not at once understood by everybody. Names like Henry, Charles, Robert (the meaning of which can be found out only with the help of a dictionary), do not exist in Buddhist Ladakh. If we look at this fact, we do not wonder that the Ladakhis understand almost every one of the names of the Kesar Saga, and when they do not, that they have their own ideas about them.
In the following list, by the letters O. L. it will be indicated that a certain name is colloquial Ladakhi, and that from a Ladakhi point of view there cannot be the lenst doubt about the exactness of my English rendering of the same.
Tibetan Alphabetical List of Proper Names
K.
Kasur is declared by several Ladakhis to have originally sounded Kyo year, which derivation is supported by the dialectical form Kyesar. The falling away of and y is very natural. Dr. Lanfer calls the form «Kyo ysar a later construction. That is hardly possible, because with regard to Ladakbi phonetics it is an easy way from Kye year to Kesar and Gesar (as the Epic has it); but not in the opposite direction. Dr. Lanfer suspects me of patting certain ideas into a man by my questions, but with regard to Kesar the case was as follows: - At first I felt inclined to identify the word Kesar. with Kaisar and asked an educated Ladakhi, who knows English, what his opinion was. He at once told me, that the only Ladakhi explanation was the one given above. Kye year means 'the reborn one (newly born). I am of opinion that this name possibly refers to Kesar's rebirth each spring, but Ladakhis only think of Kegar's birth on the earth after his death in heaven.
Kraph,see, the rat.' Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the wood. - Addition 3.-O. L. Klurta sngongchung, the little blue water-horse,' on which 1Cogpo rides, -0. L.
Karmo, the white,' name of the she-dog which gives birth to the dog Drumbu brangdkar. - Addition 2. 0. L.
bKurdman rgyalmo, the venerable queen,' the queen of sTang lha. She comes to the earth at the birth of her son Dongrab, and changes herself into Ma dkar thigmo,
Kyangbyung khadkar, the kiang with the white mouth.' Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the plain. Addition 3.-.O.L.
Kyabsbdun, the seven helps,' a name of the earth. - C. L.
Kyherrdsong snyanpo, the euphonious [well speaking] companion of men,' one of the names of the king of heaven. - C.L.
Kh.
Khrudumitumba, he who is born in . skin,' name of an Aga, who is evidently not very well known.-O. L. The name is vory well understood in the songe given above; bat I cannot offer u explanation socording to Jäschko's Dictionary.

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Khromo, the angry.' The name is evidently derived from khroba, anger, « quality which agrees with the nature of this Agu; but the feminine article mo is unusual.
G. Gogoalhamo. - As Dr. Lanfer tolle me, this name is spelled Gogthea lhamo in the Epic. This is one of the doubtful names. According to colloquial Ladakhi gog means "ashes,' and lhamo goddess. As regards sa or thea, I do not offer an opinion.
d.c'ant, perhape originally dG'anyi,. day of joy,' same of an Aga.
Gar rtos chos agrol, the smith, pillar of the religious deliverance,' occurs chiefly in the Winter Myth, and is a Vassal of the King of Yarkand. Kesar deceives him, pretending to be his relative, wheretipon the smith teaches him his trade. - C. L. Other names of the same person are Nag shang shang, and Hemis.
10ogpo, the lower,' name of the King of Yogklu. - C. L. The Epic and several oral versions have 1Yogpo.
Ch. Chorol = Chongrol, helper in the religion,' name of 'Bragama's mother. It originated probably in later times, for it sounds quite Buddhist.- O. L.
Glogsalhamo gives birth
Nyashung gsormig = Nyachung, etc., the little fish Gold-eyo. to him in the son. - Addition No. 8.-O. L.
1Tabs migrab, the soor Clear-eye,' name of an Agu.-O. L.
brTanpa, firmness,' name of 'Bruguma's father, -0. L. For brTanma se Jüschke's Tibetan Dictionary.
brTan 'adsin dmarpo, seizing the red firm support. This was probably the form of the Dame betan 'adain in pre-Buddhistic times.
Th.
Th. Thurru rkyangbyang dbyerpa, the real colt descended from the wild kiang,' name of Dongrub's hora. It is born again on the earth with the same name and the same qualities as it had before, and is therefore called the real.' With regard to this name, the idea of the Tibetans seems to have been that the horse was a descendant of the kiang. The Epio as well as the Winter Myth have the name in this form: rkyang rgod dbyerps, the wild real kiang.-C.L.
D. Darlha go chodma, the flourishing goddess who executes her work well,' name of 'Bruguma's bandmaid.-O. L.
Darseng dkarmo, the white ice-lioness. Gogzalhamo gives birth to her at the top of the mountain. - Addition No. 8.-C.L.
Dungngi dardkar, "the silken-white mother-of-pearl horse,' on which Agu dPalle rides. -O.L.
Dungsbal dkarpo, the white mother-of-pearl frog. Gogzalhamo gives birth to him on the earth. Addition 3. 0 L.
Donyrub, falblling the aim,' name of the third son of the king of heaven, who is born on the earth as Kesar, -0. L. Because the name Dongrub literally corresponds to the Indian Siddhartha, Dr. Lanfer is inclined to believe in Buddhistic influences with regard to this name. But the name Dongrub is ased oqually instead of the Indian Amoghasiddha, the Dhyanibuddha and Lokapila of the North, who possibly is of Pre-Buddhist origin. I hope it will be proved in due time that Western Tibet and North India influenced each other in Pre-Buddhist times.

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Donldan, having calling,' name of the oldest son of the king of heaven. - O. L. Donyod, having a calling,"name of the second son of the king of heaven. - C. L.
Drumbubrangdkar, the lascivious [dog] with the white breast,' name of the dog to whom tbe she dog Karmo gives birth. - Addition No. 2.-C. L.
Dromo, heat,' name of the owe which gives birth to mThsalmig. - Addition No. 2.-C. L.
Drelbs btaanbogs, the elf-god strong profit,' mentioned in Additions No. 9; the malo olement to 'Bamza 'abum skyid, possibly another Dame of the devil bDud.
P.
dPalle, 'glory, abundance, splendour,' name of the best-known of all the Ague. Le is probably the syllable of respect of the Ladakhi dialect; but it may also represent an abbreviation of las, work. Prinnag rulohen, dark cloud, great mane,' name of Agu Taba migrab's horso.-O. L.
B. Bys khyung dkrung nyims. . The bird Khyung, the diso, the sun. This is the Tibetan Garuda and the male element to Byamo dKarmo. There exists an actual bird, a heron, which is called khyung on account of his voice. The word dkrung also occurs in dloyil dhrung, the common Oriental postare of sitting with crossed legs, when the legs, covered by the long coat, form a kind of diac. dkrung is the only word, the orthography of which cannot be proved for certain, As regards ya Whyung and nyina, the orthography is dictated by the Lower Ladakhi pronunciation.
Bye rayol rgodpo, the wild bird-king. Gogzalbamo gives birth to him on the rock. - Addition 8. - C. L.
Byamo dharmo, the white female bird,' probably the moon, the female element corresponding to Garuda.-O. L.
Bytlphrag rganjar, the naked little bird.' Gogzalhamo gives birth to it in the field. - Addition 8.- C.L.
dBangpo royab bahan rgya-bahin (the 6 of the second syllable, otherwise silent, was pronounced with the first), the sovereign with the all-embracing countenance,' name of the king of heaven. Dr. Lanfer spells the name rgya byin, meaning 'extending splendour' and identifies the Tibetan king of heaven with Indra. I should be very glad if this could be proved. However, it Dr. Lanfer's spelling is the original, the name would be pronounced rgya byin or rgya bin in Lower Ladakh. This is not the case here. This well-known deity is always called Gya Shin or Gyab shin in Lower Ladakh.44
'a Brugama, see Introductory Notes.
a Brongbyang rogpo, the black wild yak. Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the meadow. - Addition 8. - C. L.
M. . Ma dkarthigmo, the white-spotted mother,' or perhaps, she who has conceived,' name of the queen of heaven during her visit on the earth.
Monganat arangphrug, 'the street-boy of bad descent.' mo-ngan '= mon ngan; mon is the epithet of a low caste. Instead of orangpkrug, wrongphrug is also said. Name of Kesar in his youth. - C.L.
Taotao ngangdmar, the reddish-yellow summit,' but perhaps also, the red duck of the summit. Name of the goat which causes Dongrub's death in heaven.
bTean rta dmarohung, the small red earth-horse,' ridden by sKyabsbdun.-O. L.
# Profounor Dr. Grünwedel explains the man w having been originally brgya sbyin = Satakratu; bat does abyinpa setually correspond to kratu ?

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Ths.
Thsa Idang, promptly forwards,' name of the mare which gives birth to Thurru rkyangbyung dbyerpa. Addition 2.-C. L.
[MARCH, 1902.
The Ladakhi
mTheanidan ru skyes, 'the famous horned one,' literally, 'horn-producer,' name of Gogza lhamo's husband. A peculiarity in the word in that a wis written instead of a u. pronunciation of the word is ru.-C. L.
mThsalmig, 'Red-eye,' name of the sheep to which Dromo gives birth. Addition 2.-C. L.
Dz.
Dzemo 'abansa 'abumskyid, probably, the fairy with a hundred thousandfold happiness.' abama is apparently only an introductory play of syllables to the following word. The female element corresponding to 'a Dre lha btsan bogs. Her name according to the Winter Myth is Mersa 'abum skyid.
Z.
Za. Probably contracted from saba, 'the eater,' which name certainly agrees with the character of its bearer.
Y.
gYusbal angonpo, the blue turquoise-frog.' Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the underworld. Addition 8.-C. L.
8.
-
ysersbal yserspo, 'the golden frog.' Gog zalhamo gives birth to him in sTang lha. - 8. - 0, L
A.
Ane bkurdmanmo, the venerable spouse,' a name of the queen of heaven.
Addition
H.
"
1Ha rta ngangpa, 'the bay horse of the gods,' may also be 'the god's-horse-duck, or Swan. Translated in this way, the name would express most clearly the capacities of flying and swimming. C. L.
Unusual Words and Forms. I,
1. gLing. In the present usage of the language this word denotes a continent. This conception may have been gradually developed. In ancient times it was probably not yet understood. In the Kesar Saga, if we translate gLing by "Earth," we shall probably not be far wrong.
2. According to Dr. Lanfer the literal translation is: "From the land of the gods there came the lord of the upper gods." He is quite right.
Instead of "All at once," Dr. Lanfer proposes In the dark.' This is wrong: srib oig la is a very common Ladakhi idiom, used always in the sense of All at once."
2. agu= akhu, see Mythology.
3. Ihabbya, god-bird. The b of the second syllable is pronounced with the vowel of the first; see under Cardinals, Ladakhi Grammar.
4. bdud bya yinces 'adug, he is to be (= seems to be) the devil-bird.
6. Khra khrabo, variegated. Zilasila serves to fill up the line in singing, like our la-la-la ; khrazig, bizig is also said.

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9. The literal translation of this line is Carrying was at the time when I was a boy,' which Dr. Lanfer translates I carried it when a boy,' which translation I shonld have accepted, if I had received it a little sooner.
7, 8, 9. The repetition of the stem of the verb may have been employed here to fill up the line ; otherwise it serves to denote the Durative.
11. The translation of this line, as well as that of several others, contained in songs, is not quite literal. The reason is that I tried to keep up a certain metre in the German translation.
12. Dr. Lanfer tells me that sogopa means shoulder-blade,' not 'wing. The upper portion of the wing is called sog spa in Ladakhi,
16. sreste = mingled = together, 17. nusgal = nugagal, nug, a little bag in Ladakhi. 18. pho chen = pho rta, gelding.
20. According to Dr. Lanfor, the literal translation should be a thin saddle.' He is wrong : the literal translation is saddle and bridle, The word srab or sra' bs is colloquial Ladakhi for a horse's 'head-straps."
21. snalo, nose-ring in Ladakhi..
II.
2. ma sa, did not eat. The simple present-stem is used for the past, as the time is sufficiently indicated by ma.
3. yeangma, respectful form for meal, as y sol ja for ten 4. shangkhu, Ladakhi for spyangki, wolf. 5. drara, a meal in the middle of the day.
20. chungrtagepo, he whose sign is smallness, or youth, po is the emphatic article, see Ladakhi Grammar. 31. mi phod, literally I am not able,' as correctly stated by Dr. Lanfer. I
III. 4. sdigla, substituted on account of the metre for adigpala, to the sinful one. As we learn from the Winter Myth, adigpa, is one of the names of the giant of the north.
5. gri btangba, to give the knife = to use it to eat or stab. D'a btangba, to shoot arrows, is a parallel form.
11. As Dr. Lanfer remarks, the word adigpai, " of the wicked," or "for the wicked," is left untranslated. Compare note on No. 1., 11.
20. Iciboes, respectful for to ride,' derived from chibs, horse, 24. jusnamsai, take greetings. The i cannot be explained.
28, 32, etc.bing, come out; the Ladakhi verb bingces is not to be derived from abyingba, as Dr. Lanfer supposee, but from 'abyungba, according to the views of Ladakhis.
28. bors, kept it; in Ladakhi the verb borces is often used in the sense of 'to keep,' as is indicated in Jäschke's Dictionary under 'aborba, 3.
31. phud, let go ; is not to be taken as an imperative tense of 'abudpa, as Dr, Lanfer supposes. It is the imperative tense of phudces, which is a causative form of 'abudpa.
82. droma. See also 36 dras, from draba, to cut. 82. Cang lhog, Ladakhi for trank of the body.

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86. zas, does not mean "he cried,' as Dr. Lanfer takes it ; as is the instrumental of xa, the proper name of the agu. Although sas in literal translation only means by the agu,' we are obliged to add silently 'was said, was cried.'
41. sriu shing, Ladakhi for pine (of. pineal' gland), the top of the head. 42. daphyi or also daphyinas, before of time).
45. Itag khung khungtee, Ladakhi for the slight depression below the nook at the commencement of the back.
47. 'agrogate, was terrified; this is the Ladakhi form for okrugpa.
IV.
1. xeraru, hail ; Ladakhi for serba. 4. Ichrompa = khronpa, a well.
4. naggabelde. This expression seems to occur only in the context here given. It is pretty clear that the first part means 'black'; belde is said by the people to mean ugly,' but be seems to point to opened,' and so might mean broad'; Idemig seems to be squint-eye.' naggabalde also is the proper name of a certain species of mud-fish; thus we might translate just as well he had eyes like a mud-tih.'
5. enyaringo = sngasmgo, pillow. 5. Angamphe = enganphe, bad flour. 5. kag = kaggis, suddenly; see Jäschke's Tibetun Dictionary. 5. gams, perfect of gamces, to eat ; is only used of sand and flour.
6. bong stan, sack-cloth. Dr. Lanfer proposer *188-saddle-eloth;' but donkeys are not used for riding in Ladakh. A bong stan is just what we should call sack-cloth.
8. Instend of spouse, Dr. Lanfer proposes grand-mother,' because in the Mongolian version b Kur dmanmo is Kesar's grand-mother. This is impossible, because bur dmanmo is not called spouse' in her relationship to Kesar, but in her relationship to the lord of the gods. She is called Ane, wife, not only because she is his wife, but because she is a model wife.
10.thsig, a stone used for building; the word is probably relate to rtaigpa, wall.
10. mnante, pressed; the mother pressed the child with a stone, i.e., she put it underneath the stone.
14. skyil was translated by fill.' Originally it means 'dam up'; thus 'the food is dammed np by the vessel.'
14. rdulbo, a stone vessel ; propably derived from rdoba.
16. thrangngu, child-rack. Jäschke has cradle' for this word. In Ladakh it is a sack filled with dried horse-dung to keep the child warm. In this way baby-linen, etc., is spared.
20. mdudar, originally a small coloured ribbon, which adorned the arrow; here the same for any small ribbon.
20. Dr. Lanfer has difficulties in translating this line. The Tibetan has stang lha la bltaste mda dar dkarpo zhig dbyugs. It is true, this text does not tell us who is "blowing up bands"; but people told me that it was the boy. The word bltaste does not only mean looking.' bat is colloquial Ladakhi for in the direction of.' The word dbyugs also occurs in dbyug rdo, sling.

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V.
1. 'adug 'adugs pala, while it so continued; see I. 7, 8, 9, note.
1. rgyal lham, king of the gods. As a rule rgyal lham is only used in conjunction with the word Kesar, which fact explains the m; rgyal lham Kesar is accordingly, the king of the gods, or Kesar.'
2. andhe bandhe; as I found out a few days ago, a word bandhe is in general use. A bandhe is a lama who has not yet been to Lhassa. A bcndhe is not considered as a full lama; andhe I am inclined to consider as an introductory play of syllables to bandhe. According to Dr. Lanfer there exists a possible connection between andhe and the Mongol anda, friend.
155
3. Khamba Khampsa, a man from Khams. These people are noted for their fondness of travel. The word khamba has on this account come to mean almost 'vagabond' in Ladakh.
3. khangnguma, little house. The article ma is used here similarly to the emphatic article bo in other cases.
4. Itsangmkhan, beggar, seems to be derived from slongba.
9. 'akholma, boiling; adjective, formed from 'akholba.
11. btagga, bound; contracted from btagpa, perf. partic. passive. Similarly btangnga in 13, and blugga in 15.
11-16. Dr. Lanfer points out the translation of this song is not always quite literal. He is quite right. Thus in 12 the literal translation should be: In four directions four enemies will fall. In 16 Dr. Lanfer suggests the word 'breast' instead of heart. Apparently that part of the breast which covers the heart is meant.
12. rabbshi, four enemies. The 6 of the second syllable, otherwise silent, is sounded with the first syllable. If an r follows a mute, the mute frequently disappears. Thus ra instead of dgre.
17. hung, an interjection, used to accompany great exertion. It is perhaps formed from the well-known hum.
21. phalong or phabong phalong, rock.
22. korang, do whirl! 'ang yang; see Imperative, Ladakhi Grammar.
=
24. skorres, to whirl. res is perhaps the infinitive termination, which is used instead of ces in the dialects of the side-valleys. Correspordingly rig instead of cig in VI. 20, VII. 40. On the other hand res may be a substantive, meaning 'turn. It is my turn, it is his turn.'
27. logs, quite, all at once, in Ladakhi.
27. yachu, tendon; Ladakhi for chuba.
28. skyerugs, hip-cloth, girdle; Ladakhi for skarags.
29. yogahing, the same as yogshing, poker.
29. munte, fainted; the word is related to munpa, darkness. When a man faints, everything becomes dark around him.
30. phaspun, father's brother. This word has come to mean in Ladakh one who looks after the corpse, and is used exclusively in this sense. It probably refers to the custom that in ancient times certain relatives had to provide for the burning of the corpse. Such an office of the phaspun seems to be touched on in IX. 9, where is Kesar stripped of his humble form by them. In the Saga the word has evidently not yet obtained its contemptuous colouring.
30. shayin, will revenge. The word shaces is never used alone, but always in connection with mi, man.

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[MARCH, 1902.
31. churaba, Ladakhi for 'ford.' 37. thaama, the meal on the occasion of a death, 37. a betrothal present.
VI. 1. ngad does not mean to meet,' as Dr. Lanfer takes it. yong ngad thoug is Ladakhi for yongbar yod thoug, meaning came. Compare Ladakhi Grammar, Past Tenses.
1. rugga=sgrugpar, to pluck. 1. jojo=jomo, distinguished lady.
2. tammgo, lorse's head. The m of the second syllable, otherwise silent, is sounded with the first.
3. muchu, root-string; that is, dry root. 4. theb, more ; compare Ladakhi Grammar, Comparative. 5. aje - ache, elder sister, the usual mode of addressing older women. 6. yoobpa - to arise again. 8. malkhrigge, mark of the teeth
10. drotham, & meal in which several friends participate and to which each contributes * small sum.
19. dPallekun, all the dPalles. Can it be the case that the plural here serves to denote respect ? This would be the only instance of the kind in Tibetan. The same usage is found in VI, 28 and 42. In any case it is possible to suppose that not only dPalle or dGani alone is addressed, but their whole retinue. In 19 the right translation may be, and so on.'
24. har, the ball of a rosary; a foreign word. 24. bloram, formed from agrempa, bere with the signification, to touch." 27. thorenug, just in the morning. 29. bungpa - pungpa, a drinking glass.
29. yar, the small piece of butter which is smeared round the edge of a vessel with the thumb to honour a guest.
58. tsogae-thaoga. - mthaogse, like. As regards this word, the pronunciation of the tennis is a variance, even with the same person,
68. thugsaring, wait ! an unusual form of respect, as the construction with mdtadou is more usual in the case of verbs. 70. yashaho, hurrah for love! is shouted at weddings.
VII. 9. stang steng, the upper part ; see also stanglha.
15. Thathaerog, compos, determ., a shameful sin against the lhas. Corresponding expression in 23 and 31.
33. smug, from smugpo serves here to denote indistinot colours, as brown, violet. It is here intended to mean something beautiful.
83. reba, when referring to horses, mane. 41. lib, sudden, of actions of the body. 42. thub, mighty.

Page #161

Marce, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
157
VIII. 2.stankha, 'mouth' of the carpet, the edge provided with fringes. Politeness requires that e carpet shall be spread for each guest. In doing so, one must see to it that the mouth of the carpet is placed in front of the guests
3. marig dgurig, a very wise, a nine-fold wise man. 6. shangkug, wolf's-skin, formerly used as piece of clothing. 8. mduntho, front edge of the dress. 11. sngaro = engadro, morning. 11. 'aduag, clime, Ladakhi for 'adzegpa, to clime. 12.rargan = ragan, copper or brass. 27. Khamslogces, disgusting ; infinitive instead of participle. 27. agrumces, Ladakhi for 'to knead
83. 'adon thang, meal, for 'adonpa in the sense of eat and drink' compare Jäschke's Dictionary.
34. yogskor, or yogkhor, name of the sheepskin which is nowadays worn over the shoulders by the women. The name lower covering' suggests that it was formerly thrown around the loins. The hairless side of the yog khor is covered with red and green cloth.
86. khyodres, or khyores, thou. Both are contractions of Khyod rangngis. 38. ata, father. The word comes from Baltistan.
38. jo, ending of respect, which is employed just like ji in Hindustani. It seems to be the same stem as in jobo, lord.
IX. 2. thag, here in the signification • firmly.'
9. yxhal yas khang, according to the usage of the Ladakhi language a not only great but also very beautiful house.
12. soga, teeth ; perhaps from sokha, tooth and mouth, comp. copul, developed. 14. chams, fulfilled, come to the goal, from 'achampa.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHABLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 108.) Carwar; 6. o. Anchediva, 20, i, s. 5. Beitcul, Caryota urens; 8. v. Toddy, 706, i, .. v. Cary
61, ii, twice, . v. Factory, 264, i; ann. 1678: ota, 778, ii; ann. 1777: 1. v. Caryota, 778, it. 1. v. Dungaree, 255, i ; ann. 1750-60: $. v. Cae; ann. 1504-5: «. v. Pardao, 838, i; any. Jeetul, 349, ii; ann. 1760: . v. Candy (8.), 1510 and 1609 : 8. v. Cash, 128, ii. 130, i.
Casabe; ann. 1644: 8. v. Cusbah, 219, ii. Caryophylla ; 6. o. Clove, 171, ii.
Casarca rutila ; 8. o. Brahminy Duck, 85, i. Caryophylli; ann. 540 : 8. o. Zedoary, 747, i. Casbeen; ann. 1665: 8. v. Sophy, 649, i. Caryophyllum aromaticum ; 8. v. Olove, 171, ii. Cascbes; ann. 1750-60 : 8. v. Cash, 128, ii. Caryota ; . v.778, ü, twice, s. v. Jaggery, 340, Casciscis; ann. 1603 : 8. v. Casis, 180, ii.
ü; ann. 70 : . . 73, ii; ann. 1861 : $. v. Casen-Basar; ann. 1665 : 1. v. Cossimbazar, Peepal, 324, ii.
784, ii.

Page #162

158
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902.
Casgy; ann. 1648 : 8. v. Cazee, 187, i. Cassaras; ann. 1644: 8. v. India of the PortuCash; 6. v. 128, i (6 times) and ii, s. v. Can-1 guese, 333, i. dareen, 119, i, 3 times, 8. v. Cowry, 208, ii, Cassavas; ann. 1860: s.v. Curry-stuff, 219, ii.
v. Dub, 252, ii, 8. v. Dustoor, 257, i, 8. v. Cagsawaris; ann. 1705: 8. v. Cassowary. Likin, 393, ii, twice, s. v. Pagoda, 498, i, 8. v. 131, i. Ramoosy, 573, ii, 8. v. Sapeca, 599, ii, and Cassay; 8. v. 131, i, 8. v. Shan, 623, i, s. r. footnote (both twice), 8. v. Sapeku, 599, ii, Munneepore, 826, ii; ann. 1755 : 8.0. Muntwice, 8. v. Tael, 675, ii ; ann. 1504-5: 8. v. neepore, 827, i ; ann. 1759 : 1. v. 131, i, . v. Pardao, 838, i ; ann. 1511: 8. v. Batta, 763, Munneepore, 827, i; ann. 1767: 8. o. Sonapai; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Jeetul, 349, ii; ann. 1599 : ranta, 647, i; ann. 1795: 8. v. 131, i ; ann. 8. v. Tael, 675, ii ; ann. 1697-8: 8. o. Shroff, 1799 : 8. v. Munneepore, 827, i, twice; ann. 630, i ; ann. 1711 and 1727: s. v. 128, ii: 1827 : 8. v. Munneepore, 827, ii. ann. 1750 : 8. v. Tootnogue, 711,i; ann. 1753: Castayer; ann. 1799: .. Munneepore, 827, i. s. v. Chuttanutty, 780, ii ; ann. 1781 : 8. v. Cassay Shaan ; s. v. Shan, 623, i ; ann. 1795: Chillum, 149, ii, s. v. Cambly, 216, ii, s. v. . v. Shan, 623, i. Dub, 252, ii, twice ; ann. 1790 : 8. v. 128, ii ; Casse ; anu, 1510 : 8. o. Cash, 128, i, 3 times. ann. 1808 : 8. v. John Company, 852, ii; ann. Cassé ; ann. 1819 : 8. v. Munneepore, 827, ii. 1813: 8. v. 128, ii; ann. 1826 : 8. v. Bangle, Casseri ; ann, 1726 : 8.0. Adati, 4, i. 45, ii; ann. 1844 : s. v. Bargeer, 52, ii. Cassia ; 67, ii, footnote, 113, ii, footnote. Cashar ; ann. 1768: 8. v. Manneepore, 827, i. Cassia auriculata ; 8. v. Wootz, 741, ii. Cashcash ; ann. 1563: 8. v. Cuscuss, 787, i. Cassia bark; 8. v. Malabathrum, 415, i, see 466, Cashew; 8. v. 129, i, 8. v. Custard-Apple, 221, ii; ii, footnote. ann. 1830 : 8. v. 129, ii.
Cassia fistola ; 466, ii, footnote, twice. Cashew-nut ; s. v. Nut, Promotion, 484, i. Cassia Fistula ; 466, ii, footnote, twice. Cashghar ; ann. 1875: 8. v. Shoe of Gold, Cassia fistula ; ann. 1943 : 8. v. Myrobalan, 629, i.
466, ii, Cashishes; ann. 1603 : 8. v. Casis, 130, ii. Cassia fistularis; 466, ii, footnote. Cash-keeper; 8. v. Tahseeldar, 676, i; ann. Cassid ; ann. 1748 : 8. v. Cossid, 204, i. 1810: 8. v. Tahseeldar, 676, i.
Cassimeer; ann. 1784 : 8. v. Soosie, 648, i. Cashmeeree ; 8. v. Bengalee, 65, i.
Cassimer; ann. 1814: 8. o. Cashmere, 130, i. Cashmere (p. p.) ; 8. v. 129, ii; ann. 1881: s. v. Cassimere; . . Kerseymere, 365, i ; aun. 1676 :
Groont, 296, ii; ann. 1839 : 8. v. Singara, 4. v. Cashmere, 130, i ; ann. 1880 : 8. o. Ker637, ii.
seymere, 365, ii. Cashmere (s.) ; s. v. Crape, 212, ii, 8. v. Kersey- Cassius ; ann. 1799 : 8. v. Khānya, 367, i. mere, 365, i.
Cassowary ; & v. 131, i, 774, i. Casiam ; ann. 540 : 8. v. Zedoary, 747, ii. Cassumbazar; ann. 1683 : 8. v. Dadny, 225, ii, Casis ; s. v. 130, i; ann. 1553: 8. r. Lár (c), 8. v. English-bazar, 262, i, 8. v. Gentoo, 280, 386, ii; ann. 1561, 1648 and 1672: 8. v. ii, 8. . Maldives, 418, ii; ann. 1684: 3. v. 130, ii.
Cazee, 775, ii. Casoaris ; ann. 1631 : 8. v. Cassovary, 774, i. Cast; 8. v. Caste, 131, i; ann. 1563: s. v. Caspatyrus; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Cospetir, 784, i. Putchock, 565, i; ann. 1613 : . v. Caste, 132, Caspian ; 8. v. A vadavat, 759, i ; ann. 1799 : i; ann. 1630 : 8. v. Caste, 132, i, 8. v. Soodra,
$. v. Jowaulla mook hee, 854, ii ; ann. 1803 : 647, ii ; ann. 1673:8, , Bhounsla, 70, i... v. &. v. A. Muck, 15, i
Caffer, 108, ii, s. v. Caste, 132, i, . v. Lingait, 'aspium ; ann. 1561 : 8. v. Sophy, 648, ii. 394, ii, s. v. Mussulman, 462, i;. ann. 1760 Cass; ann. 1718: 8. v. Cash, 128, ii.
and 1763: 8. 6. Caste, 132, i; ann. 1777: Cassa ; s. r. Cash, 128, i; ann. 1598 : 8. . 8. v. Sircar (b), 638, i ; ann. 1780 and 1787 : Betteela, 68, i.
8. 2. Pariah, 516, i ; ann. 1789: . v. Cooly, Cassai; 851, i, footnote.
193, i; ann. 1805-6: 8. v. Pariah, 515, i ; Cassam ; ann. 1613: 8. . Alligator, 9, i.
ann. 1808 : s. r. Grassia, 302, ii, 8. v. BandaCassinar ; 8. v. 130, ii; ann. 1612 : 8.7. 131, i. ree, 760, ii; ann. 1809: 8. v. Veranda, 738, i.

Page #163

MARCH, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
159
Casta ; 8. v. Caste, 131, i and ii, both twice, 8.0.
Castees, 132, ii ; ann. 1444, 1561, 1563 and 1567 : 8. v. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1572.: 8. v. Polea, 543, i ; ann. 1612 : 8. v. Caste, 131, ii ;
ann. 1653 : s. v. Castees, 132, ii. Castá; ann. 1572 : 8. v. Caste, 131, ii. Casta baixa ; 8. v. Caste, 132, ii. Castaña; 8. v. Demijohn, 286, i, twice. Castanheda; 8. v. Grasscutter, 301, ii. Caste; .. 0. 131, i, twice, 132, ii, 774, i, 3. o.
Bandanna, 43, i, 8. v. Bandaree, 43, ii, twice, 8. v. Bearer, 58, i, 8. v. Bora, 80, i, 8. v. Boy (b), 83, i, s, v. Brahmin, 84, ii, 8, v. Bungy, 99, ii, twice, 8. v. Bargher (a), 100, ii, s. v. Butler, 102, ii, 8. v. Byde Horse, 105, i, 8. v. Chetty, 145, , s. v. Chuckler, 167, i, twice, 8. v. Chuttrum, 170, i, s. v. Cooly, 192, i, 8. v. Oranny, 212, i, 8. o. Cunchunee, 217, i, 8. v. Cuttry, 224, 1, 8. v. Devil Worship, 238, i, twice, 8. ". Dhoty, 243, i, s.v. Dome, 249, i, ..». Halálcore, 311, ii, 8. v. Hirava, 319, i, 8. v. Khuttry, 367, ii, 8. v. Kuhár, 378, i, 8. v. Kulá, 378, ii, s. Kythee, 380, ii, s. v. Lingam, 394, ii, s. 0. Lungooty, 400, ii, s. r. Malabar Rites, 414, i (3 times) and ii, 8. v. Mandarin, 420, ii, s. v. Mocuddum, 434, ii, 5. v. Modelliar, 435, i, .. v. Mogul, 436, i, 8. v. Molly, 440, i, 8. v. Moochy, 443, i, twice, $. v. Muzbee, 463, ii, s. v. Naik, 470, 1, 8. v. Nair, 471, i, .. t, Palaveram, 504, ii, 8. v. Pandáram, 507, ii, twice, 3. v. Pandy, 509, i, 8. . Pariah, 513, i (4 times) and ii (11 times), 514, i, 8. v. Pariah-Dog, 515, ii, s, v. Parvoe, 517, i, twice, &, v. Polea, 542, ii, 8. v. Paggy, 557, i, 3.0, Punchayet, 560, i, 8. v. Rajpoot, 571, ii, twice, s. r. Ramoosy, 573, i, 8. o, Soodra, 647, ii, twice, 8. v. Suttee, 667, i, 8. v. Tiyan, 704, i, 8. v. Toty, 713, ii, s. r. Zingari, 749, ii, twice, s. v. Coolin, 783, ii, twice, 8. v. Harry, 806, ii, 8. 2. Law-officer, 818, i, s. v. Patcharee, 842, i, . v. Pawnee, 842, ii, 8. . Pyke, 847, i; ann. 1200: 8. o. Bilooch, 71, i; ann. 1552, 1561, 1563 and 1567 (3 times); 8. v. 131, ii; ann. 1572 : s.v. Polea, 543, i ; ann. 1580 : 8. v. Chuckler, 167, i; ann. 1606: 8. v. Polea, 543, i; ann. 1612 : 8. v. 131, ii, twice, 132, i, &... Raja, 571, i, twice ; ann. 1648 : 8. v. Pariah, 514, ii; ann. 1661 : 8. v. Cunchunee, 217, i; ann. 1656 : 6. o. Cooly, 192, ii ; ann. 1678: . t. Turban, 719, i ; ann. 1685: 6. v. Modelliar,
435, ii ; ann. 1707 : 8. v. Cadjan (b), 107, ii ; ann. 1716 : 8.v. Pariah, 514, ii ; ann. 1740: 8. v. Sett, 615, ii; ann. 1748 : 8. v. Dadney, 787, ii ; ann. 1760 : 8. v. Chawbuck, 777, i; ann. 1779 : 8. v. Buddha, 91, i ; ann. 1780 : 8. v. Cowle, 208, i, 8. . Law-officer, 818, ii; ann. 1782: s. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, i; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Halálcore, 311, ii; ann. 1797 : 8. v. Moro, 825, i, twice; ann. 1809: s. v. Hammaul, 827, ii ; ann. 1810 : 8. v. Buddha, 91, ii, s. v. Dirzee, 24R, i, 8. v. Dubash, 253, i; ann. 1820 : 8.0, Cooly, 193, i; ann. 1823 : 8. v. Thug, 697, ii ; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Khāsya, 367, i; ann. 1833 : 8. v. Parvoe, 517, i; ann. 1838: 8. v. Lingam, 395, i; ann. 1842 : 8. v. 132, i ; ann. 1859 : 8. v. Muzbee, 464, i ; anu. 1868: 8. v. Deva-dasi, 237, ii, 8. v. Lubbye, 399, ii, s. r. Moplah, 449, i ; ann. 1869: 1. . Chuckler, 167, i; ann. 1873 : . v. Kuhár, 378, i ; ann, 1877: 8. v. 132, ii ; ann. 1878:
8. v. 132, i, 3 times. Castees; 8. 9. 132, ii, 774, i; ann. 1653: . v. Mustees, 828, i; ann. 1699 : 8. v. 182, ii ;
ann, 1701-2: 8. v. 774, i. Casteez ; ann. 1702: 8. v. Castees, 774, i. Castices ; ann. 1726 : s, v. Castees, 132, ii. Castico ; 8. v. Castees, 132, ii. Castilla; ann. 1880: 3. v. Sponge Cake, 651, ii. Castille ; ann. 1535 : s. v. Ananas, 18, ii ; ann.
1590; 8. v. Ananas, 19, i. Castisos; ann. 1599 : s. v. Castees, 132, ii, twice. - Castissos; ann. 1653 : $. v. Castees, 132, ii ;
8. v. Mustees, 828, i. Castizes; ann. 1638 : 8.v. Castees, 132, ii. Castle-Buzzar; $. v. Cossimbazar, 204, i. Castle Buzzar; ann. 1673: 8.». Patna, 520, i. Castor ; ann. 1343 : s. . Myrobalan, 466, ii. Castorin; ann. 545 : 8. v. Nard, 473, ii. Castro; ann. 1572:8, v. Diu, 246, ii, twice. Castycen; ann. 1661: 8. v. Castees, 132, ii. Casuarina; 8. v. 774, i; anu. 1867 and 1879 :
8.0. 774, ii, Casuarina muricata ; 8. v. Casuarina, 774, 1: Casuarine; ann. 1861: 6. v. Peepul, 524, ii. Casuarius galeatus; 8. v. Cassowary, 131, i. Catai; ann. 1253: s. v. Cathay, 133, ii ; ann.
1634 : 8. v. Cathay, 134, i. Cataia; ann. 1633 : 8. v. Cathay, 134, i. Cataini; ann. 1436 : s. v. Firinghee, 799, i. Cataio ; ann. 1436 : 8. v. Firinghee, 799, i.
ann. 1440 : s.v. Macheen, 406, ..

Page #164

160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Cataium; ann. 1615 s. v. India of the Portu- Catjang; s. v. Calavance, 110, ii. gese, 333, i.
Cataja; ann. 1664: s. v. Cathay, 774, ii. Catalan; s. v. Gogo, 293, i, s. v. Junk, 360, ii; ann. 1343 . v. Lac, 381, i.
Catamaran; ann. 1780 and 1836 (twice): s. v. Catamaran, 133, i.
Catamaran; s. v. 132, ii.
Catarra; ann. 1813: s. v. Kuttaur, 379, ii. Catarre; ann. 1638 and 1673: e. v. Kuttaur, 879, ii.
Catarry; ann. 1690: s. v. Kuttaur, 816, i. Catatiara; ann. 1606: s. v. Cassanar, 180, ii. Catay; ann. 1404: 8. v. Cathay, 134, i; ann. 1665 s. v. Macheen, 821, i.
Cataya; ann. 1253: s. v. Cathay, 133, ii. Catcha cosses: ann. 1763: s. v. Cutcha, 223, i. Catchoo; ann. 1760 s. v. Catechu, 133, ii. Cate; ann. 1554: s. v. Candareen, 119, i, s. v. Catechu, 133, ii, s. v. Datchin, 230, ii, 4 times, s. v. Mace (b), 405, i, s. v. Pecul, 523, i; ann. 1563 and 1578: 8. v. Catechu, 133, ii; ann. 1604 8. v. Catty (a), 134, ii. Caté; ann. 1554: s. v. Pecal, 843, i, twice. Catechu; . . 133, i, twice, s. v. Cutch (8.), 222, i; ann. 1516: s. v. Putohock, 564, ii; ann. 1813 8. v. 133, ii.
H
Cat's Eye; s. v. 774, ii.
Cats'-eye; ann. 1420 s. v. Ceylon, 189, i. Cattack; ann. 1783 8. v. Godavery, 291, i. twice. Cattamaran ;ann, 1673: s. v. Catamaran, 133, i; ann. 1685. v. Mussoola, 461, ii; ann. 1698 s. v. Catamaran, 133, i; ann. 1711: s. v. Orombarros, 493, ii; ann. 1860s. v. Cattmáran, 133, i. Cattanar; s. v. Cassanar, 136, ii. Cattavento; ann. 1596 and 1610 s. v. Punkah (b) 563, ii.
Catte; ann 1598: 8. v. Catty (a), 184, ii. Cattee; s. v. Candareen, 119, i; ann. 1613: 8. v. Dungaree, 255, i, s. v. Pecul, 523, i. Cattek; ann. 1726: 8. v. Cuttack, 224, i. Catten; ann. 1598 s. v. Bahar, 36, i. Catti; ann. 1416 s. v. Malacca, 415, ii. Cattie; ann. 1609: s. v. Catty (a), 184, ii. Catty; s. v. 134, ii, 3 times, 774, ii, s. v. Caddy, 107, i, twice, i, 's. v. Pecul, 523, i, s. v. Tael, 675, i and ii (5 times), s. v. Tea-caddy, 692, i, twice; ann. 1659: s. v. (b), 134, ii; ann. 1726: s. v. Opium, 489, ii; ann. 1775: s. v. Tical, 699, ii, twice; ann. 1813 8. v. Mace (b), 405, i, twice. Catty-box; s. v. Tea-cadd, 692, i. Catu; ann, 1585: s. v. Catechu, 133, ii. Catuais; ann. 1572: s. v. Cotwal, 206, i. Catual; ann. 1498: s. v. Andor, 757, ii; ann. 1553 and 1572: 8. v. Cotwal, 206, i. Cat'ual; ann. 1572: s. v. Cotwa), 206, i. Catuall; ann. 1582: s, v. Factor, 263, i.
Cathayes; ann. 1610: s. v. Catty (a), 134, ii, Catur ; s. v. 184, ii, twice, 135, i, s. v. Gallevat,
3 times,
275, ii; ann. 1524: . v. Maistry, 821, ii, twice; ann. 1536: . v. Mangalore (b), 828, i; ann. 1541: s. v. Malum, 418, ii; ann. 1542; s. v. Gallevat (a), 276, ii; ann. 1544, 1549, 1588 and 1688: s. v. 135, i. Cature; ann. 1552 s. v. 135, i; ann. 1666: 8. v. Doney, 250, i,
Caturi; .. Catur, 135, i.
Catel; ann. 1566: 8. v. Cot, 205, i. Cathai; ann. 1510: 8. v. Pedir, 523, i. Cathaia; ann. 1598: s. v. Cathay, 134, i. Cathaian; ann. 166-8. v. Peking, 526, i. Cathay; s. v. 133, ii, twice, 774, ii, s. v. Cassay, 131, i, see 330, ii, footnote, s. v. Macheen, 405, ii, s. v. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii, s. v. Tea, 688, ii, 689, i, see 851, i, footnote; ann. 545 s. v. Calyan, 114, ii; ann. 1253: s. v. Chin-chin, 154, i, twice; ann. 1330: 8. v. 184, i, e. v. Java, 347, ii; ann. 1340: 8. v. Kincob, 369, ii; ann. 1404: 8. v. Caffer, 770, i; ann. 1405 8. v. Satin, 602, i; ann. 1545: s. v. Tea, 689, ii, 3 times; ann. 1842 and 1871: 8. v. 134, i.
[MARCH, 1902.
Catheca; ann. 1567; s. v. Cuttack, 224, i. Catheies; ann. 1555: s. v. Cathay, 134, i. Cathuris; ann. 1601; s. v. Catur, 135, i. Cati; ann. 1623: . . Camphor, 117, i; ann.
1726: s. v. Opium, 489, ii, twice. Catimaron; ann. 1700: s. v. Catamaran, 133, i. Cati Oculos; ann. 1340: s. v. Cat's Eye, 774, ii.
Catle; ann. 1553 and 1557: s. v. Cot, 205, i. Cator; 8. v. Chickore, 149, i. ; ann. 1298: 8. v. Chickore, 149, i.
Catre; s. v. Cot, 204, ii, twice; ann. 1600: 8. v. Cot, 205, i.
Catre de tigera; s. v. Cot, 204, ii. Cat's-eye; 8. v. 134, i, twice; ann. 1627 .. 774, ii.

Page #165

MARCH, 1902]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
Catwal; ann. 1673 s. v. Thug, 697, ii; ann. 1763 s. v. Cotwal, 206, i.
:
Cauallo; ann. 1610: s. v. Cavally, 135, ii.
Caubool; s. v. Cabul, 106, ii.
Caubul; s. v. Cabul, 106, ii; ann. 1804; s. v. Panjaub, 562,
Caucase; ann. 1771: 8. v. Zend, 869, ii. Caucasian; s. v. Shaman, 620, ii. Caucasus; 8. Cabul, 105, ii, s. v. Hindoo Koosh, 316, i; B. C. 19 s. v. Tiger, 702, i; ann. 1552 s. v. Cashmere, 129, ii; ann. 1671: s. v. Candahar (a), 771, ii; ann. 1793: 8. v. Hindoo Koosh, 316, i; ann. 1856 s. v. Cabul, 106, ii. Cauchenchina; ann. 1543: s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii, twice.
Cauchichina; ann. 1553: s. v. Laos, 385, ii; ann. 1572 s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii, twice. Cauchi-China; s. v. Cochin-China, 174, i. Cauchim; ann. 1543: s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii. Cauchin, Grand; ann. 1541: . v. Peking, 526, i
Cauchinchina; ann. 1598, s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii. Cauchin-China; ann. 1652 s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii.
Cauchin-china; ann. 1540: s. v. Typhoon, 723, i. Cauchin Chinean; ann. 1583: 8. v. Singalese, 636, i.
Caul; ann. 1611: s. v. Narsinga, 474, ii. Caulo-rapa; 8. v. Nol-kole, 830, ii.
Caun; ann. 1673. v. Mydan, 464, i. Caun Samaun; ann. 1759: 5. v. Consumah, 191, i.
Caunta; s. v. Kaunta, 363, ii.
Cauri; ann. 1554: s. v. Cowry, 209, ii, Caury; ann. 1561 and 1610: s. v. Cowry, 209, ii. Caut; s. v. Catechu, 133, i..
Cautwaul; ann. 1727 s. v. Cotwal, 206, i. Cauvery; s. v. 135, i and ii (twice), 8. v. Coleroon, 181, i, s. v. Coorg, 194, ii, Sering apatam, 615, ii; ann. 1784 s. v. Anicut, 21, ii. Cauzie; v. Mufty, 826, i; ann. 1793: s. v. Mufty, 826, i, twice.
Cauzy; ann. 1767 8. v. Mufty, 826, i; ann. 1793. v. Cazee, 776, i, twice, s. v. Lawofficer, 818, ii; ann. 1803 a. v. Cazee, 776, i. Cavala; ann. 1796: s. v. Cavally, 774, ii. Cavalle; ann. 1652: s. v. Cavally, 774, ii. Cavalley; ann. 1875: s. v. Cavally, 775, i. Cavalloes; ann. 1626 s. v. Cavally, 135, ii.
161
Cavally; s. v. 135, ii, 774, ii. Cave; ann. 1677: s. v. Tea, 690, i. Cavé; ann. 1673 s. v. Coffee, 180, i. Caveah; ann. 1631 8. v. Tea, 690, i. Caveri; ann. 1753: s. v. Coleroon, 781, ii, twice.
Caviare; s. v. Baláchong, 38, i, twice; ann. 1784 8. v. Baláchong, 38, i. Cavouco; s. v. Cabook, 106, i.
Cawg; ann. 1833: s. v. Cowry, 210, i. Cawn; ann. 1675: s. v. Gingi, 801, ii. Cawney; s. v. 135, ii.
Cawnpoor; s. v. Peshwa, 532, ii. Cawnpore; s. v. 186, i, s. v. Barbican, 51, ii; ann, 1809 s. v. Kunkur, 379, i; ann. 1810: 8. v. Corge, 197, ii; ann. 1818 s. v. Bungalow, 99, i; ann. 1880: s. v. Fowra, 273, ii; ann. 1881 s. v. Muggur, 456, i. Cawny; 8. v. Cawney, 135, ii, 136, i, s. v. Ground, 303, ii.
Caxas; ann. 160): s. v. Cash, 128, ii. Caxcax; ann. 1563: s... Cuscuss, 787, i. Caxis; s. r. Casis, 130, i.
Caxix; s. v. Casis, 180, i.
Caxixes; ann. 1404 s. v. Casis, 130, i. Cayar; ann. 1727 s. v. Coir, 181, i. Cayman; s. v. 136, i; ann. 1681 s. v. 186, i. Caymitos; ann. 1532-50: s. v. Alligator-pear, 9, ii.
8.
Caymoins; ann. 1578: . v. Bamboo, 41, i. Cayolaque; s. v. 136, ii; ann. 1560 and 1585: 8. v. 136, ii.
Cayro; ann. 1516 and 1582: s. v. Coir, 180, ii.
Cayu Upas; ann. 1681: s. v. Upas, 730, i. Cayuyt; ann. 17268. v. Cuddy, 215, ii. Cayzerie; ann. 1573: s. v. Otto, 494, i. Cazee; s. v. 186, ii, 775, i, s. v. Casis, 130, i, 8. v. Kajee, 363, i, s. v. Futwa, 799, ii, s. v. Law-officer, 818, ii, twice, s. v. Mufty, 826, i; ann. 1683: s. v. 137, i; ann. 1684: s. v. 775, ii, twice; ann. 1864 s. v. 776, i, twice. Cazee-ool-Cozaat; ann. 1864: s. v. Cazee, 776,
i, twice. Cazi;. Adawlat, 753, ii; ann. 1773: s. v. Cazee, 775, ii; ann. 1777: s. v. Mufty, 896, i; ann. 1885: a, v. Cazee, 776, ii. Casy; ann. 1673 18. v, Cazee, 187, i. Cebratana; s. v. Sarbatane, 600, ii. Cecchino; s. v. Chick (b), 148, i. Cece; . v. Gram, 300; ii.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1902
Ceded Districts; 8. 1. 137, i, s.'s. Teloogoo, Celebes; 8. D. 187, ii, 8. v. Bugis, 95, i. 695, i; ann. 1801 : 8. v. Gentoo (b), 281, ii : Cellates; ann, 1553 : 8. v. Mandarin, 491, ii. ann. 1873: 8.0. 137, ii ; ann. 1882: 3.0. Cellebes ; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Celébes, 138, i, twice. Doray, 792, ii.
Cen; ann. 1590 : 8. o. Bonze, 79, ii, Cedras; ann. 1585: 8. v. Plantain, 541, ü. Cengala; ann. 1588: 8. D. Chinapatam, 778, i. Ceilrela australis; 8. v. Toon, 710, i.
Cens-Kalan; ann. 1332 : 8.». Macheen, 406, i. Cedrela sinensis ; s. v. Toon, 710, i.
Centipede ; . v. 138, i. Cedrels Toona; 8. v. Toon, 710,i; ann. 1837: Centope ; ann. 1662 : 8. v. Centipede, 138, i. 8. r. Toon, 710, ii. .
Centopèa ; 8. v. Centipede, 138, i. Cedrus Atlantica ; 8. v. Deodar, 236, ii.
Centropos runfipennis ; &, v; Crow-pheasant, 214, Cedrus deodara; 8. o. Deodar, 286, i. Cedrus Libani ; 8. v. Deodar, 236, ii.
Cepayqua ; •. . Sapeku, 600, i, twice ; ann. Ceer; ann. 1648: 4. v. Seer, 611, ii.
1510 : 8.0, Pardao, 840, ii. Ceilan; ann. 1665: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ü; ann Cephoy; ann. 1746 : 8. v. Sepoy, 613, i.
1666: 8. . Hoogly, 322, i ; ann. 1753 : 8.. Cer; ann, 1554 : 8. v. Seer, 611, ii. Buddha, 767, i, s. v. Mabar, 820, ii; ann. Cerafaggio; ann. 1584 : s.v. Pardao, 841, i. 1796 : $. v. Jargon, 345, i.
Cerafagio ; ann. 1584 : 3. v. Shroff, 630, i. Ceilão; ann. 1568 - 8. r. Palmyra, 506, ii ; ann. Ceram ; . v. 138, i, *. D. Casgowary, 131, i, ., v. 1572 : 8. o. Comorin, Cape, 184, ii.
Factory, 264, ii ; ann. 1681: 8.0. Cassowary, Ceilon ; aun. 1600: 3. v. Pescaria, 531, i; aun. 774, i ; ann. 1659 : s. v. Caracoa, 122, ii.
1602: 8.. TYincomalee, 715, ii; son. 1673: Cerame; .. . 138, i ; ann. 1552 and 1566 : 6. D. Elephants (b), 261, ii.
3. o. 138, i. Ceitils; 6. v. Jeetul, 349, i; ann. 1554: ... Cerates ; s. v. Carat, 123, ii; ann. 636 : 8. v. Jeetul, 349, ii.
Carat, 123, ii, 3 times. Celastrus nutans; ann, 1837: .. . Beriberi, Ceratonia siliqua ; v. Carat, 123, i. 67, i,
Cerbatana ; 8. v. Sarbatane, 600, ii. Celebani; ann. 1712: 8. v. Upas, 731, i, Cerbottana ; *. v. Sarbatane, 600, ii. Celebe ; ann. 1516: 8. . Celébes, 137, ii. Cercopithecis ; ann. 1€31: . . Orang-otang, Celebes ; 1. v. Cajeput, 109, ii, «. v. Oelébes, 187, 491, ij.
ii, twice, 4, . Factory, 264, ii, .. v. Macas- Cere; ann. 1554: 8. v. Seer, 611, ii. kar, 403, ii, s, », Moluocas, 440, i, s. v. Upas, Ceriornis ; s. v. Argus Pheasant, 26, i. 726, ii, twice ; ann. 1552 af 1 1579: so. Ceriornis satyra ; •. d. Moonaal, 444, í. Celébes, 137, ii ; ann, 1631 Rud 1646 : .. ), Cerkars; ann. 1758: 1. D. Circars, 171, i. Upas, 729, ii; ann. 1681 : $. v. Upas, 730. Cernove ; 8. v. Sarnau, 601, ii. i; ann. 1685 : 8. v. Upas, 730, ii ; ann. 1688: Cero; ann. 1554: 8. o. Porto Piqueno, 550, i, ..». Bugis, 95, ii ; ann. 1704: «. v. L'pas, Cervalus aureus ; 8. v. Barking-Deer, 52, ii. 730, i ; ann. 1712 and 1726 : 4. o. Upas, Cervus Wallichii ; 8. o. Bārasinhā, 51, ii. 781, i; ann. 1878 : 8. . Bugis, 95, ii. Oetti; ann. 1796 : «. v. Chetty, 145, ü,
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. UNLUCKY CHILDREN.
., under certain stars, or in certain months, or on TRERE appear to be a number of customs and
certain days of the week, superstitions connected with the place each child
The First Born. occupies in the family which have not been, as farm I am aware, fully recorded or erplained. The first born has always held a peculiarly These superstitions are apparently quite distinct sacred position, especially it born to parents who from any of those which attach to children born have long been without off-spring in angwer to a
A first-bora ohila (Jouth) must not be inarried in Jonth. - P. N. 0. Vol. III. (10.

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MARCH, 1902.]
Vow, in which case sacrifice of the child was common in India. The Mairs used to sacrifice a first-born son to Matâ, the small-pox goddess, while Muhammadans throughout Northern India believe that first-born children can stop excessive rain by certain rites. On the other hand a firstborn son will in Telingana attract lightning."
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Twins, as is well known, are peculiarly uncanny, but in Dahomey a boy born after twins has a special name (dosu), according to Burton: Mission to Gelele, King of Dahome, Vol. I. p. 99, Memorial Edition.
But many remarkable ideas cluster round the third conception or round a child of one sex born after three children of the other sex. Thus in the South-West Panjab on the borders of Sindh the former superstition prevails and its results are thus described: "Trikhal is the third conception after two births (without regard to the sexes of the former children). It is a Jatki word, literally meaning 'third' and implies contempt. This conception is considered unlucky among Hindus, especially in Jâmpar. Every effort is made to effect abortion, and many cases of abortion take place. It is suspected that the third child is killed at birth if the attempts to cause the abortion have failed. Dread of the law prevents any attempt to kill the child when it has survived its birth."
The Trikhal.
This, however, appears to be a local variant, as the other superstition is far ore prevalent and its effects and the measures taken to avert them are thus described by an intelligent Panjab official:"A child of one sex born after three children of the other sex is called, in Panjabi, Trikhal, as, for example, a boy born after three girls. Such a child is considered unlucky, and its birth portends
(1) the death of a parent;
(2) loss of wealth by the parents; (3) the taking fire of the house in which the child was born; or
(4) some other calamity, such as lightning or snake-bite.
If this child grows up without the parents suffering any injury, and is taller than the parents, they are benefited instead of injured by the birth, i. e, their lives are prolonged, or if poor they
2 Moore's Hindu Infanticide, pp. 108-9. Sherring: Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol III. p. 68.
163
become rich and are protected against all misfortunes. Many Hindus believe that the children born after a Trikhal cannot live long.
birth of such a child to avert the evil effects The following remedies are adopted at the of birth:
(1) The father pours a quantity of ght down the gutter of the roof of the room in which the child was born.
(2) A brass tray is broken in the centre and the child passed through the hole.
(3) A horse-shoe is painted with sandúr (red
oxide of mercury) and scented with gugal (a drug) and attached to the bed of the mother. The shoe is re-painted with sandúr and scented every Tuesday.
(4) If the third day after the birth be a Sunday
a ceremony known as Trikhal Shanti (propitiation of the Trikhal) is performed. Green leaves from seven trees are collected and put in an earthen pitcher with 101 holes in its bottom. Another pitcher is filled with water taken from seven wells. The mother, with her child, sits under the drain of the roof of the house in which the child was born. A Pandit recites to her a katha from the Trikhal Shant Shastra while a female relative of the mother holds a sieve over her head. The pitcher containing the green leaves is placed on the sieve, and the father pours the water of the seven wells down the drain of the roof, so that the water passing through the pitcher and the sieve may trickle slowly over the mother's head.
(5) If the charm, whose figure is given below, be set in gold and tied to the neck of the mother all evil is avoided.
Tért jan men yd uz jan men méré kharné kôjagdh dé.. yd mert sunnat yd meri sunnat yd méri sunnat ya mért sunnat yd mért sunnat ya mé-1 sunnat
ya mért sunnat yd mért sunnat ya meri sunnat
The belief relates chiefly to the first Trikhal born in the family: it applies to boys more than
• Panjab Notes and Queries, 1883, Vol. I. pp. 116 and 488. North Indian N. &Q. 1891, Vol. I. p. 378.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
to girls (and indeed it is said in Kasûr that a girl after three boys is not unlucky at all') and evil is to be feared by both parents, but principally to the parent of corresponding sex. Moreover, a boy born after three girls is also apt to be himself unlucky.
The ceremonies used to avert the evil effects are often those employed when a child is born under an evil nakshatra, but L.Lachmi Narain (Gurdaspur) states that for a trikhal:
Five earthern pitchers filled with water containing gold images of Brahmâ, Vishnu, Mahesh, Indar and Rudar are worshipped, whereas in the case of a birth under the asterisms of Jesta, Mala, Ashlêkhân and Magân the leaves of 7 trees are used as described in para. 6 (4) above, and in the case of a child born in Khâtak:
Four images of Brahms, Indar, Rudar and Suraj are placed in 4 pitchers covered with red and white cloth and a little of the water sprinkled over the mother and child.
Lastly for a child born during an eclipse:Three gold images, one of the nakshatra of birth, another of Rahu and a third of the sun or moon (as the eclipse may have been) are worshipped.
Another name for the trikhal is trétar, (said to be derived from Sks. tri, three, and attar, enemy), and in Hoshiarpur the performance of a fire sacrifice with the aid of a Brahman after the sútak period is usual. Pala wood is burnt and sugar, etc., thrown on to it.
In Karnal and Rohtak a son born after three girls is usually called tålar (or named Telu Ram) and in Rohtak various ways of averting the evil he may bring are described. In one the parents sit on a plough and bathe from an earthen vessel containing 108 or 101 holes with water from the Ganges and 27 wells, 108 medicines (!) and milk. The water is passed through a sieve, but in some places a sieve is held to be unlucky. In another ceremony the parents bathe in water (passed through a sieve) drawn from 27 wells and in which stones from 27 places and leaves from 27 trees have been placed. This must be done 27 days after the birth. 27, 14 or 7 Brahmans are also feasted.
After these ceremonies a pair of snakes are made of a precious metal and given with 7 kinds of grain to the Dakaut Brahman.
[MARCH, 1902:
In another rite a horse-shoe, painted with vermilion figures, is burnt on the third or tenth day after the birth. It is lucky if this day falls on a Sunday.
See Panjab Notes and Queries, 1886, Vol. III. p. 458. And in Amritsar a girl so born is called bukhal or 'lucky' ohild. Cf, do. 1885, Vol. II. § 824, also § 136 (in Bombay).
They should be male trees (katha, andr, tat, etc.) nocording to the Jhêlam note..
The superstition appears then to take various forms and the rites practised are very diverse, those used to avoid other unlucky births. being often resorted to, though it appears that strictly speaking special rites should be performed. It is said to be confined in Nâhan to immigrants from Hoshiarpur.
It is possibly connected with the astrological doctrine of trines, but the powers of the first-born are not thereby explained.
Several correspondents mention that the belief and rites are described in the Shastras but no references are given. In 1885 a Sanskrit book called "Trikhal Shanti" was published at Lahore giving an account of the belief. The sage Pushkar asks Bhargat how a Trikhal can be propitiated. The reply is that it should be abandoned, as it will cause the death of its parents and maternal uncle within 7 months and also destroy itself.
The Eighth Child.
The eighth child (i. e., the one after the seventh ?) is very unlucky if a son as he is sure to cause his father's death." But in Karnål the 8th child is peculiarly dangerous to the mother.
The remedy is to pass a charkad or spinning wheel thrice round the mother and give it to the midwife. The charkhd must be in perfect order.
Phai Sira or 2} Head.'
Mr. Talbot writes that in Jhêlam a Trikhal is drilled with 2 holes- a local expression meaning 2 holes in one ear and 1 in the other, or 1 in each ear and 1 in the nose. In Mozaffargarh a dhai-sira, múla or sat-sira is a child whose head has not been properly shaped.
How is the use of the No. 2 to be explained? The information obtained requires to be still further supplemented and the various forms of belief explained.
H. A. Rosa, Superintendent of Ethnography, Panjab.
Simla, 29th July 1901.
The part which the maternal unole plays in marriage rites is well-known. He is in grave peril if his sister's child out its upper teeth first.
10 Connected apparently with the eight names of Rudra. Muir's Sanskrit Teets, Vol. IV. p. 388, et seqq. 11 Indian Notes and Queries, 1886, Vol. IV. § 94.

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APRIL, 1902.]
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
• 165
NOTES ON SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE'S THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
. BY SIDNEY H. RAY. TN July, 1899, Colonel (now Sir Richard C.) Temple published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic
1 Society an outline of a “ Theory of Universal Grammar, as applied to a Group of Savage Languages," and illustrated this theory solely by reference to the South Andaman Group of Languages. It was, however, plainly manifest that its proper exhibition required examples in other unrelated and morphologically distinct languages, and so when reviewing Colonel Temple's paper for the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, the present writer attempted to apply the theory to a short statement in various languages, chosen partly with regard to his own studies and partly with regard to the facility with which the means of analysis were available to him. The languages chosen were :
1. English.
| 10. Nufor, Dutch New Guinea. 2. Hungarian.
11. Motu, British New Guinea. 3. Letin.
12. Mortlock Ids, Caroline.Group, Mioro4. Khasi, Hills of N. E. Bengal.
nesia. 5. Anam, French Cochin China.
13. Mota, Banks' Islands, Melanesia. 6. Ashanti, West Africa.
14. Samoan, Polynesia. 7. Kafir, South Africa.
15. Awabakal, Lake Macquarie, Australia. 8. Malagasy, Madagascar.
18. Dakota, North America. 9. Olo Ngadju or Dayak, South East
Borneo.
The passage chosen was the description of the sower, taken from the varions translations of the Bible in these languages, and although it is plain that a mere tra 1on offers a somewhat unsatisfactory test of the real structure of a language, the choice affords a means of comparison which would not appear if the examples were totally distinct in meaning.
In the earlier portion of his paper on the Theory, Colonel Temple, taking the sentence as the unit of language, discusses its composition and method of indicating purpose, and also the method of expressing the inter-relation of words in & sentence. This leads him to the definition of a series of terms in harmony with his analysis of the sentence, which therefore take the place of the old so-called parts of Speech. These terms are: - 1 Integers, words which are complete sentences ; 2. Indicators of Subjects or Complements of Subjects; 3. Explicators of Subjects or Complements; 4, Predicators, indicating the Predicate; 5. Illustrators of Predicate, Complement or Explicators; 6. Connectors of the internal components of the sentence; 7. Introduoers, explaining the purpose of the sentence; 8. Referent Conjunctors, joining connected sentences; 9 Referent Substitutes, representing in a subordinate sentence the word to which it refers in the principal sentence.
The arrangement of the examples follows Colonel Temple's order. There is given first the statement with its words in their proper order, the component parts of inflected or agglutinative words being separated by hyphens, and accompanied below by an exact literal translation into English. Then follows an analysis of the statement into separate sentences. These are indicated by numerals, the Subjects and Predicates being separated and the Complements indicated by italics, A word omitted by ellipsis is entered in brackets. All the words of the statement are then grouped according to their several functions, using Colonel Temple's nomenclature.
Vid. Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. XXX. (N. S. Vol. III.) July 1999. Mlecellanea No. 79.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
TAPRIL, 1902.
:
1. . ENGLISE.
Text. A sow-er went out to sow his seed: and as he sow-ed, some fell by the wayside ; and it was trodd-en down, and the fowl-s of the air devour-ed it.
Bomoak.
Subjects : 1. sower,
2. he, 3. some,
5. the fowls of the air. Predicates : 1. went out to sow his seed,
2.08 Bowed, 3. fell by the wayside, 4. was trodden down, 5. devoured it.
Integers: Indicators: sower, seed, some, wayside, fowls, air. Predicators: Went, sow, sowed, fell, was,
deroured. Explicators: , his, the, the, the.3 Illustrators: out, as, trodden, down. Connectors : and, by, and, and, of. Referent Conjunctors : Referent Substitutes : he, it, it. Introducer: to.
2. HUNGARIAN.
Text.
Egy mag-vet-ő ember ki-me-ne, hogy
al-vet-n6 al mag-vit One seed-bow-ing man out-go-be would, in order that away-Bow-he might that his need-down és a mag-vet-és köz-be némelly 68-ek az ut-ra, és el-tapod-tatek, és az and the seed-80w-thing time-in some fall-they did the way-on, and away-trampled-it was, and the
ég-i madar-ak : meg-e-vék Az-t. heaven-of bird-s' completely-eat-they did it.
.
Remarks. Subjects: 1. egy magvető ember,
Integers: kiméne, elvetné, esék, eltapodtatek, 2. (combined with predicate), megevek. 3. nemelly,
Indicators : ember, magvat, közbe, némelly, ma4. (combined with predicate),
darak. 5. az égi madarak.
Predicators: (contained in integers). Predicates: 1. kiméne,
Expiicators : egy, magvető, uz, ö, a' (=az), 2. elvetné as 6 magvat,
magvetés, az, az, égi. 8. G' magvetés közbe eack as útra Illustrators: útra. 4. eltapostatek,
Connectors: és, és €8. 5. megevék azt.
Referent Conjunctors: Referent Substitutes : azt. Introducers; hogy.
8. LATIN
Text. Er-i-it qui semin-at, semin-are semen suu-m et dum semin-at," aliu-d ce-cid-it secus
Forth-goes-he who sows-he 80w-to seed his and while sows-be some fell-it beside via-m, et con-calca-ta-m est, et volucr-es coel-i com-ed-crunt illu-d. path and trodden-on is-it and birdssky-of ato-they did that

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Arz, 1902)
.
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
167
Bomarles.
Subjeets: 1. (combined with predicate),
2. qui, 3. Coombined with predicate), 4. aliud, 5. (combined with predicate),
6. volucres cæli. Predientes: 1. exiit seminare semen suum,
2. seminat, 8. dum seninat,
cecidit seow viam, 5. conculcatum est, 6. comederunt illud.
Integers: exit, seminat, seminat," cecidit, est,
comederunt. Indicators : semen, viam, volucros. Predicators: (contained in integers). Explicators: suum, coeli. Illustrators: dum, conculcatum. Connectors : secus, et, et, et. Referent Conjunctors: Referent Substitutes: qui, aliud, illud Introducers : seminare,
KHASI.
Text.
i nong-bet od lat leit-noh ba'n beti islu symbai jong u :* tel haba u dang
A man-Bow he did walk-away that will sow about the seed of him then when he still bet, donu-belt háp ha-rúd lynti, ted 139 iuh-roit i ga u; bad kil sim Bows it was it that did fall at-side path then was trodden-on-constantly about it and they bird byneng tia la , bám-duh ia .7 sky they did eat-destroy about it.
Bomaru
Subjects: 1. u nongbet u,
2. u, 3. don (an integer), 4. uba,
(ubs),
6. ki sim byneng ki. Predicates: 1. la leitnoh ba'n bet ia w symbai
jong , 3. te haba dang bet, 8. (contained in integer), 4. la hán barud lymt,
5. te la iuh-roitia , * 6. 6 bám-duh ta .
Integers : don. Indicators : Dongbet, symbai, lynti, sim. Predicators : leitnoh, bet, bet, báp, iub-roit
bám-dnh, Explicators : 0,1 ,9 ki, bynang. Illustrators : la, to, baba, dang, la, harád, te, a
1,9 la.. Connectors: ia, jong, in, bad, ia, Referent Conjunctors : uba. Referent Substitutes : 0, 0, 0, 0,9 ki, 0.7 Introducers: ba'n.
6. AKAM.
Text.
| Co một k đi gieo giống, mà khi đường gieo một phân hột roi ra ngoài
There was one that go sow seed but time way sow one falling grain fall go-oat xide đu'on ngu?ời ta đi đạp, chim ren troi xuong in hết. path be we go troad, those bird above sky descend ont completely.

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168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
APRIL, 1902.
Bemarks.
Subjects: 1. một,
2. (một), 3. (một), 4. một phân hột, 5. (một phân hột), 6. ngu'o'i ta, 7. (nga'o'i ta), 8. va chim trén tro'i,
9(va chim trên tro'i). Predicates: 1. co,
2. đi, 3. gieo giống,
khi đường gieo ro'i. 5. ra ngoài đườòng. 6. đi, 7. đạp, 8. xuống, 9. in het.
Integers: Indicators: giống, hột, ngoài, chia.. Predicators: eo, đi, gieo, roi, ro, đi, đạp,
xuống, ăn. Explicators: một,° phân, đường,” và, trên, tro'i. Illustrators: khi, đường gieo, bệt. Connectors : mà. Referent Conjunctors : ke. Referent Substitutes : một, người ta. Introducers :
8. ASHANTI.
Text.
0-gu-fo fi-i adi ko-gu-u n'-aba. Nal O-re-gu n o, e-bi g n
Sowing-person go-did out to sow his-seed. And he continues-Bowing that, thing-some fall-did kwakyen, na? wo-tiatia-a BO na wyim 1-noma-& be-solow-e.
wayside and they-trodon and air birds will come quite eat.
Subjects: 1. ogufo,
2. (ogufo), 3. ebi, 4. (combined with predicate),
5. wyim nnomka. Predicates: 1. fii adi koguu n'aba,
2. oregu no, 3. guu kwankyen, 4. wotiatias 80, 5. besosowe.
Remarks.
Integers : orega, wotiatiaa, Indicators: ogufo, n'aba, ebi, nnomäă. Predicators : fii, guu, besosowe. Explicators : wyim. Illustrators: adi, kwankyen, so. Connectors : na, na, na. Referent Conjunotors: Referent Substitutes : no. Introducers : koguu.
7. KAFIR.
Text. Um-hlwayel-
i wa-puma Wa-ya kuyi-hlwayela im-bewa y-ake. Eku-blwayel-eni kw-ake Person-sowing he-did-go out he-did-go to sow seed his sowing-at bis ya-
w enye ngas-endlele-ni, ya-nyatel-wa, zati in-taka zas-esulw-mi zayi-dla zayi-gqiba. it-did-fall part about-path-at it-trodden-was then bird of heaven they-did-eat did-destroy.

Page #173

APRIL, 1902.)
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
169
Remarks. Subjects: 1. umhlwayeli,
Integers: Wa-puma, waya, yawa, yanyatelwa, 2. (umhlwayeli),
zayidla, zayigqibe. 3. enye,
Indicators : umhlwayeli, imbewu, enye, intaka. 4. (enye),
Predicators : contained in integers). intaka zaserulwini,
Explicators : yake, kwake, zasesulwini. 6. (intaka zasesulwini).
Illustrators: ekuhlwayeleni, ngasendleleni, zati. Predicates: 1. wapuma,.
Connectors : 2. waya kuyihlwayela imbewu yake, Referent Conjunctors : 3. Ekuhlwayeleni kwake yawa nga- | Referent Substitutes : sendleleni,
Introducers : kuyihlwayela. 4. yanyatelwa, 5. zati zayidla, 6. zayigqiba.
8. MALAGASY.
Text. Lasa nyl mpa-mafy ha-mafy ny voa-ny: ary nong na-mafy izy, dial latsa-ka nys sasa-ny
Went the sower to-sow the seed his : and when did-sow he, then fell down the part-its tany 8-moro-n-dala-na, ka voa hitsakitsa-ka, diaa lany nyt voro-ma-nidina izy. earth at-side-of-path, so that seed trodden on, then devoured the bird-flying they..
Remarks. Subjects: 1. ny mpamafy,
Integers : 2. izy,
Indicators: mpamafy, voany, sasany, voa, voro3. ny sasany,
manidina. 4. voa,
Predicators: lasa, namafy, latsaka, hitsakitsaka, 5. ny voro-nanidina izy.
lany.. Predicates: 1. lasa hamafy ny voany,
Explicators: ny, ny, ny, ny. 2.nony namafy,
Illustrators: nony, dia, tany, amoron-dalana, dia. 3. dia latsaka tany amoron-dalana, Connectors: ary. 4. hitsakitsaka,
Referent Conjunctors : ka. 5. dia lany.
Referent Substitutes : izy,' izy.
Introducers: bamafy. 9. OLO NGADJU (OR DAYAK), BORNEO.
Text. Olo pa-nawur ba-goet, ma-nawar binjie. Djadi, haiak is ma-nawar-e, maka belahe lawo sara-n
Man sows ont-goes Sows Beed then together he gows it and part falls top-its djalan tuntang i-hundjeng, tinai burong penda langit kumantä lepah. path and was-trodden down, also bird undersky eat that completely.
Remarks. Subjects: 1. olo panawur,
Integers : 2. (ia),
Indicators : olo, binjie, belahe, djalan, burong, 3. ża, 4. belahe,
Predicators: bagoet, manawur, manawure, lawo, (belabe),
ihundjeng, kuman. 6. burong penda langit.
Explicators: panawur. Predicates : 1. hagoet,
Illustrators: djadi, baiak, saran, tinai, lepah. . 2. madawur binjie,
Connectors : maka, tuntang, penda. 3. djadi haiak manawure,
Referent Conjunctors: lawo saran djalan,
Referent Substitutes: ia, tā. 5. ihundjeng,
Introducers : 6. tinai kuman ta lepah.
langit.

Page #174

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(APRIL, 1000
10. NUYOR, JEW GUINEA
rest
Snoen-ija i kvepal moor i-mbram P keeps moor-ija bijda; la p keeps, TOWAR ESO i nappi
Man be sows seed he-goes be sow seed his and he sow, part one it falla bol nojan; mal kawan sart-epon orne, mal maa-si robot wan j$ ibro. on path and people they-tread-much this sad birds out of above they eat it consumed.
8.
i,
Bamske Habjecta : 1. moenija i,
Integers : imbram, Sariopea, s'aan, 2. (i),
Indiontors: snoepija, moor, modrija, towase, néjan,
kawasa, mana, bo.
Predicators: koepe, keeps, koope, sappi, ibro. 5. roWas OnO i,
Explicators: bieda, 0880. 6. kawassa,
Ilustrators: 7. maansiro bo,
Connectors: bo, ma, ma, ro. 8. i.
Referent Conjunctors: Predicates : 1. keeps moor,
Referent Babatitates: 1,1 1,2 1,3 1,4 ore, i. imbram (subject included), Introducers : 8. keeps, meorija bieda, 4. keeps 5. Seppi bo nějan, 6. sarfepen orne (subject repeated), 7. s'han subject repeated), 8. ibro.
11. XOTU, NEW GUINZA.
Text. Gigi-#-roboroho tau-da rade Imo i-e-na sito-nauhe-dia of hu-gigirohorobo; of
Scatter-it-about man-its did go he-thing-his seed-his plant-their be made scatter-it about he gigi-6-rohorobo-mu, haida dala ine-na emel mora; vadel. dis emes moi-tao stal scatter-it-about-ing some path side-its there it-did fall did feet-their they did red-down above 'mang vadsemel ani..
bird did they did eat-it.
Subjects: 1. sigiarohorobo tasas,
2. e, 8. e, 4. haida eme, 5. aedia eme,
6. atai manu eme. Prodiontos: 1. Yada lao inng oitond whedia,
2. bagigiarobotoho,
gigiarohorohoma, 4. dala isena ai moru, 6. moi atao, 6. rada anin.
Romarts.
Integer Indicaton: tagna, sitotta, haida, dala, imena, kodin
mano. Predicator : lno, hagigiarehoroho, gigiarohoro
homa, moru, moistao, ahin. Explicators: gigierohoroho, ioma. Mostrator : rada, i ai, raday atai, rada. Connector : Referent Conjunotont : Referent fabetitates: encore, lemon me Introducent: ubodia,

Page #175

Ani, 1902.)
THEORY OY UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR
171
13. KORTLOOK ISLANDS.
Text. Ran-malemal man kon fai la amara! failil 18-n ura; lupaan -
Mao-garden one-living he did go forth scattering here and there seed-of plant but when thing-bis amars faili, spaelok pan tu lan isl, tal ap para la o man 060 fail lan rad scatter about some fall down on path they after trod away and animal Aying about sky they ken aninni. did eat.
Bemarks. Sabjects : 1. Ran-malumalaman
Integers : 2. an amara faili.
Indicators: Ran, dan, epuelok, ial, man, lan. 3. epaelok,
Predicators : fai, pan, pura, aniani.
Explicators : malemal, aman, ura, an, susu. 5. man run foil lan na.
Illustrators : ken, ls, amaral, amarn,' faili, Prédicates: 1. kan fai la amara faili won wa, lapuan, faili," tu, ap, la, fail, ken.
2. lapaan (verb to be implied), Connectors : , lan, o. 8. por tu lan ial,
Referent Conjunctors : 4. ap pura la,
Referont Subatitates: 'ra, n. 5. ken animai.
| Introducers: 18. KOTA, BANK'S ISLANDS.
Text. l-gone wel NyaTar met mage - savarl mo-na ol sivuil : ti sayur, mal
Some-person does souttering did go so that he coatter for him the seed while now and tum so we mama • pan mate-wala, no me rano-vars, wel of mana t -vunens some seed does fall on side-ita road and was trodden-on and the bird belonging to above-its met gras qet. did st completely.
Betparts. Subjects : 1. igene we savaavur,
Integers : 2. sin,
Indientors : sivai, sivai, pan, matenla, manu. 3. (ni=he),
Predicators : sage, savur, savar, mamas, 4. tuan sivui,
Tanovarad, gana. 8. (tuan sivui),
Explicatrs : SATsavar, mona, 0,1 tuan, 0, 6.0 mana tapunana.
tavunane. Predientes: 1. me sage,
Illustrabors : we, me, ti, we, me, me, qet. 2. Tur mona o timu
Connectors: Wal, wa, wa. | 8. ti nyur,
Referent Conjunctors: 4. We mamas a pan matesala, Referent Sabstitutes . igene, 5. me Vanovan,
Introducers: sin. me gana qet.
14. BAXOAN.
Ual ala sta led tagata halal mitol el lalu mil saito; na ia lalu maito, 'a *
Did go forth the man wattering oorn to scatter there corn () he soatters coro did pate isi i lo wala, o li
na foi o mana fe-lolei. fall there some on the ridgo-rom ww trodden was when also by birds-flying.

Page #176

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[APRIL, 1902.
Subjects: 1. le tagata lula saito,
2. ia, 3. isi, 4. (isi), 5. (isi).
Remarks
| Integers : Indicators : tagata, saito, saito, saito,' isi, wuala,
manu, Predicators : alu, luln, lulu, pata, solia, 'aina. Explicators : le, 1 lulu, le, felelei. Illustrators: 'ua, atu, ai, na, 'ua, ai, 'ua, ua,
fo'i, Connectors : i, e. Referent Conjunctors: Referent Substitntes : is. Introducers : e.
l
Predicates: 1. fua alu atu e lulu ai saito,
2, na lulu saito, 3. 'ua pa'u ai i le 'auala, 4. 'ua solia, 5. *ua aina fori e manu felolei.
18. AWABAKAL,
Text.
Upilli-kan noul u-wa yeai kol upalli-ko ngiko-úmba 'ko ;9 ngatun
Sower (worker) he go-did forth (?) in order to work or sow him-of purpose and upulli-ela noaba, winta porkulle-uu kaiyinkon ta yapang ka; ngatun? Waita-wa baran, doing-washes0 part dropping was side it-is path on and trodden-was down ngatan tibbin-to takul-la moroko tin-to. and bird-by eat-did sky from.
Bemarks. Subjects: 1, Upillikan noa,
Integers : 2. noa,
Indicators: upillikan, apulliko, winta, yapang, 3. winta,
tibbinto, moroko. 4. (winta),
Predicators : uwa, upalliela, porkulleun, waitawa. 5. tibbinto moroko tinto.
takolla. Predicates: 1. uwa yeai ko upulliko ngikoumba Explicators : ngikoúmba. ko,
Illustrators: yeai (?), ba, kaiyinkon, baran. 2. upulliela ba,
Connectors: ngatan," ka, ngatun, ngatun, tinto. 3. porkulleun kaiyinkon ta yapung Referent Conjunctors: ta. ka,
Referent Substitutes : non, noa. 4. Waitawa baran,
Introducers : ko,' ko. 5. takulla, The most difficult word here is to," which is explained by Threlkeld to mean "it is." This suggests that it is an integer, but the meaning seems to plainly point to its function as a Referent Conjunctor explaining the relation of the sentence winta porkulleun kaiyinkon to the phrase yapung ka.
18. DAKOTA.
Text. W-ojul heca wan taku su kin? oja iyaya. W-oju, unkan apa canka i-cahda
Sower such-s-one a thing seed the bow he-las-gone he-sows, and part way by-side-of hintipaya; un kan na-aginza-pi, qa mabpiya o-kinyan-pikin temya-pi. it-falls-down and down-tread-they and clonds in-flying-they the devour-they.
· Australian Grammar, Sydney, 1884, p. 87.

Page #177

APRIL, 1902.)
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
173
Remarks.
Subjects: 1. woju heca wan,
2. (combined with predicate), 3. ap 4. (combined with predicate),
• 5. mahpiya okinyanpi kin. Predicates: 1. taku su kin oju iyaya,
2. woju, 3. canku icahda hinlipaya, 4. naatinzapi, 5. temyapi.
Integers: iyaya, woju,2 hinkpaya, naatinzapi,
temyapi. Indicators : woju, taku, apa, canku, okinyanpi. Predicators : (included in integers). Explicators : heca, wan, su, kin, malpiya kin. Illustrators: Connectors : unkan, icahda, unkan, a. Referent Conjunctors : Referent Substitutes : Introducers: oju.
It is evident from the foregoing that the first principles of the Theory can be applied to any of the Languages, although some of them (e. g. the Anam) make great use of ellipses, whilst others (e. g. the Motu) are somewhat tautological,
The second part of Colonel Tomple's discussion relates to the functions of words as indicated by their form. The stem of a word may be simple, consisting only of the root, or be modified by radical affixes to form a compound stem. Qualitative affixes indicate the function of the word and the class to which it belonge, and they may be prefixed, infixed, or suffixed, either separably or inseparably.
The following tables, therefore, give a list of all the roots and stems used in the foregoing examples, with lists of the affixes by which their funotions are indioated. It is here necessary to observe that the list of roots or stems which are Indicators, does not necessarily coincide with the list of Indicators which are used in the examples, for by the action of the affixes they may fulfil the functions of Explicators, Illustrators or other classes of word. The same observation applies to all the lists of roots.
Two other tables are added. The first shows Intromutations in the form of words in some of the Languages. The second gives a list of Beduplioations,
I. TABLES OF ROOTS AND STEMS.
Indicators.
Indica
Meaning,
English
Hungarian.
Latin.
Khasi.
Anam.
Ashanti.
man, person ... seed ... ... seed ... time ...
ember magvat köz...
nong ... symbai ... giông, hốt | aba
il semen
khi
thing ...
some
némelly
... aliu
via
ut
part ... path ...
way... side
side ... bird ... fowl... upper regions
lynti | | đu'ong ...) kwai rud ... ngoại ...| nkyen sim chim ... noma byneng ... trên, troi | wyim
madar ...eg ...
voluer ... coel ...
...

Page #178

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1902.
Meaning.
Kafir.
Malagasy.
Olo Ngadju.
Nufor.
Motu.
Mortlock.
olo
.
!
ran
na
bewu enye... endlele
binjie ... belabe ...djalan
snoen moor TOWAAS nejan
.
.
VON ... sasa ... dala ... moro voro...
...
inan, person seed part ... path ... side ... bird upper regions people
sito haida dala ise manu
epuelok ial
taka
... maan
...
...
... barong
langit
man lan
esulw
kawASBA ..
feet
...
se
he
ura
tany...
plant .. earth ... thing... garden top ...
malemal
bara ...
Meaning
Mots.
Samoa.
Asabakal.
Dakota.
sivui
tagata ... Baito
8012
als
inan, person seed... part ... ... path... ... side... ... bird ... upper regions thing ridge or point
winta ... yapung ... kaiyinkon tibbin ... moroko ...
Apa canku cahda
...
på ... mana vana mo ... inata
manu
malipiya taku
.
.......
...
au
..
........
Predicators.
Meaning.
English.
Hungarian.
Latin.
Κλαει.
Anam.
Ashanti.
Kafir.
Malagasy.
go
. ...vet ...es
... ya ... lasa ... hlwayel fafy ... Wa ... latsaka
was
wen HOW, scatter ... BOW fall
... fell be tread ...
trod est destroy, consume go out descend ... come fly .
... đi ... fi .. gieo ...| gu
phân, roi gu .. đạp ...| tiatia
.. 6060
leit ... semin... bet ... cecidi ... hap
don ... conculcat iuh . come... bám
duh exii
tapod e ...
devour
nyatelwa hitsakitsaka dla .. lany gqiba . puma
ra
xuông................
be
:
:
sidy

Page #179

APRIL, 1902.)
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
175
Olo Ngadju.
Nufor.
Motu.
Mortlock.
Mota.
Samoan.
Awabakal.
Dakota.
go...
mbram
fai ...sage ...alu sow, scatter sawur ... keeps ... gigi amara.. sayur ... lala fall ...
lawo .. sappi ... moru ... pun .. mamas.. pa'u tread ... hundjeng arf moi ... pura .. vano ... soli eat ...kuman aan ... ani
gana ...'ai destroy... ...... ibro . ... go out ...hagoet
lelei
u... ... iyaya upulli ..ojn porkulle...hintipaya waits .. atinza takul ... temya
.aniani
...
BUSU
kinyan
Explicatore.
Meaning.
English.
Hungarian.
Latin.
Khasi.
Anam.
Kafir.
Malagasy.
&
.
egy
một
0...
one his the many
the
AZ
Meaning
Nufor.
Mortlock,
Mota.
Samoan.
Awabakal.
Dakota.
......
wan
.. ...
OSSO... bieda
ngikoumba ...
one ... his ... the some ... such a one
kin
heca
Illustrators.
Hearing.
English.
Latin.
Khasi.
Anam.
Ashanti.
Kafir.
Malagasy.
.....
adi
dum
out. ... out while, as down ... down past time then, afterwards... when ... ... ..... still, continuing... completely
zati
dis
haba dang
nony
het
above
...
SO
.
..
-
Me

Page #180

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
Meaning
Olo Ngadju.
Mortlock.
Mota.
Затоап.
Arcabakal.
atu
yeai
baran
vada
ken
.
qet
:
outward, forth down past time ... then, afterwards ... djadi when ... still, continuing completely
lepah above together
haiak there also ... ... ... tinai... thus, so present tense here and there, about
atai
:
faili
Connectors.
Meaning.
English,
Hung.
Latin.
Khasi.
Ashanti. Malagasy.
Olo Ngadju.
...
...és ...
... ary
... maka, tuntang
and
and beside.
...by of
of about, concerning but under ..
... et ... bad secus
jong
mà
penda
Meaning.
Nufor.
Mortlock
Mota.
Samoan.
Awabakal.
Dakota.
and
...
ngatan
unkan, da
but ...
ks
...
on out of by ... from ...
tinto
Referent, Conjunctors.
Meaning.
Khasi.
Anam.
Malagasy.
Awabakal.
that ...
...
ke
that is so that

Page #181

APRIL, 1902.]
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
177
Referent substitutes.
Meaning.
English. Hungarian.
Latin.
Khari.
Anam.
Ashanti.
Malagasy.
Olo Ngadju.
he...
...
it, that he who
......
... ngu'o'i ... u, ba... qui
they we...
Meaning
Nufor.
Motu.
Mortlock.
Mota.
Samoan.
Awabakal
...nos
he ... it, that... they ...
ema
eme
this
orne
of unknown name
gene
Introducers.
Meaning
English
Hungarian.
Mota.
Samoan.
Awabalal.
...to
...
that he might in order that purpose ...
......
hogy
... Bi
...
ko
...
II.-TABLE OF AFFIXES.
Prefixes - Radical. Out: Hung, ki-, Latin ex-, Olo Ngadju ha-. away : Hung, el-. completely: Hung. megcontinuance : Ashanti re-. about: Kafir ngas-. down: Dakota na-. classification : Kafir in-, im-, y. kw..
In order to ; at; in; of belonging to ; he : his: he did : it did : they : they did :
Prefixes - Functional. Ashanti ko-, Kafir kuyis, Malagasy har. Khasi ha, Malagasy - Dakota i-. Dakota, o Kafir zas-, Mota ta. Ashanti 0-, Mota i-, Nofor is, Dakota w. Ashanti n'-, Kafir wa-. Kafir ye. Ashanti wo-, Nufor Kafir sayi

Page #182

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
Indicating :
& thing:
Prefixes - Qualitative. Agent:
Ashantio-, Kafir um, Malagasy mpa-, Olo Ngadju pa-, Dakota w-.
Ashanta e. a person :
Mota in plurality :
Ashanti n-, Samoan fe-. name of an action: Kafir eku. past time: Malagasy napresent time : Malagasy ma-, man-, Olo Ngadja ma-. causative :
Motu hapassive:
Olo Ngadju in.
Suffixes – Radical.
Away : Khasi-noh. constantly : Khasi -roit, Nufor-epen. about: Motu -rohoroho. down: Mota -atao.
Sufixes - Functional.
Monning - In order to : Latin -are, Awabakal-ko. at:
Kafir -eni, -ni. in :
Hungarian -be. on:
Hungarian -ra. of, belonging to: Hungarian -i, Latin -i, Mortlock -n, Awabakal-umba. by means of : Awabakal-to. he or it: English-t, Latin, -it, -at, -t, Olo Ngadja -e, Motu 4, Mota .n. his, its : Malagasy -ny, -n, Olo Ngadju -n, Motu -na, Mortlock -n, Mota-na, -a. he would : Hungarian -ne. they did : Hungarian -ek, -vek, Latin -erant. their :
Motu -dia. transitive action: Mota - B.
Indicating :
Suffixes - Qualitative. Agent :
English -er, Awabakal -kan. a thing:
Hungarian -és, Latin -ud, -um. living thing: Mortlock -man. plurality :
English -s, Hungarian ak, Latin-es, Nufor-si, Dakota -pi. intention :
Khasi -1. past time:
English -ed, en, Latin -tum, Ashanti -i, -u, -8, Awabakal - Ira.
els, -le, -un. present time : Hungarian -Ö, Kafir -i, Motu-mu. passive :
Hungarian -tatek, Latin-tu-, Kafir -wa, Samoan -a, -na. object of an action: Hungarian -t, Latin -m. specification : 3
Nufor-iya. classification : Ashanti-fo. indefinite : Malagasy -na, -ka.
The meaning of this Nufor suffis is expressed by the English "
certain."

Page #183

APRIL, 1902.]
THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
179
III. - Table of Intromutations,
Mutation.
Meaning.
Language.
Root.
Word in text.
a to e
Past tense
English...
O.
e to ii (ivi) ...
euphony
Hungarian completed action. Latin ... plural ... .. completed action. euphony
fall tread mag-vet ex-e-o ... volucris ... cad-o ... esulwe ... umhwayela
E
Kefir
fell trodd
mag-vát ex-ii-t volucres ce-cid-it esulwini ekuhwayeleni umhwayeli manidina mamafy manawur, panawar. matesala upillikan
- C
... Malagasy
E
:
:
Ston a to e u to i (?)
sidy (sidina)
fafy .. ...sawur ...
mata ... .
upulliko
Old Ngadju ... Mota .. ... Awabakal
composition
(?
...
IV. - Table of Reduplications.
Meaning.
Language.
Simple form.
Form
in text.
cado
Completed action repetition ... intensity ... explication
Latin ... Malagasy Motu ...
hitga
roho
Mortlock
cecidit hitsakitsaka roboroho malemal susu aniani
91
Mota
...
."
savur ...
Faysavur
continuance continuance onomatopoetic intensity ...
...(ma) ...
...Samoan
mamas lulu
... lue
...
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The final section of Colonel Temple's paper discusses the classes of languages as shown by their variation in forms of words, position of words in the sentence, or a combination of form and position. The principles of classification are as follows:
. 1. Syntactioal Languages. (Position of words indicates meaning.) 2. Formative Languages. (Forms indicate meaning.) 8. Agglutinative. (Affixes without alteration.)
1. Pre-mutative. (With Prefix.) 2. Intro-mutative. (With Infix.)
3. Post-mutative. (With Suffix.) b. Synthetio. (Affixes with alteration.)
1. Pre-mutative. 2. Intro-matative.
3. Post-mutative. A language may belong primarily to one class and secondarily to another class.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[APRIL, 1902.
The sixteen languages of which examples are given in this paper may therefore be primarily classed as follows:
1. Syntactical-Anam. 2. Formative. 8. Agglutinative. 1. Pre-mutative – Khasi, Ashanti, Malagasy, Old Ngadja, Nufor, Motu,
Mortlock, Mota, Samoan. 2. Post-mutative - Hungarian. b. Synthetic.
1. Pre-mutative - Kafir, Dakota.
2. Post-mutative - English, Latin, Awabakal. The foregoing texts and analyses give a general sketch of the applicability of Col. Temple's Theory to the phenomena of varied languages. A further exhibition of its value may hereafter be given by arranging the entire grammar of a given language in accordance with the principles laid down in the Theory.
THE WRECK OF THE “DODDINGTON," 1755.
BY SIR BIOHARD O. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p., 131.) Transactions, on Board The sloop Happy Deliverance from Bird Island
Towards [the] River St Lucia. Wednesday Febry 18th 1756. The First part Light Airs, Westerly and Fair Weather, Middle and Latter Strong Gales and Cloudy Weat at 2 PM, Weighd and with Gods Permission, Intend to Make [the] River St Lucia Our First port : at 7PM Bird Island Bore W BN. Distant 4 Leagues, the Extreems (Extremes] of the Land from N W to E BS. Distance off Shore 8 Miles.
Thursday 10th. Strong Gales and Variable with Unsettled Weat and a Large Sen, Which we were Obliged to keep Right before : at 5 A Mit moderated [grew Moderate] which gave us some Relief, for while the Gale Lasted Every One Expected the Next Moment to be their Last. This [These] 24 Hours Find my Self to the Soward of Account 35 M: Which I Impute to an Error in the Course, as we could by no Means Make the Compass Stand.
Friday 20th, Light Gales Westerly & fair Wea!: At 6 PM Saw the Land the Extreems [Extremes) from N to N E Dist of 7 Leagues. At Sun Rise Do from North to N W Dist off Shore 7 Leagues & at Noon from W NW to N E Dist 4 Leago AM. This Day 24 Miles to the Soward of Ace which is Occasioned by a Corrents That I find by the Land Setts from N E. This Morning the Gramposes was [were) So Thick About us we Could Scarce Steer Clear of them, Running Right Over Some, but Drawing a Small Draught of water did not Touch any of them, But [tho'] Were Sufficiently Frightned.
Saturday 21. Light Airs & Calms. Att Sun Sett the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from WNW to NNE Dist 5 Leagues, Att Sun Rise Do Bore from N W to N BE Dist 7 Leagues. This day find [found] my Self 47 Miles to the Soward of Ace! Lattitude Observ! 33° : 21' 89.
18 This current is noted by Dann, p. 868, and all the Sailing Direction.

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APRIL, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
181
Sunday 28. Moderate Gales with Some Light Squalls and Hazey Wea!. At 8pm: Bore away to look at an Opening which Made like a River, but did not prove4 So. Hauld our Wind and Tack Severall Times, in Order to try if there was less Current, In Shore than in the Offing, but Found it Sett us at the Rate of 2 Miles [Knots) pr Hour, To the Westward. At 1 Do the Wind Came Fair Again, and we made the Best of it we could ; keeping about 4 Miles off Shore where we Found Less Current and a Cold Shore; At Sun Rise the Extreems (Extremes of the Land from E NEW North Distt of Shore 3 Miles. At noon Do Bore from WBS to EN E Dist 4 Miles. Notwithstanding We Sailed so Agreeable along Shore this day, as I thought, without Meeting any Current, find my Self 27 Miles to the Southward of Acc Lata Observd 32° 49' So.
Monday 23rd Feb!y 1756. The First and Middle parts fresh Gales, latter Moderate. At P M. Anchord within a Mile of the Shore, bat the Wind Freshening np in the SE Q: Which Makes it a Bad Road, Weighed Again in About an Hour, and from that Time till 5 AM: lost more Ground, thau We gott in a Week Afterwards, tho we had favourable Winds for most Part of the Time. At 6 A M. Saw the Land Bearing No Dist 5 Leagues At Noon the Extreems [Extremes from N Eto NWB W Latt pr Obsa 33° : 19 8o.
Tuesday 24th. Light Variable Breezes. At Sun Rise the Extreems (Extremes of the Land from N E to W NW Dist 4 Leagues. At Noon Do Bore from EBN to N W Dist 1 Mile. This pay Find my Self 22 Miles to the Southward of Ace Latte Obsy 89° 22' So.
Wednesday 25th. The First part fresh Gales and Fair Wea! towards Middle And Latter Mostly Calm. From Yesterday Noon till 7 P M. Tacked Severall Times Standing off and On, but Anding we Lost Ground, Came to an Anchor, And Began Immediately to fish. And had Very great Success, by Catching Enough To last us Severall day's had we Salt to Cure them. We Are in hopes We Shall not want fish while it Continues fair Wear Enough to ride at an Anchor, Which will help out our Small Store of Provisions remaining; Having Expended Near Half already, and tho we have Ran More than the Distance from the Island to 8! Lucia, by Dead Reckoning am Certain that we have not gott More than 30 Leagues on our way. Try the Current and Found it Sett 2 Miles [Knotts] pr Hour.
Thursday Seth. The First and Middle Moderate and fair Weather, Latter Fresh Gales and * Large Sea. Caught Several fine Fish.
Friday 27th The First part fresh Gales, and the Sea So High, that we Expected to part Every Minute. In the Evening the Wind and Sea Moderated (grew Moderate] & at 10 P M fell Calm. At 11:a Breeze Sprung up at West, Weighd. At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes) of the Land from NEBE to Wdist 4 Miles. At Noon Do W. to E B N Dist 2 Miles. This day there was 16 Biscuits Sold For 20 Dollers, Lattd Obey 38°: 58° 8°.
Saturday 28th Light Airs & Calms. At Sud Rise the Extreems (Extremes of the Land from E B N to WBS Dist 2 Miles. Being Calm in the Morning got out Our Oars, and Rowd in for the Shore in order to Anchor, and Land with the Small Boat, it We Could tu Cutt Wood, having Only 2 Days Wood on Board. Anchor! in 20 Pm Sandy Ground. Dist off Shore 1. Mile. Found the Current Sett 1 Mile [Knot] pr Hour To the Westward. (AM:) 7 Miles to The Soward of Ace! Latty Obed 82°: 52' So.
* It right has been one of the stream to E. of Cape Padron. See Horsburgh, Ed. 1809, p. 2w.

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Sunday Febit 29 1766. A Fresh Gale Easterly till 4 A M, When the Wind Shifted to the Westward and we Weighd at Noon. The Extreema [Extremes] of the Land from E B N to WN W Dist of Shore 5 Miles. I Never was getting an Anchor up with Better will than this Morning, for Yesterday we Lost One. Immediately let go Another which held us. Was in Danger of Foundering Every Minnte. The Sea Breaking so prodigiously, and we could not, Afford to loose another Grapnail. Besides, in driving to the westward was Starting, therefore Could by No Means Agree to Slip, there being but Little Choice Either to Founder at Anchor, or Drive to Leeward and Starre Latte Obs! 82°: 44' 8o.
Monday March fot. The First Part Calm, The Middle and Latter Fresh Gales. At Noon got the Boat Out and 8 Men went & shore to Try if they could Land And gett Sorne Wood. At the Same Time we got Our Oars Out on Board and Row! After them in order to Anchor, but was Agreeably Disappointed by a Breeze Springing up from the Wtward, When we got within a mile of the Shore. [We] Ley too for Our Boat which Return on Board, without Wood, not being Able to Land. Caught Fish Enough to Last us 2 Meales while we Lay too, And should have Caught Many More, had not the Sharks Taken away all Our Hooks. At Sun Rise The Extreems (Extremes) of the Land from East to W B 8 Dist of Sbore Miles. About 10 , Clock Came into a Greaty Ripling, Which Surprized us greatly much] thinking it was Breakers, and for 2 Hours I Never Saw 8o Confused [6] Sea, Which Threatned our destruction every Moment. About 12 it Was More Regular which gave us Some Relief & as we Came Nearer the Land it was Quite Smouth, Lat. Obs! 31°: 58' So.
Tuesday 24. The first part Fresh Gales and Squalls, Middle Calm, latter a fresh Breeze. At 5 PM Hauld in for an Opening which Made Like a Harbour but did not prove 80. As we Came Near the Land mett with a Large Confused Sea, Which is Occasioned By a Strong Current : for When We Were Running 4 Knotts to yo Eastward as we Thought, We found we drove to the Westward by the Land at least a Mile [Knot] an hour. As soon as we discoverd Our Mistake hauld off ES E in hope to run out of the Current bat by my Observation find [found) it Continues [Continued]. [Therefore] For finding my Self 87 M: To the Soward, of Acos which made me propose [I propos'a] to the people to stand to the Soward, but they would not Agree to it, on any Terms, having no Wood on Board and Very Little Provissions. Two of them having (had now] no Bread, and Several Others Very Short. As (we had] have Now Nothing to Live on but an Ounce & hall of Salt Pork p- Day, I propos'd putting Back to the Island to gett Wood, and Proceed for the Cape. Accordingly it was Agreed on & at Noon we Bore Away Lattitude Obgd 83° 08' 89.
Wednesday Maroh 99 1760. The First and Latter Parts Moderate and Fair, the Middle Cloudy with Thunder Lightning and Rain. At Sun Sett the Extreems (Extremes of the Land Bore from N E to W NW Dist of Shore 2 Leag!. At Sun Rise Do from W BS to EN E Dist 8 or 4 Miles. At 8 AM Lay too and fishe'd but The Vessell Driving fast Could not keep the Ground: therefore, Stood in Shore And Anchord in 15 Fathom Dist of Shore 1 Mile. The Extreems [Extremes) of the Land from ENE to W SW, Where we Caught Enough to last us 3 Days, And then Made Sail at Noon & Stood off in Order to give the Land a Birth, it Threatning
Hard Gale from the Westward which makes (made] me Repent Bearing away, but Indeed our Situation is (was] Such that I am was) at a Lobs what to do, for when we have [had] « fair Wind to go to the Eastward, We Always Mett [with] 80 Strong & Current, that when I think [we thought) we Sail[d] at the Rate of 4 Knotts with a fair Wind find [found] Our Selves Very Little to the E'ward of where the Place) we Were Before Lattd Obser33°: 7' S.
16 Perhaps one of the rivers E. of Cape Padron mentioned in Hornburgh, Ed. 1809, 1.240.

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APRIL, 1902.)
THE WREOK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
189
Thursday 4th. The First part Moderate and Fair Wear but Soon Change to s bard Gale and Dirty Wes! With Very Large Ses. Soon After we got under weigh [Weight] it Began to Fresben from the Westward. - We Close Reefd the Main Sail and got the Bowsprit in, then Lay too which was about 1: o Clock in Which Situation The Vegsell Seem to Behave Well, which gave me great Hopes of Proceeding to Tbo Cape. But Soon After was Convinced to the Contrary; for When I little Expected it She Shipp! a Ses, which had like to have Waxh'ed all the Watcb off Deck, Soon After that Another. So I found that we should not be able to cope with the Seas, We Were Liable to meet with in going to the Southward. [Therefore] I Propos'd going to the Noward Again ; which was Agreed to and at 2 Bore away. To the Eastward again. From That Time till 9 o Clock, the Gale Continued to Increase and I think in all the Time I have been to Sea, Never Saw [any thing So] Frightfulla sen as there was from 5 : 0 Clock (till] to 9. For my part must Own I Expected to perish in it Every Moment.
Friday 5th. The First and Middle Parts Squally with Rain, Latter pleasent Gales, and fair Weer. At Sun Sett the Extreems (Extremes of the Land from N EBN to WSW Dist of Shore 3 Leagues. Since my last Observation Find my Self 65 Miles to the Soward of Account Latt. Obser! 33°: 34 8o.
Saturday Maroh eth 1768. The First & Latter parts Moderato : & fair. Middle Squally and Some Rain. At Sun Sett the Extreems (Extremes] of the Land from E B N to W+ Dist 5 Miles. Find my Self This Day 6 Miles to the Sward of Account from the Time That we Bare Away to the Eastward Again. When the Wind was Westerly Steerd of the Land to gett an offing and Make a search slong Shore, when the Wind Comes to the E'ward in Hopes by that Means to Make a Better band of it. But it proves (proved] to the Contrary: for by the Make of the Land find Ourselves no farthar to the Eward, then [than) We Were this day Week, tho: we have bad the Wind in Our Favour. For This [These] 3 days past, have dressd Our Victuals with the Remaining part of The Cable we parted, and this day there was a Silver pint Mugg Offer for 6 Biscuits. Went to an allowance of Water 2 Q" pr Man, having only 3 Hogsheads & left, which will Last us About a Fortnight. We are now Standing in Shore in order to fish and Are determined Next fair Wind to Run Close along Shore, in the Eddy of the points, Notwithstanding we did not Think the Wind large Enough, at S WBW and Our Course Et for it Blow so hard & the Sea Ran so High That We Were Obliged to keep her Right before it Latt! Obs83o: 4 So.
Sunday March 7. Light Airs and Calms. Att 2 P M Got the Boat Out and 3 Men went in Shore to look for a Landing Place, but could find None. At 3 Anchored and Caught fish Enough, to last us 2 Days, the Extreems (Extremes of the Land from East to W. Dist 1 Mile. The Rock Where [off which] we lost our Grapnail of off last Sunday E B N Dist 8 Miles. At 2 AM Weigh and Sailed Close along shore. Still meet a Current Setting to the Wtward 1 Mile [Knot] pr. hour. At 7 Falling Calm, Ancho and Soon After Saw Severall of the Natives, Close down to the Water Side, At the Same Tine Saw Severall droves of Cattell [Cattle] Which Encouraged me to Send our Boat ashore Once More and try if they could Land. When they Came in Shore Found the Surf to Run [Ran] Very High, but being encouraged by the Natives who Seem greatly Rejoyced at the Sight of our People, one Tho. Arnold went on Shore, but had like to have to pay (paid] dear for it, Not being, Able, to Gett off Again thro: the Surf, but Sailing Along Shore 4 or 5 Miles, Came to a Small Bay Where there was a Little Surf by Which Means got him off and He gave the Following Description of the Natives at his first Landing. They Seem'd a Little Shy of him, but he Advanced towards them Making Motions of Submission all the way be went. He Came to a Number of them Setting down, who Made Motions for him to Sett down, by them

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which he did. Then an Old Man, held up the Lap (Lappet] of the Garment which was a Bullocks Hide, expecting he would give him something, and having few Beads About his Neck, he gave Them to him. Then Another Held up his Garment in the Same Manner, And he Gave Him a small piece of Buntin Which was all he had, & they all Would be Glad to Accept, any Thing you would give them, but Never Offered To Take any thing by Force. Our Man Made Motions to them for Something to Eat, & they gave him Some Indian Corn.66 He then went to gett Some Wood to Make * Cattamaran to gett of [with] on which they Assisted him, but he could not gett her Thro: the Surl. They then Directed him to the Bay, Where he gott off & baving Told the people in the Boat how Civill they were to him and that we might gett Some Sheep & Wood if they would go A Shore again, they no Sooner Came on Board, but wanted to Return Which I did not Approve of (at that time),
There being a fine Breeze Westerly, but those on Board, as well as [those] them in the Boat, Were desirious of Staying an Hour or two, Saying, it I did not; [tbey] would not go on Shore Again. Therefore, Consented, and 3 of them went on Shore Again, And Return with Wood Enough to last us 3 or 4 Days Latt, Obsd 82°: 57' So.
Monday 8. Light Airs and Fair Weat. At 2 P M Made Sail [80] Close Along Shore, That we Could Talk with a Man: by Which Meana kept out of The Current, Except when we came off the Points Where it was so strong, that it was with Difficulty we got Round them. AM, Saw Severall of the Natives, and many Droves of Cattle, Which they seem to be very carefull off, for when we Came near any of them that was [were] Feeding by the Water Side, their keeper would drive them to the Country. At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from E B N to West Dist off Shore
of a Mile. At Noon the Extreems [Extremes) of the Land from E B N to WSW Dist of Mile. We are] to the Soward of Account 8 Miles Latt: Obsd 32° : 38' So.
Tuesday 9th. A Fresh Gale Westerly with Unnsettled Wes At Sun Rise the Extreems Extremes) of the Land from NEBE to W Dist. off Shore 2 Leagues. At Noon the Extreems [Extremes) of the Land from E N E to WS W Dista Mile Latt pr Ace 31°: 49' 89.
Wednesday 10th. The first part Light Airs and fair Wear Middle & Latter Calm. At 5 PM. the Wind Shifting to the Etward Anchord in 12 I'm water. The Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from E B N to WBS Dist of a Mile. As soon as we Anchord we heard Severall People Hallowing to us, and Shewd White Flagg. We Could not go on Shore to them, the Surf Ran so High. At 3 A M Found Our Cable had Swept a Rook, Which Took us from that Time till 11 before We Cleard it. Rana Little Farther out into Better Ground. Sent the Boat to Try if they Could Land, but could not Latte Obed 31°: 41' so.
Thursday Maroh Ith The First and Latter parts Strong Gales Wterly, and * large Sea Tumbling in On the shore, Which Made us Very Uneasy Knowing Our Selv's to be in Foul Geanind. Latter part Calm. In Shortning in The Oable, found it Foul of Rook Again, But it www. Clear! This Morning 4 Men went in the Boat to Try to Land but Could Not Latto Obes
1: 41' So.
Friday 13th. The First Part Do WenMiddle & latter little Wind. At Daylight The Wind Came to the Noward and we Weighs but did not gett above a Mile Before it fell Calm Came to Anchor Again. 4 Men Attempting Landing in this place but Could not. Cannot Catch suy Fish here; Which we feel the Effects of, for those that have no Bread Are Almost Starvd.
# 1 e. Moulies.

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APRIL, 1902.]
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185
Saturday 13. The First Part Strong Gales Easterly, Middle and latter Calm. This Morning 2 Men Went in Shore to Try to Catch Fish, but Returns without success, Assureing [Assuring] 16 there was Less Surf and in their Opinion might Land. Accordingly 4 Men went to try and 2 of thom got on shore, and the Other Two Came on Board for fear it Should Freshen up to a Gale, as it has done [these] this 3 days past. The Two that Landed We Saw Walk along Shore till Mett by Some of the Natives, who Seemd. Little Sby of them at first. We who were on Board soon lost Sight of them.57
Bunday 14th. Moderate Gales Eterly and fair, Landed 2 More people who were Desirous of going a Shore, at the Time they Jump out of the Boat Shark Took Hold of one of the Peoples Oars, and Almost pull it from him. Towards Night Less Wind and [looked] looks as if it would Shift to the Westward, Which Made me Very Uneasy for the People that were on Shore; least [lest it Should Blow so hard that should not be Able to wait till Morning ; so Made Signalls in the Night by Shewing Lights in hopes it Would Fetch Them down to the Water Side, when we might Have got them off ; but it was to no purpose, for they did not come down till 6 o Clock next Morning, when it was to [too] Late, There being a Gale of wind and to [too] much See for the Small Boat. So we Ward [as we sail'd] along Shore. After we had Run about 4 or 5 Miles Came to & Small Bay Where there was Shelter from a Westerly Wind. Anchord in 5 Fm Water 4 Men went on Shore. 2 to meet the 4 that were] was left Behind & 2 to Sound at Ye Mouth of a River Within us. Which (we) Are in great hopes Sball gett into in About 3 Hours. The 2 Men Returnd With the Other 4 and severall of the Natives. We Are Expecting them on Board Erery Minuite, butt whether the Surf is to High or the Boat Stove Cannot Tell, for they do not Attempt to come off.
Monday March 16th 1768. The First Part . Fresh Gale Westerly with Squalls & hard Rain, Middle Calm, Latter a Light Air Easterly. Was Very Uneasy all Night, for the people and Boate. As soon as it was Day light weighd & Stood Close in Shore to Call to Them, Trestning if they did not come off would go away And Leave them; for While we Lay [Lie] bere, Are Expending what Little provissions we bave Left not Catching any Fish, and Very Little Expectation of Getting into the River;58 there being a very great Bar. Our Threatning had [its] the Desired Effect : for two of them Ventured off tho' there was a Great Surf on the Sbore. The Reason they did not come off before, Was on Account of the Surf. They Were Very well Used by the Natives, Who gave them Bread, Milk and Fruit: the Wind is Come Easterly wbich Makes the place We Are in a Bed Toad, & is a fair Wind into the River, Which with the Civil Usage of the Natives & Our people on Shore, Tempts us Very Much to Hazard going over the Barr, Which was Agreed On. At 10 o Clock Weighd and Ron for the River, the Small Boat a bead a Sounding. They made a Signal for us to Haul of. Upon which we Wore and Anchord again. They Informed ns [they] had but 8 Foot Water, which we thought to Little, with the Sand She would have. Therefore Agreed to Wait till High Water. At 2 in the Afternoon Weigb with a fresh Breeze Eterly, and run Over the Barr, Much Safer than we Expected, and Came to Anchor, in the River in less three Fathoms. At Spring Tides have 3 Fathom at high Water : & 8 Foot att Low Water; MŢ Collet & my
Self Wont on Shore to get Provissions, & Bought a Fine Bullock Weighing About 6. for a pair of Copper Bangles for their [the Natives) Arms, and some Small peices of Iron. We kill the Bullock Immediately and Suppo very Heartily Upon it.
* This sentence was first written thus- They soon got ont of our Sight on Board.'
The description answers to several River in Horsburgh, Ed. 1809, I. 949 1. ; but most probably the places described aro Paul'. Cove and the River St. Jobs or Uusibavu. See Taylor, 1. 88.

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[Arkit, 1902.
Tuesday 18th, Wind Variablo & fair Wes! This Morning there is but few of the Natives to be Seen. And [I don't find] They have Nothing for Our Use. In the Afternoon I went about 5 Miles up the River Taking on [one] of the Natives With me, by Whose Assistance I got about % Peek of Grain giving them Brass Buttons in return. [1] Saw a Great Number of Mannates or Ses Cow's in the River. As soon as I Return on Board, Sent the Boat, for [Those them Who Were Opposite the Vessell a trading. They got Only as Much Bread As Would Serve A Meal. We have not been On Shore on the East Side, being much discouraged, by the people on the Wt Side, telling us they would Cutt our Throats.
Wednesday 17 March 1756. The First part Wterly. In the Night Blew A Storm of Wind Southerly and [with] Constant hard Rain. Our Southermost Anchor Came Home, Altho' the Place is as Smooth as any Dock. At Noon X! Collett went up the River Taking two of the Natives with him, but Mett with Little Success, getting only Dozen beads of Corn, but Thinks 'he] Should have got Much More About 4 Miles Higher up, then [than] I went, Could he have persuaded y. Natives to go on Shore, Which they Refused, Telling them Those on Shore would kill them, at the Some Time Sbewing * Place in On of their Legg, Where he was Wounded by an Arrow, where we Lay got Sone Corn:
Thursday 18th, The First part Strong Gales st 8 W, Latter More Moderate..with Contings! Rain, Middle the Wind at N W and fair Weather. Got no Trade to Day Except Bullock. Sent
Shore the Water Casks to All at a Small Creek.
Friday 19th. Light Airs at N W and fair Wes! Got our Vessell by the Stern and Stoppd Leak froward forward). M Collott & Powell with one of the Natives Landed on the E. Side, Where they were Treated Very Civilly; They Travelled about 8 Miles before they Came to any Hutts Where they gott 4 or 5 pound of Potatoes, Some Corn & a fowls (sic).
Saturday 20 1768, Winds Variable and pleasent Wear. Sent 2 Men with one of the Natives in the Country to gett Some Calves to Carry to Ees. Got Great Quantity of Corn to day and one fowle.
Sunday 20. The First Part Wind Westerly & Rainy Wew Latter Fair. 7 of our People went on Shore on the Et Side & Brought about 12 pound of Potatoes & Some Corn & Bread. We lickwise slikewise) got Same Bread & Corn on y. Wt Side.
Monday 29d. Fresh Gales Westerly with Heavy Rain. The 2 Men Returned & Broughts Bullock with Them, which is all they could gett, without Copper or Brass. Sent Some in the Coup. try, with One of the Natives got a Little Indian Corn & Some Guiniea [Guines) Corn.
Tuesday 28d. Wind and Weat as Before. Got a few Heads of Corn and Some Milk.
Wednesday March 24th 1768. Winds as Before & fair Weather. 6 men wont. of (sic) Lach Side to get some Calves for Sea Stock, & a Bullock for present Expending; but Beturn! without Either. The People Refuseing (Refusing] to Part with Them. Thon on the Et Side yot near Bushell of Potatoes, Some Bread & Corn,

Page #191

THE WRECK OF THE "DODDINGTON," 1755.
Thursday 25. Moderate Gales Westerly and fair Wear Gott Plenty of Corn & Bread. The Man is Returned from the Country without Calves. Bought a Bullock for a Brass Image of a Clock.
APRIL, 1902.]
187.
Friday 26. Light Airs Easterly and fair Wea! This Morning Mr Collett & Self Went on the East Side & Brought a Bullock, Some Bread & Corn. The People Return from the Wt Side and Bronght a Calf and 5 Fowles. We Lickwise Bought a Cow for 4 pair of Cop Bangles and agread [agreed] for a Nother for a [the] Brass Bottom of a Compass.
Sunday 27. The First part Light Airs, Werly, the Latter Eterly, which Prevented us from Sailing, as we Intended in the Morning. However, Shall Take The First Oppertunity, haveing [having] Plenty of Bread & Corn, to Last a fortnight. Lickwise 2 Calves, a Cow and 20 Fowles. The Natives on the Eastside Brought Down Corn Bread & Potatoes.
Sunday 28th. Wind and Wear as Before. Severall of the Natives whome we Have not Seen Before, Came to [the Place]. Where we Lay & Brought a Bullock with Them Which We Bought for a Brass Image, & Some Small Iron. We lickwise Gott Some Bread & Corn. Got Every thing on Board in Readiness for Sailing in the Morning.
Monday 29th, Wind Northerly and fair Wea! At 5 AM Weighs and Soon got to the Barr Where we Found More Surf than we Expected, and had it Been Day Light Enough for us to have seen it, before we Came Near it, I am Certain Should not have Attempted Coming Over it; for When we Got Among the Breakers found them Allmost to many for us, 2. Very large Seas Braking Right on us, Another Hove the Boat Broadside to the Sea, but Luckily She wore before Another Sea, took her, or Else must Inevitably been Lost on the Rocks, which [were] was Not Twice her Length from us. However, Got Safe out, & hope Shall not be [obliged] Necessitated to put into a Barr Harbour Again. These People Answer the Description of a Hottentots (sic).
Tuesday 30th March 1756. The First part Little Winds and fair Wear Middle and Latter Fresh Gales, with a Large Sea. At 1 P M the Land Where we Lay at Anchor, before we went in the Harbour W B 8, Dist 6 Leag At 6 the Extreams [Extremes] of the Land from N E BE to WB S, Dist: off Shore 3 or 4 Miles. This Wening Found that we got ground in Turning. Therefore Hope the Westerly Current [has] is done. This day am to the Northward of Account 10 M Latt pr Observ 30°: 82′ So.
Wednesday 31st, Moderate Breezes at 8 W & fair Wear the Land here is Much More Regular than any we have past for Some Time, and Sends More To the Noward Than Laid Dowa in the Chart Lattd pr Acct 29°: 29' 8°.
Thursday April 1. Light Breezes Westerly and fair Wear att Sun Sett The Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from N EBE to W B 8 Dist 1 Mile. At Noon Do from E NE to Wt Dist of Shore 1 Mile. At 8 A M anchor & at 10 Weighd Again When we Steerd N W it was to look at an Opening which Made like a River, but did not prove So, Latta pr Acct 29°: 5′ So.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
(APRIL, 1902.
Friday 3d. The First part's Fresh Gale, Easterly & fair Wear towards Night Less Wind, Middle & latter Fresh Gales Westerly with a Great Sea, At Sun Sett The Extreems (Extremes of the Land from NE to WBS Dist off Shore 4 Miles. At Noon Do Bore from NNE. to WSW Dist 2 Miles Lattd pr Acct 28° : 84' So.
Saturday 34. Wind Variable & Dirty West. Att Sun Sett the Extreams [Extremes] of the Land from N EBN to S W Dist off 2 Miles. At Noon Do from North to West Dist 2 Leagues. An Opening which I Take to be the River et Lucia No Dist 4 Leag! Since Yesterday Lost about 8 Leagues laving Little Wind.
Sunday 4. The first & Middle Parts Fresh Gales Northerly. Latter Little Wind and Calm. At 4 PM Anchord in 12 Fathom the Extreems [Extremes) of The Land from N E to West Dist 1 Mile. Found the Current Sett to the Westw1 2 [Knots] Miles pt Hour. At Noon the Wind Shifted to ye Westward Weighd with a Design to putt into 8 Lucia if the Opening Mentioned Yesterday proves to be it in order to Replenish Our Stock being almost [expended) done.
Monday Aprill 8: 1786. For the Most part Fair West At 9 PM Anobord Near the Opening. Intended to go in [on] in the Morning if it proved So, which it did, butt Appearing to be a Bar Harbour & the Wind Continuing Westerly (we) Made Sail. Sometime made an Opening Where we Saw no Surf. The Wind Tempts as to keep [On] One to the Eastward. At Noon the Wind Came To the Eastward & We Bore away for the River St Lucia. At 8 PM anchord about 1 Mile from the Entrance which Broke Right Oross, so that we did not Care for going in, tho' it did not Appear 80 Dangerous as the Other. In the Night it Blew Fresh, & We Rid Very hard, Latte Obse 28°: 16' So,
Tuesday 6. This Morning Little Wind. Tho' it Blew fresh all Night Eastily (Which is Right in the Harbour) there was butt Little Surf, Therefore, it was Agreed on to go in. Acoordingly Weigh and Gott Safe Over bating No less than 10 Foot Water. In Running ap the River to Anchor, Grounded Upon Sand, but Record the Damago, and got her off Again Next Side. And We then) Moord in 8 Fathom Water. While we Lay a Ground, the Natives Came on Each Side of the River. W. Sent on Shore to Them, and by motions Soon Made them Understand we wanted Some Bullocks, Which they Immediatly Brought, but for want of Brass Toys, Could not Buy any. Gott about 4 dozen of Fowls for Brass Battona.
Wednesday 7th. Dark Cloudy Weat with Thunder Lightning and Rain. At 10 O Clock - great Namber of the Natives Came to us on Each Side, Which Gave us Great Hopes of Getting Cattle; but did [Cou'd] not for Want of Brass. Gott More Fowls for Buttons. MT Collett and Webb went about 8 Miles on the East Side, as did my Self and another on the West Side, about 6 Miles. We got Some Fowles : Potatoes and Pumpkins.
Thursday 8. Light Airs and pleasent Weather. The people on the E Side. Brought a Great. Many Fowls Tobacco & Sugar Cane & Dough To Make Bread, which we got for Buttons Got 8 pumpkins on yo W. Side.
This is, however, doubtful. The description reads more like Port Natal or Durban
See Taylor, 1. p. 8 I.

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Friday 9th. A Strong Gale E'erly & fair Wear there has been Very Few Natives down to day. Mr Collett & 8 of the people [went] is gone in the Country. Early This Morning and [are] and Not Yett Returned.
APRIL, 1902.]
Saturday 10: Do Wind and Wear At Noon Our people Returned and Brought 2 Bullocks Which We got for a pair of Brass Handles of a Chest and Some Small Peices of Brass.
Sunday Aprill 11: 1756. Do Wind and Wear till 8: o Clock in the Evening, When the Wind Shifted to yWiward and Blew Hard,
Monday 12. Which We Kill
189
A Fresh Gale Werly and Cloudy Wear & Rain. Got Another Small Bullock, Are now Waiting the First Smooth Barr for Sailing.
Tuesday 13. Moderate Gales Westerly and Fair Weather, Got Another Small Bullock and a few Loaves of Bread."
Wednesday 14 Moderate Gales Easterly, and fair Wear Got Some Fowls and Bread.
Thursday 15th. The Most part a Strong Gale Easterly. Got a Bullock.
Friday 18th. Wind and Wear as pr Yesterday got Some Fowls and Bread, Butt pay much dearer for them [than] then when we first Came in, for What we got for a Button [then] must now give a peice of Brass or Iron [for].
Saturday 17: Fresh Gales Easterly & Cloudy Wear A Great Number of the Natives Came down of Whom we Bought 6 dozon of Fowls, and 4 Bushells of Potatoes, and a Small Root that Eats Like a Bean When Boil! In the Night the Wind Shifted to the Westward.
Sunday 18th A pleasent Gale Westerly and Fair Wear. At 7 AM Got Under Weigh and When we Came to the Barr Severall of the people [were] was so Frightned at the surf, that they Would Not Venture Over. Therefore, Hauld down all the Sails And Brought the Boat to An Anchor. [Ten] And 10 of them Gott the Small Boat Out and went on Shore, saying [declaring] they would Rather Live With the Natives the Remainder [of their life, Than stand the Chance of being] all their life Time rather than be Drown'd. One of them Brought The Boat Back Again. [The Rest of us] We all Agreed to go Over. Accordingly got Under Weigh with Gods Permission Intending to go Over, tho must Confess for Above Half an Hour, Which Time We Were in the Breakers, thought [those] then Best off That [were] was on Shore. As Soon As We Were Through, Saw the people Walk Away, and We made the Best of Ours. At Noon the River S W 6 Leagues From Whence I Take my Departure Laying [Lying] in the Lattd 28°: 14' So.
Monday April 19: 1766: A Fine Gale Westerly and fair Weather. Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from NE BN to S W B 8 Dist of 1 Mile &
Att Sun Sett the
.
Att Sun Rise

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[APRIL, 1902.
Do from SWS to N NE Dist 1 Mile. An Entrance of a Riverso With a Large Barr W sw 1 Mile & This day find my Self to the Noward of Acct 7 M Course N 15 16 Et Dist 118 Miles, Longitude Made 00° 32" Et Mist 00°: 28′ Et Latte Obserd 26° 19' So.
190
Tuesday 20th. Pleasent Gales & fair Wear. At 5 PM being abreast of The So Point of Delagoa Bay, Bore Away Designing to go in and Stay For Our people, Who were Travelling on Foot along Shore. At Sun Sett the So Point of the Bay Bore So 3 Miles the Body of the Island St. Marys 1 SW 2 miles. The Low Land in Sight from ye Masthead on the No Side from N to NW BW Dist About 3 Leagues. After [it was] Dark Ran under an Easy Sail. Waiting for The Moon which Would be up at 10 O'Clock, Not Suspecting butt we had a Whole Night at the Rate we were going. Sounded [& found] Ground [in] 5 Fathom, Upon Which Alter Our Course, more Northerly, Which was More off the Land. Still Shoald our Water to 2: Fathom. We then Came to Anch & an Hour After The Sea Broke Very Much Close to us, therefore was [Were] Obliga to Weigh, tho we did Not know Where to Better Ourselvs, the Wind Blowing into the Bay, and The Only way we Could Make a Stretch was towards the Island, Where We Expected less Water. But it prove'd Otherwise; For we by deepning [deepen'd] our water Gradually to 6 Fathom, then Came too again. Att Sun Rise, the Point SE 3 Miles, the Island 8 W, 1 Mile. Breakers from North to NW BW. They Seem to us to be on a Spitt of Sand, & a Channell into the Bay on Each Side of it. Last Night When we Came too, it was High Water, and as the Sea Falls, it Breaks, the Sand Drying n Some places on Spring Tides. At Noon it Was Low Water, and we Found Ourselves Surrounded with Breakers. Therefore Thought [it] the Best way to go Out, the Same way we Came in; Which We did, & in going Over the Sand Where it Broke had but 10 Feet Water. When we got Over, Deepned to 6 Fathom; which We kept Along About 2 Miles Steering N W And then Came into 9 & 10 Fathom, Which Depth We had about a Mile & Soon Deepned [Shoal'd] Again to 3 & 4 Fathom for About 1 Mile. Then Came into 5 Fathom which we kept [held] About 4 Leag. Then Shoald it Gradually to 3 Fathom. Steering from West to W BS & Abont 4 o'Clock, Came to an Anchor in 9 Fathom, Where to Our Great Joy Found Riding The Rose Gally from Bombay Commanded by Cap: Edwd Chander.
Wednesday April 21 1756. The First part Fair Weather, Wind Werly, Latter fresh Gales Easterly with Rain. About 11 O Clock got under Weigh in Order to go Up Mahoys River, Where Capt Chandler was Trading, butt was prevented, Not having Water Enough Over the Barr. Therefore, Returned to Delagoa again, and Dispatch a Letter to Capt Chandler, Desireing him to Spare us What Necessaries we Wanted.
Thursday 224. Wind and Wear as Before: got Some Rice for Cloaths We are [were] Treated Very Civilly by the Commanding Officers of the Rose.
Friday 234. Light Land and Sea Breezes and fair Wear Bought Severall Fowls: Some Rice and Hony. The Natives Stole 31 Head of Cattell [Cattle] from the Rose Gally's [People].
Saturday 24th Do Wind & Bought a Great Many Fowls Some Rice and Hony. Have a Great Number of the Natives on Board with [their] there Trade.
This must be really the River St. Lucia. See Taylor, I. 87.
61 Inyack on the Admiralty Charts. St. Mary's Id. in all directions up to Taylor, 1874, who has, I. p. 87, Inyack or St. Mary's Id.
61 For Maurice River. See Taylor, I. 88.

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191
Sunday 28. Light Land and Sea Breezes with pleasent Wen!
Monday 26. Do Wind and Wea. Near Noon About 300 of the Natives Came To Capt Chandler Banksale & Drove off 66 Head of Cattell [Cattle] which he had Purchase'd [& paid for]: Which We on Board Observing, Landed as Soon As possible and Parsue'd the Robbers About 3 Miles, bat Could not Gett Sight of them. Therefore not Thinking it prudent to parsue them any further, Return'
Upon Our First Arrival [heard] found Capt Chandler was ap in the Country About 60 Miles,ea Therefore Dispach'ed One [a Letter] to him, Informing him of Our Misfortune, & at the Same Time the Behaviour of the people, [during our stay on Bird Island] desiring and desired) him to Assist us to gett (in getting back] the Honourable Companys Money : [and] which if [we) Effected [it] to Grant . passage to my Self Mr Collett Webb Yates and MoDowell 69 and myself to Bombay.
The Misfortune Aboro Mentioned Open the 7 day after The Letter was Sent, and having Receivd no answer Conjecturd from the Behaviour of the Natives, that the Letters Might be Stoppd or that it Might not be well with Capt Chandler. Therefore I proposed going up Mokoy's River with Our Boat the Next Morning : Which we did, and About 20 Miles up meet [Met] Capt Chandler Comeing down in his Boat very I!l wth & Fever. He told me my Letter Oame Safe to Hand which he Answer! Immediatly, and was Very Much Surprise I had not Receiv! it. How Soever we found afterwards that the Bearer was afraid to Venture Near the Vessel After what had happen. The 3d day we meet [Met] Capt Chandler We gutt [return'd) on Board, and soon Afterwards wth some [the] assistance of some of his People (niz'd] took the Treasure And Plate ont of the Cour] Sloop, and put it on board the Rose Gally : for which Capt Chandler gave me a Bill of Lading.
Sunday od May 1786. Three of the people Arriv! from the So Side of The Bay Where they Left the Rest of those that would Not Venture Over 8t Lucia Barr. They Remained there till the Sloop Bailed which was 10 Days After the Arrival of the 8 Before Mentioned. They all Got on Board of her Alive, but soon After 2 of them died, the Rest in a Bad State of Health. Theire Stay vas but Short Where they Took the people in before they patt to Sea, in order to go to Johanna, butt After being at Som 5 or 6 Days found themselves off River St Lacia and 4 days Afterwards we Met them as we were) was going out in the Rose Galley, within the Outer Barr of Delagos. They had on Board After my Self MT Collett & Webb. (the) Navigators, who often told me on the Island they was As Capable of Conducting the Sloop as I was; those Were Powell and Obisholm but Finding themselves Mistaken in (their) there Capacitys, Bold her to Capt Chandler for 600 Rupoon the Carpenter Took & Note for the same payable at Bombay. While this business was Transacting was Laying at Anchor A Little Within the Outer Barr, Waiting for wind to go Over, Which we got The Second day, And After a Passage of 25 days Arrived in Morandavia Road on the Island of Madagascar, and 2 days After Capt Hutehinson in the Caernarvon Anabord here, Who Tavours me with a passage to Nadrass where the Honble Companys Troware and Paokett is Oondgood to, Who has Alao favoured all the people with a passage being 15 in Namber my Self Included and all that's Now Living, Except Powell, who Some Time before the Onurnarvon Sailed, Seoretold himself in the Country, To Keep Out of Capth Hutchinson's way. who Doelaro'd be wonld Take him with him. Callott is one of the Number that Died.
(To be continued.)
#
that I could have no Anworto Letter from whloh in 4 days' noored through. who was always conformable to my commande' noored through. the written over words erubed.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF MAHANAMAN AT BODH-GAYA.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, I.C.S. (RETD.). RECENT researches and speculations of M. Sylvain Lévi have given a special interest to the Inscriptions of Mahanaman at Bodh-Gay& edited by Dr. Fleet some years ago, and invite further discussion of the documents, from the historian's point of view. Although I am unable to fully agree with M. Sylvain Lévi, and may fail to convince my readers that a final solution of the historical puzzle suggested by these inscriptions has been obtained, I hope to succeed in throwing some light on the enigma. The inscriptions in question are two, the longer being No. 71, and the shorter No. 72, of Fleet,
The longer record is dated on the seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra in the year 269 of an unspecified ets and commemorates the erection in that year of a Buddhist temple at Bodb-Gaya by a Ceylonese monk named Mah&naman. The donor's spiritual descent is traced back ultimately to the saint Maha-Kasyapa, and is given in detail for six generations as follows:
(1) the Sramapa Bhara; (2) his disciple (rishya) Rahula ; (8) the ascetic (yatt) Upasena [1.]; (4) Mahậnkman [I.]; (5) Upaseda (II.); (6) Mabånaman [II.], the disciple of No. 3, and greater even than his master, who was
famed for his goodness. This inscription is composed in learned Sanskrit verse.
The second record is nothing but a brief dedication of a Buddhist image expressed in the customary conventional formula, as commonly used in the fifth and sixth centaries A. D., and Dr. Fleet's translation is as follows: - * Om! This is the appropriate religious gift of the Säkya Bhikshu, the Sthanira Mahanaman, & resident of Amrad vipa. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act) let it be for the acquisition of supreme knowledge by all sentient beings !"
This document is not dated. The language is differentiated from learned Sanskrit by the use of the genitive Mahandmasya, instead of the correct form Mahânámnah, and by the redundant astu at the end of the formula; the meaning let it be having been already expressed by bhavatu.
Dr. Fleet said that the Sthavira Mahanaman, who recorded this brief dedication, is obviously the second Mahanaman mentioned in the preceding inscription. But is the alleged fact really obvious ? To me it is not. On the contrary, I am clearly of opinion that the Mahanaman of the image dedication is probably distinct from the Mahanaman of the temple record. M. Levi, who also has expressed a belief in the unity of the dedicators of the image and the temple, nevertheless remarks with emphasis on the contrast between the two inscriptions in language. Comparée,' he says, avec cette sapante inscription, l'autre, en sa banale brièveté, présente un contrasto curieux. Le génitif Mahānāmasya pour Māhānamnas, en face du nominatif régulier Mahānāmā employé dans le premier texte, suffit à déceler un rédacteur plus familier avec le pracrit qu'avec le sanskrit.'
1 The longer insoription, which is dated, was first publisly mentioned in an extract from a letter of Sir Alexandet Conningham pripted by me in Ind, Ant. XV. (1886), p 847. A month later Dr. Fleet edited and translated both insoriptions in the same volume, pp. 366-359. The documents were republished by him in 1888 in The Gupta Inscriptions,' pp. 274-9, PL XLI., Nos. 71 and 72. M. Levi's disopssion of the inscriptionis & section of his very valuablo and interesting memoir entitled 'Les Missions de Wang-Hiuear Ts'e dans l'Inde' Wournal Asiatique, Mai-Juin, 1900, PP. 408-411 ; reprint, pp. 46-58).

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INSORIPTIONS OF MAHANAMAN.
198
This contrast is not noticed by Dr. Fleet in either of his editions. The two inscriptions prenent an equally strong contrast in the manner in which they name Mabankman.
The long record gives the donor of the tomple no title, and describes him as a disciple of Upasens (II.). The short record gives the donor of the image the special clerical title of Sthavira, and calls him 'a Sakya friar' (Sakya bhikshoh). Why should we assume these two Mabangmans to be identical? The identity of name is nothing. Mahânâman was a common name for monks in Ceylon, and two persons of that name are mentioned in the longer of the two documents under discussion, The two donors are differently described in the two documents, and the presumption is that they are different persons. If they were identical why should pure pandit's Sanskrit be used in the one inscription, and Prakritized Sansk pit in the other?
The occurrence of both inscriptions at Bodh-Gayê is no proof of identity. There is no improbability in supposing that two Mahânâmans from Ceylon may have performed pious acts at the holiest of Buddhist holy places. It is quite possible that the donor of the image may have been the Mahânâman who was the spiritual grandfather of the builder of the temple. The only substantial argument for identifying the two donors is the palæograpbical one. Dr. Fleet was of opinion that the characters of the short dedication allot it to precisely the same time' as the longer dated record. Certainly, if there is any difference in the characters, it is very slight, and the two records belong substantially to the same palæographical stage of development, but there is nothing to prevent one from being fifty years older than the other. To my eye the short record looks the earlier of the two. The words Amradvipádhivdoi and Mahdndmá in the longer document may be compared with Amradvipa-vasi and Mahåndmasya in the shorter.
My conclusion is that the two doouments, although nearly contemporaneous, aro records not of one donor, but of two donors. In the remaining discussion I shall therefore confine my attention to the long dated dooument, of wbich the substance has been given at the beginning of this article.
Dr. Fleet went too far when he said that there is a "probability " that the donor of the temple at Bodh-Gayâ should be identified with the MahkoAman, who is the reputed author of the earlier part of the Mabávama. The exact date of the author of the Mahůvamsa is not known. Turnour supposed that Mahanaman's contribution to that work was written in the reign of Dhatu - Bêna which he placed in the period A. D. 459 to 477. But Turaour's arguments are not conclusive. The earlier chapters of the Mahảvamsa appear to be not very much later than the Dipava ise, and may bave been written as early as A. D. 400. The date, 269, of the inscription cannot possibly be interpreted so as to place the donor of the temple in approximately A. D. 400, and the Less identifying the donor with the author of the Mahavah'sa must be rejeoted. It never bad any foundation except the identity of name, which is of no significance, the name being • common one in Ceylon. When writing the text of The Gupta Inscriptions' Dr. Fleet had no doubt' that the date of the inscription, 269, must be referred to the Gupta era, and be considered equivalent to A, D. 588-589. Dr. Bühler adopted this date and inserted it in his Indische Palæographie.' When compiling the index to his great work Dr. Fleet admitted a doubt
to the era used in the insoription and suggested that it right perhaps' be the Kalaahuri era, of which the epoch is A. D. 248-49. On that hypothesis the date A. D. would be 518. It is not very easy to understand why « Ceylonese monk on a visit to Gayê should use the era of the Kalachuri princes of Chedi, in the region nop known as the Central Provinces, and I think that the Kalachuri interpretation may be safely rejected as being highly improbable.
The Gupta interpretation is much more probable. The use of the Gupta era at Gayê in A. D. 588 involves no improbability, and in the opinion both of Dr. Fleet and of Dr. Bühler the characters of the inscription are consistent with this interpretation.
M. Bylvain Levi's Chinese studies have led him to reject the intorpretation approved by Fleet and Bühler, and to propose to treat the inscription as dated in the Saks ers of A, D. 78. The record according to his view was composed in the year A. D. 347. This bold proposal

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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is supported by arguments of considerable apparent strength and deserves attentive examination, It rests mainly upon a passage in the history composed by the Chinese writer Wang-Hinen-t'se about the middle of the seventh century A. D., which is translated as follows by M. Lévi :
"Le Hing-tchoan de Wang Hiuen-t'se dit: Dans les royaumes de l'Occident, les
bienheurenses images sont sans fin. Et, à propos de l'image de Mo-ho-pou-ti (Mahābodbi) il dit : Jadis, le roi de Cheu-treu (Ceylon), nommé Chi-ni-kia-po-mo, ce qui signifie en Chinois mérite-Duage' [Koung-te-iun) (Pri Meghavarman) roi Indien (fan), cbarges deux bbikgus d'aller visiter ce monastère [lo monastère élevé par
Açoka à l'est de l'arbre de Bodhi, et plus tard agrandi; cf. H. T. Mém. I. 465). Le plus grand avait nom Mo-ho-nan, ce qui signifie 'grand-nom' (Mahi-näman); l'antre se
nommait Tou-po, ce qui signifie donne-prophétie (cheou-ki] (Upa ). . Ces deux bhikous rendirent hommage au Trône-de-diamant (Vajrasana) de l'arbre de
Bodhi. Le monastère ne leur offrit pas d'asila ; les deux bhikpus reviurent dans leur patrie. Le roi interrogea les bhikṣus : Vous êtes alles porter vos hommages aux lieux sanits. Que disent d'heureux les présages, 6 bhikṣus ?' Ils respondirent :
Dans la grande contrée de Jambudvipa, il n'y a pas un lieu où demeurer en paix.' Le roi, ayant entendu ces paroles, envoya des gens avec des pierres précieuses pour offrir des présente au roi San-meu-to-lo-kin-to (Samudragupta). Et c'est pourquoi jusqu'à présent, ce sont les bhikçus du royaume de Ceylan qui resident dans ce
monastère." The substance of this passage in English is that king Mêghavarman (or more correctly, Méghavarna) of Ceylon sent two monks, the senior Damed Mahanaman, and the younger named Up ?, to do homage to the Diamond Throne and visit Ashka's monastery to the east of the Bodhi tree. The monks were ill received, and on their return to Ceylon complained of the scant hospitality offered to them. King Mêgbavarņa thereu pon sent them back to India with valuable presents to King Samudra Gupta, under whose patronage suitable arrangements were made for the residence of Ceylonese pilgrims at B8db-Gayâ, in pursuance of which monks from the island were rosi. dent at the monastery in the seventh century A.D.
The same story with variations is told at greater length by Hinen Teiang. His version, which is too long for complete quotation, may be summarized as follows:
The Mahabodhi monastery outside the northern gate of the wall of the Bodhi tree was built by å former king of Ceylon with great splendour. The building, which was three storeys in height, included six halls, was adorned with three towers, and surrounded by a strong wall thirty or forty feet high. The decorations were executed with the highest artistic skill in the richest colours. The statue of Buddha cast in gold and silver was studded with gems. The subsidiary stúpas were worthy in size and splendour of the great monastery with which they were connected, and enshrined valuable relics of Buddha himself. The monks, who exceeded one thousand in number, belonged to the Sthavira school of the Mahayana. The origin of this magnificent establishment was in this wise. In olden days & pions king of Ceylon had & brother, who became an ascetic and went on pilgrimage to India. At all the monasteries he was treated with contuinely a foreigner, and experienced great difficulty in obtaining entertainmont. On bis return to Ceylon he narrated the discomforts wbich he had endured and besought his royal brother to sreot monasteries at the holy places througbout India. The king accepted the suggestion, and in order to give effect to it, sent an envoy to the Indian king, Maha Sri Raja, with gifts and jewels of all kinds. The Indian monarch accepted the gifts as tribote, and in return for them gave the envoy permission to erect a monastery at one of the holy places where the Tathagata had left traces of his presence. The envoy returned home and the king of Ceylon, after due deliberation, decided to build the monastery near the holy tree. The royal purpose was recorded on a copper plate, and the monastery, which was erected in accordance
Compare the legend of Afbka and his brother Mahendra. (Boul, Homon Thang, II. 24.)

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with the permission of Maha Sri Raja, was specially assigned for the accommodation of priests from Ceylon, who could this enjoy independence, and be in a position to claim from the Indians honourable treatment as brethren."
The reader will observe that Hiuen Tsiang does not name the king of Ceylon, and that he calls the Indian monarch, Maha Sri Raja, omitting his personal name. I need hardly say that the Gupta sovereigns always prefixed Set to their personal names, and assumed the title of Maharajadhiraja.
Hiuen Triang mentions only one envoy, the brother of the island king, whereas WangHinen-t'se states that there were two envoys, and does not mention that either of them was related to the Ceylonese monarch. But the differences between the two accounts do not amount to discrepancies, and I have no doubt that the Mahabodhi monastery adjoining the northern wall of the Bodhi tree enclosure was built at the expense of King Méghavarna of Ceylon by permission of Samudra Gupta, king of India.
According to the Mahavasisa, King Mêghavarna (Kitti Siri Meghavanna) reigned from A. D. 804 to 832. It is possible that these dates may be liable to some slight adjustment, but a special enquiry undertaken by M. Sylvain Lévi has satisfied him that the Ceylonese chronology for the period in question is trustworthy. There is not, I believe, any reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of the Ceylonese dates even from the much earlier tince of Dutthagêmanî, about B. C. 161, althongh the dates prior to his reign are not to be trusted.
Consequently, if the Mabâniman, who set up the inscription in the year 269 was the Mahkaman deputed with Upa-? by King Meghavarna, his visits to Bodh-Gaya must have occurred between 804 and 332. The possible limits of time are further circumscribed by the fact that Samudra Gupta was contemporaneous with Meghavarna. Samudra Gupta cannot well have begun to reign before A. D. 326 or 327.5 If Mahânåman of the inscription is identical with the envoy of Meghavarpa, his visits to Bodh-Gaye must be dated in round nambers in A. D. 330, and the era used in his inscription must be approximately (330 - 269 =) A. D. 61.
The difficulty caused by the fact that the Saka era begins in A. D. 78 is met by M, L Svi with the remark that the discrepanoy is small. An error of some seventeen years in the Ceylonese chronology is, however, hardly consistent with M. Levi's statement of the result of his special enquiry as being that "l'exactitade des Anpales singalaises sort victorieuse de cette confrontation." The date 269, when interpreted as in the Saks era, is equivalent to A. D. 347, fifteen years after Meghavarna's decease.
This considerable discrepancy is a strong, if not fatal, objection to M. Lévi's interpretation of the date of the inscription.
Another weighty objection arises from the fact that, so far as is at present known, the Saka era was not used in Northern India in the fourth century. The earliest known example of its use in a northern inscription is supplied by the second prasasti of Baijnath dated Saka-kdla-gatabdáh 7[26]; and the next example is as late as Saka 1059. This second example happens to come from Govindpur in the Gaya District.
Beal, II. 183-185.
+ These are the dates given in Wijesimha's revised translation of the Mahaparisa and differ slightly from those given by Turnour, A. D. 802 and 830.
• I shall discuss the dates of Samudra Gapta's reign in a separate paper.
• In Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India' (App.to Epigraphia Indica, Vol. V.), the eight earliest insoriptions dated in the Baka era, exoluding Assam and Orissa, are No. 851, Baijoith, year 7(26), No. 362, Govindpur, year 1050; No. 868, MAchAll near Alwar, year 1804; No. 879, Nagart near Chitor, year 1426, No. 381, Tilbógampar near Delhi, year 1480 ; No. 883, 8 dadt in Mewar, year 1690; No. 385, Chambh, year 1582; and No. 386, Udaypur, year 1635. I agree generally with M. Boyer's views concerning the Baks era, and am convinoed that it sroes in Western India, Kanishka having nothing to do with its et
othing to do with its establishment, and not using it. (Journal Asiatique, Mai Juin, 1900, p. 526, ikid. Juillet Aodt, 1897.) Dr. Fleet informa me that the century in the Baijnath pralasli is probably to be resd as 9, not as 7. The year 926 Baka would correspond to Kill Ynga 4105, and to Laukika [40]80.

Page #200

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1902.
Inscriptions dated in the Saka era are extremely rare in Northern India. Between A. D. 400 and 1635 only eight instances are known, besides a few in Assam and Orissa. The presumption against a northern inscription dated in an unnamed era being intended to be understood as dated in the Saka era is very strong, and when the inscription is assigned to the fourth century the presumption is almost conclusive.
A third and very cogent objection to M. Lévi's interpretation of the date of Mahânâman's inscription is based on the alphabetical characters of the record. Drs. Bühler and Fleet, two experts of the highest skill, are agreed that the characters are those of the sixth century, and probably of the latter part of that century. M. Lévi's interpretation requires us to believe that the document was inscribed some two centuries and a half earlier. This paleographical difficulty not having been noticed in M. Lévi's articles in the Journal Asiatique, I drew his attention to the omission, and was favoured in reply with an expression of his opinion, which is to the effect that paleographical tests have little independent value (autorité absolue'), although they may be used as a check upon ('contrôle'), or guide ('indice') to the interpretation of positive history. The learned author is disposed to think that the Chinese account of the mission of Mahânâman may be considered as positive history applicable to the Mahânâman of the inscription. It would be, he observes, a very strange coincidence that Mahânâman and his colleague Upa- ? should have been sent to Bôdh-Gay from Ceylon in or about A. D. 330, to build a monastery and stúpas, while another Mahânâman, the disciple of Upasena, should have come to the same place from Ceylon nearly two centuries. and a half later and dedicated 'a mansion of Buddha.' But the coincidence is not really so startling as it seems to be at first sight. The Chinese record preserves nothing more than the first element Upa- in the name of Mahânâman's colleague. His full name may have been Upagupta, or anything else beginning with the particle Upa- rather than Upaséna, and the Chinese interpretation donne-prophétie,' or 'gift of prophecy' does not suit the conjectural reading Upasena. The proof is wanting that the junior envoy from king Meghavarna was named Upasêna. Moreover, the Chinese document expressly states that Mahânâman was the elder, and Upa- ? the younger envoy, whereas the inscription states that Mahânâman the envoy was the disciple of Upasêna, and therefore necessarily his junior. It cannot be possible that the disciple was regarded as senior to his master. The edifice erected by the envoy Mabânâman was a magnificent fortified monastery, with appurtenant stúpas containing personal relics of Buddha. A foundation of such extent and grandeur would be very inadequately described, when the magniloquence of Sanskrit verse is considered, by the words of the inscription which briefly refer to this beautiful mansion of the Teacher of mankind with an open pavilion on all sides. . . . this temple of the great saint. The language of the inscription is adequate as a description of an ordinary shrine containing a statue of the Teacher, but would be a very meagre panegyric of the great three-storeyed monastery with six halls, three towers, and appurtenant relic stúpas, which was the work of the envoy of the Ceylonese king.
The palæographical argument, too, is much stronger than M. Lévi is willing to admit. It is undoubtedly true, as M. Lévi has pointed out to me, that alphabetical forms characteristic of late documents often occur sporadically mixed with ancient forms in much earlier documents, and that this fact must be remembered as a check upon hasty determinations of date based solely upon paleographical considerations. But the late alphabetical forms in the Bodh Gaya inscription of Mahânâman are not merely sporadic The whole inscription is late in appearance, and totally different in alphabetical character from any of the inscriptions of Samudra Gupta's time. I shall not attempt to prove this proposition in detail. Any student who is sufficiently interested in the matter to read this paper will probably be able to compare for himself the Mahânâman inscription with the records of Samudra Gupta's reign which are reproduced in the same volume, and to judge whether or not they can possibly be contemporaneous. The Mahânâman inscription, it must be remembered, is engraved in the northern variety of the Brahmi alphabet, the development of which is known by comparison of a long

Page #201

APRIL, 1902)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
197
series of dated examples. In that long series the inscription in question, according to the judgment of both Bühler And Fleet, two highly qualified experts, finds its place among the records of the sixth century, and few persons are competent to dispute the validity of such experts' decision. So far as my limited knowledge enables me to judge, I am of opinion that it is sound. The script and formula of both inscriptions should be compared with the Mathori Inscription dated 230, which is No. 70 in Dr. Fleet's book. My conclusions are that (1) the identity of the Mabânâ man, disciple of Upasena, who dedicated a shrine or
temple, with the Sthavira Mahânâ man, who dedicated the image at Bodh-Gaya, is not proved, and there are reasons for believing that the dedication of the image
is earlier than that of the temple; (2) the date 269 of the inscription recording the dedication of the temple cannot be
interpreted either in terms of the Saka or of the Kalachuri era, and is best inter
preted in terms of the Gapta era; (3) The Mahânâ man of the temple dedication is neither the author of the Mahdvansa,
nor the envoy of the Ceylonese king Mêghavarra ; (4) History knows nothing of the person, or persons, named Mahânâman who dedi
cated the temple and image at Bôdh-Gaya, and no historical inference of
importance seems to be deducible from the inscription dated in the year 269. EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 147.)
Appendix to Consultation 1st May 1793. N. A.- A Return of the Establishment of Port Cornwallis and
Abstract of Monthly Pay.
Time of Entry and Discharge.
not Do.
Do.
SA Archibald Blair Lt. Comm. allow Surgeon paid at Caloutta. European Gunner at 50 per Month. Master Carpenter at 60
wettled. Overseers 2 at 36
Do.
Do. Bengal Carpenters Pay as per column. 1 Havildar, 1 Naik, & 10 Privates Do. Potters and Briokmakers Do.
for provision. Ditto Gardiners
Taylora. Ditto Sawers Bricklayers. Smiths Washermen. Fishermen. Chinese Gardners. Ditto Bakers. Sorange. Tindals. Laborers. Lascars. Malaya Women
3 S. Rs. S. .
. Rs. S. R. 8. R. S.R.
S.R.
S.R. S.R.
. R.
8. R. S.R.
S
ne bo
to bei
CO CO CO
no no
E
do to
aaaaa
o
20 toto
O
% 8
D
AA to
1171 9...
O
March 1792.
2 IN A. April May
12 24 June July
12 24
1 589010 ...
(Signed) Archibald Blair. I hereby do Certify upon my honor that the above Abstract is true and just.
(Signed) Archibald Blair,
C N

Page #202

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902
Appendix 1o Consultation 10 May 1793. No. B. - Monthly Expence of Provisions for the Natives of the
Establishment at Port Cornwallis.
Rioo.
Doh.
Ghee.
Salt.
Salt.
Salt Moat. Whoat.
spirita.
Mds. 85.
Mds. St.
Mda Sr.
Canks.
Maunds. Gallons.
51.87
620
620
50-10
6-12
Mds. 8e. March 1792 for 184 Men
108.34 and Women April for 184 do. ... 100-20 May for 181 do. ... 101.20 Jane for 130
97-20 July for 180 do. ... 100-80
504: 4
· 5030
6-14
6:12 6.14 6.4
48.80
6. 4
50.15
6:11
6:11
25
252 2
81.21
81-21
40
Appendix to Consultation 1*May 1798. [NO, B.) Provisions received on Account of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
Rice.
Doll.
Ghee.
Salt.
Salt mest.
Wheat.
Spirits.
Md. Seor. Mds. Beer. Mds. Seer. Mdo. Seer Cash. Maunds.
Gallons.
185-18
Remaining in Store Feb-
ruary 1792 Received by the Viper
March 13 Received by the Ranger
m Calcutta June 10th
50 0
50
200 200
...
1800
50 Pipe
Pipes inches
dry.
Received by the Viper) |
from Prince of Wales 272 0 Isld. Jane 11th
567-18
1-130
800-30. 252-02
4538 81.21
504.04
81.21
Remaining in Store July 1
81* 1792
168.14
4828
14:17
9:17
Signed Archibald Blair. I do hereby certify upon my honor that the above account is true and just.
(Signed) Arcbibald Blair.

Page #203

APRIL, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY
199
Appendix to Consultation 1st May 1793. No. o. - Expenses of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
Siccas
1792. March May
114
184
To Sundry as per account particular ... ... ... . 3rd To ditto purchased at Caloutta ... ... ... ...
To Provision & Stores purchased at Prince of Wales Island.
To Amount Pay to July 31* 1792 as per Pay List... ... 1. To the passage of 26 Artificers to Calcutta in the Union ...
613
5890
Octr.
250 7052
No. C.-Cash received on account of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
1507
240
By Balance of March 17 1792 ... ... ... By three Months work of Six Joiners By two Ditto of Six Sawers By Cash received of Bruce Boswell Esqr. Marine Pay M .....
132
7000
887910 7052
Port Cornwallis Jan's 1st 1793
1826
(Signed) Archibald Blair. I do hereby certify that the above Account is true and just upon my honor.
(Signed) Archibald Blair. Appendix to Consultation 1 May 1798. No. D. - Expences of the Settlement at the Andamans.
1792.
Siccas
August
5th
700
700
80
To 200 Maunds of Rice Supplied at the Andamans ... To 200 Ditto Doll Ditto To 20 Ditto Ghee
Ditto To 20 Ditto Salt
Ditto To Stores and Provisions parchased at Calcutta as per
account particular ... ... .. To the Freight of the Sobooner Leeboard from November 1944
1792 till Febry 28th 1793 ... .. To a Launch with seven Men for the same period ... ..
Oct.
21497
7
1000
500

Page #204

200
To the People of the Ranger for Extra work
To the People of the Union for Ditto
To the Schooner Leeboard Coppered & Stored
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
To a Launch with Masts, Sails, Oars &c Compleat
To the Amount of Pay till the 15th instant as per Pay List No. 1
No. E.
By Balance Janry 1 1793
By Cash received of Bruce Boswell Esq. Marine Pay Master October 29th 1792...
By Cash received of Captain Alex. Kyd Superintendant...
Homan Clerk Gunner
Errors Excepted.
Archibald Blair Lieut. in Charge David Wood Surgeon
Deputy Store Keeper
By Balance due me...
[APRIL, 1902.
...
Siccas
Port Cornwallis March 12th 1793.
hereby do Certify upon my honor that the above Account is true and Just. (Signed) Archibald Blair. Appendix to Consultation 1st May 1793.
[No. D 1.]
Cash received on account of the Settlement at the Andamans.
...
2, 4, 5 highest No. for any month...
A. P.
369 0 0
0
0
350
2200
Appendix to Consultation 1st May 1793. Return of the Establishment at the Andamans.33 Names or Quality.
800
0
(Sig) Archibald Blair.
0
19823 18 48,420 4
0
0
1826 14 6
4
0
0
38,000 0 0 6,000 0 0 45826 14 6 2593 5 48,420
6
0
Numbers.
1
1
1
European Overseers
Master Carpenter... Foreman
Do....
23 With this list is an abstract of Pay for each month from Aug. 1792 to March 1793. Sa. a.
Se. 3.
The lowest amount is in Oct. 807 10 and the highest in Nov. Dec. & Jan. 8454 10 for each of the three months.
1
6
1
2

Page #205

APRIL, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIITH CENTURY.
201
Nanies or Quality.
Numbers.
...
...
...
...
...
...
***
highest No.
1, 2 1, 2 10, 20, 29
...
1, 2, 4, 6, 10
2, 6
Tent and Sail Maker Eergeant Major Havildars Naicks Private Sepoys Chinese Carpenters Chinese Gardener... Bengal Carpenters Ditto Turner Ditto Smiths Ditto Sawers Ditto Bakers Ditto Taylors Ditto Washermen Ditto Potters Ditto Brickmakers Ditto Bricklayers... Ditto Gardeners Bengal Fishermen Serang: ... ... Tindals
highest No, in any month
...
Lascars
16, 22, 32, 34, 38, 53
5, 15, 20, 170, 181
Native Overseers
Do. Laborers Barbers Stone Catters Copper Smiths Gramies Malays ... ... ... Women Children & Servants
3, 6

Page #206

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
Appendix to Consultation 1 May 1793. No. E.-Expence of Provisions of the Settlements of Port Cornwallis
and Old Harbour.
Rice.
Don.
Ghee.
Salt.
Salt mt.
Spirits. Binonita. Wheti.
Galled.gr
Bags.
m. s. M. Br. Ma 8. M... Oaska. 100·30 5015 6-12 612 1 97-20| 48-30 6.04 6.04
287.17 118.28
1.434
14.84
1] 30
1792 Ang. For 130 Men ... Sept., 87 Do.... Oct., 87 d. ... , 20 daya 345 do....) Novr. For 432 d.... Dec". 432 do. ...
Damaged during the
passage and by the Furrioan of the zad,
324-32162-16 20-03 20-03 334-3216716 20-30 20-30
2 40
2160 upserviceable.
100.00
60.00
10.00
20.00
1798 Jan. For 346 Men . Feby... 332 Do. Mar. 15 Days 382 men...
10 Do. 43
268.08 134.04 232.10 116.08
16-24 14:21
16-24 14-21
1
40
180-00
45.00
8.00
8.00
1825-80922-87 117.08 127.08
13
290
Appendix to Consultation 1 May 1798. No. 7 1. Provisions roceived on account of the Settlements of Port Cornwallis
and old Harbour.
1792
Bioe.
Doll.
Gheo.
Sult. Salt Mt.
Spirits. Biscuits. Spiritu.
M. Sr. M. Sr.
va. Sr. md. gr.
Remaining in
July 81 t...
Store
..
168.14 48.88 1417 9-17 200-00200-00 20-00 20.00
Supplied
00.14
160.00
......
4:00 ......
Recd. pr. Viper Novi
5th Teol. p, Union Dec.
3rd
600.00
40.00
10.00
10.00

Page #207

APRIL, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN TAB XVIIITH CENTURY.
203
1792.
Rige.
Doll.
Gheo.
Salt.
Salt Mt. Spirits.
Bisonits.
Wheat.
Casks.
Gallns, Ma. Sr.
Bags.
93
M.S.M. Sr. Md. S. Ma. Sr Reed. p. the CornWallis Janty 6th
... ... 1100-00 200.00 20-00 04:00 Reod. by the Union Janty. 7th
400-00620-00 45.00 ...... Ditto Ditto 10th ... 500.00 ...... 10.00 40.00
3128 14 1108.88 423 17 14817
1825-35 922-37 117.08 127.08 Remains. in Store March 15th ... 1297-19
...
186.01 6.09 16.09
14.00
28 13
290
14.00
80
(Signed) Archibald Blair. The above is a true copy of the Return of Provisions delivered by Captain Blair to me. 4th April 1793.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Appendix to Consultation 1 May 1798. No, G. - Account of Persons and Stores purohased at Caloutta for the
Settlement at the Andamans.
1792
Oct.
1.
...
12th
To 90 Maunds of Bolt Iron at 10 per Ma. To 200 do. of Flat bar Iron at 6-8 To 200 do. of Square do. at 7 ... To Coolio and Boat hire .. ... To 160 Maunds of Rice at 1-7 ... To packing, Coolie hire and Boat hire To 160 Gunny Bags... .. To 4 Mds. of Chee at 12 ... To 800, Firewood To 2 Duppers ... To Coolie and Boathire To 4 Barrels Petch ... To Coolie and Boathire

Page #208

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
To 10 Groundstoncs ... ... To Coolie and Boathise ... To 1000 Mats for Danage To 40 Gramsticks ... To Coolie and Boathire To 200 Oodalies at 10a. To 4 Whip Saw ... To 6 Crosscut Do. ... To Coolie bire ... ... To 11 Europe and 65 country Prikaxes To 51 Wood Axes ... To 8 de Europe... To 7 do. Hoes To 46 Iron Crows ... ... To Coolie hire and Bont hire To 22 Copper Pots and 40 Dishes ... To 4 Chests for packing ... To 2 pair Bellows .. ... To Coolie hire . . . To Boathire for embarking artilery To do. for Sundry Stores To Coolie hire for de.... ... To 1 Anvil ... .. . ... To 4 Fishing Nets ... To 6 Lanterns
To 60 Copper Dishes, and ... 2014 To 5 Dozen Smitbs Files ...
To 1 Bench and 4 Hand Vice To 4 Sledge Hammers... ... 'To Coolie and Boathize To 2 pair Jack screws ..
Nou

Page #209

APRIL, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
To 5 bags Leenseed Oil.
To.1 Case
do.
To 2 bags paint.
To Boat and Coolie hire
To 110 Lines and fishing hooks
To 8 Europe Hoes ....
To 5 Mas, Chittagong Twine and packing...
To 2 D°. Chalk
To 120 Do. Salt at 4
...
---
at 9 at 6
...
To 120 bags for do.
To 100 Mds, fire Wood
To 8 Hides
To 2 Chests for packing
To Boathire ...
To 10 Mds, Gunnie Twine
To packing and Coolie hire
To 40 Mds, of Ghee at 12
To 80 do.
To 40 do. Oil
To 60 Jars covered
To 25 Duppers
To 20 do.
To packing Coolie and Bosthire
To 22 lbs, fine Twine for Nets
To Crusscut Saws
To 200 Mds, Wheat at 1-10...
To 200 Bags...
To Boathire Coolie hire and packing...
To 6 Fishing Nets
To 4 Cast Nets
To Packing &c.
...
...
...
...
www
...
...
...
...
..
....
.
www
S".
200
44
ཟུ ཨཱུ * ྂ ཆ ཊུ ཋ ཋ ཋ · ཋ ༠ * ྤ * ྂ ༷ ༷ ༷ ཋ ཧྨ ཌ ཋ དྲཱུ ⌘ ཋ
64
48 ...
8
71
480
13
20
8
4
50
480
760
240
45
18
15
20
11
325
22
5.
80
S
40
*
8
8. P.
...
...
...
...
N
2
600
...
...
***
4
***
...
...
...
...
205
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
www
...
...
...
...
...

Page #210

-206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902
1
god.
Nov!.
...
To 2 Bags of White Load To 8 Fishing Boats ... To Charges on Do.... To Maand Europe Twine To 275 pair Hinges .. To 24 Padlocks To 10 Mds. Gunnie Twine. ... To package &c. ... To 1 Dozen Door Locks To Boathire ... ... ... To 8 Hides ... ... ... To 4 Timeglasses To 14 M4. Biscuit To Jars packing &c. ... ... To 2000 Man of Rice at 1-6... To 1000 . t 1-12 To 8000 Bags ... ... To packing do. ... ... To Boathire .. . To Cooliehire ... .. To 1000 Mde. of Doll at 1-8... To 50 Do, Patna Rice To 200 Do. Gram To 10 Do. fine Doll ... To 1260 bags ... ... To packing .... ... To Coolie and Boathire To 42 Wood Axes Enrupe ... To packing Sandrys ... . To-2 Cage [? bags] of Paint ... To Sundrye for Copper Smith...
...

Page #211

APRIL, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
To Cloathing for the Detachment
To 8 Casks of Spirts
To Boathire
To 2 Sledge Hammers, Glen, Tin & Tinkal...
To 2 Glass Lan[t]erns
To Coolie and Boathire
...
To do, attending down the River
To Carpenters Tools of Sorts...
To 4 Mds, of Wax Candles
To 2 Boxes for do.
To 500 Mds, Mimgy Rice at 1-12 To 1000 bags... To packing boathire & Coolie hire To 10 Maunds Ghee
...
To repairing a Chronometer
To Sundrys for a Stone cutter
To 10 Md. of Sugars...
To Boathire Coolie hire and packing....
To Boathire for Sending the People on board
...
⠀⠀⠀
To 12 Hides for covering the amunition To 100 bags of Paddy
To Boathire &c.
...
...
To package for do. &c.
To 40 Mds. Salt
To 30 bags and Shipping Charges
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
:
...
...
To Commission of 10 per Cent.
Sa.
184
393
3
28
5
6
28
10
100
3
20
12
136
4
50
300
240
4
875
110
23
120
6
1
160
19,548
1,954
21,497
a P.
12
7
::
www
www
www
...
α
8
12 8
2 1
207
7
...
...
www
...
(Sigd.) Archibald Blair.

Page #212

208
1792
March.
May
May
1792 March
April
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
3rd
Appendix to Consultation 1st May 1798.
No. H.-Account particular of Provisions and Stores purchased [for] the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
To 10 lb. of Europe Twine for making Lines
To 1 Cast Net...
To Thread for repairing Ditto
To 1 Maund wax Candles
To 4 Ditto of Oil
To a Compleat set of cloathing for 1 Havildar 1 Naick and 10 privates...
www
To Soap &c. for the Washermen
To 1 Maund Nails
To 1 Ditto Candles...
28th To 272 Maunds of Rice from Prince of Wales Island
To 186 Bags
To Coolie and Boathire
To 4 Pecul Dammer...
To 1 Cally? Catty] Brass Wire for fishing
...
I do hereby Certify upon my honor that account is true and just.
Pick Axes worn out
Europe Twine for fishing Lines
Cast Net
Dammer for paying the Boats bottoms
Oil for Ditto...
...
...
Appendix to Consultation 1st. May 1793.
No. I Expence of Stores at Port Cornwallis.
Ditto for Artificers and Lamps Oil for Sundrys
[APRIL, 1902.
10
8 0 0
6
58
32
90
16
ཋ ཀླུ ཚ མི
28
54
27
4
35
0 0
3
0
0 0
544 0
4
0
0
0 0
• α
12 0
0
0
0
0
0
0
8
0
OOOOO
Sigd. Archibald Blair.
8
(Sig.) Archibald Blair.
0
4
10 lbs.
1
1 md.
1 do.
1 do.
1 do.
0
0

Page #213

APRIL, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIITH CENTURY.
209
May
1 Ma.
1 do.
Bengal Hoes worn out Pick Axes do. ... ... .. Spades
do. Hatchets
do. .. ... Expence of Candles for three Months Oil ... ... ... - Enrope Rope for Boats Moorings Tickles &c Iron for Sundry ... ... .. Dammer for paying the Boats Oil for mixing ditto ... .. Ditto for Artificers Lamps &c. Oil for Lamps &c. ... ... ... Felling Axes ... Hatchets ... ... ...
2 Coils. 4 Mds.
Jude
8 do.
ly
Md.
I do hereby certify upon my honor that the above account is true and just.
(Sig4) Archibald Blair. 1793. - No. XXV.
Fort William 8th May 1793. Read a Letter from the Superintendent at the Andamans.
Major Kyd 18th April. Edward Hay Esq Secretary to Government, Fort William.
Sir, - I beg you will be so good, as to acquaint the Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis Gover for General in Council that I have this day dispatched for Calcutta the Viper Snow, under Charge of Lieutenant Roper ;-Since I had the honor of addressing his Lordship in Council by the Union there has been no occurrence of any consequence, I have only the pleasure of saying therefore that every thing is going on well at this Settlement and that I have hopes, that the Stores and Provisions and all the People will be under cover before the setting in of the Rains.
When the Sea Horse Snow returned last from the Coops, she brought from that Island, John Bell, a MIU Wright and one Native of Madras who were the only remaining part of a small settlement which had been formed there about fourteen Months ago by some speculators at Madras, for the purpose of Manufacturing Coooanut Oil by means of a Wind Mill which they had actually erected; but in the Month of May last their employers having neglected to send them any Assistance the Workmen in a fit of despondency took the rash Resolution of embarking on a slight Raft with a very small quantity of Provisions and Water, and there cannot be a doubt that they must all have perished; since that period John Bell and one Man, have remained in the Island in hopes of receiving Assistance from Madras, but being reduced to the greatest distress & Misery for want of every necessary, they were glad to leave the island before

Page #214

210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL. 1902.
the Monsoon set in again; indeed at all events, I should have thought it necessary to have prevented them from going on with their Plan, as the Coconuts of that Island becomes a very Valuable and necessary Article of Provision for the Natives of this Establishment When the Viper Snow went last there I sent John Bell back and gave him every Assistance to bring off such parts of the Machinery of his Mill as he thought of any value which is now landed here and will be delivered to the Proprietors if they choose to send for it, I will take the liberty of observing that I think the conduct of those People who ever they are is very nefarious, for independent of their taking upon them to transport, from Madras, a Number of the Natives to a foreign country without the permission of Government they have scted in the most cruel and most unfeeling manner in leaving them on a barren Island without giving them any support or Assistance, which has been the occasion of the loss of the greatest part of the party and mast inevitably have caused the rest to perish in the most miserable manner, had it not been for the event of Governments forming a Settlement bere.
I request that you will represent to the Board that a supply of Cash for the payment of the People of this Establishment will be necessary to be sent by the Union, I therefore request that Ten Thousand S Rs. may be rent of which I should wish 500 Rs. to be in Copper Coin. In compliance with the directions of the Board I have receiv'd into the Treasury here 5000 Rs. from individuals mostly in small Sums, for which I have given them drafts on my own Agent and now draw on Government for the Amount, in favor of Mess. Wilsone Farrington and Downie which I request may be done honor to There will be in future I imagine a great part of the Cash necessary for the Settlement supplied in this way, but I beg leave that it may be observed to the Board, that it will be necessary that there should be an Exchange of one pr Cent in my favor, or I must be a loser of that Amount to pay the Agency without Government chooses to direct that a Separate Bill of Exchange should be made out, for every trifling Sum paid in which would be an endless trouble.
I have the honor to be &c. Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd, 15th April 1798
Supt. Andamans. Ordered that the Bill drawn by Major Kyd, in favor of Messn, Wilsone, Harrington & Downie, be duly honored, and that the Question relative to the Exchange to be authorized in his future Drafts, be referred to the Accountant General.
Agreed that a supply of Cash to the Amount of 10,000 Ss. Rs. including the Proportion of Copper Coin, mentioned by the Superintendant at the Andamans be sent to him by the Union, and that an Order on the Trensary be issued for the Money with directions to the Sub Treasurer to pack it and dispatch it consigned to the Superintendant by that Vessel.
1799.- No. XXVI.
Fort William 105h May 1798. Read a Letter and its enclosure from Captain Blair.
Captain Blair Dated gth May. To Edward Hay Enqr, Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I beg leste to inclose a Note from the Engraver, with his Terms and the time it will take to finish a Plate of the scoompanying Chart.
As the Expence is more than I imagined I should be glad to have the sanction of Government before I proceed further.
I am, &c . May 8th 1793.
(Signed) Archibald Blair,

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITK CENTURY.
211
Enolosed in a Letter from Captain Blair geh May. Captain A. Blair.
Sir, - Accompanying I return the Chart which you favored me with yesterday to perase, I find it contains considerably more work than that I engraved for Oaptain Popham The price will be Twelve hundred Sicon Rupees and will take Ten Weeks to complete it.
I am, &c May 8th 1703.
(Signed) R. Brittridge. The Chart received from Captain Blair is one of the North part of the Andamans showing the Places of those dangerous Coral Ledges lately discovered, and safe Track to avoid them, with an explanatory Line encompassing the dangerous Space,
The Governor General in Council being entirely of Opinion that it will be very proper to have this Chart published, it is Agreed that the same shall be done at the Company's Expence and that Captain Blair shall be Authorized to employ M. Brittridge in engraving it on the Terms mentioned in his Letter, striking off as many Copies as shall be thought by Captain Blair necessary.
1798. -- No. XXVII. The following Letter has been received from Capt. Allen.
Captain Allen 9th May. To E. Hay Esq", Secretary to Government.
Sir, I have the pleasure to aoquaint you that the Phoenix left the Pilot on the 7th Instant having on board one hundred and thirteen Sepoys and Settlers for the Andamens being Nineteen in Number more than are mentioned in Captain Apaley's list which contained only Ninety-four They are all well and hearty. Calcutta
I have the honor to be &c 9th May 1798.
(Signed) George Allen. Fort William 17th May 1798.. Read a Letter from the Town Major. To L. L. Chauvet Esq. Sub Secretary.
Sir, I have the honor to inform you that in Obedience to the Commands of Government Conveyed to me by your letter of the 26th Ultimo I have engaged 2 Sirdars and 70 Bildars or Coolies to serve at the Andaman Islands, and that these people, with women and Children not exceeding ten more, are in readiness to embark whenever the Vessel may be prepared to receive them,
I am &c Fort William Town Major's Office
(Signed) A. Apsley 18th May 1798.
To, Mr. Ordered that the people abovementioned be embarked in the Union ; And that the Garrison Storekeeper be directed to order . Sufficient supply of Provisions and Water to be put on board for their use in the Voyage to the Andamans.
1798. - No. XXVIII. Fort William 27th May 1793.
Deputy Accountant General 24th May. My Lord, - I have had the Honor to receive MF. Sub Secretary Shakespear's Letter of the 1 Instant transmitting Captain Blairs Acoounts of his Receipts and Disbursements at the Andaman Islands from March 1792 to 12th March 1799, and Conveying the Commands of your Lordship in Council to the Accountant General, to report thereon.
These Accounta Commence with > Balance of Sicoa Rupees 1507-10-6 under date 17th March 1792, the accuracy of which cannot be ascertained, as the account of Captain Blair's Disbursements prior to that date bave not yet been transmitted to this office.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1902.
I beg leave to observe that the Sums Charged for the Articles provided at Calcutta, Prince of Wales's Island and the Andamans, are unaccompanied by any Vouchers; your Lordship in Council will therefore be pleased to determine on the Charges for those articles as well as for Commission at the rate of 10 per Cent on the purchase of the principal part of the Stores.
The only check which these accounts could undergo in this Office was a comparison of the Sums advanced to Captain Blair and an Examination of the Additions and Calculations of Account all of which are perfectly correct.
I have the honor to be with the highest respect &c, Fort William Acct. Gen1s. Office (Signed) Thos. Myers the 24th May 1793. Depty Act. Gen!.
Ordered that the Accounts above Mentioned be sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster and Naval Storekeeper for his report thereon. The Governor General in Council does not think it proper to Authorize the Commission of 10 per Cent drawn by Captain Blair on his Purchases of Stores, as it does not accord with the existing Regulations.
1798. No. XXIX.
Fort William 31st May 1793.
The following Letter and its enclosure were received from the Acting Marine Paymaster, and, under the Circumstances stated therein the Secretary was directed to call on Captain Blair to Certify to his Accounts upon Honor, as true and Just, which having been done, Authority was given for Paying them and an Order on the Treasury was issued yesterday, in favor of the Acting Marine Paymaster for the Sum of S. Rs, 639-1-6 to enable him to discharge the Balance due to Captain Blair on the 12th March 1793, on Account of Supplies &c. for the Settlement at the Andamans except the Commission Charged and declined to be admitted at the last meeting, on his Purchases of Stores.
To Edward Hay Esq. Secretary to the Government.
Sir,-In Consequence of your desire that the Accounts for 1792/3 delivered by Captain Blair, might be examined, I wrote to that Gentleman this day, to furnish me with the different vouchers, enclosed is a Copy of his reply which I beg leave to forward you.
The Particular quality of each article, not being generally specified, in Captain Blair's Accounts, renders it difficult to examine them with precision.
The Accounts, fourteen in number, I herewith return.
I am &c.
(Signed) Bruce Boswell
Fort William Marine Paymaster's Office
the 29th May 1793.
Enclosed in a Letter from the Acting Marine Paymaster dated 29th May.
Calcutta May 29th 1793.
Acting Marine Paymaster.
To Bruce Boswell Esqre. Acting Marine Paymaster.
Sir, Being unacquainted with Official forms, it never occurred to me that Vouchers were necessary for the Stores I purchased for the Settlement at the Andamans, but had I been informed that they were, on the delivery of my first set of Accounts, I Certainly should not have omitted them with those which have been sent for your examination.
I have no doubt on a Comparison of the Prices Current, of the Times, when the Stores were purchased, with those charged in my Accounts that it will appear they have been reasonably bought. I am &c. (Signed) Archibald Blair. (A true Copy) (Signed) Bruce Boswell Acts Marine Paym".
(To be continued.)

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
213
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 162.) Cevel; ann. 1510 : ..», Dabul, 224, ii.
ghee, 512, ii, 8. v. Patchouli, 517, ii,.. v, Patola, Ceval; ann. 1510: 8,0. Choul, 163, i.
520, ii, 8. 0. Pepper, 529, ii, 8. v. Polonga, Ceylam; 108, ii, footnote; ann, 1516: 8.. 545, i, .. v. Portia, 549, ii, s. v. Pra, 551, i, Ceylon. 139, i.
8. v. Pracrit, 552, i, 8. v. Patlam, 565, ii, s.v. Ceylan ; ann. 1610: «. v. Singalese, 636, i; Ramasammy, 573, i, s. v. Rest-house, 577, ii, ann, 1779 : 8. v. Buddha, 91, i.
8. v. Rogne, 579, ii, 8. v. Sarong, 601, ii, 602, Ceylon; 6. v. 138, i, 776, ii, s. v. Adigar, 4, i, i, &. v. Serendib, 615, ii, twice, 8. v. Shaman,
8. v. Bazaar, 56, ii, s. v. Berberyn, 66, i, o, t'. 020, ii, 8. v. Singalese, 635, ii, 4 times, s. v. Beriberi, 66, ii, 8. v. Bo Tree, 81, ii, 8. v. Snake-stone, 643, i, 8. v. Talapoin, 677, i, 6.. Boutique, 81, ii, 8. v. Budgerow, 91, ii, 8. v. Talipot, 679, i, o, v. Tiyan, 704, i, s. v. TomBuffalo, 93, ii, s. o. Bungalow, 98, ii, 8. v. tom, 708, I, s. v. Trincomalee, 715, ii, 8. v. Burgher (), 100, i, s. , Burma, 100, ii, 8. v. Veddas, 736, i, .. v. Vidana, 738, i, s. ». Cabook, 106, i, 4. v. Calamander Wood, Vihara, 738, ii, s. v. Wanderoo, 739, ii, 8. v. 110, i, .. v. Candy, n. p. 119, ii, 8. v. Capelan, Zirbad, 750, i, 8. v. Caryota, 773, ii, twice, s. 1). 122, i, s. v. Cat's-eye, 134, i, 8. v. Cavally, 135, Chittagong, 778, i, s.o. Devil-bird, 790, i, 6.v. ii, 8. v. Chetty, 145, i, s. r. Chilaw, 149, Elu, 797, ii, 798, i ; ann. 404 : 8. v. Concan, i and ii, see 151, ii, footnote, c. v. Choolia, 159, 189, ii; ann. 500: 8.0. Java, 847, i ; ann, i, 8. v. Choya, 166, i, 8. v. Cobily Mash, 172, 545 : 8.", Maldives, 417, ii ; ann. 851 : 8. v. i, &. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177, 1, 1. v. Colombo, Chank, 141, i; ann. 1161 : . v. Chmboja, 182, ii, s. v. Comboy, 183, ii, 3 times, 8. v. 115, ii, twice ; ann. 1220: 8. v. Sofala, 645, Corcopali, 196, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Coromandel, ii; ann. 1344 : 8. 6. Fanám, 365, ii; ann. 199, i, twice, see 199, ii, footnote, sv. C'rral, 1508: 8. v. Aljofar, 755, i ; ann. 1516 : 8.v. 200, ii, see 202, ii, footnote, 8. v. Covil, 207, ii, Quilon, 570, ii ; ann. 1552 : 1. v. Singalese, 8. v. Crease, 212, ii, s. v. Cutcherry, 223, i, 636, i; ann. 1554 : s. . Mangelia, 423, 8. ». Devil Worship, 238, i, &. v. Dewally (b), 1, 8. v. Jam, 810, i, 3 times ana, 1563 : 4.0. 238, ii, see 245, ii, footnote, twice, 8. v. Don- Cobra de Capello, 173, i, s. 8. Eagle-wood, ders Head, 249, ii, s. v. Doney, 249, ii, . o. 258, ii ; ann. 1572 : 8. o. Comorin, Cape, Elu, 262, i, 8. v. Fiscai, 270, ii, 8. v. Florican, 184, ii; ann. 1586 : s. p. 139, i; ann. 1607 : 270, ii, &. v. Galle, Point de, 274, ii, . w. Gow. 8. v. Modelliar, 435, i; ann. 1610 : #. ». 299, i, o, v. Hackery, 310, i, 6. v. Horse-keeper, Carnatic, 126, i; ann. 1659 : 8. o. Beriberi, 324, ii, 3. v. Jafna, 340, ii, 8. v. 'aggery, 340, 67, i, s. v. Soursop (b), 650, i ; ann. 1673 : ii, twice, s. v. Jargon, 344, ii, . . Jhoom, 8. 0. Trincomalee, 715, ii ; ann. 1678: 8. o. 351, ii, .. . Kling, 372, i, twice, s. v. Lascar, Pattamar (a), 521,i; ann. 1681 : 8. v. Guana, 888, ii, .. d. Laterite, 390, i, ., v. Lemon- 304, i ; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Mandarin, 421, ii, grass, 392, i, . . Lubbye, 399, ii, s. v. 6. . Vedas, 735, i; ann. 1768 : s.v. Anaconda, Lunkn, 401, i, .. . Mabar, 401, i, .. v. 16, ii, twice; ann. 1770: 8.0. Buddha, 91, i, Madara, 408, i, . D. Malabar (b), 413, i, ... 8. v. Veddas, 736, i ; ann. 1779 : 8.». Columbo Malabathram, 415, i, s. . Maldives, 417 ii. Root, 183, i; ann. 1796 : 8. v. Jargon, 345, s. v. Mangelin, 422, ii, .. . Margosa, 427, ii, i ; ann. 1799 s. v. Ambaree, 11, i; ann. 8. v. Modellier, 435, i, 8. v. Moor, 445, ii, 8. o. 1801 : 8. v. Buddha, 91, i; ann. 1803 : s. v. Muckna, 454, i, ., . Mungoose, 457, ii, 8.0. Anaconda, 17, i, 8. v. Lascar, 889, i ; ann. Negombo, 476, ii, 8. v. Oojyrs, 487, i, s.o. 1807 : s. r. Lascar, 389, ii ; ann. 1809 : 8. *. Pagoda, 498, ii, 8. v. Pali, 505, ii, twice, 6. d. Beriberi, 67, i ; ann. 1810 : 8. v. Bandy, 44, Palmyra, 506, i!, twice, 6. v. Palmyra Point, ii; ann. 1813 : s. v. Calamander Wood, 110, 507, i, 6. v. Pandáram, 507, ii, s, v. Paran- i; ann. 1818: s.v. Pali, 506, i; ann. 1825 :.
POFFEESHTE E PEPE

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[APRIL, 1902.
#. v. Oalamander Wood, 110, i; ann. 1826: 8. v. Bandy, 44, ii ; ann. 1834 : 1. v. Dagoba, 226, i; ann. 1837: 8. v. Pali, 506, i, twice; ann. 1841: 8. v. Cobily Mash, 172, ii ; ann. 1855: 8. v. Dagoba, 226, i ; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Catamarán, 133, i, s, v. Corral, 200, ii, s. v. Gow, 299, ii, s... Malabar (B), 413, ii, s. v. Portia, 550, i, ann, 1862 : .. .. Cheeta, 143, ii; ann. 1870: 8. v. Decuan, 233, ii ; ann. 1877 : 8. v. Burgher (&), 100, ii; ann. 1881 :
3. v. Talipot, 679, i. Ceylone ; ann. 1761: 4. v. Trincomalee, 716, i. Ceylonese .. Pra, 551. ii, ... Vidana, 738, ii. Cha; ann. 1560: 8. v. Tea, 689, ii; ann. 1611 :
8. v. Tea, 690, i, twice ; ann, 1797 : $. v.
Cangue, 121, i. Chà, Ban. 1677: *. t. Tea, 690, i. Chā; s. v. Chaw, 142, i. Chas; ann. 1598: 8. v. Tea, 090, i. Chabassi ; ann. 1330: 8. v. Jach., 337, i. Chabee ; 8. v. 139, i. Chabēris ; &. v. Cauvery, 135, i.; ann. 150 : 8. v.
Cauvery, 185, . Chábēros ; 8. v. Cauvery, 135, i. Chabérou ; ann. 150 : 8. v. Cauvery, 135, ii. Chābi; &, o, Chabee, 139, i. Chabootah ; ann. 1811 : 8.v. Chabootra, 139, i, Chabootra; 6. v. 139, 7, 776, ii; ann. 1827 :
8. v. 776, ii ; ann. 1834 : s. v. 189, ii. Chabootrah; 3. . Pial, 588, ii. Chaboras ; . v. Elephant, 796, i. Chabuk; ann. 1817: 8. v. Chawbuck, 143, ii. Chābuk ; 8. v. Chawbuck, 149, i. Chabak-sawar ; 6. v. Chawbackswar, 142, ii. Chabūtars; s. . Chabootrs, 189, i. Chabūtra ; 6. o. Pial, 538, ii. Chabūtra ; 8. o. Chabootra, 139, i. Chacarani ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Chucker(), 166, ii. Chacassi ; ann. 1380: s. v. Jack, 337, i. Chacatay; ann. 1404 : 5.0. Oarsvanseray, 772, ii. Chaccog; ann. 1711: . o. Gecko, 280,-i. Ch's-chi'rh ; 8. v. Teapoy, 862, i. Chaoker; 6. v. Nokar, 481, i. Chackur; . . 139, i. Chacor ; ann. 1190: . , Chickore, 149, i. Chacuris; 8. v. Codavascam, 178, ii. Chadar ; 8. o. Obudder, 167, ii. Chadar-obhat; 8. v. Chutt, 170, i. Chaddor; ann. 1878: 8. v. Chudder, 167, ii. Chader; ann. 1525 : 8. v. Chudder, 107, ii. Chidi; . v. Chatty, 142, i.
Chadock; 5, v. Pommelo, 546, i. Chador; ann. 1614 : s. v. Chintz, 155, ii, o. o.
Chudder, 167, ii. Chaghatai; 6. v. Tanga, 682, i. Chagrin; , v. Shagreen, 619, ii; ann. 1663 :
6. . Shagreen, 619, ii. Chagura ; 3. o. Chool, 162, ii. Chah; 6. v. Chop, 161, i, twice. Chahir-pki ; ann. 1549 : 1. v. Charpoy, 141, ii. Chahute; •. u. Cuddy, 215, ii. Cha-i-Khitãi; 6. o. Tea, 689, i. Chaimur; 8. o. Chonl, 162, ii. Cbaimür; ann. 916 : s. v. Chonl, 162, ii. Chaitya; .. .. Dagoba, 225, ii. Chaiwal; ann. 1507: 8. v. Bombay, 77, i. Cha-Jeban ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Taj, 860, i. Chakad; ann. 1554 : 4. v. Sind, 634, ii; ann.
1555: 3. . Jacquete, 339, ii. Chaķal ; s.v. Jackal, 388, ii. Chakar ; . v. Chucker, 166, i. Chākar; & v. Chackor, 139, ii, twice, s. u.
Nokar, 481, i. Chakar karna; 6. v. Chucker (b), 166, ii. Chakarna ; s. v. Chucker (b), 166, ii. Chakazi ; 4. v. Jackass Copal, 339, i, 3 times. Chakazzi ; 8. v. Jackass Copal, 339, i. Chake-Baruke; ann. 1350 : ... Jack, 387, ii. Chakirla ; 8. v. Codavascam, 178, ü. Chakka; 4. v. Hackery, 805, ii. Chákks; . . Jack, 335, ii. Chakkawatti; ann. 460: 8. o. Chuckerbutty,
167, i. Chakla ; , . Hidgelee, 814, ii, ... Chucklah,
779, ii. Chakmak; 5. v. Chuckmuck, 780, i. Chakmak Jang; sv. Chackmuok, 780, i. Chakman; .. v. Chupkun, 168, ii. Chakor; ann. 1190 : $. v, Chickore, 149, i. Chá-kor; . v. Chickore, 148, ii. Chakora ; 8. v. Ohickore, 148, ii. Chakr; «. . Chacker, 166, i. Chakra; s. v. Ohucker, 166, ii, 8.v. Chuckram,
167, i, ., v. Churruck, 169, ii, 8. D. Akalee,
755, i, s. v. Hackery, 806, i. Chakram; .. v. Chuckrum, 167, i. Chakramu ; . v. Chuckrum, 167, i. Chakravartti; 4. v. Cospetir, 201, ii, ..v.
Quilun, 569, i.; ann. 400: •. . Chuckerbutty, 166, ii; ann. 700 : *. . Cospetir, 202, i; ann. 1856 : ... Chuckerbutty, 167, i.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
215
Chakravartti ; 8. v. Chuckerbutty, 166, ii. Challany; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Tola, 707, ii. Chakwa ; . o. Brahminy Dack, 85, i, twice: Challe; ann. 1781 : 8. v. Shawl, 624, ii. Chakwă; 5. v. Brahminy Duck, 85, i.
Chalnā; *. v. Chullo, 780, i. Chakwa-chakwi; 8. . Brahminy Duck, 85, i. Chalo; 6. v. Chullo, 780, i. Chakwi ; 8. v. Brahminy Duck, 85, i, twice. Chalons ; .o. Shalee, 620, i, 3 times. Chal; ann. 1665: 8. . Shawl, 624, i, twice. Chalouns ; . v. Shalee, 620, i. Chalangne; 3. 0. Chelingo, 777, i.
Chalukya; 6. . Calyan, 114, ii, 3. v. India: Chalāni; 8. v. Rupee, 586, i.
329, ii. Chalantā ; 604, i, footnote.
Chalukya ; . v. Coromandel, 199, i; ann Chālayam ; 8. o. Chalia, 139, ii.
. 1128: . China, 151, ii. Chalcedony; .. v. Babagooree, 31, ii, 8. v. Chalwaneh; ann. 1590: 6. v. Runn, 586, i. Cat's-eye, 134, i; ann. 1516 : «. v. Babagoo. Chālyam: 8. v. Chalia, 139, ii, twice. ree, 33, i.
Chalyani ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Chalia, 139, ii. Chalcitis; 8. o. Sonaparanta, 647, i.
Cham; 8. o. Ohamra, 140, i. Chaldaea; 8. v. Sissoo, 689, i.
Chamár; 8. v. Chuckler, 167, i. Chale; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Shalee, 620, i; ann. Chamara ; 8. v. Chowry (6), 165, i; ann, 1810:
1572: 8. v. Chalia, 139, ii, twice, 8.0. Cranga. 8. o. Chowry, 165, ii.
nore, 211, ii; ann. 1666: 8. v. Shawl, 624, i. Cbamará; ann. 1572: 6. v. Beypoor, 68, ii, Chalé; 2. Chalia, 199, ii; ann. 1572 : 1. 3. 8. v. Cannanore, 121, i. Quilon, 570, ii, twice.
Chāmara; 4. v. Chowry (b), 165, i, twice ; Chalen; ann. 1541 : 8. n. Peking, 526, i.
ann. 63+-5: «. v. Chowry, 165, ii. Chalia ; 8. o. 139, ii, s. v. Beypoor, 68, i; Chamaroch; ann. 1598 : 8. . Carambola, 123, i.
ann. 1330 : 8. o. Shinkali, 627, ii ; ann. Chamba; ann. 1298: 3. v. Champa, 140, i, 1566-8: 8. . Carrack 127, i.
8. D. Java, 317, ii. Chalias ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii.
Chamdernagor; ann. 1705, 8. v. Chinsura, Chalium ; 8. v. Chalia, 189, ii.
1 154, ii. (To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. DOOB GRASS.
This word is not in Yule and represents the HERE is an earlier and better quotation than common Bengali word pansut for a small boat or that to be found in Yule.
wherry in general nee in Calcutta. 1795. - The short wiry gras, known in Bengal
B. O. TEMPLE. by the name of Doop, which is quiokly propagated by planting it in little bunches, and of which we
THE BANSKRIT VERSION OF EUCLID. had fortunately taken down a considerable quan- WITH reference to a remark made by Prof. A. tity, soon spread itaell over the risings we had Weber, in a note to his paper (ante, Vol. xxx. cleared, and effectually prevented any of the Soil p. 287), respecting a Sanskrit version of Euclid, I from being carried off, thus insuring good pasture may point out that, at the Stockholm Oriental Conwhenever sufficient space would be cleared gress, on the reading of the late H. H. Druva's paper away. - Kyd's M8. Report on the Andamane in respecting this work found at Jaypur, I mentioned Bengal Consult. tor 1795.
that Raja Sawai Jayasinha bad in his library the R. O. TEMPLE. Historia Celestis of Flamsteed and other European
works, and that there was no reason to suppose that PONSEY.
he had not some of the 17th century versions of 1756. —"HA was then backoning to him Hervant Euclid also most of which contained the whole that stood in a ponsy above the Gaut.... fifteen books of the Geometry. After my return at the Gaut besides the Ponsey were the Gouve from Stockholm I wrote to the late Prof. Weber, nuar Serv Was.... Bo without given me reminding him that Lancelot Wilkinson had, long time to make an Answer, he run down stairs and ago (in the Jour. A. Soc. Beng. Vol. VI. p. 938), up to the side of the river to get into the Ponsey called attention to the same work - the Rakht ... Therefore with Mr o Harea got into the Ganita which had beer, translated into Sanskrit same Ponsey were the Gouvenour was and set off by Samrat Jagannatha for the famous Jaypur the last boat that left the Gaut." - Alex. Grant's Raja, the astronomer-prince. Defence, ante, Vol. XXVIII. pp. 299-300.
J. BUBGES8.

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[APRIL, 1902.
THE JANEO.
Further, the use of knots indicates the status The available information regarding the janeo of the wearer, thus: -"Among Sarwariya or thread of caste is fragmentary and inconsplete. Brahmans, there are three higher grades and In the Panjab faller data as to its form, and the thirteen who are inferior. The higher grades have different tribes which wear it, may throw light on five and the inferi or three knots in the jando, or the extent to which Brahmanical influence has Brahmanical cord. If a man borrow the cord of prevailed.
a person of another grade he adjusts the knots The orthodox jando is thus described "The
according to his rank; for the knot is the janeo or sacred thread of the Hindds is thus
Important part of the cord." Similarly the
Gaur Brahmans in Bikanir have 5 knots, but the made : The four fingers of the band are closed and a thread is wound back and front over them
Adh Gaur only 3. (P to represent the union of the four sacred It is, however, difficult to say how far the elements in created things ) 96 times - i. e., wearing of the janeo indicates status, e.g., the 12 x 8, or according to the ogdoad, common only Lobânâs wear it and even when Sikhs are very to the Eastern nations and the Chinese. This particular about it, whereas among Játs only thread forms a strand of the jando. Three of Akbar Játs wear it and then only at their these strands are then taken together and divided marriages (Hoshiarpur Gazetteer, p. 56). Prointo the three parts, and these are then twisted bably some one will be able to explain the to the right and made into three threads of six apparent inconsistency betwen this and the last strands each. This is called an agra. Two agras para. go to a janeo, or aggregate of six threads of six The Khoes Jata of one village (Rattian) in Tahstrands each. The fando is knotted together by a sil Moga in the Ferozepur District continue to wear number of knots depending on the descent and it, though the tribe as a whole has abandoned it. sect of the wearer. It is worn over the left
Lastly, it appears that occasionally somo shoulder, which is a concession to Buddhism, as
Beotions of caste wear the jango while others it was originally worn round the waist.
do not, e. 9., some of the Sunårs wear it, and In worshipping the gods the jando is worn over certain góta among the Kangrå Gaddis, among the left shoulder and held across the palm under
wbom it is used at marriage ceremonies in a the thumb of the left hand, while the libations
curious way. are made with the right hand forward. In worshipping the pitris (ancestors) it is worn on
Some Kanets in the Simla Hills also wear the right shoulder, and the libation is made with
it - not all. the fingers of the right hand raised higher than Information then is required on the followthe palun, so that the water pours to the right. ing points:In worshipping the Rishis the thread goes round
(1) State the sections of each caste which the neck, and the water is poured out with both
wear he janeo in any form. hands inwards towards the chest.
(2) For each such section, state the way in When dirty the janeo must be made into the
which the janeo is worn, the number form of the wastika or mystic cross, in the
of strands and knots in it and manner that children play at "cat's cradle," and
describe any peculiarities in its then washed.
material or manufacture. But this is not the only form. For (3) Is it worn on any special occasion, but instance :-"Jogia wear a jando, or sacred thread,
not ordinarily ? If so, when P round their nocks, of nine cubite length, and made
(4) State the explanations given of the of three strands, woven of black wool of eight
variations in above. threads on a bobbin, and plaited into a bobin. thread, like our own braid necklaces. Round
(5) Add any information you can (giving their waists they wear & similar thread of two
references to books if necessary) to Reparate bobbin-threads of eight strands each,
the above; e. g., is there any connectwisted together with a loop at one end and a
tion between sectarial marks and button at the other. To the jando they attach a
the different forms of the janéo ? round circlet of horn (rhinoceros it shonla be),
H. A. Rose, and to this they attach a nádh, or whistle, which
Superintendent of Ethnography, Panjab. makes a noise something like a conob, but not so loud."
Simla, 24th July 1901. This position of the hand may perhaps be compared with those in Plates I. and Vt. in De-Marohi's I Culto Privato di Roma Antica, 1893, Vol. I.

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217
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.
The places mentioned in the Want plates of A. D. 807. THIS record has been edited by me in Vol. XI. above, p. 156 ff., with a lithograph. It was
1 originally brought to notice, in the Jour. R. As. Soc., F. S., Vol. V., by Mr. W. H. Wathen, who published the text of it, as inscription No. 2, opposite p. 344, with a translation of it, by Mr. L. R. Reid, at p. 350 ff. A remark on p. 350, at the head of the translation, tells as that the plates were found by Mr. Reid in the Nâsik district. And a further remark on
353 records the belief by Mr. Wathen that they were obtained in the Wanadindori district, near Násika, in the Marrátta country." These remarks have been understood to connect them with Wani, a small town about ten miles north-north-east from Dindori, the head-quarters of the Diņdôri taluka of the Nasik district, Bombay Presidency. In the Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), the name of this town is given as Wun. It is given, however, as Wani' in the Deccan Topographical Survey sheet No. 4 (1876), and in the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879). And it is certified as Vani, in Nagari characters, in whe compilation entitled Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878). And from these sources, combined, I continue to use the form Wani, as being most probably the actually pronounced form of the name. The plates have come to be customarily known as the Waņi plates, or sometimes the WaniDiņdôrî plates. And the results given in the present note will shew that, whether they were actually obtained at Wani or not, they really do belong to the neighbourhood of that town. It has been said, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XVI., Nasik, p. 661,that Want itself is mentioned in the record, by the name of "Van.' That, however, is a mistake, due to the facts that, instead of Varanagara-vishay-ántargatah, which the original really has in lines 39, 40, the text published by Mr. Wathen gives Van nagara, &-c., and that Mr. Reid's translation gives of the Van division of the Nasika district." And it is also questionable whether Wani has any claim to such antiquity, as a place of any importance, though it has been once "the head-quarters of a petty division;" for, we are further told, in the same place, that "the "old site of Vani is said to have been at the base of Ahivant fort, about five miles to the "north-west of the present site," and that "in 1760, when the Násik forts passed from the "Moghals to the Maráthás, Dhodap took the place of Ahivant, and the people of the village "of Ahivant went and settled at Vani, greatiy increasing its population." The Ahivant fort, it may be added, is shewn as Iwantta' in the Atlas sheet No. 38, and as 'Iawatta' in the Topographical sheet No. 4, about six miles north-north-west from Wani. And Dhodap' is the Dhôdap fort, the Dhorup' of the Atlas sheet, - about nine miles east-north-east-half-east from Wapi.
The resord recites that, on & specified day in the Vysya sasivatsara, Saka-Samvat 730 (current), falling in A, D. 807, the Rashtrakata king Govinda III., when in residence or in camp at Mayarakhandi, which is the modern Markinda, a hill-fort, in the Kaļwan tâluka of the Násik district, about fourteen miles north-north-east from Dindorf, granted to a Brahmaộ, whose grandfather was a resident of Vengi and belonged to the community of Chaturvēdins of that place, a village (gráma) named Ambaka, lying in the Vatana gara distriot (vishaya) of the Nasiks country (désa). And it specifies the boundaries of Ambaka as being, on the east, a village (grama) named Vadavura; on the south, a village named Varikheda ; on the west, a village named Pallitavada, and a river (nadi) named Pulinda; and, on the north, a village named (Padmajnala.
See, alo, id. p. 185, noto 1. On p. 661, the record is wrongly spoken of ap being dated in A. D. 930.

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[MAY, 1902.
The names of Vadavura, Pallitavada, and Padmanála, seem to have disappeared; at any rate, I cannot trace anything representing them, even as names of hamlets. But the other names suffice to fix the locality to which the record belongs. Vatanagara is certainly the *Wurner' of the Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), the 'Wadner' of the Topographical sheet No. 5 (1877), and the "Warneir' of the Topographical sheet No. 9 (1875): these various spellings, of course, all represent Wadner; and the place is a small town or large village, in lat. 20° 14', long. 74° 5, in the Chándor (Chandwad) taluka of the Nisik district, about twentytwo miles towards the north-east from Näsik. Ambata is the 'Amb' of the Atlas sheet No. 38, and the 'Ambé' of the Topographical sheet No. 8 (1875), in the Diņdori taluka, about five miles north-east-by-east from Dindorf, and eight and a half miles on the west of Waờner. VArikheda is the "Wurkher' of the Atlas sheet No. 38, and the Wárkhair' of the Topographical sheet No. 8, close on the south-west of 'Amb, Ambe.' And the Pulinda river is a large nullah, flowing southwards close on the west of the village-sites of Amb, * Ambe,' and Wurkher,' Wárkhair,' which joins the Kådava, Kadiva, or Khadva river about a mile on the south-west of Work her.' Wárkhair: the name of the nullah is entered as • Unenda' in the Topographical sheet No. 4, and as 'Unanda' in the Topographical sheet No. 8; the real name seems to be Unanda,
Vengi, which is mentioned as the place of abode of the grantee's grandfather, was the capital of & province, known as the Vengi or Vengt mandals, which is most familiar to us in connection with the Eastern Chalukya kings. According to a record of A.D. 1186, it was & sixteen-thousand province ;' that is to say, a province which included, according to fact or tradition or conventional acceptation, sixteen thousand cities, towns, and villages. The position of the capital seems to be very closely marked by the still existing village of Pedda-Végi, "the larger Végi," about seven miles north of Ellore (Eldru), the head-quarters of the Ellore táluka of the Godavari district, Madras Presidency Pedda-Végi is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 94 (1899) as Pedavaigie,' in lat. 16° 48', long. 81° 10. There is, somewhere close by, another village, called Chinna-Vegi," the smaller Végi," which, however, cannot be found in the map. And it seems that Sir Walter Elliot has told us that the evidences of ancient buildings, and the many curious mounds, which probably cover the remains of the old city, extend from Pedda-Végi as far as Chinna-Végi and Dendularu, This last-mentioned place is shewn in the map as Dendaloor,' in lat. 16° 45', long. 81° 13', about five miles towards the south-east from Pedavaigie.' It is mentioned as Londulura in the Chikkulla plates of Vikramêndravarman II.S
When I was preparing this record for pablication, Mr. W. Ramsay, I.C.S., gave me the identification of Ambaka with Ambe' and of Varikhôda with Warkhód,' and also gave me the name of the nullah as Unanda ; seg Vol. XI. above, p. 157. The record, bowever, seems to have been fully localised even before that time; for, Mr. Reid's translation of it presents * Ambegaon' as the modern name of Ambakagrama and Warkher' as the modern name of
It has been suggested that Pallitavads in the modern. Paramori,' the 'Purmore of the Atlas sheet No. 88 (1857), and the Parmor of the Dooonn Topographioal Survey sheet No. 8 (1875), - about two miles on the west of 'Amb,' Ambé,' which is the Ambaks of the record; see Gax. Bo. Pres. Vol. XVI., Navik, P. 185, Doto 1. And the village stande, of course, in the required position. But it is difloult to understand how the name Pallitada could pass into any such form 'Paramori.'
The name of the river into which the Palinda-Unendl lows, is given a Cadira' in the Atlas sheet No. 88, and as 'Khadra' in the Topographical sheets Nos. 4 and & It is certified u Kidrá or Kaderd, in Nigar character, in Bombay Placse.
• Sea Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 50, verne 85.
6 Regarding the numerioal components in the ancient territorial appellations, see Vol. XXIX. above, p. 277, and note 18.
• The identification of Vengt with Pedda-Végi appears to be due to Sir Walter Eniot. I am not ablo to refor to his paper on the subject.
+ See Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. p. 36.
• See Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 195, and, for the correct spelling of the modern name, Vol. V. Additions and Corrections.

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Varikhêda : but, while presenting the ancient name of the nnllah as Vúlinda,' though Mr. Wathen's text has Pulida, for the Pulindd which really stands in line 41 of the original, it gives the modern name of it as Unmad.' The identification of Ambaka with Amb,' and of Vârikheda with Varkhed,' is also mentioned in the Gas. Bo. Pres. Vol. XVI., Nasik, p. 185, note 1; the suggestion made there, that "Vadner' is mentioned in the record as 'Vadtur,' is only due to Mr. Wathen having read Vadatura, instead of Vadavura, in line 40. I myself originally suggested that Vatanagara might perhaps be Want; at that time, however, I had not the map to refer to, and I did not know of the existence of Wadnêr.
The Indian Atlas sheet No. 38, N. W. (1896), which includes the locality to which this record b-longs, was not available to me when I wrote the above note. It illustrates pointedly how much more useful the old maps still are for certain purposes. It does not shew the ancient and famous Markiņda by name, but only indicates it by a small spot, marked 4384 (feet high), in lat. 20° 23', long. 73° 59'; and we are left to find the position of it from the old sheet or from other sources of information: nor, we may add, does it present the names of the Ahiwant and Dhôdap forts, and of various other hill-forts along the same range, all more or less of reputo, which are all duly shewn, and very clearly, in the old sheet. Though it is supposed, not only to be up-to-date in details, but also to follow a certain uniform system of transliteration, it gives the village-names, with which we are concerned, as Vani, Wadner, Ambe, and Warkhair; thus presenting, in only four names, three instances of inconsistency, in the use of both and w for one and the same Native character, in the use of both d and r to represent the lingcald, and in the use of both e and ai to denote the long vowel é, and one mistake, in omitting to mark the long & in a word which it should have presented either as Várkher or as Wárkhed. It omits to mark the long d in the name of the nullah, which it gives as Unanda. And it presents the name of the river both as Kadva and as Kadwa.
The places montioned in the Sangli platon of A. D. 038. This record has been edited by me in Vol. XII. above, p. 247 ff., with a lithograph. The original plates were then in the possession of a Brahman resident of Sawantwadi, the headquarters of the Native State of the same name between the Ratnagiri district and the Portuguese territory of Goa. But, when the record was originally brought to notice by General Sir George LeGrand Jacob, in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IV. pp. 97, 100 f., the plates belonged to a family of Brahmaņs residing near Sangli, the head-quarters of the Sângli State in the neighbourhood of Kolhapur. And, on that account, they have been customarily known as the Sangli plates. The results given in the present note, however, will shew that they have not really any connection with the neighbourhood either of Sangli or of Sawantwadi.
The record recites that, on & specified day in the Vijaya sashpatsara, Saka-Samvat 855 (expired), falling in A, D. 933, the Rashtrakůța king Govinda IV., then permanently residing at the capital of Manyakheta, which is the modern Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions in lat. 17° 11', long. 77° 13', granted to a Brahman, whose father had come from a city (nagara) named Pundevardhana, a village named Lohagrama, lying in a territorial division called the Bamspurt seven-hundred. And it specifies the boundaries of Lôhagrama as being, on the east, a village named Ghodégrama; on the south, a village (gráma) named Vanjull; on the west, a village named Chinchavihsrajha ;' and, on the north, a village named Sonnabi.
The text and translation published by General Jaoob present this name - Viñobaviharabba. And I originally read it as Vinohaviharajhs or Vifioha viharabha. It seems tolerably certain to me, now, that the last syllable is jha, not bha As regards the consonant of the first syllable, it certainly does look, in the lithograph, more like then ch: but there does not seem to be any such word as vincha, whereas chifcha, standing no doubt for chificha, the tamarind-tree,' figures as the first component of very many place-Dames; And so, even apart from the identification that can be made, I should my, now, that this consonant was intended for, and should be read wch. One name commencing with chincha, which was perhape originally identical with the name which we have in this record, is that of the Chinohvihir' of the Deocan Topographical Survey sheet No. 20 (1878), shewn as Chinchvihore' in the Indian Atlas abeet No. 38 (1857), flye miles north-west-by-west from the Rahurt which is mentioned further on, and en Chinchyihir' in the quarter-sheet No. 38, S. W. (1883).

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-
Lôhagrama is the Lohogaon' of the Deccan Topographical Survey sheet No. 20 (1878), about sixteen miles towards the south-south-west from Newåsa, the head-quarters of the Newasa tâluka of the Abmadnagar district, Bombay Presidency; in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), it is wrongly placed about three miles towards the west-north-west from its position as given in the Topographical sheet. Ghodégrama is the Ghorégaon' of the Topographical sheet, about three miles east-north-east from Lohogaon ;' in the Atlas sheet No. 38, it is shewn as Gorebgaon.' Vanjuli is the 'Wánjoli' of the Topographical sheet, two and a half miles south-by-west from Lohogaon;' in the Atlas sheet No. 39 (1855), it is shewn as
Wanjolee.' Chifichaviharajha is evidently the 'More Chinchorá' of the Topographical heet, two and a half miles towards the west-by-soutb from 'Lohogaon ;' in the Atlas sheet No. 89, it is shewn as Chinchoreh Moreea.' And Sonnahi is the 'Sonái' of the Topographical sheet, four and a half miles north-by-west from 'Lohogaon ;' in the Atlas sheet No. 38 it is shewn as "Sonuee.' These villages are shewn as Lohogaon, Ghoregaon, and Sonai, in the Atlas quarter-sheet No. 38, S. E. (1886), which places Lohogaon in its proper position, and as Wánjoli and More Chinchora in sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895).
With these identifications established, we can see that the Ramapurt of the record, the town which gave its name to the seven-hundred district in wbich the village of Lohagramu was situated, is the modern Rahurt, the head-quarters of the Rahuri täluka of the Ahmadnagar district. Rahuri is the Ráburi' of the Topographical sheet No. 20, and the • Raliooreo of the Atlas sheet No. 38, and the "Rahuri' of the quarter-sheet No. 38, S. W. (1886), in lat. 19° 23', long. 74° 43'. Lohogaon,' the ancient Lohagrama, is distant from it about twelve miles towards the east-south-east.
The city of Pundavardhana, which is mentioned as the place from which the grantee's father had emigrated, and the name of which seems to be given in precisely the same form in the Amgachhi Hate of Vigruhapâladeva III.,10 is, no doubt, the Pundravardha na of other records, and the "Paundravardhana, subject to the kings of Gauda," of the Rajatarasigini, iv. 421; and it seems to be the Puñavadhana which is referred to in two of the votive inscriptions at Sañch.11 For opinions which have been expressed regarding the identification of it, reference may be made to the Rev, S. Beal's Si-yu-ki, Vol. II. p. 194, note 18, and Dr. Stein's Kalhana's Rájatarangini, Vol. I.
160, note on verse 421. Its position ought to be capable of being determined very closely, even if it cannot be actually fixed, by means of the villages which are placed in the Pundravardhana bhukti by the KLülimpur plate of Dharmapaladeval and the Dinajpur plate of Mahipaladêva.13
The places mentioned in the Kharda plates of A. D. 972. This record has been edited by me in Vol. XII. above, p. 263 ff., with a lithograph. It was originally brought to notice, in the Jour. R. As. Soc., F. S., Vol. II., p. 379, by Mr. W. H. Wathen, who published the text of it, with a translation in the same journal, Vol. III. p. 94 ff. In his first notice of it, Mr. Wathen said that "it was found in the town of Kardla, in the “Dekkan." In his second notice of it, he described it as "an inscription on three copper plates
transmitted by Captain Pottinger, said to have been found at Kurda, in the Dekkan." In dealing with it, I said, for some reason or other which I cannot now explain, that Kardla or. Kurda' seemed to be Kard in the Taloda tâluka of the Khandesh district. But it is fractically certain, now, that the real find-place of the record must have been the Kurda' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 39 (1855), the Kurda' and 'Kurdlah' of Thornton's Gazetteer of India, Vol. III. (1854), pp. 224, 225, a town in lat. 18° 38', long. 75° 32', about twelve miles towards the south-east-bs-east from Jamkhed, the head-quarters of the Jamkhed taluka of the Ahmadnagar
10 See Vol. XIV. above, p. 167, text line 24. 14 See Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 217.
11 Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 10€, No. 102, and p. 386, No. 217. 15 See Jour. Beng. As, Scc. Vol. LXL p. 78,

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221
district, Bombay Presidency. In the official compilation entitled Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878), the name of the place is certified as Khardem in Nagart characters, aud is transliterated as 'Kharda.' And more recent maps also shew it as Kharda ;' see, for instance, Constable's Hand Atlas of India (1893), Plate 31, and the Indian Atlas quarter-ebeet No. 39, N. E. (1895), and Philip's Gazetteer and Map of India (1900). I conclude, therefore, that the initial of the name is really the aspirated kh, and that we must accept Kharda as the conventional transliterated form of the name.16
The record recites that, on a specified day in the Angiras sarīvatsara, Saka Samvat 894 (expired), falling in A. D. 972, the Rashtrakûța king Kakka II., then permanently residing at Manyakbóta, i.e. Malkhod, granted to a Brahman, who was a resident of a place spoken of as érimat Gejuravádí, "the famous Gejuravavi," and had come to Minyakheta on business, a village (gráma) named Pangarika, in a group of villages known as the Vavvulatalla twelve in a territorial division called the Uppalika three-hundred. And it specifies the boundaries of Pangarikâ as being, on the east, a village (gráma) named Rohitalla; on the south, a village named Silahare ; on the west, a village named Kiņihigrama; and, on the north, a village named Antaravalli.
· Pangarika is the 'Pangry of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 56 (1882), in lat. 19° 16', long. 75° 54', about twenty miles towards the north-by-east from Bheer,' Bhir,' Beer,' 'Bir,' or • Bid,' the chief town of a district of the same name in the Nizam's Dominions, and about fifty miles towards the north-north-east-half-east from Kharda in the Jamkhed taluka. The same sheet shews Roitalla,' answering to the Rohitalla of the record, about two miles on the south-enst of Pangry.' Two miles on the south of Pangry,' it shews a village Soralla,' the name of which must be, in some way or another, a corruption of the Silahare of the record. 17 And, three miles towards the north-by-west from Pangry,' it shews Keenugaon,' answering to the Kinihigrama of the record. And sheet No. 55 (1889) shews Untervully,' answering to the Antara vallt of the record, about five miles almost due north from 'Paugry. In the beautiful survey map of the Bheer Circar, prepared under the superintendence of Lieutenant H. Da Vernet in 1835, the above-mentioned villages are shewn, quite similarly except in respect of one of them, as Pangry,' Roitalla,' Seralla,' 'Keenugaon,' and Untervully.' The Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895), shews Kiņihigrama Es Kinagaon.'
Gejuravåvi, the residence of the grantee, is evidently the modern 'Givaroi' of the Atlas sheet No. 39 and of the Survey map of the Bheer Circar, a town about eighteen miles north of • Bheer.' Pangry' is distant from it only five and a half miles to the east. In some other maps its name is shown as Givrai.' And in the Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895), it is shewn as 'Govrai,' in lat. 19° 15', long. 75° 48'.18
14 The Atlas sheet shews also a Kurdeh,' in the Sirar tåluka of the Poona district, about thirty-four miles towards the east-north-east from Poona. It further shows, in the Pirner Aluka of the Ahmadnagar district, a 'Hungeb,' about eighteen miles north-east-by-north from 'Kurdeh,' with 'Raeetulleh' five and a half miles eastsouth-east from Hungoh,' and 'Kinhee' eight miles towards the north-north-west from 'Hungeh.' And, any namo like Bohitalls being extremely rare, it seemed, at first, that the record was to be localised here, and that the other place-namos mentioned in it had disappeared. I found the locality to which it really belongs, afterwards, in the course of my hearoh for the present representative of the nncient Tagara, regarding which see the Jour. R. As. Soc., 1901, p. 537 .
16 The l in 'Kurdlab seems to have been an attempt to mark the sound of the lingual d. 16 See page 219 above.
It There is, curiously enough, a very similar name, Saroleh,' nine miles south-south-east-half-south from the • Hungeh' which I have mentioned in note 14 above.
1 Even this name is not unique. In the Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857) I notion two villages named 'Givroi,' and four named Girroy,' and two named 'Gevroy,' all within abont sixty miles from the town 'Givaroi,' towards the northa and north-west, and on the other side of the Godavarl. These villages were probably founded by emigrants from the town.

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The maps do not show any name answering exactly to that of Vavvulatalla, the chief town of the group of twelve villages which included Pangarika.10 But it seems likely that Vavvalatalla is now represented by the modern Talkhair of the Atlas abeet No. 56 and of the Survey map of the Bheer Circar, a small town or large village foarteen miles towards the east-south-east from Pangry.'
Also, the maps do not show any place that can be conclusively identified with Uppalika, the chief town of the three hundred district. The only trace of the name that I can find anywhere in the locality to which we are fixed, is the Oopli' of the Atlas sheet No. 56 and of the Survey map of the Bheer Circar, a village on a small river called Koonka,' sixteen miles south-south-east from Talkhair.' And it is possible, of course, that this place, now an ordinary villago, may in ancient times have been of sufficient size and importance to be the chief town of a territorial division. But it seems to me more probable that Uppalikå may bave been the ancient name of Bheer itself, the chief town of the district of that name in the Nizam's Dominions, from which "Talkhair' is distant only twentyone miles north-east-by-east. In other maps and in gazetteers, the name of this town figures 88 Bhir,' 'Beer,' Bir,' and 'Bid;' and, with a very exceptional marking of the long 1, it is shewn as 'Bid,' in lat. 18° 59', long. 75° 49', in the Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N., E. (1895). The true form of it seems to be certainly Bid. The word bidha, which is very familiar in the Kanarese form bidu, means 'a halting place, a oamp, an abode.' The ancient Tiravadabida, "the camp of Tiravada," seven miles to the west-south-west from Kolhậpur, is now known as simply Bir,' . Bid' that is B14.20 In the prefix in the name of the Bhir Kingaon' of the Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), which is shewn as 'Birkingaon' in the quarter-sheet No. 38, S. E. (1886), about fifty-six miles towards the north-west-by-north from Bheer,' Bid, we have, no doubt, the same word bida, marking that place, also, as one at which kings and governors would encamp on tours of inspection and troops would halt on marches. Bheer, Bid, must surely have had originally some more specific appellation, to distinguish it from other places, in the same part of the country, which were used as camps. And it seems to me highly probable that it may have been known in former times as Uppalikabida, "the camp of Uppalika.”
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON," 1755.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE. (Concluded from Vol. XXXI. p. 191.)
A Narrative of the Peoples Behaviour on Bird Taland, Which I should have Remark'd in my Journall, but durst not, haveing no place to Secrete my papers but lay Exposed to Every One, and was Inspected into Daily by several so that if I had mentiond any thing disagreeable to them, Should not have Been Suffer to keep a Journal att all.
July 17th. As soon as it was Day Light, we all Assembled together, And for some time only Bewail our Misfortunes. At Length being Roused awaken'd] by the dismall prospect that Appeared before us. Some went to see how The Land lookd further in the Country, while the Others that Stayed With me desired I would still continue their Officer, and they would Obey me in all
1 I do not find the name Vavrulatalla anywhere at all, except perhaps in the case of a small village near the Travellers' Bungalow at 'Thurrodah' on the high-road from Nandgaon to Aura gabad. The name of the village is shown in the Indiaa Atlas sheet No. 88 (1857) as 'Baboolthail,' which is very possibly a printer's mistake for
Babooltball. The village is in lat. 20° 11. and long. 745 64. It is about ninety miles away towards the north west from Pangry.' And it has, of course, no connection with the Tavvulatalla twelve of the record.
See Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 215, and the Addition, and Vol. XXIX, above, p. 279, note 89, * This is the last of the corrections in Another hand.

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Respects, and Should Entirely Rely on my Superiour Judgement to gett them of this dismall Place, being Informed by Those who went to look Round and Returns in a few Minutes that We Were on an Island 2 Leagues from the Main. I told them they Might depend on my Assistance in all Respects and that there was No Time to be lost, Our Situation Requiring us to be dilligent in Looking About for provissions &c, for Subsistance during our Stay here, which I Thought would be a Month at Least, before Every Body Would be Able to Travel. Accordingly, Sett Out and Soon Found Several Usefull Things As Inserted in my Journal, but before Night Most of Those that was Able to Work was Drunk and Rosenburry So Bad that had I not Accidentally Seen him Lying Amongst the Wreck And Call for Assistence to gett him up he must Infallibley have been drowned, the Side having Flowe'd Over part of him when we got him up, for Which Piece of Service before we Left the Island he as Often Came Close to me and Laughed in my face by way of Derision, knowing very Well I durst Not Correct him, all the Villains having Taken Theire Oaths to Stand by One Another in Opposition to the Officers, And if Either of us Offer to Strike any of them, three or 4 Was to Fall on him and Beat him heartily.
Howsoever before it Came to the pass, they Obeyd me for a fortnight, by which time their was Some prospect of the Boats Going One, the keel and Steem being Finished; but before any more was done the Carpenter fell Sick, but by his Discourse as I found Soon Afterwards, only feiguḍ himself So, for Missing him from Work, Enquired after him, And was Informe'd he was Not well. Upon Wob Information Mr Collett & Self went to Condole with him, we found him in the Cooks Tent Broiling himself a Rasher of Salt pork. I Aske'd him how he did, adding I was Sorry for his Indisposition, hopeing he would Soon be better. Yes Ansiwer he that May be for Your Own Good; but I Can See how Things are Going. Your 34 in Counsell Mr Bothwell Can be Attended On, but I may Die and be damnd before You! Offer mulls Wine or any Thing Else, to me; but Damn Me If I bee Used so. I Can See well Enough Which Way things Are going, but I be damn if I have not a Fair Understanding before I do a St[r]oke More. Here I Interrupted him, and Told Him I thought he had gone far Enough, till he Explained himself; That I did not Understand What he Meant by Saying, he Saw how Things go. I then Asked him if he Saw Any Clandestine proceedings by Any of the Officers or any Body Else; to Which he Answerd No, that if he did that we Should Soon know it, for Damn me if Ill be flung By the Best of You. I answerd in my Turn, that believd no Body Intended to fling him as he Calle'd it; therefore was Sorry to See him prejudiced Against Mr Collett & Self, because we Assisted a Sick person; Adding that As Soon As we heard of his being Out of Order, Came to Condole with him, And he Should find Either of us Very Ready to do any Thing Conducive to his Health & hoped that his present disorder was Only a Cold, Which a Little hot Wine going to Bedd would Carry off. To this he Answered in the Surly Manner as before, Saying he would have a fair Understanding before he Would do a Stroke More. Upon Which Mr Collett & I left him, and Walked togeather to Try if we Could guess The Reason of Such Behaviour and the Only Conjectures we Could putt on it Was his Incapacity to Build the Boat, and Some Time Afterwards, found we Were quit Right in Our Opinion, for he did not know how the Transum peice of the Searn (sio) was to be Fixt. He Continued Sulkey 2 days & the 3d day, went to Work Again, Which I was Very Glad to See Making no doubt if he Would Work that We Should compleat One to Serve Our Turns.
Soon after this Danll Ladoux who was Capts Steward on Board the Doddington Occationed fresh disputes, by Insisting upon keeping what Pork he or his Mess Mates Pick up to themselve's, Which was Contrary To my Orders; and the day this dispute Arose Upon, he had Given Orders to the Cook Not to dress pork for two of the Matrosses, Who was at Work with me, all the Morning on the Wreck, because they had not Brought any for Themselves. The Cook Obey'd his Orders, so that When we was Call'd to dinner, the 2 beforementioned had Nothing to Eat; therefore Made their Complaint to Me; at the Same time Inform'd Me how it happen'd Upon which I Took Ladoux to Taske, Asking him by What Authority, he Order'd no Victuals to be dress for the two men. He
Head-lines in MS, from this point onwards, "Behaviour of the People on Bird Island."

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Answerd there was Orders given to the Cook by Mr Collett that What Pork he Brought to the Tent Should be Used Only for his own Mess, Therefore he thought he had as good a Right to Keep what he Pickd up. And for the Future None but his Own Mess Should Tast a Bitt of What he Save'd. All that he say was confirmed by his Mess Mates, And in the Most Insolent Manner that can be Imagine'd.
Mr Collett Declared he Never gave any Such Orders, And I am Very Certain there was no Such Orders given to the Cook by any officer but my Self, Concerning the Pork; (And those Were) if there should be any difference in the peices he took to dress, that I Expected the Best. This was told to all the People Imediatly, who thought Themselves Very ill Used. Therefore took the Method beforementioned to convince me there was No difference to be made, which gave me no Manner of Concern. However there Behaviour Shew! I Should be a person of Very Little Consequence in a Short Time, if the Carpenter went on with his Work, but while they would Allow me to have any Command Over Them was detirmined to Exert my Authority. Therefore Insisted That Every Body Should be Carefull in picking up all the pork they could Find, and deliver it to Mr Collett, who was Made Store Keeper, in order that proper Care Should be taken of it for the good of the whole. Ladoux Swore Damn him if he would Pick up Another Piece, while he was on the Island, Adding he would Always have as good a peice of Pork as L. Being Talk to in this Manner by One who a few days before Attended on Me, Provoked me to Strike him two or 8 Slaps in the Face, which had a Very good Effect, he being quit Silent Afterwards, And he and the Rest went to Work with me on the Wreck.
Soon After this the Carpenter, and The Rest of the people was Informed by Bothwell, that the Treasure & Wrought I'latewas Not to be Shared. Upon which Information M' Collett & I was Calle'd the greatest Rogues in the World, & Every One Swore it should be Shar'd, and Every thing Else that Camo Ashore there belong To Who it would. After Our days Work was Over and Every Body mett in the Tent to Supper. The Carpenter Asked me when the money and plate Was to be Shar, which Surpriza me greatly. Howsoever finding they Were Resolved to Share it. thought it Needless to deny my Intentions, Especially since I found that some I thought I Could Trust, proved false; And Indeed Bothwell was the Last person I should have Suspected being One Who Came on Board y. Doddington with a Design to Settle in India. Besides he Lay Under Some Obligations to me, for being Sick Most of the Time we were at Sea, he had Every thing my Cabing Afforded for his Nourishment.
Therefore Told them that Neither the money Or Plate Should be Shar! but Delivered up to the Proper persons, when We Came to India. He then Ask me what was to be done with those Blocks I had Taken so Much Pains to Tarr, to which I Answere'd I knew them Blocks to be of the Greatest Consequence to His Majestys Ship, And Consequently to the Honble Company whose Service I was Now in, Therefore it beloved me as an Officer to Take Care of Every thing that Might be of Consequence to the Company, Especially such things as Was in our power to Take with us, Which I Should do to the Utmost of My Power, and any Man that would offer to prevent them Carrening
Blocks going into the Boat, 1 Should look upon him Ever Afterwards to be an Enemy to his country, and an Unfitt person to be Employ! in the Service. We Were Now in. In Answor to this Chisholme, and the Rest of the People, damnd the Kings Ships & Blocks, Asking Me What Either of them was to them, And Whether I thought they Built the Boat to Carry the Kings Stores of the Island or themselves. At the Same Time Swore the Blooks Should not go into the Boat, 01 Money Either till it was Share'd; Adding that I was a Very Honest person to Insist that the Plate Should not be Shard therefore it was very plain Only Wanted to Keep it Between Collett & My Felf, and that if did deliver it, that None would gett any Credit by it bat Our Selvos, And as we
reall Upon a Footing Now, Nothing Should go of this Island but What Would be of Service to the Whole. The Carpenter Asking Every Now and then when the Rest would permitt him to speak Who am I, What do you Make of me. Nothing. You Shall Find that Nothing Shall go in that Bost but What I think proper. This provok me a Good deal, therefore desired Leave To Speak Which

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was Granted tho' Not without many Interruptions from Chisholm & King.07 Notwithstanding the Air the Carpenter Gives himself in Saying Nothing Should go in the Boat Butt What the Carpenter Appruves of, I Expect I am to have the Directions of Stowing her, and it I Can patt the Carrening Blocks which Are Only 6 in Number in the Boat, without discomoding any Body, hope'a None Would have any Objections, and on the Contrary would not desire it; And as to your Shareing the Money Desire you think better of it; Being of Such Consequence as am Sure will Touch Your lives. King and Chisholm Answered they knew the Laws of their Country as well as I, And they would Run the Risque of hanging; which Ended the dispute.
And for about a month Afterwards was Pretty Quite, When the Carpenter took upon [himself] to Find Fault with me for Taking a Boy in the Boat with me One day when I went the Off Side of the Island To Try if [Ij Could See any of the Treasare. This Boy happend to be One Who assisted the Carpenter, the Very Seldom Employ! and at This Time Was Idl,e; therefore thought it no Crime to take him. He directed, his Discourse to Mi Collett Saying I might Employ my Time much Better in Fishing, than looking About for Treasure, which would be of no Service to any Body here, if he had his Will; Adding if I had been there when the Boat Went of Chain Should not have gone in the Boat And that he had No Business with any Body that belonge'd to Him. Here Mr Collett Interrupted him Saying he thought MT Jones had a Right to Take any Body he pleased in the Boat with him, and if it was Otherwise that for his part, Should be subject to None Else; And as to Looking for the Treasure knew it to be my duty, Adding that he would Vouch if I did not find any thing Else to Detain me, that would Bring in fish, Chisholme was Very Impertinent all this Time and Said I might Spare my Self the Trouble of Looking for Treasure, that if he Thought what was Saved Already would not be Share that he would Take it on his Back and Throw it Over the Rocks, Where it Never Should be seen More. The Carpenter Spoke Next Baying he was hunted ; but Damn him if he would not do the Less for it. When I came in Brought in 10 Large Hish with me butt Could Se Nothing on the Ground where I Expected to find the Ships Bottom. As Soon as I meet Mr Collett He Told me All the Above, Desireing me at the same time Not to Take Any Notice of it, and Not to be so much with the Carpenter, Which Counsel I Took, And only Concerned my Self in Getting up Plank, and Other Things Which we wanted most. It would be Needless to Mention the Abuses I and Mr Collett Receiv, dayly therefore Shall pass Over a Month Which brings me to the Time the Treasure Chest was Broke Open And 600 Pounds Taken Out by the following persons : Viz, Rich Topping Carpenter, Samuel Powell gth Mate, Nath Chis holme Quarter Master, Jno King, Bobt. Beasley, Fore Mast Men, Jno Lester Montrols. The Person who first Found out this Peice of Villainy was soonce, who being Curious to know the Weight of it, found it so light that convinced him, that there could not be much in it; and Turning the Bottom up found it had been Cut with a Chissell, apon which discovery went To the Rest And Told them of it. At Which Peice of News, those that Broke it Open Seem as much Surprized at as any of the Rest, Which Was King and Beasley, who with About 8 More Mett me as I was Comoing towards the Tent, and King in the most Sorryfull manner Told me what had happened. Exclaiming all the way till we came to The Chest Against the Villains that did it, and desire'd in a particular Manner that I would find Some Method to find who they Were. Accordingly, As Soon as I had Secured the Remaining 1600 dollors, MT Collett and I went into the Store Tent and drew up an Oath, which I Offered To Take first, and then Administer it to the others. Some Seeme'd Willing, but Waited for the Carpenter to Take it first, which he Refused, as did all the Rest. I then desire'd it might be postponed till next Sunday, That Whosoever Were the Aggressors Might have an opportunity to Return it or Carry it from Whence they Took it, Which Was agreed upon by all, Excepting the Carpenter Chisholme and Powell, who Satt Mute all the While. I Intreated them all I Could to Return the Money Again ; Telling them it Could Not be kept Secrete, and that Whosoever was the Unhappy people that Took it, and persisted in keeping it, Would Answer for it with Their Lives. This had no Effect for the Tuesday following, this being Sunday. They all took
67 Three Words ordeed.

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their Oaths on the Bible to Stand True to one another, and Insist upon Shareing the money & Every thing that Oame nshore, Belong to Whome it Would. This Information I got from Ralph Smith Which was One Who took the Oath,
Monday the Carpenter did Nothing but make a Quadrent Case for Chisholme and tho mine wanted only Repairing Could not Get it done till 8 or 4 days before we Left the Island, and then the Smith did it. The Carpenters Not Working Snrprized Mr Collett and I Greatly, Especially when We saw them all Assemble together, and Getting drunk. Therefore I and My party which was Mr Collett Webb & Yates Midshipman, and MODoull Went to the Other Side of the Island to Try if we could Judge what they were About, and we Agreed in Our Opinions, that they were Chuseing Another Person to Command them, which we thought would be Powell. Therefore as had been told by Chisholme & Powell Severall Times, that They were as Capable as I was to Navigate the Boat, and did not want me to Command them Thought it Needless to Concern my Self with them any More, or at least till I Saw the Event of their Consultations. The Next day as Observ before was Devoted to takeing theire Oaths And drinking till most of them was drunk. The Carpenter & Powell Was So Bad they were Lead or Rather Carryed to their Hammocks. Chisholm was so Bad Could not be moved so that he lay most of the Night in the Carpenters Tent, which was become Secret to me And the Others before mentioned, And was Made no Other Use of than to keep the Carpenters and Chisholms Chests in, which is quite Furring from the Use I Intended it; for when I Raised it, being for them to Work in When it Rained. Howsoever this day when it was pretty full Took the Liberty to look in, for which presumption the Carpenter mett ne at the door and Run his head in my Face, which I took no Notice off; but Walk of Quitely and for the Remainder of the Week lett them Go on their own way, without Taking Notice of any thing, tho in the Interim had Rain Which Wett all the Boats Sails Rigging, and not one of them would be at the Trouble to gett them out to dry. All this Week, they Endeavoured to Out do one Another in Rehaveing Insolent to us, for I Never Mett with any of them, as was Walking Round the Island, batt Sett up a Horse laugh at me; And as my self and the Other 4 Used to be a good deal Over at the First Tent that was Made, which had Still one Covering Over it, they thought it to great an Indulgence, Therefore took it of. Neither I or any of us Took the least Notice of Any of their Behaviour till Sunday, When I was to propose Taking The Oath to them Again, which thought of doing as soon as we had Dined ; Bat was presented by a Quarrell that bappened, between Powell & King About a Fowling Peice Which was found by the Latter, who Swore if any Man Offered to Use it, besides himself, he would shoot them with it; But Recollecting himself that be helt bad gone a little to far, Expected The Carpenter. Howsoever After Supper, Informed them that I had heard Nothing of the Money which was Taken out of the Chest, And desired to know if any of them had, which was Denied. I then Asked if they would follow my Example, And Take the Oath, to Which, Jno Glass Answers that I Need not Trouble my self about it any More; Adding that those that had The money would Take Care of it. I did not think this a Sufficient Answer, therefore Asked Severall by Name, which Refused, so finding it Needless to Mention it any more, drop that Subject, And Asked Them if they Intended to Obey my Orders any More, and if they did not Desired they would Appoint Some body Else to Take Care of the things Which Was Lying Roting, Mentioning the Bails and Rigging. Severall of them Answere'd together they could Take Care of the things w well I Could, And King Called ont the Carpenter Should Command them, which he Refused; but at the Same Time, Seemd well pleased that he was A Man of Such Consequence Among them. Upon his Refusing, Beasly Answered, then MF Jones Shall Continue, but was desired to Hold his Tongue by King, Who Said he would not Obey me Without I Consulted all of them Upon all Occasions, which I Refused, Telling them if ony One of them was Capable, would not trouble my Self any More about any thing ; bat as they was not, Self preservation Induces mo, tho Confess it had the least prospect of Deliverance Without, Would not do it. Notwithstanding am determined Never to Consult Such a parsell of Lubers. King Answered He was as
• So in the W8.

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good a Man as I was, and as We Were all Upon a Footing, thought it Only Reasonable they should be Consulted, And a Great deal mort of Such Discourse. Howsoever it Ended desireing I would Continue to direct them.
About a Month After this. Mr Collett Happen to go into the Carpenters Tent, at a Time When Chisholm & the Carpenter was drinking Some Brandy and Water, of which they Asked him to partake; which he did and drank Success to Our Undertakings. With all my Heart Answerd the Carpenter, and am glad we Are all Alive, that came A shore. This Startled Mr Collett a little, but not Seeming to Understand Whut he meant, Say!! it was a very Wholesome Air Or Some would have been dead, Eating Such Trash as we Were Obliged to do sometimes. Yes Answerd he I beleive the Air is Very good, Notwithstanding that you may thank god, you Are Alive, for not long ago, there was some who designed to have Murtherd Mr Jones your Self, & the Other 3; Adding there was Only one Mans Consent wanting, And it would Certainly have been done, which was' Jno King that Refused And Say! he would Dye first before he would suffer it to be done. And Two days ago told me of it, I desire you'l Keep what have told You & Secret, and when we get from hence and Come to another place will tell you More of it, but we Never Afterwards Found him in So good a Humour, as When he told MT Collett the Above Mentioned, so that am quite Ignorant who the Villains Are Who was to have been the Executioners.
The Next thing we was Inform'd of was That the Kings & the Honble Companys packetts was to be burnt, least it Might be Hurtful to them at Mozenbeys, besides they Suspected Our papers was in it. Lester the Montross Asked Severall to Assist him to do it, but they Refused being Afraid it would be found out, And the Kings Pacquet being there, it would bang them.
Being at Work Upon the Wreck on day Was Surprized to See MoDoull Coming towards me in Great Confusion, and it was some time before he could Speak. At length he told me, they were Murdering Mr Collett in the Tent. I left what was About Immediately, And as was Walking Over the Island Asked him the Meaning of it. He told me that Some had been Complaining There Baggs had been Robbd and Mr Collett Advizeing to Search all in the Tent, was Taken up by King, Saying that his Should Be Search'd first, Adding that he was the Greates theif Ashore; Which provoke! Mr Collett to Strike him, And King Retarn it. When MODowel left the Tent Severall Others had got Round him Crying ---Thresh him, damn bim, learn him to Strike Again. Howsoever by The Time I Came it was all Over and Collett was gone from the Tent, I thought it Needless to take any Notice of it, for they were Quite Masters, and in all probability, Should have come off no Better than Mr. Collett; 60 Returnd back to make an End of what I was About
About a fortnight before we Left the Island a Fresh Rapture Broke Out; Powell being discover! by one of the People with a Bottle of Brandy, which he knew must be Out of The Sea Stock. Therefore Came and Made his Complaint to me, tho not without Consulting the Rest first. I Sent for Powell and Told him what was laid to his Charge, which putt him in a great Passion, denying that he Ever Touch it. Those who accused him durst not prove it, being desired to Hold their Tongues by King and Some More of them. Powell was Extreemly Offended, that I should Call him to Account for any such thing, Saying he did not know a more Likelyer a person than myself to do Such a thing ; Adding that one day when Every body was gone to gather Eggs, Excepting Mr Webb and my Seli, we had drank out of a Case Bottle, Which he had Found a little before Under Mr Webbs Hammock. Being Accused of a Fraud which I Never thought of provoked me so that I could not] Help 'Striking him, which he Returned, and Grabbed fast Hold of me. He was Soon Undermost, and the Carpenter as soon Informed of it, Who Came Running into the Tent, and Came Immediatly to Me, being Disengaged from Powell before he came in, which

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I believe Bave'd me some Strokes from him ; saying that I was the person that Stole The Brandy, And that he knew how it was a going Some Time ago. I believe he Spoke Truth Against his Will, Now or at least Unknown to him, for I Make no doubt but his Confident gave him a drink Now and then. The Next that took Me to Task was Lester the Montross, Who asked me by what Authority I Sent for him, and Order him and the 2 Other Montrosses to Assist me, if any Body Should Attempt to take the Remain'dr of the Money ; Adding that he would Lett me know he was My Officer, Being in the Kings Service and I Only in the Merchants. I did not think it Worth my While to Answer him, but he was going on in the Same Abusive Manner the Others Used to do, which provoked me to Call him Villain, and Told him if he did not Leave of his Abusive Language I would knock bim down, with the first thing that came in my way. But be Only laught at me Telling me I was the Greatest Villain, and wish I would offer to Strike him, he would desire no better Sport. The Usage I had Receive from the Rest before and the Abusive Language from this Scoundrell, put me past my Reason, therefore Run towards him; and he Meeting me, which I did not Observe, got the first Blow, which had not in my Power to Return, being taken hold of by Mr Collett and the Best who parted us. By this Time Chisholm who had been out of the Tent Some Time, Came in Swaggering and Asked what Domineering was going on Now, that they would have no More of it; Adding he know what to do with the Boat as well as I when she was a floate. And if I wanted Any Thing to Turn Out with him he would make me Easey presently; Which Challange I did not Care to Except; but told him, if he durst Take on of the Guns, I would Meet bim with Another, which he Refused. And Then the Carpenter, who Refused lickwise, but Upon Second Thought Said he would. Accordingly went out of the Tent and I followe'd. He began to Strip himself and asked what I was for, Stick or fist; Adding he would Lett me See he was Not Afraid of his Flesh, I Said Nothing to him butt Retnin'd into the Tent Again; and he Foilowed, Asking me il taking 2 Guns was the way to try a Man. No Answer! Chisholm a Good Stick or Fist is the way. So this Fray Ended with Tolling me, they did not want any more of my Commanding or Domineering Over them, and That They Were all Upon & Footing, therefore wanted no Commander. To Which I made them no answer. Neither did I Concern my self with any Thing afterwards, till within a day the Boat was to be Launched; but There was wery little to do which Made me quite Easy, and from this Time Would Mess no More with the Carpenter. And indeed Should not have Eat with him at all, if I thought he would have Behaved in the Manner he bas done; for when I divided the people into two Messes Thought by Taking all the Officers into Mine, there would be no danger of the Rest of the People doing any thing Contrary to our Will. But it bappen. I Made Choice of the greatest Sooundrelle. I Enjoyd Being in a Mess by Our Selves Greatly, and so did the Rest of my Mess Mates; Notwithstanding they were Obliged to Cook for themselves, and Often 8 days before we could get the Kettle to Make Broth, which was the Best of Our Food at That Time; it bring Mostly Employd for the Carpenters. And if at any time it was Not, all the Rest Insisted being Served before us. The People Receiv! their Orders from the Carpenter & Chisholm Which was to get w Much Iron as they could, and our Method of Getting it was to Burn it Out of the Wreck, and one day when they had fred it, took the Trouble to Carry the Carrining Blocks I had got up and Terry and threw them in the fire, Beexley was een to throw one in by Yates. About 4 or 5 days before the Boat was Launch Powell Seems to be head Man, giving his Orders to Take the Brandy Cask and Rinch them. M! Collett Assisted to gett them out of the Tent, they being in the Place, where we Mess, and afterwards took The Liberty of Rinching one of them out with a little fresh Water; Which Powell Observing, Damn! his Assurance and Asked what Business he had to do that, Swearing he should not have it, and Callo him all the Infamous Names Could be thought of; Swearing that None of us Shall go of the Island in the Boat, and Indeed Expected that would be the case.
Howsoever 2 days Afterwards the People Came To me to know if I thought proper to have the things Share'd. I Asked Them Whether they were Tantalizing me and if they did not think being Left on the Island was Not Punishment Enough without it.

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They Answer they Intended no such thing, And as to Wbat Powell Says Signifies Nothing: Adding they Hoped Every thing Might be forgott, and that I would Take upon ma the Ditrection as before. I Readyly Complye'd with their Request, and told them that had no Objections to Sharing Such Things as I knew No Owners to ; But as to the Treasure and Plate Could nor would not Consent to Share it. Therefore hoped they would Return what was Taken Out of the Chest, and Allow things to go in their proper Channell; which if you do, Assure you, Whats past Shall be Buried in Oblivion. They Made me no Answer, but Went to the Carpenters Tent, and in a few Minutes Return Again, Saying they were Determined to Share Every thing, And desired to know, What we would have done with Our Shares. Collett told them to Lay it a One Side; but as they divided it, they Bronght Ours to us which We took Care of, thinging it Better to Save Bo much of it. Than lett them Have it. The Money which was taken out of the Chest Was Concealed in the Boat, butt they happened to be Discovered doing it, by Some of those who was not Concerns who Immediately Told the Rest. So finding they were Blown took it Out Again the day Before it was Shar! As soon as the Money was divided the Other things Was putt up to Auction, being a Contrivance of Mr Colletts to Save the Plate, Which Other ways would have Been Run down. 2 days After this we Launched the Boat and the Next day in Getting her Out, the Grapnail Came home and She Drove Upon the Rocks; Which Accident the Carpenter Layed to my Charge, Saying that if he had Been Aboard it should not been So. I Asked him how he would have Prevented it; but being at a Loss for an Angver only Grumbld at Me. While we were at Sea they would Often find Fault with my Carrying to Much Sail, Threatening to Cutt the Haliard, and Lett the Sail Come down. This was When we were before the Wind and Sea, And had we not Carrge! Sail to give the Boat Some Way through the Water, Would certainly have foundred. When we went into the first port it was by Consent of Every Body ; but when I proposed going ont, they Objected against it saying it would be Time Enough 10 or 12 days hence. Howsoever the Wind Coming Fair about a Week afterwards we Were Ready Saill. While we lay in this Port, Ohisholm Always Staye'd ashore to Buy What the Natives Brought to Sell, and I being a Shore one Day When Small Elephants Tooth was Brought to the Tent, begg4 Leave to Buy it: Which Offended Mr Chisholm Greatly, and told me I would only Spoile The Markett. Howsoever I Bought the Tooth, and Gave the man About 4 pounds of Iron for it, tho Believe Could have got it for Less, butt Thought gaveing a good Price Would encourage them to bring More. The Next day was A Shore Again, and in the Tent unknown to Chisholm, Which gave me An Opportunity of Over hearing him, telling Some of the People how I had Spoilt the Markett, And there would be no Such thing As Buying any thing More now: at the Same time Rediculing Every Word I Said to him, before got Leave to buy it. As soon as he had Done I Stepe out of the Tent and took him to Task For What he had been Saying; Which patt him in Some Confusion, but soon Recovered, and told me if I wanted any Satisfaction to Turn Out With Good Stick, to which I Confess I had no great likeing for. Howsoever desired he would gett a Couple of good Sticks, and I would Take a Turn or two with bim if I Came of with the Worst ont. He Look about and soon Found One Which Throw! to me and went in Search of Another, but Could, or as I believe, would not find One, So Returne'd Saying. he did not mean any harm, but to the Contrary, Allways Wish me well, and that he would Sail with me Again as soon as any Man. 8Our Intended Battle Ended, and from that Time Nothing Worth Mentioning happen! Afterwards,
SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE,
THE AGE OF BHIMAKAVI.
BY G. E. SUBRAMLAH PANTULU. T#Rx has been a good deal of speculation as regards the fixing of the dates of Telugu poeta generally. But, unfortunately, we find here an absolute wilderness unreclaimed and without promise of natural vegetation, for barren indeed has been the arena on which the few insipid writers of the Telugu dialect have paraded. The torpor of academic dullness still domineers over the vagt

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1902.
extent of the Telugu country, and in taking up the subject we are sore afraid that we are treading on vory slippery ground. It is still wrapped in mystery, in spite of ingenious arguments advanced in favour of particular theories by modern writers.
The poet Bhima lived during the extreme end of the twelfth and the earlier part of the thirteenth century. He was born at a village called Vémulavada near Draksharama in the Godavari District. Many curious stories are told of him. In the village was a Niyogi Brahman, Somana by name, on whose demise, his wife, being poor and widowed, eked out a livelihood by singing songs at the houses of the rich. The story goes that on a certain Mahasivaratri day, she joined a company of other females and went to Draksha râma, and while the others were praying to the local god to bless them with good and useful offspring, she, feeling certain that she would have no more issue, vowed that, if she should have a son, she would light a lamp with a tubful of water to the deity, whereup on all the women assembled laughed in their sleeves. Sometime after, as Fate would have it, she Became pregnant. The village folk, though assured by her that her pregnancy was the result of her devout prayers to the deity, gave a deaf ear to her and excommunicated her. Not long after she gave birth to a son (nared Bhima after the local deity), whom she brought up with a great deal of love and care, and educated him as became him. As the boy grew older and joined with others of his class at play, they began to boycot him by calling him a widow's son.' Bhima, being unable to endure the insult, was sorely grieved at heart, and went to his mother and demanded an explanation from her. On being told the real facts, he immediately quitted the village. reached Drákshârâma, entered the temple and clasped the linga with both his hands. The god had mercy on him and said: "Whatover deeds you do, whatever expressions you utter will prove true." Sometime after, he reached his native village, but at a house where the Brahmans were being feasted, the gates were closed against him as being a widow's son, despite his earnest entreaties. He cursed them that the dal should become frogs and the rice chunnam. Immediately frogs began to jump from one leaf to another. The Brahmans were sore dismayed, and learning that it wwe due to Bhimana's mdhatmya, opened the
loor, promised to admit him if the frogs became rice and dál as usual. It was so, and thinking that he was the beloved of the god the Brâhmaņs admitted him into the sacerdotal order. After that he lived by telling impromptu stories. He is best known as a poet of abuse and was called by people generally Uddandakavi and Kavirakshasa. He used to visit the courts of kings, and proclaimed himself as the son of the god Bhirueśvara.
Three years afterwards Dananripala, the father of Vimaladitya, was ejected and his kingdom was occupied by the Kalingas. It is said that the poet Bhima abused the then reigning king, Kalinga Gangu, because he was refused an audience by the king, who was wholly immersed in the affairs of state and wanted the poet to see him after all the bustle and whirl was over. The poet grew very much enraged, and said that thirty-two days hence his kingdom would be occupied by his enemies. The words proved true, and the king was driven out of his kingdom. He wandered unknown from village to village and in the darkness of the night fell into a pit before Bhîmana's house and wept bitterly at his fallen position. The poet happened to come out of his house and enquired who he was and was told that it was the king, reduced to this state by the poet Bhimana. The poet took pity on him and said that he would yet defeat his enemy in battle and be crowned king at Sajjanagara on the sixth day of the dark fortnight in the month of Mina.
The king joined a band of Bhagavatas and went to Sajjanagara, and when the king of the place asked the band if they would undertake to play the part of his enemy, Kalinga Gangu, the unknown wanderer, forced them to accept the offer, played the part of Kalinga Gangu himself and for the pur poses of the play received the royal sword and horse from the king. He then mounted the horse and, sword in hand, approached the reigning king, cut off his head and ascended the throne. This Sajjanagare goes at present by the name of Sajjapura, a village near Peddapur in the Godavari District, and was the seat of the empire before the Peddapur fort was built. If what is stated above be the fact and if he was a contemporary of the Chalakya kings, we are obliged to infer that the poet

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UNPUBLISHED MA'ABAR COINS.
281
must have lived twenty or thirty years before the reign of BAjanaröndra, as Vimalâditya reigned for seven years and his elder brother Saktivarman twelve years after they had once more taken possession of the throne. This has the support of Srinatha in his Kdóikhanda, where we are led to think that the poet must have lived at the beginning of the thirteenth century.
After the demise of Râjanarèndra, the Cholas occupied the whole of Vêgidesa, and we learn that our poet lived at the time of the Chalukya king Chokkaraja, who was then reigning over a portion of the Telugu country. Once, when the king was in his bower, he stretched out his leg against a pillar and asked the poet, who was standing before bim, co convert it into a lily tree; whereupon the poet recited a verse and did so. The people assembled were wonderstruck. As the king was unable to take his leg off the tree, he requested the poet once more to reconvert the tree into . pillar, which was accordingly done. We learn from the Appakaviya that our poet lived at the time of Sahiņimara (to whom Bhaskara's Ramdyana was dedicated), who was a contemporary of king Chokka.
That Bhima was living at the end of the twelfth century may be inferred from the following story. When the poet was on one of his tours, his horse grazed in the fields of one Potaraja of Gudimetla, and it is said that he abused the R&ja because the horse was impounded. This abusive stanza, though cited by Appakavi as by one Rellûri Tirumalayya, is usually taken to be Bhfinana's, and the date when rộtarâja flourished goes to prove that it was not Tirumalayya's. Gudimetla is a small village, about ten miles from Nandigama, in the District of Kistna, and was the seat of a certain rection of the Chola Rajas. We learn also that this Pâtarâja, the son of Rajendrachola, gave innumerable indm lands to very many Brâhmans and temples, and from the inscription on the temple pillar at Kanagiri we learn that he made over certain lands to Mallakvara-Svami of Bezvada in Saka 1122, 1. e. 1199 A. D. We learn also from the Appakaviya' that Kavirakshasa, i. e.. Bhimana, lived after Nannaya Bhatta and prior to Tikkana.
Among the poet's works, his treatise on Progody, dedicated to one Rechanna, a Vaisya, is the only one available. It is said that he prepared certain astrological charts, but there seems to be no strong foundation for attributing the authorship to him. It is said also that, when his mother was distributing ghi to certain Brahmans, he told her that her "belly was smirched with the dirt of the pot." This means allegorically in Telugu) that her son had breathed his last, and so he himself immediately died, because the words he had used had become a curse.
SOME UNPUBLISHED MA'ABAR COINS. CONTRIBUTED BY T. M. RANGA CHARI, B.A., AND T, DESIKA CHARI, B.A. B.L. OBVERSE:
REVERSE : 1. %. Billon. The legend Balban" appears "Sultan al a'zam Gbiagu'd-duniya wa ud-din."
in the area while the legend in the margin is not decipher
able. 2. R. Copper. "As-Sultan al-a'zam Jalalu'd- "Firôz Shah."
duniya wa n'd-din." 3. R. Silver. " As-Sultân bin Muhammad "As-Sultan al-a'zam 'Alâud-doniva wa u'd-din."
Shah Abu'l-Muzaffar."
Z stands for the Zambro Collection of coins, R for the Ranga Chari-Desika Chari Collection, M for the Madras Museum Collection. T for the Tracy Collection.

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4. R. Billon. Legend in the area: "Muḥammad Shah." There is a legend in the margin which is not legible.
5. R. Silver. "As-Sultán al-a'zam Qutbu'dduniya wa u'd-din."
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
6. R. Copper. "As-Sultan al-a'zam Qutbu'dduniya wa n'd-din."
8. R. Silver. 9. R. Copper. 10. R. Copper. 11. R. Copper.
7. R. Silver, Legend in the area: "Qutbu'dduniya wa u'd-din." The legend in the margin is not decipherable.
Abu'l-Muzaffar Tughlaq Shah. Ghiyâsu'd-duniya wa u'-d-din. Tughlaq Shah. Sultan al-a'zam Ghiyâgu'd-din. Tughlaq Shah. Ghiyasn'd-duniya wa u'd-dîn. "Abu'l Muzaffar Tughlaq Shah," "722" (H). 12. R. Copper. "Indu'r-Rafi Muhammad Tughlaq,"733" (H).
13. B. Billon. Legend in the area: "Absan Shah." In the margin: "784" (H).
14. M. Silver. 15. T. Silver. 16. M. Copper. 17. Z. Silver.
"Shah Ahsan," "738" (H). "Shah Ahsan," "739" (H). "Absân Shâh l-illa-hi." Legend in the area: "Mubammad Damgbâu Shah." In the margin: "741" (H).
18. R. Copper. Legend in the area: "Muham
mad Damghan Shah." Date in the margin: "742" (H),
20. R. Copper. 21. T. Copper. 22. Z. Copper.
"As-Sultan al-a'zam 'Alâu-d-duniya wa u'd-din."
28. R. Copper. 24. R. Copper.
"Bar gazidu'-1-14h." "Alâu'd-duniya wa n'd-dia." 25. R. Copper. Legend in the area: "Dâûed
Shah." The legend in the margin is not legible,
"Mubarak Shah Abu'l-Muzaffar," "716" (H).
"Mubarak Shah Sultan ibn Sultan," "717" (H)
"As-Sultân ibn Sultân," "718" (H).
"As-Sultan al-a'zam Ghiyâgu'd-duniya wa u'ddin."
Al-Malik al-a'zimat l-illa-hi.
"Sultanu's-Salâtîn."
[MAY, 1902.
"Al-Hussaini."
Al-Hussaini."
Not decipherable.
66
19. R. Silver. Legend in the area: "Maham- As-Sultan al-a'zam Ghiyagu d-duniya wa u'd-din.
mad Damghan Shah." Date in the margin: "742" (H). "Sultan Sikandar Shah." "Muḥammad Mustafa." Legend in the area: "Mubarak Shah." The legend in the margin is not decipherable.
"As-Sultan al-a'zam Ghiyâsu'd-duniya wa u'd
din."
"Bar gazid Rahmân," "757" (H). "An-Nabi bâ--safâ," "764" (H).
"Khadim Rasûlu'-l-lâb," "770." "As-Sultan al-a'zam." "Al-Malik min Amaru'l-lâh."

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EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIITH CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 212.)
1793. No. Xxx. The following Letters were received on the 28th Instant from Captain Blair.
Captain Blair Dated 27th May. To The Most Noble Charles Marquis Cornwallis K. G. Governor General &on. in Council.
My Lord, I have the honor to lay before your Lordship & General Chart of the Andamans, a letter of Report on the Subject, and a Paper Containing Astronomical Observations,
Should your Lordship have leiste to examine the chart and Report, you will perceive that several Dangers have been lately discovered ; and from the very abrupt inequalities of the depth in several places it is probable that there may be other Dangers yet undiscovered I therefore beg leave to observe that a more minute investigation of the Soundings appears neressary in those parts where the bottom is Coral.
The best time to execute this service will be from December to April inclusive, when the weather is favorable, and when it is probable the Viper might be Spared from the Pilot Service for this investigation. I beg leave aleo to observe that Lieutt, Wales is well qualified to execute this Service. I am My Lord Marquis Your Lordships Most Obed. Humble Servt.
(Signed) Archibald Blair. Calcutta May 27th 1703.
Captain Blair Dated 27th May. To the Most Noble Charles Marquis Cornwallis K. G. Governor General &c. in Council.
My Lord, To a former report which I had the honor to lay before your Lordship June 19th 1789, with a General Chart and Plans of three Harbours, it is now necessary to add a sequel : having Compleated the Circuit of the Andamans since that Period, discovered an excellent Harbour, a number of Inlets, and several dangerous Coral Banks.
Having by your Lordships orders engaged some Artificers Sepoys and Laborers and also provided the necessary Stores, I left Calcutta the beginning of September 1789 to form 8 small settlement at the Port now termed in the Chart Old Harbour, with Instructions to prosecute the Survey, when the Vessels could be spared from the Service of the Settlement, Soon after my arrival I made a Particular Survey of Old Harbour a plan of which I had the honor to transmit to your Lordship from thence.
East Coast Andamans. - On March the 20th 1790 having left Lieutenant Wales in Charge, at the Settlement, I sailed with the Ranger and Viper Accompanyed, by Captain Kyd in the Experi. ment, to prosecute the Survey, and with an intention to Compleat the Circuit of the Andamans Our rout (sic) being from Old Harbour up the East Coast of the Island I shall observe the same progrersion in this Report,
From the North point which forms the entrance of Old Harbour, the land rises rather Abruptly to a height which may be seen above thirty miles distant: a Continuation of this, in a broken Ridge in the direction of North, and to an extent of nine miles very pointeily marks to the Navigator the situation of old Harbour, at the North extremity of the Ridge the decent is more Gentle,

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terminating where an extensive Inlet is formed, named in the Chart Shoal Bay it retreats to Southward behind the high land, and to northward round an island where a second nouth is formed ; which abounds with Oysters (Oyster Bay). On a reference to the Chart it will be perceived that this extensive double Inlet, is too shallow for the reception of Ships.
Two miles northward of Oyster Bay in Latd. 11° 58 is Port Meadows, a small but Convenient Harbour. The passage in, is very narrow, south of an island which is situated in the entrance. The interior part of this harbour, is invironed by Coral Reefs. The surrounding land, in general is low, with extensive tracks of Mangrove Jungle, intersected by Creeks, and forming several islands.
Two miles nortiward of Port Meadows is situated the eastern entrance of Middle Strait, the Bar of 1 fm, the intricacy and narrowness within together with the difficulty and danger of access from westward, renders it nseless for ships of burtben, but it will afford an easy communication between the east and West Coasts of the great island. The Tides in this Strait are not so strong as might be expected. It is here proper to Observe that the Coast from Shoal Bay to middle Strait ought not to be Approached without caution closer than two miles as there are some dangers, which are inserted in the Chart, extending nearly that distance from the land.
Northward from Middle strait there are great inequalities in the Surface of the land, some parts low, and others rising very abruptly and nearly insulated by the sea : the direction is N E N but deeply indented with Bays and Inlets. The soundings are regular and no dangers without the depth of ten fathoms, The distance to Strait Island is thirteen miles the direction N E. Here the Archipelago Contracts the breadth of Dilligent Strait to three leagues : and from Strait Ioland to Bound Hill [Wilson Island) (which is the narrowest part) the breadth is only one league. The number and variety of the Islands Agreeably diversified with rugged Cliffs and luxuriant forests presents a prospect beautiful and picturesque. On a near Approach the Caves Appear, which are inhabited by innumerable flooks of the Small Swallow; which makes the edible Birds-nost so much valued by the chinese as a delicacy and restorative. The principle (sic) Cave is situated the south point of Strait Island, which is rocky, but not exceeding forty feet in height. The entrance, which is washed by the tide, is an irregular aperture of about six feet wide, and the same height; on Advancing thirty or forty feet, the height diminishes to four feet and the breadth increases to twenty. Here it is rather dark and very warm, and the top and sides of the Cave are covered with Nosts; an astonishing number of Birds, twittering, and on the wing, whisking past the ears and eyes, this Contrasted with the melancholy noise of the waves resounding through the gloomy Cavern formed a very uncommon and interesting Scene. The Birds are probably induced to choose this situation from the Caves being inaccessible either to Snakes or Quadrupeds and probably defensible Against birds of Prey. The Nests in general are in form of the quarter of the sphere of 2) inches diameter, of this shape one of the sections being firmly fixed to the rock the other section leaves the Nest Open above. The Substance is glutinous; those most in estimation are white and demi-transparent. It has been doubtful, and various Conjectures have been formed of what the Nests are Composed. In smaller and more accessible Caves I have observed a Mucilage, exuding from the rock, moistened by exhalations from the sea, which washes the lower part of those Caves. This Mucilage on being lavigated and dryed, had both the texture color and taste of the Nest ; but what removed all my doubts of this being the substance was seeing the Birds in immense numbers, resorting to a Cave very productive of the Mucilage in the month of January which is the season the Birds Build their Nests. It may now be presumed that the Nests are neither of animal or vegitable, but a mineral Substance. But to return to my more immediate duty.
It has been already observed that the breadth of Dilligent Strait is contracted to the breadth of one league, between Strait Island and Round Hill; but besides suffering this Contraction, the Soundings beyond this become very irregular and there are many dangerous patches of Coral on either side: one in particular halt a league east of Strait island is very dangerous; it will appear in the Chart The Spit extending about the same distance north from Round Hill, the Reefs connected with Middle and North Buttons, and an extensive and dangerous

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Coral Bank and reef to northwest of those Islands. These ought to deter Strangers from entering Dilligent Strait, except in Cases of necessity, should such a measure become necessary Strict attention to the following instructions will lead through the Straits with safety. If entering from Northward, first steer for the North Button, which is a small island rendred remarkable from several white Cliffs ; pass to right or Northwest of it not exceeding one mile distant; when a breast steer N. E. and pass middle Button, leaving it also to Northeast and Observing the same distance; when the last is brought to bear E. N. E. it will be necessary to alter the Course to south and to steer in that direction until the north Button is just perceived to eastward of Middle Button ; with this mark steer abont S WbS Observing to keep the Islands in the same position, and this will lead through the narrow part of the Strait clear of the Dangers of either side. A reference to the Chart will make the instructions more easily understood.
The Archipelago Appears to consist of eleven is.ands, of various sizes, I speak with doubt as the largest of fourth island may probably be intersected by narrow channels, which would increase the number. The south Island (now Neill Island) which is very small, bears from Old Harbour Dearly E. N. E. distant seven leagues It is surrounded by a Coral Bank to South and East, the least Water on it is 7 fms except a small Reef from the south extremity which has 3 fm. about half a mile distant from the island. The passage between this and the second island, is clear the ground Coral with some Spots not exceeding the depth of 5 fms.
On the South extreinity of the Second (eland (now Havelock Island] there are a few Coconut trees, it is moderately high the Major part rocky, but Covered with trees except some Cliffs which rise abruptly from the Sea, at the northeast and near the northwest extremities. From the south point there is a Reef on which the sea breaks, half a mile from the shore. A Bay is formed between the two porthern points but it is too shallow for Ships, The passage between the second and third is nearly two miles broad and Clear of danger with very deep Water near the third Island.
The third Island (now Peel Island) is of a triangular form, with a Considerable projection on the north side. The south point which is acute, is formed of high white Cliffs one in particular which is almost insulated, has in many situations the Appearance of a sail. On the south east side there are two small Bays, and at the bottom of the northern one, there are several Coconut Trees, where some natives usually reside. The water is very deep on this part of the Coast, about 40 fms. two miles from the land. From the Northwest angle to the North point of the projection the soundings are very regular Close to this point there is a narrow channel with 7 fm. over a Reef, which extends from the point of the island almost three miles in a north east direction : between this point of the reef, and another extending from an angle of the fourth island, there is another narrow channel By the long reef and the two islands a small but Commodious harbour is formed. The passage between the third and fourth islands (Fourth Island, now known as two - John Lawrence and Wilson Islands] is shut up to eastward by Coral Reefs. The northeast angle of the third island must not be approached closer than three miles, to avoid a Coral reef, which Appeared to be Connected with the island.
The figure of the fourth island as well as its surface, is very irregular, and the soundings round it correspond. On the east side Ship3 must not Approach Closer, than six miles, as Minerva Bank is sitnated that distance to eastward of the island, and on some places of the Bank there is not more than 2 fm at low Water. The east extreme of east island N, N, W. leads to eastward of the Bank. The east side of the island is deeply indented, and some parts behind rugged island may probably be insulated. Round Hill which is remarkable from its regular shape, and being the highest land of the Archipelago forms the Northeast angle of this island it is seen ten leagues distant in Clear weather - Estward of this angle there are several Banks which run off a Considerable distance, all within the dotted line in the Chart Should be avoided.
The passage (Kwangtung Strait] between the fourth and Afth islands (now Henry Lawrence Island] has deep water in the western entrance about the middle there is a Reef,

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from the fourth island, and across the eastern entrance there is a Bar of sand and Coral, with only 3 ms. on it.
The fifth island is low and almost bisected by the apposite Bays, on the north and south sides of the island the Water is deep and the soundings are pretty regular.
The Bays and Inlets (now Elphinstone Harbour] are formed by the three islands, north of Strait island (of which long island is the northern) are too Confined and intricate to be of material use, though they might afford Shelter, in the Case of being driven in, by distress. • Abreast of the south end, opposite the Middle and towards the North extreme of long island there are three dangerous patches of Coral, about two miles distant from the island. To avoid those and the large Coral Shoal northwest from the north Button; it will be safe, not to Approach that part of the Coast closer than bringing the North Button to bear North,
The small Inlet (now Rangat Bay) in Latd. 12° 29 is very remarkable having a Boll Blaff point, of either side The entrance is narrow and there is not Sufficient depth within for ships. There is an extensive reef from the north point and there is rocky ground about half a league beyond it.
From this part of the Coast, to the Lata, 12° 45 the land rises rather abruptly to a Considerable height. The direction of the coast is almost due north for five leagues, and then trends to N N E. to Stewarts sound with three small projecting points. Between the second and third of those, there is a Coral Bank, which extends a league to sea, with 10 fms on the outer edge and Shoaling very quick from that depth to 4 and 2 fms.
Stewart Sound is very extensive Consisting of three large branches. The entrance in Latu. 12:58 is to south of sound Island, and Appeared perfectly clear quite across to passage Island; which is small and surrounded by a white sand beach. It will Appear by the Chart, that the western, or inner Branch, is well Sheltered and the soundings are regular. The outer or southern Branch is more exposed ; and two patches of Coral being found, makes it probable that there may be yet others undiscovered. The northern Branch is more Confined and it has not sufficient depth for large Ships. The passage to Northward of sound Island is too intricate for large ships, and it requires further examination.
From Stewart Sound, the Coast runs in almost a direct line N by E. The soundings are very regular extending from the land a league and a half to the depth of 100 fms. There is a break in the land [Tara-lait] one league and a half north of Stewart Sound which has the appearance of an Inlet. From the north entrance of the sound, the land rises abruptly from the sea and forms a large Ridge with a regular and gentle ascent to the south peak of the saddle, which may be Been twenty leagues distant in clear weather The north peak of the saddle is due north from the south peak distant one mile and three qnarters with a Considerable hollow between them. From the north peak the decent is Steep and irregular, and after forming a variety of Valleys terminates in the southern part of Port Cornwallis. The decent from the saddle to the sea is so Steep in some places, as to be withont vegetation There is one rivulet of fresh water which has its source from the south peak and there are Appearances of several more which have not been examined,
On this part of the const the soundings extend from it about four miles and are perfectly regular Craggy Island is bold baving 12 fms, very close without it, the north part is Connected with the great island by a reef.
The entrance of Port Cornwallis is in Latt. 18° 17. Being the first Oppening to Northward, and so ncar the Saddle, marks its situation with peculiar precision. The access is easy being two thousand five hundred yards broad. It is bounded on the North by a Reef extending from Ross island, and on the Opposite side by south Reef which is separated by a narrow Channel, from Dundass point. The Spit extending from South Reef, to North east is extremely

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TTATTOW and on one small Spot there is only 3 fms, at low Water Here it may be necessary to lay & Buoy at some future period when frequented by large Ships. Atalanta Bay is immediately round Dundass point, and is a good situation to Anchor during the SW monsoon, St. George Island is situated nearly in mid channel two nautic Miles from the entrance. It is of very small extent, but surrounded by a Coral reef, which leaves at low Water a Space of an irregular form equal to an area of 300 yards square. From this Island, Ships might be much annoyed in their progress up the Harbour, At the extremety of the Spit which extends one Mile west from this island there is a Spot of Coral alnuost dry at low Water on which it will be necessary to have a Buoy or Beacon.
Above St. George Island the harbour oppens to the breadth of two Nautic miles, and the depth of one and a half of excellent anchorage ; bounded on the east by Hood Point, and the east side of Minerva Bay, by the east side of Chatham Island and shore point on the West; and to the North by Minerva Bay, perseverance: point and the Continuation of the Harbour. The Ground is soft tenacious clay the depth regular decreasing from 20 fms in the entrance to 10 and 9 fms, abreast of Perseverance point Here the harbour is Contracted to the breadth of 1600 yards; by the Shoulder of Chatham island to west; and a Continuation of the land in a direction nearly North from Perseverance point to the eastward. The Harbour extends a mile north from perseverance point; sud beyond this there is a narrow and intricate channel which leads to a very secure and Convenient [North] Bason, adjoining the North west point of Pit island.
The Shoulder and north part of Ohatham Island is encompassed by a Bank with 8 fme on the outter edge, about 300 yards from the island. The Continuation of this Bank with a gentle carve and Westerly direction joins the west point and embraces Ariel Island from the north part of which, it takes a Circular direction, inclosing another Commodeous (South] Bason, north of Ariel island, and then by an easterly course terminates on the Northwest point of Wharf island Within the Margin already described there is a very extensive Mud bank, portions of which Appear at low water. It occupies a Space of about four square miles. This Flat termed in the Plan Shoal Bay is situated to westward of Pit, Chatham and Ariel Island it is of an irregular form with an extorsive branch to the northwest and several inlets to southward.
The relative situations will be better Comprehended by an examination of the Plan, by which it will appear that the two Basons are well situated to Accommodate ships under repair and capable of being strongly defended It will also be perceived that the Range of the Harbour having a Northwest direction, that the prevailing winds (northeast and Southwest) will be fair for either entering or quiting this Port.
Twelve hundred yards above Perseverance point there is a Spring of fresh Water which Afforded in the month of Febry, at the rate of 150 tons p? day, and it appeared to have suffered no sensible deminution as late as the 6th of April 1793, which is the latter part of the dry season This Spring is situated in a very convenient part of the harbour and issues out of the ground about twenty feet above high water mark, adjacent there are two Rills, and near Hood point another very productive Spring.
The land in the vicinity of the harbour abounds with timber trees of excellent quality, and fit for all the various parts of ships.
The soil and Climate promises all that can be expected from the most lappy tropical situation, 24
From Port Cornwallis to the North extremity of the great island, and round the group of islands which encircle it, several Dangers have been lately discovered which will demand attention in the Navigator to avoid.
The Table Islands bear from Ross Island N 13° E. distant seven miles, they are inverened to eastward by an extensive coral reef; and there is besides this, a ledge of rocks some of wbich just Appear they bear from the east extremity of the islands S. S. E, distant one mile & a half, and
[It has, however, always proved to be extremely unhealthy. - Ep.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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there is 24 fm a very small distance without the rocks. From east extreme Table islands, Pecook [Pocook] island bears N. 18° W distant 8 miles. The soundings are irregular with several Spots of sand and Coral Particularly within the Opposite bearings of the islands; some Spots so little as 4 fm at the distance of a league from the land Without the Opposite bearings of the islands, the soundings are more regular, deepening to 30 and 35 fms, about two leagues from the ' land. The navigator must not be deceived by this false Appearance, for immediately without the depth of 35, the Water suddenly shoals to 20 which depth will be found within 100 yards of Union ledge; on which there is only 1 fm, at low Water. The greatest extent of this very dangerous ledge is in the direction of the meridian about half a mile the breadth about 300 yards. The soundings are a little irregular even to eastward of this Ledge; there being 28 fms, immediately without it, and beyond that depth, so little as 12, and 10 fms, whence it deepens to 30, 50, and 76 and at the distance of four miles east of the Ledge, there is no ground with 110 fms. From Union Ledge Pecock island bears W 25° N distant seven miles the eastern table island S 30° W the same distance On referring to the Chart it will Appear that many lines of soundings have been run between Union and Jackson Ledges, and that the depth is very unequal, it therefore Should be avoided, though no Dangers have been yet discovered in that Space.
Jackson ledge is situated one league east of the North extreme of East island. The extent in a South east direction is nearly half a mile and the breadth a quarter mile, and the least Water on it is 1 fm., Southwest from this at the distance of one mile is situated Ranger Ledge, a Small Circular Spot of 100 yards diameter, with only four feet on the Shoalest part It bears from the north extreme of East Island E b N and distant from it two miles. To northward of those Ledges I was very Particular in sounding and found very Considerable inequalities in the depth; on some Spots not more than 5 fms, but by a very dilligent look-out from the mast head, I have no reason to think that there is any less than that depth, to northward of Ranger Ledge. Those alarming inequalities of depth do not extend above two miles to northward of Ranger Ledge, and there is a Continuation of similar soundings to westward, extending the same distance round East and Landfall islands. This will be found more clearly expressed in the Chart by a dotted line encompassing the irregularity of Soundings as well as the Dangers, with a written explanation.
It will be Observed by the Chart, that there is a good and deep passage between East island and Ranger Ledge, For this passage no further direction will be necessary, but observing to round East island very close to avoid the Ledges to eastward. The distance of Pecock island would render the bearings too indeterminate for a Mark to avoid the Ledges During the S W monsoon I think it would be improper to Attempt this Passage; for a Ship rounding East island as Close as it can be done with Safety, would hardly weather Jackson and Union Ledges.
Clough passage is formed by the North extremity of the great Island and Northwest Island to the south, and with Landfall Island to the north There is a extensive Reef nearly in the middle, part of which appears above water. On either side of this reef there is deep water, and it will be the Safest mode to pass it pretty close, as a mark to avoid more hidden dangers, which will Appear in the Chart; The Ground in general is Coral, with very alarming over falls, and the tides are irregular Such passages cannot be recommended, though a knowledge of them may prove useful in Particular
cases,
Northwest island is low surrounded with a Coral reef some parts probably extending half a mile beyond high water mark: it is otherways bold The soundings westward from this island, to the edge of the Bank are regular the depth increasing from 12 to 16 fms. the first two leagues; in the remaining it deepens to 40 which is close to the edge of the Bank.
Cape Thornhill is a round hill of a regular form and has the Appearance of being insulated by a narrow channel.
West from the cape and distant two miles is Cliff Island which is Steep and Rocky and appears bold to westward, Two miles to southward there is a low island of small extent surrounded by a reef between this and Cliff island there appears to be very shallow Water.

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South west from Cape Thornhill at the distance of two leagues there is another promontory but it is flat an 1 low, and it also has the Appearance of being insulated : particularly so when viewed from South west, for on the south side there is an extensive Inlet (now Temple Sound]. This Inlet has an island (now Paget Island) near the entrance and several extensive coral reefs, which appear to bar the entrance.
On this part of the Coast the ground in general is coral with very great over falls. S. S. W from the last Inlet and distant two leagues there is a dry rock (now Boojum Book] which is situated about one league from the Coast Two leagues further and nearly in the same direction, there is a small flat island about the same distance from the great island. The line of the Coast from the above Inlet in Lat. 13.24 [?] is nearly in the direction of south, with two projections in Ldag 18. 20 and 13. 16 and there is an Appearance of an Inlet Eb N from North reef island [P Casuarina Bay).
The passage [Interview Passage] to eastward of north reef Island to Port Andaman has dcep water near the island ; but at the distance of two miles to Southeast there is rocky ground, with alarming over falls in the Soundings, which will appear in the Chart.
From North reef island which is in Lats 13.06 the bank of Soundings extending near Six leagues and near the edge, there is an extensive (West) Coral Bank reaching from Lat! 13.04 to 19° 25.80 Lieut. Wales who examined it in the Ranger could find nothing less than 7 fms. but from the irregularity of the sounding and quality of the ground, there probably may be less water, I have an Extract from Captain Nimmo in which he mentions to have had so little as near the North end of this Bank. It certainly Should be avoided by large Ships.
Having in a former report began my narative with an Acconnt of Port Andaman and Continued it progressively along the west Coast and round to Old harbour; this finishes the circuit of the Andamans.
I have in a former report noticed the very rade and uncivilized State of the Natives, which I find now to be general I gave instances of their hostile inveteracy to Strangers these prejudices may have Originated from having been in a state of Slavery ; but there are certain and Recent causes for the Continuance of this infortunate propensity ; several of the Natives have been carried off to gratify an unwarrantable curriosity and others entrapped and sold for sleves, unless those alleviating Circumstances are considered a most unfavorable and anjast opinion would be formed of the Natives Our entercourse with those, in the neighbourhood of Old harbour afforded frequent opportunities of Observing that they are susceptible of the most tender impressions and that their dispositions are happy.
It now remains to make some Observations on the Passage between the Little Coco and Land faul island.
The little Coco bears from the Center of East island N 22.30 E. distant nineteen miles, and from the North point of Landfall island N 82.30 E. distant twenty miles. It is connected with the Andamans by a Bank of Soundings the edges of which are nearly paralel to the line of Bearings between it and the north extremety of Land fall island, and are also nearly equi distant from it the major part of the Shoal water is however on the east side of the line.
Union Jackson and Ranger Ledges afford a Striking example of the dangers always to be dreaded wbere the Bottom is Coral.
I have already Observed that for the distance of two miles to Northward of Jackson and Ranger Ledges that the depth was unequal I made a very particular examination further to northward by sounding and a good Eye at the mast bead. To my great Satisfaction I found po abrupt inequalities in the depth with a bottom of sand quite across the Bank ; and there was no appearance of Shoal water from the most head. Those lines of Soundings only that I can havo a Dertain dependence on, are inserted in the Chart It will be perceived that N bE from

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the little Coco and distant three leagues there is so little as 12 fm. but by recrossing several times, I could find nothing less than that depth.
Directions for Ships bound to Port Cornwallis during the 8 w Monsoon. - I shall close this Report with the following Observations, which may prove useful to Ships bound for Port Cornwallis, during the South west monsoon This Stormy season generally Commences in May, with Cloudy squally weather attended with heavy rain. The first and latter parts are the most violent. July and August have frequent intervals of two or three days good weather.
Ships from the Coast of Coromandel Should gain the paralel of 13° 39 which is the Late of the North extremity of Land fall island and on a near approach Should keep in 13° 43 but not to northward. In this last paralel (as will be observed by a Reference to the Chart) Ships may Cross the Bank with Safety. If there should be a mistake in the latitude and it prove to be the southward even as much as six or seven miles, it will be attended with no danger and little inconvenience, provided dae attention be paid If the land should be seen before soundings are obtained (which will always be the case in the day with clear weather) Nothing more will be necessary, than to bear up, to that Course, which may be a point and a half to Northward of the most Northerly land seen, and round land-fall island at the distance directed. When Approaching this land in the night It will be necessary to have the Ship under such sail as to admit of sounding with 25 or 30 fms of line, and to be prepared instantly to bear up on having ground Should the night be good and the weather so clear as to see three or four miles After Sounding 30 or 25 fms, Ships in such cases might (with caution) cross the Bank But Should the weather prove dark and Squally it would be necessary on having ground immediately to bear up and haul by the wind to Northwest after deepening the water to 50 fm. or loosing soundings, the Ship might be put on the other tack, and by short boards keeped nearly stationary till day light.
In such cases as the preceding it would be of great Utility were there a light house on the north extremity of landfall isld. The northern point is obtuse with a Small eminence that Appenrs to me an Admirable situation.
Utility of a Light house on the North extremity of Landfall 1.- A Light house errected on this Spot would be an excellent Mark to make the land and to avoid those dangerous Coral ledges to eastward, Calcutta
I am &c. May 27th 1793.
(Signed) Archibald Blair. Ordered that the General Chart furnished by Captain Blair of the Andamans be transmitted to the Honble Court of Directors by the next dispatch, and that, in the mean time, an Accurate Copy be made of it in the Surveyor Generals Office to be pres.rved in this Country:
1793. - No. XXXI. The following Letter has been written to the Governor in Council at Bombay. To the Governor in Council at Bombay.
Honble Sir, Captain Arohibald Blair being soon to leave Bengal in Order to resumo his Station in the Marine at your Presidency we should do him Injastioe if we did not assure you that his attention and Abilities in the management of our first Establishment at the Andamans have Olaimed our warmest Approbation. He had the direction of that Settlement for some years, and acquitted himself invariably as a discreet and zealous Officer, highly qualified for the duty entrosted to him. Considering him, as we do, to be a most useful Servant of the Company, we cannot recommend him too Strongly to your Notice and after doing so, we think it hardly necessary to say
Here follow 6 pages of astronomical observations. ]

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We are persuaded that the Circumstance of his having been so long employed upon Daty under this Government will not lessen his Pretensions to that encouragement and situation, under yours, to which his Rank and Services entitle him, without prejudice to Superior Claims.
Such is our Opinion founded upon experience of the Merits of Captain Blair that we cannot help recommending that, if he should wish, after taking that Tour of duty which is incedent, we understand, to his present Standing, to return to the Andamans for the purpose of directing our Marine Establishment there, he may have leave of absence from Bombay for that purpose.
It is proper to Acquaint you that we have agreed that he should continue to receive the allowances of a Surveyor until his arrival at Bombay and we request that they may be Accordingly paid to him at the rate of Son. Rs. 858 per Mengem from the end of last month to which Time they have been issued to him in Bengal. This Presidency will, of course be debited by you for the Amount. Fort William
We have the honor to be do 29th May 1798.
1798. - No. XXXII. The following Letter And its enclosure were received from the Town Major, on the 29th Instant. To Edward Hay Esq., Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that the Bildars and Coolies entertaining by me to SOTTO at the Andamans as mentioned in the Accompanying list will embark to day in the Union to proceed to that Island.
You will Observe by the Certificate affixed to the foot of that list that those people have received an advance of four Months pay Oommencing from the 25th instant. ibe Sirdars at the rate of 8 9. Rupees and the Coolies or Bildars at 6 S. Rapoes pmonth,
I have the honor to be &os. Fort William Town Major's Office
(Signed) A. Apolog, 29th May 1708.
To. Xr. List of Ooolios and Bildars engaged to serve [at] the Andamans.
Sirdars Rampersand
2 Callipersaud Doobrany
18 Porsand Sing Bichos
Danas Bing
Doomend Sing Fackiral
Buldy 5 Bindoo
Lochund
20 Sheik Mongly Ramdual lot
Tittoo Doss Chintamond 1
Shaik Joamsun Ramkiasan
Kaunt Monik ohund
Ramtonoo 10 Banniad
25 Chintamond 24 Asmaram lut
Gangaram Remdnad 2nd
Nemy Mangaru
Dattarame Ohiddam
Aucot Rame
Harey

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. .
(MAY, 1902. PH 80 Ram Sing
50 Ramsunder Lakeer Mshomed
Khimro Khan Ruffiok
Tittoo Baddoolah
Mohun Daunish
Narrain 85 Chiddam
55 Ramlochun Asgaram
Kinshair Shaik Ruffick
Rickney
Dulboo Annoot Sittaram
Bichosk
60 Perberros 40 Gocool
Bachain Ramsander
Hasey Allah Lochund
Shaik Golaub Nill money
Durham Doss Sissooram
66 Ram Tannoo 46 Raddoo
Dunanjey Laum
Runjay Luckun
Panchoo Ramkisson
Dattaram Bunnud
Busanoo Doss I Certify that the abovementioned Sirdars, Bilders or Coolies have received from me an advance of four months Pay Commencing from the 25th of May The Sirdars at the rate of 8: Rs. 8 and the Coolies or Bildars at 8, Re. 6 per Month. Fort William Town Major's Office
(Signed) A. Apsley 29th May 1798.
To M! 1798. — No. XXXIII. The following Letter was written, by the Boards Orders, to the Superintendant at the Andaman. by the Secretary, on the 30th Instant. Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, - You will receive enclosed a Duplicate of my Letter, dated the 25th Ultimo, and forwarded by the Phoeniz.
On the 5th Instant upon the arrival of the Viper, I was favored with your Letter of the 15th of last Month and it was laid before the Governor General in Council.
The Circumstances mentioned in it, relative to the People, who had formed a small settlement at the Cocos, induced the Board immediately to give Orders that the Letter, of which I inclose Copy, should be written to the Secretary at Fort 8! George, no answer to it has yet been received.
In Consequence of your Application for a supply of Money, a sum amounting to ten thousand Sicca Rapeos in the proportions desired of Silver and Copper has been Packed up and dispatched to you as per enclosed Bills of Lading, by the Union Snow now proceeding to your Settlement,
The Governor General in Council has directed me to Acquaint you that your Draft in favor of Megens Wilsone, Harington, and Downie, for the sum of 5,000, S: Rs. received into your Treasury from Individuals has been duly honored. His Lordship thinks it equitable that any Expence incurred by you in effecting the Negotiation of Bills drawn for Supplies of Money for the Publick Service, should be reimbursed, but, in order to save that Expenoe. in future, he is pleased to desire

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that you will draw on Government in the form prescribed in the Bills of Exchange sent herewith, which will diso render your Negotiations less troublesome. There are 250 Sette, each Sett consisting of two Bills
Yogu nosine, by the Union Six Boxes and six Jars, of Purveyors Stores, that were to have been sent, for the roof the Settlement at Port Cornwallia, by the Phoenix, but it was afterwards found, could not be Ooareniently taken in that Vegell.
A Number of Bilden doktor hanc hematod. on the Inow [Union) for the Andamane, acoording to the enoleged List, which is Accompanied by a Copy of a Letter from the Town Major Concerning them. They bave been provisioned for the Trip, and if the stock laid in should, owing to an anexpected length of Pune, s found inefficient, Lionts. Roper has instractions to Supply them from the Vowels own stores, A. Bayonato moderat Account is to be kept of these Supplies that it may be adjusted with the Owuor Captain Mate
Captain Bakr having trouted to the Board a Obart of the North part of the Andamane, shewtag the place of the dragorous Coral ledges lately discovered, and a Safe track to avoid them, the Governor General in Council has suthorised the publioation of it, and you will be furnished with Copies as soon as they are finished.
He has also letely wat in to the Governor General in Council & General Chart of the Andamans, & Report on the subject of it, and & Paper Containing Astronomioal Observations, you will receive . Oopy of the two latter in the present dispatch and Captain Blair has informed the Board that a copy of the General Ohart is already in your possession, Fort William
I am &o. 30th May 1798.
The Secretary reports that Lieut. Roper Commanding the Union has received his Sailing Orders to proceed to the Andamane.
1798.-No. XXIV.
Fort William Ith June 1798. Ordered that the following Letter be written to the Baperintendent at the Andamane. To Major Alexander Kyd Saperintendent at the Andamans.
Sir. - I am direoted by the Governor General in Council to transmit to you a Copy of Intelligence, which has been received this Morning from Mr. Baldwin at Alexandria, that War was deolared by France against England and Holland on the first of last February His Lordship in Council has no partcular directions to give you in the present state of Affairs confiding generally that you will take the necessary Monsures for the Proteotion of the Settlement under you Charge in as far as Circumstances and your Means admit.
I am &ca Council Chamber 11th June 1793. (Signed) E. Hay Secretary to the Govt.
Ordered that the following Instructions be sent to Lieutenant Roper By the Secretary. To Lieutenant Roper Commanding the Union Snow,
Sir. Intelligence having been received that war was declared by France against England and Holland, on the first of last February, I am directed by the Governor General in Council to desire that you will take Charge of the two accompanying Packets addressed to the Commodore, and Major Kyd at Port Cornwallis, you will of course be upon your Guard against an Enemy during your Voyage to the Andamane. Council Chamber
I am Sir, Your, &ca 11th June 1798.
(Signed) E. Hay Secretary to the Government.

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1
1798.- No. XXXV.
Fort William 17th June 1798.
The following Letter was received from the Soperintendant at the Andamans on the 15th Instant, by the Snow Phoenix, and circulated for the perosal of the Board.
Superintendant at Andamans 31st May, To Edward Hay Esqc. Secretary to Government.
Sir. - I have the pleasare to acquaint you that the Snow Phoenix Captain Moore arrived at this Port, on the 23d instant with the followers belonging to the Sepoy Detachment, with some of the Artificers that were left by the Ranger and Cornwallis, and four Hundred Bags of Rice that wore Obliged to be left at the same time, this Vessel experienced very bad weather during the passage, by which the Rice was maoh damaged on which there will be loss of about fifty Bags.
I have received your letters of tue 220 and 27th of March and 25th of April, no parts of which require any particoler answor, only that you will be pleased to signify to the Governor General in Council that should The Honble Commodore Cornwallis touch at this Port, way of the Companys Vessels, then in the Harbour, which he may have occasion to employ - shall be immediately ordered to attend him.
I am very sorry to be Obliged to communicate to the Board, that the Boorbutie oomplaint, which broke out amongst the Laborers, bas by no means abatod; daring the last two Months no less than twenty Men have fallen a Sacrifice to it, and at present nearly a half of those that remains, are unfit for any labor; but as there is a prospect of our being soon supplied with Vegetables, we are in hopes that by a change of diet, the distemper may be got ander. I have however to Observe that it has principally raged amongst the.Coolies that came from Bengal in last November, who were most worne ont distempered creatures, on whose conscitutions was probably the seeds of the complaint; for none of the Sepoy Detachment or private Servants who have exactly had the same diet, have been in the least affected with it.
The South West Monsoon set in here very early this Month, with very blowing Weather and hard Rain, and there has been Much Rain ever since; as from the great want of workmen we were by no means in a very foreward state, with the Temporary Buildings, and as our Tents are few and much worne the people have sufferd a good deal from the inalemency of the weather; we are however using every effort to get every body nnder cover to which the Artificers that have now arrived will much contribute.
I have granted permission to Two Sepoys, to proceed to Bengal on the Phoenix for the recovery of their health, and on such occasions, or to visit their families in Bengal, I have to request that the Governor General in Council, will be pleased to authorise me to grant Furloughs to Non commissioned Officers and Sepoys of the Detachment, without prejudice to their Allowances, for a greater time than is specified by the standing regulations and without a strict adherence to numbers in the proportion therein limitted which cannot well apply to this place.
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Cornwallis now arrived on the 29th instant from the coast of Pedier where I sent her for Stock with directions to Lieutt. Wales to examine every Port from Diamond Point to Acheen Head, that I might exactly know, what dependance we may have on that Coast for Provisions, and I am glad to say that his report is pretty favorable.

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I beg you will acquaint the Board that finding the Allowance of Grain wbich had been established for the Settlers, was more than they could expend, I have reduced the quantity one fourth and still find that the Ration is perfectly sufficient. Port Cornwallis
I have the honor to be &ca. 31st May 1798.
(Signed) A. Kyd Andamans.
1793.- No. XXXVI.
Fort William 24th June 1793. Read a Letter from Captain Allen.
Captain Allen Dated 20th June. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir,- Herewith I have the honour to enclose a Bill of Freight for the Phoenix to the Anda - mans: having in order to render the Vegsel as Commodious as possible to the People, given up the intention of an Additional Voyage and having on board the Accompanying extra List of People with Major Kyds Pass, who Secreted themselves in the Vessel, with Stores as above Specified, and a very great Expence having been incurred in Consequence of the Advanced Season, and difficulty of getting out of the River, as also sending a Vessel down to Supply them with water so as to keep the Sea Stock intire until leaving the Pilot I beg leave humbly to submit to the Consideration of the Governor General in Council the said Extra bill of Eight hundred Sioca Rupees and to hope that it will not Appear an unreasonable Compensation under all the Circumstances of the Case.
Calcutta
I have the honor to be &ca 20th June 1793.
. (Sigoed) George Allen. Enclosed in Captain Allen's Letter Dated 20th June. List of Passengers from Port Cornwallis to Calcutta pr Phoenix Captain Moore June 1st 1793. Class.
Names. 1 Sepoy
Mehuban Sing on Furlough 1 Do.
Naggar Sing Do. 1 Do.
Hurloll Sing Discharged. 2 Boys with Do. 1 Bazarman. 1 Woman with do. 2 Coppersmiths 2 Servants
John Fife
Jack
1 Woman with do. 2 Washermen
14 Persons Total
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendt. Andamans.

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Enclosure in Captain Allen's letter, dated 20th June.
The Honble Company ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Dr. To Freight of the Snow Phoenix for four hundred Bags of Rice, and one handred Settlers
delivered at the Port Cornwallis in the Island of Andaman, on the 1st June 1793 According to Agreement.
Calcutta 20th June 1793.
Sicca Rupees 4,000. Received the Contents.
(Signed) George Allen.
Extra delivered. 13 Setlers having Major Kyds Pass 20 bags of Rice 6 do. of Paddy 3 do. of ground Rice 1 do of Dholl 1 do of Tamarinds 1 do of Salt 2. Barrels of Gunpowder 35 Chests Boxes and Packages' of Military Stores &ca. delivered to the order of
Major Kyd and 14 Passengers returned. by order of Major Kyd
Siceu Kupecs 800 Allowed 500
Vide Consultation Agreed that, in Addition to the Agreed Freight of Sicca Rapocs 4000 for four hundred Bags of Rice, and one hundred Settlers, sent in the l'hoenix to Port Cornwallis, Captain Allen be allowed an Extra Freight of 500 Sicca Rapees for the rout, and that an Order on the Treasury be issued in his Favor accordingly.
1798.- No. XXXVII.
Fort William 22nd July 1793. Read a Letter from the Secretary to the Hospital Board. To Colin Shakespear Esq. Sub Secretary.
Sir, I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the Accompanying Extract of Letter which they have received from the Surgeon at Port Cornwallis, which they beg you will lay before the Governor General in Council, with their request, that they may be authorized to encresse the Pay of the Hospital Coolies to Six Rupees per Mensem, and the Pay of the Other Servants in the Same proportion, or that the Superintendant be directed to grant the augmentation.
The Hospital Board further beg leave to recommend that Two Washermen may be added to the Establishment of Hospital Servants.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient hamble Servant Fort William Hospl. Bd. Office
A. Campbell, Secry. the 19 th July 1798

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Enclosed in a Letter from the Secretary to the Hospital Board 19th July. Extract of a Lottor from Mr. Wood Surgeon to the Andamans Dated 22nd June 1799.
In fixing the rates of wages, for the Servants attached to the Hospital at Port Cornwallis I am persuaded the Board did not advert to the increased pay given as an encouragement for people to come to this Settlement. Every Coolie receives Six Rupees pr. Month, and artificers in the same proportion above the rates paid in Bengal. With the present allowances granted by the Board, I am not able to procure one person, and the only Assistance I have had, has been from three labourers taken from the public work ; people very ill qualified either for the Service of a Dispensary, or the Attendance of an Hospital.
I beg leave to State to the Board the utility the Sick (especially the Coolies) would derive from the allowance of Washermen to the Hospital, the want of which, I have in Several instances had reason to regret.
(A true Copy.) Fort William Hospital Bd. Office
(Signed) A. Campbell Secretary. the 19th July 1793. Agreed that the pay of the Hospital Coolies, at the Andamans, be increased to Six Rupees per Mensem, and that the Pay of the Other Servants be augmented in the Same proportion.
Agreed also that two Washermen be added to the Establishment of Hospital Servants at that place.
1793. - No. XXXVIII.
Fort William 26th July 1793. Read a Letter from the Garrison Store Keeper. Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, -Having received an Indent, Copy of which is enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I request you will advice the Governor General in Council thereof, and Communicate to me his Orders, whether, & when it should be provided. Fort William
I have the honor to be &ca. 26th July 1708.
(Signed) G. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
Indent No. 3. To G. Robinson Esqr. Garrison Store Keeper, Fort William.
Name of Stores.
Articles In
dented for Since 1st May
Admitteil
SALI
Balance in
Store.
Article Indented for.
Purposes for which
Wanted.
.
:
200 200
:
For the supply of the
Do.
es at Port Corn
100 100
Wallis.
c
:
Dholl - Kessarry Mds. Do. – Hurrar ... Do. Do. - Moong ... Ghee ... ... Do. Paddy ... ... Bags. Paddy New ... Do. Sugar
Maunds Tamarinds ...
... Do. Salt ... ... Do.
100) 2007
100 S
For sick and Passen
gers returning occasionally to Bengal.

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248
HE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1902.
I do hereby Certify in patsuence of the General Orders, that the articles Specified in this Indent are indispensably necessary for the Service of the Settlement at the Andamans, According to the best of my knowledge and Belief, after the most carefal Examination. Port Cornwallis
Signe Edmund Welsh, Commissary. June 37th 1793. S
IA. Kyd, Superintendant at Andamans. Ordered that the Garrison Store keeper be directed to comply with the above Indent for Provisions requisite at the Settlement of Port Cornwallis and to despatch thein by the Seahorse,
1793. - No. XXXIX.
Fort William 20th July 1798. Read a Letter and its enclosure from the Superintendant at the Andamans.
Supt. at the Andamans 33rd July. To The Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis Governor General in Council.
My Lord, - On the 13th of Jane & vessel trom Madras sent with dispatcbes for Admiral Cornwallis arrived at the Andamans by which we learnt that the Nation was engaged in a War with France.
Altho I did not think it probable that the Enemy would have it in their power to fit ont au Armament, or think the attack of the Establishment an Object, yet from our very defenceless Situation I did not fail to feel some alarm lest some of their Privateers for the sake of Plunder. might be induced to pay us a visit and immediately therefore began to deviso moans to enable us to repel such attempte.
On the 17th of June the Union arrived from Bengal in which Vessel there was a number of useful labourers, and as I had then fixt on a plan which I thought the best adapted for our Situation, and most within our power of execution, and as all our people were pretty well covered from the Weather Immediately began to take Measures for putting it in execution.
The Accompanying plan of the ground of the new Establishment with a copy of my letter to the Engineer will point out what is intended to be done by which your Lordship will perceive that the Post may soon be made a respectable one, and I hope you will think, that the plan was the most expedient for the Occasion.
As the Cornwallis and Sea Horse Snows were both ready for sea, I immediately came to the resolution of dispatobing them to Calcutta for the Necessary Supply of Artillery and Stores for such a Post and for such encrease of the Detachment as might be thought necessary And also thought it best to proceed to this place myself, in the Idea, that I could be more useful here in forwarding the Equipment and procuring the necessary people, than by remaining at Port Cornwallis where I was convinced every possible exertion would be made towards carrying the proposed plan into execution and in this I am bappy that I anticipated your Lordship's wishes which were conveyed to me in a letter from Mr. Hay by the Venus Brig which Vessel we Spoke the day we left Port Cornwallis.
I now take the Liberty of pointing ont to your Lordship, what Strikes me as most Necessary and pressing to be done for the protection of the Settlement at the Andamang.
The Sepoy Detachment to be encroneed to the Strength of two Companies from Volunteer Bopoys from the Battalions at Barrackpore.
A Detachment of European Artillery to be ordered in readiness consisting of one Sorjeant, ono Corporal, two Gunners and Ten Matrosses,

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MAY, 1902.]
A Detachment of one Sarang one Tandal, and Forty experienced Gun Lascars to be Drafted from the Artillery Lascars.
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
249
A proportion of Artillery and Stores, (of which there is accompanying a List) to be got in readiness if your Lordship approves of it, and for which I have prepared the necessary Indents.
As many Bildars and Coolies as can be sent in the next vessels, that can be dispatched, with a proportional addition of Provisions - these are the Classes of people that will be most wanted for some time to come, I beg leave to Observe that the greatest care should be taken, that stout and healthy men are chosen.
As independant of the present Situation of Affairs, it would certainly be expedient to arm the Vessels on the Andaman Establishment, from their being liable to be sent to Pedeir Aracan and Other piratical and Hostile Coasts I beg leave to transmit an abstract of the Expense of an Establishment of people for them, which on consulting with the Commanders appeared more suitable than the old one an Abstract of which I also send by which your Lordship will perceive that the additional expense is small.
Fort William
25th July 1798.
I imagine also it will be necessary that the Officers commanding the Vessels on the Andaman Establishment, should have some Commission or letter of Marque granted them, to act against the Enemy, and authority to inforce the necessary Discipline on board their Vessels, and as they are all Lieutenants in the Bombay Marine I take the liberty of proposing as the easiest mode, that they may be directed to act by the instructions they will have received from the Bombay Government, which it is probable have been drawn out with every legal Caution.
I have the honor to be &ca. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
(Copy) To Ensign Stokoe of Engineers.
Sir, I have already communicated myself so fully to you on what appears to me to be the best and Speediest means of putting this Settlement in a State of Defence, so as to be able to repel any attack of privateers or small armament that the French nation, said to be at war with Great Britain might fit out, which although I do not think it is an Event that is probable, is yet what it is our Duty to guard against I have therefore Sketched such works on a plan of the point of this Island, which accompanys this expressing the ground in its present state as appears to me the best adapted for the present Occasion, considering the slender means we have of putting much in execution.
It is fortunate that so very little ground has yet been cleared of trees, and that the woods are of so very impervious a nature, that although they would not be an insurmountable impedement to an Enemy well provided with Workmen and tools, would yet be a great obstruction but [? which] a force only provided with their arms would certainly find it impossible to penetrate. We are thus left to pay our Chief attention to the defence of that ground which is cleared and to making all Tracks, which the Settlers have made as impassable as possible, which last will not be attended with much labour.
The hill A presents itself happily on a part on which a work will command the whole cleared Space, and which will admit of being of a Capacity to contain a considerable Body of Men and which from its height and Commanding Situation may certainly be made a very respectable post.
It was my first intention to Occupy it with a large round Redoubt but on a more minute inspection and consideration of the ground, think the present figure holds out more advantages.

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250
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1902.
The Northfront (the most likely to be Attacked) has two demi Bastions, thus projecting and Posessing some ground the same height with that of the Redoubt, will have some flanking fire, and a Gun in the face of each Demi Bastion will have the range of the whole valley on each side that is cleared of wood; and might prevent or intimedate an enemy from landing in boats to burn the buildings.
The North and the East fronts are the first that should be put in execution, and to them there should be good Ditches and Parapets at least 14 feet thick but the other two faces are so entirely unapproachable and are so much out of the power of being annoyed by cannon from ships, that there is hardly Occasion for Shutting them in, but at all events it may be done with a parapet 6 or 8 feet tl:ick and without a Ditch.
As on the East side the ridge of the Hill continues so high the ascent cannot be seen from the redoubt upon the point, therefore where the Ridge terminates there should be an Entrenchmont B with embrazares for two Guns from the flank of which there should be a Strong Abattis, extending across the Valley to the thick wood on each side, indeed the sides of that Hill in its whole length is now so much covered with felled Timber, that a very little labour will render it absolately impassable on the flanks of this Work, so that the only point where it can be attacked must be at this Strong Work at the top of a Hill of rapid and sudden ascert, the road along the ridge from the Redoubt to this work should be made practicable for Gans and to be seen in its whole length from the Redoubt and the felled trees and branches on each Side should be formed into different lines of Abattis as absolutely to confine the Road to the Ridge
I have made the Road to lead into the Redoubt thro' a Redan in the last face, but could it conveniently be carried round to the South face it would be better, which you will only be able to determine when the ground is cleared and labelled ; the East face need only then be a Strict line in which there may be four Embrazures.
From the South face there should be a small path out to the valley where a small space Should be cleared away for the labourers women and children to retire to, and where also there Should be your principal Depot of Provisions. From this Valley should also be cut [a] Small and Secret path to the water side on the west side, to the entrance of which Stores and Provisions may be sent in Boats, and the Road should be led as much as possible clear of heights for the ease of Carriage, and every Other track and path that the Settlers have made should be as Carefully Shut up and concealed as possible.
And Vessels in the Harbour Should be moored in the Situation C in the Manner the Seamen term at "fours" so that the Guns from the west face of the Redoubt and musyaetry from the Entrenchment D could protect them should they be Attempted to be cut out or distroyed by Boats, for which parpose any of the Trees that Obstruct the View in the Space marked in Yellow, should be cat down, and the whole of that side of the Hill, Should be kept in its present impracticable State, only leaving one small and winding path for the convenience of getting at Fresh Water, but which could quickly be shut up. The path also from the Garden to the East point of the Island should be carefully shut up, and every other Path and track thro the woods that has not been partioularized. There are yet many Other additions that Might be made to the Strength of this Ground, but what I have now pointed out is as much as you can execute until you have more people. Should however any Alterations or Improvements Occar to you during the progress of the work you will of Course adopt them, first consulting with Lieutenant Wells and you will of course pay Strict Attention to whatever he may recommend as adviseable, either in Altering or adding to the above plan. Port Cornwallis
I am Sir &ca. 28th June 1798.
(Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant Andamana.

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MAY, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
251
List of Artillery and Stores required for the Andamang. 6 Iron 12 prs. with Garrison Carriages with all their apparatus.
2 Brass 6 prs. Field pieces with Field Carriages and their apparatus. 1200 12 pr. Round Shot. 300 Do. Grape. 400 6 pr. round Shot fixed to bottoms. 100 Do. Case Shot. 30 Barrels of Gun powder. 30 Barrels of Musquet Ammunition, 600 Flannel Cartridge bags for 12 pounders. 200 Do. Do. Do, for 6 Do.
1 Gin with Blacks (sic) and fold complete. 20 Large Tarpaulins.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
ROYAL FUNERALS IN TRAVANCORE.
the Nair Brigade Band plays the Dead
Maroh [!), while guns corresponding to the age of To a non-Hindu the ceremonies and customs the deceased are fired from the saluting batteries. consequent on the death of a member of the
The junior members of the Maharaja's family, reigning family of Travancore are interesting, with their principal servants and the officers of the but somewbat inexplicable, inasmuch as there 18 civil service, from the Dewan downwards, assemble probably a reason for every custom and rite, and
at the deceased Prince's palace to prepare the yet so little is known regarding the ceremonies
corpse for the funeral. The junior members carried out on the occasion. Even among Hindus,
of the family separately walk round the remains it is only a select few who are able to throw light several times, uttering prayers or performing on the subject. For instance, the corpse of a some sacred rite, guided by the Kakkandathe, or deceased Prince is invariably wrapped in a red priest. In about two hours after the death or scarlet silk cloth, and it would be interesting
the arrangements to convey the body to the to know why red or scarlet is the colour chosen. cremating ground are generally complete, that is Yet nobody appears to be sure. It is conjeotured to say, besides the prayers and ceremonies that scarlet is the colour for Princes; but the
aforesaid, the body is bathed and richly dressed Travancore Princes are simple in their habits,
in a robe of red or scarlet silk. and in the privacy of life are amply satisfied with a white muslin cloth or two. Even on State occa
Then the Funeral cortege sets out, acoom - sions, very sober-coloured and simple costumes panied by the officers of the State and the Nair are worn. However this may be (writes a corre
Brigade, who follow in procession with head gear spondent to the Madras Mail), I have gleaned a
(kud imis) loosed and artus reversed. Before the few facts regarding Travancore Royal funerals
body is taken from the palace, a hole is made in which may be of some interest
the wall of the compartment where it rested,
and through this the corpoe is conveyed outAs soon as death is announced, the attendants side. This is a custom even with Sadras, the and others, especially the women servants of reigning family of Travancore being Kshatriae. the Prince's palace, proclaim the fact by a loud What the exact superstition, or idea, is, I am not and oontinued wailing. The news flies apace in a position to say, but I fancy that there is and bells are tolled, mounted troopers, with arms belief that if the corpse is conveyed through the reversed, gallop about imparting the tidinge, and door, other deaths will immediately follow.

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252
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1902.
The bearers of the corpse are drawn from the house in which these relics of the dead are preTirumulplid community. The procession to the served, receives a pension for the term of his cremating ground of the Mab&raja's family, natural life-some say his heirs in perpetuity situated at the north-west corner of the Trevan-draw the pension, in the shape of a certain quandrum Fort, is formed in the following order. First tity of paddy annually. He also is the recipient dismounted Bodyguard troopers, barebeaded and of a quantity of cocoanut oil to feed & lamp barefooted, leading their horses, walk in two lines; which must always be kept burning. behind them is the Nair Brigade Band, dressed in black and playing the Dead March; next the sepoys On the eleventh or twelfth day further religious of the Nair Brigade in two long lines, heads and rites and ceremonies are performed and bring the feet uncovered and arms reversed; then the pollution caused by the death to an end. For a various officers in undress, according to a pre-whole year subsequently, mourning is observed scribed order. To the burning ground itself only to a certain extent throughout the Province, a chosen few are given admission. The next junior especially by the Nair community. The relics member to the deceased performs the last rites, are ultimately takon to Bonares and thrown under the guidance and instruction of the offi-into the Ganges. ciating priest; but if there is no member of the family available, the priest acts for him. The body is then conveyed to a richly decorated pandal or pavilion made of cadjan, under which is a funeral pyre composed of sandalwood, cuscus
KONETI RAYI. grass and ghee, to help the fire. The fire rendered sacred by prayers, is then applied to the I SOME forty years or so ago, during the excapyre, while a shout of lamentation and a chorus of vation of a pond in front of the Collector's wailing moend to the skies from the crowd of Cutoherry at Nellore, Madras Presidenoy, an people outside, who generally await the termina
image was found along with, as I am told, some tion of the cremation.
"white stones." This was left lying about for
some time and was finally taken by an adjacent The small party inside wait till the work of the
householder who presented it to a small Vaishfire is all but done, and go away, leaving behind
nava temple in Nellore town. The figure is them a small and trusted few of palace adherente
popularly known as Konkti Rayi (Pond-stone). and a detachment of the Nair Brigade for sentry I went to see it recently. It is a statue of & purposes. These servants feed the fire till every man of about life-size, carved out of a black part of the body is consumed. For about two or stone and in perfect preservation. The figure is three days public institutions and offices are closed, seated with legs crossed and soles up-turned; the and deep mourning lasts for ten or eleven days hair is curly, the lobes of the ears pierced and For three days following the cremation, the greatly enlarged; the nose is broad, with, how. Palanquin in which the body was conveyed ever, a bridge sharply indicated; the lips are to the burning ground is carried there and well-shaped. taken back morning and evening. Religious ceremonies are also .conducted in the Tarawad
The figure is now adorned with the Vaishnava Palam of the Maharaja's family to the accompani- trident, but there seems no room for doubt that ment of the wailing voices of women and solemn it represents Buddha or some Jain saint (I am and sad music.
too ignorant to decide which).
I have not seen any reference anywhere to Then comes the Sanchayanam, or ash-sifting this figure, and I, therefore, imagine that its ceremony. Another procession is formed for this purpose also. The unconsumed fragmenta
existence is generally unknown. of the remains, with some ashes, are then carfully It a Buddha, the fact of the statue being gathered up and religiously placed in a golden found so far south as Nellore would seem to be case. This is carried to a neighbouring house of interest. and preserved in a recebe, or oavity, specially prepared at the foot of a jack tree. A Nair
A. BUTTERWORTH. Brigade guard takes charge of the spot for a year, and carefully guards the whes. The owner of the Nellore, 15th January 1901.

Page #257

JUNE, 1902.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
258
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), Ph.D., C.L.E. The places mentioned in the Chicacole plates of Nandaprabhanjanavarman. THIS record has been edited by me in Vol. XIII. above, p. 48 ff., with a lithograph. The
original plates, which are now in the Government Museum at Madras. were found, with five other sets, in a large pot which was discovered in digging the foundations of wall at Ohioacole, the head-aarters of the Chicacole taluka of the Gañjam district, Madras Presidency. But, as this note will shew, the present record does not really belong to Chicacole. It is convenient, however, for the present at any rate, to continue to speak of it as one of the Chicacole grants, instead of substituting a name connecting it with the place to which it actually belongs.
The record contains a decree issued - vijaya-8&ra palli-âsakat, " from the victorious halt at SArapalli; " meaning, from a halt made at a place named Sarapalli, not (of necessity, at any rate) just after the achievement of some victory in war, but in the course of a state progress or tour of inspection for administrative purposes. And it recites that the Mahárdja Nandaprabhañjanavarman,
lord of the whole of Kalings or of all the Kalingas," granted a village named Deyavata, as an agrahdra, to a Brahman who belonged to, i.e. resided at, an agrahara, the name of which is to be read as Akkana, instead of Akshata as given in my published text.
The Akkana agrahara of the record is, undoubtedly, the Akkana Agrm.' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 108 (1894), in lat. 18° 31', long. 83° 49', five and a hali miles on the south of Palkonda, the head-quarters of the Palkonda taluka of the Vizagapatam district, and about eighteen miles towards the north-west-by-north from Chicacole, where the plates were found. And, with this guide to help us, we can identify Deyavata with the Devada' of the same map, in lat. 18° 15', long. 83° 87', about seventeen miles south-west-by-south from the Akkana agrahara, and Sarapalli with the Sarepalli' of the map, in lat. 18° 7', long. 83° 33', a village, close to a large tank, ten miles in much the same direction from Devada' and about four and a hali miles east-by-north from Vizianagram.
1 The word viiaks, 3, is used (see Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, revised edition), at the end of componnds, in the sense of abode, habitation. But it may evidently be applied in any of the meanings allotted to the simpler word edua, 8; namely,' staying, remaining (especially overnight'), abiding, dwelling, residence, living in, abode, habitation. When vaaka is used as it is used here, it may be taken as meaning muoh the same thing as the skandhavdra, 'camp, of various other records. But it is somtimea uad at the end of a compound which qualifies sad locates kandh de
e, in vijaya-skandidudrat Vijayapura-rakat, in line 1 of the Kaira plates of A. D. 644 (Vol. VII. above, p. 248). And it seems desirable to translate it by word wbich will prevent it from being confused with skandh Andra. For what is most usually intended by the use of the word vijaya in such expressions as vijaya-edsaka and vijaya-skandhavára, reference may be made to my note 5, supplemented by remark by Dr. Hultanch, in Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 51, on the Kanarese expression bijayath-goy.
My suggestion (Vol. XIII. above, p. 49, note 7, and p. 50, note 20) that the name might possibly be Adegavate Or Adeyay ata, is to be cancelled.
I romarked, at the time (loc. cit. p. 49, note 8), that the second syllable of this namo, whethor taken as kaba or kkra. WAS A rather anomalous one. An examination of the lithograph will show that its 00sonant does not at all resemble the ksh in raksha, line 15, and Ukshepta, line 17, and, on the other hand, that it does very closely resemble the akshara which I then read as kkra in vikkramandim, line 10. As regards the third akshara, it is to be remarked that the t appears in this rooord in two forms; one with a loop, see, for instanoe, yanid, line 15, and tany-dra, line 17. and the other without a loop, se, for instance, thAgavató mitspitri, line 1. There was, therefore, no objetion to taking the consonant of this particular akshara as the t without the loop. But we are equally at liberty to take it an, which throughout this rooord appears without the loop. And, to view of the identification that can be made, we need not hesitate abont accepting Akkans as the name really presented in the record. Looking to the krama, also in lide 10, I consider, now, that the record there presents vikkam Indsm, with two mistakes, for vikramdam or possibly, vikramdam.
• The map shows village damed 'Doradata,' two miles on the north of the Akkada agraira. But this does pot seem to answer to the Anoient Dryapdfa.

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264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1902.
It may be remarked that the legend on the seal of this grant, which I failed to decipher, has been found by Dr. Hultzsch, from an inspection of the original, to be Pistri-bhaktan], "he who is devoted to his father."5
The places mentioned in the Chokkhakuti grant of A. D. 807.
This record has been edited by Mr. D. R, Bhandarkar in Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 285 ff., with a facsimile lithograph. The original plates were obtained from Gujaraty in the Bombay Presidency. But the exact find-place of them appears to be not known.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Pausha, Saka-Samvat 789 (expired), falling in A. D. 867, the Rashtrakūta prince Aparimitavarsha-Dantivarman, of the Gujarat branch of the Malkhêd family, bathed in the "great river" (mahánadi) Paravi, and granted a village (gráma) named Chokkhakuti, situated in the north-west part of a small territorial division known as the SarthAteilatakiya forty-two, to a vihdra or (Buddhist) monastery at a place named Kampilyatirtha. It prescribes that the said village was to be enjoyed by the succession of the disciples and disciples' disciples of the dryasarigha or Buddhist community. And, in specifying the boundaries of the said village, it places, on the east, the boundary of a village gráma) the name of whiob is t be read as Davbhellamka, for Dabbhellamka, = Dabbhellanka, instead of Dantejllamka as given in the pablished text;6 on the south, the boundary of a village named Apasundara ; on the west, the boundary of a village named Kalapallika; and, on the north, & river (nad) named Mandakini.
I find that Chokkhakuti is the Chokhed' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 28, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 1', long. 72° 59', in the NausÂri division of the Baroda State, about five miles towards the north from Nausari. The map shews Dabhel,' answering to the Dabbhellanka of the record, * s large village, the site of which is about one mile and three quarters towards the north-east from
Chokhad.' It shews 'Asundar,' answering to A pasundars, one mile on the south of Chokhad.' And, ono mile on the north-west of Chokhad,' it shews, on the south bank of the river which will be mentioned further on, Karoli,' which answers to Kalapallike and gives another instance of the not infrequent interchange of land r. In the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 15 (1879) of Gujarat, Dabhel' is presented as Dábhel,' with, in the first syllable, the long d, which is no doubt correct, as it can be fully justified by a lengthening of the short a on the disappearance of the first component, b, of the double consonant, bbh, in the second syllable of the original name; the other three names are presented just as in the Atlas sheet.
The river Mandakint of the record is a river which passes about one mile on the north of • Chokhad,' and flows into the sea about five miles on the south of the Tapti. Its name is given as Mindhola' in the Atlas sheet and . Mindhála' in the Trigonometrical sheet, and is certified as MindhojA,' in Gujarati characters, in the official compilation entitled Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878). And the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. II., Surat and Broach, p. 25, speaks of it as “the Mindhols or Midágri." We have another epigraphic mention of this river in the spurious plates which purport to record a grant mada by Dharasena II. of Valabhi in A. D. 478. It is there called the Madavi.? This latter name may be taken as a corraption of the
* See Bp. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 148.
• The poond wyllable of this name, in line 60, is much blurred, owing to our Teneness on the part apparently of the engraver, rather than of the writer, of the repord. And, in deteoting the corroot reading, I have of course been helped by my identification of the village. But an inspection of the frosimilo will show that the consonant is unmistakably vbh,- for bbh, in accordance with the general practice of the record.
+ Vol. X. abovo, p. 184, plato ii., line 8-4, and Plate. There is a somewhat unusual mark at the top of the me to the right. It does not seem to be intended for a long d. Nor, as far as I could reo when I had the original plato before me, does it seem to be part of an imperfectly formed andra.

Page #259

JUNE, 1902)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
255
name Mandakini, through a form Mandavi; and, in connection with this point of view, we may note that the Vishnupurdna speaks of two rivers named MandAkini, and mentious, just after one of them, a river Payya which may be the Purņd in Gujarât, the next river on the south of the Mindhola, quite as much as any other river known by the name of Purna, and that this tends to suggest that the Mindhola' really had the original name of Mandakint. Or we may suppose that the original name of the river was Mandavi, and was invented to mark the river as one "flowing slowly (manda)," by way of contrast with the Pûråvi, the name of which seems to mean a river having & full rashing stream (pára) and consequently flowing quickly."' And, in the latter case, we may look upon the Madhvi of the spurious record as a corraption of the name MandAvi, and take the Mandakini of the present record as a fanciful substitute for it, somewbat similar to the application of the name Gangå to the Godhyart, or to a small nallah flowing into the Godavari, in the Paithan plates of A, D. 1272.10
The town from which, most probably, the SarthAtailAtaklya forty-two took its appellation, cannot at present be identified ; unless, by any chance, its name can have been corrupted into that of the 'Simlak' of the maps, a large village the site of which is contiguous, on the north, with the site of Dabhel, Dábbel.'
Mr. Bhandarkar has given a reason for perbape identifying the “great river" Paravi with the Parna, on the south bank of which is Nagsart; namely, that an unpublished record, belonging to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, speaks of the Pârâvi as being in the vicinity of a place named Nagasarika, which is taken by him to be Nausârt. But it is not quite plain how the Parna, the total length of which is less than eighty miles, could be properly classed as a "great river."
He has expressed the opinion that Kampilyatirtha, -- or "the Kâmpilya tirtha," "the sacred place of Kâmpilya," according to his treatment of the name, - is to be identified with Kampil, called in ancient times Kampilya, and formerly, it appears, A sacred place of the Jains, in the Ksimganj tahsil of the Farnkhabad district, North-West Provinces. We need not enter into the point that Kampilya-Kampil is some six hundred miles away from Chokhad.' The Kampilyatirths of this record is, undoubtedly, the Kaphleta' of the Atlas and Trigonometrionl sheets, a large village in the Christ taluks of the Surat district, on the north bank of the Mindhola,' Mindhála, or Mindhol,' about a mile and a half on the north of Obokhad.'
The places mentioned in the Burat plates of A. D. 1061
This record bas been edited by Mr. H. H. Dhruva in Vol. XII. above, p. 198 ff., with a lithograph. The original plates were obtained from a coppersmith of Surat, the chief town of the Sarat district in Gujarat, Bombay Presidency.
The record recites that, on a specifed day in the month Paasha in the Vikrita saatsara. Sake-Samvat 973 (expired), falling in January, A. D. 1051, the Chaulukys prince Trilochanapala, "the ruler (6h6ktry) of the Laţa country (désa)," went to the western ocean, and, at a sacred
• Wilson'. Translation, VOL. II. Pp. 153, 154.
• The name Mandakint, also, whiob is best known as the appellation of the celestial Ganges or of certain arm of the terrestrial Gange, is explained (noMonier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary) as moaning 'going or streaming slowly from manda, 'slow, tardy, sluggish,' etc., and afich, 'to move, go, lo. If the modern name of the
Mindhola' really is Mindhol, with the lngual odh, it can hardly have been derived either from MandAkint or from Madiri or Mandant, but must be a later substitute for the original name. In the other appellation, 'Midagri. We may posibly have a nminiscence of some kind of the name Madayi or Mandart
0 Bee YOL XXX. above, p. 617.

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place named Agastyatirtha or Agastyatirtha, gave to a certain Brahmaņ # village (gráma) named Erathana, (measuring) nine-hundred (ploughs ?),11 in a small territorial division, consisting of forty-two villages, which seems at first sight to be not distinctly specified by name but to be placed in a larger territorial division called the Villibvara or Billisvara pathaka. It defines the position of Erathana by means of eight surrounding khétalos or villages of agricultural peasants. And it places them as follows; on the east, a village (gráma) named Nagamva, and Tantika; on the south-east, Vatapadraka; on the south, Linga vata-Siva ; on the south-West, Indötthans ; on the west, Vahunadasvan; on the north-west, Temvaraka; on the north, Talapadraks; and, on the north-east, a village (gráma) named Kuruna.
Mr. Dhruva told us that the Ersthans of this record is Erthân in the Olpad taluks of the Surat district, a village, between the Kim river and the Tapti, which may be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 23', long. 72° 52'. He added certain details which seemed to bear out that statement circumstantially. And he plainly was furnished, though very vagaely and inaccurately, with information, which he did not verify, about some of the surroundings of a Certain Erthân which really is the Erathiņa of the record. But that Erth in is not the Erthan in the Olpad taluks.
The Villikvara or Billikvars of the record, from which the pathaka took its appellation, is to be identified with Balesar or Baleshwar, small town two miles on the north of Palsana, the head-quarters of the Paļsânâ subdivision, on the north bank of the river. Mindhola, Mindhála,' or Mindho1A, 13 of the NausÂrt division of the Baroda territory; it is shewn as
Balesar' in the Indian Atlas Sheet No. 23, S. E. (1988), in lat. 21° 6', long. 73° 2', and in the same way in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No 34 (1882) of Gujarat. And it may be remarked here that the composer of the record, writing at this points particularly clumsy verse, no doubt meant to describe the Villikvars or Billisvara pathaka as itself consisting of forty-two villages, though the language actually used by him conveys, if construed strictly. & different meaning.
The Erathana of this record is the Erthan' of the Atlas sboet, shewn as Brthán' in the Trigonometrical sheet No. 15 (1879), tyo miles west-north-west from Balèsar. NAgamvå or Nagambe seems to have disappeared ; at any rate, the maps do not shew any trace of such a name : but Tantika is represented by Tati Jagra,' 'Táti Jagra, one mile south-east-by-east from Erthan. Vatapadraka has become "Wardala,' one mile south-east from Erthân. Lingavata. Siva is 'Lingad, two and a half miles south-by-west from Erthân. Indotthans seems to have become . Rauls or Wakhtana, Raula or Wakhténa,' two miles towards the south-west from Erthân. Vohunadaban or Bahuņadaban is 'Boned,' two miles west-by.south from Erthân. Temvaráka or Tembaraka is Timbarwa,' in the Chôrasi tâluks of Surat, one mile on the north-west of Erthân. Talapadraks is Talodra, one mile and a half north-half-east from Erthân. And Kuruns is 'Karan, one mile and a half north-east from Ertbûn.
11 The published text runs (plate iii , lines 6, 7) - gråmam .....Dhifor Viyilikvara-pathak. Aatar-dvichatydrichia-marokhyske Erathipa-barafatam aded, olc. And the published translation runs "gave ...... village ...... in the Ersthåņa Nine-hundred in the sub-distulot of forty-two and the district of (Vi- Or) Dhilltevara." But the lithograph distinctly shews - gamath ...... Villikvara ...... Erathanath Daya-batam, ete. The word navaata, nine-hundred, can only indicate, in some way or another, the extent of the village. And, from others of the Gujarat records, it seems probable that we have to undertand hala, ' plongh,' and waland-messure.
13 The record seems to use the same character to denote elthen or throughout. 13 Regarding this name, see page 254 above.
14 In Vol. V. above, p. 146, Dr. Bühler has given another instance in which the ancient name Yutapudraksis epresented by modern Wardla,

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REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY.
BY VINCENT A, SMITH, M.R.A.S., I.C.S. (RETD.). PROFESSOR SYLVAIN LÉvr's valuable and interesting studies of the Chinese historians who record notices of events in India throw much light upon the obscure history of India in the centuries both preceding and following the Christian era.
In a separate article I have discussed his discovery of the synchronism of king Meghavarna of Ceylon (A. D. 304 - 992) with the Indian emperor Samudra Gupta, whose reign has hitherto been supposed to have begun in A. D. 350, so far as that synchronism affects the interpretation of the Mahânîman inscriptions at Bôdh-Gaya. In this paper I propose to discuss the revision of the Gupta chronology which is rendered indispensable by Mr. Sylvain Levi's discovery, and certain other facts brought to light within the last few years.
Assuming, as is now generally allowed, that the Gupta era dates from the coronation (abhisheks) of Chandra Gupta I., the first emperor of the Gupta dynasty, that event must have taken place in the tirst year of the Gupta Era (G. E.), which corresponds to the period extending from the 26th February, A. D. 320, to the 15th March, A. D. 321. For most purposes it is sufficiently accurate to say that the accession of Chandra Gupta I. occurred in A. D. 320, and to add 319 to dates G. E. to reduce them to dates A. D.3
Provions to M. Lévi's discovery of the synchronism of king Meghavarna of Ceylon with the emperor Samudra Gupta, the earliest known Gupta date subsequent to the accession of Chandra Gupta I. in G. E. 1, = A. D. 320, was that recorded by the Udayagiri inscription of Ohandra Gupta II., dated G. E. 82, = A. D. 401. The chronology of the dynasty for the period of 81 complete years between these two dates was purely conjectural. M. Levi's discovery enables us to fix with approximate accuracy the date of the accession of the emperor Samudra Gupta, the son of Chandra Gupta I., and, with the help of some other facts, to settle witbin Darrow limits the greater part of the chronology of the dynasty.
1 Professor Sylvain Lévt's weighty essay ontitled 'Les Missions do Wang Hinen-Te'o dans l'Inde' appeared in the Journal Asiatique for Mars Avril et Mai Juin, 1900, and was reprinted the same year at the Imprimerio Nationale, Paris, PP. 112. On another occasion I hope to make use of the materials collected by him for the Kushan history. At present I confine myself to the mbject of Grapta obronology. My artiole entitled 'The Insoriptions of Mahin man at Bodh Gayl' appeared in this Journal, anto, Vol XXXI., p. 199.
Ared in this Journal, ante, Vol XXXI., p. 199. I am myself responsible for the erroneous hypothesis that the reign of Samudra Gupta began in A D. 850. ('Observations on the Gupta Coinage,' in J. R. 4. 8. for Jan. 1898, p. 82. This work will bo oitod as 'Observations.")
• The discovery of the true beginning of the Gapta era, and the olaboration of all necessary Oaloulations on the subject, were affected by Dr. Fleet, whose matured viows will be found in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. (1891), pp. 376-389. Dr. Floot's great work entitled Insoriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Bomors' was published in 1888. In its original form the Gupta ere was an adaptation of the Bake your beginning with the month Chaitra, or Maroh-April. According to this arrangement the year commenced with the first day of the waxing moon (oud) of Chaitra, and the year 1 G. E. corresponds to Baka 343, and A. D. 320-1. Consequently Gupta years are ordinarily reduced to your A, D, by the addition of 319, M, for example, 82 6. E, A. D. 401. Of course, for atriotly Acourate results much more olaborato equations are sometimes required. The records of the kings with which this paper is concerned room to be all dated on this system. The kings of Valabht, who roceeded the Guptas in Surkhtra (Kathiawas) about the end of the fifth oontury, while continuing to roolon by the Gupta ori, made the year begin soven months earlier. Gupta dates are expressed in ourront yoan.
Fleet, No. 3. Udayagiri is near BhelaA (Bhaa) in Soindia'. Dominions in Central India, N. lat. 83 82, E, long. 770 80. The exnot date is the 11th, day of the waxing moon of the month AshAdhe, equivalent to June-July, A. D. 401.
My sonjetural dates were - Gupta, A, D, 200; Ghatotkacha, A. D. 805 ; Chandra Gupta I., A.D. 319 (an mor instead of 820); Kloha, A. D. 340; Bamudra Gupta, A. D. 850; and Chandra Gupta II., A. D. 880.

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According to all the genealogical inscriptions, the founder of the dynastic family was the Maharâja Gupta, who was succeeded by his son the Maharaja Ghatotkacha. The only positive indication of the date of the Maharaja Gupta is afforded by the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing, who travelled between A. D. 671 and 695, and died in A. D. 713. He states that, according to tradition, an ancient ruined establishment known as the China Temple had been built for the accommodation of Chinese pilgrims some five hundred years before the writer's time by Mahârâja Sri Gupta. This tradition would place the Mahârâja Gupta about A. D. 200, a date considerably too early. The true date of his accession cannot well be earlier than A. D. 270. We may assume A. D. 275. Gupta's Bon, Ghatotkacha, may be assigned conjecturally, in the absence of evidence, to A. D. 800.
Neither of these Maharajas assumed the higher titles denoting paramount rule, and, so far as is known, neither of them coined money or left any inscriptions. Both probably were the Râjas of
Bibâr south of the Ganges, with their capital at the ancient royal city of Pataliputra (Patna). They may have been in some degree subordinate to the Lichchhavis of Vaisali, on the northern side of the river.
Chandra Gupta I. came to the throne in G. E. 1, = A, D. 320, and established his power as a paramount sovereign by marrying the Lichchhavi princess Kumara Devt. His coins were struck in the joint names of himself, his queen, and the powerful Lichchhavi clan, and his dominions extended in the Gangetic valley as far as Prayaga (Allahabad).
Inasmuch as Samudra Gupta, son of Chandra Gupta I., was reigning previously to G. E. 13 = A. D. 332, the date of the death of the Ceylonese king Meghavarņa, who sent him an embassy, the reign of Chandra Gupta I., who ascended the throne in the year G. E. 1, must necessarily have been very short. The great Allahabad inscription, which records the deeds of Samudra Gupta, states that his conquests extended as far south as Palakka, the modern Palghatchery, in N. lat. 10° 45' 49, distant about thirteen hundred miles from PAt aliputra (Patna), then the capital of the empire, and
The name of this prince was undoubtedly simply Gupta, and not Sri Gupta, a Cunningham insisted (Coins Mod. I. p. 9). Upagupta, who, according to the AboksvadAng legend, was the father-confessor of Asoka, is desoribed as the son of Gupta the perfumer. Both these names are clear proof that the participle Gupta could stand as a
sing word; the word wpa is, of course, a mere particle, expressing the idea of lesser,
• For the dates of I-tsing's lite and death, see his 'Records of the Buddhist Religion,' ed. Takakusu, P. IIIvil. The tradition cited is from another work by the same author described by Beal in J. R. 4. 8. XIII., N. S., pp. 552-572.
Tho coins exhibit on the obverse the names and effigies of Chandra Gupta and his consort Kumira Déri, The-reverse has a goddess seated on a lion, and holding fillet and cornucopiæ, with the legend Lichchhavayal, or Lichchivayal, in the nominative plural. I interpret the legends as meaning that the coinage was issued by Chandra Gupta I. in the names of himself, of his wife, and of her family, tbe Lichobhavis. The inscriptions lay great stress on the queen's Lichobhavi ancestry.
The well-known Puranio passage which defines the extent of the Gupta Dominions is applicable to the reign of Chandra Gupta I. only. As given in the V&ya Purana (Hall's ed. of Wilson's Visuņu Purana, Vol. IV. p. 218) it runs :
अनुगंगांप्रयागं च साकेतं मगधास्तथा ।
पताञ्जनपदासर्वभोक्ष्यन्ते गुप्तवंशजाः।। of which the best translation seems to me to be: The [lingo) of the race of Gupta will posses Prayaga on the Granges, SAketam, and the Magadhas all these countries. Såketam, althongh not yet positively identified, was in Southern Oudh (J. R. 4, 8. for 1898, p. 522). Prayaga on the Ganges is Allahabad. The name Magadha in the plural (amending to 4TH ) means, I presume, Bihar both north and south of the Ganges. Similarly, the name Kalinga is used both in the singular and the plural. Compare Vanga and Upayanga Gupta and his son Chandra Gupta II. enlarged the boundaries of the empire so far that the Puranio definition or deagription became wholly inapplicable. This observation may help to indicate the date of the oomposition of the Vayu Parapa. Other texts, as usual, present variations of the passage quoted.
Tho coins of Chandra Gupta I. are described in my work entitled 'The Coinage of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty of Northern India,' in J. R. A. 8. for Jan. 1889 (oited as "Coinago ''p. 63, and 'Observations,' p. 94. The spelling 'Lichchhivayal' is found on one of Mr. Rivett-Carnao's coins, and in the Bhitari pillar inscription of Skanda Gupta, as well as in the spurious Gayd grant purporting to belong to the same roigo, and in the laws of Manu. (Fleet, Gupta Inucriptions,' p. 16.)

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mentions the fact that the Ceylonese sent the conqueror pregents or tribute. It is unlikely that the king of Ceylon should have been sufficiently in dread of the monarch of Northern India to send him gifts, as related both by the Chinese historian and the Allahabad inscription, until after Samudra Gupta's temporary subjugation of Southern India. King Meghavarna of Ceylon having died in A. D. 882, the mission of Mabânâ man to the Indian court, which involved two voyages, may be approximately dated in A. D. 330. The military operations incident to a victorious march of quite thirteen hundred miles and the subjugation of a multitude of kingdoms, as related in the Allahâbâd inscription, may fairly be assumed to have occupied at least three years, Consequently, the accession of Samudra Gupta cannot be placed later than the year A. D. 327 = G. E. 8, and the possible limits of the reign of his predecessor Chandra Gupta are thus further restricted to the brief space of seven or eight years at the most. This inference is quite in accord with the numismatic evidence, inasmuch as the coinage of Chandra Gupta L. occurs in gold only of a single type, and is so rare that the specimens yet discovered do not exceed a score in number,
The accession of Samudra Gupta, who is represented in the genealogical inscriptions as the immediate successor of Chandra Gupta I., and who is stated in the Allâhâbâd inscription to have been appointed heir to the crown during his father's lifetime, may safely be dated in G. E. 8 or 7, equivalent to A. D. 325 or 826.
But the question is complicated by the existence of a small number of gold coins of a single type, about equal in rarity to those of Chandra Gupta I., and bearing the name of Kachs or Kacha. The difficulty is to find a place for Kacha in the very few years available. The coins of that prince are undoubtedly closely related in weight, fabric, and type both to those of Chandra Gupta I., and to the early issues of Samudra Gupta. One hoard, that of Tanda in Oudh, consisted of twenty-five coins, only two of which belonged to the reign of Chandra Gupta I., the remainder being divided between Kacha and the Aśvamedha and Battle-axe types of Samudra Gupta. Both the types last named seem to be intended to commemorate the emperor's victories and conquests. Their reverses, as well as the reverse of Samudra Gupta's Tiger type, are closely related to the reverse of the Kacha coins. The obverse legend of the last-named coins describes the king as the exterminator of all râjas, who is victorious, having subdued the earth by excellent deeds.' The epithet exterminator of all râjas' (sarvarájóchchettá assumed by Kachs is given in five inscriptions to Samudra Gupta and to no other king. The description of Kacha as the victorious conqueror of the earth is also applicable to Samudra Gupta,10 These facts strongly support the suggestion made both by Dr. Fleet and myself that Kacha and Samudra Gupta are identical, and, notwithstanding the difficulty there is in believing
For an account in detail of the conquests effeated by Samudra Gupta, and for the identifloation of Palakka, see my papers entitled Samudra Gupta (J. R. 4. 8. for 1897, p. 19), and The Conquesta of Samudra Gupta' (ibid. p. 859). My revised date for the accession of Samudn Gupta is strongly supported by the forged GayA oopperplate (No. 60 of Fleet) which parports to have been engraved in his reign in the year 9. The entry of this dato shows that the forger believed Samudra Gupta to have been reigning in that year.
Lines 7 and 8, which are thus translated by Dr. Fleet :-"Who, being looked at (with eney) by the faces, melancholy (through the rejection of themselor), of others of equal birth, while the attendants of the court breathed forth deep sighs (of happines) was bidden by (his) father, - who, exolaiming 'Verily he is worthy,' embraced (him) with the hairs of (his) body standing orest (through pleasure) (and the indicative of (hia) sentiments, and moanned (him) with an eye turning round and round in affection, (and) laden with tears (of joy), and perceptivo of Chia noble) nature, -to govern of a surety) W of Chienoble nature, sto govern of anretyl the whole world." A generation later the seleotion of Chandra Gupta II, by his father, Samudra Gupta, is expressed by the words tatparigrihta.
nterladen 10 For the Kacha coins, see Coinage,' p. 74: 'Observations,' p. 95. The spellings Kloha and Kacha both ooour on the coins. For the Asvamedba, Tiger, and Battle-axe types of Samudra Gupta, see 'Coinage,' pp. 64, 65, 72;
Observations, pp. 96, 97, 102. On the Tiger type, the king's title is simply 'ga'; on the Alvamedha and Battleaxe types it is rajadhiraja. The Lyrist type, presumably later in date, exhibits the higher title mahardjadhirdja, The five insoriptions which apply the epithet Sarvardjochchhitta to Samudra Gupta are, (1) Mathura (Fleat, No. 4, p. 27, note), (2) Bilrad (Flert, No. 10), (8) Bihar (Flest, No. 10), (4) Bhitart pillar (No. 13 of Fleet), and (b) the spurious Gay grant of Samudra Gupta, with a genuine seal (Flest, No. 80). In my Coinage' I advoosted the identity of Kacha with Samudra Gupta ; but in 'Observations' I accepted Mr. Bapeon's view that Kaohs was a brother and predecessor. I now revert to my original opinion.

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that Samudra Gupta described himself on his coins by two different names, I feel disposed to adhere to the belief that Kacha is only another name (biruda) of Samudra Gupta.
The only possible alternatives are the theory preferred by Mr. Rapson, who supposes that Kacha was a brother of Samudra Gupta, and enjoyed a very brief reign as his predecessor, or the assumption that Kacha was a pretender, and a rival to the brother who had been selected by their father as heirapparent. It is possible that when Chandra Gupta I. died, his chosen heir was far from the capital in charge of a remote province, or commanding an invasion of foreign territory, and that Kâcha, being on the spot, was in a position to seize the throne of which he maintained possession for a brief space. This explanation of the problem is supported by the fact that Kacha's coins seem to be inferior in purity of metal to those both of Chandra Gupta I. and Samudra Gupta. But the alleged inferiority is not quite certain, 11 Mr. Rapson's suggestion is rendered improbable by the omission of Kacha's name from genealogies, and by the facts that Samudra Gupta was selected by his father as heir-apparent, and always claims to have succeeded directly. On the whole, I lean to the opinion that the hypothesis of the identity of Kacha and Samudra Gupta offer a les difficulties than either of the alternatives.
Bo far as the general chronology of the dynasty is concerned, it is immaterial which solution is accepted. The inscriptions prove that in any case Samudra Gupta must be regarded as the immediate successor of his father. Kâche, if a distinct person, must have been a rival claimant to the throne, who reigned for a short time in the home provinces concurrently with Samudra Gupta.
I waume the year G. E. 7, A. D. 828, ss that in whioh Chandra Gupta I. died, and Bamudra Gupta succeeded him. The rival rule of Kicha, if a reality, cannot have lasted more than a year or two, simultaneously with the beginning of Samudra Gupta's reign.
The year G. E. 82,= A. D. 401, as already observed, fell in the reign of Chandra Gupta II., the son and successor of Samudra Gupta. The latest inscription of Chandra Gupta is dated G. E. 93, and the earliest inscription of his son and successor Kumara Gupta is dated in G. E. 96.12 We cannot therefore err materially if we place the death of Chandra Gupta II, and the accession of his son and successor, KumAra Gupta I., in the year G. E. 94, = A. D. 418.
The interval between 326 A. D. and 413 A. D., amounting to 86 complete years, must be allotted to the two reigns of Samudra Gupta and his son and successor, Chandra Gupta II., who is known to have been reigning in A. D. 401. Evidently both reigns must have been exceptionally long, a fact clearly apparent also from the numismatio evidence.
If we assume that Samudra Gupta was twenty years of age when he entered upon his heritage, it is improbable that he attained an age exceeding eighty years. On this assumption, his death cannot be placed later than A. D. 886, and probably it occurred earlier. In the absence of specific evidence, I assume A. D. 876 as a close approximation to the true date of the transmission of the orown from Samudra Gupta to his chosen and ablo B2000880r, Chandra Gupta II., but the death of Samudra Gupta may have occurred some years earlier.
The limits of the reign of Kumara Gupta I., son and successor of Chandra Gupta II., are known with sufficient accuracy. He came to the throne, Ms we have seen, not earlier than
11 Cunningham gives the following figures as the result of the analyses or assays which he caused to be made (0. Mod. I. p. 16): No. of coins tested. King. Moon weight in graine. Puno gola. Alloy. Highest weight. Obandra Gupta I.
123
1076 154
1238 50 Samudra Gupta.
128
1076 154
1280 Kloha.
123
102-6 20-5
1185 If the highest weight' of 8 specimens of Klobs was 1185, the mean weight cannot have been 128 grains. A coin of Mr. Rivett-Carnao's is said to weigh 1858 (* Coinage,' p. 74). Ordinarily the coins of Kaohs are of light weight, the mean of four specimens being 114-95. Mr. Rivett-Carnac's other specimens weighed 116 6. 11 G. E. 82, Udayagiri insoription of Chandra Gapta II. (Flort, No. 8);
G. E. 93 ; Sánchi insoription of Chandra Gupta II. (Fast, No. 5); G E. 96; Bilsad insoription of Kamara Gupta I. (Fleet, No. 10).
12

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G. E. 93, and not later than G. E. 96. I have assumed G. E. 94, A. D. 413, as the date of his accession. His reign closed at some time in the year G. E. 136, A. D. 455, which is the date of his latest coins and also of the earliest inscription of his son and successor, Skanda Gupta,
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But at this point a difficulty similar to that in the case of Kâcha confronts the historian. The genealogical inscriptions on stone all end no later than Skanda Gupta's reign, and give the succession both of reigns and generations as (1) Gupta, (2) Ghatotkacha, (8) Chandra Gupta I., (4) Samudra Gupta, (5) Chandra Gupta II., (6) Kumara Gupta I., (7) Skanda Gupta.
But the Bhitari seal carries on the genealogy two generations further in the persons of Narasimha Gupta and Kumara Gupta II., while substituting Pura Gupta for Skanda Gupta.13 The question therefore arises, as in the case of Kâcha and Samudra Gupta, whether Pura Gupta is to be regarded as identical with Skanda Gupta or as a rival brother. The further questions may also be raised whether, if Pura Gupta were a distinct person, he preceded, followed, or was contemporaneous with Skanda Gupta. The case, although at first sight similar, differs materially from that of Kacha and Samudra Gupta. The name of Kâcha is known only from a few coins, and nothing except the legends on those coins is on record concerning him to prove or disprove his separate existence. On the other hand, we know concerning Para Gupta that he was a legitimate son of Kumara Gupta I., whom he succeeded at least in the eastern provinces, that his mother was Queen Ananta Dêvi, that his wife was Queen Sri Vatsa Dêvi, and that his son and successor was Narasimha Gupta.
The long inscription on the Bhitari pillar, which unfortunately is not dated, makes pointed allusion to Skanda Gupta's mother, while it strangely abstains from mentioning her name.14
The Bihar inscription (Fleet, No. 12), which gives the usual genealogy, and names the queens of Chandra Gupta I., Samudra Gupta, and Chandra Gupta II., omits the name of the consort of Kumara Gupta I., the mother of Skanda Gupta, but the imperfection of the record leaves it doubtful whether or not the name originally stood in the inscription,
15 An Inscribed Seal of Kumira Gupta II.,' by V. A. Smith and Dr. Hoernle (J. A. S. B., Vol. LVIII., Part I., 1889). The seal, which is composed of an alloy of copper and silver, was dug up in the foundatious of a house at Bhitar! in the Ghazipur District, where the celebrated pillar with Skanda Gupta's inscription stands.
Dr. Hoerale's section of the paper cited discusses with much elaboration the historical results deducible from the seal inscription. I am now fully satisfied that the name of the king who is substituted for Skanda Gupta has been correctly read as Pura Gupta. The readings Puru and Sthira proposed by Cunningham and Bubler, respectively, aré erroneous. The letters Pu-ra on the seal are quite plain. (See Dr. Hoernle's 'Note' appended to my paper entitled 'Further Observations on the History and Coinage of the Gupta period,' in J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIII. (1894), Part I., p. 210.)
14 (Line 5):-"The glorious Kumaragupta, who meditated on his [scil. Chandra Gupta II.] feet, and who was begotten on the Mahadevt Dhruvadevi.
(Line 6): The son of him, the king, who was renowned for the innate power of (his) mighty intellect (and) whose fame was great, is this (present) king, by name Skanda Gupta, who possesses great glory; who subsisted (like a bee) on the wide-spreading waterlilies which were the feet of (his) father who is the most eminent bero in the lineage of the Guptas.
(Line 10):-By whom, when he prepared himself to restore the fallen fortunes of (his) family, a whole night was spent on a couch that was the bare earth; and then having conquered the Pushyamitras, who had developed great power and wealth, he placed (his) left foot on a foot-stool which was the king (of that tribe himself)
(Line 12):- Who, when (his) father had attained the skies, conquered his enemies by the strength of (his) arm, and established again the ruined fortunes of (his) lineage; and then orying the victory has been achieved,' betook himself to (his) mother, whose eyer were full of tears from joy, just as Krishna, when he had slain his enemies, betook himself to his mother Devak!;
(Line 14): Who, with his own armies, established (again his) lineage that had been made to totter. (Line 15) joined in close conflict with the Hapas
(Line 18):- has allotted this village (to the idol), in order to increase the religions merit of his father." (Fleet, p. 55.)
Note the early reference to the (Puranic f) legend of Krishna and Devaki. The inscription records the dedication and endowment of an image of Vishnu ander the name of Baringin. Cunningham found numerous bricks inscribed with the name of 'Sri Kumara Gupta at Bhitar!, which was evidently a royal residence in the time of Skanda Gupta and his father.

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262
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(JUNE, 1902.
=
The Janagarh, Kahgun, and Indor insoriptions (Fleet, Nos. 14, 15, 16), while magnifying Skands Gupta as an illustrious member of the Grapta dynasty, abstain from tracing his genealogy. Skanda Gupta was certainly in power in Western India previous to the bursting of the lake embankment at Junagash in January, A. D. 456 (G. E. 136), and before that date had entrusted the provincial administration of Surashtra to his officer Pargadatta, who had appointed his son Chakrapålita as governor of the city at Junagaph. Chakrapálita repaired the broken embankment during the hot season of A. D. 456 (G. E. 187), and in the following year (G. E. 138) erected a temple to sanctity his work. Considering that coins of Kumâra Gupta I. exist which are dated in G. E. 135 and 136, the dates require the assumption that Kumara Gupta I. died in the spring of A. D. 455, corresponding to the early months of G. E. 136, which began in March, A. D. 455, and extended to February or March, A. D. 456,15 Kumara Gupta I. may be considered to have died in April, A. D. 455. The appointinents of Parnadatta as Viceroy of Sarashtra and of Chakrapálita as Governor of Jûnîgah must have taken effect before the close of A. D. 455. There cannot, therefore, be any doubt that, at least in the west of India, Skanda Gupta was the immediate successor of his father Kumara Gupta I. in the year A. D. 455 (G. E. 180). It is equally certain that five years later he was in full authority over the eastern parts of his father's dominions, because the inscription at Kahâum (Fleet, No. 15) is dated in the month Jyeshtha of G. E. 141, eqnivalent to May or June, A. D. 460, and Kahâum is situated in the eastern end of the Gorakhpur District, at a distance of about ninety miles from Pâţalipntra (Patns). The undated inscription at Bihar, also in the east of the empire, which gives the usual genealogy, likewise treats Skanda Gapta as being the son and immediate successor of Kumâra Gupta I.
On the other hand, the Bhitari Beal, in similar technical language (tasya puttras tat-pádánydhyato), describes Para Gupta as the soa and apparently immediate successor of Kumara Gupta I., and Narasimha Gupta as the son and apparently immediate successor of Pura Gupta. This record of the regular succession from Kamara Gapta I.. through Para Gupta to Narasimha Gupta, is the difficulty which stands in the way of the otherwise plausible and tempting hypothesis that Pura Gupta was a rival brother of Skanda Gupta.
If Pura Gupta disputed the succession to the empire, and succeeded in holding only for a year or two the government of the eastern provinces against Skanda Gupta, who certainly was the direct successor of his father in the western provinces, how could Para Gupta have transmitted the royal dignity to his son? The hypothesis of division of the empire immediately after the death of Kumara Gupta I. seems to be shut out by the language of the inscriptions, especially the long record on the Bhitari pillar, and by the fact that within five years of his father's death, Skanda Gupta was in full possession of both the eastern and the western extremities of his father's extensive empire,
The hypothesis that Para Gupta was the successor of Skands Gupta in the imperial dignity associated with the possession of the eastern provinces, as Budba Gupta certainly succeeded Skanda Gupta in the government of the western provinces as a local raja, is difficult to reconcile with the
18 The important Janigarh insoription of Chakrapalita (Fleet, No. 14), dated during the reigu of Skanda Gupta in the years G. E. 133, 137, 188, has also been edited, though not very carefully, by the late Professor Peterson in the work entitled A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions. Published by the Bhavnagar Archeological Department under the auspioes of His Highness Raol Shri Takhtainghji, G.C.S.I., LL.D. (Cantab.), Maharaja of Bhavnagar. (Bhavnagar : Printed at the State Printing Presa.) N. D. By an unfortunate blunder the translation of the inscription in this work gives the month in whioh the dam burst as being 'Bhadrapada.' The facsimile and transliteration correotly give the '6th day of the month Praushthapada,' equivalent to January.
The date of the record must of our so be taken an G. E. 138,- A. D. 457-8. In the preamble, Lakshmi, the goddess of fortune, is wid to have solooted Skanda Gapta for the throne, 'having discarded all the other sons of kinga.' Those words may refer either to dinpated succession, or to the selection of Skanda Gupta by his father,
The king (line 9) appointed Parpadatta 'to protest in a proper manner the land of the Surfahtras,' and to be lord over the region of the west. Chakrapalita (line 12) 'accomplished the proteotion of the city.'

Page #267

JUNE, 1902.)
EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY,
263
language of the Bhitari soal, which seems to imply the immediate succession of Para Gupta to his father Komâra Gupta I. Bat, as Dr. Hoernle has pointed out, the name of a king who does not stand in the direct genealogical line is sometimes omitted from a dynastic list which is primarily intended to trace the succession from father, tu son rather than from reign to reign. The best solution of the difficulty apparently is to assume that Skanda Gapta, by reason of being childless, is o-nitted from the genealogy of the Bhitari seal, and that he was succeeded by his brother Para Gapta.
The rare gold coins, of which about fifteen specimens are known, which bear on the reverse the title Sri Prakasaditya, and weigh about 146 grains, like the later coins of Skauda Gupta, and those of Narasimha Gupta, were undoubtedly struck by a member of the Imperial Gupta dynasty, who was nearly contemporary with Skanda Gupta. Unluckily the proper name of the king on the obverse has not yet been read on any specimen. The best preserved erample is on from Hardof in Oudh, from the Rivett-Carnac cabinet, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, but even that coin does not clear up the mystery. In the large Bharsar hoard found near Benares in 1851 the thirty-two coins described in detail comprised Samudra Gupta, 6 ; Chandra Gupta II., 10; Kumâra Gupta I , 8; Skanda Gupta, 6; and Prakaśâditya, 2. The rest of the hoard, so far as known, consisted of coins of Chandra Gupta II. The four fully known names in this board are those of Gupta kings in regular succession. The presumption is strong that the fifth name, or title, that of Prakaśaditya, should rank after that of Skanda Gupta, before whom there is no room. It this inference be admitted, the coins of Prakâsâditya must be assigned, as proposed by Dr. Hoernle, to Pura Gapta. No other attribution seems to be possible, for the gold coins of Nara Bâlâditya should certainly be assigned to Narasimha Gupta of the Bhitari seal inscription.
If the Prakabiditya coins are properly assigned to Para Gupta, that king cannot possibly be identical with Skanda Gupta, for the following reason.
The richness of the goll in the Prakasaditya coins hal been noticed many years ago by numismatists, but the significance of this little fact was not intelligible until Cunningham caused chemical analyses, or assays, of the whole Gupta gold series to be made. The tests showed that the Gupta gold coinage from Chandra Gupta I. to, and including, the early years of Skanda Gapta contained about 107 grains of pare gold out of a total weight of 123 grains, the coins being struck to the weight standard of Roman aurei denarii (dinár). Skanda Gupta in his later years struck coins to the suvarna standard of weight, exceeding 140 grains, and so impure that they only contain about 73 grains cach of pure gold. The rich yellow coins of Prakabaditys, weighing 146 grains, contain no less than 1217 grains of pure gold, and are therefore equal in value to the aurei of Augustus (Letronne, 121.94; B. M. 121.136 pure), and superior to any other ancient Indian gold coins. The best Kushan coins have only 112.75 pure out of 123 grains.16 This very surprising fact concerning the Prakaśaditya coinage seems to be best explained by the hypothesis that Pura Gapta, the brother of Skanda Gupta, assumed the title of Prakasaditya, and, after succeeding Skanda Gupta, made a determined effort to restore the purity of the coinage, which had been so grievously debased during the troubles of Skanda Gupta's reign. The reform was of very brief duration, for the coins of Narasimha Gupta, son of Para Gupta, are as debased as the suvarna pieces of Skanda Gupta, and those of Kumara Gupta II. are still worse, containing only 66.5 grains pure out of 150. Skanda Gupta was the first to strike coins of the heavy (suparna) standard. The fact that the coins of Prakaskiditya conform to this standard of weight strongly supports the theory that Pura Gupta succeeded Skanda Gupta.
16 For dinonssion of the coins of PrakMaditys, see Coinage,' pp. 115-117: 'Obaervations,' pp. 125-127. The coins of Narasimha Gupta are described in Coinage,' pp. 113-115; and Observations,' p. 188. The soins of Kumfra Gupta II. (Kramaditya), whioh were in my earlier publications signed to Kamera Gupta I., Aro correctly assigned and described in. Observations,' p. 199. Cunningham's many results will be found in Coin. Med. India, P. 16.

Page #268

264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1902.
No hypothesis for the explanation of Pura Gupta's place in the order of succession is free from difficulty, but after much consideration I have come to the conclusion, in agreement with Dr. Hoernle, that he must be regarded as the successor of his brother Skanda Gupta in the imperial dignity Associated with the government of the home provinces of the vast empire of his ancestors, I imagine that when Skanda Gupta died in about A. D. 482, the western provinces of the empire were lost, and that the deceased monarch was succeeded in the east by his brother Pura Gupta, and in the west by Budha Gupta, who may or may not have been his son, and is known to have been reigring as a local râja in Malaya in A. D. 484 and 494 (G. E. 165 and 175).17 Assuming that the coins bearing the title Prakásaditya belong to Pura Gupta, the rarity of those coins is an indication of a very short reign. The accession of his son Narasimha Gapta Baláditya may be provisionally dated, as proposed by Dr. Hoernle, in A. D. 485. The coins bearing the name Nara and the title Baliditya, which are assigned to Narasimhha Gupts of the Bhitarf seal inscription, are much less rare than those of Prakasaditya, and include many examples in quite base metal. At one time I conjectared that these base metal coins might be posthumuous, but it is preferable to refer them all to the reign of Narasimha Gupta, and to believe that during a long and disturbed reign the coinage was progressively debased. Dr. Hoernle's proposal to regard Narasimba Gupta as identical with the Bâlâditya, King of Magadha, who defeated Mihira Kula about A. D. 580, may be provisionally accepted. If this supposition be correct, the reign of Kumara Gupta II. may be considered to have begun in A. D. 522, and the Bhitarf seal may be referred approximately to that date. The characters of the inscription on the seal look rather earlier.
The long duration of Narasimha Gupta's reign required by Dr. Hoernle's theory is no objection. Most of the Gupta sovereigns enjoyed exceptionally long reigns. Parallels may be found in the series of Mughal emperors, Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan, and Aurangzeb, whose four reigns covered the period from A, D. 1555 to 1707, with an average of 38 years for each reign and generation; and in the Hanoverian dynasty of Great Britain. Three generations and four reigns fill the period extending from the accession of George III. in 1760 to the death of Queen Victoria in 1901, with an average of 47 years for each generation, and 35 years for each reign.
The annexed Revised Chronological Table summarizes in a convenient form my present views concerning the outline of Gupta history. The dates of accession of Chandra Gupta I., Samudra Gupta, Kumara Gupta I., and Skanda Gupta are now known with sufficient accuracy. The most important matter remaining in doubt is the date of the accession of Chandra Gupta II., which cannot he determined from the materials now available. Revised Chronological Table of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty.
Accession, Known Dates. Eerial
King. Title. Son of Queen. No.
Remarks.
G.E.A. D. G. E. A.D. 1 Gupta Maharaja... Un Unknown.... 275 None ... Nono . Probably in the $r!
Gupta, King of Magadha, me tioned by I-tsing (Real, in J. R. A. 8., XIII., N.S., pp. 552-572) as having lived about 500 years before A. D. 700. No coins or contemporary
inscriptions. 2 Ghatot- Ditto ... No. 1... Ditto .. ... 800 None None ... Date estimated, as in
case of No. 1. No coins or contemporary in
scriptions. 1 Erap inscription dated Thursday, 12th Asbadba Sudi, G. E. 168, equivalent to the 21st June, A. D. 484 ; silver colon dated in the year 175, and one specimon dated ? 18[-]. ('Coinago, p. 184, Ind Ant. XIV. 68.) The dato of the insoription (Fleet, No. 19) is exhaustively discussed by Dr. Fleet in pp. 80-84 of his Introduction.
known
11.dhs.

Page #269

JUNE, 1902.)
EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY.
265
Accession
Known Datee.
Serial No.
King.
Titlo.
Bon nf
Queen.
Remarks
.D.
G. E.
A.D.
3
Chandra Gapta I.
Mah&r 4-
dhird
No. 2. Kamera
Dért, of the Lichohhsvi olan.
Founded Gupta Era of which your 1 = 26th Feb, A. D. 320, to 15th March, A. D. 821. No contemporary inscriptions known. Struoka fow gold coins in joint names of himself, bis queen, and the Liebohhavi olan,
Eamudra Gapta.
Ditto ... No. 3... Datta De: 7
323
9
Cins 11
A. D. 828 This data resta on the
authority of the forge! GayA oopper-plata, (Fleet, No. 60). TLO forger may be asenmel to have known that Samadrs Gupta WA4 really reiguing in the
year 9. A. D. 930 Embassy headed by
MabAnAman from King Meghavarpa of Ceylon (A, D. 301-32), 4 related by Wang Hiden Ts'e. T'ho contemporary inseriptions are not dated.
Thry are: (1) Eran (Meet, No. 2); (2) AllAbabad (Pleet,
No. 1). The tragientary i:. Beription at Mathur (No. 89 in Rp. Ind. 11. i9€, 210), dated in th year 57. probably belongs to this reign. The coins, all gold, are not dated, unless tha syllable for si, on cer. tain coins be a date.
Koha, or Sartardjích? No. 3. Unknowo. Kaoba. chheti.
7
38 None
None..] Known from coins only,
whiab olosely resemble those of Samudra Gupta. Probably iden. tical with him, and, it distinct, must be regarded as a rival brother who reigned contemporaneously for a short time in the entorn proViDoos.
Chandra Gupta II.
Mahardjl. dhirdja.
No. 4.. Duraya
Dert.
53
375
Udayagiri indoription Gh (Plecl, No.
inecription (Plecl, No.7): Coins of. Vikranlditya typo, as read by Bayley and Newton ("Coinage, p. 122), and confirmed by a coin in onbinet of NE N. Wright. Serchi insoription (Floet, No. 5).

Page #270

20G
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1902.
Acession.
Known Dates.
Serial
No.
King.
Title.
Son of
Queen.
Remarks
4. D.
A
D.
Kumfra Gupta L
Mahardjd.
Thiri
No. 6...Ayanta
Dert.
94
113
486
do.
Do.
Skands Gupta.
Mabárkje dhiraja.
No. 6... Unknown... 136
136
534
Bilsad inscription (Floet,
No. 10) Gadhw& ineeription
(Pleat, No. 9). 113
Mathur inscription (Ep.
Ind. II. 199, 210); (117)
Mandasir insoription (Post, No. 18, dated in
V. S. 493); Silver Coins (Coinage,' p. 12); Do.
do. Do.
do. Mankuwr insoription
(Plest, No. 11); Silver coins (*Coinage,
p 198). 186
Do do do. 136
Silrer coins (Dr. Vost's Cabinet; J. 4. B. B. for
1894, Part I., p. 175). 455
Janigarh inscription (Fleet, No. 14);
Dodo. do.
Do. do. do. Kah&um ipseription
(Fleet, No. 15); Silver coins ('Coinage,' P. (134);
Do. do. do.. 461 Indor insoription (Fleet,
No. 16) 147:(P 140) 146 (P 468) Silver coins ('Coinage,
P. 194):
Dodo. do.
Do. do. do. The queen's name, which
is given on the obverse of the gold King and Queen type, is illegible on the four known
specimens. 482 None...None ... Na contemporary in
seriptions. The fine gold heavy coins bearing the title Prak168ditys are saigned to
this king. 485 None ... None. ... No contemporary in
scriptions. The gold coina bearing the legend Nara Ballaitya are as
signed to this king. 522 None None. The undated Bhitarial
belongs to this rega
Coinage very debased Budha Gupta, with the spbordinate designation of bhepati, is known from the Erap pillar in Beription (Flest, No. 19) to have been Roja of Malaya in G. E. 165,= A. D. 184. His silver coins are dated in G. E. 175, = A. D. 494 (Fleet in Ind. Ant. XIV. 68); Cunningham read the date ae 174 (Coinage,' p. 134).
188479
8
Para Gupta.
Ditto ..Ditto... Br Vatsa-
Devi.
168
&
Narasithia
Ditto .. No. 8....8r1(P) MahA 166
Gupta.
10
Kumbra Gupta II.
Ditto ... Ko. 2.. Unknown ... 218

Page #271

JUNE, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY.
267
,
150
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 251.) Abstracts of the Expences of one of the Vessels employed at the Andamans on the Old Establishment and One. now Proposed,
old Establishment. 1 Captain @ 375 C. Rs. pr. Month
.. ... ... 323 4 5 1 first Officer
..... 129 5 0 1 Second Do. 100
...
... ... 86 3 4 1 Gunner 46 Sa. Rs.
... 40 00 4 Quarter Masters
... 100 00 6 Native Helmsmen,
... 7200 1 Carpenter
... 2500 1 Caulker 25
... 15 00 1 Sarang 15 ,
... 15 00 1 First Tindal » 12
... 12 00 1 Second Do. 10
... 10 00 1 Cusab » 10
... 10 00 30 Lascars
... 180 0 0 1 Captains Cook
OO 2 Captains Servants,
.... 16 0 0 2 Officers Do.
... ... 16 0 0
55 men.
Provisions for the Above Men for One Month...
...
...
Sa. Rupees...1292 12 9
Proposed Establishment. @ 375 C Rs. pr. Month , 150
100 40 Sa. Rs.
>
>>
1 Captain 1 First Officer 1 Second Do. 1 Gunner 1 Boatswain 1 Carpenter 1 Caulker 4 Quartermasters 10 Seamen 1 Sarang 1 First Tindal 1 Second Do.
, ,
40 15
.. 323 4 5 ... 129 5 0 ... 86 3 4
00 ... 40 00 ... 40 00 ... 15 00 .... 80 0 0 ... 16000 ... 15 00 ... 12 00 ... 1000
each.
,
16
each
.
15
)
12 10
»

Page #272

268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1902.
10 Sa. Rs. pr. Month 7 »
10 Casab 20 Lascars 1 Captain's Cook 2 Captains Servants, 2 Officers Do.,
10 0 0 ... 140 00 ... 300 ... 1600 ... 160
50 men,
Provisions for the abore Men for one Month
...
...
... 338
0
0
Sicca Rg. ... 1478 12
9
Xlajor Kyd tho Superintondant at the Andamans attends the Board, for the purpose of explaining the References to the Chart mentioned in his Letter of the 25th Instant and this being done the Chart is retarned to him, and he withdraws.
Agreed that Major Kyd be informed that the Governor General in Council approves of the Instructions he left with Engineer Stokoe in his Letter dated the 28th of June for putting the Companys Settlement at the Andamans in a state of defence to resist any Attacks of Privateers, or any &mall French Armament.
Ordered that he be directed to furnish two Copies of the Plan alluded to in that letter of the Point of the Island that one may be transmitted to the Honble Court of Directors and the other remain in Bengal.
Agreed that the Detachment of depoys at Port Cornwallis be encreased to the Strength of two Companies to be made up of Volunteers from the Battalions at Barrackpore.
That & Small Detachment of European Artillery consisting of 1 Serjeant, 1 Corporal two Gunners and 10 mattrosses be held in readiness to proceed to Port Cornwallis.
That a Detachment of 1 Serang 1 Tendal and 40 experienced Gun Lascars be draited from the Artillery Lascars at the Presidency for the same purpose.
Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requer ted to issue the necessary Orders in Conformity to the foregoing Resolutions.
Agreed that a proportion of Artillery and Stores, according to the List furnished by Major Kyd be in readiness to be sent to Port Cornwallis, and that the Military Board do give the Directions that are required in consequence upon receiving the Indents that will be furnished by the Superintendent.
Agreed that the Saporintendant be authorized to procure as many Bildars as can be sent in the next Vessels that may be dispatched to the Andamans and that he be directed to apply to the Garrison Storekeeper for the additional Supply of Provisions that will be wanted at the Settler.ent for the tise of these men.
Agreed that the vessels on the Andaman Station be armed, that the Establishment recommended by Major Kyd be authorized in lieu of that now existing that Orders be sent to the Master Attendant to assist in procuring the additional Europeans that will be immediately wanted for the Sea Horse, and for any other Vessel on that Establishment that may in future be fitted out, when that happens.
Ordered that a Cory of the new Establishment be sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster for his guidance, and that he be informed that the new Establishment for the Sea horse to take place from the 1st of next Montb.

Page #273

JUNE, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
269
Ordered that Commissions, corresponding as far as possible with those issued to Commanders &ca, of Country Ships, since the beginning of the War, be given to the Commanders and Officers of the Vessels at the Andaman Station.
1793. - No. XL.
Fort William 9th Angue 1708. Read a Letter from the superintendant at the Andamans, To Edward Ray Esqr. Secretary to Government,
Sir,- Accompanying I have the pleasnre of transmitting to you for the inspection of the Governor General in Council, my Account Current wili the Honble Company brought up to the period of 'my Leaving Port Cornwallis with the Various Accounts of particulars referred to in it.
I will beg the favor of you to observe to the Board that on my taking Charge of the Settlement, I found that every class of people were paid in Sicca Rupees ; conceiving however that to bring this Establishment to a Conformity with all other Military Establishments it would be the wish of Government, to have the accounts kept in Sonant Rupees; I have with some little difficulty made this Charge as will be perceived by the Pay Rolls from the 15th March. Fort William
I bave the honor to be &ca. 5th August 1703.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans. Ordered that a copy of Major Kyd's Letter be sent, with the Account enclosed in it and the Vouchers, thereof, to the Military Auditor General, with Instructions to Examine and Report on the Account.
Tbe. Auditor General is to be informed that it is the intention of the Governor General in Council that the present Superintendant at the Andamans shall be allowed, from the time of his Appointment, the Pay and full Batta that his Rank may entitle him to on that Command, that is the Pay of his actual Rank, and the fall Batta of the Rank immediately superior.
1793. - No. XLI.
Fort William 26th August 1798. The following Letter and its Enclosure were received, on the 24th Instant, from the Commissary of Stores. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I herewith have the Honor to enclose an Invoice, and two Bills of Lading, for Stores Shipped on the Sea Horse Schooner, Commanded by Lieutt. Gecrge Thomas, for the Andamans.
I have the Honor to be &ca. Fort William
(Signed) W. Golding Commissary of Stores. 24th August 1793.
Enclosed in the Letter from the Commissary of Stores 24th August. Invoice of Siores dispatched on the Brig Sea Horse to the Andamans Captain George Thomas Commander.
Fort William 23rd August 1793. Saws ... ... Pit ... .. ... ... ... ... ... .. 3
Crosscut) in 8 bundles ... ... . .. ... ... ... 10 Spanges with Rammer's in one do. ... ... ... ... ... 6 pdr. 4

Page #274

270
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(June, 1902.
Shot fixt to Bottoms Grape
Round
in 25 Mangoe Boxes
some
.
6 do 100 6 do. 400 12 do. 1200
...
"
Loose Round ... ... ... Rope White Country in 2 Bundles
Wt. 6, 271 Backets Fire or Gan in 1 do. ... Dragropes Gun)
o In Coils ...
pr. 12 pd.
..
... 8. Rs.
10
Match Gun Country wt. 31
Sin 1 bundle Linstocks with Cocks Twine Jute
in 2 do. ... Cartridges Empty Serge ... ... ..
9
... Mds. 12 pnder. 6 do.
...
...
200
...
... ... ... 2400 100 lb. Barrels do.
10
10 ... ... ... 20
do.
".
Blocks Iron for Gina .. Gins ... ... ... ... ... *** Cartridges paper Balled Musquet in 18 100 lb. B'ls. Powder Bengal Coarse
1 . Medium ... »
Fine ... Tarpawlins Large in 6 Bales ...
** Carriages Garrison wood trucked 12 pder. Ordnance. . Iron Guns Owt. 202-1-23 ... .. Handspiks Common Unshod Spunges with Rammers in Bundles ... Ladlos Copper Gun and wadhooks (in two do.) ... Carriages Field Gun and Limbers Ordnance Brass Guns English (Owt. 11-1-22)... Handspiks Traversing ... ... ... ... Ladles Copper Gun and wadhooks (in 1 Bund.)
Package Barrels Empty 100 lb. with 4 Copper hoops Common Bozee Mangoe ... Gunny Chatties ... Nails Europe 10d. ... Okum ... ... Plank Teak Sheathing Rope Jute Lashings Twine Bengal ... Wax Cloth ...***...
...12 pds.
... 12 Poundr. 12 Do. 6 Do. 6 Do.
... ...
...
...
6 Do.
2
.
** ***
... ...
18 23
N
... ... ... Seers ... ... ... Mds.
... ... ... .. ... 8. R3. ... ... Seer
... ... pieces (Signed) Wm. Golding
Commissary of Store.
5 1 3 17 0

Page #275

Jun, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY.
271
Agreed that the following Letter be Written to Major Kyd and that the Instructions that will be entered after it be sent to Lieutt. Thomas who Commands that Vessel. Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant of the Andamans.
Sir, - The Company's Brig Seahorse belonging to the Andaman Station, being ready to depart for Port Cornwallis, it is the Board's desire that you will send such Instructions as you may think necessary to Lieutenant Wells, and Senior Officer in Charge of the Settlement during your absence, Concerning the People and Consignments of Stores dos, embarked on the vessel forwarding to him at the Same Time the enclosed Bill of Lading, and Copy of an Invoice transmitted to this Office by Lieutenant Golding.
You will also receive herewith Copy of Sailing Orders to Liontonant Thomas Commander of the Seahorse, that it may be sent to Lieutenant Wells. Council Chamber
I am &ca. 24th August 1798. Lieutenant George Thomas Commanding the Company's Brig, Sea Horse,
The Bildars and Coolies intended for the Service at the Andamans and the Consignments of Military Stores Provision, & other Articles, for that Settlement, baving been embarked on the Veseell under your Command you are directed on Receipt of this to weigh your Anchor ; and make the best of your way to Port Cornwallis, where on your Arrival you will follow the Orders of the Senior Officer in Charge of the Settlement for future Guidance.
You will pay Particular Attention to the Accommodation of the Natives Proceeding on the Sea Horse, and give euch orders to your Officers as you may think necessary to prevent any improper interference on the part of the Ships Company with them during the Passage. Council Obamber
I am &ca. 24th August 1798.
1793. - No. XLII.
Fort William 8th September 1708. The Secretary lays before the Board a Bill of Mr. Brittridge, amounting to Sicos Rupees 1.230. Consisting of charge of Sicca Rapees 1200 for engraving a Chart of the North Part of the Andamans and Sa. Rs. 50 for Printing off 100 Copies of it on Super Royal ? aper.
Ordered that the Bill be passed the charge being conformable to the Agreement made by Captain Blair, and Ordered that it be paid by the Civil Paymaster in whore Favor an Order on the Treasury is to be issued for the Amount.
Read a Letter from Mr. R. Brittridge. T. Edward Hay Esqre.
Sir. - In the bill which I had the pleasure to send to you yesterday for Sicca Rupees 1250 & Charge for One hundred impressions taken off the Copper Plate of the Obart of the North part of the Andamans, which I learn from my Sircar you have not yet received In consequence thereuf I beg leave to inform you that they were delivered to Captain Wales, who forwarded them to Captain Kyd.
I am, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant September 4th 1798.
(Signed) R. Brittridge. Ordered that Major Kyd be desired to send to the Secretary as many Charts (100 in Number) furnished by Mr. Brittridge of the North Part of the Andamans as are not required by the Superintendant.at Port Cornwallis, and that Mr. Brittridge be required to transmit the Copper Plate to the Secretary of Government.

Page #276

272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1902.
1703. - No. XLIII.
: No. 1.
18th September 1703.28 Letter from Superintendant at Andamans dated 10th September. Reports that the Cornwallis Snow requires great Repairs, and requests that the Master Attendant be desired to examine into the State oi the vessel and return her to the Andaman Establishment as soon as possible, Informs that three Veseels will be always necessary to be constantly employed to transport Provisions &ca. offers a Vessel built by the late Colonel Kyd (Terms) - Requests an Order for ten thousand Rupees on Account of the Expences of the Andaman Establishment.
The Marine Ocers to examine into the State of the Cornwallis Snow Major Kyd desired to state the Specific terans of Monthly bire for the Vessel he mentioned including Wear & Tear and all risks excepting that of Capture -The charge for the Commander, Officers & Crew Govt. will take npon themselves - Treasury Order Issued.
No. 2. Read & Lottor from the Superintendant at the Andamans Vated 14th September.
Informs that Mr. Brittridge only Struck off 80 copies of the Chart of the North East Harbour of the Andamans and that it was his intention to have sent them with the Copper Plate to the Secretary's Office.
To be Deposited in the Secretary's Office. Ten Copios to be sent to Madras, Bombay and the Superintendant of Prince of Wales Island and Twenty to be forwarded to the Court of Directors.
1793. - No. XLIV.
Fort William 7th October 1793. The following Letter was received yesterday from Lieutenant Wells at Port Cornwallis. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary &ca. &ca.
Sir, - I have the honor to inform you of my having drawn the undermentioned Bills, on the Governor General in Council at Thirty days Sight, for Oash paid by Individuals into the public Treasury of this Settlement, Vizt. 1793 Payable
Sicca Rs. Augt. 10th. To Mr. David Wood or Order for ... ... ... ... 600 0 0 Septr. 18th. To Do.
Do. ... ... ... ... 300 0 0 20: To Mersrs. Paxton Cockerell Trail & Co. or Order ... ... 2800 0 0
Rs. 3700 0 0 Amounting together to the Sum of Three Thousand and Seven hundred Sicca Rupees.
I have the Honor to be with Respect
Sir
Your Most Obedient Humble Servant (Signed) Edmund Wolls, Lieut. In tempry. Chargo at the Andamans, Port Cornwallis 23rd September 1793, Ordered that the Bills, above advised be duly honored.
26 The two next letters, abstracta of which (copied from the Index of 1799) only are given below, are not to be found in detail in the Consultation Book.]

Page #277

JUNE, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIlITH CENTURY
273
1793. No. XLV.
Fort Willian 7th Ootober 1793. Read Letters from the Superintendent at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - As I have understoood from the Military Auditor General to whom the accounts of the expences incurred at the Andamans, since the period of my being appointed to the Superintendance of that Settlement have been Submitted, that there are some charges for which there does not appear to be any authority in his Office, I have thought it best to prevent the Board being troubled with references, to give a more full explanation with the Accounts than I thought necessary when I gave them in, wbich will enable you to judge what further information it may be necessary for you to transmit to the Auditor General to enable him to Audit their Accounts which I am pretty Confident are Conformable to the Spirit of the instructions I have from time to time received from the Board.
The first Charge in my Account Current, is for Cash, advanced to Captain Blair, which he applied to me for, to enable him to pay up the Establishment to the period when I took Charge, this as a Contingent Charge should in Compliance with the Resolution of Council of the 18th Febry. Jast, have been accompanied with Captain Blair's Receipt as a Voucher, and an explanation, but which I did not think necessary to give as the transaction would appear in Captain Blair's Accounts.
The Second Article of charge is entirely of a Contingent Nature being for a great Variety of Small Articles, found absolutely Necessary for the Settlement, -as by the account of particulars, which I suppose is Sufficiently explanatory with this Bill it is not possible to furnish all the Vouchers as enjoined [by] the Resolution in Council as Many of the Articles furnished are of a trifling nature purchased in the Bazar for which there was no Bills, but I will beg you to call the Board's attention to this Resolution and to Request they will please to Consider whether an officers being required to declare upon honor, that the Charges he makes are just, does not preclude the necessity of a Voucher.
The Third Article is for advance of Pay to such Artificers and Labourers as I imagined could be conveyed in the Vessels that were at that period under dispatch towards completing the establishment then thought necessary - Many of these people it was found could not be taken with Safety on these Vessels, and were put on shore at Fultah, and were discharged by my directions on my finding from the lateness of the Season and the Inclemency of the Weather, that it would have been extremely inconvenient and imprudent to have encreased the Number of Settlers, the whole of these People therefore do not appear on the Returns as an encrease to the establishinent but only such as actually went - Nor will any pay be drawn for those till the Month of June, the period to which they are paid by this Advance, as there will appear on the Returns, a Beach Master and Assistant, and some Boat Lascars that were not authorised by the Board's Resolution of the 18th February it will be Necessary that the Auditor General be acquainted, that this encrease was by the Boards permission in consequence of my application pointing out the Necessity of such an Establishment.
The Fourth Charge is for my Pay and Batta which is consonant to the Standing Regulations of the Service.
The Sixth and Seventh Articles are the Pay abstracts of the Sepoy Detachment and of the Commissaries Establishment, which I have no doubt is according to the foris laid down by the Regulation.
l'he Eighth Article is for the Pay of Artificers and laborers from the 15th of February to the end of May - their Pay Rolls it will be observed are only for such people as I found at the Settle. ment and will not agree with the Monthly Return of People present, Many of whom will not begin to draw pay till the 1st of June as before remarked in Speaking of the 3rd Article of charge.

Page #278

274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[JUNE, 1902.
The Ninth Article is for the Pay and dlowances of the Engineer Officer as fixed by the Resolutions of Council on that head.
The last Article of the Account Carrent is for my Agent's Commission on a draft for 5,000 SA. Rs. for Cash received into the Treasure Chest from various individuals as will appear in the Credit side of the Acoount of this Charge I acquainted you when it cocurred and had thro' you the Boards authority for making it.
Fort William I have the honor to be Sir Your Most Obedient Humble Servant Ist October 1708.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Agreed that the Subject of the above Letter Erəm the Superintendent at the Andamans shall lie for consideration,
2798.- No. XLVI. To Ootin Shakespear Baqr. Sub Secretary,
Sir, - In answer to your letter of the 16th Beptember I beg you will be so good as to inform the Board, that I can afford to hire the Nautilus Brig to Government for 650 Sec Rs. per Month, as will appear by the following Calculation, which is made upon Sapposing the value of the Vessel to bo 16,000 Rupees, which I bog leave to assure the Board is a Moderate Valuation.
I also transmit a necessary Establishment of officers and Men for that Vessel with s calculation of the Monthly expence of Provisions and Wear and Tear, which was made out by Lieutenant Wales.
A Note from Mr. Downie wbich also accompanys this points out that the Insgrance against the dangers of the Seas, will ba 14 pr. Ot. Sapposing tha Vessel goes three times out of the River in one year.
The whole possible expence to Government for this Vossel employing and paying their own Officers and Crew will be 1755 Rs. pr. Month. Fort William
I bare the honor to be &ca. 7th Dotober 198
(Signed) A. Kyd Saperintendant Andamans. Wear & Tear pr. Month .. ..
... 800 0 Insurance on 16,000 Rs. at 14 pr. Ot. ... ... ... ... 186 0 0 Interest on 16,000 Rs. at 10 pr. Ct. ... . . . ... 135.0 0
De 619 00
Inclosed in do. 7th October.
Major A. Kyd Superintendant at Andamans. Sir, -The Insurance Office, to which airlie Beed &.00. are Secretary will cover your little Vessel for One Year for 12 per Dent against every danger but that of the Enemy and they require an additional premium of One per Oent for every time she may Sail out of the Hoogly oftener than one in the Course of twelve Months.
Mr. Reid says that before the Insurance is made, they must know the Name of the vessel, and if she is here will send their inspector to look at him (rio).
Lam Sir Your Most Obedient.Hamble Servant 26th September 1703.
(Signed) B. Downie. Enolowed in the Letter from the Superintendent at the Andamans- 7th October.

Page #279

JUNE, 1902.
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH-CENTURY.
275
O
••
-•.
t.
Monthly Establishment for the Nautilus Brigg. 1 Captain @ 375 C. Rs. pr. Month
... 828 4 5 1 First Officer 150
50 1 Second Do. 100
... 86 8 4 1 Ganner
... 4000 1 Carpenter
... 40 00 4 Quarter Masters 20 each
.... 8000 1 Caulker .. ...
... 15 00 1 Syrang ... ... ..
... 1500 1 First Tindal ... ..
... 1200 1 Second Do
... 10 00 1 Cusah (Oossob, batoher]
0 0 15 Lascars ... . ...
... 105 00 3 Captain's Servanta ...
... 24 00 2 Officers' Servants . .
... 16 00 34 Mens Pay for one Month is .
... 905 129 Provisions for these Men one Month....
... 200 0 0 Wear and Tear of Vessel per Month ...
... 800 0 0 Sicce Rupees ... 1405 129
I have onlcnlated the Wear and Tear upon a-Bapposition that the vessel may want every 6 Months a Sait of Sails and a Cable and Anchors which I think is as little as can possibly be allowod for, if she does not want them, she will other things that will come to the same renta.
Agreed that the Nautilus Brig be fredghted by Government for 650 Sioca Rupees per Mengem, that the Establishment proposed by Major Kyd for the Vessel be kept up on account of the Company; and that the necessary Orders in consequence be sent to the Acting Marine Pay Master by the Secretary.
1798.- No. XLVIL.
Superintondant at the Andamans 7th Oott To Edward Hey Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sit, - Accompanying I have the honor of transmitting you a letter from Lieutenant Wells in charge of the Settlement at the Andamans which I have just received by the Union Brig: - also the Surgeons Reports of Sick for the Months of July Augast and September which papers I request you will be so good as to lay before the Board for their Information Respecting the state of the Settlement.
I am very happy to have it in my power to acquaint the Board that by my private letters from Mr. Wells and Mr. Wood, I learn that the alarming Sion , which provailed during the first part of the Rainy season has been very much got under and there is very great hopes that on the expected Retarning fair Weather, the Settlers will again be healthy.
You will perceive by. Lieutenant Wells's letter that some part of the Provisions last indented for had not been received, this was Owing to the Seahorse, being unable to bare (no) the whole, and the remaining part is now in .chango: of the Acting Commissary of Supplies ready to be sent by the first opportunity.

Page #280

276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1902.
I will also beg of you to represent to the Board that the greatest part of the live Stock sent by the Seahorse perished from the Soverity of the Weather which that Vessel experienced [in] her passage and that as the Settlement is very Much in want of fresh Provisions it will be very Necessary that the Cornwallis Snow shonld (as soon as she can be spared from the Pilot Service) be delivered again to the Charge of Lientenant Wales in order that she may be speedily fitted out and a Crew provided.
If on Considering on the answer I have given to Mr. Shakespear's letter, respecting the Nautilus Brig the Board are pleased to employ that Vessel for the Andaman Establishment, and if they do not intend to Continue the Union Brig on freight. I beg that Lieutenant Bopor May be appoi ated to the Command of her, when he May immediately proceed to fitting her out, which I will give him every Means of doing in the best Manner; and I think the alteration that May be necessary to Make on her to fit her for the Service (can be completed in little More than a Month from the time it is commenced.
I have the Honor to be Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant Fort William
(Signed) A. Kyd Ootobor 7th 1798.
Superintendant Andamang.
Enclosed in Do. 7th October. To Major A. Kyd Saperintendent of the Settlement at the Andamans at Fort William.
Sir. - The Honble Company's Brig Seahorse arrived here on the 15th Instant with two Sirdare & Eighty Coolies, all in perfect hoalth and were immediately landed. I have the pleasure to add, that they will be in course of a day or two commodiously lodged, tho they are at present some what otherwise by car total want of Tents.; not one having been received by this Conveyance.
All the Military Stores are likewise landed, anú the two brass Guns ; but I have thonght it better on many Considerations to leave the heavy Ordnance on board, as besides the want of Means to land them untill a Raft be constructed, we are at present wholly unprovided with People to use them, or any proper place for their reception.
The Dholl and Ghee is also on shore, a considerable proportion of my last Indent No. 3 dated June 27th 1793, on the Garrison Storekeeper, etill Remains due, if admitted by the Military Board, and I hope it will be sent by the next Vessel. Our former Dholl in Stores, is very old and chiefly of the Kissarry kind, which the Bengal Natives believe to be, from its indigestible quality, only fit for use in a partioular Season, and exceedingly improper for Men under ill Health.
I beg leave to refer to your inspection the Surgeon Mr. Wood's Reports of the Hospital for the complete Months of July ad August, And to the present date with his concluding Remarks, which are enclosed, and will convey to yop. correct information of the State of the Sick.
Since my last, per the Rose the Weather has been in general less violent than about that Time Yet the Rain has been so frequent, and some times heavy since that period, as to afford few oppertunities of doing any Work without Doors, besides repairing the damages it has Occasioned to the Buildings. It has for this reason been utterly in practicable to do any thing further than what I mentioned in my former Letter, towards the general Plan of Defence for the Settlement. But as soon as the People by the Seahorse were sufficiently recovered from the common Inconveniences of their Sea passage, Namely, on the Morning of the 17th, they were all.delivered over to the Charge of Enaign Stokoe who is now industriously employed in the construction of the Works agreeably to your written Instructions to him, and shall during the progrees thereof receive every additional aid of Labourers that can possibly be given to him after providing for the other indispensible Daties of the place.

Page #281

JUNE, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
277
I shall lose no time in making such an addition to the Building now occupied by the European Non Commissioned Officers as will afford proper accommodation to the Artillery Men who (from the perusal of the Correspondence you have favored me with Copies of) I shall expect to be sent from the Presidency as soon as you deem the Season Sufficiently suitable.
The Union Brig, which I mentioned to have dispatched to the Caricabars on the 12th of July, did not return to this Port untill the 12th of August, having experienced very adverse Winds and bad Weather, but sustained no material damage. Lieutenant Boper was unable to procure more Live Stock than 20 small Hogs, and about the same number of Fowls ; but brought an ample supply of Coconuts, Limes and other Fruits of that Kind, which were very acceptable to all the People.
By the present dispatch of that Vessel, I have allowed some People of different descriptions to proceed to Calcutta, the Names of whom, and Motives on which I was induced to comply with their Requests are contained in the Enclosure No. 1. They have all received their full pay and allowancex up to the 30th Instant,
I have likewise the honor to enclose No. 2 my Account Carrent of Cash disbursements, made up to the 81st of the past Month together with the several particulars and Vouchers appertaining, and marked as therein specified (Vizt, No.1 to 12) which I request you will be pleased to forward to the Secretary of Government.
Also No. 3 a Schedule of the Bills which under the general Instructions, I have drawn upon the Governor General in Council, for Monies paid by Individuals into the public Treasury here. I beg to observe, though possibly it may not be a Matter of Moment, that the blank Bills with which I am furnished are wholly "first of Exchange" the Counterpart or "second of Exchange" to complete the setts, have been omitted to be sent; and I presume if it be of any consequence, they will be forwarded by a future Oppertunity.
Monthly Returns for June and July of the different Classes of People in the public Employ, are also enclosed for your Information and are marked A. B.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servt.
(Signed) Edmund Wells In tompry. Charge of the Settlement. Port Cornwallis Sept. 23rd 1703.
Enclosed in Do. 7th October. Report of the Sick under Medical treatment at Port Cornwallis during
the Month of July 1793. [A detailed account for each day is given; the following are the total figures for the month.]
Remaining in Hospital on 30th Jane ... Admitted during July
... ... ... 147 Discharged »
... ... ... ... ... 86 Dead Remaining in Hospital on 31st July
... 107 Port Cornwallis
(Signed) David Wood August 1st 1793.
Actg. in a Medical Capacity. Report of the Sick under Medical treatment at Port Cornwallis, from
the 1st of August to the 1st of September 1793. Admitted during August ... ... ... ...
... ... 116 Discharged ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 130
55

Page #282

278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1902
Dead .. Remaining in Hospital on 31st August
...
...
..
...
...
87
Port Cornwallis September 1st 1793.
(Signed) David Wood Acting in a Medical Capacity.
Report of the Sick under Medical treatment at Port Cornwallis from
the 1st to the 22nd Sept. 1798. Admitted during September ... ... ... ... ... ... . 55 Discharged
* .. ... ... ... ... .. 76 Dead Remaining in Hospital 22nd September
In the beginning of August, the Sick list had encreased to an alarming degree, upwards of one fourth the people in the Island, were totally unfit for any kind of duty. The principal complaint was the remitting fever, that commenced in July. The disease upon the whole, has not been fatal, but many have been reduced to the greatest state of debility, from the
Obstinacy of the complaint, and the indurations of the Spleen which were exceedingly common and • appeared to be the Chief cause of the tedious recoveries.
Latterly I was objectes [? obliged] to leave off the use of Mercury for the obstructions, on account of the great debility of the patients, the least degree of Salivation would have sunk thena rast recovery. The obstructions of the Spleen could not proceed from the use of the Bark, for my stock was unfortunately all expended, by the beginning of August. I was obliged to have recourse to the Camphire Julep, Chyrotta & the Saline mixture. The greater part of August was pretty favorable weather, which was of great advantage to the Sick, & towards the en i of the Month, the list was considerably reduced, In the course of the month six deaths happenel, three occasioned by the flux, & three from fevers.
From the 6th of Septr. the weather has been very favorable; the sea breeze has set in almost daily. There has not so many fallen by as in the preceeding Month, & those who have been lately taken ill, have regular quotidians or tertians; There are sixty on the list this day, about fourty of these are convalescents, twelve fevers, the others trifling complaints. I look forward with pleasure to the approaching fair weather, when I expect the Sickness of the people will be greatly removed. Three deaths have happened in the course of this Month, the first a boy who had a fever, & who was afterwards seized with the flux ; the second a labourer who had been ill with a fever for a considerable time, but had got it checked for several days before his death; the third was also a labourer, he had been in the Hospital from the beginning of Febry., his complaint a large Concerous [growth] on his left leg and anklo.
(Signed) David Wood Acting in a Medical Capacity.
Port Cornwallis Septr. 22nd 1798.
Agreed that Lt. Roper be appointed to the Command of the Nautilus, us recommended by Major Kyd, the Board baving determined that the Freight of the Union shall be discontinued, & agreed that Major Kyd be desired to have the Nautilus fitted out for Service without delay.

Page #283

TONE, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY
279
1793. - No. XLVIII.
Fort William 7th Ootober 1793. Read a Letter and its enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board. To John Tombelle Esqre. Sub Secretary
Sir,-I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the enclosed Copy of a List of Necessaries which they have received from Mr. David Wood acting Surgeon to the Andamans, which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council, and to acquaint his Lordship that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to farnish the necessaries required.
I have the Honor to be Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant Fort William Hospital Board Office
(Signed) A. Campbell, Secry. the 7th October 1798.
Enclosed in Do. Necessaries &ca. Wanted for the Use of the Settlement and Cruisers
at Port Cornwallis. 10 Dozen Madeira Wine 3. Do. Brandy 4 Do. Vinegar 2 Do. Lime Juice 1 Maund Tamarinde 4 Do. Sugar 4 Do. Bazar Oil A Bags Flower 10 Seer Candles for the use of the Dispensary Stationary for Reports, Indents &ca.
(Signed) David Wood Aoting in a Medical Capacity. Edmund Wells In tempry. Charge of the Settlement Port Cornwallis (A true Copy). Septr. 23rd 1798.
Agreed that the Hospital Board be authorized to direct the Parveyor to furnish the Necessaries wanted at Port Cornwallis, and desired to have them in readiness for dispatch to that Settlement by the first Opportunity that offers.
1703. - No. XLIX.
Fort William the 21st Ootober 1793. Read a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to Government.
Sir,- Ab I have learnt that the Corwallis Snow is arrived at the Banksall, I beg you will be so good as to represent to the Board the necessity of ordering her to be delivered immediately in charge to Ideutenant Wales, and that the Master Attendant may be directed to proceed with all expedition to the necessary repairs and equipment, to render that Vessel fit for the Andaman Service.

Page #284

280
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
As the Board have also been pleased to determine on employing the Nautilus Brig, I have to request that Lieutenant Roper may be ordered to take charge of her, from the 1st of November, that he may proceed with his equipment, and providing a proper Crew.
As Officers are wanted for the Nautilus, and seniority in promotion has been strictly attended to, I hope the Board will approve of Mr. Timings, now Second Officer of the Cornwallis, being appointed first Officer to the Nautilus and Mr. Somerville who has been an Officer of the Union to replace Mr. Timings.
Fort William
21st October 1793.
The Governor General in Council observes, upon the first part of Major Kyd's Letter, that Orders have been already given for delivering over the Cornwallis Snow to the Charge of Lieut. Wales.
[JUNE, 1902.
I have the honor to be &ca. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
Agreed that the Marine Officers be instructed to proceed, with all expedition, in ordering the necessary Repairs & Equipment of the Cornwallis, to render that Vessel fit for the Andaman Service.
Agreed that Lt. Roper be directed to take Charge of the Nantilus Brig from the 1st of November next, and to provide, for the Vessel, a proper Crew.
Agreed that Mr. Timings, second Officer of the Cornwallis, be appointed first Officer of the Nautilus, and that Mr. Somerville be appointed 2nd Officer of the Cornwallis, in Mr. Timings's place.
1793.- No. L.
Fort William 1st November 1798.
Read a Letter from Major Kyd.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I will be much Obliged to you to lay my request, before the Governor General in Council, that they will please to permit an Order to be issued for the delivery of Ten Tons of broken Guns and Shot from the Arsenal, as Ballast for the Nautilus Brig. I have made enquiry and find there is a Sufficient quantity in the Arsenal, that can be well spared.
I have the honor to be &ca. (Signed) A. Kyd.
31st October 1793.
Agreed that the Military Board be desired to give Orders for Complying with the above Application, and informed that the Nautilus has been freighted by Government to proceed on Service at Port Cornwallis.
1793. No. LI.
Fort William 6th December 1793.
Read a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. Superintendant at the Andamans 31st Novr.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir,-As the Cornwallis Snow will be ready to sail for the Andamans in a very short time, I beg you will acquaint the Governor General in Council that as the most favorable Season for transporting Settlers to the Andamans has commenced, I should wish part of the Detachment to be embarked on that Vessel that was determined in Council Should be sent, in consequence of my letter of the 25th July last, but which was postponed in consequence of the great sickness that prevailed amongst the Settlers at that time. I will therefore beg that the Board will be pleased to request the Commander in Chief to order the Detachment to be formed, and have to Suggest the necessity of another Subaltern Officer being appointed to the Detachment of Sepoys at Port Cornwallis which will now consist of two complete Companys.

Page #285

JUNE, 1002.7
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
281
As there are some very necessary Artificers and Tradesmen, that must be sent by the Cronwallis to supply the place of those that have died or have been obliged to leave the place, on account of Sickness, that Vessel will only be able to convey the European Artillery men and Lascars, and the Sepoy Detachment which will take some time to form will be in readiness to go by other opportunities.
As I understand that it is the intention of the Board to send Two Hundred of the Male Conviots to Port Cornwallis this Season, I take the liberty of suggesting the propriety of having them immediately sent from the different Jails, to Calcutta that they may be in readiness to embark on favorable opportunities offering; and I also beg leave to point out that this is the most probable time to obtain Vessels on easy terms of freight to convey those people with a sufficient stock of Provisions for them to the Andamans, as the touching at Port Cornwallis will not interfere much with the Voyages generally undertaken at this time to Pegu and to the Malay Coast, Already two small Vessels have been tendered to me, and I have no doubt that I shall have many other Officers, If the Board therefore think it expedient to adopt this mode of conveying these people to the Andamans, I beg they will be pleased to direct that proposals for freight may be made, or if they think good, I will endeavour to make the most advantageous agreement with the Owners, who have made proposals to me, first acquainting the Board of the terms for their consideration.
As it would not be safe to send many Men of such desperate Characters in an unarmed Country Ship, part of the Sepoy Detachment may be sent on each Vessel as a Guard. Calcutta
I have the honor to be &ca. 30th November 1793.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. The Governor General in Council refers to the Proceedings of the 29th July, where a letter dated the 25th of that Month, from the Superintendant at the Andamans, and the following resolutions then passed upon it are recorded.
"Agreed that the Detachment of Sepoys at Port Cornwallis be increased to the strength of "two Companies, to be made up of Volunteers from the Battalions at Barrackpore."
"That a small detachment of European Artillery, consisting of 1 Serjeant, 1 Corporal, 2 Gunners, "and ten Matrosses be held in readiness to proceed to Port Cornwallis, &c."
"That a Detachment of 1 Serang, 1 Tindal, and 40 experienced Gunlagcars be drafted from the " Artillery Lascars at the Presidency for the same purpose."
Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to issue Orders for forming the detchment mentioned in the first of these resolutions, and to appoint another Subaltern Officer to the Sepoy detachment at the Andamans.
Agreed, that th, Commander in Chief be further, requested to give Directions that the proportions of European Artillery and Gun Lascars, to be sent to Port Cornwallis, may be Ordered, and in readiness to embark on the Cornwallis Snow.
Agreed in Pursuance of the intention that a Number of Convicts should go to the Andamans that Orders be issued from the Nizamut Adawlet for sending to Calcutta from the nearest Gaols, two hundred of the Persons in readiness to embark, and that Major Kyd be desired to receive proposals from the Owners of Country Vessels for conveying the Convicts to the Andamans, with Six Months provisions, laying before the Board the Proposals that may be made to him for their consideration,
1793. - No. LII. Read a Letter from the Assistant to the Commissary of Stores. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir,- Inclosed I have the honor to send you the Invoice and two Bills of Lading of the Stores sent on the Cornwallis for the Andaman Island. A Copy also has been sent to the Military Board.
I am &ca. Fort William
(Signed) Those. Auburey Asst. Comry. Stores. 6th Dec, 1798.

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282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNZ, 1902.
Do.
...
***
.. 28:8.5...
Enclosed in Do. Invoice of Stores dispatched on the Snow Cornwallis Lieut. Wales Commander for the Andaman Islands and goes consigned to the Commanding Officer there.
Fort William 29th Novr. 1798. Paint Ground Yellow Oker in 1 Iron Bound Oask
Maunds 1-12-8 Paint Ground Red Lead in 1 Do. Do.
2-21-12 Rope Europe in 2 Bales 4) ... ...
In Coils Steel (Bars 44) in 4 Bundles
Maunds Twine Jate in 6. Do. Canvas English į in & Bales
Bolts Linen Dungaree
Pieces Canvas Chittagong in. 2 Bales
Bolts 8 Tents Pins
700 in 6 Bundles » Mallets Poles in 10 Bundles ...
10 Shot fixt to Bottoms Grape in 25 Mangoe Boxes 12 K. Planes Trying Double )
Smoothing Do. in 1 Mangoe Chest
Pore Do.) Portfires in 1 Mangoe Chest ... Aprons Leaden Hammers Gun Pincers Tube... Priming Wires Drifts Gun ... Bills Gun ... Measures Powder
in one Mangoe Chest) Locks Pad Brass Boxes Tube Tin Cases Portfire ... ... Pouches Cannon Cartridge ...
» → Priming ... Tompions with Collars Straps Tube Box ... Spikes Gun Ray ... ...1 in the foregoing Tubes Empty Copper ...) Mangoe Cheat
.

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June, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
283
12-8
Bolts Iron Saws Lock Chissels Firmer ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Stones Oil Twine Europe ... ...
Seers Tents Private in 5 Bales... ...
10 Fly's Marquee in 1 Do. ... Measures Pewter from 1 Galln. to of a Pint in 1 Mangoe Box Package Setts Boxes Mangoe ... Casks Iron bound... Gunny Chutties ...
... 20 Nails Europe 10d. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Seers 1 Okum ... ... ... ... ...
Do. Twine Bengal
Do. 1 Charges Shipping Sont. Rs. 4-10-9.
(Signed) Thos, Aubure,
Asst. Comry. of Stores.
...
80
1798. - XO. LIII.
Fort William 16th December 1798. The following Letter was received, on the 18th Instant from the Superintendent at the Andamans, and upon its being Circulated, was returned with the orders, that will be entered after it.
Superintendent at Andamans 18th Dooombor. To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I beg you will acquaint the Honble the Governor General in Council that Mr. Copostale the Owner and Commander of a very well found and Commodious Vossel of 150 Tons Burthen is willing to land one hundred Mon and One Thousand Bags of Grain at Port Cornwallis for the Sum of 3,000 Sa. Re. which as Insurance is very high at this time, appears to me to be a Moderate demand. If the Board therefore will accept of this Offer, for the transporting Convicts, I request that I may be Authorized to Settle with Mr. Copestake, and that Eghty Convicts may be ordered to be held in readiness to embark. I will immediately take measures to have a party of the Sepoys ordered to be raised in Readiness to embark with them, as a guard, to make up the Number of Men which the vessel can accommodate. If the Garrison Store Keeper is to furnish the provisions, I beg he may be directed to consult with me on the proportions of Rioe, Dbol, Ghee and Salt that will be necessary and I shall beg leave to propose that the Provisions be of a Coarser kind, than what has been supplied for the other Settlers. As there are only two Vessels belonging to the Company employed as Transports to the Andamans and as there will now be more reason for encreasing the number than when I represented the Necessity of it, and Offered the Nautilus Brig I beg leave to propose that I may be authorized to freight a small Vossel for foar Months as the Board have been pleased to employ the Nautilus on another Servioe. At this period I have reason to think that .

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284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1902.
fitting Vessel may be freighted on reasonable terms, which if the Board Agree to I will Acquaint them of before I Make any Agreement, Calcutta
I have the honor to be &ca. 13th December 1793.
(Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant Andamans.
1799.- No. LIV.
Fort William 16th December 1793. In circulation for Orders. A Letter of this Date, from Major Kyd, the Superintendant at the Andamans.
(Signed) E, Hay 13th Decr. 1793.
Secry, to the Government. I think the proposals of Mr. Copestake for landing One hundred Men and One thousand bags of Rice at Port Cornwallis for the Sum of Sa. Rs. 3,000 Reasonable, and therefore recommend the Acceptance of them and that Major Kyd be Authorized to settle with Mr. Copestake,
Provisions [? Previous ) to directing the Garrison Store keeper to furnish the Provisions for the Convicts, Captain Kyd may be desired to examine those returned from the Pigot and if they should not be of a (sufficient] quantity to answer the Garrison Store keeper may then be directed to furnish the provisions wanted, after [consulting) with Major Kyd, I agree also in the proposition for freighting a Vessel for four Months, in lieu of the Nautilus.
J. Bhore. (Signed) Peter Spoke.
Iwm. Cowper. (To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
(Continued from p. 215.) Chameleon ; ann. 1888 : 8. v. Ramoosy, 573, ii. Champā; 8. v. Champa, 140, i. Chamois; 8. v. Giraffe, 288, ii, 8.0, Goorul, Champà ; ann, 1628 : 6. v. Chumpok, 167, ji. 296, i.
Champac; ann. 1786 : s. v. Chumpuk, 167, ii. Chamouchis ; ann. 1688 : s.v. Kincob, 369, i. Champada ; 8. v. Soursop (b), 650, i. Champ; 8. v. Champa, 240, i, ..v. Compound Champagne; . v. Sirokin, 634, i, (a), 186, ii, twice.
Champaigne; ann. 1602 : 8.». Topaz, 711, ii; Champa; 1. v. 140, i, 5 times, . v. Calambac, ann, 1648 : 6. v. Sampan, 596, ü.
110, i, s. r. Chumpak, 167, ii, 8. o. Comar, Champais; ann. 1555: 5, v. Baroda, 53, i. 189, i, 8. v. Englo-wood, 258, i, see 258, ii, Champak ; 1, v. Chumpuk, 167, ii. footnote, 600, i, footnote, twice; ann. 943: Champaka ; 4. v. Chumpak, 167, ii, 780, i; s. v. Java, 347, ii ; ann. 1150 : s. r. Mace (a), ann. 1810: 8, . Chumpuk, 168, i. 404, i ; ann. 1298 : 8. t. Indias, 332, ii ; ann. Champana; 8. v. 140, ü; ann. 1516 and 1540 : 1922:8.v. Suttee, 668, i; ann. 1938 and 1516 : .. Sampan, 596, ii. s, v. Champa, 140, i; ann. 1540 : &, . Champána ; ann. 1552 : &, v. Sampen, 596, ii. Varella, 784, i; ann. 1553: 3. v. Calambao, Champane; ann. 1648 : .. . Sampan, 596. ii. 110, ii ; ann. 1553 : s. r. Laos, 385, ii; aon. Champanel; ann. 1533 : •. t. Chittore, 157, 1572 (twice) and 1608 : 8. v. 140, ii; ann. ü; ann. 1558 : $. v. Cooly, 192, ii; ann. 1614: 8. v. Varella, 734, i ; ann. 1673 : *. v. 1606 : . Baroda, 59, i. Bantam Fowls, 48, i; ann. 1696: 8.0, 140, Champanir; ann. 1558 : 6. v. Baroda, 53, i. ii, twice.
Champánír ; ann. 1584: 8.. Sürath, 666, i,

Page #289

Juxs, 1902.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
285
Champaran ; 6. o. Dome, 249, i, 6. v. Behar, Chandra-band; 6. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i. 764, i.
Chandra-dip; s. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i. Champena ; ann. 1613: 8. v. Sampan, 596, ii. Chandra dip-ban ; 8. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i. Champing; ann. 1750-60 : 8.v. Shampoo, 622, i. Chandragiri ; 6, 0, Malayalam, 417, i. Champnå; 6. v, Shampoo, 621, ii.
Chandragupta ; 8. v. Dinār, 245, ii. Champo; 8. v. Shampoo, 621, ii.
Chandráha; ann. 1020: 8. v. Sutledge, 859, Champoed ; ann. 1800 : 8. v. Sampoo, 622, i. i; ann. 1030 : 8. v. Candahar, 119, i. Champoing; ann. 1813: 8. v. Shampoo, 622, i.Chandra-nagara ; 8. v. Ohandernagore, 140, ii. Champooed ; ann. 1810: s. v. Shampoo, 622, i. Chandras ; 6. v. Dammer, 228, ii. Champore Cocks; ann. 1673 : 8.0. Bantam Chandrūz; 8. v. Dammer, 228, ii. Fowls, 48, i.
Chandunagore; ann, 1757: 8. v. Sett, 615, ii. Chan; ann. 1712: S. v. Buxee, 104, i.
Chanell Creek; 6, 1, Rogue's River, 849, ii. Cbana; 8. o. Gram, 300, ii.
Chaney ; ann. 1711: &, v. Bangalow, 768, i. Chanak ; 8. v. Achánook, 2, ii.
Chanf ; s. v. Champa, 140, i; ann, 861, s. u. Chan Chanaan; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Sipahgelar, Champa, 140, i. 637, ii.
Chanfaraubo; ann. 1554: 8. v. Talapoin, 677, Chanchew; ann. 1615: 8. o. Macao, 820, ii. . Chanco; ann. 1563 : 8.0. Chank, 141, i, 3 times. Chanfi ; ann. 851 : s. v. Champa, 140, i. Chancray Chencran; ann. 1558 : & v. Laos, Chang : 1. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. 385, ii.
Changin; 8. v. Zingari, 749, ii. Chand; 8. v. Rajpoot, 571, ii.
Changana ; ann. 1780 : 8. . Poligar, 543, ii, Chanda-bhanda ; $. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i, Changchau ; 8. o. Chinchew, 153, ii, Chandál; ann. 712 : 8. v. Chandaal, 140, ii. Chang-chan ; s. v. Amoy, 12, i, •. v. Chinchew, Chandāl; 6. v. Chandaul, 140, ii.
154, i, s. v. Quemoy, 847, ii. Chandala ; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Halálcore, 311, ii. Chang-chan-fu ; 8. v. Chinchew, 153, ii. Chandana ; 4. v. Sandal, 597, i.
Change ; ann. 1876 : 8. v. Cash, 129, i. Chandana-nagara ; s. v. Chandernagóre, 140, ii. Changi ; . v. Zingari, 749, i. Chandāpur ; ann. 1554: , v. Sindābūr, 635, ii. Chang-Kien ; China ; 151, i. Chandarnagor ; ann. 1726 : $. v. Calcutta, Changngādam ; 8. 4. Jancada, 810, i. 112, i.
Changthau; ann, 1862: 8. v. Mamiran, 419, i. Chanda Sahib; ann. 1782 : 1. v. Urz, 866, i. Changalaput; ann. 1674: 6. v. Mufty, 826, i. Chandata ; ann. 1837 : , v. Paddy, 496, i. Chank; o. v. 140, ii, 141, i, twice; ann, 1784: Chandaul ; s. o. 140, i.
. v. 141, i; ann. 1813 and 1875: 8. D. Chand Bardai; 8.. Hindee, 315, i.
141, ii. Chandela; ann, 1810: 6. v. Halálcore, 811, ii. Chanmanning; ann. 1791: 8. v. Cooch Behar, Chandergerry; ann. 1801 : 8.v. Malabar (B), 191, ii. 413, ii.
Chantādam ; 8. v. Jancada, 810, i. Chandergherry ; 8. o. Chinapatam, 153, ii. Channel Oreek ; . . Rogue's River, 849, Chanderi; ann. 1528: .. Tura, 718, i.
ii, twice. Chandernagore; 8. o. 776, ii, s. v. India, 331, Channel Trees; ann. 1685 : 8. v. Tumlook,
i; ann. 1742: 8. o. Calcutta, 112, i ; ann. 864, ii; ann. 1711: 8. o. Narrows, 829, ii, 1753 : 8. . Muxadabad, 828, ii ; ann. 1782: 8. v. Rogue's River, 850, i. 8. n. Bandel, 760, ü ; ann. 1788 : , v. Assam, Channock; 8. v. Achánock, 2, ii, (1), 752, ii; 28, ii.
ann. 1677: 8.0. Achánock (2), 752, ii; Chandernagóre; 8. v. 140, ii.
ann. 1727: 8. v. Suttee, 670, i. Chandi Sewu ; 6. o. Boro-Bodor, 81, ii. Chanock; ann. 1686 : 8. v. Hidgelee, 814 ii ; Chandor Ghät; s. v. Firefly, 267, ii.
ann. 1711: 8. v. Achánock (2), 752, ii, Chandra ; s. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i.
twice ; ann. 1848 : 8.9. Achánock, 2, ii. Chandrabāgha ; 6. . Punjaub, 561, ii.
Chanock-Reach ; ann. 1711 : 8.0, Achánock Chandra-ban ; s. v. Sunderbunds, 660, i.
(2), 752, ii.

Page #290

286
.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[June, 1902.
Chanquo; ann. 1644 and 1673 : 8. v. Chank, Charamendel ; ann. 1516 : s. v. Canara, 117, ii. 141, i.
Charan ; 8. v. Dhurna, To sit, 244, ii, twice. Changamma; ann. 1712: 6. v. Consumab, Cbaranagiri ; 8. v. Chunárgarh, 780, i. 190, ii.
Charaa ; 8. v. Churras, 169, ii, twice. Chan Sumaun; ann, 1759: 8. v. Consumah, Charconnaes; 8. v. Piece-goods, 536, i. 190, ii.
Charges; ann. 1787: 8. v. Budgerow, 91, ii. Chanwar; 8. v. Chowry (b), 165, i.
Chari; s. v. Cherry fouj, 777, i. Chac; 8. v. Chobwa, 778, ii.
Chari-fanj; 8. v. Cherry fonj, 777, i. Chaohpa ; & . Ohobwa, 778, ii.
Charkh ; s.v. Churruck, 169, ii. Chaona; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Coffee, 179, ii. Charma ; 8. v. Churrus, 169, ii. Chāori; 8. v. Yak, 744, i.
Charnagur ; ann, 1727: 1. v. Chandernagore, Chāori; 8. v. Choultry, 163, i.
140, ii. Ch'āori Gāi; 744, ii, footnote.
Charnathaca ; ann. 1614 : s. v. Oanara, 118, i. Chiori gão ; 8. v. Yak, 744, i.
Charnock; .. . Achánock, 2, 1, 6. v. Chaoua ; ann. 1598: 8. v. Coffee, 179, ii. Achánock (1), 752, i, twice, (2), 752, i; Chaoushes ; ann. 1826 : s. v. Chouse, 164, ii. ann. 1682: 6. v. Vakeel, 783, i; ann. 1683 : Chap: 8. v. Chupkun, 168, ii ; ann. 1727: 8. v. 8. v. Gentoo, 280, ii, s. v. Maldives, 418, ii,
Chop, 161, i, 3 times, 8. v. Hoppo, 824, i. 8. v. Pan, 358, ii, . v. Picar, 843, ii; ann. Chắp; 4. 1. Chop, 161, ii.
1684 : 8. v. Cazee, 775, ii, twice ; ann. 1690 : Chap; 8. v. Chop, 160, i.
8. v. Dewaun, 240, i ; ann. 1848 : 8. v. AcháChape; .. v. Chop, 159, ii, 160, i, twice; ann. nock 2, ii.
1537 and 1552 (twice): 8. v. Chop, 160, ii. Charnoc's Battery; ann. 1758 : .. V. AchiChapa ; 8. v. Chop, 778, ii,
Dock, 2, ii. Chapada ; 8. v. Chop, 160, i, and footnote. Chárpái; ann. 1662 : & v. Charpoy, 141, ii. Chapado; 8. v. Chop, 159, ii.
Chārpai; . v. Charpoy, 141, ii, . o. Cot, Chapao ; ann. 1802: 8. v. Byde Horse, 105, i. 205, i. Chapar catt; ann. 1778: 6. v. Chopper-cot, Charpoy; 8. v. 141, ii, s. v. Cot, 204, ii, 8. v. 161, ii.
Teapoy, 692, i; ann. 1876 and 1883: 6. v. Chapati ; s. v. Chupatty, 168, ii.
141, ii. Chape ; &. v. Chop, 159, ii, and footnote, twice. Charsa ; 8. o. Charros, 169, ii. Chapkan ; 8. 6. Chupkun, 168, ii, twice. Chartican; ann. 1610: 8. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Chapo ; ann. 1537 : 8. v. Ohop, 160, ii.
C'hasa ; ann. 1799: 8. v. Khāsya, 367, i. Chapp; 8. v. Chop, 160, ii, twice ; ann. 1783 C'hasas; ann. 1799 : 8. u. Khāsya, 367, i. 8. v. Chop, 161, i.
Chashm-i-khurūs; s. v. Ruttee, 587, ii, Cháppå khână ; ann. 1880.: 8. o. Baloony, 40, i. Chashtana ; 8. v. Choul, 162, ii. Chappas ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Bandanna, 43, i. O'hasya ; ann. 1799 : «. v. Khāsya, 367, i. Chappe ; ann. 1782 : 8. v. Chop, 161, i. Chatag : ann. 1786 : 8. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Chappor; ann. 1782: 8. v. Chopper, 161, ii. Chataguão; ann. 1591: 3. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Chapră ; 8. v. Chupra, 169, i.
Chatak ; 157, i, footnote. Chaprās ; 8. o. Chuprassy, 169, i, twice. Chātanati ; 8. u. Chuttanutty, 170, i, twice, Chaprāsi ; 8. o. Chuprassy, 169, i, twice.
8... Hoogly, 321, ii. Chaqui; ann. 1328: 6, t. Jack, 337, i.
Chatāpati ; 8. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii. Chaquivilis; ann. 1880: 8. v. Chackler, 167, i.Chatgānw; 8. v. Chittagong, 156, ii ; ann. Char; 8. v. Churr, 169, i, twice.
1590 : 8. v. Aracan, 758, ü. Charachina ; ann, 1540 : 8.v, Chin-chin, 154, ii. Obati; ann. 1552 : 1. v. Chetty, 145, i. Charak; 8. v. Churruck, 169, ii.
Chatigam ; 8. o. Porto Piqueno, 550, i; ann. Charaks ; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii, 466, i. 1552: 8. v. Chittagong, 157, i ; ann. 1585: Charak-pūjā ; 8. v. Churruck Poojah, 169, i. 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Bengal, Charamandel ; .. v. Coromandel, 199, ii, 200, 64, ii, twice. i; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Cael, 108, i.
Chātigam; 157, i, footnote.

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JUNE, 1902.]
Chatigan; ann. 1598 and 1786 s. v. Chittagong, 157, i
Chatigão; ann. 1583: 8. v. Codavascam, 178, ii; ann. 1552 s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii. Chatigaon; ann. 1535: 8. v. Satigam, 854, ii; ann. 1545: 8. v. Arakan, 25, i.
Chatim; ann. 1552 8. v. Chetty, 145, i. Chatin; ann. 1596: a. v. Cafila, 109, i, 8. v. Chetty, 145, i.
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
Chatinar; ann. 1552: 8. v. Chetty, 145, i. Chatna; ann. 1813: 8. v. Chutny, 170, i.. Chatnee; ann. 1820: s. v. Chutny, 170, i. Chatni; 8. v. Chutny, 169, ii.
Chatra; s. v. Tee, 693, ii,
Chatra; ann. 1340 8. v. Chatta, 141, ii. Chatriafoi; 8. v. Khuttry, 367, ii. Chatriya; ann. 1612: 8. v. Orankay, 492, i;
ann, 1805-6 8. v. Pariah, 515, i. Chatta; 8. v. 141, ii, s. v. Umbrella, 725, ii; ann. 1875 8. . Kittysol, 372, i. Chattarhoea caudata; s. v. Rat-bird, 574, i. Chattawala Gully; ann. 1787 8. v. Chit, 778, i.
Chattie; 8. v. Lota, 398, ii. Chattisgarh; s. v. Gurjaut, 309, i. Chatty; 8. v. 142, i, s. v. Kedgeree-pot, 364, ii; ann. 1781 and 1829: 8. v. 142, i. Chatur; 8. v. Choky, 158, ii, (b), 158, ii. Chaturam; ann. 1807: 8. v. Chuttrum, 170, ii, twice.
Chaturanga; 8. v. Sittringy, 639, ii. Chaturangam; 588, ii, footnote. Chaturgrama; 8. v. Chittagong, 778, i; ann. 1786 8. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Chaturi; ann. 1510 8. v. Catur, 135, i. Chatushka; 8. v. Choky, 158, ii. Chatyr; ann. 1354 8. v. Chatta, 141, ii. Chau; 8. v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chaubac; ann. 1756 s. v. Chawbuck, 142, ii. Chaubainha; ann. 1554: 8. v. Talapoin, 677, ii. Chaubandi; 8. v. Choky (b), 158, ii. Chaube; ann. 1573: s. v. Coffee, 179, i. Chaubinhas; ann. 1554: s. v. Talapoin, 677, ii. Chaubuck; ann. 1784 8. v. Chawbuck, 142, ii. Chau-chau; s. v. Chow-chow, 779, i. Chaucon; ann. 1745: 8. v. Bohea, 691, i. Chaudaris; ann. 1644: 8. v. Bandaree, 43, ii. Chauderie; ann. 1782: 8. v. Choultry, 163, ii; ann. 1784 8. v. Tyre, 724, ii; ann. 1790: 8. v. Choultry, 779, i.
287
Chaudeus; ann. 1727: s. v. Palempore, 836, ii, twice.
Chaudhari; 8. v. Chowdry, 164, ii.
Chaudhary; ann. 1300: 8. v. Chowdry, 164, ii. Chaudus; ann. 1727: 8. v. Palempore, 836, ii, twice.
Chaugan; 8. v. Chicane, 146, ii, twice, 147, i, 777, i; ann. 1848: 8. v. Polo, 545, i.
Chaugan; ann. 1590: 8. v. Chicane, 147, ii,
twice.
Chaugan; s. v. Chicane, 145, ii, 146, i (twice and footnote), and ii (3 times and footnote), s. v. Mydan, 464, i.
Chaughan; ann. 1838: s. v. Polo, 544, ii, 545, i. Chaughan; ann. 1030-40: 8. v. Chicane, 147, ii. Chauhan; 8. v. Rajpoot, 571, ii. Chauigan; e. v. Chicane, 146, i. Chauk; s. v. Chowk, 165, i, twice. Chaukat; 8. v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chauker; ann. 1810: 8. v. Chackur, 139, ii. Chaukhat; 8. v. Choky (b), 158, ii. Chauki; s. v. Choky (b), 158, ii; ann. 1590. 8. v. Choky, 158, ii; ann. 1657: s. v. Dawk, 232, i.
Chauki; 8. v. Choky, 158, i, 8. v. Coorsy, 194, ii; ann. 1782: s. v. Choky (b), 778, ii. Chauki-auki; 8. v. Looty (b), 397, ii. Chaul; 8. v. Choul, 162, i, 8. v. Coromandel, 198, ii, 8. v. Wootz, 742, i; ann. 1095 8. v. Supára, 663, i; ann. 1508 and 1538: 8. v. Bombay, 766, ii; ann. 1552: a. v. Canara, 118, i; ann. 1553: 8. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii, s. v. Nizamaluco, 830, ii; ann. 1567: 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i; anu. 1584: 8. v. Choul, 163, i; ann. 1586 s. v. Bantam, 761, i; ann. 1727: a. v. Choul, 163, i.
Chaun; ann. 1630 8. v. Padshaw, 497, ii. Chaun-paul Gaut; ann. 1780: 8. v. Budgerow, 92, i.
Chanňri; 8. v. Chowry (b), 165, i. Chaunribardar; s. v. Chowryburdar, 165, ii. Chaup; ann. 1678: 8. v. Chop, 161, i, twice. Chaupahra; s. v. Choky (b), 158, ii. Chaupar; s. v. Choky (b), 158, ii. Chaurangi; 8. v. Chowringhee, 165, i. Chaus; 8. v. Chouse, 779, i, twice. Chaush; s. v. Chouse, 163, ii. Chauspa; a. v. Choul, 162, ii.
Chautar; ann. 1516 and 1598: 8. v. Chudder, 167, ii.

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288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1902.
Chautare ; ann. 1516: 6. p. Chudder, 167, ii, s. D.
Sinabaff, 634, i; ann. 1598: & . Obudder,
167, i. Chauth ; 8. o. Obowt, 165, ii. Chavala; 838, i, footnote. Chave; 8. v. Chabee, 139, i. Chavonis ; 8. . Piece-goods, 535, ii. Obavula ; 838, i, footnote. Chaw; 8. v. 142, i; ann. 1616: 8. o. 142, i; 8. o.
Tea, 862, i. Chawadi ; ann. 1833: . . Choultry, 163, ii. Chawadi ; 8. v. Choultry, 163, i. Chawati ; s. v. Choultry, 163, i. Chawbooked ; ann. 1760: 8. o. Chawbuck, 777, i. Chawback ; 8. v. 142, 1, 777, i; ann. 1678 and
1688: 8. . 142, i. Chawbucked ; ann. 1673 and 1699 : 8. v. Chaw
buck, 142, i; ann. 1726 : ... Chawbuck,
142, ii. Chawbuckswar; 8. v. 142, ii. Chawbuckt; ann. 1682: ... Chawbuck, 142, i. Chay; ann. 1688: 8. v. Budgrook, 92, ii. Ohaya ; 8. o. Choya, 166, i. Chazari ; ann. 770: 8. v. Sind, 634, i. Cheater ; 8. v. Cheeta, 144, i, 8 times. Chebulee ; 6. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii. Chebuli ; 8. v. 142, ii; ann. 1343: 8.v. 142, ii. Chebulic; 6. v. Myrobalan, 466, i. Chebulio Myrobalan ; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii. Check; ann. 1825: 8. v. Obick (a), 148, i. Chedaum; ann. 1823: 8. v. Dumree, 254, ii. Cheechee; 8. v. 142, ii. Chee-chee ; 8. v. Lip-lap, 395, ii ; ann. 1781 and
1873 : 8. v. Cheechee, 142, ii. Chee Chee; ann. 1881 : 8. v. Cheechee, 143, i. Cheek; ann. 1673 : 6. D. Chick (), 147, ii, twice,
148, i; ann. 1810: 8. o. Chick (a), 148, i. Cheen; ann. 1475: 8. v. Porcelain, 549, i; ann.
1590: 8. v. China, 152, i. Cheena Pattun; ann. 1780 : 8. . Chinapatam,
778, i. Cheenar; 8. v. 143, i. Cheeny ; 8. v. 143, ii ; ann. 1810: 8. v. 143, ii. Cheeria Ghat; ann. 1793 : 8. v. Terai, 696, i. Cheese ; 8. v. 143, ii, Cheeta ; 8. v. 143, ii ; ann. 1610: 8. v. 143, ii. Cheetah ; ann. 1882 and 1879: 8. v. Cheeta,
143, ii. Cheettoo ; ann. 1823: 8.v. Pawnee, Kalla, 522, ii. Chefoo; 8. v. Likin, 398, ii, twice.
Chegbênserai ; ann. 1514: 8.0. Cafiristan, 109, ii. Chebil; ann. 1621 : 8. v. Bendameer, 62, ii. Chekiang; ann. 1298: 8. v. Sugar, 655, i. Chela; ann. 1648: 8. o. Gingham, 801, i. Chelai ; ann. 1829 : 8. . Chillum, 149, ii, 8. v.
Surpoose, 666, i. Chelande ; 8. o. Chelingo, 144, i. Chelandia; 8.5. Chelingo, 144, i. Chelandria ; 8. o. Chelingo, 144, i. Cheli ; 8. v. Cheling, 144, i; ann. 1613: 8. v.
Cheling, 144, i, twice, 8. v. Compound, 188, i.
8. . Kling, 374, i. Chelidónion méga; 8. o. Mamiran, 419, i ; ann.
1100 : 8.. Mamiran, 419, ii. Chelim ; 8. o. Nanking, 472, i; ann. 1522 : ...
Sumatra, 658, ii, 8. o. Cbeling, 144, i; ann.
1613: 8. o. Compound, 188, i, twice. Chelin ; ann. 1567: 8. v. Cheling, 144, i ; ann.
1613: 8. v. Compound, 188, i. Chelindras ; 8. v. Chelingo, 144, i. Cheling ; 8. v. 144, i; ann. 1619: 8. v. Kling,
874, i. Chelingo ; s. v. 144, 1, 777, i; ann. 1761 : ...
777, i, twice. Chelingoes; ann. 1761: 8. v. Chelingo, 144, i,
twice. Chelloe; 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii, see 801, i,
footnote ; ann. 1750-60: 8. d. Shalee, 620, i. Obelluntah; 8. v. Sayer, 604, i. Chelumgie; ann. 1715: 8. v. Chillumchee, 150, i. Chembur ; 8. v. Choul, 162, ii. Chemuli; ann. 1095: 8. v. Supára, 669, i. Chen; 6. v, China, 151, i. Chena; s. v. Jhoom, 351, ii. Chenáb; ann. 1400 : 8. v. Punjaub, 562, i. Checāb; 8. v. Doab, 248, i, twice, 8. v. Punjaub,
561, ii, twice. Chenam ; ann. 1687: 8. v. Chunám, 168, 1, 8. D.
Chunám, To, 168, ii. Chenano; ann. 1558 : 8. v. Sunda, 659, ii. Chenappa ; 158, ü, footnote. Chenappapatam ; 8. o. Chinapatam, 153, ii. Chenar; ann. 1817 : 8. v. Cheenar, 143, ii. Chenawr ; ann. 1628 : 8. v. Cheenar, 148, i. Chen-Ching; 8. v. China, 150, ii. Chen-ching; 8. v. Siam, 681, ii. Ch'eng; 6. v. Datchin, 280, ii. Chengala ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Chilaw, 149, ii. Chengalpat ; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Jagheer, 841, ii. Chenghiz Khan; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Nokar, 481, ii.

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBBON-JOBSON.
289
Chengie ; ann. 1675: 8. o. Gingi, 801, ii. Chengier ; ann. 1672: 8. v. Naik (c), 470, ii;
Ann. 1672: 8. v. Ouspadore, 787, i. Chengleput; 6. v. Poonamalee, 547, i. Chengy; ann. 1680 : 8. o. Canbameira, 772, i.
8. o. Gingi, 801, ii. Chenji ; 8. v. Gingi, 801, i. Chenna ; s. v. Swamy-pagoda, 672, i. Chennappa ; 6. v. Chinapatam, 159, ii. Chen-pu; ann. 700 : 8. v. Cospetir, 202, i. Chenwal; 8. v. Choul, 162, ii, 3 times. Chepf; ann. 1710 : 8. v. Chipe, 156, i. Chequeen; ann. 1711: 8. v. Chick (b), 148, ii,
8. v. Gubber, 806, ii. Chequiam; ann. 1727 : Liampo, 893, i. Chequin; ann. 1609: 8. v. Chick (b), 148, i; ann.
1628: 8. v. Chick (b), 148, ii; ann. 1767: 8. D.
Chick (b), 777, ii. Chera ; 8. v. Salem, 593, i; ann. 1800 : . .
Pandáram, 508, i. Cherabaya; ann. 1468-9 : 8. v. Quilon, 570, i. Cherafe; ann. 1610: 8. o. Shroff, 630, i. Cheratin ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Xerafine, 743, ii. Cheramandalara ; 8. o. Coromandel, 199, i. Cheraman Perumal; ann, 1844: 8. o. Shinkali,
627, ii. Cheramutty; ann. 1590: 6. v. Hooly, 828, ii. Cherbuter; ann. 1810 : 8. v. Chabootra, 189, i,
twice. Chereeta : ann. 1829 : 8. v. Ohiretta, 156, ii. Cheribon; 8. v. Sunda, 659, i. Cheringhee ; ann. 1788: 8. o. Black, 766, i;
ann. 1790 : 8. o. Chowringhee, 165, i. Cheroot; 8. o. 144, ii, 4 times, 8. o. Bunco, 97,
i, 8. o. Cheese, 143, ii, 8. o. Lunka, 401, i, 8. . Trichies, 715, i, 3 times, s. v. Agdaun, 755, i ; ann. 1759 and 1781: 8. o. 144, ii, o. o. Dub, 252, ii ; ann. 1810 : 8. v. 144, ii ; ann. 1849 :
#. . Gram-fed, 301, i ; ann. 1875: 8. o. 144, ii. Cheroso ; ann. 1653 : 8. . Musk-Rat, 827, 1i. Cherques ; ann. 1563: 8. v. Madremaluco, 821, i. Cherry foaj; 4. v. 777, i; ann. 1803 : 6..
777, i. Chersonese; s. . Malay, 416, ii ; ann. 1572:
8. o. Sumatra, 658, ii. Chersoneso; ann. 1572 : . v. Sumatra, 658, ii. Chersonesus; ann. 1618 : 8. o. Macareo, 403, ii. Chersonnesus; 8. o. Guardafui, Cape, 305, i. Cheruse; ann. 1673 : 8. . Cashew, 129, i. Cherute; ann. 1781: 8. o. Cheroot, 144, ii.
Chetin ; 6. o. Cheling, 144, i; aon. 1511 : 6.v.
Chetty, 145, i. Chetis; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Junk, 861, i. Chetti; ann. 1516 and 1726 : 8. v. Chetty, 145, i. Chetti; , v. Chetty, 145, i, 8. v. Sett, 615, ii. Chettijn; ann. 1598: 8. v. Chetty, 145, i. Chetty ; 8. 6. 144, ii, s. v. Cheling, 144, i, ., v.
Chintz, 155, ii, 6. . Oómaty, 183, i, 8. v. Sett, 615, ii, twice, 8. . Sowcar, 651, i ; ann. 1596 :
8. o. Cafila, 109, i; ann. 1686 : 8. v. 145, i. Chetty; ann. 1511: 8. o. Kling, 373, ii. Cheturah ; ann. 1680: 3. v. Brahmin, 85, i. Cheu; 8. v. Kowtow, 376, i; ann. 1585: 3. v.
Canton, 121, ii. Cheol; ann. 1516: 8. v. Vanjärās, 88, i. Chevrotain ; ann. 1711 : 8. v. Bezoar, 69, i. Chevul ; ann. 1510: 8. v. Ohoul, 168, i. Ohey ; 8. o. Choya, 166, i. Cheyk; ann. 1770: ... Sett, 615, ii, 3 times. Chha; s. . Tea, 688, i. Cuban ; 8. v. Chownee, 779, ii. Chhānā; . v. Chowneo, 779, ii. Chhãoni; 8. o. Chownee, 779, ii. Chbāp; 8. a. Chop, 159, ii, twice. Chhäpā ; 8. v. Chop, 160, i. Chhāpaniyā; 8. . Chop, 160, i. Chbapārā; 8. v. Chop, 160, i. Chhapar Khat; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Chopper-cot,
161, ii. Cbhāpna ; 8. v. Chop, 159, ii, 160, i. Ohhäppä; 8. o. Chop, 160, i. Chhappar ; 8. o. Chopper, 161, ii. Chhappar khāt; 8. o. Chopper-cot, 161, ii. Chbat ; 8. v. Chutt, 170, i. Obhātā ; 8, . Chatta, 141, ii. Chhatr ; 8. o. Chatta, 141, ii.
Chhatrapati; 8. . Cospetir, 201, i. Ohhenchki; ann. 1875: 8. v. Chitchky, 156, ii. Ch'henchki; 8. v. Chitchky, 156, ii. Chhint; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Bandanna, 43, i. Ohhiţāk ; 8. v. Maund, 431, i. Chholdāri; 8. D. Shooldarry, 629, ii, 8. v. Pawl,
842, ii. Chhokrá; 8. o. Obokra, 158, i, Obhoţå Şahib; 8. o. Cazee, 775, ii. Chboti-hāgri; . o. Ohota-bazry, 162, i. Chi; . v. Cheechee, 142, ii. Chia; ann. 1565 and 1588 (twice); 8. o. Tea,
689, ii ; ann. 1626 : 8. v. Tea, 690, i.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1902.
Chiai-Catai; 8. v. Tea, 689, i.
Chick-pea ; 8. v. Gram, 300, ii. Chiai Catai; ann. 1545: 8. v. Tea, 689, ii, twice. Chico; 8. v. Chicane, 145, ii. Chialong; ann, 1726 : 8. v. Chelingo, 144, i. Chicquenes; ann. 1612 : 8. 6. Chick (b), Chialones; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Guingam, 288, i. 148, ii. Chiamai; ann. 1552 and 1572: 8. v. Chiamay, Ohioquet; s. v. Chicane, 145, ii. 145, i.
Chiès de Mer; ann. 1609: 8. v. Pengain, Chiámái; ann. 1572: 8. v. Siam, 632, i.
527, ii. Chiamay; 8. v. 145, ii, twice; ann. 1553: 8. v. Chigh ; 8. v. Chick (a), 147, ii.
Laos, 385, ii ; ann. 1572 : 6. v. Siam, 682, i; Chighs; ann. 1590: 8. v. Lac, 381, ii. ann. 1652: 8. v. 145, ii.
Chihal-o-hasht-gāni; ann. 1350: 8. v. Bargany, Chiammay; ann. 1544 : 8. v. Chiamay, 145, ii. 761, ii. Chiamo; ann. 1553 : . v. Sunda, 659, ii, twice. Ohih-chih; 8. v. Jiggyjiggy, 811, ii. Chiampana; ann, 1510: 8. v. Sampan, 596, ii. Chihār-pās; 8. o. Charpoy, 141, i. Chiang-mai; 8. v. Chiamay, 145, ii.
Ch'ih-fan ; 8. D. Tiffin, 700, i. Chianko; ann. 1672: s. v. Chank, 141, i. Chij; ann. 1552 : 8. D. Singalese, 635, ii. Chiaoux; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Chouse, 164, i, twice.
Ohik; 8. v. Chick (a), 147, ii; ann. 1590: 8. v. Chiaramandel ; 8. o. Coromandel, 200, i.
Lac, 881, ii. Chias Moor; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Sheeah, 625, i. Chi-kiang : 791, ii, footnote. Chiaul; ann. 1570 : 8. v. Melinde, 433. i. Chikin ; 8. v. Chicken, 148, ii.
S v. Chouse, 164, i : ann. 1610 : 8. o. Chikin; 8. v. Chicken, 148, ii. Chouse, 164, i, twice.
Chikore; ann. 1814: 8. v. Chickore, 149, i. Obiaused ; 8. v. Chouse, 164, i ; ann. 1659 : 8. . Chikûr; ann. 1520 : 8. v. Chickore, 149, i. Chouse, 164, i.
Chilam; 8. o. Chillum, 149, i. Chiauso ; ann, 1560: 8. o. Chouse, 164, i. Chilamchi; 8. v. Chillumchee, 149, ii, twice. Chiaux ; ann. 1754 8. v. Chouse, 779, i. Chilao ; 8. v. 777, ii, 8. v. Chilaw, 149, i; ann. Chic ; 8. v. Chicane, 145, ii; ann. 1881 : 8. b. 1543 : 8. v. 777, ii ; ann. 1562 : 8. v. Beadala, Chicane, 147, ii, twice.
57, ii; ann. 1610: 8. v. Chilaw, 149, ii, twice. Chicacole ; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii, 8. o. Teloogoo, Chilaw ; 8. v. 149, i. 695, i.
Chile; ann. 1631 : 8. v. Chilly, 150, i. Chicane; 8. v. 145, ii, 146, i, 147, i, twice, 777, Chilenfu ; 8. v. Nanking, 472, i.
i and ii, 8.0. Mydan, 464, i, 8. v. Polo, 544, Chili; 8. v. Chilly, 150, i, 8. v. Turkey, 719, ii; ii, twice.
ann. 1631 and 1848 (twice): 8. o. Chilly, Chicaner ; 8. v. Chicane, 146, i, twice.
150, i. Chicanery; 8. v. Chicane, 145, ii; ann. 1761 : Chiliarch; B. C. 464 and B. C. 390; 6. v.
8. ». Chicane, 777, i ; ann. 1881: 8. r. Chi- Kowtow, 376, ii. cane, 147, ii.
Chilies; ann. 1813: 8. v. Chatny, 170, i. Chiche; 8. v. Gram, 800, ii.
Chili pepper; ann. 1814: 8. v. Popper-cake, Chick ; 8. v. 147, ii, twice, (b), 148, i, twice, 777,
548, i. ii, twice, 8. v. Sicca, 632, ii, 8. v. Sirky, 688, ii, Chillaes ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii. • v. Venetian, 736, ii; ann. 1866 and 1875: Chillian; ann. 1856: 8. v. Jelam, 350, i. 8. 3. (b), 148, ii.
Chillier; 8. v. Curry-stoff, 219, i, 8. v. Fogass, Chickakal; ann. 1727: 8. v. Nabób (a), 467, ii. 271, ii; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Ghee, 282, ii; ann. Chickeen ; 8. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
1860: 8. v. Corry, 219, i, 8. o. Curry-stuff, Chicken ; 8. v. 148, ii.
219, i. Chicken-hazard ; 8. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Chillinga; ann. 1746 : 8. o. Chelingo, 777, i. Chicken maladoo ; 8. v. Maladoo, 822, i.
Chillum; 8. v. 149, ii, 8. o. Chillamcbee, 150, i, Chicken-stakes; 8. t. Chick (b), 148, i.
8. . Hubble-bubble, 326, i, 8. v. Tobacco, Chickenwalls ; . v. Chicken, 148, ii.
705, ii; ann. 1781 and 1811: 8. v. 149, ii; Chickinos ; ann. 1583 : 8. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
ann. 1828: 8. v. 149, ii, 8. v. Hooka, 322, ii; Chickore; 8. v. 148, ii, twice, 149, i.
ann. 1848 : s. v. 149, ii.

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JUNE, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Chillumbrum; 8. r. 149, ii, 777, ii; ann. 1781: 8. v. Pagoda, 501, i; ann. 1826: 8. v. Carnatic, 126, ii.
:
Chin; 8. v. Macheen, 406, i, s. v. Catty, 774, ii, 8. v. Macheen, 820, ii, ann. 1298 (twice) and 1300 8. v. China, 151, ii; ann. 1511: 8. v. Kling, 373, ii; ann. 1516: 8. v. Canton, 772, ii; ann. 1540 8. v. Typhoon, 728, i, twice; ann. 1552 and 1612: s. v. Singalese, 636, i. Chín ; ann. 1020 and 1205: 8. v. India, 332, i; ann. 1300 8. v. Ceylon, 139, i, s. v. Junk, 360, ii; ann. 1820: s. v. Macheen, 406, i; ann. 1442 8. v. Sarnau, 601, ii.
Chilly; s. v. 150, i, twice, 8. v. Curry, 218, i. Chilumehee; ann. 1851: 8. v. Chillumchee, 150, i. Chimchir; 8. v. Scymitar, 608, ii.
Chimices; ann. 1645: 8. v. Chints, 155, i. Chimkin; ann. 1280: 8. v. Moochulka, 443, i, Chin; s. v. China, 151, i, s. v. Macheen, 405, i
twice.
(3 times) and ii (twice); ann. 930: 8. v. Tibet, 698, ii; ann. 1200: 8. v. Tibet, 699, i; ann. 1343 8. v. Calicut, 113, ii; ann. 1442: 8. v. Macheen, 406, i, 8. v. Tenasserim, 695, ii.
Chillumchee; s. v. 149, ii, 150, i, twice, 778, i, 8. v. Gindy, 285, ii; ann. 1833: 8. v. 150, i; ann. 1857 s. v. 78, i, twice.
Chimnagie Appa; ann. 1813: s. v. Kitmutgar,
371, i.
Chimney-glass; s. v. 150, ii.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
SUPERSTITIONS AMONG HINDUS IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
1. WHEN the breasts of suckling women become hard and painful they take three balls of clay, pass them three times round the painful breasts and then throw them into a well, being careful at the time to turn their backs on it. As the balls dissolve the breasts will soften.
-
2. Rocking a cradle,' when empty, will produce acute pain in the stomach of the infant who occupies it. To prevent this, a wooden ladle is placed in the cradle when lying empty and is removed as soon as the infant is placed in it.
3. If a woman has veins running in a serpentine directions on her thigh, it indicates that she will lose all her husbands should she re-marry on losing the first. Women have been known to remain single to avoid this calamity. An old gentleman lately showed me a woman who had done so. Another woman, residing near the Empress Mill, Nagpur, with three such marks on her thigh, has lost two husbands, each within a short period after marriage.
4. Dropping fire on night-soil produces pain in the stomach of the person whose excreta it contains, while spitting on the excreta of another person gives tonsilitis to the spitter.
5. To stunt the growth of a dog pass it through a ring made of the cloth (chambál) which is generally placed on the heads of women when carrying water or loads.
6. When a child is in the habit of eating uncooked rice the people believe that there will be a
291
heavy downpour of rain on the day the child is married, irrespective of the time of the year the marriage takes place..
7. Modes of detecting a theft or fraud.Take a lot (a brass cup for drinking water) and fill it with fresh water from a well. Place some rice on a clean spot, then take a grindstone and place this over the lôtd. Burn some frankincense and repeat the name of the suspected person and at the same time touch the stone slightly with your fingers, without moving it. If the person named is guilty, the stone will turn round on the lótá, as if moved by some unseen hand.
This method is adopted, not only in detecting fraud, but also in ascertaining whether a person will be successful in any undertaking (e. g., the passing of an examination, recovery from illness, etc.). It is also used to find out whether sickness is bodily or mental (possession).
Another mode is to place a handmill before a number of persons. Each one, in turn, throws a little grain into the mill and works it. If the mill moves with difficulty for anyone, he is guilty.
Yet another method is the following. A piece of white cloth is torn into a square and folded in half. Then a piece of stick is inserted between the folds and rolled tightly between the fingers at the same time the name of the suspected person is repeated. The cloth is then set aside and left untouched for some time. If the person whose name was repeated at the time of folding the cloth is guilty, the stick will come out of the folds, on unwrapping the cloth.
1 The Central Provinces cradle is a rude miniature hammock attached to the roof rafters.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1902.
8. Sometimes the walls and roofs of houses faces. The sister site with her child clinging to are very low - just a little above the level of the her shoulder, with her veil drawn and her back ground. In such cases dogs will sometimes climb
towards her brother, who returns silently after upon the roof. This is looked upon by the performing the aforesaid ceremony, which is Hindus as a bad omen and as foreboding disaster called ddntón ki thaknd, or the charm of the teeth. to the occupants of the house. To ward off
Karnal Version. any calamity befalling them, the dog is deprived When front teeth of the upper jaw of a child of of its ears and tail. If, bowever, the dog evades either sex happen to come out first, it is a bad its pursuers, a Bråbman is called in, who omen to the maternal uncle. His sister (i. e., the performs & short ceremony. To see a dog bereft mother of the child) sends word to him of the event. of ears and tail is not an uncommon sight in those On receiving the message the maternal uncle parts of India, where there is a large Telugu takes a bronze cup of medium size, a quarter of a community.
seer of kasar or pañjfri (wheat flour baked in ghi 9. If a dog scratches a hole in front of a and mixed with sugar), and half a cocoanut in a house, it is considered bad omen. It means that pieco of red cloth (tharwd), and proceeds to his some member of that house is to die; and if a sister's house without informing her or any other member of that family happens to be ill at that person in the house of his arrival, which is kept time, so strong is the belief in this superstition
strictly secret. He goes quickly on to the roof of that all hopes of recovery are despaired of. The the house in which his sister is residing and puts patient himself will lose heart, if made aware the cup, eto., on it, or if there is no staircase he of the fact.
throws them on. After performing this ceremony 10. When a dog stretches itself fully on the
he silently retraces his steps without speaking to, ground or suakes its ears, people regard these
or seeing the face of, his sister, and returns home. actions as indicating some calamity to the
When it is known that the ceremony has been inmates of the house.
performed, the things are taken from the roof and
made use of without scruple. 11. Children sometimes amuse themselves by
Patials Ceremony. riding upon the back of a dog. Hindu parente,
This ceremony is performed in a different way however, will not allow this. They believe that by doing so the children are likely to get worms
in those villages which are situated in the neigh. in the stomach.
bourhood of Patiala. A time is fixed and a place M. R. PEDLOW.
appointed for the ceremony. The mother of the child goes to the place, wbich is always fixed
beyond the limits of the village, on the road to THE MOTHER'S BROTHER.
her brother's house. He starts from his own THE part played by the mother's brother in village and halte ' mile from the place to get many marriage ceremonies is well known, but information of his sister's arrival. He bringe no explanation of the following superstition with him an old three-pie coin (Manadrt paied) has been offered :
with an iron nail, but nothing else. When he is Hoshiarpur Account.
informed that every thing is ready, he proceeds to A child who first teethes from its upper jaw
the place. His sister takes up her child in her arms
80 that its face is towards the way her brother is is considered unlucky to its maternal uncle. The ceremony performed to remove the evil effects
coming, she herself standing facing the village
whence she came. The brotter comes silently and is this: the mother of the child goes beyond the
opens the mouth of the child, touches its teeth limits of her village on the path leading to her parents' house. From the opposite direction
with the paied and iron nail, without showing him
self or seeing the face of his sister, and burying comes the maternal uncle of the child bringing with him a white brass tray, 14 seer of rice, seven
these things on the spot returns to his village. pice, one yard of cloth and four iron nails. All
Note. these things, except the tray and the nails, are
Any further particulars concerning this, or any knotted in the cloth. The maternal uncle drives
similar belief, might be noted. Why should the the four nails in the ground in & square form and
mother's brother of all people be affected by touches the teeth of the obild with the tray and this particular occurrence Pls his fate bound up then puts the tray and the cloth, with the other with that of his sister's child in any other way P articles wrapped in it, within the square between
H. A. Rose, the nails and goes back to his house. The uncle
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab. and his sister neither talk nor see each other's I Simla, 27th July 1901.
* To ward off any calamity, the person who observes these movements in the dog, spits three times on the ground.

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NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA.
NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA. BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.
(With a Note by H. A. Rose.)
1. The mole is a well-known protection from the Evil Eye. It is also an emblem of the Chandani, corresponding to Venus, whose approach to the Moon, a personified male (as distinguished from the female of the West) is a natural phenomenon held to represent the meeting of a loving pair. The Moon is called Râktipati or Târâganapati, "King of the Night," "Husband of the Stars."
2. Rohini is his favourite wife, and she is represented thus, while a crescent shows the Moon. A dot between the horns represents the face of the Moon, which is often,
however, drawn like the human face in profile
his loving consort. It is an emblem of conjugal happiness.
with another dot below it to represent
3. A line between the eyebrows represents the red powder or the ashes applied to that spot as a protection from all evils. It is called angara, or vibhuti.
293
4. The Panch or five Pandavas, who lived in conjugal happiness-without disagreement with one wife, represent domestic harmony among brothers.
5. The nine planets or grahs are supposed to have great influence over the destinies of mortals; and as a charm against their occasional evil influence a ring is. worn containing the nine gems, such as diamond, ruby, coral, topaz, pearl, emerald, sapphire, cat's-eye and gôméd, known to commerce as the Burmese ruby. The ring is represented in the tattoo mark.
383
6. This eight-sided figure represents the lotus (called phul in the tattoo mark), which is the seat or pedestal of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth. It also represents the whole universe, and is drawn in different ways. Thus
+
-11 O 11
T
B
米
1 Compare Shakespeare's "It is the East, and Juliet is the sun! Oh, rise fair Sun, and kill the envious Moon!""

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It would be interesting to trace the development of the lotus in these designs, the following dotted enlargements will give an idea thereof: -
*
B
*
The mystic sign A shows the eight directions, while B shows the eight points of the compass produced by placing two squares, one above the other, with their planes crossing each other the squares representing Heaven and Earth. Among the animistic races who have no conception of the
" world above the straight square four corners of the globe,
in linear or dotted lines represents the
7. In Gujarat this emblem represents a pair of scales
, and
has found a place on the early coins of the Honourable East India Company. Is it used by the Banila or trader of the Pan Jab?

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female power, yoni. Compare Sûdrakamalakara's Rules of Worship for the Sudrâs. When a Brahman performs a religious ceremony in the house of a Sûdra he draws a triangle in water on
the ground and not a svastika
ZOF
"twice-borns." This triangle is called yoni in the text mentioned above.
71
.....
8. These are triangles, the mystic representations of the
9. This is the emblem of the fish :
-
295
or a square , as he would in the house of one of the
J
But what is a "fish" and why is it lucky? Originally it represented the female power, the Joni, thus
l

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The triangle is the more primitivo emblem of the yoni: thus -
10. The profession or auto is very often indicated by the tattoo marks, though it has not usally been intentionally included among them. It will be interesting to find
out whether
atöran or utéran (spindle) is
at niebe I, HI
I
.,
stere
tattooed by women of the spinning castes, who were originally nomads, and are now mat-makers or rope-makers, still unsettled in their habits.
11.
The milk-maids of Krishna are thus represented : -
À À H777 林林 ** X X *
X
X
X
X
X
X
XXXXX
These emblem, will possibly show that the woinan who hears thetn is a milk-maid, Ahir of Govel by onste. It may be carefully noted that the number of maids shown is always five.

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297
12. The tattoo mark known as Kanhayya's mukat or orown.
There is no mistaking the caste of a woman using this. Although the design is called mukat or crown only, it is the throno - the peacock throne (mayar) of Krishna or Kaņhayya. He is seated in the centre, with a crown over his head; to the left in his crowned wife, Rukmiņi, and to the right his brother, Balarâm. The women who bear this emblem on their arms are Rajputs of the lunar raco. Their great ambition, a brave husband, a warrior on horse-back, is also pourtrayed.
18. The oamel as a beast of burden was a very useful animal to caravans. The Kasara, traders in copper and brass pots at Násik, have two camels on the pedestal of their goddess. Women with these marks will be found to be Banjaras by casto, the dotted and linear delineation distinguishing one tribe from another. Those with the dotted lines will possibly be northerners and those with the heavy linear designs the southernors, or more " mixed."
Conclusion. These notes are intended to show that an ethnographist has much to learn from the tattoo marks, that they are not mere ornaments, that they are not without motive, and that a careful study thereof will afford valuable information towards the explanation, among other things, of Oriental symbolism, and, in some instances, of primitive rok carvings,
Note on Female Tattooing in the Panjab.
S (By H. A. Rose.) The Panjáb notes, collected at the Census, show that tattooing is more prevalent among the nomad and pastoral tribes than among the settled and civilized ones. That some Muhammadan women still practise it, in spite of the prohibition in the Quran, is an interesting feature.
Among marks, (1) the madhavi (churn * ), (2) the atéran (spindle), (3) the camel, (4) the needle, (6) the sieve, and (6) the warrior on horse-back, clearly denote the castes of the women using them; but as most of these designs have not been grouped according to castes, it is difficult to discuss the question of identification fully. However, it will be no surprise to find that the women are, respectively, (1) milk-maids, (2) spinners, (8) traders or members of caravans, (4) cobblers, (5) farmers, and (6) Rajpats. These marks are the survivals of obsolete totems, even if they be not now recognized as such.
(a) The lotus, (6) peacock, (c) fish, (d) triangle, and (6) svastika are signs of luok, and if tattooed on the left arms they are much more so. The chakra (wbeel), the stars, the páuckf and the “Sita's kitchen" are protective charms. Sita was protected by the enchanted circle (taboo) draws
• (Ante, Vol. IV. p. 66: Vol. XXX. p. 149 f.- ED.)

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round her gumphá (hat, kitchen), and she was enjoined not to leave the latter during her protector's absence. She disobeyed the order out of charity towards Råvaņa, who was disguised as an ascetic, and was thus carried off by him.
The practice of tattooing a scorpion, a snake, a bee or a spider has its origin in sympathetio magic, which is supposed to protect people so marked.
The dotted and continuous lines used in drawing these figures may enable ethnographers to distinguish the tribal origins of different sects. The Gujarâthis of Bombay and the Todas of Madras use the dotted process, while the Marathås and Drávidas use the linear one. Careful investigation may give us definite data.
Among the nomads mentioned, the Kanjars are a criminal tribe of cattle-lifters and dakaits. They are notoriously versatile, and change their tribal name so constantly that it has always been difficult to trace them. If tattoo marks can be so classified as to enable the police to say definitely whether & gang consists of Kanjars, Sânsis, Multâns Banjârâs, Hajrabasis, Singuvâlîs, Ods, rope-dancers, or acrobats, a great administrative gain would acerue.
The fear of losing one's identity in heaven among these wandering tribes is due to the fear of being abducted or lost on earth in the jungles, Tattooing on a sensitive part also of the body owes its origin to sympathetio maglo, but the spider deserves special mention, as it is credited with the power of producing leprosy. The parrot is a love bird, and has special value as a charm.
The most important part of the information collected is the belief that the tattoo marks migrate to Heaven with "the little entire man or woman" (soul) inside the mortal frame.
Considering the results of this preliminary inquiry, it is to be hoped that some one will take steps to obtain separate plates for each oaste, showing the designs as they actually are in shape and size, and noting on each sheet the tribe or caste and the place of birth of the individual. The latter will show the effects of environment. The notes given above will show how important the subjeot is from an ethnographical point of view.
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE PROF, O. P. TIELE. (Translated into English by G. K. Nariman.)
Sources. Very abundant are the writings out of which one may learn to study the Maxdayasnien religion as it flourished under the sway of the Sassanides, and has since to the present day been preserved in a few districts of Persia, but above all in Western India. Before the Avesta became known in Europe, we had to content ourselves with these and with the reports of the classical authors for an acquaintance with Zoroastrianism. At the close of the seventeenth century, the erudite professor at Oxford, Thomans Hyde, essayed, on the basis of these sources, and preponderatingly on the more recent ones, an account of the religion of the ancient Persians, Parthians and Medians. It goes without saying that the founts of our information comprise much that is old, that they communicate to n8 many a tradition and depict for us many enstoms which have existed for centaries. But what is old in them and what of a later date can be positively ascertained only by means of a comparative exposition of
• See Fraser's Golden Bough, p. 3.
. Compare - "Thoy, Kbyons (Chins), allege that they were driven to it (tattooing) bocanso their women were naturally so beautiful that they were constantly carried off by neighbouring tribes." -Sir John Lubbook in Original Civilisation, p. 64. [Xvidence of this more than doubtful, however.- ED.)
• Vide Fruer's Golden Bough for this belief,
Historia Religionis Veterum Persarum Eorusque Magorum. Ozon. 1700.

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299
the most primitive of the indigenous records. One is warranted in the surmise that considerably more of them could be proved as archaic and original, if we possessed the Avesta in its entirety, or at least a greater portion of it than the present fragmentary remnants. However, on such surmises no history can be constructed ; accordingly we shall leave them out of account and employ them only occasionally to elacidate facts of historical validity. As authentic sources for the period with which we are exclusively concerned they are of little utility.
The sources from which to build a history of the religion of the Persian or Iranian peoples, previous to the fall of the Achæmenide empire, are relatively scanty; though this paucity of materials is outweighed by the superior significance of the most important of them, the Apesta, which embodies most of the relics of the sacred soripture of the Zarathushtrians in the original language. A few fragments discovered in the last decades, and which were not comprised in the ordinary Canon, decidedly belong to these sacred writings. We must here content ourselves with a cursory notice of this main fountain of our information. Another chapter will be devoted to a discussion of the contents, the dates, the character and the history of these books. Besides these we have, though of subsidiary importance for our knowledge of the religion, the inscriptions of the later Achæmenide dynasty, of which the most prominent was discovered at Behishtận in Media, and at Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rastam in Persis proper. They are composed in old Persian, a tongue which is indeed different from that of the Avesta, but closely allied to it. Moreover, most of them are accompanied by a translation in modern Susian, in which we see with greater probability the tongue of Elam or Susiana in the times of the Achæmenides. The core of its contents is not of a religious, but of a historical, nature. Still the monarchs confess to their faith in Ahuraməzda, the mighty God, and impute to his grace their domination and their triumphs. Their professions are more emphatic and less effusive than those of the kings of Assur, Babel, or Egypt, when they glorify their gods. Multifold data for a description of the Iranian creed of yore are derived from the Bundehish, a composition in Pehlevi, the language of the Sagsanian era. And if the hypothesis enunciated by the Coryphaeus of Pehlevi savants, E. W. West, turns out correct; namely, that this work is a rendering or a manipulated version of the Damdat Nask, one of the lost books of the Avesta, there is no objection to our making such use of the book. No one will deny that much of what it is composed of is of remote antiquity. But the redaction which we possess dates at the earliest from 9th century of the Christian era, from an age in which Sasganian rule had long before come to an end, and when Masdayasnianism was no more the state-religion. Even if the Damdat Nask formed the ground-work of the book, it is at all events no exact translation of it. Let alone the allusions to the Arabs, which may be later accretions, it includes so much that could issue from the Sagsanian times alone, that we should act uncautiously, did we assume the rest as testimony to the religious conceptions of the centuries which preceded Alexander. An off-hand sifting of the evidence is out of the question. We shall therefore not draw upon this source. The same applies in an increased measure to the other Pehlevi works, whose value for the interpretation of the Apesta we are not inclined to dispate; while we cannot consider them as original documents for the investigation of the religion of our period.
The solitary contemporary of the Achæmenides among the Hellenic writers, who relate something about the religion of the Persians, is Herodotus. His friend Ktesias, who was physician at the court of Persia, had the fairest opportunity of instructing his quondam countrymen in the predomiDant faith in his land of adoption. Perhaps he did write on the subject, but the fragments of his works preserved to us to-day do not deal with religion. When we reflect, however, how little reliance he merits respecting his historical narratives and likewise regarding the little that he says about the creed of the Babylonians and the Assyrians, that is probably not much to be deplored. Herodotusa gives a comparatively exhaustive account of the religion and usages of the Persians, which very
probably concern the Medians too. Whether he personally visited Persia, which is not certain, or · learnt of the home and the history of the Persians only through the Persians of Asia Minor, which is
1 Book I. 181-140

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more likely, in either case he depicts the circumstances as they obtained at the time of Artaxerxes I. about the middle of the fifth century B. C. Had he got to make use of older Greek sources, his portrayal would refer to a somewhat preceding age. But we have no sufficient grounds for this conjecture.
This much is confirinod : what he records is produced neither by himself nor by his authority from the sacred literature of Persin. It is the result of personal or second-hand observation and oral communication, - not the official doctrine of priestly schools, but the every day practice, which, as a matter of course, is to some extent divergent from the prescriptions and ideals of the theologians. This before all must be borne in mind in estimating the worth of his portrayal, which must not be branded as falsehood, when it seems to contradict the latter, but which at the same time does not argue a different time and a different sphere for the origin of the Apesta. The coincidences between the Avesta and Herodotus are too many for us to doubt that he actually has in mind the Zarathushtrian religion. But he is not uniformly accurate. What he asserts about the Persian names: shows that here be misses the meaning of his authority, and when he holds Mithrat for a female divinity, whom the Persians had assimilated from the Arabs, it is manifest that he has misunderstood him. Such discrepancies, however, are easily emended, and no reasons are forthcoming why we should refuse to credit his accounts. On the contrary, they supply a valuable means of inquiry into the tenets of the Zarathushtrian religion, as already accepted in general under the Achæmenides.
It is much to be deplored that the works of Theopompos have perished beyond recall. In the eighth book of his Philippina this contemporary of Philippus and Alexander handles the Magian teachings. In connection with the tradition of the Parsis that Alexander had the holy writings of Zarathushtrianism translated into Greek, which is not certainly to be literally understood, it would be of immense consequence to know what Theopompos had read or heard of the precepts contained in them. Plutarch was cognisant of his work and consulted it. He cites him where he recounts the successive world epochs, which the Persians admitted, and with reference to the conflict between Aromazdes and Areimanios and the annihilation of the latter. Probably he is beholdeu to the same authority for his careful account of Zarath ushtrian theology which he presents in the same work,
It must be, then, that he derived his information from Hermippos, a contemporary of Ptolemaios Euergetes (247-22 B. C.), of whom Pliny A88Qres us that be had studied the precepts of the Persians from their own books, and had published a detailed account of the two million verses which they contained. Hermippos' work, too, is hopelessly lost, to the incalculable detriment of the history of Mazdayasnian religion. Not so much because we would have learnt what is conspicuously absent in the 'archaic and the recent autochthonous sourees, but because from it we should have derived what was already in vogue among the.Zarathushtrians, and because it would have shed considerable light on the question of the date of the Avesta.
On this account it is that the reports of Diogenes Laertius? (who also cites Theopompos) that Eudoxos, the contemporary of Plato, and Aristotle knew the doctrine of the conflict of ZeusOromazdes and Hades-Areimanios, is of the greatest moment despite its brevity.
Chap. 189.
Chap. 181. • De Iride et Osirido, c. 46-47. The explanation he gives with regard to the four ont of the six Ameshaupenda is tolerably correct; but he has not quite understood Haurvatat and Ameretat. His account of the 24 of the gode of Oromaxdes' creation hiding themselves in an egg, which is broken by w many counter-orentions of Areimanion, had so far found no corroboration in any old Zarathushtrian text. For a notion in the later writinga harmonising with this idea, so Windischmann: Zoroastrische Studien, p. 284.
• Historia Naturali. XXX. 1. To Windischmann the two million seems an exaggeration, and, instead of wicies contum milia rorum, he would read vícies dena milia vernum. He indicates that the 200,000 line tolerably correspond to what is related of the bulk of the Avoata during the times of the Bassanides. I, too, would not bewer for the accuracy of the two million. But the Bassanian Zend Avesta was held to be morely remnant of the richer literature which existed at the time of Alexander,
* Prooemium, 6 and 9.

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Strabo, belonging to the first century B.C., also deserves mention, since what he relates from his own experience of the Persian rites among the Cappadocians is essentially pertinent, notwithstanding that ho obviously draws upon other writers, in part even apon Herodotus.
Finally, Pausanias' solitary allusion to the customs of the Magians is in tolerable concord with what we learn from the Avesta.
For the rest, we are content to sllade to the not yet antiquated monograph of Fr. Windischmann10 on the passages from the ancients bearing on Zarathushtrianism ; though we are unable to subscribe to the genuineness of the fragment of the dialogues ascribed to authors Lydus and Plato, to which he refers.
CHAPTER I. The Sacred Writings.
I.
The Zend Avaste of the Bassanides. The history of the Mazdayasnian religion for a good part coincides with that of the sacred scriptures of the Zarathashtrians. Consequently we must first make a closer acquaintance of these writings. The greatest portion thereof has perished. As has been already stated, a rich Zarathushtrian literature existed when Alexander subvested the Persian empire, and on which Hermippos, among othors, drew for the material of his work. According to a Parsi tradition, to which we shall revert in the sequel, the Greek invader consigned to flames some of the books, some he had despatched to his home, and only the Arsacides and subsequently the Sassanides (A, D. 226-636) are credited with having collected the remnants. It is certain that under the domination of the Sassanides a canon or a holy writ was in vogue embodying the ancient text, Avesta, with its Commentary or Zend, and usually on these grounds passing under the name of the Zond-Avesta. This canon fell into twentyone nasks or books, of which in the 9th Christian century twenty were still extant in the original tongue, nineteen in the Pehlevi translation with elucidatory glosses. Even this collection no more exists. It 18 extinct not exactly because of the irruption of Islam, - by the 9th century it had long been in the ascendant - but only laber under the Tartar sovereignty, owing to unfavourable times and the supineness and ignorance of the believers. The ensuing sections of this Chapter are devoted to the debris of this body of writings.
It might seem that a discussion of the Zend-Avesta of the Sassapides does not belong to our investigation, inasmuch as we do not pursue our research farther than down to Alexander the Great. But that is not so in fact. Even though the Avesta, had it been preserved to us intact, would have served as a source only, with certain reservations, for a knowledge of the Zarathushtrian religion prior to the fall of the Achæmenides. However mach the more ancient ingredients were worked up into the spirit of the times and edited anew, still archaic writings are incorporated with it and constitute its pith and marrow. It is, therefore, pertinent to enquire what we can learn about them, if only that some desirable light may ba sbed upon wbat remains to us thereof.
On the contents of the Sabbanide Zend-Avesta more or less complete information is afforded by the Dinkart, a composition in Pehlevi and dating from the 9th century A. D. The author seems to have had before him the original as well as the translation, with the exception mentioned above. To him only the latter version wes intelligible. The former, the original text, was to him a book with seven seals. This is to be concluded from the fact that he has nothing to say concerning the contents of the one nask, which he possessed in the old language, but not in the Peblevi rendering. What he, therefore, furnishes us is confined solely to excerpts from the version with all ite inaccuracies,
Besides Book XI. 8, 4. Comp. specially Book XV., and here, inter alia, 2, 14; 3, ; 3, 7 et seq.; before all 8,13 -0.
• V. 27, and &
10 "Stellen der Akten Über Zoroastrisches," in his Zoroastriache Studien, p. 260-318. (For an English translation of this important work, vide Dastur Darab's Zarathustra in the Gathas and in the Classico.-T.]

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periphasis, scholia and later additions. The abstracts at all events seem to be correct. Anyway, the synopsis of the contents of the Vendidad, which the author presents is in tolerable accord with the prototype. But details touching the period of the Sabsanides, nay more, here and there allusions to the Arabs, crop up, so that it is well to regard as old only what harmonizes with the dogma of the primitive texts, so far as they have come down to us.
The Dinkart contains two classifications of the 21 books, of which neither can be original. One divides them into three classes, to each of which belongs seven Nasks : seven Gathic, seven Hadha Manthraic and seven legal works. This division is but partially in consonance with the contents of the books. From the writer's own words it is evident that, properly speaking, not more than four books appertain to the Gathas, that not more than five can claim the designation of Juristic works, so that in point of fact all the rent must be recorded or at least characterized as HadhaManthraics or miscellaneous. The second classification is a theological triviality, according to which each Nask corresponds to one of the twenty-one words of the Ahuna Vaerya Prayer, which is the "fount of the fountains of religion." Perhaps more authentic, and, at any rate, more rational sequence, is that in which almost all the Persian Revaydts enumerate the books and which we shall follow in our rapid survey of the Zend-Avesta.
At the head stands the Stot-Yasht, Staota Yesnye, which at present is wholly embraced in the Yesna and comprises the most archaic litanies, the Gathas, along with other ancient texts. Rightly does West, the Coryphaeus of Pehlevi scholars, remark that the Stot-Yasht, and especially the Gathas, form the central point round which all Nasks are ranged, and that these texts in the Sassanian epocb were neither larger nor smaller than now. Perhaps they may be better styled the foundation on which all the rest reposes.
The three Nasks, which immediately come after, are or should be scholit on the Gathas and the oldest prayers. The first of these, the Sutkar, can be so called only arbitrarily. I would hesitate to call this Nask a collection of homilies after the type of the Gathas, notwithstanding it may be urged in extenuation that "homilies do indeed at times digress far from the text." In truth, so far at least as we can judge from the table of contents the Dinkart presents, several chapters have not the slightest bearing on the litanies with which tradition associates them.11 The Varstmansar has much inore of commentary. It is arranged not only in order of the prayers and psalms preceded by a prelude recounting the miraculous birth of Zarathushtra, but actually keeps to what we find in the corresponding passages of the Pehlevi Yasna ;-though occasionally it deals with matter which is touched upon neither in the old texts nor in the version, to our knowledge, and although there is mention, naturally in a prophetic manner, of Mani and his followers (215 A. D. and the subgequent years), and even of the 9th and the 10th century "after the coming of the religion," i, e., according to the native chronology of the 5th and 6th, or even the 6th and 7th, centuries after Christ. If we compared the Gáthas in a way with the Vedic Sauhitd, this Nask would be called Bráhmana. Still more intimately is the Bako Nask connected with the Gáthas and the appended texts, at least in respect of the sequence. The books do not pretend to be an exhaustive commentary, but the author selected a few sections (bako, bagha, piece or fragment), to which he superadds his own reflections, making it most difficult for us to ascertain the context.13 We possess in the original the first three Fargards of the Bako-Nask, which give a kind of analysis of the three sacred formula 14
11 Comp., . ., in Dinkart IX. Chap. 6, which should belong to Yama 29, but which makes no mention of Geushurva; or Chap. 7, which treats of something quite other than the two spirits in Yamna 80, and so forth.
13 The following may serve as an illustrative example: In Fargard 15, inter alia, khuathuadata, marriage between Dear relatives, is spoken of, and Aarhmazd himself is cited as an instance, The Occasion for this is furnished by a passage in Yaana 44, where Sponta Armaiti is called his daughter. This is combined with another myth which denominates her his epouse; and therefrom the conclusion is arrived at that he, like Manu, was married to his own daughter.
18 Only of these three Naska do wa ponses to some extent a detailed analysis in Dinkart IX.; of all the rest, Bo far as they were nooossible to the anthor only 4.pummary of ogntonta in Dinkart VIII.
14 Especially Yamna, 19-21.

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On these properly Gathic books follow seven others of miscellaneous contents, the HadhaManthraio, which treat of religious ceremonies, customs, legends, myths, of cosmogony and the Mazdayasnian law. The most important of these Nasks seems to have been the Damdat, "The production of the creation," a sort of genesis of the spiritual and the material world. The book also handles the same theme as the Bundehish, a Pehlevi writing of which only a recension of the 9th century has descended to us, and, as noted before, has been the ground-work of the same. Another of these books, the Vishtasp-Shasto, is held to have its reflex in the so-called Vistasp Yasht, the original text of which has been preserved. If that be so, we have here a somewhat younger writing, embodying, inter alia, in a form of instruction imparted by Zarathushtra to king Vishtaspa, the precepts of Mazdayasnianism, defective in structure and not very original.
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
803
What was included in the Vashtap-Nask, which next comes up, we do not know, since it was lost very early. The two following, Spend and Chithradat, have this in common, that both deal with legends of saints and prophets; the second, which chronologically should be the first, proceeding from Hoshang to Zarathushtra, the first from Zarathushtra to Shoshyans. The Bakan Yast Nask comprised at the lowest fifteen of the Yashts which survive in the primitive text. In these Yashts the epic stories of Iran occupy prominent position. Then come five books on legislation, of which the last, the Vendidad, is extant. Like all law books of authority, they relate to a motley farrago of all possible subjects bearing on religion, on civil, on political matters. Nor does the tolerably detailed conspectus of its contents help us to discover a logical sequence. Only we are able to denote the first, Nikatum, as a species of penal code, and the fourth, Sakatum, as a regulation affecting personal and family concerns. But these general designations would apply to several of these chapters. The question, whether they are the Pellevi redaction of very archaic texts, does not lend itself to an easy solution. There is much in them which may be ancient, but more of which the contrary is less doubtful. In the synopsis of the contents of the penal code just referred to, there is nothing which may prevent our locating it in the times of the Achæmenides or even earlier. The same in general would hold good of the others, did we not omit to add that they have been reduced to unison with the later social and political exigencies and religious tenets, and that they have been copiously interpolated. Thus, to cite only a few illustrations, what is laid down in the Ganabasarnijat with reference to soldiers and their generals need not be of a posterior period. But when, in another chapter of this Nask, the enemy are. depicted as subserving the king of kings and doing homage to the Yazatas, and when they are threatened with death, should they recalcitrantly decline to adopt the Iranian nationality, we rest assured that it is the voice of one of the orthodox of the Sassanide times. It is possible to distinguish between the original and the subsequent accretions only when, as in the case of a portion of the Juristic book of Hushparam, the Avesta text is also available to us.15 Whether these law books were ever enforced and are founded on legal decisions it is difficult positively to affirm. It is not improbable as regards the Sassanide period; in the epoch with which we are concerned they were perhaps no more than sacred scripture in which the clergy and the theologian had drawn his ideals, while in public life they exercised no binding authority.
The whole collection closes with the Hadokhta Nask, which, in virtue of its name (HadhaUkhta), was a supplement to the other texts, and was by consequence composed of heterogeneous materials; but likewise embodied very old ingredients. Various fragments of it have survived in the primitive language, and the name of the Nask is cited in the younger Yashts.
A conclusion of no small moment, which may be deduced from our exposition, is that the Gathas, along with the allied texts, occupied the same exalted position in the ZendAvesta of the Sassanides that they at present hold, and that then, too, they constituted the
18 The contents of two Fargards of this Nask mostly correspond with the Nirangishtan, edited and translated by Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, III. p. 91, seq.; but the order of succession is altogether different. Darmesteter has not observed that the first part of the Avesta-Nirangishtan has its parellel, not in the Fargard of the same name in the Nask, but in the preceding cne of Aerpatishtan.

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quintessence, and were allowed to be the most primeval and sacrosanct documents, of the Zarathushtrian revelation. Moreover, it is obvious that the Zend-Avesta comprised neither more nor less Gathic texts than are incorporated into our Fasna. This is indicated by the order of the three Gathic Nasks, which have the form of scholia to the holy formule and the Gáthas, though they belong to a description of commentary not rare in later centuries too, which obscure more than they illuminate. At all events they show with what reverence the ancient documents were cherished and how the people beheld in them the fons et origo of the divine communications.
The most important remnants of the sacred books that were still extant after Alexander, the weightiest before all, for our knowledge of the religion, remain; still we have to deplore the destruction of so many, if of less consequence, writings in their original condition. A greater amount of the Iranian literature of yore would not contribute a little towards the elucidation of its relics. Till then a delimitation of what has come down from antiquity and of the latter-day additions in the Pehlevi and Parsi literature would not be possible. If we had the book of the Nasks, Chitradut and Spend, extant, we should not laboriously have to piece together the fragments of the Iranian epos and the legends of Zarathushtra each into a coherent whole, but should have presented before us synopses of both. From the Damdat we should derive an insight into the old Zarathushtrian conception of the creation and the synthesis of the world, which we can but infer from sporadic allusion in the Aresta book and vague bypothesis reared on turbid sources. They would better acquaint us with the cult and the priesthood. But we must content ourselves with the salvage from the great shipwreck and now we have to face the question if we can confidently utilize the débris.
(To be continued.).
LADAKHI SONGS.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANCKE, LEH.
(With the aid of the Rev. S. Ribbach and Dr. E. Shawe.) (Concluded from p. 106.).
Khalatsei gling glu rnams yin
Song No. XXI-Heavenly Voices.
Text.
1. amai bu zhung bltamspari dusla. 2. mi yulbo 'oddis 'ang khyangs 3. lhayi bu Kesar kun bltams tsana
4. 'adzambu gling 'oddis khyangs.
5. rgyal leang leanggi leang stodna.
6. lha phrug ysum skyod 'adug lei
7. lha skad cig diriri
Translation.
1. When mother's little boy was born,
All the land of men was filled with light. When Kesar and the [other] sons of the gods were born
2.
3.
These songs [i. e., Nos. XXI.-XXIX.] are the gling glu1 of Khalatse.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
All 'aDzambugling was filled with light,
On the top of the willow of the world
There are walking three sons of the gods.
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
When all the great godly kings are walking
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
When Kesar and the [other] sons of the gods are walking,
8. rgyal lham chenmo kun skyod tsana.
9. lha skad cig diriri
10. lhayi bu kesar kun skyod tsana
11. Iha skad cig diriri
1 gling glu are the songs sung at the Spring or Kesar Festival, when everybody practises archery. The gLing glu of Khalatse and the gLing glu of Phyang may be usefully compared. This song was included (ante, Vol. XXX. p. 359 ff.) in "A Ladakhi Bonpo Hymnal."
11. There is a hum of heavenly voices.

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12. rgyal leang leanggi leang stodna
13. lhamo kun skyodded lei
14. lha skad cig diriri
15. jojo 'abruguma skyod tsana
16. lha skad cig diriri
17. shel Icam 'abruguma skyod tsans
18. Iha akad cig diriri
Notes.
1. bltamspari, for participles ending in pari, compares ong No. XVII. Note on6. 2. 4. khyangs; just as khyabpa was derived from 'agebspa, khyangpa was derived from 'agengspa. 3. kun, for kun, in the sense of and so on,' compare unte, "Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga," Philological Notes, No. VI., 19. 5. rgyal lcang, originally probably rgya leang, the willow with far-spreading [branches]. The prefixed of the second syllable was sounded with the first. It is the tree of the world, mentioned in Ladakhi Wedding Ritual, Songs Nos. V., VI., VII., and VIII. 8. rgyallham, for the addition of final m, compare ante, "Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga," Philological Notes, No. V., 1. 18. skyodded-skyoddad, see Ladakhi Grammar, present tenses.
1. thangka bdemoi kha mdā shing legsmo rig yod.
2. thang de bdemoi kha mda shing legamo rig yod.
3. mda shing ringmobo
Song No. XXII.-Dedication of the Arrows. Text.
agui mda shing zhig yin lo
4. dezuggi mda shingbo
agubai lagtu phul 5. dezuggi mda shingbo
LADAKHI SONGS.
agu drungbabai lagta phul lei
6. mđã shing chung chungbo jojobai phang shing rig yin 7. dezuggi phang shingbo aneyi lag de la phul
8. dezuggi phang shingbo
ane bkur dmanmoi lag de la phul lei
Notes.
5, 6, 7. the syllable ba in agubai, drungbabai, jojobai was inserted only for the sake of singing. 7. jojo, the reiterated form, is always used with the feminine, jo with the masculine.
12. On the top of the willow of the world 13. There are walking three goddesses. 14. There is a hum of heavenly voices. 15. When the noble 'aBruguma is walking, 16. There is a hum of heavenly voices.
17. When 'aBruguma, the crystal wife, is walking,
18. There is a hum of heavenly voices.
Notes.
If I am not altogether mistaken, this hymn contains an explanation of the phenomenon of thunder. It is thought to be caused by the walking of the gods. The word Ihaskad, which I translated by 'heavenly voices,' may be taken for any sound, caused by the mouths, hands or feet of the gods. The idea of thunder is not so very far-fetched, if we consider that, according to Song No. XXIX., lightning is called Kesar's sword,' and that the word diriri may have been originally Idiriri, which is used to express the rolling of thunder.
Translation.
1. On the beautiful plain there is a fine arrowtree,
2. On that beautiful plain there is a fine arrow
tree.
8. The long arrow-shaft
is an arrow-shaft of the Agus.
805
4. Such arrow-shafts
offer to the hands of the Agus!
5. Such arrow-shafts
offer to the hands of those who are before the Agus !
6. The short arrow-shaft
is a spindle-stick of the ladies.
7. Such spindle-sticks
offer to the hands of the wife [of the heavenly king]!
8. Such spindle-sticks
offer to the hands of Ane bKurdmanmo!
Notes.
All the arrows, used at the Kesar Festival, are to be considered as being dedicated, the longer ones to the Agus, the shorter ones to the heavenly queen Ane bKurdmanmo.

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Song No. XXIII.-Kesar's Four Victories. Text.
Translation. 1. buthsa ngarangngi dgung lo brgyadpoi 1. When I, a boy, had reached my eighth nangdu
year, shar ande bandhe ysum btulpa yin
I subdued the three Andebandhes of
the East. buthsa de kunni khs 'agying 'agying rig The boy has been triumphing over all of 'agyingspa yin
them. 2. bathsa ngarangogi dgung lo bou yoyispai 2. When I, a boy, had reached my twelfth year,
nangda ri rgyal blon chen kun btulpa yin.
subdued all the great ministers of the hills. buthsa de kunni kha 'agying 'agying rig . The boy has been triumphing over all of agyingspa yin.
them. 3. bathsa ngarangngi dgung lo beu drugpai 3. When I, a boy, had reached my sixteenth nangdu
year, bdud khyabpa lagring kun btulpa yin
I subdued the devil Khyabpa lagring and
bis men. buthsa de kunni kha 'agying 'agying rig The boy has been triumphing over all of 'agyingspa yin
them. 4. buth sa ngarangngi dgung lo bco brgyadpai 4. When I, a boy, had reached my eighteenth nangdu
year, hor ngan kun btulpa yin
I subdued all the bad Y&rkandis. buthsa do kunni kba 'agying 'agying rig The boy has been triumphing over all of 'agyingspa yin.
them. Notes.
Notes. 1. For the Andebandhes of the East, compare In this song we have probably the four victories, Kenar Saga No. v. 1.8. There we hate seven which were prophesied in the Spring Myth of the of them. 2. Kun, compare Note No. I. 3. Kesar Saga" No. V. 11-16. Instead of the word 3. Khyabpa lagring means "coverer longband.' Yârkandis' in 4 Mongolians' may be said, This is perhaps another name of Agu Za in compare Jäschke's Dictionary. Kesar Saga No. III.
Song No. XXIV. - Kesar and the Mules. Text.
Translation. 1. buthsa ngai ngosla nyon dang wa drezha 1. Oh, you brown mules, listen to me, to a boy!
khampa 2. buthsa ngai bdagla yan dang wa drezha 2. Oh, you brown mules, please, listen to me, khampa
to a boy! 3. rtsvakha nang gar bzangpo za chogpa 'adag 3. There is quite enough of good pasture; 4. drezha khampa khung khungbo cila bco 4. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying 'ad lei
khung chung ? 5. chu mig gar bzanpo 'athang chogoes 'adag 5. There is quite enough of good wells; 6. drezha khampa khung khung bo cila bco 6. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying 'ad lei
khung khung ? 7. sa ljub bdemoi kha 'adug chogces yod
7. You have been [long] enough on good pas
tare; 8. drezha khampa khung khungbo cila bco 8. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying 'ad lei
khung khung ?

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807
Notes.
Notes. 4, 6, 8. Khung khung imitates the voice of This song is to be placed after Kesar's return the mules, bo is the emphatic article. 7. saljab, from Hor. Then he found that the mules had means the name as sacha, pasture ground. taken the King of Hor's part. It is almost
certain that the word 'adre, a certain spirit, was mixed up with the word dre, mule, and thus the
original spirits bedame animals, Bong No. XXV. - On the Brar Pass. Text.
Translation. 1. srargyi lai stengna thang dkar mgo dkar1. On the Brar Pass the strength of the whitokun chadde luste 'adug
headed falcon is broken, and he remains
behind! ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig Oh, quoon Ane Kurdmanmo, come to mdzad
my help! 2. srargyi lai stongna phorog nag chung kan 2. On the Srar Paas the strength of all the chadde laste 'adug
little black crows is broken, and they
remain behind. ane bkar dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my mdzad
help! 3. Brargyi lai stengna yyums phoron kun 3. On the Srar Pass the strength of all the chadde laste 'adug
turquoise pigeons is broken, and they
remain behind ! ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
Oh, quoen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my mdzad.
help! srargyi lai stengna shangku mjug zlam kon 4. On the Brar Pass the strength of all the chadde laste 'adug
bushy-tailed wolves is broken, and they
remain behind. ano bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig Oh, queen Ane Kurdmanmo, come to my mdzad
help! 5. Brargyi lai stengns Bragpa cundru kun 5. On the Srar Pass the strength of all the chadde luste 'adug
earless stone-partridges is broken, and they
remain behind. ano bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
Oh, quoon Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my mdzad.
help! Notos.
Notes. chaddo, in all the verges, means originally is This song is a prayer rendered by Kesar, which cut off.' roge=grogs, Lad. Gr. Laws of Sound 3. he addressed to the queen of the gods, when cross3. phoron=phugron, pigeon. 4. shanglu = soang- ing the difficult Srar Pass. This pass he had lou = spyangku, Lad. Gr. l. of s. 1; 5, cundru, to cross on his journey to the North. earless, derivation not known.
Song No. XXVI. - Kesar, Returning to 'a Bruguma. Text.
Translation. 1. yama phoronla rdzuste
1. If she, taking the shape of a turquoise dovo, ynam stod mthonpola 'agyin gba chana
Should go to soar in the highest skies, khra skya dkarpola rdzuste
I, taking the shape of a white falcon, vyuma phoronni sna skyilla chon lei.
Will go to take her home again.

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2. yyuma phoronla rdzuste
2. If she, taking the shape of a turquoise dove, dgung stod mthonpola shorna
Should go to flee into the big best zenith, khra skya dkarpola rdzuste
I, taking the shape of a white falcon, yyuma phoronla 'adedpa chen lei.
Will go to follow after her. nyamo yser migla rdzuste
8. If she, taking the shape of the fish goldeye, mthao stod mthonpola 'agyingba chans
Should go to float in the deepest ocean, . chu sram kamala rdzuste
I, taking the shape of a whitebreasted otter, nyamoyser miggi sna skyills chon lei.
Will go to take her home again. nyamo yser migla rdzuste
4. It she, taking the shape of the fish 'goldeye,' mthso rgyan mtho spola shorns
Should go to flee into the widest ocean, chu sram brang dkarla rdzuste
I, taking the shape of a whitebreasted otter, nyamoyser migla 'adedla chen lei.
Will go to follow after hur. Notos.
Notes. 1. phoron = phugron, dovo; ma tkeyil literally Kesar, after having taken the food and drink hinder the nose,' i, e., 'meet from the front of forgetfulness, had forgotten 'Brugums. Now, 8. Kama, said to mean the same as brang dhar, that the birds, coming from the South, brought white breasted. 4. rgyan urgya, wide. Lad. him a message from her, decides to win her again Grammar, Laws of Sound 5.
by all means; actually there was no need to use the transformations mentioned in the above song.
Song No. XXVII. - 'a Bruguma's Farewell to Kesar. Text.
Translation. me ma khrulli KeBar
0 Kesar, who never lettest the fire fall! 1. stangscanni rgyalpo nyerang
1. Oh, my clever King! steng nang lha yulla skyod zana
When thou wilt go to the upper land of the
gods, | 1ha yulli lhạmo kun mthongse
And sdest all the fairies of heaven, mi yulli jojo ning rjed ma rjed.
Then do not forget thy wife from the land
of men. stangecapni jo nyerang
Oh, my clever Lord! steng nang lha yalla skyod zana
When thon wilt go to the upper land of
the gods, Thamo năng sitarim Eun mthong90
And seest all the Bitarrams among the
fairies, mi yulli 'abruguma 'aphang ma 'aphang.
Then do not reject 'Bruguma from the
land of men. 3. stangscenni rgyalpo nyerang
Oh, my clever King !
When thou wilt go to the lower land of the yog nang kla yalla skyod zana
snakes, klu yulli klumo kun mthongse
And seest all the náginf of it,
Then do not forget thy wife from the land mi yalli jojo ning rjed ma rjed,
of men.
4. Oh, my clever Lord ! stang scanni jo nyorang
When thou wilt go to the lower land of the yog nang klu yalla sky od zada.
snakes,
And seest all the näginf of it, kla yulli klamo kun mthongso
Then do not forget thy holpmate from the mi yulli grogs skal 'aphang ma 'aphang.
land of men.

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809
Notes.
Notes. 1. stange can means clever in strategies ;' As the Kesar Myth tells us, Kesar forgot tam tena, when; nihongar=mthongste, seeing. '•Bruguma all the same, alter having taken the 2. [aitarräm seems to be a reference to Sith, food and drink of forgetfulness. the heroine of the Ramayana, disgaised as a "fairy," under the hermaphroditio name SitaRáma, according to combination of the male and femalo names of allied deities common enough in India.-Ed.]
Song No. XXVIII. - Young Kenar. Text.
Translation. 1. la khala yaspabo
1. A flower, blooming on the pass, lagamobai mentog cig passed lei.
Oh, . pure flower is in bloom ! 2. la stod nang mthonpo kunla
2. On all the high passes yzugscanni mentog cig yassed lei.
A flower of fine shape is in bloom ! 8. darung yaspai sgang zbig yod lei
8. Thou art bat half opened, sogamo yaspai mentoggi jo.
Ob Lord [who art] like a flower of the
morning! darang yaspai sgang zhig yod lei
4. Thou art but'ball opened, kalimanni mentoggi jo
Oh Lord [who art] like a kalimān flower ! Notes.
Notes. 3 and 4 may be translated just as well. Oh This song refers to the supposed spring hero, Lord of the flower of the morning; oh Lord of who has carried spring up to the high passes. the kaliman flower,' The kaliman flower is not All the same he has not yet displayed his full of beautiful appearance, but has a very sweet glory (the flower is only half opened). ecent,
Song No. XXIX. - Kesar, the God of Lightning. Text.
Translation. 1. sarioanni la mgona
1. On the height of the Sarloan Pass nagpoi sprin cig yongaged lei.
Black clouds are gathering. 2. saricanni la mgona
2. On the height of the Sarican Pass
3u5 Or we are 888 dum dum sprin cig yongngod lai.
Torn clouds are gathering. nagpo sprinpoi dkyil dens
3. In the middle of the black clouds jo lagsmoi spamralla glog 'abarred lei.
Lightning flashes from our good Lord's
sword. nagpo sprinpoi dkyilpona
4. In the middle of the black clouds 'rgyal lham kosarri mamralla glog 'abarred Lightning flashes from the godly King lei.
Kesar's sword.
:
Notes. 8, 4. mamral, respectful for raigri, sword.
Notós. This song furnishes us with one of the strongest arguments to prove Kesar's nature-origin.

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Song No. XXX. - The Nyopa's Carpot.
A Wedding Song. Text.
Translation. A: - Nangmas:
A. - People of the house ask :1. nam stod mthonpo de:
1. The high sky, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? gangs stod mthonpo de
2. The high glacier, su dang ganggi stan,
Whose and what carpet is it? 3. brag stod mthonpo de
3. The high rock, Bu dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? mthsom stod mthonpo de
4. The high ocean, su dang ganggi stan,
Whose and what carpet is it? 5. mkhar stod mthonpo de
5. The high castle, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? 6. sa 'og phon che de
6. The wide earth, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? khrom zed kha egon de
The blue-bordered saddle-cloth, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? sha stan sebo de
8. The grey deer-skin, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? 9. rtsva shing nags thsal de
9. Those meadows and woods, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet are they? 10. Bambu yag ring de
10. That long piece of woollen cloth, su dang ganggi stan.
Whose and what carpet is it? B. - Nyopas:
- B. - The Nyopas says: 1. nam stod mthonpo de
1. The high sky nyi zla yayiskai stan.
Is the carpet of sun and moon. 2. gangs stod mthonpo de
2. The higb glacier sengge vyu ralli stan.
Is the carpet of the lion with the turquoise
mane 3. brag stod mthonpo de
3. The high rock skyin chen ba rganni stan.
Is the carpet of the mountain goat, the
old ox. 4. mthsom stod mthonpo de
4. The high ocean nyamo yser miggi stan.
Is the carpet of the fish golden eye.' 5. mkhar stod mthonpo de
5. The high castle mi chen gongmai stan.
Is the carpet of great men. sa 'og phol che de
6. The wide earth rgya nag rgyalpoi stan.
Is the carpet of the King of China. 7. khrom zed kha sngon de
7. The blue-bordered saddle-cloth aga dpallei stan.
Is the carpet of Agu dPalle. sha stan sebo de
The grey deer-skin agu khru btungngi stan,
Is the carpet of Agu Khru btung.. rteva shing nags thsal de
9. Those meadows and woods bys dang byigui stan,
Are the carpet of the great and little birds. snambu yug ring de
10. That long piece of woollen cloth nyo 'am spun bdunni stan.
Is the carpet of the Nyopas, the soyen
brethren.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIITTH CENTURY.
811
Notos. A. 4. mthsom = mthso, lake. 6. phonche: or faolche, much, in this connection "much land.' 7. khrom zed=khromme red, glittering brush,' used for velvet. 10. yug means "not sewn,' I am told; thu 'a long woven piece of cloth.'
B. 3. ba rgan, old ox; compare Song No. XV. 29. 8. Agu Khru btung (the spelling of the name is doubtful) has not a human, but falcon's head.
Notes. This song shows clearly the general character of the wedding songs. It is not in direct connection with the rest of the wedding songs, but forms a scene by itself. After the Nyopas (lit., "buyers" of the bride) have entered the house, they are not allowed to sit down on a carpet, until they have answered the questions, which form the first half of this song. [This custom seems to be allied to the world-wide "impossible riddle" of Folklore, which is a variant of the idea of the * impossible task" AS A supernatural method of identifying of the expected hero. The root idea here would seem to be that the Nyopas have to prove that that they really are Nyopas before being received, and the proof is in the Folklore method of answering certain formal riddles, ng one of the "signs" of the coming hero. - ED.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
BELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR BIOHARD C. TEMPLE, ( Continued from p. 284.)
1798.-No. LV. The following Letters were written on the 13th Instant, to Major Kyd, the Agent for Fort Marlbro', and the Register of the Nizamut Adawlat.
No. 1. To Major Alexander Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, I have received your Letter of the 13th Instant, and laid it before the Board, who direct Me to Acquaint you that you are Authorised to settle with Mr. Copestake for the Conveyance of one hundred Men and one thousand Bags of Grain in the Vessel you Mention to the Andamans, and landing them at Port Cornwallis on the Terms to which you have reported him willing to agree.
Orders will be givent for eighty Convicts to be held is readiness to embark in this Vessel ; and you will be pleased to Acquaint Mr. Barlow the Register to the Nizamut Adawlut, when she will be prepared to receive them.
The Governor General in Council has instructed me to advise you, in respect to Provisions that there are in Store, under charge of Mr. Perreau, the Agent for Fort Marlbro' 425 Bags of Rice and 290 Bags of wheat, which were intended for that Residency, but could not be taken on board the Ship that was to have carried them, and that, if the whole or any part of this Grain should be found of a Quality that will answer for the Convicts, Mr. Perreau is directed to deliver it over to your Order.
You are desired to let me know whether you will require the whole, or any, and that part of this Store ; and apon receiving your Answer, I shall be able to judge of the Quantity of Rice in Addition to Dholl, Ghee, and salt which the Garrison Store Keeper should provide, in such Proportions of each as you may point out,

Page #316

812
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1902
The Governor General in Council further directs me to acquaint you that he approves of small Vessel being freighted for four Months, for the Andaman Station, the Nautilus Brig having been employed on other Service; and desires you to report to him, as you propose, before you make an Agreement for the Hire. Council Chamber
I Am &ca. 14 Decr. 1793.
(Signed) E. Hay, Secry. to the Gort.
No. 2. To B. L. Perreau Esqre. Agent for Fort Marlbro'.
Sir, I have received your Letter of the 5th Instant, transmitting Copy of one written to you from Cox Island, on the 29th Ultimo, by the Commander of the Honble. Companys ship Pigot, by which and the Memorandum annexed to it, it appears that 425 Bags of Rice and 290 Bags of wheat intended for the Residency at Fort Malbro' have been returned from that Ship.
The Governor General in Council directs me to acquaint you that a small Supply of Grain being required to be sent on . Vessel going to the Andamans, be desires that you will allow Major Kyd, or any Person sent by him to inspect the Grain Abovementioned, and if the whole any part of it should be found to answer the Purpose, for which it is wanted, that you will have it delivered over to Major Kyd's order.
The Remainder or so much as may not be taken by Major Kyd, is to be resold as you propose and a Quantity, equal to that sent back from the Pigot may be purchased and dispatched to Boncoolen when a proper Opportunity Offers. Council Chamber
I am &ca. 10th December 1793.
(Signed) E. Hay Secry. to the Govt.
No. 3. To G. H. Barlow Esqre. Register to the Nizamut Adawlat.
Sir,- The Governor General in Council, having been pleased, in the Court of Nizamat, to recommend that a Number of Native Convicts should be sent to the Andamans, and a Vessel, which is to be hired by Major Kyd, the Superintendant being reported capable of accommodating Eighty of such Convicts, the Board have passed a Resolution that they should be transported on that Vessel.
You are therefore dosired to intimate this to the Adawlet, and give Orders, under their Directions, for the Convicts to be in readiness to embark obtaining from Major Kyd the necessary Information when the Vessel will be prepared to receive them. A Guard will be sent with the Men. Council Chamber
I am &ca, 14th December 1793.
(Signed) E. Hay Secry. to the Govt. The Secretary Acquaints the Board, that the Cornwallis &now being ready to proceed to Port Cornwallis, he sent the Salling Orders to Lieutenant Wales the Commander of the Vossel, desiring him generally to attend to such further Instructions as he might receive from Major Kyd, the Superintendant, at that Settlement.
1799.- No. LVI. Read a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Eeqre. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I have received your letter of the 14th Instant, and will immediately sent [ 7 trent] with Mr. Copestake for the freight of his Vessel to the Andamans, and will take Measures as directed by the Board, for embarking the Convicts, as soon as possible. I imagine that the Rice prepared for Fort Marlbro' is too fino a quality, for the Convicts, but as both Rice and Wheat must be soon sent for the

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JULY, 1902.7
TRE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITX CENTURY.
818
Use of the Settlement at the Andamans; and as Mr. Copestake's Vessel will take a Considerable large[1] quantity than what is necessary for the Convicts, I will prepare the usual indents on the Garrison Store keeper, who may be directed to take the Grain from Mr. Perreau.
I beg you will Acquaint the Governor General in Council that I have taken Measures to find a proper Vessel to be hired as a Transport and inclose a letter from Mr. Smith who offers the Snow Daphne which Vessel I have examined and think her every way fit for the Service, the terms I also conceive to be very reasonable at this time, as the vessel is larger and in every respect better for the purpose than the Union which was formerly employed and the freight which was fixed by some of the principal Merchants in Calcutta, is exactly the same. If the Board will therefore be pleased to accept of Mr. Smith's proposal I request that the necessary orders may be issued for Surveying the Vesel, and making the Agreenient with the owner, which I imagine Should be done by the Marine Pay Master to commence from the 1st of January next when the Vessel will be wanted,
As I am now considerably in advance for the expences of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I request that the Board will be pleased to Order me an Advance of Ten Thousand Sioea Rupees on Account, from which Sum I will pay Mr. Copestake his freight, and if the Board think it right I will keep a Seperate Account, of all expences incurred for the Convicts, as well as Seperate Indenta on the Garrison Store keeper for Provisions to be supplied for their use.
I have the honor to be Bir Your most obedt. bumble Servt, Calcutta
. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendt. Andamans. 13th December 1793.
Enclosure. Major A. Kyd.
Sir, -Having now made every necessary Enquiry concerning the Insurance &ca. I beg leave to make an Offer of the Snow Daphne to the Honble Company for the term of either 4 or 6 Months, to be employed during that time in any manner they think proper.
She at present has 4 Carriages ? Guns 8 and 2 Pounders and 20 Mosquets and Bayonets and will be manned with 40 Men (Officers and Servants included) She is a good Sailer Coppered, not quite 9 years old and now in good Order and ready for Sex will carry 2500 Bags of Rice having worked down in the S. W. Monsoon with 2450 on board and made a quick package. She is able to mount 12 Carriage Guns if necessary.
In the Situation above mentioned I beg leave to make a Tender of her to the Honble Company for Sicca Rupees Two thousand, five Hundred pr. Month and will take all Risks on myself (the War Risk excepted), and in case she should happen to be taken by any Power at War with Great Britain I propose to Value ber at Sicca Rupees Eighteen Thousand.
I hope the above terms will not be found unreasonable, and if they should be approved of I trast I shall give every Satisfaction to my Employors. Calcutta
I am &ca. 18th December 1793.
(Signed) Matthew Smith. Ordered Upon the subject of the 1st Paragraph of the Letter, dated the 15th Instant from Major Kyd that the Garrison Store keeper be informed that there are in charge] of Mr. Perreau Agent for Fort Marlbro'; 425 Bags of Rice and 290 Bags of Wheat, that were intended for that Settlement, but were returned from the Pigot, which was to have carried them, and that, if any of this Grain should be found to be of a description and Quality that will answer, generally, for the Andamans, or for the Convicts going thither, Mr. Perreau will deliver up the same to the Order of the Garrison Storekeeper, to Assist in enabling him to comply with Major Kyd's Indents.
Ordered that Directions be sent Accordingly to Mr. Porreau.

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814
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1902.
Upon the subject of Mr. Smith's Proposal, the Board determine that the Daphne shall be surveyed by the Master Attendant and Mr. Gullett, and their Report desired whether she be, in all respects, a proper Vessell to be freighted by the Company as Transport for 4 or 6 Months. They are also to report what they judge to be her Value,
Agreed that an Order on the Treasury be issued, in favor of Major Kyd, upon Account, and that ho be acquainted that the Board entirely approve of his keeping a seperate Account of all Expences incurred for the Convicts, as well as of his making seperate Indents on the Garrison Store keeper for Provisions to be supplied for their Use.
Fort William 20th December 1798. Read a Lotter from Messieurs Thornhill and Gillet. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - In Obedience to the Orders of the Governor General in Council communicated to us in your Letter of the 16th Date, We have Surveyed the Snow Daphne, and find her to be in good Coudition and in all Respecte a competent Vessel to be freighted by the Company for tbe Andaman Station Her Burthen is 250 Bags and Stores 1800 in her Hold the tween (sic) Decks being 6 feet under the Beams makes her very convenient for carrying Troope.
We are of opinion that her Value is from 17 to 20 Thousand Sicca Rupees but that she would not fetch so much at the present period as there is so little Want of Shipping.
We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants Marine Office
(Signed) Cudbert Thornhill Master Attendt. the 19th Decr.
Gabl. Gillett. Agreed that the Daphne Snow be freighted for the Andaman Service for the Period of 4 Months, at the rate of 2500 Rupees per Mensem, and that Major Kyd be desired to conclude necessary Agreement, in consequence, with the Owner of the Vessel.
1794. - No. 1. Fort William grd January 1794. The following Letter from Lieutenant Wolls at Port Cornwallis, was received, on the 310 Ultimo, by the Seahorse, and Circulated for the Perusal of the Members of the Board.
M! Wolle, 14th December 1793. To Edward Hay Esqto Secretary to the Government General
Sir, - In the expectation that Major Kyd, Superintendent of the Andamans, will have left the Presidency before this can be received, I do myself the honor to address you with my Communication of this Settlement for the information of Government.
My last Letter to Major Kyd is under Date 23rd September pr the Union Snow Lieutenant Roper, which sailed from hence the following day.
I am now necessitated to dispatch the Honble Company's Brig Seahorse, without waiting an arrival from Calcutta, principally for the parpose of expediting a further Supply of some particular Articles of provision, for which I forward Indent to the Military Board. The Seahorse having in her last trip brought only half the quantities indented for, and the unexpected detention of the Cornwallis Snow, here together reduced our Store to nearly an exhausted State. I am therefore induced earnestly to request that this Vessell may be allowed to Sail again on her return, as soon as possible or we shall otherwise sensibly feel the want of these easential means of subsistence, Should an earlier Conveyance offer by any of the Eastward bound Traders, that would undertake to touch at this Port, I beg leave to suggest the expediency of embracing such an Opportunity, as the means of securing an important Convenience to the Settlement. Not knowing

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JULY, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY,
315
what People or Stores Major Kyd may have left at Calcutta for a future Conveyance, I have limitted my Indents to the Articles most pressingly requisite. If there be any Spare Room in the Seahorse after providing for other particulars, I would Recommend that her Lading be completed with Rice and Dhall in equal quantities. And should there be Accommodation for more Passengers, Coolies will be the Most usefull Class to send.
Enclosed is m, account Current of Receipts and Desbursements up to the 31st of October with the Documents Appertaining Marked No. 18 to 23, which I beg you will be pleased to lay before the Governor General in Council, at the same time remarking that the Arrears due to the different Establishments of People now here for the Months of October and November, Amount to Sonat Rupees Nine Thousand Eight hundred (9,800.0.0) and upwards; and before the Seahorse can return to us, will be more than double that Sum, so that Unless Major Kyd shall have embarked with a supply of Cash, I imagine it will be thought proper to send it by this returning Vessell. Twelve Thousand Sicca Rupees (S! Rs. 12,000.0.0) in Gold or Silver with the sums which may be expected from Individuals here for Bills on the Governor General in Council will, I conceive, be Sufficient.
I have also enclosed a List of Bills drawn on the Governor General in Council since my last Advice.*
The Rainy Beason seems to have terminated about the Middle of last Month [November) and is Succeeded by favorable Weather, which has proved beneficial to the Health of the People in general. For a more particular Account of the Numbers of Sick in the Hospital during Beptember October and November, I beg leave to transmit the Surgeon Mr Woods Reports for those Months.
I have thought proper to send by this opportunity Thirteen persons whose ill State of Health requires, in the Surgeon's Opinion, removal from this place and I beg leave to trouble you with his List, and particulars of their Cases.
I have the honor to be &c Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Edmund Wells 14 December 1798.
In temp Charge of the Settlement. Ordered that the Papers received from Lieutenant Wells be sent to the proper Offices, and that the Secretary be directed to Communicate his Letter to Major Kyd.
1794.-No. II. Fort William 20th January 1794. Read & Letter from the Superintendant & the Andamans, To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to Government.
Sir, I request you will be pleased to inform the Governor General in Council, that the Daphne Snow, has now got on board part of the last Provisions and Stores indented for by Liout! Wells for the Settlement at the Andamans, and that part of the Detachment of Sepoys is also ready to embark.
On this Vessel I find that Forty Convicts can be sent, and if the Board thinks fit, I beg that they may be directed to be delivered to me, when I shall apply for them to the Register of the Niyamut Aduwlat.
I have the honor to be Sir Your Obed! bumble Servant Calcutta
(Signed) A. Kyd 2012 January 1794.
Superintendent Andamans. Agreed that Instructions be sent to the Register of the Nizamut Adawlut in Compliance with the above request and that he be desired generally to attend to any similar Appliontion made to him by Major Kyd.

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316
1794, - III.
Fort William 24th January 1794. Read a Letter from the Assistant to the Commissary of Stores.
Fort William 23rd Janry 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Gevernment
Sir,- Enclosed I have the honor to send you the Invoice & two Bills of Lading of the Stores sent on the Snow Daphne for the Andamans. A Copy also has been sent to the Military Board.
Hatchets Hand in one Mangoe Box
Hand in one Broad in two Felling in two
in 8 bundles Pick in 2 Do
Europe 84 in 2 Bags
Bills Axes
Mamuties Axes Nails
Invoice of Stores Shipped on the Snow Daphne by order of Bir John Shore Bart. Governor General &ca Captain Mathew Smith Commander for the Andamans and goes consigned to the Commanding Officer there. Fort William 224 Jany 1794.
Halves [hafts?] Mamuty
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ax Broad Felling for Picks
Do...
Do W 6.17. 8 Do
5.18.12 16.14.12 8.35.12
Pattans [? Rattans] Malacca in one bundle
Pitch
Lines Log Europe Saws Hand
Twine Jute in 7 Bundles
...
Bags Gunny
Boxes Mangoe
Casks with Battan hoops Gunny Chutties
...
in 9 bundles
Chissels Mortice
Drum Heads Country in one Mangoe Box
Hoops
...
Files Handsaw ... Pitssw Half round
Single Barrels...
Maunds 2 Do 2
Dammer Raw China in 6 Casks wth Pattan [Rattan ?] Hoops Blaneirons [? Planeirons]
Planes Plough
Bead Rabbit
...
...
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
...
I have the honor to be &c (Sig!) Tho! Auburey
Package
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
.00
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀ ⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀
::::
...
Ass! Comssy Stores.
...
[JULY, 1902.
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
... 150
... 250 ...100 100 ... 200 ... 50
...
... 200
100
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
ཟི ཀཽ ཟི ཀཽ ཎྜ ནིམྦཱ སྠཽ ཎྜ ཎྜ ཎྜ ཎྜ ཟི བི ཎྜ ཤིནྡྷ་ཁྐྲི ོ ༔ ཎྜ རྫོཎྜ
100
... 50
10
ន ន ន “ ” ” គ ន ន ន
2
Md 10
10
1
6
2
12
10
4
50
50
40
Skains 10
6
Md: 10
4768
50

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JULY, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
317
Nails Europe 84...
... Seers 2 Okum
... DO 12 Rope Jute Lashings ...
... Skains 15 Twine Bengal ...
... ... Seers 3 Rs. a. p. Shipping Charges ... 2 3 4
(Signed) Tho! Auburey
Ass! Commissary Stores Ordered that a copy of the Above Invoice be delivered with one of the Bills of Lading to Major Kyd to be sent to Lieut: Wells who is in the temporary Charge of the Settlement at the Andamans.
1794. - No. IV. Fort William 14th February 1794. Read a Lotter from the Superintendant at the Andamans.
Superintendent at the Andamans 14th February. To Edward Hay Esq. Secretary to Government
Sir, I beg you will acquaint the Governor General in Council that the Seahorse Brig being in Readiness to Sail with part of the Detachment of Sepoys and twenty Convicts, and all the Stores and provisions being embarked that I imagine we shall be in want of for some time it is my intention with the Boards permission of proceeding to the Andamans on that Vessel taking the opportunity of the Convoy of the Indismon now under dispatch to pass the Situation where the greatest danger from Privateers may be expooted.
Upon my arrival at port Cornwallis I Shall dispatch one of the Vessels for the remaining part of the Convicts that I find we Shall be able to take this Season for which purpose, I have left a small Detachment of the Sepoys under charge of Lieu! Sandys Fort Adjustant..
I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient Servant Calcutta
A. Kyd 14th February 1794
Superintendant Andamans. P. S. As all the Convicts enbarked are Hindoos, and cannot be prevailed upon to eat provisions that is dressed on board, I have been obliged to indent on the Garrison Storekeeper, for dry provisions for their Subsistance during the Passage and beg that he may have the Boards Authority for Supplying it.
Agreed that the Orders, requested in the Postcript to the above Letter, be sent to the Garrison Storekeeper and that notice thereof be transmitted to the Military Board.
The Secretary is directed to acquaint Major Kyd that the Permission he desires to proceed in the Seahorse to the Andamans is granted, and the Secretary to the Government is informed that he is to give the usual Sailing Orders to the Commander of the Seahorse Brig, referring him to Major Kyd for further Instructions.
1794. - No. V. Fort William 21. February 1794. Read again a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans, dated the 19 and recorded on the Proceedings of the 7 of October 1798.
Ordered that a copy of Major Kyd's Letter be sent to the Military Auditor General with the following Information, relative to the Accounts of the Andaman Establishment for the three first Montbs of Major Eyd's Superintendance,

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318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1902.
That the first Item in his Account Current for Cash advanced to Captain Blair, on the Application of the latter, to enable him to pay up the Establishment to the Period when Major Kyd took charge of it is to be passed, Captain Blair having given Credit for the Sum in his Accounts which have been pussed and allowed.
That the second Item in Major Kyd's Account Current being for a variety of small Articles, declared to be necessary for the Settlement at the Andamans is also to be passed under Major Kyd's Attestation that the Charge is just and corresponding with the Account of Particulars which he has furnished.
With respect to the third Item, this is to be likewise passed, under the Explanation delivered by Major Kyd and the Military Auditor General is to be informed that the Beach Master and Assistant and the Boat Lascars entered on the Returns, were authorized as an increase to the Establishment, by a Resolution that was passed subsequent to the 18th of February 1793,
As to the 4, 5, 6, 7 & 8 Articles, alluded to in Major Kyd's Letter, they are to be passed ; and the Military Auditor General is to be acquainted, on the Subject of the 5th that it was the Board's Intention, that Major Kyd should draw the Military Allowances of the Superior Rank, for Instance, on his first appointment, when he held the Rank of Captain he was entitled to draw the Batta of a Major, and afterwards, when he was promoted to the Rank of Major he became entitled to the Batta of Lieut! Colonel.
The 9th Article does not require any Order upon it being to be passed of course.
The Board agree that the Military Auditor General shall be authorized to pass the last Article of Charge, made by Major Kyd, being for his Agent's Cammission on a Draft for 5000 S: Rs. the Amount of Cash paid into his Treasure Chest by sevaral Individuals, this Charge having at the Time been admitted tho' precluded for the future, by a different Mode of drawing Bills having been Established for the Superintendant's Guidance.
Agreed that Major Kyd be instructed to transmit in future, all his documents and Charges of whatever kind and in whatever Department, exepting those of a trivial Nature for which it may be impracticable for him to produce the Vouchors (the latter being to be sent direct to the Governor General in Council with the necessary Explanations) to the Military Auditor General who is to be furnished with Copies of all Letters from Major Kyd and Authorities given to him relative to his Charges and Establishment, and will transfer to the proper Department, at the Close of the Year, such Items of Charge as do not appertain Strictly to the Military Accounts.
1794. - No. VI. Fort William 27th March 1794. The following Letter was received on the 26th Instant, by the Snow Daphne, from Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Superintendent of the Andamans dated 11th March 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government
Sir, I bave to acquaint you for the information of the Honble the Governor General in Council that I arrived here on the Sea Horse Brig on the 1 of this Month having made a very Quick passage - I had the Satisfaction to find every work at the Settlement, in a greater State of forwardness, than I could have expected considering the Great Sickness that has prevailed Amongst Every class of People and I am sorry to say that there is yet a very large proportion of Sick but principally Amongst the Europeans & Lascars of the Artillery Detachment, which lately arrived as the Settlement is now very much encreased and as the Surgeon has great fears, that there will still be a greater Number of Sick during the app[r]0[a]ching Rainy Season, he foresees that the Duty will be to[o] much for one person, there, more especially as he has himself been subject to an entermitting fiver, which he has not been able to Shake off I have to request therefore that you

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY
319
will represent to the Board the necessity of sending another Surgeon to remain here during the Rainy Months, and as it is a matter of consequence to trace the Cause of this great Sickness, I hope they will think it expedient to pitch npon a person, of professional reputation and experience.
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the different vessels with the Convicts arrived Safe, and that these people have condeund [! conducted] themselves, in the most orderly Manner, attaching themselves to labour with the greatest good will.
I now Dispatch the Daphne Snow for Sixty More convicts and the remainder of the Detachment of Sepoys, and have indented on the Garrison Store Keeper, for four months Provisions for that Number of convicts as also for a small proportion of provisions for the Settlement.
I beg you will represent to the Board that we feel very much the want of a publio Agent in Calcutta who would take the care of procuring the Various classes of people we want from time to time to take Charge of Sepoys and others that may have occasional leave of absence, and to procure them passages on their return as also to furnish and send down a great variety of small articles, which cannot be procured in the Company's Stores Lieutenant Sandys Fort Adjutant of Fort William is from his Situation a flt person, and from his great attention and readiness at business, would be very agreeable to me but as it will be imposing on him much additional trouble, as well as the necessity of employing some additional Servants, I think it would be just that he had some allowance for performing this Duty.
Accompanying is a List of Sick people that the Surgeon has thonght necessary to recommend being sent to Bengal on the Daphne, as he has no hopes of their recovery here, as well as some People who have Farloughs and different artificers and Labourers who have applied for their Discharge.
There is also a List of Bills of Exchange for Sums that I have received into the Treasury which I have been necessitated to draw at 15 Days Sight as I have found that people would rather send up their Money by the Vessels than receive Bills at one Months Sight as prevented [? provided] by the Board as however it is of [[? for] your convenience to Keep as much of the Cash bere as possible, to save the trouble and risk of sending it frequently down I hope that this diviation will be admitted of.
I have the honor to be Sir Your Most obedient humble servant · Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd 10th March 1794.
Superintendant Andamans. List of Passengers directed to proceed pr Daphne to Bengal. 3 Sepoys
2 Women 2 Sirdars 33 Coolies
2 Women 1 Serang 2 Lascars of Artillery
Chittagong Lascars
Potter 1 Fisherman
2 Women 1 Washerman
48 Men 6 Women
54 Total Port Cornwallis March 9th 1794.
(Signed) A. Kyd
Superintendant, Audamans.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1902.
List of the Sick recommended for a Passage to Bengal. Sadial Seapoy ...
Scorbutic Serang Artillery Lascars
Hater fiver [2] Gumanic Artillery Lascar
Pthis is Pellononalis [Phthisis pectoralis ?] Hutchs Artillery Lascar
Scorbutic Suvari Washerman
Scorbutic Sunessie Coolie...
Foul vicer on left leg, Scorbutic Oochal Coolie ...
Incluration (induration] of Spean [ ? Spleen ] Rawron Coolie ...
Diar sboa (Diarrhea] general Debility Mangoo Coolie...
Feverish general Debility Hingan Coolie...
Flux Bawanie Sing Coolie
Inflamation of Eyes Ganpaul Coolie...
general Debility Modoo Coolie ...
Scorbutic Harrow Coolie ...
Scorbutic Luchan Coolie...
Scorbutio Nawagie Coolie
Flux Sitaram Coolie Supat
General Dibility Nemoo Coolie ...
General Dibility Nemy Coolie ..
General Dibility Meroi Coolie ...
Scorbutic Nunno Coolie ...
General Debility , Rafick Coolie ...
Drop[o]ical Ramdass Coolie
Superannuted
Port Cornwallis
(Signed) D. Wood the 5th March 1794.
Acts in & Medical Capacity. Ordered that a copy of the first Paragraph of Major Kyd's Letter Dated the 10% Instant, be sent to the Hospital Board, and that they be desired to recommend an assistant Surgeon, properly qualified, to be appointed to Port Cornwallis. .
Ordered that the Secretary be direct to send Notice to the Judicial Department that the Daphne Snow will be ready to receive on Board Sixty more Convicts, in a few Days, and that the necessary Directions must be given for sending them to the Andamans. The Adjutant General is also to be advised that the Remainder of the Detachment of Sepoys for Port Cornwallis may embark in the Daphne, which will Sail for the Settlement in a Week or Ten Days from his Receipt of the Notice.
Agreed that the Suggestion in Major Kyd's Letter, relative to the appointment of a Public agent for the Andamans shall be over for the present.
Ordered that Copies of the Lists of Passangers per Daphne, and of the Sick recommended to be sent to Bengal, be transmitted to the Town Major, and that the List of the Bills of Exchange, which are to be Daly honoured be forwarded to the Accountant General, with Copy of the last Paragraph of Major Kyd's Letter relative to them.
Road & Letter and its Enclosures from the Garrison Store Kooper. Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Bir, --Having received two Indents Copies whereof are enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and for 80 Convicts expected to be sent there on the

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321
Daphne, I request that you will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, and communicate to me his orders whether the Indents shall be complied with.
I have the honor to bo &cx Garrison S. K! Office
(Sig!) G. A. Robinson 26th March 1794.
Garri. S. K!
Indent No. 6. To George Robinson Esq! Garrison Store Keeper.
Names of Storer.
Articles indented for
Purposes for which wanted.
Admitted by the
Board,
...
... Maunde
Rice Doll
525 180
For 4 Months Subsistence to 60 Con
victs expected at Port Cornwallis for the Snow Daphne.
...
...
do.
Ghee Salt
... ...
... ...
do. do.
Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Edmund Wells March 9th 1704.
Commissary of Provisions. A true Copy G. A. Robinson G. 8. K:
Indent No. 6. To Lieut. George Robinson Garrison Store Keoper Fort William
Total reod. Since 1 May
1795.
Balance remaining motion
Articles Indented
for
For what purpose wantod.
Admitted by the Board.
Mds.
Mds.
Mds.
1766
400
For the Subsistence of the Set. tlers at the Andamans.
580
100
Rice ... ... Maunds Dholl ... ... do. Ghee ... ... do. Salted Meat, Tincs [? junks)
180
I do hereby Certify that the Articles Specified on this Indent are indispensible necessary for the purpose abovementioned after the most careful Examination, Port Cornwallis
(Sig!) 8. Wells, 10 March 1794.
Commery of Provision. A true Copy (Sigo) G. A. Robinson G. S. K!
Agreed that the Garrison Store Keeper be directed to Comply with the above Indents, and Ordered that the Notice of the Authority given to him for doing so, be sent to the Military Board.
(To be continued.)

Page #326

322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1902.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 291.)
China; s. v. 150, ii, 3 times, 152, i, 778, i, 8. v. Agar-agar, 5, ii, 8. v. Amoy, 12, i, s. v. Apricot, 24, i, s. v. Bahaudur, 36, ii, 37, i, s. v. Bamó, 42, i, s. v. Baros, 53, i, 8. v. Bear-tree, 58, i, s. v. Beech de-Mer, 59, i, twice, 8. v. Bonze, 79, i. 8. v. Boy, 83, i, s. r. Bungalow, 98, ii, 8. v. Butler-English, 102, ii, 8. v. Camphor, 116, i, twice, 8. v. Cangue, 120, i and ii, twice, s. v. Canton, 121, ii, 8. v. Cash, 128, i, 8. v. Cathay, 133, ii, 5 times, 8. v. Catty (a), 134, ii, s. v. Cayolaque, 136, ii, s. v. Chick, 147, ii, 8. v. China-Backeer, 153, i, 8. v. China-Root, 153, i, 8. v. Chinchew, 153, ii, 8. v. Chop, 160, i and ii, s. v. Chow-chow, 164, ii, s. v. Compound, 187, ii and footnote, s. v. Compradore, 188, ii, twice, 8. v. Cooly, 192, i and ii, s. v. Covid, 207, ii, 8. v. Cowry, 208, i. 8. v. Crape, 212, ii, twice, 8. v. Cumquot, 216, ii, 8. v. Datchin, 230, ii, 8. v. Factory, 264, ii, 8. v. Galle, Point de, 275, i, 8. v. Gingall, 285, ii, 8. v. Ginseng, 288, i and ii, 8. v. Grass-cloth, 301, i, 8. v. Hong, 320, ii, s. v. Hong-boat, 321, i, s. v. India, 330, ii, s. v. Jade, 339, ii, 4. v. Jaggery, 340, ii, s. v. Japan, 344, i, s. v. Joss-house, 354, i, s. v. Kittysol, 371, i, s. v. Kowtow, 876, i, twice, s. v. Lanteas, 385, i, s. v. Laos, 385, i, s. v. Lee, 391, i, s. v. Leechee, 391, i, twice, s. v. Likin, 393, ii, 8. v. Linguist, 395, i, s. v. Loot, 396, ii, s. v. Loquot, 397, ii, 3 times, s. v. Lorcha, 397, ii, 398, i, s. v. Loutes, 398, ii, 399, i, s. v. Mace (b), 404, ii, s. v. Macheen, 405, i (3 times) and ii (7 times), s. v. Malay, 416, ii, s. v. Mandarin, 420, ii, 421, i, s. v. Mandarin Language, 422, i, twice, s. v. Manilla-man, 427, i, 8. v. Maskee, 429, ii, s. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, ii, s. v. Mugg, 455, i, s. v. Muster, 462, ii, s. v. Nankeen, 471, ii, twice, 8. v. Nanking, 472, i, s. v. Old Strait, 484, ii, s. v. Opium, 489, i, s. v. Orange, 490, ii, Padre, 496, ii, s. v. Pagoda, 498, i and ii, s. v. Panthay (B), 511, i, 8. v. Persimmon, 530, ii, twice, s. v. Polo, 544, ii, s. v. Putchock, 564, ii, twice, s. v. Quedda, 567, ii, s. v. Roc, 579, i, s. v. Sampan, 596, ii, s. v. Samshoo, 596, ii, s. r.
Saul-wood, 603, i, s. v. Shan, 622, i, twice, 8. v. Shanbaff, 623, ii, s. v. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii, s. v. Shroff, 629, ii, s. v. Sling, 642, ii, s. v. Suclát, 653, i, 8. v. Sumatra, 657, ii, 8. v. Sycee, 673, ii, 8. v. Tael, 675, ii, 8. v. Tea, 688, ii, 689, i, 3 times, see 720, i, footnote, twice, s. v. Typhoon, 722, ii, twice, 8. v. Varella, 733, ii, 8. v. Calash, 771, i, 8. v. Delhi, 788, ii, s. v. Musk-Rat, 827, ii, 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 831, ii, 832, i, s. v. Praya, 845, ii, 8. v. Teapoy, 862, i; ann. 641 8. v. Macheen, 405, ii; ann. 798 8. v. Kowtow, 376, ii; ann. 851: 8. v. 152, i. 8. v. Tea, 689, i, s. v. Tibet, 698, ii, twice; ann. 910: s. v. Tibet, 698, ii, twice; ann. 930: 8. v. Oojyne, 487, i; ann. 943, 8. v. Java, 347, ii; 11th cent. s. v. 151, ii; ann. 1150 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, ii; ann. 1200: 8. v. Mamiran, 419, ii; ann. 1205: 8. v. India, 332, i; ann. 1224 8. v. Java, 348, i, twice; ann. 1273: 8. v. Malay, 416, ii; ann. 1275: 8. v. Ceylon, 138, ii; ann. 1300: 8. v. Junk, 360, ii, s. v. Macheen, 405, ii; ann. 1337: 8. v. Ceylon, 776, ii; ann. 1342 8. v. Kincob, 369, i, s. v. Pudipatan, 557, i; ann. 1343: 8. v. Maund, 431, ii, 8. v. Pandarani, 508, ii, s. v. Shanbaff, 623, ii, 8. v. Zamorin, 745, ii; ann. 1345: 8. v. Cobily Mash, 172, i; ann. 1346; s. v. Coir, 180, ii; ann. 1347 8. v. Macheen, 406, i; ann. 1349: 8. v. Chetty, 145, i; ann. 1404: 8. v. Caffer, 770, i; ann. 1506: 8. v. Camphor, 117 i; ann. 1516 8. v. Champa, 140, i, 8. v. 152, i, s. v. Lewchew, 392, ii, 8. v. Malacca, 416, i, s. v. Opium, 489, i and ii, 8. v. Pedir, 528, i, 8. v. Sunda, 659, ii, 8. v. Canton, 772, i, twice; ann. 1520: 8. v. Putchock, 564, ii, 565, i; ann. 1526: 8. v. Sunda, 659, ii; ann. 1530: 8. v. 152, i; ann. 1535 8. v. Camboja, 115, ii, s. v. Canton, 121, ii, 8. v. Cochin-China, 174, i; ann. 1540: 8. v. Chopsticks, 162, i, 8. v. Liampo, 393, i; ann. 1543: a. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii, twice; ann. 1552 8. v. Camboja, 115, ii, 6. v. Champa, 140, ii; s. v. Mandarin, 421, ii; ann. 1553 s. v. Japan, 344, ii, s. v. Lewchew, 392, ii, v. v. Liampo, 393, i, s. v. Malacca, 416, i, s. r. Nanking, 472, ii, s. v. Porcelain,
:

Page #327

JULY, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
323
549, i, 8. o. Zirbad, 750, 1, s. v. Summerhead, Masulipatam, 429, ii; ann. 1793: 8. *. 857, i; ann. 1554 : 8.0. Jeotul, 349, ii, s. v. Borma, 101, i, 8. o. Sling, 643, i, 8. v. MunPecnl, 523, i, 842, ii; ann. 1556:. 8. v. Nan- neepore, 827, i; ann. 1794-5: 8.0. Calay, king, 472, ii; ann. 1560 : 8. v. Laos, 385, ii, 111, ii, twice; ann. 1795: 8. v. Chin-chin, 8. v. Loutea, 399, i, 8. o. Porcelain, 549, ii; 154, ii ; ann. 1797 : 8,0. Nankeen, 471, ii; ann. 1563: 8. . 152, i, 3 times, 8. v. China- ann. 1819 : 8. v. Sugar, €56, i; ann. 1838 : Root, 153, i, 3 times, 8. v. Leechee, 391, i, 8. v. Nankeen, 472, i; ann. 1840: 8. r. Dam, 3 times, 8. v. Patchock, 565, i, 8. v. Zedoary, 787, ii ; ann. 1860 : 8. o. Old Strait. 485, 747, ii, 8. o. Darcheenee, 788, i; ann. 1566 : i; ann. 1862: 8. v. Putchock, 565, i ; ann. 8. o. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii ; ann. 1567: 8. . 1866: 8. v. Pucka, 556, i; ann. 1871: 8. " 152, ii, 8. v. Maccao (a), 402, i; ann. 1572: Cathay, 184, i, twice; ann. 1873: 8.v. Cooly, 8. v. Japan, 344, ii, twice; ann. 1584 : 8. D. 193, ii; ann. 1875: 8. v. Camphor, 117, i; Borneo, 81, i, 8. v. Sucket, 652, ii; ann. ann. 1876: 8. v. Cash, 129, i; ann. 1883 : 1587 : 8./8. Jangomay, 343, ii, twice ; ann. 8. v. Seven Sisters, 616, i. 1590 : 8. v. Bonze, 79, ii, 8. v. Camphor, 117, China ( Chinese] ; ann. 1615 : 8. v. Kittysol, i; ann. 1598 : 8. . Bahar, 36, i, 8. v. Cathay, 371, ii; ann. 1618: 8. v. Abada, 2, i; ann. 134, i, 8. o. Cochin-China, 174, ii, 8. o. China- 1623 : 8. v. Nacoda, 469, i; ann. 1759: 8. v. Root, 153, ii, 8. v. Loutea, 399, i, s. v. Man- Kittysol, 371, ii; ann. 1782 : 8.0. Slave, darin, 421, ii, 8.o. Pardao, 841, ii; ann. 1602 : 856, ii. 8. v. Macao (a), 402, i; ann. 1611 : 8.0. Shoe China; 151, ii, footnote; ann. 1128 : 8.». of Gold, 628, ii, 8. v. Tea, 690, i; ann. 1614 : China, 151, ii. 8. v. Peking, 526, i, 8. v. Varella; 738, ii, twice; China Backaar; ann. 1727: 8. . Syriam, ann. 1615: 8. D. Lewchew, 392, ii, twice, 8. v. 674, i. Porcelain, 549, ii; ann. 1616: 8. v. Hokchew, China-Buckeer ; 6. v. 153, i; ann. 1727 : 8.». 320, ii; ann. 1618: 8. v. Loutea, 820, i, twice; Syriam, 674, i. ann. 1621 : 8. o. Galgal, 799, ii ; ann. 1634 : China-closet; ann. 1690 : 8. v. China, 152, ii. 8. v. Cathay, 134, i; ann. 1644: 8. v. Tootna- China caps; ann. 1573: 8. v. Coffee, 179, i. gue, 711, i; ann. 1652 : 8. v. Cochin-China, China dish; 8. v. China, 778, i; ann. 1830 : 174, ii ; ann. 1660 : 8. v. Tea, 690, i; ann.
8. v. China, 152, i; ann. 1608-9 : 8. v. China, 1665 : 8. . Macheen, 821, i; ann. 1673 : 152, i. 8. v. Gombroon, 395, i, 8. v. Pigdaun, 536, i ; | China-dishes ; 8. v. China, 152, i, twice; ann. ann. 1675: 3.0. Tootnagae, 711, i; ann. 1579 : 8. v. China, 152, ii. 1687: 8. v. Amoy, 12, ii, 8. v. St. John's Island China dishes ; 8. v. China, 152, i; ann. 1328 : (b), 591, ii ; ann. 1701 : 8. v. Liampo, 819, 8. o. Porcelain, 548, ii; ann. 1579, 1590, i ; ann. 1704: 8.0. Shoe of Gold, 629, 1608 and 1615: 8. v. China, 152, ii; ann. i; ann. 1711: 8. d. Perpetuano, 843, i; ann. 1650 : 6. v. Porcelain, 549, ii. 1721 : 6. v. Typhoon, 724, i; ann. 1727: China druge ; ann. 1224 : 8. 9, Java, 348, i. 8. v. Burma, 101, i, 8. v. Candy (Sugar-), 120, China, Gates of; ann. 1540 : 8.. Liampo, i, 8. v. Patchock, 565, i, 8. v. Singapore, 637, i, 393, i. 8.0. Tical, 699, ii, 8. v. Tootnague, 711, i, 8. v. China, Great ; ann. 1300 : 8. o. Macheen, 405, Typhoon, 724, i; ann. 1736 : 8. v. Pagoda, 501, ii; ann. 1520 : 8. v. Nanking, 472, i. i ; ann. 1748 : 8. v. Shampoo, 621, ii; ann. China-house; ann. 1609: 8. v. China, 152, ii. 1750-52: 8. d. Gong, 295, ii; ann. 1755 and China Ink; ann. 1688: 8. v. Parabyke, 512, ii. 1763: 8.0. Manneepore, 827, i; ann. China, Little ; ann. 1349: 8. r. Shinkali, 627, ii. 1766: 8. v. Bandeja, 760, ii; ann. 1774: 8. . Chinam ; ann. 1673 and 1689 : 8. v. Chunám, Sling, 642, ii; ann. 1776: 8. v. Respondentia, 168, i. 577, i; ann. 1778: 8. v. Moonga, 444, ii; China Orange ; . v. Lime, 394, i; ann. 1702 : ann, 1780: 8. v. Typhoon, 724, i; ann. 1782: S. v. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii, 8. r. Outcry, 834, i ; ann. 1783: 8. v. Bank- Chinapatam ; 8. v. 153, ii, 778. i, twice. shall (a), 47, i, 8. v. Swallow, 671, i ; ann. China Patam; ann. 1727: 8. v. Madras, 407, ii, 1789 : . v, Tea, 690, ii ; ann. 1790 : 8. v. Chinapatan ; 153, ii, footnote.

Page #328

324
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1902.
Chinapatnam; ann. 1672: ... Havildar, 806, Chindy Pillary; ann. 1716 : s.v. Sallabad, 594, i.
ii; ann. 1680 : 8. o. Cowle, 785, i ; ann. Chine; ann. 1018: 8.0. Jam, 809, i; ann. 1726 : ... Madras, 407, ii.
1610: 3. v. Budgrook, 92, ii; ann. 1771 : Chinar ; 8. v. Cheenar, 143, i, 4 times ; ann. 3. v. Zend, 869, ii. 1817 : 8. o. Cheonar, 143, ii.
Chinechuras ; 8. o. Piece-goods, 536, i. China-Root; s. v. 153, i; ann. 1563, 1590 and Chinese ; 6. . Burma, 101, i. 1598 : 8. v. 159, i.
Chinese Beer; ann. 1684 : 8.. Samshoo, 853, i. Chinas; 4. o. China, 150, ii.
Chinese Chestnut ; ann. 1684: #. ». Leechee, China-satten; ann. 1630 : 8.. Porcelain, 549, ii. 891, ii. China Sea ; ann. 1343 : 8.0. Junk, 360, ii. Chineses; ann, 1540: 8. . Liampo, 393, i; apn. China Seas; ann. 1727: 8. v. Governor's Straite, 1570 : 1. o. Macao (a), 402, i. 299, i.
Chinese Sex ; ann. 1635: 8. v. Acheen, 3, . China Shop Wonan; ann. 1747 : e. . China, Chinesian; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Malay, 417, i. 152, ii.
Chingala ; ann. 1616 : s. D. Modelliar, 435, i. China silk; ann. 1579 : 8. v. China, 152, i. Chingalay; ann. 1589 : 8. 1. Singalese, 636, i. China stick ; 8. v. Darcheenee, 788, i.
Chingalayes; ann. 1681: 8.0. Veddas, 736, i. Chinaur ; ann. 1783: 8. o. Cheenar, 148, i. Chingalbatt; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Roocka, 850, ii. Chinavalli ; 151, ii, footnote.
Chingalla ; ann. 1612 : 8. o. Singalese, 636, i. China War ; 8. D. Bombay Marine, 78, ii.
Chingálla; ann. 1552 : s. D. Singalese, 636, i. China-ware ; 8. o. Porcelain, 548, i and i:, . . and. 1553: 6. o. Galle, Point de, 275, i, twice.
Sneaker, 644, ii; ann. 1224: ... Java, 848, Chingállas; ann. 1558: 8. v. Galle, Point de, 275, i. i; ann. 1347: s. r. Macheen, 406, i ; ann. Chingaree ; 8. r. Zingari, 749, č. 1350: s. d. China, 152, i ; ann. 1711: 6. o. Chingari; 8. v. Zingari, 749, ii. China, 152, ii.
Ch'ing-ch'ing; 8. v. Chin-chin, 154, i. China-woman; ann. 1609 : 8... China, 152, . Chingee ; ann. 1769 : 8. o. Mahratta, 410, i. China-wood; ann. 1665 : s.. Mamiran, 419, ü. Chinghiz , 6. o. Huzāra (a), 328, i, s. o. Nanking, China, wood of; ann. 1568: 4. v. Darcheenee, 472, 1, s. v. Nokar, 481, i, 8. . Peking, 525, ii. 788, i.
Chinghiz Kaan; ann. 1280 : ... Moochulka, Chince; ann. 1673 : s... Chints, 155, i.
449, i. Chinch: 8. v. Chints, 154, ii.
Chinghiz Khan; ann. 1650 : 8.p. Mogul, 436, ji. Chinche ; 8. v. Chints, 155, i; ann. 1616 : s. D. Chingbra mutchee : 8. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. Chints, 155, i.
Chingiz; 8. o. Bahaudur, 86, ii, s. o. Buxee, 103, Chinchera; ann. 1684: *. . Chinsura, 778, i. i; ann. 1815: 8. v. Numda, 483, ii. Chincheo ; 8. v. Chinchew, 153, ii, 3 times; ann. Chingiz Khan ; 8. v. Bobachee, 75, ii, d. o. Bahau
1517': 8.0. Chinchew, 154, i ; ann. 1602: .... dur, 86, ii. Typhoon, 723, ii ; ann. 1616 : 8. o. Sappan- Chingri Kbāl; 6. v. Rogue's River, 849, ii, 4 wood, 600, ii.
times, 850, i and footnote. Chincheos ; 8. D. Chinchew, 154, i ; ann. 1613: Ching-su; 6. o. Nanking, 472, i. 8. o. Compound, 188, i.
Chingalais; ann. 1685 : 6. D. Disgave, 246, ii. Chinchen; ann. 1609 : s. v. Cash, 128, ii, Chingalaise ; ann. 1753: 8. o. Buddha, 767, ii. Chinchew ; 8. d. 153, ii, twice.
Chingulay; ann. 1681: 3, p. Candy, 119, ü. Chin-chew ; 8. v. Satin, 602, i.
Chinguley; ann. 1681: 8. o. Singalese, 686, i. Chinchi ; s.o. Ginger, 286, ii.
Chini ; 8. o. Camphor, 116, ii, s. o, China, 152, i, Ohin-chin ; 8. o. 154, i, twice; ann. 1829 and 1 . v. Sugar, 655, i; ann. 1590 and 1876: 8.D. 1880 (twice): s. v. 154, îi.
China, 152, ii. Chin Chin ; ann. 1253: 8. n. Chin-chin, 154, is Chinikash; ann. 1690 : 8. . China, 152, ii.
ann. 1795 (twice): 8. o. Chin-chin, 154, ii. Chin-kalan; o. o. Macheen, 405, ii. Chin-chin joss; 8. v. Chin-chin, 154, i..
Chin Kalān; 2. . Macheen, 406, i. Cbinghura ; and. 1727: .. . Chinsura, 154, i, Chinkali; app. 1300 : s. r. Shinkali, 627, č. s, o. Hoogly, 322, i.
Chin-kbúna; ADD. 1690 : . v. China, 162, . Chinchurat ; ann. 1705 : 1. v. Chinsara, 154, ii. Chin-la; . v. Camboja, 115, ii,

Page #329

JULY, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
Chinnepatan; ann. 1672: s. v. Madras, 407, i. Chino; ann. 1585: s. v. Canton, 121, ii, s. v. Lee, 391, i; ann. 1588: s. v. Chinapatam, 778, i.
Chintz; s. v. 155, i, twice, 156, i (twice) and footnote (3 times), s. v, Gingham, 287, i, s. v. Palempore, 505, i, s. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii, 8. v. Pintado, 539, ii, twice and (b), 8. v. Salempoory, 593, i; ann. 1648: s. v. Gingham, 801, i; ann. 1678: 8. v. Shireenbaf, 628, i; ann. 1681 8. v. Masulipatam, 429, ii; ann. 1725: 8. v. 155, ii; ann. 1726: 8. v. 155, ii, 8. v. Choya, 166, i; ann. 1733: 8. v. 155, ii, twice; ann. 1759: 8. v. Pintado, 539, ii; ann. 1774 8. v. Long-drawers, 395, ii; ann. 1817: 8. v. 155, ii and footnote.
Chinois; anu. 1625 s. v. Macao (a), 402, i. Chinor; ann. 1677 s. v. Cheenar, 143, i. Chinqulay; ann. 1681 8. v. Candy, 119, ii. Chins; ann. 1553: 8. v. Gaile, Point de, 275, i. Chinsura; s. v. 154, ii, 778, i; ann. 1726: 8. v. 154, ii; ann 1761 8. v. Black, 765, ii; ann, 17828. 8. v. Bandel, 760, ii. Chinsurah; ann. 1768-71: 8. v. Gudge, 808, ii; ann. 1784: s. v. Bungalow, 98, ii.
Chint; s. v. Chintz, 155, i. Chintabor; ann. 1875 and 1554 s. v. Sindäbür, 635, ii.
Chite; 8. v. Calamander Wood, 110, i, s. v. Chintz, 155, i, twice; ann. 1653: 8. v. Chintz, 155, ii; ann. 1670: s. v. Corge, 197, ii; ann. 1676 8. v. Chintz, 155, ii.
Chint bramport; ann, 1616: s. v. Cummerbund, Chitchanotta; ann. 1774: 8. v. Tangun, 683, i. 216, ii.
Chitchky; 8. v. 156, ii.
Chints; s. v. 154, ii, 155, i, 3 times; ann. 1614. v. Chintz, 155, ii, s. v. Chudder, 167, ii; ann. 1616: s. v. Mosquito, 453, i; ann. 1673 . v. 155, i; ann. 1747 8. v. Corge, 784, i.
Chithee; ann. 1829 . v. Chit, 156, ii. Chitigan; ann. 1569: 8.v. Porto Piqueno, 550, ii. Chitim; ann. 1511: 8. v. Kling, 373, ii. Chitini; ann. 1566: 8. v. Chetty, 145, i. Chitnee; ann. 1820: 8. v. Chutny, 170, i. Chito; 8. v. Chit, 156, ii.
Chitor; 8. v. Choul, 162, ii, see 594, i, footnote; ann. 1533 8. v. Chittore, 157, ii; ann. 1563: 8. v. Koot, 375, ii, 8. v. Nard, 473, ii. Chitor; 8. v. Chittore, 157, ii. Chitore; 8. v. Putchock, 564, ii. Chitōrgarh; 8. v. Chittore, 157, ii. Chitories; ann. 1673: 8. v. Chatta, 142, i. Chitpore; ann. 1711: 8. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii; ann. 1794: 8. v. Budgerow, 92, i. Chitra; 8. v. Chintz, 155, i.
Chitra Durgam; s. v. Chittledroog, 157, i. Chitraka; 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii. Chitrakaya; 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii. Chitral; s. v. Camboja, 115, ii, 8. v. Rice, 578, i; ann. 1838 8. v. Polo, 545, i. Chitral; 8. v. Polo, 544, ii. Chitrel; ann. 1678: s. v. Spotted-Deer, 651, ii. Chitrenga; ann. 1648: s. v. Sittringy, 856, ii. Chitsen; s. v. Chintz, 156, i.
Chittabullies; 8. v. Piece-Goods, 536, i. Chittigan; ann. 17-: s. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Chittagong; s. v. 156, ii, 157, i and footnote,
778, i, s. v. Akyáb, 6, i, s. v. Bandel, 44, i, 8. v. Bengal, 64, i, twice, s. v. Bummelo, 97, i, 8. v. Codvascam, 178, ii, 3 times, s. v. CollegePheasant, 182, i, s. v. Factory, 264, ii, 8. v. Gyaul, 309, ii, s. v. Mugg, 455, i and ii, s. v.
Chiong; ann. 1817: s. v. Myna, 464, ii. Chiormandelan; 199, ii, footnote.
Chipangu; ann. 1298: s. v. Japan, 344, i. Chipan-gu; s. v. Japan, 844, i.
Chipe; s. v. 156, i; ann, 1685: s. r. 156, i. Chiquiney; ann. 1608: s. v. Chick (b), 148, i. Chiräitä; 8. v. Chiretta, 156, i.
Chiras ann. 1667: a. v. Suttee, 670, i. Chirchees Indigo; ann. 1648: 8. v. Anile, 22, ii. Chiretta; 8..v. 156, i.
325
Chiroot; ann. 1792: 8; v. Cheroot, 144, ii. Chiroute; ann. 1782: s. v. Cheroot, 144, ii. Chirata-palli; 8. v. Trichinopoly, 715, i. Chishmeere; ann. 1615: s. v. Cashmere, 129, ii. Chisliba; ann. 1560: 8. v. Sophy, 648, ii. Chit; s. v. 156, ii, 778, i; ann. 1760: s. v. Peon,
528, ii; ann. 1781: s. v. Compound, 188, i; ann. 1785 e. v. 156, ii; ann. 1787; s. v. 778, i; ann. 1794 and 1839 (twice): a. v. 156, ii. Chit; 8. v. Chintz, 155, i.
Chita; 8. v. Chintz, 155, i; ann. 1563: 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii.
Chita; ann. 1596: 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii. Chita; 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii. Chital; 8. v. Spotted-Deer, 651, ii. Chitaldurg; 8. v. Chittledroog, 157, ii. Chita-Rao; ann. 1563: 8. v. Cheeta, 143, ii, twice.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1902
Porto Piqueno, 550, i, s. . Rupee, 586, ii, Choca; ann. 1516 and 1560 : s. v. Chicane, 8. v. Adawlat, 762, ii, 6. o. Casuarin, 774, i; 1 777, ii. ann. 1516: 6. v. Sugar, 655, ii; ann. 1543 : Chocadar; ann. 1689 : s. s. Chokidar, 158, i. 8. . Chilao, 777, ii; ann, 1552: 8. v. Burram- Chocarda ; ann. 1758: s.o. Nacoda, 469, i. pooter, 101, ii; ann. 1553: 8. v. Mandarin, Chockedaur ; ann. 1817: 8. o. Chokidar, 158, i. 421, ii; ann. 1590 : 8.. Arakan, 25, i ; ann. Chocky; ann. 1673 : 8. o. Choky, 158, ii. 1638 : 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii; ann. 1760 : 8. o. Chocoriá; ann. 1552 : 8. 6. Arakan, 25, i. Chucklah, 780, i; ann. 1761: 1. o. Kittysol, Chocroon; ann, 1554 : 8. o. Chuckrum, 167, i. 371, ii, twice; ann. 1786: 8. v. 157, i ; ann. Cboda ; s. v. Coromandel, 199, i, see 513, ii, foot1810: 5, v. Tonjon, 709, ii ; ann. 1811: 1.. note. Baloon, 40, ii.
Choga ; 8. v. 158, i; ann, 1888: 8. v. 158, i. Chittagoung; ann. 1727: 8. v. Chittagong, 157, i. Choghā; 6, v. Choga, 158, i. Chittanutte; 5. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii.
Choirélaphos ; 8. . Hog-deer, 820, i. Chitte ; s. v. Chintz, 155, i; ann. 1648: 8.0 Choirelaphus ; ann. 545 : 8. . Babi-roussa, 32, ii. Gingham, 801, i.
Chokey; ann. 1772: 8,5. Choky (b), 158, ii. Chittery; ann. 1782 : 6. v, Khuttry, 868,i. Chokeydar; .. v, Ramooby, 578, ii; ann. 1792 : Chitthi; 8. v. Benamee, 61, i.
5. v. Pyke (b), 847, i. Chitthi; 8. v. Chit, 156, ii.
Chokey-dar; ann, 1810: 8. v. Chokidar, 158, i. Chitti ; 8. v. Chit, 156, ii.
Chokidar ; 8. . 158, i, 6. . Pyke (b), 847 i; Chitties; ann. 1754: 6. o. Chetty, 145, i.
ann. 1864 : 3,. 158, i. Chittigong: ann. 1776 : 8. o. Overland, 495, ii. Chokidār; 1. . Kubberdaur, 378, i. Chitti Poe, ann, 1711: 8. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii. Chokies ; ann. 1810 : s. v. Choky, 158, ii. Chittledroog; 5. v. 157, i; ann. 1799: 3, . Chokra; s. v. 158, i, 8. v. Chuckaroo, 166, ii. Sunnud, 661, ii.
Chokrā; . . Moors, The, 447, ii. Chittore; 6. o. 157, 3.
Chokri ; 8. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. Chitty; •. . Chit, 156, ii; ann. 1678 and 1786 : Choky; 8. o. 158, i, 778, ii, 8. v. Coorsy, 194, ii. 8. v. Chit, 156, ii.
Chola ; . v. Combaconum, 183, ii, ., v. CoromanChitty Nutty; ann. 1711: 8. o. Kidderpore, del, 198, ii, 199, i, twice, see 513, ii, footnote. 814, ii.
Choládon ; 8. v. Cholera, 159, i. Chival; ann. 1635 : s. . Choul, 168, i. Cholam ; 8. v. Coromandel, 198, ii, 3. v. Jowanr, Chiven; ann. 1781 : 8.. Pandáram, 508, i; 355, i. ann. 1782 : 8. . Saligram, 593, ii.
Cholama dalam ; s. v. Coromandel, 199, i. Chivil; ann. 1470: 8. o. Choul, 193, ii, twice, Cholé; 8. v. Cholera, 159, i. 8. v. Coss, 203, i.
Chole; 6. v. Cholera, 195, i. Chiz; 8. v. Cheese, 143, ii, 8 times.
Cholera; 8. v. 158, ii, 8 times ; ann. 20 : .. Chloroptiloi; ann, 260: 8.0. Green Pigeon, 802, ii. 159, i ; ann. 1563 : 8. v. Winter, 740, ii. Choabdar; ann. 1810 : s. . Chobdar, 167, ii. Choléra; 8. v. Cholera, 159, i. Ohoamps; ann. 1552: 8. v. Champa, 140, ii ; Cholera-horn ; 8. v. Collery-Horn, 182, ii ; ann. ann, 1558 : &. 0. Laos, 385, ii, 8. o. Zirbad, 1879: 3. v. Collery-Korn, 182, ii. 750, i.
Cholera Horn; . o. 159, i. Chob-chini; ann. 1590: •. t. China-Root, 153, i. Cholera-morbus ; ann. 1808 : s.v. Mort-do-chien, Chobdar; ... 157, ü, s. v. Chackar, 139, ii; 1 451, i.
ann. 1701 : &, v. 157, ii; ann. 1764: 6. v. Cholera Morbus ; •. •. Cholera, 158, "ii, 6. v. Farash, 798, ii.
Corporal Forbes, 200, i; ann. 1673 : 8. . Chob-där; 3. v. Chobdar, 157, ii, twice.
Cholera, 159, i; ann. 1818 : . . Mort-deChobedar ; ann. 1798 : 8. . Chobdar, 157, ii, chien, 451, ii. Chobwa; 8. v. 778, ii; ann. 1795 and 1818: 1.0. Chlera morbus; ann. 1768 : .. . Mort-deShan, 623, i.
chien, 450, ii, ann, 1780 : 8. v. Mort-de-chien, Chobwas; ann. 1795: s. s. Chobwa, 778, . 825, ii,
(To be continuod.)

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JULY, 1902.)
MISCELLANEA,
827
MISCELLANEA. THE INDIAN ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOLKLORE, in European arm-chairs, that I feel constrained AND SCIENCE.
to publish and comment thus on the ipsissima I PUBLISH the accompanying document in verba of a correspondent, whose good faith is full, just as received from an English-speaking beyond all dispute. Telugu Brahmar correspondent, because I have I may add that this is very far from being several times noticed that the Indian mental the first instance in which what I have published attitude towards scientific thonght is not appre- as a folklore incident in this Journal has been ciated by those European writers on Oriental sub
presented to me originally by a Native correjects, who are not personally deeply acquainted |
spondent as an absolutely true fact. with the East.
R. O. TEMPLE. The accompanying document shows clearly, that the spirit which gives rise to folklore is still
Letter. an active force in India, and that folklore is being Colonel Richard Carnac Temple, O. I. E.; Sir, created daily afresh in that country in pre- | I solicit your favour of publishing the annexed cisely the same manner as obtained in the cen
contribution to the Indian Antiquary in an early turies long ago. And for the same reason that number. I state on solemn affirmation that the Native still takes a subjective and personal |
what I have described as my personal experience view of facte observed in Nature, and attachos
is entirely true. Please oblige as an act of to his own life what to the abstract thinker
grace. are obviously accidental occurrences. In this
Yours truly case a pair of small birds --- apparently some form of honey-sucker, the young of which differs in
Nagpore, Sitabuldi,
B. ROYDU, plumage from the adult - nested near my corre
21st November 1901.
Maha Raja. spondent and their offspring have continued to
Folklore among Tailings (Talings and nest there. The sparrows have worried them, 28
Telugus] and Science. sparrows always will. The whole of the actions described are ordinarily incidental to bird life,
The following folklore, into which a scientific as all, who, like myself, have carefully observed
element enters, is interesting, as it shows that it, are well aware. Yet my correspondent's
birds not only change their colour, as is observed "scientifio" explanation is that the bird world among the domesticated ones, but also that they had "appointed" these little birds to attend on can at option present the peculiar colours of him in his loneliness! The story is also put for quite a different species !! ward as a "scientific explanation of an old-world
Folklore. folktale, though there is no "science" in it. The deduction that the birds as & body had "ap- Once upon a time there was a very grand pointed" the honey-suckers, or whatever the marriage celebration in the world of birds strall birds were, to attend on my correspondent and an universal invitation was proclaimed. being a parely "folklore " asumption, to account But all the feathery guests not being altogether for what he had observed.
seemly, such as were unseemly requested others As I have already had reason to remark in
for mutually exchanging at least some of their this Journal, the native Indian mind is as far
adornments. Objections ensued against such removed as ever from attuning itself to Western
Vainglory of false and borrowed show, but imporscientific thought. It picks up the "patter"
tunities prevailed; and the jay and the parrot quickly enough and uses the expressions, but
exchanged their legs, while the peacock er
changed its beautiful bill and legs for those of the sense is not usually there. It can argue acutely from a given basis and it can observe
the flamingo, on condition that they should be
restored subsequently. The marriage jubilee closely, but it cannot as yet create & sound basis
being over the parrot and the peacock demanded for argument from the observation. Indeed, at
their ornaments, but the jay and flamingo present to the Indian science does not differ from
angwered, "Ah, if we return them it will prove poetry.
that we all have been a false show !!” Thugwise This point seems so often and 80 consistently nothing was returned and thuswise it is that at to be overlooked by European students writing present the legs of the parrot are heavy, dull

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[JULY, 1902.
and unseemly, while those of the jay are very beautiful and elastic, and similarly it has befallen the peacock and the flamingo!! But the promise thus undone ruptured their friendly association !! (Æsop's fable of a jackdaw on presenting its peacock feathers was pecked and expelled by peacocks is somewhat analogous.)
Scientific Element. From childhood I wandered abroad "Remote, unfriended, melancholy, slow," but while I so. journed at Nagpore I suffered a bitter persecution from people through their mistaken ideas. During this period of many years the brute world of birds and beasts appointed & small number of individuals from among them to wait upon and serve and please me, even with their lives. But mankind were too awful for large wild birds, antelopes and foxes to approach me, while I, fearing too much Government law, could not dwell in woods. Some tiny wild birds, smaller than the common house-sparrow, approached me at my own house, which is in the centre and most crowded part of Sitabuldi, a suburb of Nagpore. These beautiful, little, and rare wild birds were much troubled by people, but they persevered, their duty being above their lives, and one pair of them, building a nest near my pillow on the second floor, succeeded in rearing a generation. The male parent is jet black with shot colours, while the female is simply whitish gray. Their offspring are quite unlike their parents, the young male being like & male house-sparrow in colour, which is a mixture of black, white and reddish in variegation, and the female is like a female house-sparrow, but they have relieved their parents in their dangerous duty and their parents have quite disappeared,
Their assuming foreign colours may be to befriend the house-sparrows and not to appear strange to people, but the former have ir.cessantly tronbled and pecked them, so that they seem to abandon their present appearance and embrace the colours of their parents !! At present, the young male, though not altogether changed, bears some of its sire's colour on the back, while all below it continues like a male house-sparrow, which it altogether resembled a couple of months before. The new generation dare not build a nest close to me owing to the great troubles in the previous generation, as they are continually vered by the sparrows which are larger and stronger; and also they have seen that even now people expel settled beehives and drive away other fellow.birds from my tree which overhange my little house.
Also, their duty of attending on me is becomming lax day by day. Now they remain present only until 9 in the morning. But formerly their parents remained present day and night, going away by turns only for & few minutes for their food, which mostly consists of pollen and honey of flowers which they pick up with their over-aninch-long and hooked beaks.
These little wild birds can bring no food for me, but they have attended on me by the sympathetic orders from the government of their brute world, which has served me during many years and from generation to generation, and this service will not cease for some years more.
Such is a true and faithful account as it bears on the science of Natural Philosophy. Nagpore, Sitabuldi,
B. ROYDU, 9126 November 1901.
Maba Raja.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HUMAN SACRIFICE AND SERPENT WORSHIP. | Settlement, but the brief abstract of his crime
U Badkha, son of U Maluk, of the Village of is as follows:- Prisoner belongs to a seot known Kyndiar (Nongthym mni) in the Pergunnah 25 88 Rithlen, supposed to possess or keep in their Villages in Khyein in the District of the Khasia houses a thlen or demon serpent, which is and Jaintia Hille, was convicted before Col. W. S. propitiated by offerings of the blood, nails, Clarke, Deputy Commissioner and Sessions or hair of human beings. The murder was Judge of murder on 28th March, 1882, and committed to bring wrath on the house (P of Bentenced to transportation for life. He in due an enemy). course arrived in Port Blair on 30th November,
The man is further described as a cultivator 1882: and in fullness of time is now about to be
by occupation. "His house or family was susreleased to return in his old age to his native
pected to be Rithlen: his society was avoided country.
as that of a dangerous person." The details of the judgment convicting him are unfortunately not available in the Penal
B. O. TEXPLS.

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August, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
829
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. The places mentioned in the Åntroli-Chharoli plates of A. D. 757. Y HAVE recently had occasion, in prosecuting a certain inquiry, to search maps which cover the 1 territory included in the Gujarat division of the Bombay Presidency and the neighbouring Native States, and, at the same time, to look into various points in the ancient geography of that part of the country. And the result has been the accumulation of memoranda which I shall, from time to time, write up into notes for this Journal. While bringing forward some new matter, I shall have to go again over a good deal of ground that has been more or less covered by other writers, and especially by the late Dr. Bühler. But, as may have been even already recognised from my notes on the places mentioned in the Chokkhakuți grant of A. D. 867 and the Surat plates of A. D. 1051,1 there are misreadings to be corrected and wrong identifications to be set right; and, to pave the way for anyone who may hereafter take in hand the work of preparing a map to illustrate the ancient geography of the parts referred to, in almost every case it is necessary to put on record more specific details, than have hitherto been given, as to the exact positions of the places that are to be dealt with.
The record treated of in this note has been edited by the late Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Jour, Bo. Br. R. A. Soo. Vol. XVI. p. 105 ff., with a lithograph. The original plates were shewn to him by a Patil of Kârêli in the Olpad tiluka of the Surat district in Gujarat, Bombay Presidency. And the Patil told him that they were found in excavating some foundations at a neighbouring village named Chharoli, bat better known as Antroli-Ohharoli, which is four miles to the south-east from KAreli.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Âbvayaja, Saka-Samvat 679 (expired), falling in A. D. 757, a Rashtrakuta king Kakkaraja II., who is to be referred to a branch of the Rashtrakata stock which preceded the MÁlkhêd family in Gujarat, granted to a Brahman, whose father was a resident of Jambtgarasthana and a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place, a village (grama) named Sthavarapallika in the Kabakala district (vishaya). In defining the boundaries of Sthåvarapallika, it places that village on the west of (a village named) Khairoda, on the north of (a village named) Pippalachohha, on the east of two villages named) KAshthapurt and Vattara, and on the south of, again, Khairoda. And, with regard to the construction of this passage, it may be remarked that this record belongs to a somewhat limited class of records, in which the positions of villages were defined, not by saying that such and such other villages, etc., were on the east, south, west, and north of them, but by saying that they were on the west, north, east, and south of those other villages, etc.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji expressed the opinion that sthavarapallika is the modern Chharoli itself, where the record was found. And in this he was quite correct. But he did not go into any of the other details. And it was left to Dr. Bähler to add that "the village of Khairoda " is represented by the modern Kherwa and the town of Kashthapurt by Kathor."
Chharoli is a village or hamlet in the Velách hà sub-division of the Nausâri division of the Baroda territory, about eleven miles towards the north-east-by-north from Surat : it is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 19, long. 73° 0'; and it is about two miles from the north bank of the Tapti, at its nearest point. It appears to be known as Antroli-Chharoli, in accordance 1 Page 254 f. above, and page 255 f.
See page 834 below, No. 6. • The original here says, according to the lithograph, Khairbda-simvyddedakshinatak; and the Pandit took simoydd w standing by mistake for efma-madhydd, -"to the south of the middle of the Khairöds boundary.”
• Vol. XVII, above, p. 197, note 56, In the official compilation Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878) this name is certified as Kathôr, with the short a in the first syllable. But that seems to be certainly a mistake.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1902.
with a frequent Hindù custom, because its name is not unique, and because immediately on the west of it there is another village or hamlet which is shewn in the map as Anthroli.' Its name is certainly derived from an ancient name Sthavarapallik. And it is unquestionably the Sthavarapallika of the present record. The maps, indeed, do not shew any traces of a name answering to that of Pippalachchha; the lands of that village must have been absorbed into those of the places mentioned next. But KAshthapuri is certainly the Kathor mentioned by Dr. Bühler, which is shewn as Kathor' in the Atlas sheet and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 14 (1879) of Gujarat : it is a small town on the north bank of the Tapti; its site is shewn three miles almost due south of Chhârôli ; there is, however, no reason why its lands should not extend, or should not have extended in former times, so as to form part of the western boundary of the ancient Sthavarapallika. Of the name of Vattara, again, the maps do not shew any traces ; this village must have been much where there now are the villages of Velanja' and Rundh' and the hamlet of Gadula.' But, two and a half miles north-byeast from Chhårðli, the maps shew a village named Kauiasi,' . Kaniási ;' and the Trigonometrical sheet shews the entry "(Khorwa, old site),” about half a mile on the south of Kanissi:' this is the Khorwa mentioned by Dr. Bühler; and we may certainly follow him in taking it as a remnant of the ancient Khairoda, which was on both the north and the east of Sthavarapallika : the remainder of the lands of Khairôda may have been absorbed into • Pipodrs,' two and a half miles north-east-by-north from Chhäróli, or into Akhakhol,'. Akhákol,' three and a half miles east-bynorth, or into 'lardi,' . Párdi,' marked as a large village, two miles east-south-east, from Chhåroli.
In this case, only two out of five surrounding villages can now be traced ; namely, Kishthapuri, which is Kathôr, and Khairôda, of which a remnant survives in the deserted Khêrwa. But the name of Chhåroli itself is a corruption of the ancient name Sthåvarapallikå. And the plates containing the charter conveying Sthâvarapallikê were actually found at Chhåróli. Even on those grounds, therefore, there could be no reasonable doubt that the Sthåvarapallikå of the record is the Ohhåroli, the exact position of which has been specified above. But, further, the record places Sthivarapallika-Chhârôli in a territorial division, the name of which it gives as the Kabakula vishaya. Similarly, by another record dated in A. D. 644, two villages named Sandhiyara and Pariyaya are placed in the same territorial division, there called, with the long d.instead of the short a in the second syllable, the Kasakula vishaya. And those two villages are the modern . Sandhiyar' and • Pariya' of the Atlas sheet No. 28, S. E. (1888), about five miles from the north bank of the Tapti, and respectively seven and a half miles, and five and a half miles, on the west of Chbârôli. And the identification of SthavarapallikA with Chhåroli is, thus, unquestionable.
As regards the Kalakala or Kabakals vishaya, - Dr. Bühler took its name as denoting “the district on the northern) bank (kula) of the Tapti ;"7 and to that there is, of course, no intrinsic objection. But, while Chbárali, 'Sandhiyar,' and . Pariya' are so near to the north bank of the Tapti, the river Kim is only some six or seven miles away to the north from Sandhiyar and Pariya,' and five miles to the north from Chhâróli. And, in the absence of any indication that the word Kaba or Kalle occurs as a name of the Tapti, it is equally possible that the name of the district means " the country on the southern) bank of the Kim," and that it gives us the ancient name of the Kim.
JAmbasarasthana, the place of residence of the grantee's father, is, no doubt, the modern Jambosar, the head-quarters of the Jambusar taluks of the Broach district, about fifty miles towards the north-by-west from Chharoli. It may be noted, indeed, that even this plaos-namo seems to be not unique; according to the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879), there is a Jámbusar' somewhere in the Nawanagar or Jamnagar State in Kathiawar, and there is also a .Jkbusar' somewhere in the Mahi-Kanthå territory. But other records of Gujarat, of A. D. 629, 634, and 644,
. In the Trigonometrical map, mentioned further on, both these places are marked as hamleta. • Vol. VII. above, p. 250. For the identifiontion of them, by Dr. Bühler, 100 Vol. XVII. p. 197. 1 VOL XVII. above, p. 197.

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331
mention a place which they call Jambtsarase and Jambos are. The record of A. D. 629 marks that place as one at which there was, as in the Jâmbûsarasthåna of the present record, a community of students of all the four Vedas. That place is certainly Jambusar in the Broach district. Aud there is no reason for thinking that any other place is intended in the present record. .
The use and bearing of the words vastavye and vinirgata. Among the details given in the description of grantees in ancient Indian charters, reference was frequently made by the word vastavya, dwelling at,' to places of actual residence, and by the word vinirgata, 'gone out from, come forth from,' to places of departure, that is to say, to places of previous abode which had been left in order to emigrate and settle elsewhere.
Occasionally, other words were employed, with apparently precisely the same meaning and bearing. For instance, the Ujjain plates of A. D. 1021 present, instead of vinirgata, the simpler word nirgata,- meaning the same thing, and seemingly used only in order to avoid a rather unpleasantly sounding repetition of the syllable vi,- in the description of the grantee as Sri-Vadávinirggata, “who has come from the famous Bad&vi."le So also, instead of vastavya we have adhivåsin, in the Haidarabad plates of A. D. 612, where the grantee is described as Tagar-ddhivásin,
dwelling at Tagara,"l1 and nivåsin, in the Maliyê plates of A. D. 571, where the grantee is described as Unnata-nivdsin, " dwelling at Unnata,"12 and again in the Alina platos of A. D. 649, where the grantee's father is described as Kasara-gráma-nivásin, dwelling at the village of Kåsara,"13 and nivåstavya, in verse, in an Eastern Chalukya grant of the period A. D. 945 to 970, in which the grantee's grandfather is described as Kalvatorru-nivdstavya, " dwelling at Kalvatoiru."'14 And, instead of using any derivative from the root vas, to dwell,' the Nanyaurâ plate of A. D. 998 presents the word abhijana, and describes the grantee as Tarkkáriká-vinirggata-Dúrovdhard-grámabhijana, " who has come from Tarkarika, and whose ancestors dwelt (or were settled) at the village Dûrváhara.”16 In connection with this last word, it may be noted that the Bhashya on Panini, iv. 8, 89, 90 (Calcutta ed., 1809, p. 480), says, Divásố nấma yatra sampraty=ushyate 1 abhijanô nêma yatra pûrvvair=ushitam, -"nivasa is where a man is dwelling now at the present time, and abhijana is where his ancestors have dwelt;" and the comment given on the same rútras in the Siddhantakaumudi (Calcutta, 1868, Vol. I. p. 587) says, very similarly, - yatra svayam vasati sa nivåsah yatra pârvvair=ashitam 88-bhijana iti vivekah, - " where a man himself is dwelling, that is nivasa, and where his ancestors have dwelt, that is abhijana; such is the distinction." The word vastavya, which is from was, 'to dwell,' with the affix tavya used in the active sense and accompanied by vriddhi instead of the more usual guna, is explained by the comment in the Siddhantakaumudi, Vol. II. p. 298, on Pánini, iii. 1, 96, as having the purport of vasati,' he dwells, he is dwelling.' And vinirgata is the past participle, formed with the affix ta in the active sense, from vi + nis + gam, and means one who has gone out or away from. There is, however, & passage which seems to treat vástavya and vinirgata as nouns, meaning, respectively, a place of residence and a place of departure :' it occurs in the Patņå plates of the sixth year of MaháBhavagupta I., which conveyed a certain village - nâng-gôtra-pravara-vinirgata-vastavyébhyô dvijâtivarebbyah ;16 it is difficult to take these words except as meaning -" to certain excellent Brahmaps who have various gatras and invocations and places of departure and places of residence."
But, the specdal tochnical terms, most commonly used, wore vastavys and vinirgata. Now, the latter of them will often, if not usually, not have any bearing at all as a help towards localising a record. For instance, in case No. 4 below, the mention of Pataliputra as the place from which the grantee's father came, is no guide of any kind towards the identification of
• Vol. XIII, above, p. 84, line 85, and p. 90, ne 85.
• Vol. VIL. above, p. 248, line 20-12. 16 Vol. VI. abovo, p. , plato ii., line 9; and nee more fully in a subsequent Note of this series. 11 VOL VL above, p. 78, line 14.
11 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 168, line 87 13 Vol. VII. above, p. 75, plate fi., line 15 t.
# VOL VIL. above, p. 17, line , 16 Vol. XVI. above, p. 203, line 9.
Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 848, line 9 L

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the village, Tenna, which was given to the son : Tenna is more than eight hundred miles away from Pataliputra ; and we find it only through the precise information, given in the record, that it was in the LÂta country and was surrounded by certain specified villages. And even in case No. 2, in which there is only a distance of some ninety miles between the place, Valabht, from which the grantee himself came, and the village, Vadapadraka, which was given to him, the mention of Valabbi is no help towards the identification of Vadapadraka; the clue as to the position of the latter place, which has to be found, not anywhere near Walâ in Kathiâwâr, but somewhere in Gujarat, is furnished by the fact, stated in the record, that the grant was made by a prince who was a lord of L&ta. In fact, the epithets ending in vinirgata are chiefly of interest in marking important ancient capitals and centres of learning, religion, commerce, &c., and in helping to account for the existence, in certain localities, of communities, such as those of the Audichya, Kanojia, and Srigauda Brahmans of Gujarât, which claim foreign extraction. And even the epithets ending in vestavya may not have any bearing as a help towards localising records, when they do not apply to the actual grantees themselves. But the case is very different when the epithet ending in rdstavya qualifies the actual grantee. Obviously, the grant of a village, or any similar donation, cannot be of any practical use, unless that village or other estate is sufficiently near to the grantee's place of residence for him to be able to conveniently arrange for and superintend the cultivation of his property and collect bis dues. The mention of the grantee's place of actual abode may at any time be the only clue that we have towards the localisatioa of a record. . And it may be of very particular importance, when we consider the extent to which the copper-plate records bave been liable, as is so pointedly illustrated by the so-called Vakkalëri plates of A. D. 757, to travel far away from the localities to which they really belong.17 In the case, therefore, of the word odstavya, or of any substitute for it. it is important that there should be nothing incorrect in our application of the epithet in which it occurs.
There are plenty of cases in which there is no doubt at all as to the application of either of the technical terms in question, because the texts are of such a nature as not to permit of any possibility of ambiguity. For instance : -
1.- In the two sets of plates of A. D. 641 from Sankheda, no pedigree of the grantee was given, and the records conveyed fields in villages named Suvarnârapalli and Kshirasara, - Dasapuravinirggata-Kshtrasaragr&mavastavya-Bharadvajasagðtra-Vâjasaneya Madhyandinasabrahmacharibrahmana-Suryyâya 18 - "to the Brahman Sarya, who has come from Dasapura and dwells at the village of Kshirasara and belongs to the Bbaradvája gôtra and is a student of the V Ajabanêya-MAdhyadina (sobool)." Here, we sre given both the place of departure and the place of residence of the grantee himself. Dasapura, whence he came, is the modern Dasor or Mandasôr in Malwa.10 And, from the fact that the person who made the grant was the Gurjara prince Dadda II., and still more particularly from the statement, made in the record, that the two villages in question were in the Sargamak betaka district (vishaya), we know that Kshfrasara, where the grantee dwelt, is to be found, with Savar Arapalli, somewhere near Sankhede in the Baroda territory, about a hundred and forty miles towards the south-west-by-south from Dasőr-Mandasőr.
But, even when genealogical statements were introduced, which was usually more or less the case, the texts were often constructed in such a manner as not to permit of any ambiguity. Thus:
2. - The Baroda plates of A. D. 812 conveyed a village named Vadapadraka, -érf Valabhvinirggata-tachobAturvvidyasamânya-VAstya(tøya)yanasagtr-Madhyandinasabrl(bra)hmachari-brab
11 See Vol. XXX. above, p. 212, note 41.
11 Ep. Ind. Vol V. p. 40, line 18 1., and note 8. In the record which correctly gives Dašapura instead of Dulapura, rivdnin..
we wed instead of vdatavyo. Regarding the point that the person who issued theme oharto was Dadda IL, and not a fourth person of that name, see subsequent Note of this serien
10 seo Vol. XV. above, p. 104, and Gupta Inders. p. 79, and note 2.

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maņa-Bhậnavê bhatta-Sômaditya-putråya, 20 — "to the Brahman Bhânu, who has come from the famous Valabhi and is a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place and belongs to the Vâtsyâyana gôtra and is a student of the MAdhyamdina (school), and wbo is a son of the Bhalla Sômaditya." Here, the place of departure, Valabhi, is unmistakably specified as that of the grantee himself. It is the modern Walêm, Wald, or Walâ, in the Gôhilwad division of KAthiawår. And we know, from the fact that the grant was made by the Rasbtrakůta prince Suvarņavarsha-Karkaraja, lord of Lata, that the village granted to him, Vadapadraka, is to be found soinewhere in Gujarat : and, apparently, either it is to be located close on the south of Baroda, 22 or else it is to be identified with Baroda itself, 23' within about ninety miles east-north-east from Wala..
3.- And so, also, the Kharda plates of A. D. 972 conveyed a village named Pangarika, - brimat Gejuravavi-vastavyâya ihraiva kâry-abhyâgatâya Bharadvajagottra-VahvrichasAkhâsavrahmachåriņéh tři(tri)pravardya srimat Sankaraiya-pautrậya srimat Sangamnaiya-sutâya brimat Chchhan. napaiya-bhattaya, 4 — "to the illustrious Chhannapaiyabhatta, who dwells at the famous Gejuravâvi, who has come here indeed (to Mânyakhêta) on business, who belongs to the Bharadvaja gôtra and is a student of the Bahvpicha ádkhá, who has a three-fold invocation of ancestors (in inviting the god Agni at the beginning of sacrifices), who is a son's son of the illustrious Sarkaraiya, and who is a son of the illustrious Samgamaiya." Here, the place of residence, Gejuravavi, is unmistakably specified as that of the grantee himself. And we have identified 25 the village that was granted to him, Pangarika, with Pangry' in the Bid district of the Nizam's Dominions, and his place of abode with a town close by, only five and a half miles away to the west, which is shewn in the maps as Givaroi,' Givrai,' and Gevrái.'
4.- Again, one set of the Bagumrå plates of A. D. 915 conveyed a village named Tenna, Lakshmana-bagêtrâya Vaji Madhyandina-savrahmachåriņê Pataliputravinirggata-sri Tennapabhattasutâya Siddhapabhattaya,26 — "to Siddhapabharta, who belongs to the Lakshmana gôtra, who is a student of the Vaji-Má lhyamdina (school), and who is a son of the illustrious Tennapabhatta who came from Pataliputra." Here, the place of departure, Påtaliputra, is unmistakably connected with
20 VOL. XII. above, p. 160, line 44 f.
91 The meaning of tat in the expression tach-chaturvidya-aimanya, which is of very frequent occurrence is made clear by other opposito di pressions, of oooasional tee, such as Udumbaragahvaravinirggata-Khatakav stavv-Olun. baragahuarachdturuvidyasamanya," who has come from Udumbaragahvars and dwells at Khêtaka and is a member of the community of Chaturvedina of Udumbaragahvars" (Vol. XV. above, p. 840, line 41 f.), and Anandapura.
in ata-Khatu kaudstaty [Anandapurachaturvidyasamdnya," who has come from Anandapura and dwella at KhAtakaud is member of the community of Chaturvedins of Anandapura" (Vol. VII. above. V. 79. line 14 f.). From A contrast of the two classes of expression, we can see that tat means that place, with reference to the place which is mentioned by name immediately before the introduotion of the churvidya. In the two cases given above, the names of Udumbaragahvars And Auandapura were repeated, because the use of tat would have wrongly loosted the communition of Chaturvedinsat Khitaka.
99 See Vol. V. above, p. 145. 23 See Gar. Bo.'Pres. Vol. I. Part I. p. 125.
24 Vol. XII. above, p. 266, line 50 ff. For charin , read chirind. For srimat Gejuravdvf, read Srimaul-Gejuraudot: and make similar corrections in the other three cases in which the writer failed to oombine trimat with the words that follow it.
35 See page 321 above. -Among the boundaries of Pangarika, the record mentions & village named Kinihigpim. on the west. I have identified this village with the 'Keenugaon of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 56 (1992), three miles towards the north-by.west from 'Pangry '-Pangurik. Since that, I have found that the Atlas wheat No. 89. N. E. (1895), Bhews & 'Kinagaon, not given either in the full aheot No. 89 of 1855. or in sheet No. 58. the position of whioh is about three and a half miles west-north-west from Pangry,' and three miles south-went from Keepugaon.' Whether Kinngaon' is a second village of the same name, or whether the position given to it is the proper position of Keenugaon, is not apparent. But, in any case, it is probable that 'Kinacion rather than 'Keenugaon,' is really the Kipihigrama of the record.
26 Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. 800, Vol. XVIII. p. 260, line 8 ff. from the top. The published text gives the name of the father as Vennape; but the lithograph distinctly shews Tennapa. The translator has confused vinirgata with vústavya, and has rendered Pataliputru vinirggata by "inhabitaut of P&taliputra."

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the grantee's father,27 The information, given in the record, as to the donor and as to the position and boundaries of the village, Tenna, which he gave to Siddbapabhatta, enables us to identify that village with Ten' in the Paļsânâ subdivision of the Nausâri division of the Baroda territory in Gujarat Bombay Presidency. And Pataliputra, the place whence his father had come, is the modern Patņâ. in Bengal, more than eight bundred miles away in the direction of east-north-east from Ten.'
8.–So, also, the Sangli plates of A. D. 993 conveyed a village named Löhagrâma, - Pumdavarddhapanagaravinirggata - Kausikasagottra - VajiKâņvasavrahmachari - Dåmódarabhatta - sutaya Kesavadíksbitâya, 28 -"to Kebavadikshita, a son of D&môdarabbatta who came from the city of Paņdavardhana and belonged to the Kangika gótra and was a student of the Kåņva (division of the Vajin or V&jasanêyin (school)." Here, again, the place of departure, the city of Pundavardhana, is unmistakably connected with the grantee's father. And, while we have identified the village. Löhagrame, which was granted to keśavadikshits, with Lohogaon' in the Newâsa talaka of the Ahmadnagar district, Bombay Presidency, we have every reason to locate Pandavardhana, the place from which his father came, somewhere in Bengal, about a thousand miles away towards the east-north-east from Lohogaon.'
6.- And so, also, the Chh&rðli or Antrôli-Ohharðli plates of A. D. 757 conveyed a village named Sthavarapallikâ, JAmbûsarasth&naviistavya - tachcháturvvidyasamânys - VachchhasagôtraKaņvasabrahmachari-bhatta Revisara-putrêya Kukkesvaradikshitaya, 80 to Kukkesvaradikshita, A son of the Bhatfa Rêvisara who dwelt at Jâmbasarasthầna and was a member of the community of Chaturveding of that place and belonged to the Vachchha (Vatsa) gôtra and was a student of the Kanva (school)." Here, the place of abode, Jâmbûsarasthậna, is unmistakably connected with the grantee's father. The information given in the record enables us to identify the village, Sthåvarapallika, which was granted to Kukkébvaradikshita, with Obharoli itself, in the Olpad taluka of the Surat district in Gujarat,81 And Jámbasarasthậna, the place of residence of his father, is, no doubt, Jambusar in the Broach district, about fifty miles towards the north-by-west from Chhâróli.
7.- Again, the Wayi plates of A. D. 807 conveyed a village named Ambaka, - Vemgivastavya-tachchâturvidyasámánya-Bhârad vâjasagotra. Taitļi(ttiriyasadyra(vra)bmachâri - Visbộubhattapautr&ya Damodara-davedi-putraya Damodara-chaturved[io]-bhattaya, 32 - "to Damodarabhatta, familiar with the four Vedas, a son's son of Vishộubhatta who dwelt at Vengi and was a member of the community of Chaturvedins of that place and belonged to the Bharadvája gôtra and was a student of the Taittiriya (school), and a son of Damodara who was acquainted with two Vedas." Here, the place of abode, Vengi, is unmistakably connected with the grantee's grandfather. And, while the village, Ambaka, granted to Damodarabbatta, is the modern Amb' or 'Ambé' in the Dindori tâluks of the Nasik district, Bombay Presidency, Vengi, the place of abode of his grandfather, was & town some five hundred miles away towards the east-south-east-half-south, in the Ellore tâluka of the Godavari district, Madras Presidency.
8.- And so, also, the Radhanpur plates of A. D. 808 conveyed a village named Rattajjana, - T'igavivastavya-tat[t]raividyasamánya-Té(tai)ttiriyasayrahmachåri-Bharadvájasagôtra-Någaiyyabhatta-pautrậya Chandiyammagahiyasabasa-putrảya Paramêsvarabhattaya, 4 — "to Paramesvarabhatta, a son's son of Nágaiyabhatta who dwelt at Tigavi and was a member of the community of Trivédins of that place and was a student of the Taittiriya (school) and belonged to the Bhâradvaja
As far as grammatical possibilities are concerned, we might, no doubt, render that part of the original, which contains the reference to Pataliputra, by " who is a Bon, come from Pataliputra, of the illustrious Tenapa." Bat we may tafely oredit the composer with suficient common sense to have used reparto word, Pafaliputra. vinirggatdya, it such a meaning had been intended. The same remarks apply to similar constructions in Nou: 5 to 9 below, and in other records. 16 Vol. XII, above, p. 251, line 46 ff.
+ See page 220 above. Jow. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. VOL XVL p. 109, line 264
11 See page 990 above. n Vol. XI. above, p. 169, line 88 t.
See page 218 above. Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 245, line 48 4.; and see p. 241, note 2, regarding the word gahiyaskhasa.

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gótra, and a son of Chandiyamma-Gahiyasahasa." Here, Rattajjuna, the village given to Paramêávarabhatta, is identified with the modern Rátájan,' Rátanjan,' or Ratudjun,' in the Karjat taluka of the Ahmadnagar district, Bombay Presidency. And Tigavi, the place of abode of his grandfather, may be a village somewhere in the Sangamner tåluka of the same district, about eighty miles towards the north-west-by-north from Rátájan.'
. And the Kalas-Budråkh plates of A.D. 1025 conveyed a village named Kalasa, - SriMadhyadesimtah pâtisakkarikábhattagramavinirggata-Madhyandinaskha-Bharad vajagðtra-Sribhatt Abhidhanavipravara-pranaptrê éri Padmanabha-naptré sriSrivatsanayaka-satâya svadhyâyasnâna-dana-pamchabhtayaji-adi-gribasthadharmm-anushthina-ratâya mahápradhana-pada-virjitâya sri-Maņamv-abhidhana-nayakaya tad-ganaih pa[m]cha-tri(? vi)méatibhih su-vrâhmanaih saba, 97 -" to the illustrious Maņamvanayaka, who delights in the performance of private study and bathing and charity and the five oblations to all created beings and all the other religious duties of a householder, and who is decorated with the rank of Mahápradhana, a great-grandson of that best of Brahmaņs Sribhatta who came from the bhatta-village Takkârika which lies in the famous Madhyad&a country and was a student) of the Madhyamdina kákha and belonged to the Bharadvaja gôtra, and a grandson of the illustrious Padmanabha, and a son of the illustrious Srivatsanayaka; along with thirty-five (? twenty-five) excellent Brahmaņs possessing those same qualities of householders)." Here, the village granted, Kalaba, is the modern Kalas-Budrukh itself, "the larger, older or original Kalas," in the Akola tâluka of the Abmadnagar district, Bombay Presidency.58 Takkârika, whence the grantee's great-grandfather came, has not yet been identified. It is, in my opinion, mentioned again as "the bhatta-village Takâri" in line 10 of the Nanyaurâ plate of A. D. 1052, and as "the village Takâr " in line 12 of the Bândâ plate of A. D. 1136 (?), * and as "Ttakért," for Takári, in line 11 of two of the Katak plates of the thirty-first year of Maha-Bhavagupta L.; and a further reference to it seems to be made in the expression Tukkdra-púruva-Dháradvája-yotr dya in line 11 f. of the Katak plates of the ninth year of MahaSivagupta. A place with very similar name, Tarkârikê, is mentioned in the Nanyaurâ plates of A. D. 998, and is referred to in the word Tárkkárika," of or belonging to Tarkarika," in line 29 of the Khajuriho record of A.D. 1001 or 1002 ; " in these two cases, however, the first syllable of the name has the dental 1, not the lingual y. The maps shew several places with such names as
30 See Sp. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 249.
# The Postal Directory of the Bombay Cirolo (1879) gives a village 'Tigaon,' with Sangamner as ito post-town. This seemed to me to be the 'Tugaon,'-standing possibly by mistake for Teegaon'=' Tigaon,'- of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), aboat eight miles north-east-by-north from Sangamner. And thus & suggestion made by me, that'Tagaon' might be the Tigari of the record, has been put forward in Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 212. But, in the Atlas quarter-sheet No. 88, 8. W. (1886), the name of Tngaon' has disappeared and has been replaced by • Nilonde. And, in the later Map, I cannot find, anywhere in that neighbourhood, any name at all resembling Tigavi, or Tigaon ;' the name which is presented in 'Thoogaon K.' and 'Thoogaon B.,' in the full sheet of 1857, and in L. and G. Thugaon' in the quarter-sheet of 1886, in the Akon tAluka, eleven miles west-by-south from Sangamner, marks the position of the Ancient Thohagrams which is mentioned in line 40 of the Kalas-Budrukh plates of A. D. 1026 (VOL. XVII. above, p. 121). I cannot at present find, in the mape, any name representing Tigavi or 'Tigron,' zoopt in the case of the 'Toegaon' of the Atlas abeet No. 58 (1882), a village in the Bid district of the Nizam's Dominions, in lat. 19° 1, long. 76° 10', about seventy-one miles east-north-east-three-quarters-east from Ratajan.'
» Vol. XVII, above, p. 191, lide 85 ff.
# The village Sathgamika, whloh is mentioned in line 89 of this record, is to be identified, not with Sangamner, which is mentioned Bathgamanagara in line 83 of the Sangamner plates of A. D. 1000 (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 220), but with villago, about one mile on the southeast of Kalas-Budrakh, the name of whioh is presented as Sangone' in th) Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 of 1857, but m' Sangwi' in the quarter-sheet No. 38, S. W., of 1886.
Vol. XVI. above, pp. 205, 208,' In each instance, the published version gives the name as Dhak Art, and, to a certain extent, the first akshara does resemble dhe more than ta. But it is, at any rate, not so plainly dha as the Consonant issdh in the th of Thdollina in line 19 on page 208.
46 Bp. Ind. VOL. III. p. 848, and noto 8. The third of these records presents the name as "Ttakar," through some oarelosanas (see loc. cit.). 41 Ibid. p. 258.
See page 831 above, in connection with the word abhijana, 15 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 146.

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* Tankára,'. Tankari,' Tankári,' more or less near to the Narbadâ, which would satisfy the condition of being in the Madhyadêba or middle country. Bat, until we know the exact spelling of those names, it is difficult to suggest any particular identification.
In all the above cases, the texts were constructed in such a way, by the use of separate words, as not to leave any doubt as to whether the places of residence and of departure are to be connected with the grantees themselves or with some of their ancestors. The cases which present anything of an ambiguous nature are those in which the whole description of a grantee, including the mention of an ancestor, is presented, not in separate words, but in one unbroken compound. Of this class of cases, it will suffice to quote two instances, which are thoroughly typical of all the rest :
10. - The Nausâri plates of A.D. 706 conveyed a field at a village named Samipadraka, - Girinagaravinirggata-Sraddhikågrå håravåstavya-tachcbâturvvidyasamânya-Pravậyanasagotra-Vája[sa]nêya Madhyandinasapra(bra)hmachâri - brahmaņa Datta-putra-brâhmaņa Dêvasvâmine. Here, if, in transcribing, we should not insert a hyphen between brahmanaDatta and putra, we should have a compound consisting of seven composite members, of which the first six, Girinagara-vinirggata, Sraddhikdgrdhara-vástavya, tach-chaturvvidya-sámánya, Pravdyana-sagotra, Vajasaneya-Madhyandina-sabrahmachari, and brdhmaņa-Datta-putra, would all qualify the last member, brahmanaDévasvamine. The translation would be -" to the Brahman Dêvasvâmia, who has come from Girinagara, and dwells at the Sraddhikâ agrahára, and is a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place, and belongs to the (?) Prâvâyana gótra, and is a student of the Vâjasanêye-Madhyamdina (school), and is a son of the Brahman Datta." And this rendering would mark the Sraddhika agrahára as the place of abode of the grantee himself, and Girinagara as the place whence he himself had come. On the other hand, if we insert a hyphen between brdhmaņa-Datta and putra, then the terms Girinagara-vinirggata, Sraddhikagrahara-vástadya, tach-cháturtoidya-8ámánya, Pravdyanasagðtra, and Vájasaneya-Madhyandina-gabrahmachari, all qualify brahmana-Datta. The translation then is, -"to the Brahman Dêvasvâmin, a son of the Brâhman Datta who has come from Girinagara and dwells at the Sraddhika agráhara and is a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place and belongs to the (?) Právâyana gôtra and is a student of the V&jaganêya-Madhyamdina (school)." And this rendering connects both the place of departure, Girinagara, and the place of abode, the Sraddhikâ agrahára, with the gr&ntee's father. Now, in this instance, the point is, perhaps, not a very essential one; for, Girinagara is the modern Girnar near Junagadh, in the Sôrath division of K & hiâwâr; Samipadraka is a village, now known as Sondarna,' in the Choranda subdivision of the Baroda territory, about a hundred and seventy miles towards the east-by-north from Girnar; the Sraddhikâ agráhdra seems to be the modern "Sadhli,' eight miles east-by-south from
Sondarna;' and, if that is the case, it is a matter of indifference whether it is to the grantee himself, or to his father, that the record assigas "Sraddhika--Sadhli' as a place of abode. But the matter is very different in the next instance.
11.- The Nausâri plates of A. D. 817 conveyed the above-mentioned village of Samipadraka, which they specify as being in the country between the Maht and the Narmada, Bå dåvivåstavya-1 -Bharadvajasagðtra- | -Taittiriyasabrahmachari- | -BAdaddiupaddhyâya-putra-Gobba Idio&[mne].46 The same remarks, as in the preceding case, apply in respect of the analysis of this compound. If we do not insert a hyphen between Bädaddi-upáddhydya and putra, the translation is, -"to Gobbaddi, who dwells at Badavi, and belongs to the Bhậradvaja gôtra, and is a student of the Taittiriya (school), and is a son of the Upadhyâya Båda idi." And this rendering, adopted by the editor, connects the place of abode, Badavi, with the grantee himself. But Badavi is Badêmi, the head-quarters of the Badâmi taluka in the Bijâpur district, Bombay Presidency. Samipadraka, as already stated, is * Sondarna,' in Gujarat, some four hundred and seventy miles away to the north from Bad mi.
# Vol. XIII, above, p. 78, line 19 f.
" See Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 184, 149. * Jour. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 140, line 59 1. As indioated by the editor, the marks of punofuation, between some of the members of this compound, are superfluous.

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The grant of a village in Gujarat could not possibly be of any practical use to a person residing at Badami: in a period when no railways, motor-cars, or even bicycles were available, it would take him, unless he could fly or was the happy possessor of a vimana or self-moving aërial chariot which could proceed independently of the direction of the wind, at least three months to travel to and fro by road for the annual inspection of crops and accounts; and he could not reduce that time very much, even if he should make his way to the coast and then travel by a sailing ship. In this case, it is absolutely certain that the specified place of abode was that of the grantee's father, and there is an implication that the grantee himself had become a settler in Gujarât, or was there and settled there when the grant was made to him. And, in this case, we must certainly insert a hyphen between Bådaddi-upddehydya and putra, and translate, "to Gobbaddi, a son of the Upádhyâya Bada ]di who dwells at Badavi and belongs to the Bharadvaja gôtra and is a student of the Taittiriya (school)."
We may gather, even from this last instance alone, that the intention, in all similar cases, was to connect a place of abode or of departure, not with the grantee himself, but with his father or any other ancestor mentioned just before him in the same compound. And, that this was the intended meaning in such compounds, is further emphasised by the construction to which recourse was had in certain spurious records, which, though of no historical value, are yet instructive on such points as the present one. For instance, the spurious Umêtâ plates, which purport to have been issued in A. D. 478, claim that a village named Nigada was granted, - Kanyakubjavâstavya-tachaturvidyasamanya-Vagishthasag ôtra-Bahfichasabrahmachari-bhatta Mahidharastasya sunu bhatta Madhava, 17 "the Bhatta Mahidhara, who dwells at Kânyakubja and is a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place and belongs to the Vasishtha gôtra and is a student of the Bahvpicha (school); his son, the Bhata Madhava ; [to him ]." This nogrammatical construction is simply a partial analysis of what ought to have been presented in one continuous compound, similar to those which we have in the instances Nos. 10 and 11 above, namely, - KanyakubjavAstavya-tachchâturvvidyasamánya-Vasishthasagôtra-Bahvpichasabrahmacbêri-bhattaMahidhara-sung-bhatta Madhavaya, "to the Bhatta Madhava, a son of the Bhata Mahidbars who dwells at Kanyakubja," etc. Similar ungrammatical constructions are presented in the sparions plates which purport to record a grant made by Dharasena II. of Valabhi in A. D. 478, and in the spurious Bagumrâ plates which parport to have been issued in A. D. 493, and in the spurious Ilậð plates which purport to have been issued in A, D, 495,60 And they shew plainly how the person or persons who composed those documente, also, would have interpreted such compounds as those which we have in Nos. 10 and 11. But, further, we have, in fact, a partial analysis, grammatically correct, of precisely similar compounds, in the instances given under Nos, 5 and 6 above. In each of those cases, a description of the grantee which might have been given in one unbroken compound exactly like those under Nos. 10 and 11, bas been broken up into two separate words by the use of the datives sutaya and putráya, instead of the bases suta and putra, after the father's name. And these two cases also, Nos. 5 and 6, shew plainly how the composers of those two records, again, would have interpreted the unbroken compounds in Nos. 10 and 11.
I am not able to quote any instance of the use of these unbroken compounds in cases in which mention is made of any ancestor prior to the father of the grantee. This fact, coupled with a comparison of the general nature of all the instances given under Nos. 1 to 9 above, leaves an impression that it may have been the custom to use these unbroken compounds only when the father of the grantee was still alive. And, in translating both these passages and those in which different constructions were employed, I have used the past and present tenses in socordance with that impression.
Vol. VII. above, p. 64, line 16t. of plate i. It does not seem nooomary to enoumber the transcriptaon by correoting certain mistakes of the original, ** Vol. X. above, p. 284, line 17 ff.
Vol. XVII. above, p. 200, line 14 ff. - XIII. above, p. 117, line 18 1.

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There is a curious instance in the Kapadwaņaj plates of A. D. 654, which purport to convey a certain village, - Mahichha[ka]vinirggata-Mahichbakavastavy-aitachebaturvvidyasamánya-Kaugikasagðtra - Vâjasan@yasabrabmachåri-br[A]hmaņa Bappa -patra - Bhattibhat[t* Jaya, 61 - "to Bhattibhatta, a son of the Brahma Bappa who has come from Mabichbaka and dwells at Mahichhaka and is a member of the community of Chaturvedins of this same place and belongs to the Kausika gôtra and is a student of the Vâjasanêya (school)." Here, the same place, Mahichbaks, is presented both as the place of departure and as the place of residence of the grantee's father. The editor, however, has told us that the name Mahichhaka, which occurs twice in the grant, seems "to be a later correction in somewhat different characters." Evidently, in this record we have another instance of a genuine record having been subsequently tampered with. And the person who did that, did it in a carelees and clumsy way, introducing the name of Mahichhaks by mistake for something else, either in connection with vinirgata or in connection with rástavya.
DISCURSIVE NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
BY K. P. PADMANABHA MENON, B.A., B.L. The long narrow strip of land lying between G8karoam in the North and Cape Comorin in the South, the Ghats in the East and the Sea in the West, is known by various names, such as Parasuramakshetram, Bhargavakshetram, Karmabhumi, Keralam, Malabar, and Malayalam.
The first two names have their origin in the well-known legend of the warrior sage ParagaRama's alleged reclamation of the country from the sea. The legend has a firm foothold in the land, and it will, indeed, be long before it can be dislodged from the minds of the people. According to one version, Paragu-Rama or "Rama-with-the-axe," an asserted incarnation of Vishnu, commanded the ocean to retire from the foot of the Ghâts, and, the Indian Neptune demurring to this somewhat arrogant behest, the infuriated Brahmag fulminated the threat that -
"Soon with my arrow will I dry this sea
Till not a drop of ocean shall remain." The threat had the desired effect, for the god of the oceans at once receded to a specified distance and gave up the land to the irate sage. Thus was created Parasuramakohetram, or Bhargavakshetram, i, e., Parasu-Râma's or the Bhargava's land, because Parasu-Rama belonged to the Bhrigu clan.
The process by which Ráma accomplished this mighty deed takes different forms in different versions of the legend. Some say that the warrior sage, after destroying the Kshatriyas, i.e., the royal race, thrice seven times was seized with remorse, and to expiate the sin be made . gift of all his conquered land to the Brahmaps, who ordered him to quit the country. In this difficulty he A seg med his divine powers, Ascended the heights of Gokarnam, and commanded Varuņa (the ocean) to retire from the foot of the Ghats from Gokarnam to a point where the axe he wielded would fall when thrown southwards. The sea-god did so.
The legend is not to be rejected altogether as paerile. It has a core of truth in it; no doubt, encrusted all over with adventitious matter, so as to obscure the gem within. It, in fact, as it appears to me, chronicles, iu part, in the imaginative style of the poets, the effects of volonnio action on the coast centuries ago. The low lands of the Malabar Coast have evidently been raised from beneath the sea-level by subterranean forces. Instances are not wanting of the formation by natural foroes of large tracts of land on the coast, even in modern times. The Island of Vypeen, 18 miles long by one broad, on the north side of Cochin, was thrown ap by the sea not long ago. It is known
Ap. Ind. Vol. I. p. 28, line 2
Loo. cit. p. 86.
Seo Vol. XXX. above, p. 218, and note ,

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in the locality as Pudu Vaippa, i. e., new foundation, and the people there oommence an era from the date of its formation in A. D. 1841. It would appear that previously small river flowed by the town of Cochin, having a narrow opening into the sea, the main outlet for the discharge of the freshes that came in torrents down the Ghâts being at the well-known opening at Cranganore. In the year 134), an extraordinary flood occurred which brought down from the Ghâts such a mass of water that it forced itself iu to the sea at Cochin and opened a capacious estuary, converting the land-locked harbour of Cochin into one of the finest and safest ports in India. The Boil of the low lying lands on the sea-coast, consisting of sea-sand and calcareous matter combined with various kinds of earth and clay, attests the nature of the formation. The nature of the subsoil brought up at the sinking of an artesian well recently in British Cochin makes it clear that the strip of land on which the town is now situated lay not long ago submerged in the sea.
Fra Bartholomeo says that in his day the natives believed that the sea formerly extended even to the foot of the Gats, evidently referring to the tradition we are now discussing. He, however, was of opinion that the tradition had no foundation, though he is willing to concede that some of the plains found in this country have been produced by conflicts between the waves of the sea and torrents of rain. The devastation occasioned by such inondations,' says he, can hardly be described. Grand-children sometimes can scarcely point out with any certainty tho spot where their grand-father resided, because it has assumed a form totally different. There is, indeed, strong reason to suppose that in the early years of the Christian era the sea-coast ran along the eastern shore of the backwater, which extends at present to over 40 miles from Changanaberi to Pallipuram, and it is extremely doubtfut if the long strip of land which forms its western bank, and on which stand the now flourish ing seaports of Cochin and Allepy, had any existence then. The towns mentioned by Ptolemy as lying on the sea-coast between Musiris (Cranganore) and Barkare (near Quilon) can nowhere be identified with their modern sites as the coast now stands, whorens some of them, Podoperours, Semine and Korthora, may be identified with Udayamperor (the Diamper of the Portuguese) Chembu and Kothar, all of which are situated on the eastern coast of the backwater,"
In a Report on the mud bank at Alleppy in Travancore, Mr. Rhode, a former Commercial Agent of the State, observed: "I cannot give dates as I have no records, but it is certain that the coast from about north of Caliout to south of Quilon was once well above the level of the sea, and was after a long period totally submerged and then again was thrown op by volcanic action and has again been partially covered by son. I state this because in cutting the Warkalai Tunnel trees were found. and also shells have been found on the coast which are known to belong to a class of shell-figh that only live in deep water. Remnants of a fort at Poracaud were visible 30 years ago, and at Calicut and Vypeen massive buildings are now in the sea." "It is curious," says Dr. Day," that this law of encroachments of the sea is now the rule on the western coast, because tradition and an examination of the geology of the country both lead to the conclusion that the sea formerly washed up to the Western Ghats ; thus, Malabar has been literally raised from the sea." Dr. Day refers to a Manusoript Account of Malabar by Hernen Lopes de Castanheds, in 1525, where it is said that little more than 2,300 years ago the sea came up to the Western Ghats.
The theory that the sea-coast originally ran along the line of the eastern shore of the backwater receives support from the names by which certain places situated on that line are still known. About 8 miles to the north of Cochin, on the eastern side of the backwater, lies the village of Kadakara, or more correctly Kadal = 'sea' + Kara = shore' (in Malayalam) = Kadalkara, signifying sea-shore. To the south of it, almost in close proximity, is another village called Elikara which,
1 A Voyage to the Past Indies, p. 188.
The Madras Review, Vol. I. p. 324. • Para 831 of the Report on the Administration of Travancore for the Year 1861-C2 (W. Loggan).
See Vol. 22, Mad. Jour, o it, and Sd. N. 8. Pp. 230 and 264, 1961; Narakal or Cochin Mud Bank, by Francis Day, Oivil Burgoon, Coobin And The Mud Bank at Narakal, near Cochinita composition of exhibited dy the Wicroscope, by Lieut. J. Mitchell.

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there can be no doubt, should originally have been Ali = 'sea' + Kara = 'shore' (Malayalam) = Alikara, also meaning "808-shore. Next to Elikara, towards the south lies Katamakuti which is evidently Katal + Mukko + Kuti = Katamakuti, meaning the abode of the sea fishermen. The coast line, as known at the time of Megasthenes, 4th Century B. C., certainly ran along the eastern shore of the backwater. For he mentions Tropina, identified by Mr. Dutt with Tripontari, or Trippoonithuray, a few miles inland from Cochin and on the backwater side as lying on the seacoast.
The earlier notices of Malabar do not mention Cochin at all. Among the modiaeval travellers, Nicolo Conti (A. D. 1440) mentions it for the first time as Cocym. It may be noted that this is almost exactly a century after the formation of the harbour, Cochin attained importance only about the time of the arriva of the Portuguese in India. Since then it has been the chief port of Malabar Barbosa, the anonymous Sommario dei Regni in Ramusio, and D'Barros mention it as Cochin, while the Lisbon Editions of Barbosa and Conti have Cochim, Cocym or Cochym. So also Gutschin of Spinger. G. Balbi bas Cochi. It is remarkable that Nicolo Conti in the 15th century and Fra Paolino in the 17th both say that the town was called Kochi, after the small river that flowed by the place. The non-mention of Cochin by the early travellers, and its first mention, so far as at present known, in 1440 by Conti lend colour to the theory that it was formed since the days of the Periplus and Ptolemy, and it is indeed significant that a hundred years had to elapse from the date of the formation of the estuary, before it came to be mentioned for the first time - a sufficiently long period for the port to come into importance.
According to Tamil Historical Texts, the people in the south, 1800 years ago, remembered that in former days, the land extended further south of Cape Comorin) and that a mountain called Kumarikkodu and a large tract of country watered by the Pahruli existed south of Kumari. It is said that, during a violent irruption of the sea, the mountain Kumarikkôdu and the whole of the country through which the Pahruli flowed disappeared.
There are other local instances of the irraption of the sea and the subsidence of the land. The Buddhist annals of Ceylon record one such on the south-western coast of that island in the 2nd century B. C. The island of Rame varam, which is 11 miles long, is only two miles away from the Indian coast, and, till but 3 or 4 centuries ago, there was a rocky causeway connecting Råmêsvarain with the mainland. It is said that about the 15th century this connection was severed by the sea bursting through the chain of rocks that formed the causeway. The abrupt manner in which Point Raman on the coast terminates, and its geological formation, which can be traced across the ridge of the rocks to the island, almost confirm the supposition, and the opinion is strengthened by the records of the Temple at Råmêsvaram, which state that, until the early part of the 15th century, the island was connected with the continent of India by a narrow neck of land and that the Svámi of Råmêsvaram was on particular festivals carried to a temple on the mainland. The sandy ridge known as Adam's Bridge connects Râmêbvaram with Ceylon, thas accounting for the so-called bridge built by the monkey soldiers of the Ramdyana 10 off the coast of Ceylon is the island of Mannar, about 18 miles long.
Extricating ourselves from the halo of legend that surrounds and obscures the Brahman sage, Paraku-Bama, we see in him the leader perhaps of the earliest Aryan colony into South India. The miraculous powers by, which he is said to have reclaimed the land are part and parcel of his mythical character. The very existence of such a personage as Paragu-Rama has been questioned by some authorities. He is asserted to be an incarnation of Vishnu and it is difficult to
6 Dutt's Ancient India, Vol. II. p. 80.
. See Major's India in the Fifteenth Century. 1 Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 455.
. The Madras Review, p. 225, et seq. After five centuries of separation the South Tadian Railway Company is about to make an attempt to restore the connection between the matnland and the island by means of the Pambao Channel Railway Bridge.
10 The Gazetteer of Southern India, P. 885.

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fix his date with any approach to accnracy. His encounter with his namesake of the Rámdyana and his slaughter of the Kshatriya race have been pronounced by Mr. Talboys Wheeler to be pare myths.11
But Mr. Romeah Chandar Datt thinks that the story of Parabo-Rama probably conceals a great historical truth." He is said to have fought against the Kshatriyas and exterminated the carte 21 times and then he was conquered by the Kshatriya Råma, the hero of the Epic. It would seem that this story indicates the real rivalry and hostilities between the priestly and the warrior castes - indications of which we have found in a literary form in the Upanishads."13 Paragu-Râma is, however, posl-Vedic character and cannot therefore be accorded too bigh an antiquity. In the Anuidsana-Parna of the Mahabharata, Section 52, Yudhishthira enquires how Parabu-Rûma, the son of the Brahmaq Jamaagni, was possessed of the qualities of a Kshatriya. It is, indeed, remarkable that Jau adagni's name cucurs in the Rig-Veda, but not that of his renowned son ParaguRama. That character, therefore, is a later invention, and the story of his wars with the Kshatriyas is probably based on actual hostilities, which may have taken place early in the epic age (B. C. 1400 to 1000) between stalwart priests and proud kings just when the caste system was taking shape."13
According to the Rev. William Taylor the nearest conjecture we can form regarding the date of Paraku-RÂms is that he lived sometime within the thousandth year after the flood according to the orthodox Christian chronology. He thinks that assuming the astronomical principles detailed by him elsewhere to be correct, there must have been great retiring of the mass of the waters from the Northern Hemispbere during the period within 500 years to a 1,000 yuars after the flood; and, unless the level of the Malabar Coast be greatly beneath that of the Coast of Coromandel, from this alpo a similar retiring of waters must have taken place at the same time, 15
According to the Kéral8tpatti, Malayalam treatise on the early history of Kerala, the country is also known by the name of Karmabhaimi, or the country where salvation depended entirely and exclusively on good actions. The ground in Malabar is in itself not consecrated ground. There salvation has to be worked out by the performance of good actions. It is even said that the souls of those dying in Malabar would be transmigrated into the bodies of asses and only good actions can save them from this dire calamity. So the Brahmans to whom the land was given as gift by ParasuRåms were ordered strictly to observe the various ceremonies prescribed by him for the salvation of the souls of those who inbabit the country. These take vicariously the benefit of the good work enjoined on the Brâhmaņa. Thus the salvation of the souls of the other classes depends wholly on the strict performance of their spiritual functions by the Brahmans of Malabar. The Kraftpatti expressly says that the whole of Keralam was given to the Brahmaps by Parasu-Rama to be kept mainly for the support of temples and religious ceremonies. The trust was a sacred one; and, apless they conform strictly to the terms of the original endowment, the beneficiaries have a legal right to enforce the trust. The pretensions of the Malabar Brihmap janma (landlords) to absolgte ownership in land cannot therefore be maintained for a moment.
The name by which the Malay&Jis love to designate their country is Kbrala, Sanskrit word, thoiagh they themacives Art Dravidians and their language, Malayalam, but a dialect of Tamil. The land was certainly known to the Aryans at a very early period. Kerala was known to Katyayana (16t half of the 4th century B. C.) And Patañjali (150.B. C.), though Påņini (beginning of the 7th century B. O., if not earlier still) does not mention it. The Mahabharata, the Ramayana,
11 History of Irdia, Vol. II. p. 87. 31 Ancient India, Vol. I. p. 813. (80 slo Hunter's Indian Empiro, p. 104.) 11 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 158.
Translation of Historical Manucripts, Vol. I p. 158. u Op. dt. Vol. IL. p. 65.
# IV, 41, 18685. III-1991. Sabad Purua, Chap. 31. 11 I. 41. As to the date of these Ep on the Ramayana is later than the Mahabadrata. While Pinipi refox to the latter, he is altogether silent about the former.

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the Vayu-Purana,' the Matsya Purana, 19 and the Markandeya-Purana20 make mention of Kerala and Gokarnam. The latter also occurs in the Bhagavata, Padma and Skanda Puranas. The Mahabharata, the Ramayana and the Harivamsa refer to the Koralas as a class of despicable people in the south, such as the Hûņas, Pulindas, Chandalas, Svapachas, etc. They attribute the degeneration of the times to the existence of such nations of the lowest origin, 21 To them were also ascribed the atrocities of warfare 22
The 2nd and the 13th Edicts of the great king Abška (B, C. 257) refer to the ruler of Keralam as Koralaputra and classes his country as one of the Pratyantas or border lande.
In the 1st century A. D. Pliny refers to the ruler of Kerala as Calobothras, and mentions Muziris, the first emporium in India, as his capital. Muziris has been satisfactorily identified by Dr. Burnell with the modern Cranganore or Kodungallur. From Pliny we may gather that the country ruled by Calobothras extended southwards to Neacyndon, Nilkanda or Kallada, near Quilon, where the sway of the Pandyan king began.
The Periplus written probably in the first century A. D., also refers to Keprobothras and the land he ruled, which it calls Limurike. It extended from Nouro and Tyndis in the north to Nilkanda in the South,
Ptolemy (2nd century A. D.) mentions Karoura as the capital of Limarike where Kerobothras lived. The description given by Pliny, Arrian and Ptolemy, of Limurike, or, as the Peutingerian Tables call it, Damurike, enables us to fix approximately the extent of the sway of Calobothras, Keprobothras or Kerobothras. Limurike or Damurike has been shown by the learned Bishop Caldwell to represent the Dravida or the Tamil-Malayalam country. From Pliny it is somewhat difficult to gather its northern limit; but after making mention of the important port of Muziris, he goes southwards and names Neacyndon, which, according to him, belonged to the Pandyans. In this the Periplus agrees with him. Ptolemy calls the place Melkynda and locates it in the country of the Aioi, identified by Caldwell with South Travancore. Ptolemy and the author of the Periplus are at one in making Tyndis the most northern port in Limurike. The Periplus gives its distance at 700 stadia or nearly 12° of latitude, if we reckon 600 stadia to the degree. Notwithstanding this authoritative statement which makes Limurike begin somewhere near Calicut (11° 15' N. Lat.), ite frontier has generally been placed nearly farther north, Tyndis having been located at Barcelore. This error has been rectified by Sir Henry Yule, whose adherence to the data of the Periplus has been completely justified by the satisfactory identification of Muziris with Cranganore instead of with Mangalore, as previously accepted. It is, perhaps. necessary to point out here that Tyndis, too, has been satisfactorily identified by Dr. Burnell with Kadalundi noar Beypore, the former south-western terminus of the Madras Railway near Calicut.28
The Kerabothras of Ptolemy, Keprobothras of the Periplup and Calobothras of Pliny has been identified by Bishop Caldwell with the Tamil Keralaputra. The insertion of the letter "p" in one of the above names is pointed out to be an error, perhaps of the transcriber. "The name in Sanskțit and in full," says the learned Bishop, "is Kèraļaputra, but the Kêra and Kela are Dravidian abbreviations of Kerala. They are Malayalam, however, not Tamil abbreviations and the District over which the Tamil Kéra la putra ruled is that in which the Malay&ļam Language is now spoken."24
18 Chap. 45, v. 124, Ed. Bib. Indica.
19 Chap. 112, v. 46, Poona Lithogrph Ed. # Chap. 67, v. 45, Ed. Bib. Ind.: Prof. Bhandarkar classes the Vayu, the Mataya, and the Bhagavata w among the later Puranas. Of these the oldest appears to him to be the Vayu, and next to it the Matsya, and the Bhagavata he latest. See Early History of the Dekhan,
See Dr. Opport on the Weapons, Army Organisation and Political Marime of the Ancient Hindogs. n. n Nutiprakasika : Mad. Jour. Of Lit, and Science for 1881.
33 See MoOrindle's Translation of Ptolomw. * Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, Introduction, p. 98.

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The Rev. Mr. Foulkes contends that Chêra and Kerala denote the same country, the term Kerala being but the Canarese dialectical form of the word Chere. He points to & general concurrence of the authorities that Chêra and Kerala are synonymous names notwithstanding the difficulty caused by the supposed identity of Kongu and Chera.36 Dr. Rottler's Tamil Dictionary has under the word 'Keralan' "The king Chê ran who reigned on the Malabar Coast." "I have no doubt," says Dr. Caldwell, that the name Chêra and Kerala were originally one and the same, and it is certain that they are always regarded as synonymous in Native Tamil and Malayalam lists." Dr. Gundert has, in his Malayalam Dictionary, under the word Koram “Chêra - Malabar, Canarese pronunciation of Chēram," and under the word Keralam " Chêran - the country between Gökarņam and Kumari''; the word Kerala was known under various forms, such as Söram, Cheram, etc.
The Chora or Korala kingdom at one time loomed large on the map of Southern India. According to Dr. Burnell, from the 3rd to the 7th century appears to have been the most flourishing period in the modern history of the kingdom. It then extended over the present Mysore, Coimbatore, Toņdinad, South Malabar and Cochin. It formed one of the great triarchy of ancient Hindu kingdoms in the extreme south of India and had already acquired a name before the 3rd century B. C. Professor Dowson describes it at a later period as extending to the Mysore frontier in the north, the District of Salem in the east, and the Travancore Coast up to Calicut in the north-west. Its capital was at Karar. Dr. Caldwell is disposed to identify Karûr with the Karoura of Ptolemy, which he says occupies the same site as the present important town of the same Datue in the Coimbatore District, situated on the left bank of the Amaravatt, a tributary of the Kaveri. The authority of the learned Bishop is high indeed. Bat there are some noteworthy considerations which induce us to shift the locality of Ptolemy's Karoura, the capital of Chêra or Kerala, to an altogether different place. Early Tamil records point to Vadji, as the capital of the Chêra Kingdom, and according to the Tamil Metrical Dictionary, Tivakaram, the modern name of Vánji is Karur. Ancient Tamil works describe Vaõji as being situated west of the Western Ghậts. In the Periya Puranam Važji is mentioned as the capital of the Chêra King, and it is indeed significant that it was also known as Makotai (or Kodungallar). In the Syriar. Copper-plate of Bhaskara Ravi Varma (about the 8th century A. D.) Kodungallar is called Maktaipattanam, and this is generally accepted to have been the capital of the Chêramaa Perumaļs. The Rev. William Taylor, in the preface to his Translation of Tamil Historioal Manuscripts, assares us that the Sera Metropolis was no other than Tiru Vañji, the capital of the Chêradeánm. Thus early records, known traditions and old inscriptions all point to Tiruvanchi or Tiruvanchikulam (rendered into Brf Vanji Kovilakam or abode or palace of the prosperous Vañji King) lying adjacent to Cranganore, ag the capital of the early rulers of Chera or Kerala.
I have already shown that Oranganore has been identified with the Musiris of Pliny, Arrian and Ptolemy. Pliny, who died in A. D. 79, and who seems to have written his work two years before his death, says that "Calobothras was reigning there (Muziris) when I committed this to writing." But by the middle of the 2nd century A. D., when Ptolemy wrote, Chera must have either changed its capital, or constituted one more seat of Government. For Ptolemy, as we have observed, names Karoura as the capital of Limurike. It may indeed be that there were two capitals, the Northern and the Southern: the capital for the interior and the capital for the coast; or Calobothras or Kerabothras must have removed his capital from Muziris on the coast to Karoura in the interior, for it will be found that Ptolemy names the latter as one of the interior cities of Limurike. Still it need not be that Kerabotbras removed his capital so far into the interior as Karûr in the Coimbatore District. If Tiravañchika ļam is not itself Karár, the capital of Chêra, as being situated on the coast, a more likely site than the Karor of the Coimbatore District is Tirukkarar in North Travancore, gow a deserted village situated at the foot of the Gbats,
26 District Manual of Salem, Vol. I.

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8 miles from Kodamangalam and 28 miles east by north of Cochin. The remains of an old temple and the walls of some old buildings are still to be found there. The people there still point to . plot of ground, as the place, from which Paraku-Rama is said to have taken his final farewell of the Nambaris. It is further significant that, in the Keralotpatti, Karur or Tirukkarar (the prefix Tiru simply means prosperous) is mentioned as the capital of one of the Cheraman Peramals and the tradition is still remembered by the people of the place.
The author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, as well as Ptolemy, mentions a district called Paralia on the West Coast of India, and Professor Wilson is of opinion that it is possible that it may be a wrong reading for Kerala or Keralia. This, however, is doubtful; for, after noticing the territory of the Pandyaus, Ptolemy mentions the country of the Batoi, which Professor McOrindle identifies with the district extending from the neighbourhood of Poiut Kalimere to the Southern mouth of the Kâvert, corresponding roughly with the present District of Tanjore, within which are placed Nikama, Thelkheir and Kouroula, identified by Yule with Negapatam, Nagor and Karikal. After this comes Paralia, specially so called, "The country of the Toringoi." Bishop Caldwell has identified the Toringoi with the northern portion of the Tamilian nation. This name," he says, "is Chola ir. Sanskrit, Chola in Telugu, but in Tarai) Sors or Chora. The accuracy with regard to the people is remarkable, for in Tami) they appear not only as 8oras, but also as Soragas and Soriyas, and even as Soringas. Their country also is called Soragam. The 'I' of the Tamil word Sora is a peculiar sound not contained in Telugu, in which it is gonerally represented by d' or 'l'. The transliteration of this letters' sems to show that then, as now, the use of this peculiar I was a dialectical peculiarity of Tamil. Paralis, the learned Bishop points out, is the Greek word for coust. Professor McCrindle thinks that, as a Greek word, Paralia designated generally any maritime district. It could not, therefore, have been the Greek mode of writing a native name; for Ptolemy mentions several Paraliss. The coast indicated by this name included Ptolemy's country of the Aloi, i, e., South Travancore and that of Karai, South Tinnevelly. In the Periplus, Paralis commenced at what was called the Pyrrahos or "the Red Cliffs," south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin but also Kolkhoi. It belonged to the King Pandyan. Dr. Vincent conjectures that the king of Madura bad extended his power from the eastern to the western side of the Peninsula and was master of Malabar, when the Greco-Egyptian fleets first visited the Coast. He also thinks it likely that the power of Påndyan had been supersóded in Malabar between the age of the Periplus and Ptolemy, for the latter makes tht Aioi next to Limarike on the south and takes no notice of Pandyan till he bes passed Cape Comorin.
With regard to the word Paralia, it is interesting to note that both Burne!l and Yule agree in identifying it with Purali, whioh is an old name for Travancore. Yule says that "tiis Paralia is, no doubt, Parali, an old name for Travancore, from which the Rajs has a title " Para
ken. lord of Parali. Dr. Gundert also points this out in his Malaydļam Dictionary, under the word Puraliban. That the title was tsed to denote the Rajas of Travancore is also evident from the well-known metrical translation of the Valmiki Ramayana into Malayalam by Raja Kerala Varma, 88 also from the equally well-known philosophical poem Var Agyachandródaya by the same author.
For about two centuries after Ptolemy we have no authentic record of the mention of Kerala. But towards the latter end of the 4th century A. D. we see it referred to in the famous Gupta Inscription on the Allahabad Lag of Aboka. It is there recorded that Samudra Gupta captured and then liberated, among other Rajas, Mantarája of Kerala in the region of the South. Whether this is the product of the imagination of an Oriental Court panegyrist, or whether Samudra Gapta found it feasible to advance so far south as Malabar or not, it is significant that one of the Chéramin Perumals, who ruled over Malabar subsequently, went by the name of Sthanu Ravi Grupta. Mr. Venkiah, however, questions the correctness of the reading of the term “Gupta" occurring in the second of the Syrian Copper-plates.

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A little later on we have Varaba Mihira, the great Hindu Astronomer (about A. D. 550), noticing in his Brihatsahhitd both the country and the people by the names Kerals and Kairalakas.26 He locates the country in the Southern Division and nomes Baladvapattanam and Marthipattanam as important towns therein. Kern, Varâha Mihira's Translator, identifies these places with the Baliapattana and the Muzeris of Ptolemy and other Greek Geographers.27
Inscriptions and copper-plate documents of the Western Chalukya Dynasty show that almost for 500 years after this, the Chalakyan kings made temporary conquests of Kerala. In an inscription of the Western Chalukyan king, Palskesi ï. (5th century A. D.), Kerala is mentioned as possessing a chief who was conquered by that sovereign. In the Mahakata inscription of Mangaldéa (567 to 610 A. D.) we are told that the victories of his brother and predecessor Kirtivarma I (489 to 567 A. D.) included the kings of Kerala, Mashaka, Pandya, ChCliya, and Aluka. Professor Monier Williams identifies Mashaka with that part of the Malabar Coast lying between Quilon and Cape Comorin. It may be remembered that Dr. Burnell stops a long way north of Quilon in giving the Southern boundary of the Chêra or Kerala Kingdom. Of Pulalesi II. (610 to 634 A. D.) it is said that, after the conquest of Kanchipura, ho crossed the Kåvert and invaded the country of the Cholas, the Pandy as, and the Keralas.30 But these preferred to submit rather than to fight. They, however, soon revolted, aud Palakebi's son, Vikramaditya I. (652-3 to 680 A. D.)," a man of abilities and daring adventure, bad to march against them and break their combined power. In the epithets applied to Vikramaditya I., father of Vinryaditya Satyasraya, a clear allusion ie made to a confederacy that was formed against him by the three kings of Chôla, Påndya and Kerala. He is said " to have rent open with the thenderbolt that was his prowess the proud summits of the haughtiness of the three mountains which were the kings of Chols, Pagdya, and brala. Vikramaditya's son, Vinayaditya, seems to hava assisted his father in conquering the southern kingdoms. Between the 11th and 14th years of his own riga (692 to 695 A. D.) the king completely subjugated, among others, the Keralas in the south. Vinnyaditys made tributaries of the kings of Kavēra or Kérale, as it is read in Bome of the grants and of the Parasikas, who, as Professor Bhandarkar says, were probably the Syrians settled on the coast of Malabar.96 Vinayaditya's grandson Vikramaditya 11.36 also claims to have fought with the Cholas, the Pâpdyas, the Kéraļas, the Kalabhras and reduced them. In a grant dated A. D. 758 by Kirtivarma II., son of Vikramaditya, we are introduced to him in a seaside residence at a place called Jayamambha, situated on the shore of the southorn ocean, of which a graphic description is given, where he dwelt in peace after" withering op Pandya, Chola, Kêraļa, Kalabhra, and other kings."*37
About this time the BAshtrak atas overthrew the Chalukyas. The fourth prince of the Rathor family, Dantidarga, Ron o! Indra I., was a great raler. His own grant attribntes to him an easy victory over the army of Karņáta. He is said to have defeated the lords of Kanchi and Kêrela, the Chêja, Sriharsha and V..ijayanti.** The Ashtrakate king Govinda VI. claims to have conquered the Keralas. He reigned about A, D. 803 to 814-15. For 200 years and more after this the
Ohap. 4, v. 12. Aleo Chap. 16, v. 11. The word Esiralaba appears in that form in the Allahabad Inscription of Samudra Gapig. See Gupta Inscriptions, page E, line 13. 21 See Kern's Brihatear hila.
Sewell's Archeological Survey Report, Vol. II. - Fleet's Sanskrit and Old Cunarere Inscriptions, No. 186 - Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 7. ** Bhandarkar's History of the Dekhani, p. 89. u Barnell's South Indian Palmography, 2nd Ed., p. 18, 11 Ibid. p. 43. Fleet's San. and Old Oan, Inscriptions, No, ILVIII.-Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 308. - Fleet's Sants, and Old Can. Inscriptione, No. XXIX.-Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 87. * Fleet, No. XLIV. -Ind. Ant. Vol. VII p. 309.
* History of the Dekhan, p. 43. * Begae to ruiga 1 D. 783. Barnell, p. 18.
The Chalukyan and the Pallapas, by Lewis Rice-IndAnt. Vol. VII. p. 28 (200 26 and 27). # Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 61, Dantidarga's date has been fixed by mense of grants mA, D.795-55-Logan Malabar, Vol. I. p. 236.
* Tid.

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Chalukyas were completely thrown into the shade by the Rashtrakūtas till, about 973 A. D., Tailapa the Chalukyan rose and restored the decaying glory of the dynasty. Trilapa's grandson, Vikramaditya or Tribhuvanamalla, was a great conqueror. Bilhaņa, in his Vikrumakdoya, speaking of Vikrama's propress, says, "the wives of the king of Kerala wept when they thought of Vikrama's former deeds." In the 4ti sarga, Bilhaps expressly says that Vikrams first marched against the Keralns and conquered them. Vikrams reigned between 1008 and 1018 A, D.40 After this it is not often that we see Kerala mentioned in any authentic records.
In considering the extent of Kerala we have to note that the Keraldtpatti allades to a division of the country on two occasions. Once by the Brahmaņs during their direct way and at another time by one of the Perumals, whom the Brahmans bad elected as their raler. Of the first division the Koralotpatti says, that the Malanad or Malabar or hill-country was divided into four parts, tis. :
(1) The Talu-kingdom extending from Gokarpam to Perumpan (the large river),
1. c., the Canaras (north and south), very nearly as at present constituted. (2) The Kapa-kingdom extending from Perampola to Patupattanam the seat of the
Thekkenkor (Southern Regent) of the North Kolatiri dynasty situated on the Kotta river - i. e., North Malabar as at present defined, less the Southern half
of the Kasambaşoad Taluk. (3) The Kerala-kingdom extending from Patupattanam to Kannetti, 1. e., South
Malabar, including the South half of the Kornbarnad Taluk, the Cochin State
aud North Travancore. (1) The Moshika-kingdom extending from Kannetti to Cape Comorin, i. e, South
Travancore. The other division was made by Arya Perumal. He, it is said, inspected the whole country and arranged it intc four divisions or provinces :
(1) The Tulu country from Gokarnan to Perumpula. (2) The Korala oountry from Perompala to Putapattanam. (3) The Moshika country from Putupattapam to Kannetti.
(4) The Kuvals country from Kannetti to Cape Comorin. Though these divisons were made for administrative purposes, it is significant ihat, in naming them, the term Kerala came to be applied only to a fourth part of the whole country, notwithstanding that the Malay Aļis still consider Głkarnam and Kanyakumari (Cape Comorin) as the Dau and Beershebs of Keralam.
Various theories have been started locally as to why the country was called Korals. We may refer here to two of the more popular ones. It is said that the country came to be denominated Kerala in honour of one of its illustriots Peramal Bet chronology belies this theory. For, the country was known as Kerala long before the Perama! period. According to the Keraltpati, when the Bribmaņs found that the system of appointing nakalá-purushas, or protectors, failed to work properly, they (the 64 villagers) assembled at Tirupevky, determined to elect a king, and empowered the four selected greinams (villages) to choose one. Their choice fell on Keya Perumal of Kdyaparam in the country east of the Ghats. He was brought, it is said, to Keralam and installed as the first of the Perumals in the year of the Kaliyuga expressed Ly the cryptogram "Bh Aman Bhnpoyam Prapy," corresponding to A.D. 216.41 But we have already pointed out that the country was known as Kerala as early as the 3rd century B. C., not to speak of its being so oallod oven in pre-historic timas. *History of the Dekhan, p. &.
"Lr un's Malabar, Vol. I. p. 828

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The other theory is that the word is derived froin keram, which is an ahbraviation of the Sanskrit word nd likéram, meaning Cocoanot, and that the name Keralam was applied to the coast on account of its producing the cocoanut in abundance. Abundant as the cocoanat palms have been in Malabar from early days, it may be noted that the inventory of articles contained in the Periplus (1st centory A. D.), as forming the staple of commerce between the East and the West, does not make the remotest mention of the tree or of its produce. It bas been described as the "great not of India," and more than one author has remarked that it is sufficient to build, riy, and freight a vessel with bread, wine, water, oil, vinegar, sugar and other commodities. A medieval couplet referring to the cocoanut palm says tbat it
"Yields clothing, meat trenchor, drink and can,
Boat sail, oar, maat, Deedle, all in one." If the tree had existed in Malabar at the time of the Periplus, it is difficult tu believe that its noteworthy producte would have escaped the attentiou of the shrewd early Greek merchants. In Photio's abridgment of the Indika of Ktesias (about B. C. 400), reference is made to "palm trees and their dates," which were said to be thrice the size of those in Babylon, and in another abridgment vf the same author by a different editor the palm fruits are referred to as the “largest of nate." It is conjectared that these refer to the coccanut tree and its fruit. We have, however, an accurate description of the tree given by Kosmaa Indikopleustes (525 to 547 A, D.) under the name argolli, in his Topograbia Christiana. The word argellia is evidently an erroneous transliteratior of the Sanskrit word narik@lam or nalikhram denoting the cocoanat. It would not be far wrong to say that the tree inust have been introduced into Malabar between the dates of the Periplus and of Kosmas. Mr. Logan considers that the cocoanut tree was introduced into Malabar by the Tiars or Dvipars, or lelanders, who came from Ceylon, 1. e., Simbalam, i.e., Ilam, and are therefore called Itsvars. In their migration into Malabar they are traditionally stated to have brought with them the ton-kay-maram, 1..., "the Southorn fruit tree. T'he Tiers are rocognised as an organised civic guild in the Syrian Christian Copper-plate Grant of the 9th centary A. D. So that we may take it, that the tree was cultivated to a large extent on the coast at the date of the deed. If the views above set forth are correct, we can hardly believe that the country came to be called Kerala so early as the 3rd century B. C., because of the juxuriant growth of the COCOADnt palm, which seem to bave been introduced, at the earliest, between the dates of the Periplus and of Kosmos, i. e., beiween 1st and 6th centuries A. D.
We now come to the terms Malabar and Malayalam. Ai Bironi (970 to 1039 A. D.) appears to bave been the first to call the country Malaber. No doubt, before him Komas Indikopleustes, the Egyptian mercbant, who, in the course of tratto, made some v gares tu India, mentions sport named Male, where the pepper grows on the West Coast, which he says was most frequented on account of its extensive trade in that spice. Dr. Robertern, the great historian, is disposed to derive the word Malabar from Male. He says that Malabar means the country of pepper. On the other hand, Padre Paolino de San Bartolo neo, the learned Oarmelite, who was for long a resident in Malabar, more specially in Travancore, points out that the country was knowa As Malanadu and Malaikara, and from the latter has been formed by various contortions the word Malabar. He further assures as that the opinion of Fr. Ranlin, who contends that Malabar ir of Arabic extraction, being compounded of Male and Barr, has no foundation. Both Al Idrisi, the Muhammadan Geographer at the Court of Roger II. of Sicily (1153-54 A. D.), and Abulfeda (1273 to 1831 A. D.) bave sl-Manibar,
41 Day's Land of the Periodla.
Dr. Day, Via Bartolomeo, and other. + " See Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I. p. 176. Soe also Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobeon. Logan's Malabar Manual, Vol L. p14
* Historical Diagulation courwing Ancient India 4T A Fayage to the End indoor, p. 108.

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while Al Kazwini (1268 to 1275 A. D.) and Ibn Batata (1842 to 1847 A. D.) write it al-Malibar. Like variations occar among the old European travellers also.
The following exhibits in one view the varying forms in which the word was written by the old Geographers and travellers :
Muhammadan. Al Birunt (970 - 1039), Melibar. Al Idrisi (1153), Manibar. Raabidu'ddio (1247-1381), Manibar, Al Kazvini (1263 - 1275), Malibar. Abulfeda (1273 — 1331), Mapibar. Ibn Batu'a (1342 -- 1347), Malibar. Bakat (date not ascertained), Malibar. A Turkish work translated by Von Hammer for the Bengal Anatic Society's Journal calls it Monober (Ma'sbar (date not ascertained).
European Marco Polo (1271 - 1294), Melibar. Friar Odorio (1286 — 1380), Minibar. Merigaolli (1290 -1356), Myaibar. John of Monte Corvino (1291), Midabar... Friar Jordanus (1820). Molebar. Nicolo Conti (1419), Melibaria.
Fra Mouro (1440), Melibur. According to Abulfeda, the country of Al-Mauiter extended from Hon war to Kumkhri. Rashida'ddin, bowever, includes Sindabir also, i.e. Gon. Al Birduf says that it extended from Karoha, whose identity with its moder site it is difficult to make out, to Kaulam or Quilon, 800 paranangs in length. Al Idrli's Manibâr extended from Honor to Kwelam, while Ibn Batata says that its length is a journey of two months along the shore from Sindabûr (Goa) to Kolam or Quilon. At a later date a point between Mt. D'Ely and Mangalore on the North and Kaplam (Quilon) on the south were the usual limite Asigned to Malabar. It may be noticed that the country between Quilon and Comorin, known onoe as Mahaka, is left ont, au not forraing part of Malabar daring the media al period.
General Canningham, in his Geography of Ancient India, identifies Malabar with the Xo-lc-klu-oba (Mainkapa) or layakata of the Chinese traveller Hinen Taiang (A. D. 629 to 645). "The first half of the namo Mo-lo-kit-chs is," says Dr. Haltaach, "no doubt the wellknown Dravidian word mala, a hill (mala in Malayalam), and the second may be connected with kúrram, which means a division, or more probably with kôffam, which means . district in Tamil insoriptions. Thus Mo-lo-kiu-cha or Malakotta would be synonym of Malanda or Melal-nadu, the bill-country. But w Hinen Teiang places Malakos to the south of Pravida and attributes to it circuit of 5000 li, General Cunningham is, doubtless, right in supposing that it must have included, besides Malabar, the whole Southern part of the Madras Prosidepoy beyond the Kaveri." The Chinese traveller has noticed the fact thai Bandalwood and a oamphor-bearing tree (cinnamon) grew on the mountains of Malaya. In Sanskrit and in Malayalam the term Malaya is applied to the Western Ghate, and the sandal is called muldyaja, i, e, the produce of Malaya.
Hinen Triang places the Capital of Malakotta 8000 to the south of Kabchipura. Though General Ounningham has pointed out that the distance would take us out to see beyond
The li may be rookoned at the full value of 1079-19 feet to Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 180.

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Cape Comorin, yet Mr. Beal identifies Chimola (which the Chinese editor of Hiuen Tsiang remarks in a note is another name for Malakotta) with the Tamil Kamari, i. e., Cape Comorin.60 But we have to keep in mind that the coast line had extended at one time to a long distance further south of the present Cape. In the Chino-Japanese Map of Inilia the alternative name for Malayak dta is Hai-an-men, which suggests a connection with Ptolemy's country of the Aioi. Professor Wilson thinks that the Aioi may stand for the Sanskrit ahi, & serpent, the reference embodying no doubt the local tradition mentioned in the Kéraļotpatti, of the serpents driving the Brahmans out of Korala.
Mr. C. P. Brown, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 51 says that the Arabs and Africans, who first visited the West Coast of India, came to "Muabbar from beyond the sea." He conjectures that the name Malabar might be the product of a slight change or variation, perhaps nnconsciously made in transcribing the original name in the Syrian character. He proceeds to observe that the eastern shore of India was also visited by men "from beyond the sea," and the name Malabar has been wrongly applied to the Coromandel Coast also. Orme, the historian of India, calls the Tamil people inhabiting the Coromandel Coast the Malabars, and styles the Tamil language Malabarese. This mistake of using the name Malabar to mean part of the Coromandel Coast has led some to believe that the West Coast fell a prey to the irruption of the Muhammadans from the North under Malik Kafar (A. D. 1310). The name applied to the East Coast by Marco Polo and by Ibn Batuts about this time was Ma'abar, meaning literally “the passage," and it is not unlikely that this gave occasion to the belief of the Mahammadan conquest of Malabar under Malik Kafür. According to Rashida'ddin, Al-Biruni and others, Ma'abar extended from Quilon on the Western Coast to Nellore on the Eastern Coast, including both the Chola and Pandya kingdoms. Ritter places Ma'abar on the West Coast, and Lassen says that the name with Ibn Batuta signifies the southernmost part of the Malabar Const. But Col. Yule has noted the error into which both these learned scholars have fallen. Professor Kantsman of Munich thinks that the name appljes neither specially to the South-west Coast, nor to the South-east, but the whole southern spex of the peninsala. This again is erroneous. There is no evidence whatever to show that the term Ma'abar has ever been used to denote the whole southern apex of the peninsula. "All use of it that I have seen says Col. Yule, "is clear for its haing the South-eastern Coast, as Abulfeda precisely says, commencing from Cape Comorin."
To return to Mr. U. P. Brown and his theory regarding the derivation of the word Malabar. After referring to the supposed error in transcription, Mr. Brown continues that "the Tamils in those lands could not pronounce the ain or the letter B, and Maabar was softened into M&pille, the name borne by the descendants of Africans, who are now called Mâpillas." This derivation, to say the least, is curious! How the word underwent the last change it is difficult to understand. No slight change either by way of mispronunciation or verbal transformation can possibly distort Malabar into Mapilla.
The term Mapilla has an independent derivation of its own, quite unconnected with the word Malabar. It is indifferently used to denote both Christians and Muhammadans, though its signification is more strictly limited to Muhammadans in the Northern parts of Malabar. Some think that the word Måpilla is a contracted form of mahd (great) and pilla (child), an honorary title as among Nairs in Travancore. That the term pilla or pillay as an honorary title is not confined to Nairs only is evident from the Canadian Copper-plate wherein a
04 Ancient Geography of India, Vol. L p. 659, et seq. See also p. 552.
1 Vol. III. ** [By "Malabarn" early European travellers always meant the boating population along both the Malabar and Coromandel Consts. It was a sailors' error, and almost universal.-ED] Cathay, p. 919.
Ibid. Vol. I. p. 81, note. Soe Gildmeister, pp. 56 and 185.

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Brahman is styled Pillay -" Narayana Pillay, son of Gopala Pillay, Brâhman of Srivatesgötra (line), professing the Yajur Veda and residing in the old village or Brahmaņ hamlet built by Chéraman-Perumal-Rája." Mr. Logan surmises that it (mahá-pella) was probably a title of honour conferred on the early Muhammadans, or possibly on the still earlier Christian immigrants, who are also down to the present day called Mậpillas. The Muhammadans generally go by the name of Jonaka M&pillas, whereas the Christians are called Nasrant Mapillas. Jônaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, i. e., Greek! It is indeed remarkable that in the Payyan repdt, perhaps the earliest Malayajam poem extant, some of the sailors mentioned in it are called Chonavars. The Mâpillas, Muhammadans of the Coast, are said to be the descendants of the early Arab traders, who formed temporary alliances with low-class women. On the Eastern Coast this class is known by the name of Lubbaye. Bishop Caldwell says that the Tamil people style them Tulukkar (Turks) or Jonagar (Yavanas).
Dr. Day derives the word Mapilla from md = mother and pilla = child, showing to whose care the offspring fell.56 Muhammadan parists of the coast, however, disown altogether the application of the term to those who belong to the religion of the Qorán. Duncan says that a Qazi derived the name from md - mother and pilla = a "puppy," as a term of reproach ! Maclean, in the driatic Researches,67 considered that the word came from Mahá or Mohai, "Mocha," and pilla, "a child," and therefore translated it into children or natives (perbaps out-castes) of Mohai or Mocha. A more likely and perhaps a more correct derivation of the word is given by Mr. Percy Badger in a note to his edition of Varthema.58 "I am inclined to think,” says Mr. Badger, "that the name is either & corruption of the Arabic Muflih (from the root fa'lah, to till the soil), meaning prosperous or victorious in which senso it would apply to the successful establishments of those foreign Mussalmans on the Western Coast of India : or, that it is a similar corruption of Maflih (the active participial form of the same verb), an agriculturist - a still more appropriate designation of the Moplas, who, according to Buchanan, are both traders and farmers. In the latter sense the term, though not usually so applied among the Arabs, would be identical with Fella'h, which is also a derivative from the triliteral root falaha."
The indigenous word used by the people in Malabar to denote the country is Malayalam, which some divide into male = hill and ala-wave, meaning the country of the hills and waves; while others derive it from malai - rain. Mr. Logan" thinks that Malabar is probably, in part, at least, of foreign origin. The first two syllables are almost certainly the ordinary Dravidian words mala (hill, mountain) and bar is probably the Arabic barr (continent) or Persian bar (country)." The native name of the country is suggestive enough. It is mala + alam - Malayalam ; mala meaning mountain, and alam, depth : land at the foot, declivity or valley, the whole signifying the land at the foot of the mountains, Malabar being precisely the Piedmont of the Italians. Malavdram is another term signifying the same thing, and the transition from Malavár (the am being but the terminal half letter peculiar to the Malayalam Language) to Malabar is more easy and less open to objection than the transition from Malabar or Monibar or Melibar, or Malangara to Malabar.61 Under the well-known role of grammar "bavayóreabhadah," the letters ba and va or band v are interchangeable. Grimm's Law also points in the same direction. The natives themselves might bave used the words Malabar and Malayâr indifferently, and foreigners, coming into the country, may reasonably be expected to call it by the name by which the natives themselves called it, if not exactly in its original form, still with some modification or verbal variation.
A History of Travancore, p. 86.
** Land of the Perumala, p. 866. 07 Vol. V. p. 28. Page 128. [But see ante, Vol. XXX. p. 501 1., for a discussion on "Mdpilla." - ED.) Sewell, Vol. II. p. 110.
Malabar, Vol. I. p. 1. 61 (Cf. Nicobar from Nakkavram. -ED]

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THE RAMAYAN. A ORITICISM.
351
THE RÂMÁYAN. A CRITICISM. BY AKSHAY KUMAR MOJUMDAR.
Note by the Editor. The title of this paper is the author's own. I have already published an article (ante, Vol. XXIX, p. 8 f.) exhibiting the South Indian Natives' ideas of criticism, and I publish this article from North India with the same object :- to prove by their ipsissima verba how hopelessly the Natives' attitade towards the criticism" of their literature diverges from that of the West, and how far an "English" education has influenced those most completely subjected to it. The forms of English expression have been caught by the papils; but the mental attitude behind the forms has been missed altogether.
Text.
I. - The Author. VAlmiki is the renowned author of the still more renowned Hindu Lyrical Epic - the Ramayan. But he has totally left as in the dark as to his own personality. From his own writings, we simply know that he was a very good sage-pions, learned, travelled and well read; and that he got his poetical inspiration spontaneously.
The great sage Vasishta, however, has thrown much light on this point. The following is his account of the poet :-"Early in life, Valmiki was a great dasyu or dacoit, Ratna kara by name, and used to plunder wayfarers for the maintenance of his family. In reality he was & jewel under ashes. One day, Siva and Narada, in disguise of two human beings, came that way in a highly tempting fashion. Valmiki also sprang forward from behind a tree to rob them. But the travellers succeeded in inducing him to hear their say, and thereon a short dialogne followed :-(Siva and Närada) --Well, you know that robbery is a great sin. (Robber) - Yes, I do. (8. and N.)-Then why do you commit it? (R.) - To maintain my family. (8. and N.)
- You seem to believe that the inmates of your family share your guilt, do they? (R.) - Why not P (S. and N.) - If you ask them, you will get the opposite answer. (R.) - Oh no, never. (S. and N.) - Go home and ask. Then Ratnakara, tying them tightly to a neighbouring tree, went home and returned shortly, frustrated and pale ; for all answered in the negative. (R.) - Sirs, you are quite right. Now tell me how I may be good. (S. and N.) - Go to the forest and train your mind by constantly repeating the word Râma. Thus, after a long time, he became siddha or enlightened. So persistently did he practise this austerity that white-ants are said to have built their hills on his stirless body. From "valmika' (white-ant hill) his name became Valmiki.
II. - History of its Composition, One fine morning Valmiki went to the river Tamasa (destroyer of sins) to bathe. After having had his dip, he stood in navel-deep water to perform ablutions. For a time he lost himself in communion. Then plaintive wailings of a she-crane suddenly broke his pious impassiveness and made him look round, to behold a crane pierced with an arrow by a fowler! Immediately a complet came out of his lips ex tempore, the parport of which is this :-"Cursed be thy name, O fowler, for ever; for thou hadst killed the crane while enjoying conjugal bliss." This spontaneous poetical outburst surprised him. He came back to his hermitage, musing on the matter. At this time, Brahma, the first Poety came to him and gave him the power for making measured language. Nârada helped him a step further by suggesting that the divine virtues of Rama - ua ideal king-should be set to the lyre. Valmiki followed him and commenced his epic.
III. - Its publication. Valmiki made the twin-sons of Sita, then banished to his hermitage, learn his epic hy heart. In those days a grand annual fair used to be held at Ayodhya. Valmiki sent the

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two young brothers to sing his Ramayan before all in the fair. Their tanes, tender gestures, and sweet recital attracted and softened every heart. Thus rousing public sympathy for Sita, Valmiki proposed to the leading sages and persons to make Råma accept Sita publicly. All agreed, Valmiki ushered her in the Royal Court before the assembled people. The sudden appearance of poor Bit filled the hearts of all with a mixed sentiment of joy, grief, compassion, and surprise. For the people believed that Sità had either committed suicide or had been dead or devonred by wild beasts. Thousand blended notes rose from the people with "accept her, accept her! She is pure, she is pure!!" and so forth. Everything fared well, when a sad thing changed the tide of the popular joyous sentiment. In a corner of the meeting stood a few men, who had been expressing their approval with reluctance. Rama notioed it and refused to Accept sita. This final rejection came to her heart as a terrible shock and she dropped down dead!
IV. - Its style, etc. The style of Valmiki is more ornate than classical. Of course, here and there the austere naturalism of his diction cannot but strike us ; but, on the whole, his style is highly decorated. The Ramayan may be rightly called the "Intellectual Taj" of ancient times.
The cruel act of the fowler strikes the key-note of the whole story. All throughout the epic the idea of Light and Darkness, Hope and Despair, is prevalent. The opening chapters of the Ramdyar give us the happiness of the realm of Ayodhya; but the failure of king Dasaratha's male issue immediately brings to us the idea of Darkness. We are, however, relieved when the princes are born. For sometime everything fares well, and Dabaratha is exceedingly happy. Next we find Visvamitra asking the king for Rama and Lakshmang to kill his foe--the demon Târaka. Here Darkness reappears. We are, however, relieved when the young princes killed the demon, Next we come to the marriage proposal at Jånaka's Court (Light), but the king's vow -- the breaking of Siva's adamantine bow-appals Sitâ and as alike (Darkness). However, Rama succeeds. As the same phenomena will occur at every step, we need not proceed further.
Valmiki's work is a curious blending of Poetry, History, Philosophy, Sociology, and Ethics. Its theme is not an imagined wonder, but a faithful illustration of embodied virtue in all its phases.
V. - Its moral effect. The Ramdyan is a world-epic in a peculiar sense. Its aim is to better the world-to solve the question How to Live P" It speaks of human interests, human duties, to satisfactorily discharge which we are to go to it and patiently see how its principal figures lived, moved, and bad their being. It teaches us moral obligations with delight, - not by precept but by examples - vivid representations.
VI. - The followers or Valmiki. Roughly-speaking, Valmiki is the Spenser of India. Both set forth Virtues--one practically, the other allegorically. Valmiki's Râma is Spenser's Magnanimity, the prince of Aristotle's twelve virtues. Valmiki's Sitâ is Spenser's Chastity, and so on. Both use archaic forms occasionally. Both are allegorists and good descriptive poets. In language, style, cadence, both are ornate and melodions. Like Spenser, Valmiki has his followers. Vabishta, Vyasa, the monkey-god Hanuman, Tulsidas, Krittivas, Kalidasa, Bhavabhūti, have taken up the same subject and dealt it in imitation of Valmiki. The following is a brief summary of the different, Ramayanas:
(1) Valmiki's Ramayana : (The original Sanskrit epic.) (2) The Yoga-Vabishţa Rámdyana : (In Sanskrit. It explains the Ramdyan through
the Yoga philosophy.)

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(3) The Adhyatma Rámdyana: (In Sanskrit. It explains the Rámáyan spiritually. Narayana, i. e., Virtue, divides himself into four parts and become the sons of Dasaratha. Lakshmi appears as Sitâ: The elements take the shapes of the monkeys. Ravana is evil. Virtue finally triumphs over evil.
853
(4) The Ramayana in the Mahabharata : (In Sanskrit. Vêda-Vyasa gives the same story, but disagrees with him in some points.)
(5) The Mahd-Nátaka: (In Sanskrit. Its authorship is ascribed to the monkey-general Hanuman. Deification and worship of Sita-Rama and the fidelity of a servant for his master are faithfully described.)
(6) The Dévi-Ramayana: (In Sanskrit. Here prominence is given to Sitâ, who is held as divine.)
(7) The Padma-Purána: (In Sanskrit. The Patala Khanda of it gives us many curious dispensions.)
(8) Kalidasa's Raghu-Fashsa: (In Sanskrit. A masterpiece of Creativeness, Constructiveness, the Beautiful and the Sublime and Music. Nature-painting, character-sketches, descriptions of courts and camps are delightful to the extreme!)
(9) Bhavabhati's Uttara-charitra and Vira-charitra: (In Sanskrit drama. We cannot call these two plays historical. The writer has, inter alia, touched upon the main points of the Epic. Pure taste, learned accents, partiality for Vedic rites, graphic delineations of sentiments, etc., characterise the writer of these two songs of Slth-Rôma)
(10) Tulsidas's Rámáyan: (In Hindi. It approaches the original in many respects. Its language is pure and simple; rhythmical flow melodious. It is a favourite work of the Hindi-speaking people of India.)
(11) Krittivâs's Rámáyan: (In Bengali. A popular work. Language chaste. It departs from the original in many points.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 326.)
Cholera Morbus ; ann. 1832: s. v. Cholera, 159, i. | Chondawat; 8. v. A Muck, 18, i, twice. Choléran; ann. 20: s. v. Cholera, 159, i. Choneh; ann. 1712: 8. v. Otto, 494, i. Choleres; ann. 100: 8. v. Cholera, 159, i, twice. Chonk; ann. 1727: 8. v. Chank, 141, i. Choliar; ann. 1782: 8. v. Choolia, 159, ii. Chookerau; s. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. Cholias; ann. 1836: s. v. Choolia, 159, ii, s. v. Chookeree; s. v. Moors, The 447, ii.
Choola; s. v. 159, i; ann. 1814: s. v. 159, i. Choolia; s. v. 159, i, s. v. Cheling, 144, i; ann.
1348 8. v. Quilon, 570, i; ann. 1788. v. Achár, 3, i.
Lubbye, 399, ii.
Unolick; ann. 1716 s. v. Mort-de-chien, 450, ii. Cholmender; a. v. Coromandel. 199, ii; ann. 1516: s. v. Chetty, 145, i. Cholmendel; s. v. Coromandel, 199, ii; ann. 1516. v. Junk, 361, i, s. v. Quilon, 570, ii. Chomandarla; 108, ii, footnote, s. v. Coromandel, 199, ii.
Chomay; ann. 1548: . v. Cochin-China, 174, ii.
Chop; s. v. 159, ii, 160, i (4 times) and ii (4 times), 161, i, and ii (twice), 778, ii, s. v. Typhoon, 722, i; ann. 1614, 1618 and 1673: 8. v. 160, ii; ann. 1678: s. v. Coco-de-Mer, 178, i; ann. 1889, 1711 and 1715: . v.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1902.
161, i; ann. 1720 : 8. .778, ii; ann. 1785, Ohotā sāhib; 8. v. Doray, 251, i.
1817, 1876 and 1882 (twice): 8.0, 161, i. Chotā Lät; 8. t. Lät, 889, ii. Chop-boat ; $. v. Chop, 160, ii.
Choti 'Id ; 8. v. Eed, 259, i. Chopchin ; ann. 1711 : 8. o. Datchin, 231, i. Chouckies; ann. 1727: 8. v. Dawk, 282, i. Chop-chop ; 8. v. 161, ii, 8. v. Chopsticks, 162, i Choughan; ann. 1837: 8. v. Chicane, 147, ii. Chop-dollar ; 8. v. Chop, 160, ii.
Choukeednop ; ann. 1837 : 8. v. Chokidar, 158, i. Chope ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Chop, 160, ii.
Choal ; s. v. 162, i and ii (3 times), 779, i, 8. v. Chop-houses ; s. v. Chop, 160, ii.
Dabul, 224, ii ; ann. 545: 8. v. Sürath, 665, Choppah; ann. 1875: 8. v. Bandanna, 43, ii. ii; ann. 1020 : 8. v. Lär (a), 886, i; ann. Chopped ; 8. v. Chop, 160, ii.
1080: 8. v. Malabar, 412, i ; ann. 1521 : 8. v. Chopper ; 4. v. 161, ii; ann. 1780 and 1817 : Nizamaluco, 830, ii; ann. 1546 and 1630 : 8. v. 161, ii.
8. v. 163, ii ; ann. 1782: 8. v. 779, i. Chopper-cot ; , v. 161, ii ; ann. 1817: 8. o. Choultry ; 8. v. 169, i, twice, 779, i, s.o. Chowry 162, i.
(a), 165, i, s. . Dhurmsalla, 244, i; ann. Chopra ; ann. 1584 : 8.v. Coprah, 196, i.
1673 : 8. . 163, i, twice, s.o. Havildar, 313, Chopsticks; 8. v. 162, i; ann. 1711 and 1876: ii, o. o. Jogee, 352, ii, &. . Madras, 407, ii, 8. v. 162, i.
8. V. Sittringy, 639, ii; ann. 1678: 8. v. Chopt ; ann. 1682 : 8. o. Chop, 778, ii.
Caffer, 770, i ; ann. 1683 and 1689 : 8. v. 163, Choqua; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Chicane, 777, ü.
ii ; ann. 1693 : 8.0. Tom-tom, 708, i; ann. Chopa; 8. o. Coromandel, 199, i.
1696 : 8.v. Boy (S), 83, i, s. v. Godown, 292, Chopamandala ; 8. v. Coromandel, 199, i.
i; ann. 1711: 6.v. 163, ii ; ann. 1714: 8. v. Choramandel, 8. o. Coromandel, 200, i.
779, i ; ann. 1727: 8. v. 163, ii ; ann. 1780 : Chorão ; ann. 1554 : 8. o. Bargany, 761, ii. 8. v. Choultry Plain, 168, ii; ann. 1784 : 8.). Chorasan; ann. 1638 : 8. v. Parsee, 516, ii. Tattoo, 686, ii, 8. v. Tyre, 724, ii ; ann, 1807: Chorásē; ann. 1075: 8. v. Tibet, 699, i.
8. v. Chuttrum, 170, ii, twice; ann. 1809, Chormandel; .. v. Coromandel, 199, ii.
1817 and 1886 : 8.0. 163, ii. Chormondel; 3. v. Coromandel, 200, i; ann. Choultry Plain ; s. . 163, ii, twice ; ann. 1780 : 1/27: 8. v. Nabób (&), 467, ii.
8. v. 163, ii. Lluro Badel ; . . Coromandel, 198, ii.
Choari; ann. 1879: 8. v. Choultry, 163, ii. Cnoromidel ; 8. v. Coromandel, 198, ii.
Chouringhee; ann. 1803: 8. . Chowringhee, Cuorumandel ; . v. Coromandel, 199, i (and foot- 779, ii,
nic te) and ii, 200, i, twice, 8. v. Godavery, 291, Chouringy; ann. 1792: 8.. Chowringhee, i ; ann. 1819 : «. v. Lac, 381, ii, s. v. Palicat, 779, ii. 557, ii, 3 times ; ann. 1588: . v. Pulicat, Chous; ang. 1686: 8.. Mussaulcbee, 460, i. 557, ü; ann. 1585: 6. v. Satigam, 854, i and Chouse; 8. d. 163, ü, 779, i ; ann. 1638: 8. v. ii; ann. 1540 : 8. o. Xerafine, 867, ii, twice; 164, i. ann. 1552 : 1. v. Singalese, 685, ii; ann. Choused ; ann. 1663: 6. v. Obonse, 164, i. 1554: 8. v. Sunda, 659, ii; ann. 1611: 8. v. Choat ; 8. v. Chowt, 165, ii ; ann. 1674 : 8. v. Suttee, 669, i; ann. 1618 : .. .. Cheling, Chowt, 166, i, twice ; ann. 1686 : .. . Mos144, i, twice, 8. o. Godown, 292, i; ann. 1691: Baulchee, 460, i; ann. 1763-78 and 1858 : 8. v. Winter, 740, ii ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Palem- ... Chowt, 166, i. pore, 886, ii; ann. 1759: 8. o. Persaim, 580, Choutar ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Palempore, 886,
ii; ann. 1769 : 8. . Mahratta, 410, i. . Choute; ann. 1803 : 6. o. Chowt, 166, i. Choromandell; .. . Saarenger, 606, ii, 8. o. Chouto; ann. 1644 : 1. D. Chowt, 166, i.
Coromandel, 784, i; san. 1611: ... Narsinga, Chouxrave; ... Nol-kole, 881, i 474, ii.
Chow; 8. v. Chow-chow, 164, ü. Chotk; 8. v. Achknock, 2, ü.
Chow-chow; 5. s. 164, ü, 779, i; ann. 1858: Chota-hasiri; ann. 1866: I. . Chota-harry, 8. v. 164, ii, twice; ann. 1880: . v. Chin162, i
chin, 154, ii, twice ; ann. 1882: 5, P. 164, Chota-hasry; 3. . 162, i.
5 times. Chota hazry; 4. 0. Harap, 814, i.
1. Obowdree; 2. e. Chordry, 779, i .

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INDEX TO TULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
955
Chowdry ; 8. v. 164, ii, 779, i, ... Dawk, To Chü; , . Prickly-pear, 554, i.
lay a, 232, ii, 8. o. Mocuddum, 434, ii, 8. v. Chubdar; ann. 1751: 8. v. Muxadabad, 463, ii; Palankeen, 503, i, 8. v. Chucklah, 779, ii; ann. 1798 : $. v. Ohobdar, 157, ii. ann, 1590 : 8. v. Coolcarnee, 191 ii : ann. Ohubdár, ann. 1788: 8. v. Ohobdar, 157, ii. 1788: 4. v. 165, i.
Chuca ; 8. v. Chicane, 147, i ; ann. 1466: . v. Chowk; 8. v. 165, i.
Chicane, 147, ii. Chowkee ; ann. 1682: 8. o. Choky, 158, ii; Chuckaroo ; 6. v. 166, ii, 8. v. Chokra, 158, i. ann, 1866 : 8.». Pucka, 556, i.
Chucker ; 8. v. 166, ü, 779, ü, 8. v. Chuckrum, Chowkey; ann. 1751 : 8.0. Muxadabad, 463, i, 167, i, 8. o. Akalee, 755, i. 8. v. Sayer, 854, ii.
Chuckerbutty ; 8. v. 166, ii, 8. v. Cospetir, 201, ii, Chowkeydar ; ann. 1883 : 8. v. Ramoosy, 578, ii. 8. v. Quilon, 569, i. Chowkie ; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Choky, 158, ii. Chuckerey; ann. 1630 : 8. v. Chucker ), 166, ii. Chowky; ann. 1612: 8. v. Dawk, 232, i. Chuckering; ann. 1829 : $. v. Ohucker (b) Chowlies; ann. 1754 : 8. v. Choolia, 159, ii. 166, i. Chownee; 8. o. 779, ii.
Ohuckla; 8.0. Adawlut, 752, ii. Chow-patties; ann. 1810: 8.0. Chupatty, Chucklaes ; 8. v. Piece-goodB, 536, i. 168, ii.
Chucklah ; 8. v. 779, i. Chowra-burdar; ann. 1774: 8. v. Chowryburdar, Chuckleh ; ann. 1763: 3. v. Chunám, 168, i. 165, ii.
Chuckler; 8. v. 167, i, 3 times, 780, i; ann. Chowree; 8. v. Choultry, 163, i; ann. 1810: 1627: 8. *. Cómaty, 183, i; ann. 1869 :
8. v. Obowry, 165, ii ; ann. 1820: 3. v. Choul- 8. v. 167, i. try, 163, i.
Chuckmuck ; 8. v. 780, i. Chowringee; ann, 1789: 8.v. Chowringhee, 165, i. Chuckoor; ann. 1815: 8. v. Chickore, 149, i. Chowringhee ; 8. v. 165, i, 779, ii; ann. 1810 Chuckrom; 8. p. 167, i ; ann. 1711 and 1813 : and 1848: 8. v. 779, ü.
8. v. 167, i. Chowringhy; ann. 1791 : 8. v. Chowringhee, Chucla; ann. 1762: 8. v. Cowry, 210, i. 165, i.
Chucram; ann, 1800 : 8. v. Canteroy, 772, i. Chowry; 8. o. 165, i, 779, ii, 8. v. Choultry, 163, Chud ; ann. 1879: 8. v. Khudd, 367, ii.
i, 8. o. Chowryburdar, 165, ii, 8. v. Cowtails, Chudder; . v. 167, ii, 780, i. 210, ii, 8. o. Yak, 744, i ; ann. 1789 : 8.o. Chuddur ; ann. 1832: 8. v. Chudder, 167, ii. Yak, 744, ii; ann. 1909: 8. v. 165, ii; ann. Ohudrer; ann. 1674: 8. v. Soodra, 647, ii. 1827: 8. v. 779, ii.
Chughi ; ann. 1298 : . . Jogee, 352, i. Chowry Bearer; ann. 1764: 8. v. Farash, 798, ii. Cha-hu ; 8. o. Chobwa, 778, ii. Chowryburdar ; 8. v. 165, ii.
Chukan; ann. 940 : 8. v. Chicane, 147, i. Chows'd; ann. 1674: 8. v. Chouse, 164, ii, twice. Chukän; ann. 820 : 8. o. Chicane, 147, i, twice. Chowt; 8. o. 165, ii.
Chukey; ann. 1608 : 8. v. Choky, 158, ii. Chowtar; 8. v. Piece-goods, 536, i; ann. 1516 Obukore ; ann. 1850 : 8. v. Chickore, 149, i. and 1598: 8. v. Chudder, 167, i.
Chul; . . Chicane, 146, i. Choya ; 8. v. 166, i, 779, i.
Ohuls ; 8. v. Chools, 159, i. Choya-root; ann. 1860: 8. v. Choya, 166, i. Chulam ; ann. 1166 : 8. v. Quilon, 569, i. Christicolam ; ann. 840: 8. v. Buddha, 90, ii. Chulgån; 8, d. Chicane, 146, i and footnote. Christmas ; 8. v. Kissmiss, 370, ii.
Chulhā; 8. o. Choola, 159, i. Chrocho; ann. 1459 : 3. v. Junk, 361, i.
Ohulbi; s.v. Choola, 159, i. Chrongalor; ann. 1510: 8. o. Shinkali, 627, ii. Chuli; 8. v. Cheling, 144, i, Chrusómöla ; 8. v. Apricot, 24, i.
Chulia; 8. v. Choolia, 159, i; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Chryse; ann. 80-90 : 8.0. Jangar, 343, i.
Achár, 8, i, . . Bankshall (a), 47, i, . v. Chrysē; . v. Java, 346, ii, 8. v. Sonaparanta, Cboolia, 159, ii, twice.
647, i; anz. 80-89: 3. v. China, 151, i. Chūlia; ann. 1345 : 8.0. Choolia, 159, i. Chrysolites; ann. 1516 : 8. o. Oat's-eye, 184, i. Chūliá; . v. Ohoolin, 159, i. Chrysopłanic acid ; 8. v. Goa Powder, 290, ii. Chuliah ; ann. 1879 : 8. o. Choolia, 159, i. Chrysostoma; 92, i, footnote.
Chulli; 1. v. Ohoola, 159, ü.

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Chullo, s. v. 780, i.
Churņa ; 8. o. Chunám, 168, i, Chama; 8. o. Grass-cloth, 801, i.
Churr ; . v. 169, i. Chumar; 8. v. Chuckler, 167, i.
Churruck ; 8. o. 169, ii, 780, i. Chumpak; ann. 1819 and 1821: 8.0. Chumpuk, Churruck Poojah; 6. v. 169, ii; ann. 1824 : 168, i.
8. v. 169, ii. Chumpuk; ..., 167, ü, 780, i.
Churrus ; 8. v. 169, ii. Ch'un ; 8. . Toon, 710, i,
Chusan ; 8. v. Factory, 264, ii, 8. v. Presidency, Ohans; ann. 1568 : 8. v. Ohunám, 168, i. 553, i, s, o. Calash, 771, i; ann. 1701 : 8.0. Chūna; 8. o. Chunám, 168, i,
Liampo, 819, i. Chunah; ann. 1614 : 8. o. Ohunám, 168, i. Chntanutte ; ann. 1698 : $. v. Zomindar, 748, i. Chunam; 8. v. Betel, 67, ü; ann. 1750-60; 8. 6. Chutia Nāgpūt ; 8. v. Jungle-Mahals, 359, ii.
Chunám, 168, i; ann. 1760 : 8. v. Catecha, Chūtia Nāgpūr; 8. v. Dangur, 788, i. 138, ii ; ann. 1763 : 1. v. Chunkm, 168, i, Chutkarry ; s. v. 169, i. twice; ann. 1809: 8. v. Chunkm, 168, ii; ann. Chutny; 6. v. 169, ii, 170, i. 1834 : 8. v. Cabook, 106, i.
Chatt; 8. v. 170, i, s. v. Toddy-Cat, 707, i. Ohunám; 8. v. 168, i.
Chatta ; 8. v. Achánock (1), 752, i. Chunám, To; 3. v, 168, ii.
Chattanutte ; 4. v. . Chuttanutty, 170, i ; ann. Chanammed ; ann. 1809: 8. o. Chunkm, To, 1690 : 8. o. Dewaun, 240, i, 8. v. Urz, 738, i. 168, ii.
Chuttanuttee; 8. v. Factory, 264, ii, 8. v. Achánock Chunan ; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Chanám, 168, i. (1), 752, i. Chunargurh ; 8. v. 780, i.
Chottanutty ; s. p. 170, i, 780, ii, 8. v. Hoogly, Chunchos; 8. v. Bamboo, 42, i.
821, i, s. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii; ann. 1711 : Chundana ; ann. 1568: 8. v. Sandal, 597, ii. 8. 0. Kidderpore, 814, ii. Chunderbannies; *.o. Piece-good, 586, i. Chattrum ; 8. o. 170, i, 8. v. Dhurmsalla, 244, i ; Chunderband; ann. 1786 : 8. o. Sunderbands, ann. 9879: 8. o. Choultry, 163, ii. 661, i.
Ohwan-chau ; 8. o. Batin, 602, i. Chandraconaes ; . v. Piece-goods, 536, i. Chwan-chau-fu; 8. v. Ohinchew, 153, ii, twice. Chungakäran ; 8. o. Junkameer, 861, ii. Chwen ; . v. Hong-boat, 321, i, e. v. Junk, 860, ii. Obungathum ; ann. 1672: 8. v. Janonda, 870, ii. Cià; ann. 1677: 8. o. Tea, 690, i (twice) and ii. Chunk; ann. 1843: 8. 6. Junk, 861, i.
Ciali; ann. 1672: 8. v. Chalis, 189, i. Chuņnamba ; s. v. Chunkm, 168, i.
Ciama ; ann. 1522 : 8.». Siam, 682, i, twice. Chunük ; ann. 1948: 4. p. Jank, 861, i. Ciampa ; 8. v. Chumpuk, 167, ii. Chupatty; 8. v. 168, ii, twice, s. . Hoppor, 824, Ciani; ann. 1796 : 8. v. Mort-de-cbien, 481, i.
i, s. 3. Mussalla, 459, ii, &. v. Ap, 758, ii ; Oiauso; ann. 1619: 8. v. Obouse, 779, i.. ann. 1857: 8. 9. 168, ii.
Cicca distichs ; 8. v. Country, 206, ii. Chup-dār ; ann. 1810 : 8. o. Cbobdar, 157, ii. Cicer arietinum; 8. v. Calavance, 110, , , , Chupkun ; 8. v. 168, ii ; ann. 1888: 3. v. 169, i. Gram, 300, ii. Chupper ; ann, 1810 : 8. o. Chopper, 161, ii. Oicbery; ann. 1610 : a. v. Oatcherry, 229, i. Chupra ; 8. o. 169, i, 780, i; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Ciclas ; 1. v. Suclát, 658, i. 169, i.
Ciconia leucocephala ; 8. 1. Mannickjore, 427, i, Chupraseos; . Mussalla, 459, ii ; ann. 1815: Oid; 3. o. Seedy, '610, i. 1. v. Bish, 78, i.
Cide ; ann. 1588: 8. o. Seedy, 610, i. Chuprasse ; ann. 1865 and 1866 : $. v. Ohu- Cidi; ann. 1648: 8. . Naik (a), 470, i. prassy, 169, i.
Oidras ; ann. 1404 : s.v. Lime, 894, i. Chaprassie ; ann. 1880 :'. v. Chaprassy, 169, i. Oifa ; ann. 1542: 6. v. Venetian, 866, i. Chaprusky; 3. p. 169, i, 8. v. Chupatty, 168, it, Cifardam : ann. 1563 : s. v. Nisamalaco, 880, it,
8. Peon, 528, i, . v. Puttywalle, 565, i; twice. ann, 1877: 1, 0, 169, i.
Cigar-divan; 1. v. Dewaun, 289, ii. Char; ann. 1878: 8. v. Churr, 169, ii.
Oillam ; ann. 1498 : s. o. Ceylon, 189, i. Charee fuoj; ann, 1809: 8. v. Cherry fonj, 777, i. Oim ; ann. 1440: . v. Poroelain, 149, i. Churlo; ann. 1588: , 0. Anilo, 22, i, twice, Cimde ; ann. 1598: 4. o. Sind, 684, ü,

Page #361

AUGUST, 1902.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
357
Cimex ; 8. v. Chints, 155, i.
Cinnamonum albiflorum ; ann. 1837 : 8.v. MalaCimiterre; 8. v. Scymitar, 608, ii,
bathrum, 415, ii. Cimmerian ; ann. 1860 : 8, . Mull, 456, ii. Cinnamonum Tamala; ann. 1837: 8. v. MalaCinacotta ; ann. 1672: 8. v. Chalia, 139, ii. batbrum, 415, ii. Cincapura ; ann. 1512 : 8. v. Singapore, 636, ii. Cintabor; ann. 1350 : 8. v. Sindābūr, 635, ii. Cinderella's Slipper ; 8. v. 170, ii.
Cintra ;8. v. Orange, 490, ii, twice, 8. v. Sungtara, Cindy; ann. 1548 : 8. v. Sind, 634, ii.
661, i, twice ; ann. 1835: 8. v. Sangtara, Cinesi ; ann. 1606 : 8.0. Abada, 1, ii.
661, ii. Cingala ; ann. 1598 : 8. o. Singalese, 636, i. Cintra orange ; 8. v. Orange, 490, ii. Cingalees; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Candy, 119, ii. Cintra Oranges; 8. v. 170, ii. Cingalese ; ann. 1777: 8. v. Calamander Wood, Ciocolata ; ann. 1677: 8. v. Tea, 690, i. 770, i.
Cioki; ann. 1774: 8, v. Choky, 158, ii, twice. Cingaleze ; ann. 1675 : s. v. Bo Tree, 81, ii. Ciola mandalam ; 8. v. Coromandel, 198, ii. Cingalle; ann. 1610: 8. v. Singalese, 636, i. Cionama; ann. 1510: 8. v. Chunám, 168, i. Cingapúr ; ann. 1572: 8. v. Singapore, 687, i. Ciormandel ; 8. v. Coromandel, 199, ii. Cingapura ; ann. 1553: 8. v. Singapore, 636, ii, Cipai; 8. v. Sepoy, 614, i.
twice, 8. v. Tiger, 702, ii, 8. v. Zirbad, 750, i ; Cipanghu; ann. 1521 : 8.0. Japan, 344, i, twice. ann. 1572 : 8. v. Singapore, 637, i.
Cipaye ; 8. v. Sepoy, 614, i; ann. 1759 and Cinghalese; 8. v. Singalese, 635, ii; ann. 1675 : 1835-8: 6. v. Sepoy, 614, i. 8. v. Trincomalee, 715, ii.
Circar ; 8. . Sircar (c), 638, i; ann. 1789 : Cingaigar ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii. 8. v. Circars, 171, i ; ann. 1800 : 8. v. Sircar Cini; ann. 1440 : 8. v. Macheen, 406, i.
(a), 638, i. Cinnabar ; 8. o. Jargon, 345, i; ann. 250 : 8. . Circars ; 6. v. 170, ii, 4 times, 780, ii, 8. v Lac, 381, i.
Jangle-fowl, 359, ii; ann. 1767 : 8. v. 780, ii ; Cianamoma ; 8. v. Malabathrum, 415, i.
ann. 1789 : 8. o. 171, i; ann. 1807 : 8. v. Cinnamomi; ann. 540 : 8. v. Zedoary, 747, ii, Gentoo, 281, ii; ann. 1886 and 1878: .v. Cinnamomo crassiore ; ann. 1430 : 8. v. Calicut, 171, i. 113, ii.
Circassia; ann. 1514 : 8. v. Room, 581, i. Cinnamomum; .. . Malabathrum, 414, ii, Circassian; ann. 1563 : 8. v. Madremaluco, 821, twice.
i, twice; ann. 1813: 8. v. Cossack, 784, ii. Cinnamomam Camphora ; 8. v. Camphor, 116, i. Cirifole; ann. 1568 : 8. v. Bael, 35, i, twice. Cinnamomum zeylanicum ; 8.0. Malabathrum, Cirion; ann. 1587 : 8. v. Deling, 235, i, 8. ". 415, i.
Macao (b), 402, ii, 8. o. Syriam, 673, ii. Cinnamon ; 113, ii, footnote, 3 times, 8. v. Mace Cirote; ann. 1552: 8. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii.
(a), 404, i, twice, 8. v. Malabathrum, 414, ii, Cirquez Indigo; 22, ii, footnote. twice, 8. v. Moors, The, 447, ii, see 466, ii,! Cisampelo; ann. 1608-10: 8. v. Datura, 231, ii. footnote, 8. v. Negombo, 476, ii, 8. v. Picota, Cithara ; ann. 1812 : 8.0. Dancing-girl, 229, i. 584, ii, s, u. Punch, 558, ii, s. v. Darcheenee, Citium ; 8. v. Deva-dāsi, 237, ii. 788, i; ann, 1150 : 8. v. Malay, 416, ii ; ann. Citria; ann. 1580 : 8. v. Adam's Apple, 3, ii. 1166: 8. v. Quilon, 569, ii ; ann. 1275 : 8.0. Citrine; v. Myrobalan, 466, i. Ceylon, 138, ii ; ann. 1390 : 8. v. Cubeb, 215, Citrine Myrobalan; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii. i; ann. 1420-30 : 8. v. Malabar, 412, ii: ann. Citron ; • v. Adam's Apple, 3, ii, 8. v. Ananas, 1475: 8. o. Calicut, 113, ii; ann. 1498 : 8.o. 19, ii, 8. v. Orange, 490, i ; ann. 930 and Bahar, 36, i, 8. v. Ceylon, 189, i; ann. 1506 : 1290: 8. v. Orange, 491, ii; ann. 1338 : 8. v. 8. v. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. 1516: 8.0. Lemon, 892, i; ann. 1350 : 8. v. Martaban, Java, 348, i, 8. o. Zedoary, 747, ii; ann. 428, ii; ann. 1404 : 8. v. Lime, 894, i ; ann. 1521 : 8. v. Borneo, 766, ii ; ann, 1558 : 8. o. 1526 : 8. o. Sungtara, 661, i; ann. 1548 : Colombo, 188, i; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Oalay, 8. v. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Brinjaul, 111, i; ann. 1621 : 8.0. Darcheenee, 788, i; 87, i; ann. 1563 : s. v. Lime, 394, i, twice ; ann. 1705 : 8. v. Mace (a), 404, ii,
ann. 1585: 8. v. Plantain, 541, ii ; ann. 1674: Cinnamon-tree; ann. 1833 : 8. v. Tejpat, 694, i. 8. v. Punch, 559, i; ann, 1712 : 8.. Adam's

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358
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1902.
Apple, 3, ii; ann. 1791: 8.0. Punch, 559,
ii ; ann. 1875: 8.0, Wood-apple, 741, i. Citronille ; ann. 1575: 8. v. Ananas, 19, i; ann.
1610: 8. v. Pateca, 519, ji. Citrul ; 8. D. Pateca, 519, i. Citrullus vulgaris; 1. . Pateca, 518, ii. Citrus; 8. v. Orange, 490, ii and footnote. Citrus aurantium dulce; 8. v. Orange, 490, ii, Citrus Bataviana ; 8. v. Pommelo, 545, ii. Citrus decumana ; 8. v. Pommelo, 545, ii. Citrus japonica ; 6. v. Cumquot, 216, ii. Citrus medica; 6. o. Lemon, 891, ii, 8. v. Lime,
394, i, twice. Civet; ann. 1590 : . v. Acheen, 3, ii, 8. .
Sumatra, 658, ii. Civiljan ; 8. v. 171, i, 780, ii, 8. v. Covenanted
Servants, 207, ii; ann. 1827 : 8. v. Pawl, 842, ii; ann. 1848 : «. v. 780, ii ; ann. 1872: 8.0.
171, ii. Clang ; ann. 1688: 8. v. Pra, 551, ii. Clashees; ann. 1824: 8. o. Classy, 171, ii. Clashies ; ann. 1785 : 8. D. Classy, 171, ii. Clashy; s. v. Classy, 171, ii; ann. 1801 : 8.0.
Classy, 780, ii. Classy ; *. . 171, ii, 780, ii, 8. v. Lascar, 888
ii; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Tindal, 703, i. Clearing Nut; 8. v. 171, ii. Clerigo ; ann. 1498: 8.v. Shereef, 626, i. Cling; ann. 1522 : 8. o. Sumatra, 658, ii; ann.
1605 : 8. . Kling, 374, i. Clothes of Tartarye ; ann. 1375: .. . Kincob,
869, i. Cloth of herbes; ann. 1567: 8. v. Grasscloth,
301, i. Clothrash : ann. 1711: 8. v. Perpetuano, 843, i. Cloue; ann. 1606: 6. v. Bahar, 36, i; ann,
1613: 8. v. Orankay, 492, i. Clons de girofles ;' 8. v. Clove, 171, ii. Clouts ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 536, i. Clove; 8. v. 171, ii, 8. v. Mace (a), 404, i, twice,
8. D. Picota, 534, ii; ann. 545 : 6. v. Aloes, 10, ii, 8. . Malabar, 111, ii, 8. v. Sandal, 597, ir ; ann. 943: 8. v. Cubeb, 214, ii ; ann, 1150: 8. v. Mace (6), 404, i, 8. v. Malay, 416, ii ; ann. 1200: 8. v. Malabar, 412, i; ann. 1224: 5. v. Java, 348, i ; ann. 1275: 8. o. Ceylon, 188, ii; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Cubeb, 215, i, 8. o. Java, 847, ii; ann. 1328: 8. v. Java, 348, ii ; ann. 1340 : 3. D. Cabeb, 215, i; ann. 1347: 8. v. Mace (a), 404, i; ann. 1390: 8. v. Onbeb, 215, i ; ann. 1475: . v. Calicut, 113, ii; ann. 1498:
8. v. Bahar, 36, 1, 8, D. Malacca, 415, ii; ann. 1505 : . v. Pegu, 525, i ; ann. 1506 : 8. v. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. 1510, 1514 and 1515: 8.0. Moluccas, 440, ii; ann. 1516: sv. Moluccas, 441, i, twice; ann. 1518: 8. v. Moluccas, 824, i and ii; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Godown, 292, i; ann. 1558: 8. v. Moluccas, 441, i; ann. 1554 : 8.1, Frazala, 274, i; ann. 1590 : 8.v. Ghee, 282, ii; ann. 1610: 8. o. Calay, 111, ii ; ann. 1612: 8. v. Muster, 463, i; ann. 1613: 8. v. Dungaree, 255, i, 3 times ; ann. 1682: 8. v. Beriberi, 764, ü ; ann. 1705 : 8. 1. Mace (), 404, ü; ann. 1769: 8..
Seychelle Islands, 618, i. Clove Islands; 8. v. Moluocas, 440, i; ann.
1220 : 8. v. Sofala, 645, ü; ann. 1515 : 8..
Moluccaa, 440, ii. Cloves of Garlick ; ann. 1727 : 8.v. Mangosteen,
426, i. Clove-stalks ; ann. 1340 : 8. o. Cabeb, 215, i. Clove-tree; ann. 1515: 8. v. Moluccas, 440, ü;
ann. 1682: 8. v. Upas, 730, i. Clowegylofres; ann. 1370: 8. . Mace (), 404, ii. Clupea ilisha; 8. v. Hilsa, 314, ii. Clyn; ann. 1602 : s. v. Kling, 873, ii ; ann.
1604: 8. v. Kling, 374, i. Coach; ann. 1590 : 8, . Burrampooter, 101, ii;
ann. 1596 : 8. D. Cooch Behar, 191, i. Coapaty; ann. 1553: 8. o. Cospetir, 202, i. Coarges; ann. 1810: 8. . Corge, 197, ii. Coast; 6. v. 780, ii; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Choya,
166, i; ann. 1781: 8. o. 780, ii. Coast Army; 8. o. Coast, The, 172, i, twice ;
ann. 1879: 8. v. Coast, The, 172, i. Coast, The ; s. v. 171, ii; ann. 1793, 1800 and
1802 : 8. v. 172, i. Coast, the ; 8. v. Rupee, 586, ii. Coban; aun. 1616: 6. o. Kobang, 874, i, 3
times. Cobang ; 8. v. 172, i. Cobido ; ann. 1726: 8. v. Loonghee, 396, ü;
ann. 1768-71 : 8. v. Gudge, 803, i. Cobily Mash; 8. v. 172, i. Cobolly Masse; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Cobily Mash,
172, i. Cobra; 8. v. Cobra de Capello, 172, ii, twice,
$. v. Cobra Lily, 173, i, 8. v. Biscobra, 765, i; ann. 1672: 8. v. Cobra de Capello, 173, i; ann. 1676 : 8.0, Snake-stone, 644, i; ann 1883 : $. v. Cobra de Capello, 173, i, s. . Biscobra, 765, i.

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AUGUST, 1902.]
CORRESPONDENCE.
Cobra-Capel; ann. 1713: s. v. Cobra de Capello, Cobra de Capelo; ann. 1710 s. v. Cobra de 781, i.
Capello, 780, ii.
Cobra de Capello; 8. v. 172, ii, twice, 780, ii; ann. 1539: 8. v. Nigger, 479, i; ann. 1568 and 1711 8. v. 178, i; ann. 1796: 8. v. Snake stone, 644, i.
Cobra-guana; ann. 1681 s. v. Guana, 304, ii. Cobra Lily; s. v. 173, i. Cobra-manilla; s. v. Manilla-man, 427, i. Cobra Manilla; s. v. 173, i; ann. 1711 and 1810 s. v. 173, ii.
Cobra de capello; ann. 1523 and 1539, s. v. Cobra de Capello, 172, ii; ann. 1563: s. v. Jogee, 352, ii; ann. 1825: s. v. Polonga, 545, i.
Cobra Minelle; ann. 1813: 8. v. Cobra Manilla, 178, ii.
Cobra Monil; 8. v. Cobra Manilla, 173, i.
(To be continued.)
CORRESPONDENCE.
CHAUKHANDU.
SIE.-Kindly permit me to make the following correction in the Notes and Queries contained in Vol. XXIX., p. 392, under the title "A Form of Legitimacy in the Kangra Valley." The note should have run thus:
Chaukhanda is the name of the following notable custom prevalent among the Gaddis (shepherds) of the northern hills in the Kingrå tahsil. If a widow gives birth to a child within the four walls of her husband's house, such child is legitimate. Chaukhanda is, lit., four walls, and custom is the usual one, whereby a widow who continues to reside in her husband's house retains his land and her issue succeeds.
for this correction.
I am indebted to Mr. Wakefield, Dharmsala, H. A. ROSE.
"FAN JIN" AND " FRANGI." SIE, In my Introduction to the "Letters from Portuguese Captives in Canton" I quoted Fr. Gaspar da Cruz as saying that after the
THE LAL BEGI SECT OF THE PANJAB SCAVENGERS.
IN Vol. I., pp. 529-546, of my Legends of the Panjab, 1884, I published the "Genealogies of Lal Bég," being the text of the hagiological stories of the principal division of the Scavenger Caste of the Panjab. I explained that the religion of the scavengers was "hagiolatry pure and simple, as it consists merely of a confused veneration for anything and everything its followers, or rather their teachers, may have found to be considered sacred by their neighbours, whatever be its origin." My chief informant in those days was my own "sweeper," who happened to be a priest of the Lâlbêg! Bhangfs of
359
disturbances between the Portuguese and Chinese at Canton in 1521-22 the former were refused admission to China, and were called by the latter "facui, that is to say, 'men of the devil,' " but that at the time when the Father wrote (1569) the Portuguese were described 46 88 fagim, that is to say, 'people of another coast'" (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX. p. 438). In a footnote to fagim I identified this word with frangi (= Frank, firingi); but this is incorrect. Fagim (fan." gim) represents Chinese fan jin foreigner (lit., "foreign person"); fan being "a low word," according to Morrison (Chin.-Eng. Dict. p. 151), who also implies (id. p. 333) that fan jin is not a very respectful term. In Christovão Vieyra's letter (see ff. 104v., 105, 105v., 109v., 110) we have the forms fanges, frangos, franges, from which it would appear as if fan jin and frangi had become confounded. DONALD FERGUSON.
5, Bedford Place, Croydon, 31st Jan. 1902.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Ambala, where I was then living, and now I have received a curious confirmation of my theory from the same man in a letter written to me under date 8th October, 1901. He had it written to me in English and I here reproduce it full :
"I most respectfully beg to state that in the year 1882, when you were Magistrate of Umballa, a book of Lal Begi Muzhub was by your order prepared by Chana Mull, Darogha Choongi, and was sent to England for approval. Some time after the Darogha told me that the book was approved and my name was famissed (sic). As I am now made "Peer Padri" of the Muzhub by all the peoples of the Muzhub, I solicit the
our of your kindly writing, in reply to this,

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360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1902.
that the book was sent by your order to Upåsika, which was the title of ' a pious Buddhist England and approved, on which I will be not in orders.' It seems also very probable that, able to circulate the book among my peoples as the Burmese pronounce the letter 8 as a soft My father was also Peer Padri,' hence the same th, the term 'Penthagu' may be only a corrupt title has been given to me. Hope that this will form of Upasika by dropping the initial letter U. meet to your kind approval, for which mercy I
"In Ratna Pâla's translation of the Burmese shall ever pray for your long life and prosperity
inscription, which gives a brief history of the for ever.-Shunkurnath Peer Padri, son of
Temple, It is said that it was rebuilt by a priest Dyanath."
named Naikmahanta, but both Colonel Burney It will be observed that this scavenger bears a and Hla-Oung call him Penthagu-gyi.' Hindu name of religious origin, and is the son of
"As Naik Mahant means simply the Chief a man similarly named, but nevertheless he bears
Priest or Great Abbot, and as gyi means 'great' a title as a priest, which is a mixture of
in Burmese, the term "Penthagugyi' may, perMuhammadan and Christian titles, and he
haps, be referred to Maha-Upåsika." evidently hopes that his teachings have in some way received the inprimatur of a Christian The Burmese word "Pinthagu” or “ PanthaGovernment to give them force. It is hard to gu" is derived from the PAli word “Pamsuimagine anything more eclectic than this.
kulam." The adjectival form of the word " Pathsu
koliko" is given at page 325 of Childers' Pali It is interesting to note that even amongst the
Dictionary, the English rendering being : "One Scavengers the inveterate tendency of the natives
who wears clothes made of rags taken from a of India to heredity in all titular distinctions
dust-heap." is in full force.
R. C. TEMPLE. The terms "Pamsukulam" and "Pameukoliko"
are thas explained in Buddhaghosha's VisuddhiTHE DERIVATION OF THE BURMESE WORD magga "PINTHAGUGYI."
"Rathika - susana - Bank&rakutadinam yattha Ar page 209 of Rajendralála Mitra's Buddha katthaci pansanam upari thitattá abbhuggatatGaya is published a translation of a Burmese thena tesu teen kulamivåti 'Pamsukalan.' Inscription by Mr. M. Hla-Oung, who appends "Atba vâ pameu viya kucchitabhavan ulatiti the following footnote to his translation:
Pamsukulam': "Gyee (lit., great) is applied to a person who "kucchitabhâvam gacchatiti vuttam hoti. is worthy of veneration.
"Evam laddhanibbacanassa pansukalassa “Penthagoo' is a common name for a pious
dharanam pathgukülam: tam silam' assåti 'Pamlayman who is zealous in the propagation of reli- sukaliko."" gion."
Translation. On this interpretation, Sir Alexander Cun- Pamsukulam' means anything resting on a ningham, in his Mahabodhi (p. 21), has based dust-heap, such as a heap of sweepings found on the following theory, and has identified the a public road or cemetery. In other words, the Burmese word "Penthagoogyee" or "Penthagu- term indicates any substance that has become gyi" with the PAli word "Mah-Upasika": detestable or abominable like sweepings or dirt.
"As these three evidences of the antiquity of A Pańsukoliko' means a person who is in the Temple all agree in pointing to the reign of the habit of wearing a 'Pamsukula'robe. the Indo-Scythian King Huvishka as the period The above evidence shows that the Burmese when the great Temple was erected, I am inclined
word " Pinthagugyi” should be identified with to think that he may have furnished the funds,
the Pali word "Pamsukuliko" and not with while the actual builder was the Brahman
"MahA-Upåsako." Amongst Buddhist monks, the mentioned by Hwen Theang, who must also be
habit of wearing a robe made of small odd pieces identified with the Penthagu-gyi of the Burmese
of rage picked up from dust-heape in cemeteries inscription.
or on public roads is still accounted to be a “The Burmese term Penthagu' is said by Hla- marked sign of austerity; but the practice has Oung to be a common term for a pious layman died out in Burma. who is zealous in propagating his religion. It
TAW SEIN KO. is therefore the exact equivalent of the Sanskrit Rangoon, 5th May 1902.

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NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.). Pa, D., C.L.E.
The places mentioned in the Nausari plates of A. D. 706. THIS record has been edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in Vol. XIII. above, p. 70 ff., with T a facsimile lithograph. And, from the information given by him, wo know what the original plates were found in excavating some foundations at Nausari, the head-quarters of the Nausâri division of the Baroda State in Gujarat, Bombay Presidency.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Magha of the (Kalachuri or Chêdi year) 456 (expired), falling in February, A. D. 706, the Gurjara prince Jayabhata III., who was then halted at a place named Kayvatera, granted to a Brahman, whose father had come from Girinagara and was a resident of an agrdhdra named Sraddhika anda member of the community of Chaturvédins at the Sraddhikâ agráhara, a field on the north-east boundary of a village (gráma) named Bamipadraka in a territorial division called the Korilla pathaka. And, in specifying the boundaries of that field, it places, on the east, the junction of the boundary of a village (gráma) named Golika ; on the south, a tank (tadaka) named Yamalakhallara, and a field belonging to the Mahattara Mahêsvars, and an irrigated field belonging to the barber Dêvaka; on the west, a road going from Sami padraka to a village (gráma) the name of which is to be read as
Dhahattha, instead of Dhahaddha as given in the published text; and, on the north, a tank named Barutakhallara, and a field belonging to the Brahman Narma, a resident of Korilla.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji was inclined to identify Kayavatars with Kavi, in the Jambûbar tâluka of the Broach district. Dr. Bühler, however, pointed out that, according to the phonetic laws of the Pråkpit dialects, the name Kâyávatâra cannot become Kävi, and also that Kåvi is mentioned as Kåpika in a local record of A. D. 827. He subsequently gave reasons for saying that Kâyâvatára is probably the moden Karvan or Karvan, a large village, in the Dabhồi subdivision of the Baroda territory, which is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 28, N. E. (1894), in lat. 22° 5, long. 73° 18. Later on, be identified KArvân with a place mentioned as Karbhana, by " an "attempt at finding a Sanskrit equivalent for the Gajarâtî word," in the Cintra prasasti, of the period A. D. 1274 to 1296, which locates KÅrðhaņa in the Lata country, and says that it is the place to which there came the great Saiva teacher Lakulisa or Nakulisa, who took up his abode there " in order to favour the offspring of Uluks who were long deprived of sons in consequence of a curse " of their father." And, as he has told us, among other points, that the Kârvan Mahátmya asserts that Kårvan was formerly called Kayavirðhaņa or "Kâyârahan (Kdy arohana ?)," and that Kârvan " was according to tradition the place where Mahadeva, who had been born as Nakulesvara in the “family of a Brahman of Ulkapuri, or Avâkhal, re-assumed his divine shape," we need not hesitate about accepting his identification of Kâyâvatára with Kârvân.
i See page 396 above, No. 10.
? An inspection of the lithograph will shew, at once, that, 48 We might expect from the ending of the modern form of the name, 'Dhawat,' the third syllable is unqaestionabl first component of the akshara with the of Aghatanani, line 23, and the second component with the th of freshtha, line 40 ; and we may contrast the whole akshara with the dd) of abhivriddhayé and Sraddhik-agrGhara, line 19, and of Suddha, line 30. Vol. XVII. above, p. 198, note 86.
• Vol. XVIII. above, p. 178. * In Vol. XVIII. above, p. 176, he wrote the name with the dentaln, whereas, in the place referred to in the Dext note below, he wrote it with the lingual ). In the official compilation entitled Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878), the name is presented with the dental n. The lingual is more likely to be correct.
• See Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 274, and note 8. "Regarding this person, see Ep. Ind. Vol. V. p. 226 ff.
* Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 274.. . This is the 'Awakhal' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), six and a half miles on the south-east of Karyan.'

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Girinagara, whence the grantee's father had come, was an ancient city the site of which seems to be that now occupied by the town of Junagadh, in the Sôrath division of Kathiawar, which is to be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 18, N. E. (1898), in lat. 21° 31', long. 70° 31'. An early epigraphic mention of the city, by the name Girinagara, is contained in the Junâgadh rock inscription of the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, dated in A. D. 150.10 And it is also mentioned, by the same name, in the Brihateahhitd, written in the sixth century A. D., which places it in the "southern division" according to the arrangement followed by Varâhamihira in that work,11 The name of the city, in the modern form Girnar, has now passed over either to the great mountain itself, which is immediately on the east of Junagadh, or else to some particular peak of it, which may perhaps be the Ambâmâtâ peak (so called after a goddess of that name who seems to be also known as "the Girnâri goddess"), 12 but is more likely to be the highest of the five principal peaks, the so-called Gorakhnath, 3656 feet high, about four miles on the east of Junagadh. That peak seems to be the one which is mentioned as Urjayat in the record of A. D. 150,13 and again in the Junagadh Gupta inscription bearing dates in A. D. 455 and the following two years.14 And the Raivataka of the Gupta record seems to be the Dattatreya or Dåtår peak, 2779 feet high, about three miles on the south-east of Junagadh.16
Korilla, the town from which was named the territorial division, the Korilla pathaka, in which lay the village Samipadraka, is, as was suggested by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, the modern Koral, or perhaps Kôral,18 in the Chôrandâ subdivision of the Baroda territory. Kôral is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), in lat. 21° 50', long. 78° 16', on the north bank of the Narbadâ, about sixteen miles north-east-by-east from Broach. And, as remarked by Dr. Bühler in endorsing the Pandit's identification, Kôral was still, in the beginning of the nineteenth century, the head-quarters of a parganâ,17
-
As regards Dhahattha, the Pandit, who read the name as Dhâhaddhs, proposed to identify the place with the modern Dohad, the head-quarters of the Dôhad taluka of the Pañch-Mahals. Dr. Bühler, however, pointed out two objections to this :18 in the first place, that the distance of Dôhad from Kôral, nearly a hundred miles, -is too great for that town to have been in the Kôrilla pathaka; and secondly, that the ancient name of Dohad, "or more correctly Dehwad," is given as Dadhipadra in an inscription of A. D. 1146 at Dôhad itself. And, while accepting the name as Dhâhadda or Dhâhaddha, he quite correctly identified the place with the 'Dhawat' of the Atlas sheet No. 28, N. E., fourteen miles north-half-west from Kôral.19 He further identified the Sraddhika agrahara with the 'Sadhli' of the map, eleven and a half miles towards the north-north-east from Koral. And he proposed to identify Samipadraka either with the Samra' of the map,20 five and a half miles on the north of Kôral, or with Samri,' a mile and a half further on to the north.
•
10 Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 129.
11 See Vol. XXII. above, p. 178.
11 See Gas. Bo. Pres. Vol. VIII., Kathiawar, p. 441. I find it impossible to locate this peak, either from information given in the Gazetteer, or from the map. The Gazetteer, it may be mentioned, would place the town of Junagadh quite wrongly, in lat. 21° 1', long. 70° 13'; see page 487. It appears (ibid. p. 487) that the Mahatmya of Girnar would give Junagadh the name of Karnakubja; but that, no doubt, is quite as apocryphal as is the statement that the place was called originally Manipura, then Chandrakêtupura, then Raivata, and then, in the Kali age, Pauritanapura. The last name is, of course, a translation of Junagadh, "the old or ancient fort."
13 Loc. cit., note 10 above.
14 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 64.
15 From the Gar. Bo. Pres. Vol. VIII. p. 441, it appears that the Jains apply the name Rêvatachala to the whole mountain, but that this name really belongs, now, to a hill immediately over a tirtha known as the Bevatakupḍa. But, where, exactly, the Bêvatakunda and Bévatáchala are, is not made clear.
16 See the next note.
17 See Vol. XVII. above, p. 198, and Gas. Bo. Pres. Vol. VII., Baroda, pp. 194, 195. The official compilation Bombay Places certifies the final letter of the name as the lingual); but that seems rather dubious. The same compilation mentions (Koral or) Köral as the head-quarters of the Choranda subdivision; but, in the Gas. Bo. Pres. Vol. VII. p. 536, we are told that 'Karjan' is the head-quarters of the subdivision. 31 Vol. XVIII. abo e, p. 176.
18 Vol. XVII. above, p. 193, note 38. 2 Vol. XVII. above, p. 193. 20 Ibid.

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In respect of this point, however, Dr. Bühler's proposals were not correct. And it remained for Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar to establish, as will be shewn in my next note, the correct identification of Samspadraka with a village now known as Sondarna.'
The places mentioned in the Nausart plates of A. D. 817. This record was first brought to notice, from notes put together by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part I. p. 125. It has been edited by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the Jour, Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 131 ff. And, from bis opening remarks about it, it appears that the original plates are in the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. They seem to have been obtained from Nausari.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Magha, Saka-Samvat 738 (expired). falling in January or. February, A, D. 817, the Rashtrakūta prince Suvarņavarsha-Karkaraja, of the Gujarat branch of the Malkhôd family, when he was in residence at Khetaka, which is the modern Kaira (Kheda), the chief town of the Kaira district in Gujarat, granted to a Brâhman, whose father was a resident of Badevi,as two villages (grdmadvaya) named Sami padraka and Sambaudhi. These two villages are both described as Mani-Narmmad-antarála-désa-vartin, "situated in the country between the Maht and the Narmada." And Sambandhi is further placed in a territorial division called the Mańkanika bhukti.
In specifying the boundaries of Samtpadraka, the record places, on the east, a village (grama) named Golika; on the south, a village named Chorundaka; on the west, (a village named) Bharthanaka ; and, on the north, a village the name of which is, I feel sure, really presented in the original as DhAhattha, as in the Nausâri plates of A. D. 706, instead of Dhabadva as given in the published text. As has been remarked by Mr. Bhandarkar, the Samipadraka, Gôlika, and Dhåhattha of this record are unquestionably the three villages, bearing the same names, which are mentioned in the record of A. D. 706, treated in my preceding note. And the mention of the two other villages of Chôrundaka and Bharthanaka has enabled Mr. Bhandarkar to determine the identi. fication of Samipadraka, in respect of which Dr. Bühler was only able to make suggestions which were not correct. As pointed out by Mr. Bhandarkar, Samtpadraka is undoubtedly represented by a village, in the Chörandâ subdivision of the Baroda territory, the name of which is given in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 30 (1878) of Gujarât, as Sondarna;' in the Atlas sheet, it may be found in lat. 22° 0', long. 73° 13', twelve miles north-by-west from Kôral, the town from which there was derived the appellation of the territorial division, the Korilla pathaka, in which, as the record of A. D. 706 tells us, the village of Samipadraka lay. It is true, indeed, that the maps do not shew any name angwering to the Golika of the two records, which must have been situated just about where they shew Kasampur' or 'Kásampar' and • Kurali' or 'Kuráli,' on the north-east of Sondarna.' But the maps shew 'Choranda,' angwering to Chorundaka, about a mile and a half on the south of Sondarna,' and Bharthana,'
Bharthána,' answering to Bharthanaka, two miles and a half on the west of Sondarna,' and Dhawat,' 'Dháwat,' answering to DhAhattha, -48 was first pointed out by Dr. Bühler, though he, also, did not recognise the exactly correct ancient form of the name, 25 — two miles north-north-east from Sondarna.' The identification of Samipadraka with Sondarna' is, thus, unquestionable. As regards the transition between the two forms of the name, - Mr. Bhandarkar has expressed the opinion that "Samipadraks must have ordinarily been first corrupted into Sa-im-ndra
* See page 836 above, No. 11.
33 After the word onding in vartti in line 61, the original presents a mark of punctuation which the editor has treated as superfluous, with the effect of making the word qualify only the village of Samipadraka. But, though there are marks of punctuation which are certainly superfluous, both in these passages and in other parts of the record, this particular mark of punctuation was plainly intentional and correct, in order to make the word qualify etad-grima-doayan in line 64. ► See page 361 above, and note 2.
25 See page 362 above.

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"and then into Sa-un-dar." As regards the n in the last syllable of Sondarna,' which, as remarked by Mr. Bhandarkar, cannot be properly accounted for, - it is quite possible that it may be due to nothing but a mistake by the person who transliterated the vernacular name of the village for insertion in the English maps. But, in view of the fact that Vatapadraka can become Wardala' and Wardla,' we need not be surprised if Samfpadraka has actually become 'Sondarna.' It is to be added that Samipadraka- Sondarna' is, as required, in the courtry between the Mahi and the Narmada; it is about twenty miles from the south bank of the Mahi, and seven miles from the north bank of the Narbadâ.
In specifying the boundaries of Sambandhi in the Mankapika bhukti, the record places, on the east of Sambandhi, a village (grama) named Sajjodaka; on the south, (a small village or hamlet named) Brahma]napallika; on the west, (a place named) Karañjavasahika; and, on the north, (a village named) Kashthamandapa. Mr. Bhandarkar has said that. Sajjôḍaka is a village now called "Sajôd" in the Ankleshwar taluka of the Broach district, and has suggested that "the name Mândwa of a modern village may be the present contracted form of Kashthâmandapa." The village thus proposed for Sajjôdaka is the Sajod' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), and of the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 13 (1873) of Gujarât, about five miles on the west of Ankleshwar. And the other village is the Mandwa Matierd' and Mándwa Mátierd' of the maps, three and a half miles west-by-north from Sajod: the prefix attached to its name is evidently used to distinguish it from another Matierd,' Máțierd,' about two miles on the west of Sajod; and it figures again in the name, given in the Trigonometrical map only, of Mándwa Bet,' a small island in the Narbadâ, just on the north of Mándwa Mátierd.' Now, the Sajod' of the maps very likely does represent an ancient Sajjôdaka. But there are no traces, in this locality, of any of the other names mentioned in the record. And, more to the point still, 'Sajod' is on the south of the Narbada, instead of being between that river and the Maht. I find that Mańkanika, the town from which the Mankanika bhukti took its appellation, is a large village, in the Sankhêda subdivision of the Baroda territory, which is shewn as 'Makni' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 36, S. W. (1897), in lat. 22° 13', long. 73° 48', about a mile and a half on the south of the river Orsang,' and as Mákni' in the Bombay Survey sheet No. 184 (1886). And Sambandhi is the 'Samdhi' of the Atlas sheet and of the Bombay Survey sheet No. 188 (1894), also in the Sankhêdâ subdivision, two miles on the north of the Orsang,' and three and a half miles due north of Makni,' Mákni.' The maps, indeed, do not shew any names answering to the Karañjavasahika and the Sajjodaka of the record.27 But the Survey sheet No. 183 shews, on the north bank of the Orsang,' about one mile and three quarters south-east-by-south from Samdhi,' a small village named 'Bamroli' which very probably is the Brahma]papallika of the record. And Kasthamandapa is, unquestionably, the Kath Mandva' of the Atlas sheet, and the 'Kath Mándva' of the Survey sheet No, 188, about one mile towards the north-by-west from 'Samdhi,' and in, apparently, the Kâlôl taluka of the PañchMahâls. Sambandhi-'Samdhi' is about thirty-six miles towards the north-east-by-east from Samfpadraka 'Sondarna.' And it, also, is in the country between the Mahi and the Narmada; it is about twenty-two miles from the north bank of the latter river, at its nearest point, and some forty miles to the south-east of the Mahi.
6
As regards Badavi, which is mentioned as the place of residence of the grantee's father, there are the unquestionable facts, established by me a long time ago, that Badavi occurs, as far back as A. D. 699, as an earlier form of the name of Badami, the head-quarters of the Bâdâmi taluka of the Bijapur district and in former times the capital of the Western Chalukya kings, and that this town
24 See page 256 above, and note 14.
37 The latter name, however, survives in that part of the country, in the case of the 'Sajod' of the maps, on the south bank of the 'Sukhi' river, fourteen and a half miles north-east-by-east from 'Samdhi."
See Vol, V. above, p. 68, Vol. VI. pp. 72, 74, Vol. VIII. pp. 238, 239, and Vol. X. p. 60. The instances in Vol. V. p. 20 and Vol. X. p. 63, referred to by Mr. Bhandarkar for Badari as an older form of the name of Badami, are only of A. D. 1532 and 1840 or thereabouts.

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is also mentioned as VAtapi and VatApt in Sanskrit records dating back to A. D. 612. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji took the Badavi of the present record to be Badami.* And Mr. Bhandarkar has said that in all likelihood " it is Bâdami. But there is no reason to entertain any doubt on this point; any more than there is for thinking, as Mr. Bhandarkar has presented himself as thinking, that the identification of Vatâpi with Badami has not been a matter of absoluto certainty for the laet quarter of a century. The grant of a couple of villages in Gujarât would, indeed, be of no practical use whatsoever to person actually himself resident at Bâdâmi, some four hundred and seventy miles away to the south. The place, however, is simply mentioned as the place of abode of the grantee's father. And it is plain that the grantee himself bad left his father's home, and was settled either in one or other of the two villages granted to him by this record, or in some neighbouring town convenient for the management of them, or else that he emigrated when the grant was made to him and in consequence of its being made.
Another mention of BADAmi, contained in a record belonging like this one to a very distant locality, and indicating a similar emigration from Bâdâmi and settlement elsewhere, is to be found in the Ujjain plates of A. D. 1021,30 wbich register . grant made by the Paramâra king Bhojadeva of Dhârâ, - vrâhmaņa-Dhanapatibhattâya . . . Agasti-gộtrâya .. . . Vell[n]valla-prativaddha-sri-Vadavi-nirggata-Vasurasanga(gha)-Karnataya, -" to the Brahman Dhanapatibhatta, .... . who is of the Agasti gótra, .... and who is a man of the Karpaça (country), belonging to the Basura saungha, who has come from the famous Badevi which is attached to Belluvalla." This passage was not understood by the editor, who, with a different reading in certain details,31 translated the last part of it as meaning "who, being an * inhabitant of RadbA Surasanga Karvata, has come from Srivada, situato in Vellu Vallo." But the real meaning of it is quite certain. The name Belluvalla refers to the Belvola three-hundred distriot, which is mentioned as the Beluvala tbree-hundred in line 53 of another record in Nagari characters, the Behatti plates of A. D. 1183,92 and as the Velvalla (Belvalla) vishaya, in the version in Någart characters of the Pattadakal inscription of A. D. 754,83 and which lay close on the west and south-west of Bâdâmi. And the Basura sangha is mentioned, with a slight difference in the final syllable, in the sparious Kartakoti plates, parporting to be dated ir A. D. 608 or 610,34 which claim the village of Kuratakunte (Kurtaköti itself), in the Beļvola vishaya, for a Brahman belonging to the Basuri sangka and the Agasthi (Aghati) gotra.
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE PROF. C. P. TIELE. (Translated into English by G. K. Nariman.)
(Continued from p. 304.)
3. The Avesta and its Components, Of the one and twenty Nasks on which we dwelt in the preceding section of this chapter, we possess, as is reckoned, 16 still two complete : Staota Yennyal? and the Vendidad; one well-nigh entire, the Bakan Yast, comprising the Yasts; the greater part of three more, among them the Hadokhta Nask; and more or less extensive fragments of nine others. They are composed in an
# Gax. Bo. Pres. Vol. I. Part I. p. 185.
0 Vol. VI. above, p. 54, plate ii. line 1 . 31 He road Sludda-viniragata-radhasurasathga. The marks which he took as meaning r4. are only marks which were put in by the writer, in acoordance with frequent pratice, to fill up Vacant space at the end of line 2; or, perhaps, the first of them is woh mark, and the other is attributable to the raised edge of the plate. The next akshara is certainly va, not dha; It stands for ba, which is represented throughout the record by the same sign with va.
# Vol. IV. above, p. 276. Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 5, line 20, noto 20. " Vol. VII. above, p. 220, line 26.
16 Darmostater, Lo Zond Avasta, III., Xvi, suiv., and West, Pahlavi Toute, Part IV., Sacred Books of the Kaal, XXXVII., passim.
11 In Yaona, 14-17, 32-54, and 56.

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ancient Iranian language, a sister-tongue to the old Persian which the Achæmenides employed in their inscriptions, though in two somewhat divergent dialects. Formerly this language was mostly known as the Zend, which is indubitably a preposterous designation, inasmuch as no tongue was ever understood by the term Zend. Now, as a rule, it is denominated Avesta. However, the name Baktrian already used by Benfy and Spiegel seems to me to be still the most appropriate, Baktria being one of the most important lands where this speech was current. The Avests or the Sacred LAW was brought to Europe by Aquetel du Perron in the year 1761, after a voyage testifying to an uncommon devotion to science and an iron perseverance, and was tentatively translated by him. Subsequently a few new fragments have come to light. Probably only these remnants are preserved to us, because they were employed in the liturgy and had to be chanted in the old language, though they were unintelligible without the auxiliary of a vulgar rendering. The scanty compass of the Apesta and the corrupt condition of the texts are no trivial obstacles to its correct interpretation. The first pioneer to pave the way to a scientific exegesis was Eugene Burnouf. Since his days, amid no doubt many an aberration, as often as a sound philological method is resorted to, constant advance has been made in the stady of Zarathushtrian literature. And so it has become possible to unravel the evolutions of the religion, the pristine documents of which the Avesta contains in its main features, and to draw to a certain measure an accurate outline of it. It would not be relevant at this place to sketch the history of the Avesta exegesis or to examine the right method for it -- an inquiry which cannot be attempted without entering into a discussion of all manner of technical minutiæ, I expect substantial results from none but a critical philological treatment, which takes into account all writings, whether dating from early or late periods, and in which an intelligent regard for traditional interpretation ensures material assistance. To slavishly follow the latter is an impudent repudiation of all science.
The Apesta is made up of five principal constituents. The Yasna is exclusively a ritualistic book, in which the texts are arranged in order of the sacrificial operations at which it is recited or sung. The Vispered, Visperatado, " AU Lords," i. e., the invoked holy ones, is so-called in that it was used in sacrificial ceremonies involving the invocation of all the Lords. The Vendidad, the Vidaeva data, or what is enacted against the Daevas, the anti-demoniso ordinance, is a law book in twenty-two Fargards or Chapters, containing prescriptions, which the pious must observe in order to preserve or recover religious purity; for without this purity they would fall into the power of the fiends. The Yashts represent sacrificial hymns composed, for the most part, ad majorem gloriam of the Yazatas, of whom twenty-seven are sacred to the thirty days of the month; the first, fifteenth, and twenty-fifth days of the month had no angels proper to themselves, but served as preludes to the great festivals immediately following, namely, those of Atar, Mithra, and Daeda. On these preparatory days were invoked Ahura Mazda and the Amesha Spentas. The fifth and the last division of the Avestu embraces a few minor writings, prayers, calendars, and maxims, which conjointly with, or even without, the Yashts is comprehensively denominated the Lesser or Khorda Avesta, and is appointed, not for public or priestly, but the private, service of every believer. The solitary book of all these, answering in its totality to a Nask of the Sassanide Avesta, is the Vendidad. The Yasna includes the stot Yasht Nask - Staota Yeonya, - bat, in combination with three chapters from the Bako Nask, three older Yaskts,20 some litanies and reiterations, it has been artificially distended to seventy-two Has or Sections. Finally, the body of Yashte includes the Bakan or Baghan Nask, which consisted of sixteen such hymns, increased by several more that are posterior, borrowed from other Nasks of a dissimilar category.
It is not possible to affirm that any one of these books is per se more ancient than the rest. Each has assimilated older and younger elements. Perhaps as a book the Vendidad is the most
15 Collected, ditod, and, so far as possible, translated by Darmestetor in Part III. of his Zond Avesta. 19 Ha 19 to 21.
+ These are: the Hm. Yasht, Ha 9.11, the Brosh. Yasht, Ha 57, the 80-called Maga. Yashl, Ha 65, and in A certain songe also Ha 62, the main contents of whioh coincide with the Atash. Yasht.

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primitive; the Yanhts are somewhat a later collection, and at least in their existing form are a composition subsequent to the Vendidad and the Yasna. If it is not feasible off-hand to point to original passages and latter-day excrescences, we are enabled to pronounce something at least with definitiveness, and we need not despair of more abundant light commensurate to the progress of research.
Thus, in the first place, it has to be remarked that a number of the texts are drawn up in a dialect different from that of the majority. This diversity of language is of the essence and cannot be derived from a different mode of writing, as some have sought to show on a baseless theory,21 Both belong to one and the same language, but either as two dialects, which were spoken in two separate regions, or as in an anterior and a posterior stage of development. The first alternative is well nigh generally accepted, though on inadequate grounds; the second seems to me to be the most probable one. That the cast of language in which the Gathas are written, and which accordingly is termed the Gathic, is more archaic than the other is admitted on all hands. Moreover, the metre of the Gatha is much more ancient and primitive than that of the Yashts. If we are not bound, from these reasons alone, to consider not only that the old hymns, as I have already stated, from remote ages have built the basis of the entire Avesta, but also to look upon most of these pieces as the product of an anterior date, - this is demonstrated primarily by their tenor as compared with that of the other writings.
The texts in the Gatha dialect comprise the Gáthas, the Yasna Haptanghaiti (four prayers held in profound veneration), and sundry minor bits, such as the profession of faith, &o. We shall discuss them in the sequel. It will then be seen that they likewise are not of equal age, but bear witness to a gradual evolution of religious ideas and concepts. But all in all they are the exponents of an older stage of religious development than that of the literature embodied in a younger form of language. The Gathas, properly five collections of songs, which are arranged not in order of their contents or themes, but in accordance with the metre, contain the original Zarathushtrian dogma of redemption, often proclaimed with fervid enthusiasm 32 We might describe this as that species of hymns, which speaks nothing of the all kinds of institutions and rites that play an important part in the other sections of the Avesta, such as the divisions of the year and day, and the Baresman twigs, which are employed at offerings and are used in the ritual. It may be an accident that even the Yasna of the Seven Chapters is silent as to them. But a deeper difference obtains, which our history will indicate further on. Here, however, we must notice a few salient points. The Zarathush tra of the Gathas, apart from the question of the prophet's being a historic or legendary personage, is a glorified prophet, supreme over all, favoured with the full revelation of Ahura Mazda, and by consequence the head of all earthly beings. The Zarathustra of the remaining Avesta is a mythical creature to whom the homage due to a god is done. The seven Amesha Spentas, that are not once so Damed in the Gathas, are still fer removed from the Spirits of the later lore; they figure hardly even as personifications of abstract ideas. As for the Dualism, it is not less decisively taught in the oldest enunciations than in the rest of the literature. It is a question of two intelligences, a good, and an evil one, who combat each other, and between whom the faithful has to make his choice ; but, properly speaking, Mazda stands the most exbalted. The Gathas are cognisant of neither the conception nor the appellation of a hostile creator, the Angramainush of the later system, Mazda's equal in rank, pitted against him and with whom he has to maintain a contest. It may be, however, incidentally remarked that the germ of this future Dualism lies in Yasna 45, 2,23 which alludes to the two primeval
Compare my article in the Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, 1894, I., p. 76 suiv. a The five Gathas are: (1) Ahunamiti, seven hymns, to which is added the Yaana Heptanghaifi or the Yasna of the Seven Chapters, prose work of younger origin ; (2) Ushtaraiti, four hymns: (3) Spenta-Mainyn, four hymns ; (4) Vohu-khshathra, one hymn, with a prose addendum ; and (5) Vahish toishti, one bymn, to which the holy prayer Airyema Ishyo is appended. 35 "Thus forth I announce to you life's first two spirits,
Of whom the more bounteous the evil accosted: Never our thoughts, nor creeds, nor understandings, Never our beliefs, nor words, nor yet our actions, Nor can our souls or faithe, ever be one." - Mill's Metrical Terrion. (Tr.)

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genii of the world, the holy Spanyao (comparative degree) and the wicked Angro. But the passage viewed in its context, what has gone before and what follows, discloses that by Spanyao is not meant Mazda himself. Lastly, and this is of paramount import, the most amiable of the Yazatas, the most revered, the most puissant antagonist of the realm of the wicked, he who constitutes not less than the sacrosanct fire, the focus of the cult throughout the posterior Avesta, Haoma, is nowhere mentioned in the Gathic writings.24
This pervading divergence is explicable only on the assumption that the Gathas with their accesBories are the oldest records of the creed, and that the texts written in the other dialect mark a degree in their subseqnent evolution. It were not impossible in itself that the two tendencies had sprung up synchronously in diverse regions, let us say in East and North-West Iran, and had continued to develop independently, till they were fused one with the other under the Arsacides or the Sassanides. It is likewise possible, at all events in abstracto, that the far purer, more philosophic, idealistic doctrine of the Gathas was the outcome of a reformation of the flagrant dualistic mythological scheme represented in the other books, with all their train of Yazatas and many a factor of the old Aryan faith, so that the latter books would be in reality the older of the two sets. But both the above possibilities are precluded, first by what we stated with reference to the languages, and next by the indisputable
circumstance that the last-named later doctrine is built upon that of the Gathas, which it has modified, popularized, and deteriorated. The later religious phase is to be anderstood in the light of the Gathas, just as the Christian dogma is to be interpreted in the light of the New Testament and not rice versa. The more antique elements, myths, fables, and ritual, which are in point of fact found in the other chapters of the Yasna, in several parts of the Vendidad and in the Yasht, do not predicate a higher antiquity of these writings. They are the resuscitated vestiges of an antecedent epoch, which have been reduced so far as possible to an unison with the Zarathushtrian gospel.
The Gathic texts make up the principal components of the Staota Yesnya, of the Stot Yasht Nask, which, as we saw, is the core of the Yasna. But they are not the only ones of their kind. We light on the Gathic texts, likewise in the so-called younger Yasna, in the chapters, that is, which stand in the commencement and at the close of this Nask ;25 in the Mazdayasnian confession of faith, introdnced by a concise enlogium and terminating in a more exhaustive one ;36 in the lesser Srosh Yasht erroneously so dubbed, though it is an invocation addressed to the water and the Fravashis;47 and finally in a benediction over the cattle and the pious household.38 The last-mentioned piece in all likelihood originally belonged to the Hodhakhta Nask. I would hazard a surmise that the whole Stot Yasht Nask or Staota Yesnya at first embraced exclusively Gathic texts, and that subsequently a few other similar texts of a different extraction were joined on to them, 80 as in the ceremonial not to dispense with any of the holiest vouchers of the most ancient revelation, which men still possessed, and that the extant Yasna is a latter-day growth issuing from this complex, called forth to meet the requirements of the Hoama ceremouy and the rituals of the funeral services, of fire adoration, and the reverencing of the element of water,
24 Yamna 42, an appendix to the Yama Haptanghaiti, speaks indeed of three Haomas, but it is universally known that this chapter is of a very late date, an after addition written in bad Gathio. Even if we usume, ms will be clear later on in Chapter II., that the Haoma worship was no East Iranian heritage, this argument retains its full force, for at the time the old Gatha texts arose it was yet unknown to the Zarathushtrian, and it occupies a conspicuous place in the other books of the Avesta.
* Ha 1-18 and 55-72. * Prastuya, HA 11, 17-18. Pravarant or Praoretish, Ha 12, 1-8. Aatwyd or Aslaothwanom, Ha 12, 9-18, 7.
* Ha 56. The piece begins with the constantly recurring formula : Seraosho idha astw, Let there be hearing. In the first word mon erroneously discovered the genius graosha and oonfused the old text with the much later Srosh Yasht which follows in Ha 57.
Ha 68, 4-7. The verses 1-8 form an introduction, and verse 6 the close of the thus completed 8taota Yomya It is all in almost pure Gathio dialoot. Vorne 9 is a still lator addition in the younger idiom,

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- In the rest of the Apesta books, setting aside sporadio quotations, no Gatha texts are forthcoming. They are inditod entirely in the later Baktrian. They all, however, do not date back to the same age; and if in the present state of our knowledge it is beyond our reach to differentiate with precision the anterior from the subsequent portion, still critical inquiry has yielded here and there incontestible results, and has facilitated an analysis of their textual composition.
Thus there is no question but that the Vendidad, which now numbers twenty-two chapters, originally closed with the sixteenth. The seventeenth was tagged ou later, and hence the repetition of the formula which ende the sixteenth as well as the seventeenth. (The passage in question is not devoid of interest. It runs (8. B. E. IV., p. 189 er 192): All wicked embodiments of the Drug are Ecorners of the Judge: all scorners of the Judge are rebels against the Sovereign; all rebels against the Sovereign are ungodly men; and all ungodly ren are worthy of death. [Tr.] ). All the ensuing chapters are so many supplements made up of texts, which in a measure bear on the main theme. This principal theme is appropriately tresied of in Fargarde 5 to 16. For the thirteenth, fourteenth. and the fifteenth, which are taken up with the dog, the favourite domestio animal of the Persians, who almost put it on the same level with humanity, are not out of place here; dogs as well as the beaver and hedge-bog, which were classed with them, being the destroyers of evil genii. Still citations and excerpts from metrical and mythological fragments, to which the prose texts furnish a gloss and the mutual contradiction of many an injunction, and the recurrence of the same prescriptions over and over again in a more or less modified guise, argue that even those Fargards are a conglomeration of heterogeneous texte.90 The seventh chapter bears on the face of It evidence of a later construction than the fifth, from which it rehearses passages word for word, and at the same time attempers the commandments therein inculcated. The seventh is in point of time even preceded by the sixth, which mentions as little as the eighth, the Dakhmas, the towers for the disposal of corpses.S0 It is not settled whether the first four chapters must be held as an introduction by the same hand or as the amplifications of a posterior editor. But this mach is positive, that a text of considerable antiquity anderlies the first Fargard, which is supplemented at places to accord with latter-day ideas. It is a catalogue of the countries which Ahura Mazda created, beautifal and comfortable for his worshippers, but which are marred by the counter-creations of Anghro Mainyush. Perobance already the older portion deviates from its original configuration. At all events a discrepancy obtains between what is related of Aíryanam Vaejo, the aboriginal Aryan land, in the beginning and what is said of it in Sections 2 and 3. In the former it is a paradise so charming that, but for the production on the Creator's part of more regions habitable and beautiful, all organized beings would have repaired thither. In the latter it is a real country, which has been unfit to live in because of its prolonged inclement winter ; a country where is located the heart, the very centre of winter, and on which impetuous cold bears down from all quarters. This second delineation is assuredly the earlier one. The lands catalogued make up only a part of Iran, and the editor was alive to it, that this defective list must elicit astonishment in his age. He therefore subjoins the note that there were other regions too, in several respects of superior excellence, which he has not enumerated.
Again, the second Fargard is a Zarathushtrian version of the Aryan hero Yima (Yama), the king of primeval humanity, who reigned 900 years, and during which period, owing to the multiplying of his subjects, the earth had twice to be enlarged. But since he apprehended the rain of everything terrestrial in a severe winter, at the behest of Ahura Mazda, he prepared an enclosed space (vara) to which he migrated with the seeds of cattle, men, dogs, birds, and with blazing ftre,
> Comp. the archaio pastoral songs in 8, 24-88, the mythiu prosentment of Mazda and the waters in 5; 17, 20, 21. Repetitions constantly occur.
Pargard 7, 16 has a quotation from the very late Yama 65, 6 and 7, 52 accords with Parg. 19, 81, and Yasht 22, 16 - both well known as of a very younger age. The strange reference to the Dakhmas in 7, 49 indicates that they were held at once to be impure and necessary: "O Maker of the material world, thon Holy One ! How long after the corpse of a dead man has been laid down on a Dakhma is the ground whereon the Dakhma standa clean agato"-8. B. E., IV. 88 (Tr.) What is enjoined in Farg. 5 in reppect of the purifiontion of womeo delivered of a still-born child is modified by 7, 70-79,

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- We shall revert to this myth further on. But now it is patent to the believing Mazdayaspian how this old tradition, which he was not disposed to surrender, can be brought to harmonize with the orthodox tenet that Zaratbushtra had enunciated the law since the inception of creation and that he was himself the chief of the mundane economy. In a somewhat clumsy fashion the author makes Zarathushtra propound the question to Mazda, who replies, that Yime, while willing to extend the good tracts of land, declined to proclaim the law. On Zarathushtra, by consequence, it devolved to be the first prophet of the true dogma. Another interrogative seeks to ascertain if this dogma was unknown in Yima's vara. The reply is to the effect that a mythical bird carried it thither and that Zarathushtra was the Ratu or spiritual pontiff, and Urvatat-naro, the Anghu or temporal lord,81
To illustrate further that the nineteenth Fargard consists of passages of a very promiscuous character, and that they stand in little internal co-relation. Sections 1 to 10 and 48 to 47 cohere, while between them .re shoved in three other texts dealing with totally different matter. The main text is the narrative of Zarathushtra's temptation, to all appearances later than most Fargards of the Vendidad,33 but it is superposed on a myth of bygone ages, touched up in the spirit of the Mazdayasnian precepts. The interpolated fragments are referable to a still younger descent.53
The Yashts with the Gathas represent the poetical factor of the Avesta, and are an ample mine for a knowledge of old Iranian "esy and mythology. However, they are of very unequal merit and date from varying ages. Thus, we have three (one dedicated to an Amesha Spenta, another to Asha Vahishta, the third to Haurvatat), wuch .cre not admitted into the Baghan Nask and which should not be held to be mach more than valueless trivialities. Their hopelessly corrupt text is attributable not to the inadvertence of the transcribers, but to the ignorance of the authors, we cannot call them poets. They are manifestly composed to fill up a gap. Laudatory songs in honor of the supreme intelligences of the Zarathushtrian cosmology, addressed collectively or individually, are here promiscuously thrown together. Even the Ormazd-Yasht, the Hymn to the High God himself, is out and ont prosaic. It is a theological speculation on the divine potency of Ahura Mazda's names, twice interrupted by insipid strings of appellations, of which the second is younger than the first, and which are perhaps both interpolations, not the only ones in this perfunctory piece of uncouth makeshift. But it is just this that bespeaks the relative higher antiquity of others, chiefly those which celebrate the old Aryan divinities metamorphosed into Zarathushtrian Yazatas. They do not appear to have been composed for the individual festivals, but to have later been employed on those occasions. One of the prettiest in point of poetry and religious fervour is the Homa Yasht ; 80 also is the Srosh Yasht; then the Ardviour Banu or Aban Yasht addressed to the celestial waters and their deity, Ardvi Sura Anahita. Next Tishtar, Mihir, and in part Farperdin Yasht are of equal beauty. We shall in the sequel touch on their import; we notice only in passing their structure of style and relative age. In respect of the first, their struotare, they evince strong marks of interpolations, Amid ardent and vivid descriptions we meet with bald, prosaic comments of a ritualistic purport, which unmistakably betrays the hand of the priest. Besides, at the end, they have monotonous litanies appended. In most cases the epentheses reflect the fact that no pains were taken to reduce them to metrical euphony. Respecting the second point, namely, the age ; at the root of most of them lie, without question, popular non-Zarathashtrian ditties. Ever and anon
11 In the posterior legends Urvatat-naro is the son of Zarathustra and the chief of the olass of husbandmen: originally it was perhaps & cognomen of Yima: " friend of humanity," or, better, one "united to men." From $99 begins sort of commentary.
Comp. 19, 5 (the Painika-khnathaill) with Yasht 19. For the son of Kmu, seYasht 13. The futuro Baoshyant spoken of there cour in the later Yamna, Vispered, and the Yashte.
88 This is proved not only by the invocations 18, 18, but also before all by the genitive Ahuro-Masdao, which ocouri only in Yasna 71, 10, where Justi, Darmenteter, and others unjustifiably assume a voontive. Comp. further Tema 7, 24 and 13, 5 in the citations from the Yama Haptanghaits.
One Yasht seems to have been dedicated to Vobumanao alho; for the Bahman Yasht, dating from the 19th Christian sentary, comprises this old Pehlevi translation with the commentary of an Aventio original. Comp. West, Pahlavi Teata (8. B. E.) I., Intro. Pp. 6 seg. He surmises that the condition, of which the Bahman Yosht is an epitome, was prepared in the time of Khusro Nosirvan (531-579 A, D.).

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one recognizes, if not the fundamental text which the Mazdayasnian editor has manipulated after his own heart, at least scanty relics of the same. We cannot enter here into details and demonstrate this. But I instance the Ardvisur Banu and Tishtar Yasht as a couple of telling illustrations.
Various Yashts dealing with Yazatas, whose veneration it was intended to commend, before all such Yazatas A8 were borrowed from the anterior religion and originally did not appertain to the Zarathushtrian system, contained an enumeration of legendary heroes and even of divine existences, who whilom sacrificed to them. Two such lists are illicitly inserted into the Ardvisur Yasht. According to Darmesteter, in the first ligt86 are mentioned the devotees of Anahita before Zarathushtra; in the second the contemporaries and followers of the Prophet 36 That is incorrect. For in the first roll are named Jamaspa, Ashavazda, Vistaura and Yoishta, who one and all belong to the entourage of Zarathushtra. The first five strophes are the same as the opening five of the 65th Yasna. Several other strophes (7, 11, 13, 15) are a colourless copy of the glowing description at the close of the Yasht. A few, more (88 to 96) are completely out of keeping with the general tone disclosing theological speculations in an orthodox Mazdayasnian spirit. Setting these aside, and, with the exception of the prelusive and other expatiations, fragments of one or more bymng celebrating Ardvisur Anahi ta remain in which there is nothing pronouncedly Zarathushtrian. A sapplication to the goddess to descend from her astral station down on our globe, an enumeration of the blessings which her worshippers, warriors and priests, -(they are here put in the second place) young maidens and women crave of her, a narrative of her descent in the plenitude of her beauteousness and glory - all this is wound up with a prayer on the part of the warrior to sucooar him in the battle. (Strophe 182 is an addition by the priest, who makes a sacrificial song of it and to this end repeats over again and enlarges upon the commencement of 85, the request to come down on earth, which is altogether irrelevant since the prayer has long since been granted. Occasionally the editor throws in some features to his own taste, but which ill accord with the general delineation.)
The T'ir Yasht is occasionally beautiful indeed; beantiful and poetical. But obviously it is a Zarathushtrian Mazdayasnian recast of a genuine mythological chant. The bliss-diffusing god is portrayed in his diverse transfigurations of a handsome youth, & steer, a white steed with yellow ears. In the last shape is celebrated his combat with the demon of sterility and barrenness, Apaosha, conceived as incarnated in a black stallion. It were an idle effort here or elsewhere, for example in the far-famed Mihir Yasht, to seek to reconstruct the primitive non-Zarathashtrian canticle from the text as it stands. The compilers have too far made free with the texts, in order to acoommodate them to their theological views, for us to recognise or to recover them in their completeness. But it is easy to make out what has issued solely from the pen of the editors; whatever they have prefixed of their own accord, have interpolated or appended on their own initiative,87
These researches are in their incipient stage, and the results they have so far yielded have to be more closely tested. We need not accordingly pause longer, as we have yet to answer the inquiry in what sense the Avesta literature is to be considered a source for the history of Zarathushtrian religion. Scholars have long delayed setting the problem to themselves and render. ing themselves an account of the different characters of the original sources of our information. Consequently they have encountered difficulties that could be surmounted, but which they were not in
position to solve. They found that an antithesis subsisted betweon the dogma of the Adesta and the presentment in the Achæmenide inscriptions or in Herodotus) of the religion of the Persians and Modes and deduoed no end of inconsequent conclusions. There is no denying the existence of the contrast ; but it is oasily explained by the uniform character of the aforesaid authentic writings. * Tasht 8, 16-88.
Yasht 5, 97-118, Thus,.. ., in the Minir Yashi (Yacht 10), 591-16, ie. theologloul proem which originally did not belong to the Yashf, and (on how been already noticed by Darmostater) 118-189, purely largioal portion; 140-144 forming sa enoomiaatio Analo. Bat 116-117 ppertain to the next Yaaht, if it representa no independent fragment. Tarther, 58-59 and 63 certainly, and , 18-11, 83-84, 89-84, 87-48, 48, 88-94, 96-101, 106-111 probably, aro Zarathushtrian inter polations. These eliminated, we are loft almont oxola voly good coherent mythologioul panegyrio.

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Herodotus relates that which he or his authority bad ascertained or experienced of the actual state of religion among the Iranians, and of an analogous description are the reports of the ancients, particularly Strabo. The inscriptions of the Achæmenides inform us of the Mazdayaenian creed so far as it prevailed as the State religion of the empire ; in other words, as it was officially acknowledged. The Apesta presents a picture of the development of Zarathushtrianism, as it was never perhaps instituted prior to Alexander in Media and Persis (at best only in a solitary spot, say the ecclesiastical Ragba), but an outline of it as it lived in the schools of divines and theologians by whom, it is possible, it was introduced into North-West and Eastern Iran.
8. The Age of the Avesta. We have examined the sacred Scripture of the Zarathushtrians, and are now confronted with the problem to what period does it belong, and how far can we rely on it with success? Do the texts of our Avesta and the lost books on which the Sassanian Zend-Avesta was based, along with fragments recently put together, emanate mainly from the times of the Achæmenides, possibly from still earlier centuries; or were they composed after the fall of that dynasty P Formerly the first was the generally accepted view. And there were scholars who assigned the compilation of the Avestic writings to an epoch preceding the Median Empire. Till very recently eminent authorities concurred in this opinion. But now distinguished Ryants oppose thie theory, championing with more or less vehemence the last-mentioned hypothesis. We are consequently compelled to make a choice between the two conflicting pronouncements,
The first to strenuously defend the comparatively later origin of the Avesta - viow to which Spiegel, Justi, and de Harlez were more and more inclined with a brilliant array of arguments - was the late erudite Frenchman, James Darmesteter, whose death is, with justice, deeply mourned. Darmesteter brought to bear on his researches a profound study of the original sources, rich knowledge, rare critical acumen, and at the same time he could command a consummate diction. We cannot onter upon a refutation of all the ingenious but uncurbed conjectures of the author conjuctures which show that his penetration not unfrequently got the better of bis historical sense and his sane jadgment. Most of what he has propounded, to give only a single instance, relative to the Keresáni of the Apesta (who is assuredly neither more nor less than the Krishna of the Voda, and therefore an unmistakably mythological personage) as being identical with Alexander the Great, will not, indeed, live longer than the scintillation of a splendid firework. But Darmeetetor takes his stand on another and apparently more solid ground; hence our obligation to inquire into its validity.
To begin with, then, he appeals to tradition. According to, at least, two divergent, it in Darmesteter's eyes, essentially concordant traditions, the official text of the complete body of the Zarathushtrian Holy Writ, which was for reasons of State preserved in two separate transcripts, was destroyed with Alexander's co-operation, or at least in consequence of the confusion occasioned by his invasion. Valkash, the Arsacide, who was either Volgoses (51-55 A. D.), the contemporary of Nero, or another king of the same name, and of & posterior age, is reported to have commenced the collecting of the ancient documents, the fragments committed to writing as well as the oral sections, which survived among the sacerdotal order. The first prince of the house of Sasan, Ardoshir (Artaxetx08) I., 226-240 A. D., we are told, continued the pious undertaking with the assistance of Tansar or Tosar. His successor, Shahpuhr I., 241-272 A. D., is credited with causing to be rendered again into the vernacular the Iranian texts, which had been translated into the Greek and Indian languages. Finally, the great hierarch Atarpad,isen of Maharespand under Shahpur II. (809-879), definitively concluded the last redaction of the Baronnide ZendApesta.
Ia ble latest translation of the Bond Avela, cepeally in the Introduction to the third Part. In the Roone de l'Histoire des Religions, 1CP4, Vol. XXIX. p. 68 q., I bave dinonaned and given a statement of the contents of the work: Une nowolle hypothes our l'antigues de l'Aveta; and I have spokem on the age of the Avete in the X. Ahedenda von Wetenschappen to amatordam, Verslagen Mededelingen, & Reeks. I must refer the ronder to pre psy for the details which cannot be gone into in the text.

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These traditional accounts may not be incorrect in general, and one is warranted thus to concatenate the two versions; yet they must not be looked upon as more than a reminiscence of the manner and way in which the Avesta Scripture was once more brought together, after both the authentic copies of it had perished, either in the conflagration of Persepolis or otherwise. And at the same time, however, still to pursue the tradition, the texts were translated from the obsolete Baktrian into the Pehlevi, the court language of the Sassanides, and were furnished with commentaries more in a theological than in an exegetical vein.
Bat, according to Darmesteter, we have here to deal not merely with a compilation, nor even a redaction, and the working up of extant texts, bat with the actual composition of new writings. Not one of the ancient Zarathushtrian texts had survived, and the entire Apesla sprang up posteriorly to Alexander the Great, says Darmesteter. In view, however, of the testimony of the archaic Persian inscriptions and the narratives of the Greeks, he can scarcely dispute that the basis of dogma promulgated in the Avesta is primitive--a point to which we shall presently return.
Bat the books themselves are a latter-day production ; and the old doctrines bave been independently worked up into them to harmonize with the spirit of the age, or rather, and this is one of his chief contentions, under the influence of alien creeds and foreign philosophical systems. He detects in the Apesta undoubted traces of Indian (i. e., Brahmanic and Buddhistic), Hellenic, chiefly Hellenistio, and Jewish concepts and figures. Let us examine how far the assertion is true.
No one denies the unison between the Indian and the Iranian religions. A number of myths. legends, rituals, concepts, and names of existences to whom prayers are offered ap, they have in common.
The supreme deities of the Iranian, the Ahuras, are the formidable antagonists of the Indians' divinities, and, conversely, the Devas have become the abominated evil genii of the Iranian. But Mithre, Aryaman, Vayu, and diverse other gods claim equal adoration from both. Yama or Yima is among both nations the sovereign of the primordial human beings and of the kingdom of the dead. The service of soms - Haoms -occupies the premier place in the cult at orice of the Indian and the Iranian, particularly in later times. Darmesteter mast concede that all these phenomena can be most simply accounted for as the relics of an anterior period, when the two peoples still constituted one nation. There is certainly no borrowing either on the part of the Indian or the Iranian. Even the circumstance that the Indian paramount god Indra, Sarva, who probably stands for Siva, and the Nesatsyas are mentioned as idols in the Apesta does not tell against the antiquity of the latter, inasmuch as the Indians were not only the next-door neighbours of the ancient Persians, but Hapta Hindu, or the river-valley of the Indus, is accounted as Iranian territory in the Vendidad, and is reckoned among the provinces of the monarchy in the inscriptions of the Persian sovereigns of bygone ages.
As regards what is alleged to have been borrowed from Buddhism, it is confined to this. A certain demon Buiti is sought to be identified with the Buddha, another called Butasp with the Bodhisattva, and Gaotema again with the Buddha under his appellative of Gautama,80 That is all. and, strictly speaking, that is nought. If Buiti must needs have an Indian parallel, it can only be Bhuta, a goblin or sprite. Batasp does not occur in the Avesta, but only in a passage in the Bundahesh (XXVIII., 35), which is forcefully so read after great straining. And as for Gaotema, it can by no possibility correspond to the Indian patronymie of Gautama. It answers to Gotama, the name of the Vedic bard, who probably already belonged to the Aryan mythology.
The consonance between Israelite and Iranian legends and ideas is of equal import; that is, in respect of the Aventa the similarities are of no moment. We meet with something of more substantial significance in the Bundahesh ; in other words, in a volume dating irom the later Sassanides. And even if the resemblances belonged to the most ancient component part of the Bundahesh, which
>> With reforence to Gautama, Martin Hang fell into the same orror.

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part has a great deal in common with the Damdat Nask, they can be satisfactorily explained on much more convincing grounds.
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It remains, then, to consider the principal indictment, to wit, that the whole system of the Gathic precepts, the fundamental tenets of the Zarathushtrian faith, is a feeble echo of Hellenistic philosophy, and mainly that of Philo Judæus. The Amesha Spentas do not belong to the ancient Mazdayasnian religion, but are philosophic, neo-Platonic ideas; in fact, Iranianized sons. And this simply because Voho-mano, the Amesha Spenta most intimately connected with Ahura Mazda, displays a few points of contact with the Logos of Philo. I have on another occasion analyzed the utter impossibility of this hypothesis and have shown that probably out of two of the Amesha Spentas, positively one appears as a god on the coins of the Indo-Scythian Kings Kanishka and Huvishka, though behind names that have been corrupted almost out of recognition;40 and that going so far back as Plutarch we find him correctly acquainted with the denominations and the import of the Amesha Spentas. Now Philo died about 25 A. D., which well nigh coincides with the date of Plutarch's birth. And the first-mentioned king ascended the throne in the year 78 A. D. Within, therefore, half a seculum the works of the Alexandrian philosophers must have been studied by the Persian theologians; the system which they created must have been worked ont and written down and made known to the Greeks. Moreover, the philosophic personifications, which they imitated from Philo, must have been so thoroughly transformed into popular deities that their names became totally deteriorated and it became possible for foreign potentates to assume them. This is simply inconceivable, and hence the hypothesis itself is nothing but an ingenious delusion.
Darmesteter is prepared to allow antiquity to a few of the precepts incorporated in the Avesta ; and of a truth he cannot but make the concession. Even Aristotle knew of Oromazdes and Arimanios and the extravagance of the dualism as referring to the Supreme Being. Theopompus speaks of the Zoroastrian Doctrine of palingenesis. Consequently both must have heard of these Avestan articles of faith prior to Alexander. The worship of Haoma cannot but have been in vogue for a long time previously, despite the omission of its mention in Herodotus or other Greek authors. It attests the Soma service of the tribally allied Indians. Finally, the tout ensemble of the practical and utilitarian moral code of the Parsis, perhaps the dogma, too, of universal genesis out of Boundless Time was not thought of so late as after the downfall of the Persian empire. But the doctrine of the Amesha Spentas and the Yazatas was unknown anterior to this epoch, and Ahura Mazda was a natare-god at the head of the entire pantheon of nature divinities. Hence this, and much besides which is peculiar to the Avesta, it is contended, dates from the Arsacides and the Sassanides. Now, to say nothing of other objections, it is not competent to us thus off-hand to brand some tenets as primitive because they happen to be mentioned here and there, and to hold as of latter-day growth what is dissociably joined with the creed and what constitutes the proper soil in which this article of belief has taken root, vis., the doctrine of Ahura Mazda being the sole real and beneficent deity, the creator exalted above his creatures and with his saints around and under him, because, forsooth, Plutarch is the first to advert to it. At any rate, we cannot raise the undoubtedly younger doctrine of Boundless Time, the origin of all creation, to the level of the well-founded tenet which regards Mazda as the uncreate God. The remote antiquity of the Amesha Spentas is directly proved by the mode in which Plutarch rehearses the doctrine. He knows and mentions the idea which subsequently grew so prominent, that over against the seven highest good spirits are arrayed seven evil genii, so that each of them has his antagonist in the realm of darknessa conception which is alien to the Avesta proper.
The most important positive proof for the antiquity of the Avesta lies in the language in which it is written. That the language was no longer current in the beginning of
40 Comp. the essays referred to ante.
41 Darmesteter conoludes this from the words hada bagaibis vithibis occurring in the ancient Persian inscrip tions, which words he altogether wrongly interprete. Comp. Verslagen in Mededeelingen der K. A. te Amsterdam,

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the Christian era any more than the Old Baktrian, no one denies. And yet we are asked to believe that in and after the first century A. D. the mobeds composed the 21 Masks of the Apesta in two dialects of this language, one older than the other, albeit they no more understood it and were obliged at the same time to immediately render them into the then vernacular of the empire, which was Pehlevi. To indite in a dead language is not only possible, bat is very common centuries after it bas ceased to be a spoken idiom. But this is feasible only provided we possess a literature wbich to look upon as our model, and not when the literature has perished, save for scanty minor fragments. The Pehlevi version of the Avesta books is adduced as a proof that the antique tongue was very well understood, at least in the initial period of the Sassanian domination. But it is one thing to hammer out the sense of writings in an archaic idiom, specially when the knowledge reposes more on scholastic tradition than on the language as each, and entirely another to write books in it-books poetic and of philosophical tenor. Furthermore, had the texts been forth with translated into the vulgar tongue, they would not have left so much to desire. The most zealous advocates of tradition (although one at times marvels at the sheer rigmarole they are capable of digesting) are now and again forced to deviate from it and strike out a path for themselves. It is not possible that the Gathas should have originated synchronously with Alexander. Their text is frequently past all interpretation and much mutilated, which argues general ignorance on part of those who inherited them from generation to generation. The offences against grammar and idiom on which we repeatedly light are not the regular and recurring faults of unschooled authors. They are so many illastrations of the supineness of illiterate guardians. The metre, exceedingly primitive in many respects, harmonious with the Vedic, and being archaic, is often confused. We need, however, but restore the correct forms, and it is again all in order. What should this prove bat that it was posterity and not the poets who were not at home in the prosody. It is perfectly within the range of possibility that under the Parthian monarchy, and even in the second Persian empire, people could draw up in Old Baktrien few glosses, brief litanies, benedictions, formulæ of adjaration, calendars, &c. ; nay, they could turn out verses, half plagiarized from the primitive texts, half imitated, and forming farrago of tnpoetic poems. Bat no one was able to compose a Gátha, the Vendidad, one of the longer Yashts, which we discussed in the foregoing section, in an age which heralded the period of the insane and imbecile scholasticism of the Pehlevi commentators.
The ancient Persian is most intimately allied to the Old Baktrian, Now we know that the former had so far grown obsolete already under the later Achæmenides that their inscriptions are veritable examples of cacography. It is not quite possible that the Baktrian at that date was still in its bloom. We can, at all events, conceive of two-sister speeches, one of them with a more protracted lesse of existence, and better-preserving obsolete word formations. But this can only be when the natives employing this dialect have little or no intercommunion, and when each of the two clans stand on a different plans of civilization. It is never the case when they profess the selfsame faith, cherish one sacred lore, and, what is more, owe allegiance to a common political constitution. That being so, it was inevitable that the East and the Wost Iranian, the language of the Apesta and the language of the Achæmenides, should proceed at an uniform pace in their development and their decay.
We cannot bere enter into too much detail. Else we should bring forward evidence to show that between the forms of the proper names as we find them in the Apesta and the Pehlevi version and on the coins of the Indo-Scythian rulers centuries must elapse. But we will not pass over in silence one personal name, for therefrom can be deduced one of the most striking proofs for the antiquity of the Apesta, viz., the name of the Supreme Godhead. Let us consider the vicissitudes which it has endured. The oldest form is, doubtless, Madrs Ahura or Ahura Mazda, looked upon and treated as two names, occasionally in the plural, placed in juxtaposition. In the Gathas the first-named sequence is the most usual, but the other, too. often occars; mostly both names are severed from each other by one or more words or at least by :

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cæsura, and they are always separately declined. So also in the remaining Gathic scripts. In the later books the position Mazda Ahura appears only in citations from the Gathic literature and in standing formulæ like the fire of Mazda-Ahura, and Manthra Spenta, the friend of Mazda-Ahura. Moreover, here we but rarely find A hura or Mazda singly as names of the Divinity, which isolated names are freqnently presented by the poets of the Gathas. With the exceptions indicated above, Ahura Mazla is the most common appellation in the posterior Avesta; yet the consciousness that it consists of two distinct words is not yet extinct. Leaving out of account a couple42 of very young passages, both the members are individually declined. In the inscriptions of the Achæmenides, however, Ahura Mazda has become one name, nor are the two substantives divided off by the sign which in the old Persian denotes the terminations of words. Excepting once only, 13 the second component alone is declined. Lastly, the Greeks recognize the name not otherwise than as a unity, Oromazes. and as such it remains among the Iranians of post-Alexandrian times, who abbreviate it into Auharmazd, Hormazd or Ormazed.
We shall not have to go far to arrive at the result of this investigation, if we reflect upon the exalted veneration in which the name of a god, and that the highest, was held in the past. The periods in which the combined names could be put down at pleasure, that is, could be disjoined or associated, or each member could singly be used, in which stages consequently there was still a vivid consciousness of their significance, must precede that stage in which they are arrayed in one fixed order, although they are uniformly considered as individual vocables and dealt with as such. And this transitional stage, again, must be older than the one during which the two-fold name has crystallized into one compound word, the first component of which is nerer or only exceptionally declined. The whole Avesta, therefore, represents a more archaic period of religious evolution than that evidenced by the rock-cut writings of the Achæmenides. Not, however, that every text of the later Avesta was drawn up in the pre-Persian times, for in the priestly schools the old tradition must have survived longer ; but we contend that in respect of its main position it is assignable to an age when the Ahura Mazdu had not developed, nor stratified, into the Aura Mazda of the later Persians. Briefly, the history of the Iranian equivalent of God corroborates what other facts teach us about the age of the Avesta and the form of the religion as exhibited in the latter."
I shall cursorily touch on the other arguments, which have been brought forward for or against this antiquity; but I cannot altogether pass them over unnoticed. Darmesteter opines that the political conditions reflected in the Avesta harmonize but with those of the Parthian monarchy. The Parthian sway was feudal. The large landholders ruled independently and were bound to follow the king only in war. Now, to Darmesteter the Avesta is cognisant of no higher political civic grade than that of the judiciary of a canton. Hence it cannot have been written during the Median or Persian monarchy. But, in the first place, the political institution under the Persian domination, prior to the introduction of a rigidly absolute monarchy by Darius Hystaspes, was the same as the Parthian, and it can scarcely be distinguished from the Median constitution. And, besides, it is not correct that the Avesta never speaks of a king or suzerainty. We need only call to mind the struggles for the possession of the regal glory or majesty of the Aryan lands, which so repeatedly turn up.
Of far greater moment are the pleas for the remote antiquity of the Avesta which are derived from reference in it to the political and economic relations of the countries. None of the tribes which have played an important part in history subsequent to the 9th century B. O., the Medians, Persians or Parthians, are once mentioned, The Avesta is aware of only the Aryans, such as, according to
+2 These are Yasna 7, 24 and 13,5: Ahura Mazda. The last passage may contains parely olerical oversight, for were we have a quotation from toe Yama Haptanghaiti. The genitive Ahuro Mazdao, Vendidad 19, 15, and Yama 71, 10 (where Justi and Darmesteter wrongly conjecture & vocative), is of another kind: simply a grammatioal mistake.
* In C (o and b) 10 and 17 (Xertea) we find the double genitive aranya mazdaha. 64 Comp. the exhaustive demonstration in my oft-cited treative "Over de Ordheid vou'l Avesta."

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Herodotus, the Medians named themselves. Nowhere are the distinguished vapitals spoken of, the Median Ekbatana or the residences of the Achæmenides, Susa, Persopolis or Pasargada, which latter was the city of the Magians, and a city of priesthood. The solitary considerable cities which are alladed to, assuming that we accept the traditional interpretation of the passages, are Nineve, which was devastated ia the 7th century, and Babylon 56 But in case Babylon is actually mentioned here, which is suspicious, and in the capacity of a seat of tyrants who dreamed of a world-Bovereignty but failed in their object, then that must be the memory or the legend of aboriginal times--times before the founding of his metropolis by Cyrus and anterior even to the Median kings, the friendly contemporaries of the Babylonians. In their days the time-honoured metropolis cannot figure as the abode of an odious usurper in the imagination of the Iranians. Under no circumstances it is open to us to take refuge in the assertion that the Median and Persian premier cities had already forfeited their importance when the Avesta was revealed. For then the question arises, how it was that the seats of later dynasts, the Seleucides, the Arsacides, and the Sassanides, are so totally ignored ? That Firdausi in his epies gives them the go-by is natural, in that he loves to adhere to tradition and makes a bare mention of a few Achæmenides.
The economical ciroumstances of the people among whom the Aresta had its home are in the last degree antique. All that has been stated in respect thereof is not conclusive. It is neither proved nor probable that they were unacquainted with the use of iron, gold, and salt. But what is proved beyond question, and will be shown in the sequel, amounts to this. The Gáthas are the original documents not merely of a religions but likewise an economic reform--a reform from the nomadic stage of life to settled husbandry. The gospel of such a reformation was not called for in the age of the Arsacides, nor under the foregoing monarchs of Iran. Religion and tillage have long since triumphed and permanently retain their close association. The whole body of the Apesta is a veritable sacrosanct writing calculated to establish a class of cultivators, composed of cattle tenders and peasants, with simple unsophisticated notions and usages; while the divisions of time, as in the religious prescriptions of the Vendidad and of the later Yasna, throughout answer to their primitive requirements. It is not till we come down to the Yashts that a different spirit reveals itself. It is the talk about royal majesty, about battles, and conquests; wherefor they must have, to hazard a surmise, originated in the times of kings. 7
On all these grounds we predicate a high antiquity of the Avesta. Should it be in vality composed after the commencement of our era, it would be one of the most mysterious and dexterous literary forgeries which have ever been perpetrated. One of the most dexterous, because the transgressors pitched upon a language, which was no more spoken and was no longer understood of the people collectively, and of which all original documents had perished. They wrote down in a more antiqne dialect the fragments they wished to be considered oldest. They set forth the religion of their creation with such consummate art that they infused vividness and fresbness into the hymns which were to be looked upon as archaic, and austereness into what was to be reputed of a subsequent growth; and finally they adulterated their religion with foreign elements. In a word, not only they fabricated religious texts, but also a whole course of religious unravelment, and were solicitous that the history of the language they employed kept pace with it. With studied assiduity they avoided what could
6 Plutarch, 0. 3. Plin. Hist, Nat. 6, 26.
46 Ninevo: Yasht 10, 104 and Yarna 5, 29 (which passage, however, the tradition translates differently). Darmesteter is totally incorrect when he thinks of a river.
Babylon Yasht 5, 29: Azhi Dahaka, the mythical snake that subsequently passed for a personification or symbol of foreign domination, orifices for the attainment of the sovereignty of soven quarters of the work, which
m. bawroish paiti da hoy, in the land of Babylon. The elasidation, however, is far from definite.
47 Comp. before all W. Geiger, Aeteranische Kultur im Alterum, Erlangen, 1862 (English tr. by Dastur Darab Sanjanal and Vaterland und Zeitalter des Avesta und Beiner Kultur, in sita. Berder Kgl. Baireah Akad. 18AL. p. 510 seq. Geiger ofton proves too much, but what Spiegel (Uber Vaterland und Zeitalter des Aveala, 2. D. M. G. 1887. p. 280 seg.) adduces aksinst it is quite as feeble as his previous osay on the subject-vide R. Roth. 2. D. X. G. 1880, p. 698.

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be referred to vieir own generation, Damed no names beyond those of mythic antiquity, and in all this did not betray themselves once. One of the most mysterious, because this product of imposition hecame within a few years universally accepted. The fictitious figures of a counterfeit theosophy were transmuted forthwith into popular deities, and were immediately thereafter acknowledged by native and foreign princes. Nay, more, in those very schools whence these compositions emanated it was possible for men simultaneously to produoe a very defective rendering with elucidations which not unfrequently succeeded in completely obscuring the sense of the original. Methinks such a forgery is impossible. Rather am I persuaded that the writings whose contents investigated with critical exactitude so clearly helps a comprehension of the process of evolation of the Zoroastrian religion are genuine and antique documents. The sketch of this development, wbich we are about to draw, will prove the most conclusive arguments in its support.
To contract the period of the origin of this scripture within narrower limits we lack historical data. Some scholars hold that the older part of it belongs to the 13th pre-Christian centary, and incline to a still dimmer part. Others conjecture that the date of the Avesta literature is to be set down between 1000 and 600 B. 0.49 I am convinced that we must place the earliest pieces of the later Avesta (if not in the form of its present redaction) not much later than 800 B. C. The Gathic writings are, as a matter of course, a couple of centuries older, albeit later than the rise and the first promulgation of the faith. But on this point we may but make conjectures,
(To be continued.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
(1) Domestic Ceremonies.1
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. The life of a Singhalese man consists from the day of his birth of minute domestic observances and ceremonies; although these slightly differ in the different parts of the island and many details in them are forgotten or discontinued owing to the adoption of Western methods and modes of thought, they are in the general outline quite the same.
When a mother is pregnant she avoids looking at deformed persons, or ugly images and pictures, fearing the impression she geta from them may influence the appearance of her offspring; during this delicate period she generally pounds rice with a pestle, as the exertion is supposed to assist delivery, and for the same purpose a few hours before the birth of the child all the cupboards in the house are unlocked. For her to cling to, when the pains of child-birth are unbearable, & rope tied to the roof hangs by the mat or bedside; and it is popalarly believed that at the birth of Buddha the trees of the garden of Lumbini bent themselves that their branches may render to Queen Maya a similar assistance.
The water that the child is washed in after birth is poured on to the foot of a young tree, and the latter is remembered and pointed out to commemorate the event; & little while after the infant is ushered into the world a rite takes place, when a drop of human milk with a little gold
Bartholomae, Handbuch der Alteranischen Dialekte, p. 1 sg. 1 For further particulars on this subject the reader is referred to:
(1) Knor's Historical Relation of Ceylon (1861), pp. 98 and 118. (2) Percival's Account of the Laland of Ceylon (1808), p. 179. (8) Davy's Account of the Interior of Coylon (1821), p. 277. () Forbes' Eleven Years in Ceylon (1840), VOL I. p. 325. (5) Tho Coylon Magazine (1841), Vol. I. p. 278. (6) Young Coylon (1852), VOL III. p. 55. (7) The Iriond (Second Series, 1870), Vol. I. p. 110. (8) Asiatie Society's Journal of Ceylon (1881), Vol. VII. p. 40. (9) The Orientalist (1884), Vol. I. p. 116; and (1887), Vol. III. p. 120. (10) The Taprobanian (1887), Vol. II. p. 47. (11) The Monthly Literary Register (New Seriou, 1898), Vol. I. p. 177.

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this is an invocation to Sarasvati,
rubbed in it is given to the babe (rankiri kata ganavd), the goddess of speech, and the little child's ability to learn and pronounce well is assured.
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When the sex of the child is known, if it be a boy a pestle is thrown from one side of the house to the other; if a girl, an ikle broom; those who are not in the room pretend to find out whether it is a she or a he by its first cry, believing it is louder in the case of the former than of the latter. The cries of the babe are drowned by those of the nurse, lest the spirits of the forest become aware of its presence and inflict injury on it.
The mother is never kept alone in the room, a light is kept burning in it night and day, and the oil of the margosa is much used in the room for protection; this tree is sacred to the Seven Ammas (or Mothers) left in charge of the earth by the goddess Pattini, who is probably Durga in her beneficent aspect. Care is taken that the navel cord is not buried and a little of it is given to the mother with betel if she falls severely ill. Visitors to the lying-in-room give presents to the midwife when the child is handed to them, especially if it is the first-born one.
A month after birth, the babe, nicely dressed and with tiny garlands of Acorus calamus (wadakaha) and Allium sativum (sudu lúnu) tied round its wrists and lamp-black applied under the eye-brows, is for the first time brought out to see the light of day (dottavaḍanava); and it is made to look at a lamp placed in the centre of a mat or table, with cakes (kevum) made of rice-flour, jaggery, and cocoanut oil, plantains, rice boiled with cocoan it milk (kiribat), and other eatables placed around it. The midwife then hands round the little child to the relatives and gets some presents for herself.
A thank offering to the seven Ammâs is performed three months after childbirth, when seven married women are invited to partake of kevum, kiribat, and plantains. Before eating they wash their mouths, faces and feet, and purify themselves with turmeric water; a lamp with seven wicks representing the seven Mothers is kept where they are served. After the repast they severally blow out a wick, and take away what is left of the provisions with them. This ceremony is also performed when a family recovers from Small-pox or a kindred disease.
The rite of eating rice (indul kataganavá or bat kavanavá) is gone through when the child is seven months old; the same eatables are spread on a plantain-leaf with different kinds of coins, and the child placed among them; what it first touches is carefully observed, and if it be kiribat it is considered very auspicious. The father or grandfather places a few grains of rice in the child's mouth, and the name that is used at home (bat nama) is given on that day. The astrologer, who has already cast the infant's horoscope and has informed the parents of its future, is consulted for a lucky day and hour for the performance of the above observances.
The children are allowed to ran in complete nudity till about five years and are completely shaved when young; a little of the hair first cut is carefully preserved. From an early age a boy is sent every morning to the pansala, where the village priest keeps his little school, till a certain course of reading is completed and he is old enough to assist the father in the fields. The first day he is taught the alphabet a rite is celebrated (at pot tiyanava), when a platform is erected, and on it are placed sandal-wood, a light, resin, kiribat, kevum, and other forms of rice-cakes as an offering to Ganesa, the God of Wisdom, and the remover of all obstacles and difficulties. At a lucky hour the pupil washes the feet of his future guru, offers him betel, worships him and receives the book, which he has to learn, at his hands. And, as the first letters of the alphabet are repeated by him after his master, a husked cocoanut is cut in two as an invocation to Ganêés. A girl is less favoared and has to depend for her literary education on her mother or an elder sister; more attention, however, is paid to teach her the domestic requirements of cooking, weaving, knitting, etc., which will make her a good wife.

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On the attainment of the years of puberty by a girl she is confined to a room, no male being allowed to see her or be seen by her. After two weeks she is taken out with her face covered and bathed at the back of the house by the female inmates, except little girls and widows, with the assistance of the family laundress, who takes all the jewellery on the maiden's person. Near the bathing-place are kept branches of any milk-bearing tree, usually of the jak-tree. On her return from her purification, her head and face, still covered, she goes three times round a mat having on it kiribat, plantains, seven kinds of curries, rice, cocoanats, and, in the centre, a lamp with seven lighted wicks; and as she does she poands with a pestle some paddy scattered round the provisions. Next, she removes the covering, throws it on to the dhobi (washerwoman), and, after making obeisance to the lamp and patting out its wicks by clapping her hands, presents the laundress with money placed on & betel-leaf. She is then greeted by her relatives, who are usuall invited to a feast, and is presented by them with valuable trinkets. Everything that was made use of for the ceremony is given to the washer-woman. In some cases, till the period of purification is over, the maiden is kept in a separate hut which is afterwards barnt down. Girls who have arrived at the age of puberty are not allowed to remain alone, as devils may possess them and drive them mad; and till three months have elapsed no fried food of any sort is given to them.
The 'shaving of the board' is the rite the young man has to go through; it is performed at a lacky hour and usually takes place a few days before marriage; the baber here plays the important part the laundress did in the other. The shavings are put into a cap, and the person operated on, as well as his relatives who have been invited, put money into it; this is taken by the barber, and the former are thrown on to a roof that they may not be trampled upon.
Marriages are arranged between two families by a relative or a trusted servant of one of them, who, if successful, is handsomely rewarded by both parties. The chances of success depend on the state of the horoscopes of the two intended partners, their respectability which forms & very important factor in the match, the dowry which used to consist of agricultural implements, a few head of cattle, and domestic requisites, together with a small sum of money to set the couple going, and, if connected, the distance of relationship. Two sisters' or brothers' children are rarely allowed to marry, but the solicitation of a mother's brother's or a father's sister's son is always preferred to that of any other.
A few days before the marriage, the two families, in their respective hamlets, send a messenger from house to house to ask, by presenting betel, the fellow-villagers of their own caste for a breakfast, and the guests bring with them presents in money. Only few, however, are invited to the wedding; and the party of the bridegroom, consisting of two groomsmen, an attendant carrying a talipot shade over him, musicians, pingo-bearers, relatives and friends, arrives in the evening at the bride's village and halts at a distance from her house. A messenger is then sent in advance with a few pingo-loads of plantains, and with betel-leaves equal in number to the guests, to inform of their arrival; and when permission is received to proceed, generally by the firing of a jingal, they advance, and are received with all marks of honour; wbite cloth is spread all the way by the washerman, and at the entrance a younger brother of the bride washes the bridegroom's feet and receives a ring as a present. A sum of money is paid to the dhobi (washerman) as a recompense for bis services. They are then entertained with music, food, and betel till the small hours of the morning, when the marriage ceremony commences. The bride and the bridegroom are raised by two of their maternal ancles on to a dais covered with white cloth, and baving on it a heap of raw rice, cocoanato, betel-leaves, and coins. A white jacket and a cloth to wear are presented by the bridegroom to the bride; betel and balls of boiled rice are exchanged; their thumbs are tied together by a thread, and, while water is poured on their hands from a spoated vessel by the bride's father, certain benedictory verges are recited. Last of all, a web of wbite cloth is presented by the bridegroom to the bride's mother; and it is divided among her relatives.

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In connection with this presentation it is said that if the mother-in-law be dead, the web should be left in a thicket hard by to appease her spirit.
On the day after the wedding the married couple return to their future home with great rejoicing, and on their entering the house a husked cocoanut is cut in two on the threshold.
The tokens of virginity are observed by the bridegroom's mother, and the visit of the parents and relatives of the bride a few days after completes the round of ceremonies.
There is a peculiar custom not generally known, and almost totally extinct, called kula kanava, that is, making one respectable by eating with him. If a member of a family makes a mésalliance he is cast out of his gôtra, and should he want his children and himself to be recognized and taken back by the relatives, the latter are induced to attend and partake of a feast given by him at his house. The 'making up' takes place when very many years have elapsed, and only if the wife who was the cause of the breach is dead. The difference due to marriage with another caste or nationality is never healed up.
Even in the presence of grim Death ceremonies are not wanting; if the dying patient is known to have been fond of his earthly belongings, and seems to delay in quitting this life, a few pieces of his furniture are washed and a little drop of the water given to him. A lamp is kept burning near the corpse, the body is washed before burial, and a piece of cotton or a betel-leaf is put into its mouth. All the time the body is in the house nothing is cooked, and the inmates eat the food supplied by their neighbours (adukku).
No one of the same village is told of the death, but all are expected to attend the funeral; the outlying villages, however, are informed by a relative who goes from house to house conveying the sad news.
The visitors are given seats covered with white cloth; and the betel for them to chew are offered with the backs of the leaves upwards as an indication of sorrow. In rare cases, only the relatives come, while friends leave betel at a distance from the house and go away fearing pollution. It may be observed in passing that, according to the Singhalese belief, this is caused by the attaining of puberty by a maiden which lasts fourteen days; by the monthly course of a woman which lasts till she bathes; by child-birth which lasts one month; and by death which lasts three months.
Friends and relatives salute the body with their hands clasped in the attitude of prayer, and only the members of the family kiss it. The route along which the funeral proceeds is previously strewn with white sand, and the coffin is carried by the closest relatives, with the cloth to be given to the priests for celebrating the service thrown on it, over white foot-cloth spread by the dhobi, and preceded by the tom-tom beaters with muffled drums. Lights are carried by the coffin and a shade is held over the head of it.
The service commences with the intoning of the three Refuges of Buddhism and the Five Vows of Abstinence by one of the priests, and they are repeated after by those present, all squatting on the ground. The cloth, referred to, is then given to be touched by the bystanders in order to partake of the merits of the almsgiving; one end of it is placed on the coffin, and the other is held by the priests. They recite three times the Pali verse that all organic and inorganic matter are impermanent, that their nature is to be born and die, and that cessation of existence is happiness; and while water is poured from a spouted vessel into a cup or basin, they chant the lines that the fruits of charity reach the departed even as swollen rivers fill the ocean and the rain-water that falls on hill-tops descends to the plain. A short ex tempore speech by a priest on the virtues of the deceased completes the service.
If it be a burial, the grave is by the roadside of the garden with a thatched covering over it. Two lights are lit at the head and the foot of the mound, the bier in which the coffin was carried placed over it, and a young tree planted to mark its site.

Page #386

382
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1902.
If & cremation, the coffin is first carried with music three times round the pyre, and the latter is set fire to by the sons or nephews with their faces turned away from it. Those assembled leave when the pyre is half barnt; and on the following day, or a few days after, the ashes are collected and buried in the garden of the deceased, over which a colamn is erected, or are thrown into the nearest stream.
The funeral party bathe before returning to the house, and are supplied by the dhobi with newly-washed clothes; during their absence the house is well cleansed and purified by the sprinkling of water mixed with cow-dang; and the visitors before leaving partake of a meal either bronght from some neighbour's or cooked after the body had been removed,
The day after barial an almagiving of conjee to priests and paupers takes place, when a little of it in a rolled-up leaf is kept on a tree, or at a meeting of roads. If a crow or any other bird eats of it, it is a sign that the deceased has gone to the land of the blessed. Otherwise it indicates that it has reached the stage of an elemental (perStayd). On this occasion all the belongings of the dead man are given away in charity. Seven days after there is an almsgiving of rice, when & similar leaf is again made use of as a further sign. Three months after is the last almsgiving, which is done on a large scale. Relatives are invited for a feast, and all signs of sorrow are banished from that day.
It is traditionally maintained that if this last feast be not given, the spirit of the dead man comes to the boundary of the garden; if the omission is not made good after six months, it takes its stand near the well, and when nine months have-elapsed, it stays at the doorway of the house, watches at the food eaten by the inmates and causes indigestion. After twelve months it enters the house and commences to haunt it and make its presence felt by kaavish tricks, when it is execrated as a gevalaya (goblin) till got rid of by "devil" ceremonies.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITA CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 321.)
1794. NO. VII. Fort William 7th April 1794. Road a Letter and its Enclosure from the Military Auditor General,
Milty And: General dated 15 March 1794 Honble Sir John Shore Bar! Gov! Gen! &ca. &ca. &ca., in Council.
Honble Sir, 1. I received on the 8th Inst! MI Sub Secretary Shakespeare Letter of the 21h Ultimo, and According to your decisions therein conveyed I have Audited the Accounts of the Superintendant of the Andamans.
2. It was not perhaps in the Recollection of Government when they passed these decisions that the Accounts had been referred to this Office for report as long Ago as August last. It was my intention to have sent up the report at that time, but having in the Course of examining the Accounts observed several Articles that required previous explanation I applied to Major Kyd in the terms of the enclosed paper Marked N: 1.

Page #387

SEPTEMBER, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
883
3. The Major informed me that it was in M: Secretary Hay's Power to obviate all Objections by furnishing the Authorities which sanctioned the Charges Alluded to, and that he would accordingly do this, but I now find that Major Kyd without further communication to this Office wrote to the Board on the Subject of them, and this produced a decision on the Charges before the Report on the reference to this Office could be sent ap.
4. The 7th Act. in the Account Current are Charges made by the Commissary of Provisions and stores which Major Kyd informed the Board, in his Letter to My Secretary Hay he had "no doubt was according to the Forms laid by the Regulations."
5. There was not any Question that I know of, put, relative to mere form; the Objection was more Substantial that the Personal Allowance of Se Rs. 250 per Month drawn by the Commissary of Stores was not authorized by any Order of Government received in this Office. It has however been now passed for the Sum drawn in consequence of the Boards decision of the 21t Ultimo but it is necessary that I should be informed whether or not it is the Intention of Government to consider this Allowance permanent, in order that if it is I may be able to insert it in the fixed Establishments of Military Charges. It is my duty at the same time to Notice that the Staff Allowance to a Commissary at Prince of Wales Island was 50 Rupees per Month, 'till it was recently raised to 62 Rupees per Month with 70 Rupees for Writers Stationary &c.
6. Full Batta is drawn for the whole Detachment from the 1st February tho' they did not embark 80 soon. It has however been passed According to the Boards Order.
7. The Artificers drawn by the Superintendant, upon the whole, fall short of the Establishment fized by Government in their Resolutions of the 18th of Febry 1793, but the description of People charged for do not correspond with those laid down by the Board.
8. The whole of the Charges in Major Kyds Account Current have been passed agreeably to the decisions of the Board, but as no Voucher was ever produced for the S! R: 6270 ,, 4,, 4 paid to Captain Blair, nor for the Sum of 8! Rs. 52. 4 said to have been paid for Commission, I have in consequence of the Boards decision admitted these Sams on the face of the Account Current itself for want of other Vouchers for these Items. Acoounts Current however are only regular as Statements between the Pay Office General and the Parties to whom Advances are made - but as the circumstance of not producing proper Vouchers if countenanced would introduce a relaxation in Money transactions that might be detrimental to the Publio. I cannot allow, as Major Kyd seems to think, that it would be proper generally to dispence with Vouchers on the declaration of any Man however satisfied I might be of his Integrity, as indeed I am of the Majors most perfectly. I have the honor to be, With the greatest Respect, Honble Sir,
Your Most Obedt & faithful Servt Mily Aud: Genl. Office
(Signed) John Murray 15th March 1794.
Colonel & M! Aud. Gen!. Copy of Memorandum sent to Major Kyd 29 August 1798 requesting him to Annex such explanation as he pleased to each Article.
The Charge of a Salary of 250 Sicca Rupees per Month, for Lieut! Wells as Commissary of Stores and Provisions, has not been Authorized by any Information received in this Office.
The Charge for Cash paid to Captain A. Blair Amounting to g! R6,270.4.4, cannot be admitted in the Military part of the Disbursements, the Voncher for this Charge, did not Accompany the Accounts.

Page #388

384
[SEPTEMBER, 1902.
The Contingent Bills for Sicca Rupees 3455.5.1 Ought to be laid before the Board agreeable to the Order on that Subject, dated the 18th of February last, but as these Orders expressed, that the Bills for Contingent Charges should be Accompanied by Vouchers, and the fullest explanation for the necessity of incurring them, it is recommended to Major Kyd to write such a Letter as he thinks proper, on the Subject to the Auditor Gen', to be sent up to Government with the Bill.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
There is a Charge for an Advance of 4 Months Allowances to European and Native Artificers, said to commence the 1st of February 1793, which should have been drawn in the form of an Abstract, detailing the Number and discriptions of People, to whom four Months Pay was Advanced, and a list of their Names.
This last paper cannot, perhaps be now conveniently obtained, if not, the charge will be passed, but in that case, nothing can be allowed for the same number of People, till the Month of June; whereas, if the Accounts are understood, some of these men are again drawn for from the 16th of March, up to 31st of May inclusive.
Certificates should have been produced of the last Pay received by the men drafted from any of the Corps in Bengal.
Mility Aud! Genl: Office
234 August 1793
A true Copy.
(Signed) F. Corfield
Assist to the Mility Aud! Gen!
Ordered upon the Subjects of the 5th and 8th Paragraphs of the Military Auditor General's Letter, dated the 15th Ultimo, that he be informed that a Resolution was passed for fixing the personal Allowances of the Commissary of Stores at the Andaman Islands at Sicca Rupees 250 per Mensem, and that the Sum of Sicca Rupees 6270.4.4 paid to Captain Blair, was passed as having been admitted upon Credit for the same having been given by Captain Blair in his Accounts that are lodged in the Office of the Acting Marine Paymaster.
1794. No. VIII.
Fort William 7th April 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the first Assistant to the Secretary of the Military Board.
First Assistant to the Secretary of the Military Board dated 24 April 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Mil! Ba Office the 24 April 1794.
Sir,- Enclosed I have the honor to transmit Copy of Indent No. 1126 which has been this Day passed by the Military Board in Circulation for a Supply of Articles required at the Andamans which you are requested to lay before the Governor General in Council intimating the Wish of the Board to be informed whether the Stores shall be sent and by what Conveyance.
I have the honor to be &c
(Signed) A. Green
1st Ap! My Ba

Page #389

SEPTEMBER, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
(Copy) No 1126. Indent No 7.
To Lieut. William Golding Commissary of Stores Fort William.
Baskets Rattan
Barrows Wheel
Do Hand
Oil Linseed Pitch...
Maunds ...Barrels
Rope Europe. 2 Inch Coils
Do Ratline...
Do
Screwplates
Do.
Tar
Tarpaulins
...
...
...
large
small
...Barrels
large
Total reed since the 1st May 1793.
...
Balance remaining in Store.
...
Articles Indented for.
Port Cornwallis 1st March 1794. My Ba Office the 24 April 1794. Passed by the My B4 in Consultation this day. (Signed) A Green 1st Ass! My Ba
1000
50
100
2
1
2
2
1
1
2
For what purposes wanted.
40
For the Labourers.
Do
Do
For Paints Boats. &ca
For Repair of Boats
Do
Do
For the Artificers.
385
...
Admtted by the Board.
1000
Do
For Boats & ca
For protection of Stores.
(Sign'd) Edmund Wells Comm3 of Stores.
50
100
2
1
2
.2
1
1 2
40
Ordered that the Military Board be informed that the Stores, mentioned in Lient Wells's Indent are to be sent to the Andamans in the Snow Daphne.
1794. No. IX.
Fort William 7th April 1794. The following Letter and its Enclosures were received, on the 5th Instant, from the Superintendant at the Andamans on the Arrival of the Snow Cornwallis. Super! Andamans dated 20th March 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq? Secretary to. Government.
Sir, I beg you will acquaint the Honble the Governor General in Council that as we have now two Vessels here unemployed, I have dispatched the Cornwallis Snow to Bengal and have indorsed on the Garrison Store Keeper for a small quantity of Provisions.
By this Vessel Lieutenant Wells returns to Calcutta whose health has suffered so much that he finds himself obliged to request permission to resign his Appointments here. The loss of this Officer I lament very much as I have received the greatest Assistance from him, and the Public much advantage by the excellent arrangements he has made in all the departments, which were under his charge, and in one instance the considerable saving of one third of all the provisions that was expended, as will appear by a comparison of the expenditures, before and since he took charge of the Provision Department,

Page #390

386
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1902.
The Accompanying Letter from Lieut! Wells claiming some Staff Allowance, for the time that he has had Charge of the Settlement, I do not hesitate to forward to the Governor General in Council as also to declare that the Appointments which the Board were pleased to grant to Lieut! Wells appear to have been inadequate to the duties he had to perform, and that I shall be much gratified if the Board will consider the services he has rendered, by some further Allowance, and Altho it is With Reluctance I do it, yet I think this is the best time to declare that after One years experience, I find that the Allowance which the Board have been pleased to attain [? attach] to my Office has not been adequate to the absolute necessary expences of the Situation, I am therefore hopeful that it will not be thought unreasonable in me, to request that an addition May be made to my Salary I am very sorry to acquaint you that the European Artillery Men recover so very slowly that I have been enduced from the representation of the Surgeon a Copy of whose Letter I send, to send the greatest part of them to Calcutta, on this Vessel, having only kept a Serjeant, a Corporal and two of the healthiest of the Men.
Accompanying I transmit you Lieut! Wells's Account Current of Receipts and Disbursements, made up to the 15th Instant, with the Various Vouchers therein mentioned. The People of all classes are paid up to the 1st of this Month, but you will perceive there is now but a small Balance of Cash in the Public Treasure Chest Altho' I have since received into it the Sum of Sicca Rupees 7800,,,, from various individuals for which I have granted Bills as by the Accompanying List, and I may yet expect to collect a small Sum more it will however be necessary that a Sum not less [than] 15,000 Sicca Rupees half in Gold and half in Silver, be sent by the Cornwallis.
I have written to Lieut! Sandys to procure and send down by the Cornwallis a small number of very necessary Artificers to Supply the place of those that have died or who we have been obliged to allow to return to Calcutta and request that on his application a passage may be ordered for them.
To Lieut! Ramsay I have given charge of the Sepoy Detachment and to Ensign Stokoe the management of the Provision and Store Department, Altho' another Sepoy Officer would be very necessary, I do not think it would be prudent at this time to Apply for One, as the Sickly Season is fast approaching but will rather allow things to remain as they are till after
the rains.
I beg you will acquaint the Board that the Dispatch Brig left here by Admiral Cornwallis is now in great want of repair and if left in her present state must soon be unserviceable, I beg to know what is to be done with this Vessel. It appears to me that she is of very little value but might be useful in sending occasionally to the Nicobars for Stock and Fruit for the Settlement or to Diamond Island for Turtle, but before she can be moved from this place, her Sails which I understand the Admiral delivered to the Marine Store Keeper in Calcutta, should be sent down which I request may be done by the Cornwallis.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obed: Servant (Signed) A. Kyd Supert Andamans. Enclosure I.
20th March 1794.
To Major A. Kyd Superintendant & Commandant of the Andamans.
Sir, I beg leave to Submit to your Consideration and Opinion, the propriety of my applying to Government for Staff Allowance as acting in the capacity of Superintendant and Commandant of this Settlement during the time that Public Affairs have required your residence at Calcutta. You are so perfectly sensible, Sir, of the nature of the Duties dependant on the Station, that it is needless for me either to trouble you with a recital of them, or to revert to their augmented labour and anxiety which various Causes combined to occasionIn receiving this representation, it will probably occur to you, that the principle of guarding

Page #391

SEPTEMBER, 1902.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
387 = against Expences which have the appearance of a double Charge upon the public, may operate as an exception to it. But I hambly presume to think with all respectfull deference, that when Contingencies arise out of Circumst ances unforeseen or unprovided for, the Assent of Government to their admission, will not be withheld, though there be no existing Regulations exactly applicable to the Oase, if it be founded upon grounds of equitable Justice. Should these Sentiments meet the concurrence of your judgement, I hope you will do me the favor to forward the application to the Honble the Governor Genl. in Council, supported with such observations from yourself as you may think it deserves. I have the Honor to be with much Respect and Regard, Sir,
Your most Obedt & faithful humble Servant Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Edmund Wells March 19th 1794.
Lieutenant.
Enclosure II. Major Alexander Kyd, Superintendant Andamans.
Sir, I have with great Concern observed the Sickly State of the Detachment of Artillery, since their Arrival at Port Cornwallis ; at a time when the other Europeans on Shore, as well as those on board the Vessels in the Harbour are enjoying uninterrupted good Health. The Sickness has been general, but particularly severe on Several who had been Ill in Bengal, and were landed rather in a debilitated State,
. I beg leave strinuously to recommend a Sea Voyage for those who have suffered most, being firmly persuaded, they will not be able to acquire a sufficient Stock of Health, before the Betting in of the Rains, to insure them against the agues that must be expected during the South West Mongoon, untill the Woods can be cleared away that are close to the Settlement. I am with great Respect Sir, Your most Obed: humble Serv!
(Signed) David Wood
Acts in a Med! Capacity.
(To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
(Continued from p. 359.) Cobre Capel ; ann. 1672 : o. v. Cobra de Capelle, Coceas; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. 173, i.
Cocelbaxas; ann. 1606: S. v. Kuzzilbash, 880, i. Coca; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii, 8. v. Coprah, 196, Cocen; ann. 1503: 8. v. Cochin, 173, i. i ; ann. 1519 : s. v. Coco, 176, i.
Coche; ann. 1519: 8. v. Coco, 176, i; ann. 1587: Cocatores ; ann. 1775: 8. v. Cockatoo, 175, i. 8. o. Deling, 235, i. Cocci; 8. v. Cochin, 173, i.
Cochiin ; ann. 1598 : 8.0. Angely-wood, 758, i. Coccincina; ann. 1606: . . Cochin-China, Cochim ; 8. o. Cochin, 173, ii; ann. 1516 : a. v. 174, i.
Sambook, 595, ii; ann. 1570: 8. v. SappanCoccus ; ann. 1568: 8. D. Mace (a), 404, i. wood, 600, i; ann. 1572: 8. o. Quilon, 570, ii, Coccus ilicis; 8. v. Lac, 880, ii.
twice; ann. 1634 : . o. Nambeadarim, 471, Coccus Lacca; 6. v. Lac, 380, ii.
ii; ann. 1644 : &. . Hoogly, 322, i, twice; Coccyx; ann. 1681 : . v. Gecko, 280, i.
8. v. Tuticorin, 721, i.

Page #392

388
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1902.
Cochin; 8. v. 178, ii, twice, 781, i, see 64, i, Cocintaya; ann. 1375: 8. v. Concan, 189, ii.
footnote, s.o. Cochin-China, 174, i and footnote, Cockatoo ; 6. v. 174, ii. 8. o. Factory, 264, i, 8. v. Moor, 445, ii, 8.0. Cockatoons ; ann. 1678: 3. v. Cockatoo, 175, i. Moplah, 448, ii, 8. o. Pulá, 557, ii, s, . Tama- Cocket; ann. 1769: 8.0. Hosbolhookhum, 807, il. rind-fish, 681, i, 8. . Amuck, 756, ii, twice; | Cock-Fortress ; 8. v. Calicut, 113, ii. ann. 1502 : 8.0. Batta. 762, ii; ann. 1503 : Cock-Indi ; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii, twice, 8.v. Sombrero, 646, ii ; ann. 1504 : 8. v. Caimal, Cockoly ; 8. . Cowcolly, 785, ii. 770, ii, twice ; ann. 1505: 8. v. Pegu, 525, 1; Cockroach ; 8. v. 175, i, 781, i; ann. 1764 and ann. 1506: 8.0. Tara, 861, ii; ann. 1514: 8. v. 1775: 8. v, 175, i. Nicobar Islands, 478, ii; ann. 1515: 8. v. Cock's crow; 202, ii, footnote. Neelam, 829, ii; ann. 1518: 8.0, Gallevat (a), Cock's eye ; 8. v. Ruttee, 587, ii. 277, i; ann. 1519 : 8. . Pulicat, 557, ii; Cockup ; 8. v. 175, i, 8. v. Bhikty, 70, i, s. v. ann. 1524 : &, v. Maistry, 821, ii ; ann. 1535 : Tamarind-fish, 681, i. 8. v. Cranganore, 211, ii; ann. 1543 ; s.v. Cocnur ; ann. 1621 : 8.v. Cuscuss, 787, i. Chilao, 777, ii ; ann. 1552: 8. o. Anchediva, Coco; 8. v. 175, ii, 781, i, 8. v. Coprah, 196, i, 20, ii, 8. v. Catur, 135, i; ann. 1553.: 8. v. twice, 8. v. Sura, 663, ii; ann. 1030 (twice) Tanor, 861, ii ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Panikar, and 1503: 8. v. Maldives, 418, i; ann. 1553 : 510, i; ann. 1563: 8. v. Moor, 446, i, s. D. 8. t. 176, i; ann. 1561: 8. v. Ollah, 485, i ; Zamorim, 745, ii ; ann. 1566 : 8. v. A Muck, ann. 1569 : 8. v. 176, i and if ; 8. v. Coco-de14, i; ann. 1566-68: 8. v. Carrack, 127, i; Mer, 177, ii, 8. v. Coprah, 196, i; ann. 1578: ann. 1567: 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i ; ann. 1572:8.0. 8. v. 176, ii, 8. v. Coprah, 196, i; ann. 1586: 174, i, twice, 8. o. Cranganore; 211, ii; ann. 8. 7. Areca, 25, ii; ann. 1588: 8. D. Sweet 1578: 8. ». Cashew, 129, i; ann. 1584: 8. o. Potato, 673, i; ann. 1598: 8. v. 176, ii ; ann. A Muck, 14, i, 8. v. Coprah, 196, i, s. v. 1610: 8. v. Oart, 484, ii, 8.0. Seychelle, 617, Sandal, 597, ii, 8. v. Pardao, 841, i; ann. ii; ann 1686: 8. 8. Plantain, 542, i; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Polea, 543, ii ; ann. 1624, s.r. 1690: 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii ; ann. 1753: 8. v. A Muck, 14, ii ; ann. 1644: 8. v. Doney, Narcondam, 829, i ; ann. 1808: 8.0. Putchock, 250, i, 8. o. Nair, 471, i, 8. r. Tootnague, 711, 565, i ; ann. 1881: v. v. 176, ii, twice. i, 8. v. Veranda, 737, ii; ann. 1665: 8. v. Cocoa; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii; ann. 1810: s.. Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 1666: 8. o. Factor, 263, Coco, 176, ii. i; ann. 1757: 8. v. Cochin Leg, 174, ii ; ann. Cocoanut ; 8. v. Laddoo, 400, i; ann. 1300 : 6-8, 1881 : 8. v. Tuticorin, 721, ii.
Nicobar Islands, 478, ii. Cochinchina ; ann. 1535: 8. 9. Cochin-China, Cocoa-Nut; ann. 1727: 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i.
174, i ; ann. 1616: 8. v. Sappan-wood, 600, i. Cocoa-nut ; 8.v. Coco, 175, ii ; ann, 1516: 8.. ArCochin-China; 8. v. China, 150, ii, 8. v. 174, i, rack, 26, i ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Cadjan (8), 107, ii,
8. v. Dispatchadore, 246, i, see 332, ii, footnote, 8. v. Cobily Mash, 172, ii; ann, 1777 ! 8. D.
8. 2. Sapeca, 599, ii, 8. v. Sugar, 654, i, twice. Coco-de-Mer, 178, i ; ann, 1813: s.c. Chutny, Cochin China; 8. v. Champa, 140, i, 8. v. China, 170, i; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Curry, 219, i; ann.
150, ii, 8. v. Chumpuk, 167, ii, 8. v. Eagle- 1883: 8. v. Coprah, 196, i and ii. wood, 258, i, 8. v. Factory, 264, ii, 8. v. Guava, Cocos-nut oil; 8. v. Shade, 619, i; ann. 1860 : 306, i, see 519, ii, footnote, 8. v. Siam, 631, ü; 8. o. Coprah, 196, i. ann. 1614: 8. r. Varella, 784, i ; ann. 1696: Cacoa-nut tree; ann. 1727: 8. v. Buckshaw, 89, ii, 8. v. Compound, 782, i.
8. v. Cowry, 209, ii. Cochin Chine; unn. 1612: 8. v. Sumatra, 658, ii. Cocos-palm ; 8. r. Coco, 781, i. Cochin Chinese ; ann. 1696 : 8. o. Champa, 140, ii. Coco-de-Mer ; 8. v. 176, ii, 781, i; ann. 1572: Cochin Leg; 8. v. 174, ii ; ann. 1757 and 1781: 1 8. v. Maldives, 418, ii; ann. 1610 : .. . 8. o. 174, il.
Seychelle, 617, ii; ann. 1678: 8. v. 178, i. Cochin-leg ; ann. 1813: 8. o. Cochin Leg, 174, i. Coco-de-Mer; ann. 1883 : 8. o. Coco-de-Mer, Cochym; ann. 1510: 8. o. Coir, 180, ii ; ann. 178, i. 1562: 1, v. Beadala, 57, ii.
Cocoe ; ann. 1680: 3. . Papayı, 511, ü; ann. Cocintans; ann. 1850 : 6. v. Concan, 189, ii. 1673: . r. Brab, 84, ii, ... Coir, 181, i, ...

Page #393

SepteMBER, 1902.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
389
Dammer, 228, ii, 8. v. Guava, 806, i, 8. v. Coco-tree ; ann. 1020: 8. v. Cowry, 209, i; Jamboo, 842, i, 8. v. Mussoola, 461, ii, 8. v. ann. 1030 and 1610 : 8.v. Coir, 180, ii ; ant. Toddy, 706, ii, 9. v. Tope (b), 712, ü,
1686 : 8. v. Gomatí, 295, i. Cocoe-Leafes; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Scrivan, 608, i. Cocus ; ann. 1598 : 8. r. Coco, 176, ii, 3. ". Cocoe-Nut; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Martaban, 428, ii. Coprah, 196, i, 8. v. Nipa (b), 480, i; ann. Cocoe Nuts; ann. 1673: 9. v. Buckshaw, 89, ii. 1690 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. Cocoe-Tree; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Ollah, 485, ii. Cocym; ann. 1430 : 8. v. Cochin, 173, ii. Co-coe-tree ; ann. 1673: 3. v. Cadjan, 107, ii. Codangalar ; ann. 774: 8. v. Cranganore, 211, Coconut; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Buncus, 97, i.
ii; ann. 1844 : 8. v. Shinkali, 627, ii. Coco-Nat; ann. 1615: 8, 7. Betel, 68, i.
Codavascam ; 8. v. 178, i. Coco-nat; 8.0. Coco-de-Mer, 177, ii, 8. v. Coir, Codavascão ; ann. 1533 : 8. v. Codavascam,
180, i, s. v. Coprah, 196, i, s. v. Hubble-bubble, 178, i. 326, i, 8. v. Lip-lap, 895, i, 8. v. Malabar Cod of Musk; 8. v. Musk, 458, ii ; ann. 1673 : Rites, 414, 1, 8. v. Moley, 440, i, s. v. Nergeela, 8. v. Musk, 458, ii. 473, ii, twice, 8. v. Oart, 484, i, twice, 8. 6. Codom; ann. 1687-88 : 8. v. Gautama, 279, ii. Sura, 663, ii and footnote, 8. v. Coco-de-Mer, Codovascan ; $. v. Xercansor, 868, i. 781, i ; ann. 545: 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii, 8. v. Cod-pepper ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Baláchong, 38, i. Sura, 663, ii; apn. 1330 : 8. v. Gallevat (c), Codungalur ; ann. 1844: 8. v. Shinkali, 627, ii. 276, ii; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Bacanore, 33, ii; Coecos; ann. 1598 : 8. o. Coco, 176, ii. ann. 1346 : 8.0. Coir, 180, ii; ann. 1516: Coecota ; ann. 1598: 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. 8. v. Sūrath, 666, i; ann. 1580: 8. r. Coir, Coefficients; 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 831, i. 180, ii ; ann. 1540 : $. v. Xerafine, 867, ii; Coeli's ; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Cooly, 193, i. ann, 1553: 8.0. Coco-de-Mer, 177, ii, 8. v. Çofala ; ann. 1499 (twice) and 1553: 8.v. Sorala, Jaggery, 341, i; ann. 1563: 8. v. Arrack, 26,
645, ii. ii, 8. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177, ii; ann. 1591 : 8. v. Çoffala ; ann. 1523 : s. v. Sofala, 645, ii. Nipa (b), 480, i; ann. 1606: 8. v. Gingeli, Coffea arabica ; 8.v. Coffee, 178, ii. 286, i ; ann. 1623 : 8. v. Curry, 218, ii, . ». Coffee ; 6. v. 178, ii, twice, 179, i, twice, s. e. Toddy, 706, ii; ann. 1676 : 8. v. Turban, Cacouli, 106, ii; ann. 1616: s. r. 179, ii; ann. 719, ii ; ann. 1690 : 8. o. Goglet, 292, ü ; 1687: 8.v. 180, i ; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Beetlefakee, ann. 1727 : 3. v. Coprab, 196, i ; ann. 1756 : 60, ii, 8. v. 180, 1, 8. v. Tea, 862, i ; ann. 1710 : 8. v. Palmyra, 506, ii ; ann. 1760 : 8. v. Oart, 8. v. Beetlefakee, 60, ii; ann. 1711: 8. v. 484, ii; ann. 1783 : 8. o. Choolia, 159, ii; Maund, 432, i; ann. 1727: 8. v. Matt, 430, ann, 1810: 6. v. Wanderoo, 739, ii; ann. ii; ann. 1770: 8. v. Beetlefakee, 60, ii; ann. 1826: 8. . Mussoola, 461, ii.
1786. 8. v. Chumpuk, 167, ii; ann. 1793: 8.t'. Coco nut; ann. 1563 : 8.0. Jack, 338, i.
Frazala, 799, i ; ann. 1838: 8. v. Budgrook, Coco-nut oil; ann. 1644: 8. t. Corge, 197, i; 768, i, Ann. 1885: 8. v. Upas, 865, ii.
Coffee-berry; 8. v. Coffee, 178, ii. Coco-nut-tree; ann. 1760 : s.v. Buckshaw, 89, ii. Coffee-house ; 8. v. Coffee, 179, i; ann. 1709 : Coco-palm ; 8. v. Buckshaw, 89, ii, e. v. Cadjan 9... Umbrella, 726, i.
(a), 107, ii, see 175, ii, footnote, 176, i, foot- Coffee plant ; 8. r. Coffee, 178, ii. note, 8. v. Jaggery, 340, ii, s. v. Toddy, 706, Cofferies ; nun. 1673: 8, ». Caffer, 108, ii. i; ann, 851 : 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii ; ann, Coffery; ann. 1673: 8. v. Caffer, 108, ii, 6. v. 1343: . v. Maldives, 418, i; ann. 1563 : Hnbshee, 326, ii, 8. v. Mussulman, 462, i, ; . 8. r. Arrack, 26, ii; ann. 1675 : &. v. Soursop Seedy, 610, i.
(b), 650, i; ann. 1750-60 : 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i. Coffi-beans; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Coffee, 180, i. Cocos ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Coffee, 179, ii, twice; Coffolo; ann. 1510: 8.». Areca, 25, ii, twice. aon. 1690 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Coffre ; ann. 1678: 8. v. Caffer, 770, i ; ann. Cocos Islands; ann. 1879: 8. v. Bandicoot, 44, ii. 1759 : 8. r. Caffer, 108, ii ; ann. 1762 : 8.r. Cocos nucifera ; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii.
Gardee, 278, ii. Cocotora ; ann. 1553: 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, Coffree ; e. v. Caffer, 108, i ; ann. 1747: 8. v. 305, ii,
| Topaz, 712, i; ann, 1758: 8. v. Scymitar,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1902.
.
608, ii ; ann. 1759 : 8. v. Seedy, 610, ii ; ann. Colderon; ann. 1672: 8. v. Coleroon, 181, ii. 1781 : 8. v. Caffer, 108, ii, 109, i; ann. Colderoon; ann. 1780 : 8. v. Ccleroon, 181, ii. 1782 : 8. v. Caffer, 109, i.
Colee; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii. Coffries; ann. 1759 : v. v. Caffer, 108, ii. Colera-Morbus; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Mort-de-chien, Ceffry : ann. 1746 : 8. v. Sepoy, 613, i.
450, i. Cogee; ann. 1689 : 8. v. Caze, 137, i.
Coleroon, 8. v. 181, i, 3 times, 781, ii ; ann. Coho ; ann. 1626 : 8.0, Coffee, 179, ii ; ann. 1862 : 8. v. Acicut, 22, i. 1679 : 8. v. Coffee, 180, i.
Colés; ann. 1548: 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii, Cohong; ann, 1783 and 1883 (twice): 8. Colh-ram ; aan. 1753 : 8. v. Coleroon, 781, i. Hong, 321, i.
Colic ; ann. 1796: 8. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, i. Cohor , ann. 1673 : 8. v. Kuhár, 378, i.
Colicotta ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Calcutta, 771, i. Coia Acem : ann. 1540 : 8. v. Dervish, 287, i, Colis; ann. 1572: 8. v. Comorin, Cape, 184, 1. *. V. Lanteas, 585, i.
Colla; ann. 1785 : 8. v. Pisang, 540, ii. Coiac; ann. 1253 : 8. v. Mogul, 436, i.
Collarum; ann. 1760: 8. v. Coleroon, 181, ii. Coica ; ann. 70: s. v. Coco, 781, i.
Collat ; ann. 1673 : 8.0. Killut, 368, ii, 8.0. Coilan; ann. 1567: 8. v. India of the Portuguese, Seerpaw. 612, i. 333, i.'
Collecatte ; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Achánock, 2, ii, Coiloan; ann. 1727: 8. v. Quilen, 570, ii. 8. v. Calcutta, 112, i. Coilum; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Ginger, 287, 8. v. Collector; 8. v. 181, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Commissioner, Indigo, 334, i, 8.. Quilon, 559, ii.
184, i, 8. v. Cutehérry, 228, i, s. v. Dufterdar, Ceilumin; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Ginger, 287, i. 254, i, 8. o. Juggernaut, 356, i, s. v. Sayer, Coimbatore ; 8. o. 180, i, s. v. Regur, 575, ii; 604, ii, 8. v. Sudder (a), 654, i, 8. o. Ziliah, ann. 1862: 8. 1. Bandy, 44, i.
749, i, twice, 3. v. Adawlut. 753, i and ii, both Coir; 8. o. 180, i, twice, 8. v. Gomutí, 295, i, twice ; ann. 1567: 8. v. Parbutty, 513, i; ann.
8. v. Mussoola, 461, i, twice, 8. v. Saligram, 1772: 8. v. 181, ii, 8. v. Daloyet, 227, i ; ann, 533, ii ; ann. 1030 : 8. v. Maldives, 418, i; 1778: 8. v. 181, ii; ann. 1785 : 8. v. 182, i; ann. 1510 (4 times) and 1530 : 8. v. 180, ii; ann, 1788: 8. v. Jurgle-Terry, 360, i; ann. ann. 1548 : 8. v. Areca, 25, ï ; ann. 1561: 8.v. 1790 : 8. v. Zenana, 749, i ; ann. 1792: . v.
Cowry, 209, ii ; ann. 1600: 8. v. Cot, 205, i, Cazee, 776, i; ann. 1796 : s. . Sebundy. 610, i; Coir ; ann. 1686: 8. v. Gomutí, 295, i.
ann. 1802 : 8. o. Poolbundy, 547, i; ann. 1814: Coiro ; 8. v. Coir, 180, i, twice.
8. v. Palempore, 505, i ; ann. 1822: 8. v. Calust, Coir rope ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Brazil-wood, 86, ii. 771, i; aun. 1827 8. v. Curnum, 786, ii; Coja ; 8. v. 181, i.
ann. 1888: 8. v. 182, i, 5 times; ann. 1844: Cojah; ann. 1786 : 8.v. Coja, 181, i.
8. v. Hindostanee, 317, ii; ann. 1848, 1871 Cojebequi; ann. 1501 : 8. v. Factor, 23, i. ! and 1876 : 8. o, 182, i. Coje Çafar; ann. 1542: e. v. Venetian, 866, i. Collectorate ; ann. 1809 : 8.3. Jagheer, 341, ii, Cokatoe; ann. 1719 : 8.v. Cockatoo, 175, i.
twice. Coker-nut; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii.
Collector şāhib; 8. v. Sahib, 590, s. Coker-Nut-Tree ; ann. 1681 : s. v. Caryota, Collees; ann. 1616 : 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii. 773, ii.
College-Pheasant ; 8. v. 182, i. Cokers ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Collerica passio; ann. 1563: 8. v. Onclera, 159, Cokun ; ana. 1813 : 8. v. Concan, 189, ii.
i, 6.v. Mort-de-chien, 449, ii; ann. 1578 : 8.. Col;8. v. Kotul, 815, ii.
Mort-de-chien, 450, i. Colachy; $. v. Maund, 481, ii.
Collery ; & v. 182, i, twice, 8. v. Collery-Stick, Colao; s. v. 781, i.
182, ii, 8.v. Cholera Horn, 159, i, 8. v. Barboji, Colar ; ann. 1795: 8. v. Kulá, 372, i.
601, i; ann. 1763 and 1768 : 8. v. 182, i; ann. Colárru ; 8. o. Coleroon, 181, ii.
1785 and 1790: 8. v. 182, ii; ann. 1801 : Colchas; ann. 1598: 8. v. Goodry, 295, ii. 8. v. Sarboji, 601, i ; ann. 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, Colchian; ann. 486: 8. v. Aryan, 27, ii.
544, i. Colcut; ann. 1506: 8. v. Dahar, 36, i, 8. v. Collery Horn; 8. v. 182, ii. Cannanore, 121, i,
Collery-Stick; 8. v, 182, ii,
.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
Collery-stick; ann. 1801: s. v. Collery-Stick, Collyrium; 8. v. Tobacco, 706, i.. 182, ii. Colobi; ann. 1430: s. v. Quilon, 570, i. Colocut; ann. 1505: s. v. Monsoon, 442, i; ann. 1506: 8. v. Sambook, 595, ii. Colocynth; 519, i, footnote.
Colles; ann. 1563: s. v. Vanjārās, 88, i, twice,. 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii; ann. 1598 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii, twice.
Coloen; ann. 1420-30: s. v. Malabar, 412, ii; ann. 1430 8. v. Quilon, 570, i.
Colliaud; ann. 1760 s. v. Swamy-house, 672, i. Collicuthiam; ann. 1430: s. v. Calicut, 113, ii. Collijs, ann. 1553: 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii. Collis; ann. 1644: 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii, twice. Collocalia linchi; s. v. Birds' Nests, 72, ii. Collocalia nidifica; 8. v. Birds' Nests, 72, ii. Collodham; ann. 1760: 8. v. Coleroon, 181, ii.
Colom; ann. 1503 s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii. Colombi; ann. 1420-30: s. v. Malabar, 412. ii; ann. 1430 8. v. Quilon, 570, i. Colombino; ann. 1343: s. v. Ginger, 287, i, 3 times.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
THE LIFE OF THE PALLIYARS.
THE Palliyår occupy a somewhat higher place in the Hindu social scale than other hill-men like Irulers, Kaninkars and Uralis who are generally looked upon with suspicion and a feeling of contempt and loathing, by the dwellers in the plains. There are only a few families of Palliyårs in the Achinkoil Valley and on the hills above British Chokkampatti, all these places being adjacent to Shenkotta, the frontier township of Travancore on the Tinnevelly side of the Western Ghats. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the Palliyars are not known to exist anywhere else in Travancore or British India.
Their origin does not point to a very remote period. It is most probable that some low-country people from Tinnevelly took refuge in the hills uring the Poligar Wars at, the end of the eighteenth century or during the stress of some famine. I lean to this theory, because when such separations from the parent stock take place, after a considerable while a new dialect gradually evolves itself, which differs perceptibly from the original language. In the case of the Palliyårs this is not so. The members of the little clan speak Tamil, and Tamil only, and with no particular accent. They account for their origin by saying that at some very remote period in the past an Eluvan -a caste which is fairly widely distributed all along the Eastern foot of the Western Ghâts, and one which differs naturally from a caste of the same name in Travancore - took
refuge during a famine in the hills, and there took to wife a Palliyar woman (Pallichi) and that the Palliyârs are descendants from these two.
However this may be, there is no doubt that the social position of the Palliyårs is just a shade
391
lower than the Eluvans. The Palliyâr is permitted to enter the houses of Eluvans, Elavanians (betel-growers) and even Marcvars, and in the hills, where the rigour of the social code is relaxed to suit circumstances, the higher castes mentione? will even drink water given by Palliyars, and eat roots cooked by them.
.
Their marriage ceremony is a very simple affair, and resolves itself into a presentation of a cloth to the bride, a small feast and the tying of thalt made of white beads threaded together. The alliance is terminable at will, and if there are childrer, the husband takes the boys and the wife the girls. This arrangement is rarely objected to. Girls are married soon as possible, and boys at seventeen or eighteen years of age.
as
Corpses are not cremated, but buried promptly, and with little or no ceremony. Mourning, if the absence of any particular form of it can be called mourning, is over on the sixteenth day.
The Palliyårs regard sylvan deities or Bhutains with great veneration. Kurupuswami is the tribes' tutelary god, and when a great haul of wild honey is made offerings are given at some shrine. Palliyârs pretend to be followers of Siva, and always attend the Adi Amavasai ceremonies at Kuttalam (Courtallam). Intoxicating drink is common to all when it is obtained, but, curiously for hill-people, only the males smoke tobacco.
There are wandering hill-men of sorts, but the Palliyâr surpasses them all for his restlessness. Though in touch with civilisation, the Palliyars cannot point to a single village or hamlet which they can call a "home." No house shelters him in the most inclement weather. and the monsoon

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on the Travancore Hills is no joke. The Palliyâr's After some delay, a procession was seen coming highest architectural feat is a lean-to, against a from the temple. There were about 500 men, bank or rock, with some perishable plantain-leaves each with a stick in his hand, decorated with as thatch. If it lasts for a night or two, it does coloured paper and paper flowers. From where very well, for the wanderer is off again as soon as we stood we could only see these wands above the leaves dry. He cultivates nothing, not even the heads of the people, and thus follow the a sweet potnto; be keeps no animal except a stray movements of the men who carried them. The dog or two. An axe, a knife (vettukathi) and a pot pathway of hot cinders W.8, perhaps, fifteen are all the impediments he carries. An expert yards long. The fire-walkers came to the end of honey-hunter, he will risk his neck climbing lofty it, walked-not very quickly-along it, and went trees or precipitous cliffs.
back to the temple. We could not see how hot A species of sago palm furnishes him with a glairy,
the cinders were. But judging from the look of glutinous fluid on which he thrives, and such them, when we first arrived on the scene, and tbe small animals as the iguana, the hugdeer, and the length of time that elapsed before this ceremony tortoise, and the larvue of hives are never failing took place, I should think that the walking over luxuries. He levies contributions on every edible the pathway was not such a very bazardous ope. kind of berry in the magnificent flora of the coun- ration after all. The previous market-day we try over which he roves, and when times are really met a young man, who was to go through the cere. hard, in periods of drought, the forest contractor mony, and asked him why he did it. He told us for minor forest produce comes to his rescue with he had been ill and had promised the god he a small pecuniary advance. In return for this the would go through this performance if he recovered Palliyar collects dammer, wax, honey, cardamoms, He got better, and so was carrying out his part of inja (a bark nised in bathing by the nativ 38), and the contruct. This was the third year that he had similar products. He is not so truth-telling as the done it, he said. moro primitive (in some ways) Kannikar or Munnan. The Palliyar, knowing the benefits of a civil.
The Car Festival should have taken place a ised life, boldly prefers the hand-to-mouth method few days after the one just described, but owing of his existence, and, unless he alters his mode of
to certain repairs to the vehicle not having been living, will, in a few years at most, be numbered
completed in time, it had to be postponed a while, with "forgottea peoples" who have disappeared
The car (the one at Anthiyur is a small one) is a from the earth.
ponderous wooden construction, ornamented with G. F. D'Penna.
carved representations of gods and goddesses. It
has six wheels, four at the corners, where wheels A FIRE AND CAR FESTIVAL, TRAVANCORE. usually are, and two smaller ones in the centre of THE Car Festival here described was preceded
the thing, as an extra support. On to this founat an interval of some few days by what we may
dation is fixed a superstructure of scaffolding,
covered with coloured cloth and tinsel, the domed describe as the 'Fire-walking Foast. The
root being surmounted by a scarlet umbrella. object of this feast' is to enable the devotees
Inside this structure sits the goddess with her of the goddess Amman -- better known, per
attendants. The latter have fans to mitigate the haps, by the name Kali - to walk down a
heat and keep the flies off the image. The car is pathway of hot cinders.
drawn by means of great chains and cables The appointed morning was a beautiful one,
attached to it. It takes about 500 men and an the sun shedding its bright rays on all the immense amount of noise to move the thing at all, country-side.
They get it started at last, and take it about three The proceedings opened early i Amman being yarde, when a wheel drops into a hole in the carried on a wonderfully decorated car on the road, and the car stops with a jerk. Then men shoulder of a large number of her admirers to come with grent levers and try to get the wheel on meet her friend from a neighbouring village. He to level ground. Others bring coconuts, which or she, I know not which, had come in on horse- they break on the wheels, letting the water back earlier in the day. We went on past the run over them. Difficulty in moving the car is meeting place to the open space in front of this put down to insufficient coconuts, and men are temple, where a large crowd from Anthiyur despatched in all directions for more. The people in Travancoro and the neighbouring villages drew the car in the cool of the evening, and took had collected to watch the ceremony. We made three or four evenings to get it round the village, our way through the crowd to the place where a distance of about half-a-mile. the poople were to walk on the fire.
G. F. D'PENHA.

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NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
393
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), Ph.D., C.I.E.
A particular instance of the use of the word vastavya. TN my note on page 331 ff. above, on the use and bearing of the words vástavya and vinirgata 1 in ancient Indian charters, I have sought to make clear the point, among others, that a grantee's place of abode, and a village or other real estate granted to him, ought, at any rate in all ordinary circumstances, to be localisod within a reasonably short and oonvenient distance of each other. The matter is one of common sense. And the point, which has not always been recognised, ought to be borne in mind, both in the interpretation of the original records and in the identification of places mentioned in them. Tako, for instance, the Nausârî plates of A. D. 817 noticed under No. 11 on page 336 above, and fully dealt with on page 363 ff. above, and the Chokkhakuţi grant of A. D. 867 dealt with on page 254 f. above. In the ninth century A. D., in the absence of all the means of speedy communication available in the present day, the possession of villages in Gujarat could not be of the slightest practical use to an individual dwelling nearly five hundred miles away at Badami in the Bijapur district, and to a religious establishment located some six hundred miles away at Kampil in the Farukhåbåd district, in that part of India which antil recently was officially called the North-West Provinces, but has now been named the United Provinces of Agra and Oude. A comparison of texts, however, shews that, in the Nausâri record, Badami was mentioned as the place of abode of the grantee's father, not of the grantee himself. And the idertification of the village conveyed by the Chokkhakuţi grant, shews that the Kampilyatirtha of that record is, not the far distant Kampil in the Farukhabad district, bat the village Kaphleta' or Kapletha' next door to the village that was granted.
I know of only one case presenting anything by way of an exception to the rule which I have sought to make clear. It is only an apparent exception. And, thougb it may not be exactly the exception which proves the rule," still it is not far from being such. It came to my notice - I should add,- too late to receive attention in the note referred to above.
This instance is to be found in the Cambay plates of A. D. 930, which conveyed a village named Kêvanja, – Latadêsa - Khêța kamandal - antarggata - Kåvikamabasthâna - vi ni]rggataya ih=aiva Mânyakhêtê vastavyâya érimad-Valla ühaparêndradêva-på dapadm-öpajivine Matharasagðtra-VájiKanvassa vra]hmasch&]riņê Mahadevayya-sutâya (Naga)mâryâya, 2—"to Nagamarya, who has come from the great place of Kåvikâ 3 which is situated in the Khêtaka mandala in the Lata désa, who dwells here, indeed, at Mânyakheta, who is a servant of the glorious Vallabbanarendradêva-(Govinda IV.), who belongs to the Mathara gofra and is a student of the Vaji-Kanva (school), and who is a son of Mahîdêvayya."
This passage does not present any of the stereotyped formule which we have in the instances Nos. 1, 2, and 5 to 11, on page 332 ff. above. Its phraseology resembles the looser
1 I overlooked, till recently, the point that the Postal Direotury of the Bombay Circle (1879) presents this Dame as Kapletha. This seems more likely to be correct than the 'Kaphlotal of the Indian Atlas and Trigon metrical Survey sheets.
. p. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 40, line 50 ff.
• The editor has translated mahästhana by "holy place." Professor Kielhorn's literas translation of the word by "great place," -- for instance, sriman-mahasthanan Kolanura, "of the sacred great place of Kolanor;" fuo Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 54, line 71, and p. 88,- is better.
• Lit. "who subeists (like a bee) on the water-lilies which are the feet of," ato. The term tat-padapcdmAnduin w customary toohnical expression for the connection between foudatory princes and nobles, and offloials, and their paramount sovereigns and other superiors; see my Gupta Inucrs. p. 98, Doto 4.

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construction of Nos. 3 and 4. But it does present the technical word vastavya, as well as vinirgata. And by the use of that word, and in rather an emphatic manner, it describes the grantee as permanently dwelling at Mânyakbêta, in the service of the king Govinda IV.; not as having simpl: gone there on business, as in the case of the grantee referred to in the Kharda plates, No. 3 on page 333 above, and not as simply "staying " there, as said by the editor. 5
Now, the grantee's place of abode, Manyakheta, is well known to be Malkhod in the Nizam's Dominions; for the exact position of this place, reference may be made to page 395 below. On the other hand, the record, in line 52 f., distinctly describes the village Kavanja, which was granted to him, Ps, - Lâtadês-ântarvartti-Khêtakamandal-ântarggatah Kevaõja-namå grâmah Kåvika-mahästhâna-nikatatara-vartti, -"the village named Kêvanje, which is situated in the Khêsaka mandala comprised in the Lata desa, and which lies quite close to the great plue Kavika." Also, the boundaries of Kêvaõja are fully specified. And, thus, it has been satisfactorily shewn by the editor of the record, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, that KAvika is the modern Kavi, and that Kevanja is a villege which still exists quite close to Kavi. Kavi is mentioned as Kapika in the Kavi plates of A.D. 826; and the identification of Käpika with Kâvî was then made by Dr. Bühler." And the Kovanja of the present record is mentioned as Komajju in the Kâvi plates of A. D. 736, which describe it as situated in the Bharu kachchha vishaya; 8 and Kêmajja was then identified by Dr. Bähler with a village the name of which he wrote as Kimoj or Kimaj," adding a footnote which shews that it is also known as Kemaj. Kavt is in the Jambûser tålake of the Broach district in Gujarat, and may be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 22, S. E. (1887), in lat. 22° 12', long. 72° 41', ou the south bank of the Mahi, about forty miles towards the north-west-by-north from Broach ; in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 11 (1873) of Gujarat, its name is entered as Káwi.' And Kimoj, Kimaj, or Komaj is the Kimoj' of the Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), the village-site of which is about three and a half miles south-south-west from the village-site of Kåvi. And, thus, the record conveyed to the grantee Nagamårya a village situated some four hundred and fifty miles away, towards the north-west-half-north, from the city at which he was permanently residing.
The explanation of the matter is to be found in the natuzo of the grant. The grants registered in the Kharda plates (No. 3 on page 333 above), the Sangli plates (No. 5), and the Kalas-Budrûkh plates (No. 9), were personal grants, not accompanied by any allusion to any Nacrificial or religious objects. The grants registered in the other records dealt with in the same place, were specifically made for the maintenance of certain sacrifices, the list of which ranges from the bali, charu, vaisradeva, agnihotra, and "other" (unspecified ) rites in the Chhârôli or Ântroli-Chharðli plates (No. 6 ) to the bali, charu, vaiévadeva, agnihotra, alithi, palichamahayajña, kratuleriyd, and "other" (unspecified) rites in the Baroda plates (No. 2); but they were quite plainly made for personal enjoyment and management, combined with the celebration of those rites, by the grantees. The grant registered in the present record, Lowever, the Cambay plates, was made for much more comprehensive purposes. It was made " for the purpose of maintaining the bali, charu, vaisvadeva and atithitarpana; for the "performance of the optional, indispensable and occasional rites; for the performance of the "" sráddha and sacrificial ceremonies such as the darsapúrņamása, chdturmdsya, ashtakd and "ágrayaa (rites) and the fortnightly sraddhas); for the purpose of preparing the charu, "puródása, sthälipáka and so forth; for the purpose of (granting) priestly fees and gifts in "connection with hôma, niyama, the study of one's own Veda, and religious service; for the "purpose of providing) accessory assistance for the rites concerning rájasůya and the seven forms
• Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 28. I Vol. V. above, p. 145; and see his map opposito p. 112.
. Vol. V. above, p. 151. Ibid. p. 115. Toid. p. 112, and note t.

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" of the sóma sacrifice such as the rájapéya, agnishtôma and so forth; for the purpose of offering) "garments, ornaments, entertainment, gifts, sacrificial fees, etc., to the various priests, such as "Mai travaruna, Adhvaryu, Hótri, Brámhandchchhansin, Grávastut and Agnidh; and for the "purpose of supplying the requisite materials for preparing alms-houses, places of distribut“ing water gratis to travellers, shelter houses for travellers, the ceremony of setting free # * ball and foar heifers on cortain religious occasions, wells with flights of steps, reservoirs or "ordinary wells, tanks, orcharde, temples, etc." 10 These terms involve very much more than any private individual or domestic rites. And it is perfectly plain that, though the donation was made to an individual grantee, still it was made to him on behalf and for the benefit of a large religious establishment at "the great place Kåvikâ," and that the management of the village which was given, and the application of its revenues, would be, not in the hands of the actual grantee dwelling far away, but in the hands of the members of that establishment on the spot.
The places mentioned in the two sets of plates from Bagumra of A. D. 915.
These two records were first brought to notice by Mr. H. H, Dhruva, who published the texts of them in the Jour. German Or. Soc. Vol. XL. (1886), p. 322 ff. And they were subsequently re-edited by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, with a translation by Mr. Sb. R. Bhandarkar, in the Jour. Bc. Br. R. As, Soo. Vol. XVIII. p. 253 ff., with lithographs. They have been known and referred to as the Nansari plates of A, D. 915. But Mr. Dhruva's introductory remarks shew that they were found, in 1881, in ploughing a field at Bagumra, in the Nausâri division. And it seems inore appropriate, therefore, to refer to them henceforth as the Bagumrå plates of A. D. 935. One of them registers a grant of the village of Bagumra itself
These records register grants that were made by the Râshtrakúta king Indra III. on a specified date in the month Phálguna of the Yuvan sari vatsara, Saka-Samvat 836 (expired ), falling in February, A. D. 915, on an occasion when, while settled at the capital (rdjadhani) of Manyakheța, he had gone to Kurundaka for the ceremony of his coronation. As is well known, Manyakhota is Mallhod in the Shorâpur district of the Nizam's Dominions; it is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 57 (1854) as Mulkaid,' in lat. 17° 11', long. 77° 13', on the south bank about a mile below the confluence of the Benathora' and Moolamurry' rivers. And, as I have said elsewhere,"1 Kurundaka is Kurundwad, the chief town of the Senior Kurandwad State in the Southern Maratha country, about twenty-three miles on the east of Kolhapur and one hundred and seventy miles towards the west-by-south from Malkhéa ; it is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 40 (1852) as
Koorundwar' in lat. 16° 41', long. 74° 88', at the confluence of the Krishna and the Panchganga which, as I will shew on some other occasion, when a map can be prepared to accompany my remarks, is the famous Kadalsargam of the Chola records: the confluence appears to have been one of special sanctity in ancient times; and that, no doubt, is why Indra II. selected the locality for his coronation.
One of those records registers the grant of a village (gráma) named Tonna, in the vicinity (samipá) of Kammanija in the Lata country (dása), to a Brahman, whose father had come from Patalipatra," which is the modern Patna, the chief town of the Patņa district in Bengal. And, in speoifying the boundaries of Tenna, it places, on the east, (a small village or hamlet named) Varadapallika or Baradapallika ;13 on the south, (a village) the name of which is to be read as
10 Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 46, and note 8. 11 Vol. XXX. above, p. 218, note 78, aud p. 371. 15 The rocord appears to represent the band v by the same siga all through.
12 See page 383 above, No.

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Nanditataka, as was practically recognised by Mr. Dhruva, though not by Dr. Bhandarkar ; 14 on the west, (a village) the name of which seems to be clearly given in the lithograph as Vallsa, in accordance with Dr. Bhandarkar's reading, not as Vanića, as taken by Mr. Dhruva; and, on the north, a village (gráma) the rame of which is plainly to be read as Vavviyans or Babbiyana, instead of Vathiyaņa as given in both the published texts.16
Mr. Dhruva localised this record correctly. But he did not go into the details which are necessary in order to enable us to locate the places exactly and determine the bearing of the identification of them.16 He told us, in the first place, that Kammaņijja is the modern Kamrej.17 This is the heaul-quarters town of a subdivision of the same name in the Nausari division; it is on the south bank of the Tapti, and is to be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 17', long. 73° 2'. The identification was endorsed by Dr. Bühler, who pointed out that, in other records, the place is mentioned as Karmaneya and Kamandys, - (inore properly, Kamaniya), — and perhaps A9 Karmantapura.18 And there are not any reasons for declining to accept it.
Mr. Dhruva further identified Tenna with a village which is shewn as 'Ten' in the Atlas sheet, and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of Gujarat, seven miles east-north-east from Palsânâ, the head-quarters of the Paļsâni subdivision of the Nausari division, and about thirteen miles south-east-by-south from Kamrej. This place is mentioned as Treyanna or Treyanna, in the territorial appellation of the Treganna or Treyaņņa khara, in the Bagumrå plates Of A D. 655.19 And the Bagumrå plates of A. D. 867 give another form of its name, in mentioning the village itself as Trenna, and the territorial division as the Trenná dhára.20 This latter record, it may he noted, speaks of Trenna as having been granted to a certain Brâhman by the first Dhruvarâja of Gujarat, for whom we have the date of A. D. 834-35. The explanation of its being given away ngain by the present record is, no doubt, to be found in the statement, made in the present record, that Indra III. gave away four hundred villages which had been confiscated by previous kings; this was evidertly one of them.
The other places, mentioned in the present record, are all to be found in the map3. As was recognised by Mr. Dhruva, the small village or bamlet of Varadapallika or Barada pallika has developed into the town of Bardoli, the head-quarters of the Bardoli taluks of the Eurat district, one mile on the east of Ten:' and, it may be remarked, there can be little doubt, if any, that this is the place which is mentioned as Bhadrapali in the record of A. D. 867, referred to above; but as intimated by Dr. Bühler, 21 the presentation of its name in that form must be due simply to the poet" having " tried to invent a significant Sanskrit name" for the place : he has told us that,
16 Mr. Dhruva's text gives Nandita alath, with only the mistake of a forf. Dr, Bhandarkar's text gives Nambhitatakım; and the translation gives the lake Nambhi." The lithograph is plainly not a facsimile. But we can ses at once that the first component of the double consonant, in the second syllable of the name, is , not m. The lower component does, in the lithograph, resemble bh more than d; and the akshara might be read as nibhi on the analogy of the abhd in tan-bhdvina in the last line but one. But the subscript d is formed in a very similar way in Kurundakam. three lines above. And, whether the writer fermed the d badly here, or whether it has been spoilt in preparing the lithograph, the modern name of the place makes it quito certain that nd was either written or intended.
10 We may compare the ru in saruan, in the last line but one, and contrast the th in parthivendran, in the same line.
16 Dr. Bhandarkar merely said: "The village Tenna is identified with Tons which is situated in the Navsari district" (loc. cit. p. 253).
11 Mr. Dhruva wrote the name with the long 4 in the first syllable; and it is certified in that way in the official compilation Bombay Places, and is entered in the same way in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 33 (1662) of Gairat. Dr. Bühler wrote it with the short a see, for instance, Vol. XVI. above, P. 100. Fandit Baswanial Indraji seems to have taken the name as K Amléj, with l instead of r; see, for instance, Gax. Lo. Pres. Vol. I. Part I. p. 108.
18 Vol. XVI. above, p. 100. Dr. Bablor's " Kaman@ya" must be a mistako for Kamaniya, as the reference can only bo to the spurious Umêta plates, in Vol. VII, above, p. 61. 19 Vol. XVIII. above, p. 368, line 20.
20 Vol. XII. above, p. 189; and see Vol. XVI. p. 100. 21 Vol. XVI. above, p. 100, poto 5.

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in the same way, Surat is called sometimes Suryapura and sometimes Suratapura. Nanditataka was properly identified by Mr. Dhruva with a village which is shewn as Nadira' in the Atlas sheet, and as Nádira' in the Trigonometrical sheet, one mile on the south of Ten :' the name of the village was written Nandida' by Mr. Dhruva; but it is given in the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) as Nádida:' this latter form partially endorses Mr. Dhruva's spelling, in sufficing to make it certain that the r of the maps stands for the lingual d ; and, from these presentations of the modern name taken in connection with the ancient name, we may safely infer that the real modern form is Nadida or Nadida.22 Valita, which was mistakenly read as Vanisa by Mr. Dhruva, and which he proposed to identify with " Vaneji now desolate," site which I cannot find in the maps, is mentioned as Balisa in the Bagumrâ record of A. D. 655, referred to above, which places it in the Treyanna or Treyanná dhára; and, as remarked by Dr. Bühler in editing that record, 23 it is certainly the Wanesa' of the maps, two miles on the south-west of Ten.' And Vavviyana or Babbiyana is plainly the ‘Baben' of the Atlas sheet, shewn as Báben' in the Trigonometrical sheet, one mile on the north of Ten.'
The other of these records registers the grant to a Brahman, in respect of whom it does not furnish any information as to his place of origin or of abode, of a village (gráma) the name of which, unaccountably taken by Mr. Dhruva as Gumbara, has been correctly read by Dr. Bhandarkar as Umbara, but may also be taken as Umvard, as the record uses the same sign to denote both and v. The record places it, also, in the vicinity (samipe) of Kammaņijja in the Late country. And, in specifying its boundaries, it places, on the east, (a place named) Tolejaks; on the south, (a place named) Mogalika; on the west, a village (gráma) named Sankt; and, on the north, (a village named) Javalakapaka : this last name was misread by Mr. Dhruva as Navalakúpaka, for which reason, probably, he failed to identify the place; and, while Dr. Bhandarkar read it correctly as Javalakapaka, the translation accompanying his text has treated it as meaning "the Javala well."
The village of Umbará or Umvars was quite rightly identified by Mr. Dhruva, though he misread its name as Gumbara, 25 with the modern Bagumre itself, which is shewn as Bagumra' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888) and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of Gujarat; the village is situated about four miles north-by-east from Paļsânâ, nine and a half miles south-by-east from Kamrêj, and six miles west-north-west-half-west from the Ten' which has been referred to in the preceding pages as the subject of the other record of A. D. 915. In the modern name Bagumra, umrá stands, of course, quite naturally for the Umbara of the present record ; and Dr. Bühler has explained umbard and umrá as corruptions of the Sanskrit udumbaraka, a thicket or grove of the tree Ficus Glomerata:'26 and it may be added that a place actually named Udumbaragahvara, "the thicket or wood of udumbara-trees," is mentioned in a Valabhi record of A. D. 648,27 and is probably to be identified with the Udubaraghara, i.e. Udumbaragriba, of some of the votive inscriptions at Sanchi.28 The name Umra is not at all unique; and the prefix bag has
n I notice that even this name is not unique. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), shews a Nadirda entered Nkdirda' in the top margin of the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 13 (1873) of Gujarit,- in the Wagra tAluks of the Broach district: in each me, the rd is evidently an attempt to represent the lingual &. There is also a 'Tena' on the 'Tena' creek, in the Olply taluka of Surat.
25 Vol. XVIII. above, p. 268.
4 Dr. Bhandarkar gimply said: -"Umbard may be the modern Bagumbra, with the prefix Bag" (loc. cit. p. 256).
" He seema, in foot, to have been lod into this by some impression that the modern name is Gumrl, with a prefix ba; with his remark "Bagumrl (Gumra of No. IX.)" at the bottom of page 329 in his article referred to above, compare Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 33, where, in connection with a place named Paahaņihrada, he has said " Pdshani " would drop its initial Pd, as Baguimr& bas done with its Ba in having Gumpa." * Vol. XVII. above, p. 184.
97 Vol. XV. above, p. 340, line 41 ; and see page 333 above, noto 21. » Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 98, No. 13, p. 107, No. 96, p. 400, No. 58, p. 401, No. 66. Ghara is the Prikrit form of griha, 'house.But Dr. Pischel, in giving me the reference to his Prikrit Grammar, 6332, for gabbharagahuara, has drawn my attention to the point that griha and gahrara are used in the same senge after names of planta, and has given me both latagriha and latgah aram meaning a bower of creepers.'

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evidently been attached in order to distinguish this Umrå from other neighbouring places of the same name :20 the suggestion may be made, that the prefix is a corruption of the Persian bág,'& garden, an orchard, a plantation, and marks Bagumrå as rich in bágait or what is commonly called gardenland.'
The identification of the Umbarâ or Umvare of the record with the modern Bagumra, is rendered quite certain by the specification of boundaries. The maps, indeed, do not shew any traces of names answering to the Tolejaks and Mogalika of the record.30 But the Bank of the record is the
Sanki' and 'Sánki' of the maps, one mile on the south-west of Bagumra. And Javalakapaka is the 'Jolwa' of the maps, one mile and a half on the north of Bagumra, which is shewn by an entry in the Postal Directory to be also known as Jorwa,' with instead of l: the name
Jolwa' must have come from Javalakúpaka through an intermediate form Jôlakuva, the last component of which, meaning '& well,' appears very frequently in place-names in Gujarat and some neighbouring parts of the country, figuring in the maps as kua, kuva, and kuwa ;$1 the other form,
Jorwa,' was utilised for the purpose of being Sanskritised as Jaravadra in the sparious Bagamra plates which purport to have been issued in A. D. 498.52
NOTES ON ROCK-CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
BY REV. A. H. FRANCKE. The article on Rock-carvings in the Edakal Cave (ante, Vol. XXX. p. 409) rominded me of my collection of similar rook-carvings from Lower Ladakh. This collection does not in the least claim to be a fall one, but I hope that, by its publication, some interest will be aroused in these witnesses of a pleasing, though primitive, art.
All the carvings, represented on the accompanying plates, were collected in the western distriots of the ancient Ladakht kingdom, and although I have been on the look out for similar representations in Central and Eastern LadAkh, I have not yet met with them there. There is a very unimportant rock-carving between Basgo and Nyemo, but there are none beyond those villages.
Various observations with regard to language, customs, structure of the skull, features, etc., have lead me to believe that the western parts of Ladakh, say as far as Saspola, were inhabited originally by the Aryan tribe of the 'a Brogps (improperly called Dards by Dr. Leitner). Remnants of this tribe can still be found in several western villages, and the Rev. A. W. Heyde tells me rock-carvings of entirely the same nature as my collection can be seen in the villages of the Manchsdpa, an Aryan tribe of Lahaal. So, although most of the Lower LadAkhis are Tibetanized at the present day, the rock-carvings may be taken to have their roots in an ancient art of the Aryans.
As regards the age of the carvings, it is difficult to say anything definite at the present time. Some of them may have been executed only recently; for the art of carving on the rock is still practised, as can be seen from various carved Buddhist formulæ and emblems, the artists of which are often well-known people. But what makes for the very ancient character of the art as a whole and of certain carvings in particular, is the frequent occurrence of
>> For instance, the Atlos sheet shewa, in the vicinity of Bagumri itself, one 'Umra' in the Chorfet Aluks of Sarat, fourteon miles towards the west-by-north, and another Umra' in the Olpad Aluks of the same distriot, twelve and a half miles north-wont-by-Dorth, and a third 'Umra' in the Baroda territory, twenty-throo and a half miles towards the south-east.
80 Mr. Dhruva said that Mogulika i "Magoli desolate." But I cannot find any such name in the mape, or any possible substitute for it.
1 Molosworth and Candy's Marktht Dictionary desires two, well,' from the Sanakşit bapa, through Hindistant. * Vol. XVII, above, p. 200, lino 18.
1 This tribe is called Shina by Dr. Grierson

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representations of stapas, entirely different in form from those existing at the present day. The state of the carvings does not in the least enable us to fix their respective ages, as they are all in wonderfully good preservation. Along the banks of the Indus are many bolders of a highly polished granite. These are all overlaid by a thin glazed encrustation of a darkbrown colour, which protects the rock against the influences of the air. It is by removing this that the inscribed carvings are produced, and all that time could do would be to deepen the lines of some of them.
In regard to the aim of the inscriptions, a remark by the Rev. A. W. Heyde on the carvings of the Manchadpa in Lâhaul will perhaps be found useful. He writes to me:-" In Manchad such carvings can often be seen on the back-walls of little huts, where they are smeared over with oil at certain intervals. It is possible therefcre that the Ladakht rock-carvings also served religions objects originally. The very large number of stupas, represented on them, speak in favor of this view. But since, as already noted, all the pictures do not show the stúpa (mchod rten) as it appears nowadays, they probably furnish us with very valuable and interesting material for the evolution of the Ladakhi stupa.""
Besides several purely pyramidal stúpas (Plate I., Fig. 5a), there is only a single stúpa in the collection without a pyramid at its base. Pyramidal stúpus are of very rare occurrence at the present day.3
Remarkable also are the flags fastened to the upper end of the carved stúpa (Plate I., Figs. 4, 5d; Plates II., Fig. 1, IV., Fig. 1). Flags are never found in the modern stúpa. Instead of the sun and moon, which invariably crown the top of the modern mchod rten, we here find the trident (Plate II., Figs. 1a and 1f) and other emblems.
To mention only one more point, there are two representations of stupas in this collection, which almost form a cross (Plate II., Fig. 1a; Plate IV., Fig. 1). This form is quite unique; at least I have not yet seen anything similar to it in this country.
Most of the other representations seem to have been drawn to illustrate the PreBuddhist religion of Ladakh, the gLing chos (ante, p. 34), and I should like to draw attention to the following scenes:
Plate I., Fig. 1, seems to represent the fabulous animal, which turns up every year at
the Pre-Buddhist Harvest Festival, called Srub lha, held among other places at Sheh. Two men, who form the body, are covered with a blanket and hold up the hollow head of the animal with a stick. The feet of the two men can be seen emerging underneath it in the carving. Whether two of the other men shown are supposed to be riding, or merely walking on the other side of the animal, I cannot say.
Plate II., Fig. 1. The horseman, with cross-bow, hunting an antelope. This is probably Kesar, for he alone is expected to hunt riding. The mountainous character of the country makes it impossible for ordinary people to do so. Two of the uppermost figures (b and c) appear to be representations of the pencilcedar (shugpa), the holy tree of the gLing chos.
Plate II., Fig. 2.-A lion with a curled mane. This must be Sengge dkarmo yyu ralcan, the white lioness with the turquoise locks, the personification of the glacier.
2 It is impossible to enter into this subject as fully as it deserves now. It will now suffice to mention that the different forms of modern Ladakhi stúpa owe their origin to at least four sources: (1) the tha tho, the ancient altar of the Pre-Buddhist religion; (2) the stove for burning the dead; (3) the Indian Baddhist stúpa ; (4) the IndoTibetan pyramidal stúpa.
There is an example at Likir, and another at Changupa near Leh.
[Cf. the fabulous to of Burmese, which is, however, popularly known as a stag, though it is more probably the remains of the winged lion. - ED.]

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Plate III., Fig. 2. -Two men, armed with axes, fight against a man with horns on
his head. The latter figure I am inclined to take for Agu Pasang dan ru
skyes; compare the list of the Agus (ante, Vol. XXX., p. 564). Plates II., Fig. 1, and IV., Fig. 1, seem to contain two different kinds of magic
squares. These forms are, however, not very common at the present day. Nowadays a form, called dosmo, O, is more in general favor. The bodies of many of the ibex, represented on the plates (e. g., Plate I., Figs. 2, 3 and 5), seem to contain the diagonals of magic squares. Perhaps magic powers were believed to dwell in the body of the ibex. Its horns, together with those of other game,
are offered at tha tho and even at stúpa.5 Plate IV., Fig. 2, contains two reversed forms of tho svastika (yyung drung). An
explanation of the frequent occurrence of this form of the wastika in Ladakh had already been given, ante, Vol. XXX. p. 132. It is the emblem of the Bon
Beligion. That one and the same carving shows Kesar, pencil cedars and stúpas (Plate II., Fig. 1) is not at all strange, if we consider that Kesar was turned into one of the protectors of Buddhism, and apparently was often mixed up with Srong-btsan-sgampo.
But we should probably be making a mistake in taking all the representations of ibershooting to be scenes illustrating Kesar's life-story. The pictares do not in fact seem to have a religious motive only, and many of them may have been drawn for more practical reasons. The 'a Brogpa, although they became Buddhists, did not receive a literature and an alphabet in their own tongue, as the Tibetans did. But as they wished, nevertheless, to note down important occurrences, thọ old pictures developed into a kind of picture-writing, consisting of several simplified, conventional figures. These they used for preserving the simple records of their more or less successful sport, almost in the same manner as the North American Indian does, and among the rock-carvings nothing is more common than hunting scenes. I remember having seen, represented in modern specimens, even men with rifles shooting at ibex. One of such simplified records we have in Plate III., Fig. 3.7 The representation in Plate I., Fig. 3, seems to tell a similar tale. According to my view, it reads as follows: A hunter went out after some game, crossed seven ridges and got two animals. One he killed between the second and third, the other between the third and fourth ridge (if we read from left to right).
Thas we observe that in the representation of the various figures two entirely different styles were developed. The first aims at full figures, at trae copies after nature. Examples we find on Plates II., Figs. 1, 2; IV., Fig. 2 (the hand). Tho aims of the second style are simplification, conventionalism. Examples are: Plates I., Figs. 1, 2, 3; III., Fig. 3; IV., Figs. 1, 2. It is not impossible that the first of these styles is the older one.
Although also the first style is very primitive, it is not unpleasing. The reason is perhaps that the figures are never stiff, but always in lively motion, and, however imperfect, show a keen eye for nature. The finest of all the carvings is doubtlessly the lioness (Plate II., Fig. 2). This picture goes back apparently to a model, spread all over the East and Far East, possibly as a degeneration of the lofty and very ancient art of Assyria,
The diagonals can, however, be explained as merely due to ease in scraping the rook. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 420, Plate IV., Fig. 2: Plate VI., Fig. 1, Nos, 2, 4, in the case of the Edakal Carvings. -Ed.]
. I would note also the ancient Greeks were particularly fond of this form, as some dipylon vases show. It is not impossible that in Europe, as well as in Asia, it had become known in very ancient times that in southern countries the course of the sun appears to be opposite to the course in northern countries. The Phoenicians apparently passed the equator in very ancient times indeed. To show this superior wisdom, the reversed form may have often been favoured.
1 (Note the similarity of the deer to that in Plate V., ante, Vol. XXX. p. 118, in the Edakal Carvings. -ED.)

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ROCK CARVINGS FROM LOWER
W W
A.H FRANCKE,DEL.
b
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3
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PLATE I. SCALE, ONE-TENTH.
indian Antiquary.
LADAKH.
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B.ES. PRESS, LITHO.
N

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Indian Antiquary ROCK GARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
PLATE II.
1.H. PRANCHE, DEL.
SCALE, ONE-TTTW.
B
.S. PRESS, Lerne.

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Indian Antigvary.
ROCK CARVINGS FROM
LOWER LADAKH.
PLATE M.
A.H FRANCKE, DEL.
SCALE, OME-TENTN.
B.E.S. PRESE, LIT.

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Indian Antiquary
F/PUOI ROCK CARVINGS FROM LOWER
LADAKH.
htt 次去米米
PLATE IV. SCALE, ONE-TENTH.
1. H. FRANCKE, DEL
B.E.S. PRESS, LITNO.

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List of the Representations. N.B.--The scale of the plates is approximately one-tenth of the original; the depth of the carvings is 1 to 2 millimetres.
Plate No. I. Fig. 1. - Scene at the harvest-festival. Fig. 2. - An iber. Fig. 3. - A hunting record. Fig. 4. - A stúpa, with Tibetan inscription" red = it is."
Fig. 5. - (a) Pyramidal stúpa ; (6) holy tree; (cand d) two stúpas ; (e) iboz; () inscription in unknown character, perhaps ya.
Plate No. II. Fig. 1.-(a and f) Two stúpas ; (6 and c) two pencil-cedars; (d) Kesar hunting antelopo ; (e) magic square. Fig. 2. - The lioness with the locks.
Plate No. III. Fig. 1. - Inscription in characters unknown to me. Fig. 2.- An Aga, attacked by two men; (b) an unknown symbol, perhaps unfinished. Fig. 3.- Hunting record, Fig. 4. - A kiang (?).
Fig. 5.-(a). A snake with three heads (the urau); (b) a shapo (wild sheep); (c) a bird ; (d) a horse ; (@) an unintelligible character.
Plate No. IV. Fig. 1. - A rider, two men, two ibex with characteristic horns, two stūpas, a magic square. Fig. 2.- A hand, two men, two svastika, a pig, an ibex.
Fig. 3. - Various human figures from a stone on Molokai (Hawai Islands); added for comparison,
Sites. The carvings, reproduced on the plates, are from the following places : Plates I.-III., from rocks in and around the fort of Khalatae; Plate II., Fig. 2, from the lower end of a valley called Namohag ; Plate IV., Fig. 1, from a rock between Chuli skampo and Kharbu; Plate IV., Fig. 2, combined from various rocks, mostly near Saspola; Plate IV., Fig. 3, from Hawai.
But the finest carvings, so far as I know, may be seen at Domkbar. If any reader of this article visiting Ladakh were to take photographs of them, he would certainly render a valuable service to the study of the history of the country,
SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
THE AGE OF VEMANA.
BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. We are all aware that India is a country whose inhabitants live, move, and have their being in religion. In the Hindu nature there always were and are still two antagonistio tendencies, visible alike in their laws, in their institutions, in their religion, in their families, and in the thoughts and actions of their greatest men. A disposition, on the one hand, to live by role and precedent, to
• [Cf. ante, Vol. XXX. p. 415, in the Edakal Carvings. -ED.) . [Cf. ante, Vol. XXX. p. 418, in the Edakal Carvings. -ED.]

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distrust novelties, to hold the experience of the past as a surer and safer guide than the clearest conclusions of logic, and to maintain with loving reverence the customs, the convictions, and the traditions that have come down from former generations. On the other hand, a restless, impetuous energy, inventing, expanding, pressing forward to the future, drawing wider circles around the doctrines already inculcated, - a mode of thought, which in the balf-educated takes the form of a rash disdain of earlier ages, but in the best and the wisest creates a sense that they would be unworthy sons of their ancestors if they do march with the times. In healthy ages the two tendencies coexist. Shakspeare has wisely said :
So may the outward shows be least themselves,
The world is still deceived with ornament.' Many mere superficial observers, or even observers with a mind prepossessed one way or the other, say that whatever Hinduism may have been in the past, it is now a mere tissue of formalities, utterly devoid of every noble inspiration, utterly incapable of exercising any real spiritual influence upon the lives of its votaries. If a religion is to be judged as a marketable commodity, 48 a commodity which has an exchange value, if it is to be judged merely on the status, social or otherwise, which its votaries occupy, I am afraid that the case must be decided adversely to Hinduism. But if a religion is to be judged on far higher and nobler principles, on the number of real theists it has actually made, on the number of those who sincerely believe that there can be no gloomier form of infidelity than that which questions the moral attributes of that Great Being in Whose hands are the final destinies of us all, on the number of those whose grosser natures are turned by degrees to the soul's essence till all be made immortal, I may boldly say that Hinduism does satisfy the conditions. If we wish to find a spiritual religion indigenous, native of the soil, we must look, not to the members of the educated communities amongst whom such movements have bad their origin, but to the rude Corinthian boor' wholly untainted by any outlandish influences, or by the standard attained by the Parisian society of the eighteenth century. In a place like India, where religion is the bed-rock, the sine quá non of the peoples who inhabit it, every village can proudly point the finger at some of her men and even women, who have risen "fa: above the madding crowd's ignoble strife,' who alone in the stillness of the night hold communion with the Lord of the Universe independent of any dull, stupid paraphernalia. Such people do not thrust home their convictions on others, neither do they hide them, but ventilate them by the peculiar contact of mind with mind and knowledge with knowledge. They are generally known as Brahmaváttas, knowers of the Lord,' and are held in very high reverence by the common folk, and are generally those whose individuality has been lost and confounded in their paramount power as cosmopolites. But there are sham cosmopolites, not conversant with the true Hindu mode of thought, who are led to believe that the Brahmavêttas do not submit to the authority of Brahmans, and these not unfrequently vigorously denounce the priestly pretensions.
As to this authority of the Brahmans. It has been very often said that if the sacerdotal order should ancroach upon the functions of the civil magistrate, it would in our time be a great evil. But what in our age is considered as an evil, may have in a remoter period been a blessing. It is good that mankind should be governed by wise laws well administered and by an enlightened public opinion rather than by priesteraft, but it is better that men should be governed by disinterested priests who have ceased to be enamoured of those brittle and transient joys which the world can neither give nor take away, rather than by brute force. A society ruled by mere physical force has great reason to rejoice when a class of which the influence is intellectual and moral rises to ascendency. Snch a class may doubtless degenerate, but mental power, even when abused, is a still nobler and better power than that which consists merely in corporeal strength. Whatever reproach may at a later period have been justly thrown on the indolence and the luxury of the religious orders, it was surely good that in an age of ignorance and violence there should be quiet cloisters and gardens in which the arts of peace could be safely cultivated, in which gentle and contemplative natures could find an

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Asylum, in which one brother might be employed in reading Yaska's Nirukta and another in meditating the Brihadaranya ko panishad, in which he who bad a turn for natural philosophy might make experiments on the properties of plants and minerals. What the Olympian chariot-course and the Delphio oracle were to all the Greek cities from Trebizond to Marseilles, what Rome and her Bishop were to all the Christians of the Latin communion from the Calabria to the Hebrides, the simple religion of the Vedic Brahmans was to all the Hindus from Peshawar to Malabar. Thus grew up sentiments of enlarged benevolence. Races separated from each other by seas and mountains acknowledged a fraternal tie and a common code of public law. Even in war the cruelty of the conqueror was not seldom mitigated by the recollection that he and his vanquished foes were all members of one great federation.
The sham cosmopolitans of the type above referred to do not, however, profess to derive their views from the Vedas, and only occasionally do they quote the antideluvian nebulosity of a ślóka of the Gità or of the Védánta Sútras. They are, in fact, reformers and have a literature of their own. No portion of this literature can claim to be of any great antiquity. A major portion of it cannot certainly be more than three centuries old. The reason for this is not far to seek, as these popular poems are usually mere mushroom existences, which pass away with the death of their author. There is not that spirit in them which can make them double-lived in regions new. It is only very rarely that a genuine popular poet arises, who can claim a place with the classical writers. In the Deccan we meet with such a man in the person of Vemana, who was to the Telugus what Burns was to Ayrshire. Both of them are honored and respected in the same manner to the present day.
Mr. Campbell (in the Madras Christian College Magazine, Vol. XV. p. 524) says, One would naturally wish to have some definite information about a man who has exerted such an influence upon the religious life of his countrymen, but unfortunately it is by no means easy to gratify this wish.' History is an unknown art in India, and it is extremely difficult to discover a basis of reliable fact beneath the mass of legends which are associated with the name of the poet. It is generally believed that he lived about 250 years ago. Several places claim the honor of his birth, but it is impossible, I think, to come to any more definite conclusion than that he was born somewhere in the wild hilly country situated 200 miles to the north-west of Muras and inclulel within the limits of the Ouddapah district. Cuddapah and Kurnul, which lies a little to the north, were undoubtedly the scene of his life's work. Local tralition says that his home was in Katarapalli, a small village in the extreme south-west of the Cuddapah district, and it is Pertain that a family is to be found there, whose members claim to be his lineal descendants and receive offerings from those who wish to do honor to the poet. Vemana belonged to the Kapu or farmer caste. This is, in the Telugu country, by far the most important of the numerous castes included under the term Sadra. The Kapus are naturally a free outspoken race, with very little of that cringing to authority, which is so characteristic of the majority of their fellow-countrymen. Representatives of the old Dravidian civilization, they still retain many of the simpler and freer customs which were followed by their ancestors before the Aryan invasion introdnced the caste and sacerdotal systems. Vêmana was a typical Kapu, and never tried to conceal the fact. He made no pretension either to scholastic attainments or to priestly power, but, like the sturly herdsman of Tekoa, professed to be a mere plain unlettered farmer.
In India especially, custom is a power fixed by a thousand tough and stringy roots to people's pious nursery faith, and what is grey with age becomes religion. It is easy, therefore, for one acquainted with the environments of a farmer's household to form a fair picture of Vomana and his ordinary avocations. Katarapalli, which was probably his home, is a village in the gneiss country of South-east Cuddapah, where the land begins to slope up towards the great Mysore plateau. It is situated near a range of rocky hills, rough with huge boulders and strange pillar-like peaks, and devoid of vegetation, except where a few great cacti have won a place for

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themselves in the crevasses of the rocks. A small stream, its course marked out by masses of green rushes and coarse dark grass, flows from the base of the bills and passes close to the village. At a little distance are two tanks, which contain a supply of water sufficient for the irrigation of the rice-fields of the village. On the borders of the stream, and on and below the bunds of the tanks, there are kdnagas, or wild crotone, whose dark glossy leaves, and drooping tassels of flowers, white with a delicate tinge of purply-pink, give a sense of coolness even in the fiercest beat of April or May. In and about the village there are tamarind and margosa trees, and not far off are the mango orchards. Below the tanks there is the rice-land, in the spring and early summer a bare red waste, after the rains an unbroken ses of the softest and most delicate green. On the higher ground, and reaching up to and meeting the unbroken scrub jungle, is the dryland,' as it is called, where the farmers grow ohlam and rdgi, and pulse of various kinds. The village itself consists of about 120 houses, most of them built of earth and thatched with jungle grass. The walls are smeared on the outside with red ochre, and are in some cases adorned with broad vertical bands of white. Attached to most of the houses there is a byre for cattle, built on the same plan, and not infrequently of much the same dimensions as the dwelling-house. One can easily picture the young farmer-boy perambulating about the fields or in the rocky crevasses with his playmates and friends to partake in all the variegated labours of the world, Naturally, in youth, he would spend most of his time in tending the flocks and herds and preventing them from going astray into the paddy fields or the scrub. When he grew a little older he went to the village school and there received the village education. It is said, indeed, that when a boy he received intimation of his future greatness as a poet and writer ; but this story, like other stories told of Indian poets generally, is the production of an after-age, and all that we can safely assert is that it is highly probable that, in early life, he came under the personal influence of a spiritual teacher, from whom he received the first impulse to a life of meditation. But the teacher was not likely to have been of so high an order as by personal influence to mould the future man, and I do think that Vémana went to the living man to drink deep of the fountain of poetry. He seems, however, to have been very much influenced by the Lingait movement, which had attained considerable proportions in his time in his part of the country. These were a set of extreme Saiviter, who, animated by a fanatical zeal, revolted against the sacerdotal supremacy and set at Daught all the injunctions of the Vedas. They claimed to be superior to the Brahmang, to be under the special power of the Almighty and therefore invincible. Their dogmas can be be best studied in the Chennabasava Purana and Prabhulingalila. Vemana's identiflcation of Siva with God, and the belief in the sacredness of animal life, can be traced to this source.
It is not known when Vêmana came to be a recognised teacher. His poem shows us beyond doubt that he was cast out for a time at least by his own kith and kin, and by those who knew him best. It was very revolting to them to find a young boy, probably in the 'mid might and flourish of his May,' posing to be a teacher of mankind in his own little sphere and expostulating against the existing state of things. He was not vicious, nor officious, but he kept himself aloof from the babblings of a busy world.' His neighbours thought naturally, therefore, that his Quixotic temperament was due to some dislocation of the brain. He was a man of a very strong will, was
constant as the northern star who hath no fellow in the firmament.' He was certain that Trnth must come to light and that Merit cannot enter the gates of preferment. He knew full well the staff his own people were made of and how best to win them to his side. As his verses became known, their plain practical good sense and pithy expressiveness necessarily attracted the attention and won the suffrages of an ever-widening circle of hearers, so that towards the close of his life the poet was compelled to assume the position of a recognised Gurt, or teacher, and to spend most of his time travelling from village to village, visiting his numerous disciples. On his death 'mute Nature mourned her worshipper and celebrated his obsequies.' He was accorded all the honors of a saipt and a tomb was built for him. A temple stands gear his tomb at Katarapalli, and in it is a hideous wooden idol named after him.
.

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Vêmana is the greatest popular poet of the Telugu people, and his fame extends thronghout the length and breadth of the Teluga country. There is hardly a proverb or any pithy saying which is not attributed to him. He is to Telugu literature what Avva is to the Tamil. In consequence of his vast popularity, and the almost fabulous fecundity of less important poets of a later age, who have tacked their own brain-products on to Vêmana's, it is hardly possible now to say what particular verse is his and what not. There are nearly three thousand verses of such doubtful authenticity, and the manuscripts in wbich they have been handed down to his disciples so considerably differ from one another, that none of them can be considered a really authenticated collection of the poet's verses. There has been a good many bazaar-editions of these verses procurable for a few annas in almost all the market towns in the Telugu districts. They are very badly printed and badly edited, and contain a glorious medley of incongruous parts. An attempt has been made three score years ago to restore order out of chaos by the late Mr. O. P. Brown of the Madras Civil Service, an erudite Telagu scholar, who has placed the whole Teluga community under very great obligations by his two monumental lexicons - the Telugu-English and the English-Telugu Dictionaries - not to speak of his other by no means less valuable works. He has carefully edited the work, supplemented by his invaluable notes and an admirable English prose translation which gives a tolerably fair idea of the poet's style.
Vemana has not trodden the beaten track of poetic routine, and exhibits poine originality. His descriptions are to a great extent true to nature, though his metaphors are to a certain extent odious. He was emphatically & poet of the people. An unlettered rastie himself he wrote for the rural population in a colloquial nursery dialect, setting at Daught the rules of classic verse. Classical poetry, indeed, can never be popular in any country, unless the people who inhabit it, one and all of them, are fine scholars, Vênana's diction bears the marks of his early life. It is an unlettered un pretentions farmer who speaks, and his words bave a breezy freshness suggestive of his own wild windswept hills, with their scanty vegetation and huge boulder masses. There is no attempt at ornament, no straining after effect. His illustrations Bavour very much of his rural life. He owed much of his popularity to satire, to his pictures of the vices and follies of men in all their meanness and absurdity. When in his more cynical inoods, he sees in human life nothing which is not mean and ridiculous, and wastes his satire upon the mere physical infirmities incidental to our material circumstances. But it is drunkenness and licentiousness, covetousness and pride, and empty vanity boasting of its good looks and fine clothes and great possessions, the despicable meanness that despises the poor and flatters and fawns upon the rich, it is these and similar vices that in better woods he holds up to our contempt. He directs his satire chiefly against caste distinctions and against women. Had he had the power, he would have put down all caste distinctions and converted the whole human population into universal caste and introdnced the old Spartan legislation, where there would be nothing like private property. He maintained that the absence of any statute to regulate the accumulation of capital, the awful monopoly which capital 80 accumulated constitutes, and the tremendous tyranny which it engenders, are the springs of that pauperism, which sits like an incubus on the bosom of virtuous India. He says, 'When a man has wealth, people look on him as the fairest of the gods; when brought low by want and unable to raise himself, though he be a very Cupid, they look on him as an outcast." He speaks so bitterly of women that it seems as if he doubted the possibility of any woman being capable of truth and fidelity. As the track of a ship on the sea, as the path of a bird in the air, so is the way of a'woman." In time of wealth wife looks to her husband. In time of want she will not even riso at his approach; she looks on him as dead, though he is still alive. It is in his references to women that Vêmana fails most conspicuously to rise above the conventionalism of Hindu society. There are passages in his writings it is true, in which he describes the true and faithful
The tenth oanto of Bammora Pothana's Bhagavata may be taken Man exception. This poem, though closionl, is studied among the homes of the Telugu people and assimilated by thom.

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wife in language which shows that he had some conception of a higher and nobler type of womanhood, but these cannot alter the fact that, like the vast majority of his fellow-countrymen, he regarded women As essentially weak and unreliable, and believed that their influence is uniformly on the side of evil. It is not strange that he adopted this standpoint. In India women are the most determined enemies of reform, and Vêmana must often have found his influence weakened and his efforts baffled by their innate conservatism and blind acquiescence in the traditional opinions and customs.
Vamana aimed at releasing the people from the bondage of blind traditionalism and enable them to realise the supreme importance of truth and purity and of duty to God and man. He shared the opinion of the Buddhist mendicant in the Mrichchukátika, the earliest Sanskrit drama, where he says:
Cast the five senses all away,
That triumph o'er the virtuous will ; The pride of self-importance slay
And ignorance remorselens kill: So shall you safe the body guard, And Heaven shall be your last reward, Why shave the head and mow the chin
While bristling follies choke the breast ? Apply the knife to parts within,
And heed not how deformed the rest ; The heart of pride and passion weed,
And then the man is pure indeed, He was a stern iconoclast and maintained that God dwells not in buildings made by human hands. He pours out his bitterest scorn on idolatry and scrupulously kept himself aloof from sacred services. He denounced asceticism with a vigour and earnestness, the like of which was not heard from the pulpit of Mainwaring to the judgment seat of Bradshaw. "Those who torture the body and call themselves saints can never cleanse the foulness of the heart. Does a snake die when you best the ant-hill in which it hides P'
Mr. Campbell seems to think that Vêmana shared the opinion maintained by Herbert Spencer in his First Principles when he says, "An unbiased consideration of its general aspects forces us to conclude that religion, everywhere present as a weft running through the warp of human history, expresses some eternal fact, while it is almost a truism to say of science that it is an organized mass of facts, ever growing and ever being more completely purified from errors.' Mr. Campbell bases his inference on the following verge of Vemana: "He who takes all forms, who is eternal, who is Himself witness of all that is in every heart, who is in all things the unchangeable, free from all taint, - He is called Brahma," Be this is as it may, Vêmana has not spared even Brahma in his strong satire, as he says, “He (Brahma) gives wealth to one, the utility to another, the heart (to spend) to a third and would spoil the whole thing. Let Brahma's wife be widowed."
There seems to be hardly any Touchstonian intelligence in the poet at all. He seems to be best known for his wholesale condemnation of anything and everything terrestrial and even celestial. I have my own misgivings if he ever sincerely believed in an absolute Reality behind appearances, though he somewhere says that that Reality is unknowable and unknown.
• విత్త మొకనికిచ్చి వితరణనొకనికిచ్చి చిత్త మొకనికిచ్చి చెరచుగాక
బ్రహ్మయాలితాడు బండి రేవున తెగను విశ్వధాభిరామ వినుర వేమ,

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I append some verses, universally attributed to Vemana, from a translation by C. P. Brown, to give the reader a tolerably fair idea of his writings : -
Specimens of Vemana's Verse. 1. Observances void of purity of heart I to what end are they? to what end is the preparation of food without cleansing the vessel ? Void of parity of mind, to what end is the worship of God ?
2. One real and good sapphire is enough, why collect a basketful of glittering sparkling stones ? Consider, then, is not one verse, if worth reading, sufficient ?
3. A false teacher restrains us in all our acts. The middling, ordinary teacher makes a multitude of senseless spells. Bnt the good one combines the whole power of excellence.
4. Whatever he may read who is devoid of understanding, his virtue continues only so long as he is reading ; even as a frog is dignified only so long as it is seated on a lotus leaf.
5. At the sight of women, the cupidinous man quits his meal, being stricken with the pain of desire ; even as the grasshopper delights in viewing the fire that will destroy it.
6. If a corpse leave a miser's house, when he has given the money for the shroud and bier, "alas for the fees" cries he, sobbing and sobbing as he weeps!
7. He that, relying on the prince, ruins the land, the sorrows of the people shall reach him, and at last be sball fall. How long shall the bounding ball retain its elevation ?
8. Though iron break twice or thrice, the smith knows how to heat and weld it. If the spirit break, who shall restore it?
9. He who keeps himself afar from another's wife; who desireth not another's wealth, but is benevolent; who, though others be enraged, is not wroth; and who lives in the esteem of others, is the wise man.
10. By the groaning of buffalo-hide bellows (in the world) the five metals are calcined: when good men grieve, will not a great flame arise to heaven?
11. If thou wilt work for hire, and slave, and gain, and give it to thy wife, she knows to applaud thee: but a thousand-fold will she revile her husband, if he falls into poverty.
12. Were the earth void of the excellently virtacas, how should the world stand nor bn burnt with fire? They are not so very frequent : but only here and there.
13. When his passions are redoubled, a man is seizer with madness and roams the earth. Cupidity makes a man as restless as a dog.
14. The house of a virtuous young woman is orderly, she is like a light shining in a dark room. The house in which a first wedded wife dwells is like the place of divine worship.
15. A medicine may always be found somewhere in the world to heal wounds received in front, Bat hath any remedy been found to heal the wounds of slanderous words ?
16. Though a vessel be broken, a new one is easily procured. Is it then marvellous that after a man's death he should acquire a new body?
17. Meditation is of superior merit to the bestowing of gifts, as understanding is superior to meditation, and to cut off our lusts is superior even to our understanding.
18. Know that sin is the cause of drooping the head ; that all trae good originates in the spirit, but to comprehend this requires much firmness.
19. By talking and conversing, affection increases, as you continue to eat even the bitter margosa leaf, it becomes sweet; so by practice may we succeed in any art whatever.

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20. Speech may be corrected so as to be without irregularity; a stone may be carved into a 'fine form; but the mind can never be altered, no, not in the best of men.
21. The mind cannot see God as long as it is in this life ; but convert thy body into a temple, and restrain thyself, give up all worldly thoughts, and see Him with thy internal eye.
22. If we love Him, He will love us ; it we love not Him, never will He love us : all our display, all our hypocrisy, will be of no avail.
23. When the sons of the earth see the holy saint, they revile him, but cannot understand him. Can the hand discern ambrosia from other tastes ?
24. If in the time of her husband a woman labours, she shall enjoy comfort in the time of her sons; all, however great, participate in wealth and poverty. The strength of strong Bons is the greatest of all.
25. With such eyes as these how can we view the deity ? l'he eyes that see him are different, the vision is diverse. Must not we look to him with an internal eye ?
26. He beaps up wealth, and gives none in charity: he consumes it not himself, but hides it! Will not the bee that stores up honey yield it by force to the traveller?
27. Water mingled with milk bears the appearance of milk; and thus becomes acceptable in sacred rites : thus, by intercourse with the pure and excellent, shall even the foolish attain perfection,
28. A stone ball may be broken; the very hills may be reduced to dust, but the heart of the cruel man can be melted by nothing.
29. Talking is one thing, and the temper of mind is another : the qualities of the body tend one way, and our intention another! How shall we attain salvation 1 and what path is this we are pursuing ?
30. However many days he lives, however long he is learning, and however he is distinguished, in a few days he dies, and is turned to earth, with all his skill.
31. If there be one dry tree in a forest, it will produce flame by friction and sweep away all the rest : thus it a base wretch be born in a noble race, he will destroy it all.
32. The wicked wretch considers the wealth in his house as his own for ever, and hides it in the earth! Yet he cannot carry a cowry or a farthing with him when he dies.
33. Theft and whoredom are alike in the world; the adulteregs is full of apprehensions, like the thief who dares not view the beauty of moonlight.
34. Vain desire suffers not to attain our end; it only plunges us in troubles, and drags.us along; it prevents faith from being bora in men.
35. If a mighty prince takes a light man by the hand, his word will be current in the world. If merchants own them, do not even shells act for money?
36. To whom does your body belong, which you nourish 80 carefully ? Whose is your wealth that you should hide it ? To whom does the soul appertain that it should not leave the body?
37. Though he roam to Concan, no dog will turn into a lion; going to Benares will make no pig an elephant ; and no pilgrimage will make a Brahman of one whose nature is different.
38. If anthority be given to a low-minded man, he will chase away all the honorable : cana dog that gnaws shoes taste the sweetness of sugar-cane ?
39. Has the wife opposed her lord's commands ? She is no longer his mate but his fate. To such a wife a dwelling in the wilderness is preferable.

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OCTOBER, 1902.) SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
409
40. A disobedient wife is as the goddess Death to her husband, a springing, hooded serpent ; a very demon; a wife at enmity with you is a fit wife for a demon ?
41. When he beholds a woman he is deprived of power to estimate justly; and is consumed with love as resin would be in the hottest fire: into what follies are we led by empty desire !
42. What is dearest of all things ? Life: but gold is dearer than a thousand lives and dearer than gold are the words of a maiden.
43. A woman who is a rover, loves none but rovers : how would she be pleased with a delicate lover? the dang-beetle cares not for the sweetness of sugar.
44. He desires pleasant food, and he longs for fair women: behold the evil heart of man! He cannot for an instant relinquish these temptations and reflect that they are unprofitable.
45. Desert not thy king even for a thousand others: when you have given a man food, tell it not, however poor you are, and however beautiful the wifo be, let her not scorn her husband.
46. Sons and wives are a more delusion; pleasure and pain ure a more deception; a family, and the affections we feel, are unreal: thou hast filled this delusive lifo with empty forms.
47. A feast given without kindness is a mere waste of flour-cakes: worship devoid of piety is a waste of the sprouts used in sacrifice; and gifts devoid of charity are a mero waste of gold.
48. Imagining that by acquiring sons he will attain the happiness that is the reward of merit, a man remains entangled in the creed of works. If an elephant fall into a pit, bow cm a gnat extricate it?
49. Covetousness is a sin of the worst nature: through lust have not hermits been deladed ? he who hath viewed and relinquished all; this is the pure spirit.
50. If you catch a monkey and dress it in a new robe, the hill-apes will all worship it. Thus are the luckless subject to the senseless.
51. Though you anoint an ass with perfames, it feels not your fondness, but will turn again and kick you : and equally fruitless is the love shown to a young girl.
62. Though you pour milk and sugar over bramblo berries, and boil them, they will acquire no flavour; how then can good qualities be produced in the crooked heart by any kindness?
53. When we behold. bright-eyed girl or gaze on gold, overy one's mind is seize.l with wavering thoughts; how then can the power of truth be felt by men ?
54. What has a cripple to do with bracelets ? Of what advantage are wooden teeth to the hare-lipped? Will an ass be the better for assuming a beard and whiskers ? Mere pretensions are wholly fruitless.
55. Singularly fanciful is the talisman of Capid to behold, Tho spot in the forehead of the rosy nymph; at the glance of her waist is the heart agitated.
56. If misfortune befal him, the sinner reviles the deity: if he meets with good, he lauds himself for it: but evil and good are the results of his own acts.
57. To say " Sudraism has left , I am no Sudra, I am a Brahman," is all folly; though brass resemble gold, can it be esteemed its equal ?
58. All men, be they who they will, desire gold and fine women. Not the mightiest of lords carr telinqnish a fair-eyed maiden.
59. To associate with a slat is sain upon rain ; he who has to do with a whore loses all shame; and joining with an adulteress is the source of utter death.
60. A lucky woman perceives the hunger and thirst of others; she helps them to food and satisfies them, but your unlucky senseless wife considers no one's hunger but her own.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
61. By Cupid, the green-bowed god, are all men in the world suddenly deluded, who then in this respect is noble? who is abject?
62. There is no living between earth and sky for the pain of the wounds inflicted by Cupid. How can a man live who deserts the wife of his home?
63. Those who give their word, and break it, are lost to all shame: he who disregards distress is vile : and croel is he who, after contracting friendship, grieves his friend.
64. He is a fool, who, listening to his factious wife, quits his brothers and separates himself from them. Can a man swim in the Godavari by holding on to a dog's tail?
65. If he joins himself to the vile, and associates with him, he will be ruined, whoever he be. It is like drinking milk under & palm-tree.
66. Rice dressed without ghee is, I protest to thee, mere grass; a dinner without herbs is only fit for dogs.
67. When women and men are heated by fulness of meal, they say that they are tormented by Cupid. But when they have no food to eat, what becomes of that god's power?
68. We admire all women without discrimination, whoever thoy be; we melt as gum would do in the flame of destruction: this strong cupidity plunges as in unspeakable troubles.
69. The base wretch who forms criminal connections, equally unstable and infamous, and plays fast and loose with others, shall, like a young ass, suddenly be destroyed.
70. He who isills many men, and slays the poor, and plunders the villages to fill his belly, go where he will, Yama will find and destroy him.
71. We take a skin and form it into an elegant pappet; we make it play, and then throw it away. But who can see Him who thus plays with us as puppets ?
72. A stone in the shoe, a gadfly in the ear, a mote in the eye, a thorn in the foot, and a quarrel in a family, however small in themselves, are unspeakably tormenting.
73. Can an ass comprehend the fragrance of perfumes P does a dog know good from bad ? can the light fool understand the holy separation of him who serves God ?
74. The recluseness of a dog! the meditations of a crane! the chanting of an ass! the bathing of a frog! Ah, why will ye not try to know your own hearts !
75. Better is the humble washerman than the empty student; better is the house-dog than the inanimate household goddess; and better thar. all demi-gods is the Lord of the Universe.
76. He that is hungry forgets every religious tio; all parity of heart disappears in the dark; and pregnancy destroys all former plumpness of body.
77. Marriage contracts, given and received with friendship, shall not lead to decrees, but shall flourish, spreading as a lotus plant does over the water, blossoming, budding, and bearing abundant fruit.
78. During life he restrains not his lusts; but when death approaches he turns recluse : unless thou subdue thy heart, how shalt thou attain release ?
79. What poet or what god is there free from darts of love P This is mere desire, not love of wisdom. Poets and demi-gods are all mere libertines.
80. When a man has feasted and sits at his case, should be see a woman he is touched with love, the vigour given by food fills the body with cupidity.

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OCTOBER, 1902.) SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
411
81. In this world riches form the chief object; on wealth does the due performance of every duty depend; virtue is the origin of every blessing; and final beatitude depends on the conduct of our own hearts.
82. Conduct thyself so as to beware of three sins: disobedience to thy mother, rebellion against thy father, and despising thy elder brother.
83. Why should a man grieve because he lacks the wealth which he sees heaped up in the house of others ? In his former birth he died without attempting to perform any charitable act, and now reaps the fruit of that life.
84. The alms that are bestowed without being asked shall unsought return to you; whatever we give, being asked, so much shall return on our asking: and he who bestows nothing shall receive nothing.
85. If an unlucky fool should even find the philosopher's stone, it would never remain in his hands but vanish; it would melt away like the hailstones that come with rain.
86. He who values himself on his wealth and bestows none on others, revelling on riches, shall in the end perish and never see good.
87. When a woman has by her virtues acquired lasting celebrity, and men remember her excellence, how can we too highly esteem her devotion to her husband ?
88. Wisdom is the teacher : the human heart is absolate ignorance; but when we fall into a giddy state of fluctuation between these two principles - until that giddiness is dissipated neither of these can be distinguished.
89. No man in the world considers truly who he is; alas, he cannot know his whole nature ! How shall man learn to know himself
90. If they see a man of property, women will lay their vests for his feet to walk on; but if they meet one who has lost his possessions, they hold him no better than a walking corpse.
91. If eaten out of due time, even food turns to poison; if we even see it with the eye, we loathe it; whatever you eat with disgust is fatal as venom.
92. Through anger we suffer degradation : wrath leads to grief ; repress anger and all thy wishes shall be attained.
93. Poverty makes a man's relations his foes; by poverty we fail of attaining heaven; and through want we lose credit with the lender.
94. When a man has attained power and dominion, if he does not saccour the poor and ruined, of what profit is his influence or existence ?
95. Young men trample on the conduct they formerly practised, and adopt new manners. They bid their mother begone, they afflict her, and give their wealth to strange women.
96. To sport with fire or with a light man, with your neighbour's wife, or with a fallen wretch-all tend to death.
97. Till his lusts are quelled, no man can be freed from earthly ties: until he is thus freed, he is no hermit; unless thou become an ascetic, thy lasts shall not be estroyed !
98. When even a lion is emaciated even a starved dog can torment him; when we are powerless all our undertakings are vain.
99. Let us forget every sinful connection ; let us forget every contention, and the faults of others - but never let us forget the good done to us.
100. If, ignorant of his own powers, and those of his opponent, a man blusters and indulges in wrath, he is like a bear performing the torch dance, in which he will, of course, be burnt,

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412
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 387.)
Enclosure III. List of Bills of Exchange drawn upon the Governor General in Connoil
since last Advised.
Date.
After Sight.
NO
In whose favor.
SOR!
A.
1794. March 14 ...
20 ...
...
1000
3400
13 Lieut! Edmund Wells ... 14 Meser Wilsone Downie
Lieut. John Wales ... 16 Lieut. E. Welle ... ...
300
3110
SA Rupees
7800
Port Cornwallis March 20th 1794.
(Signed) A. Kya
Supert Andamans.
Ordered that Lient! Wells's Account of Receipts and Disbursements, and the Vouchers thereof. be sent to the Military Auditor General, and that, on the Return of the Snow Corpwallis to the Andamans a Supply of Treasure be dispatched to the Superintendant, to the Extent of fifteen thousand Sicoa Rupees, half in Gold and balf in Silver.
Ordered that a copy of M: Wood's Letter be sent to the Adjutant General, and that he be advised of that part of the one from Major Kyd which relates to the Cornwallis; and the Artillery Men Remaining at the Settlement.
Acreed that an Order be given for a Passage in the Daphne or Cornwallis for the Artificers to be engaged, at Major Kyd's desire, by Lieut! Sandys.
Ordered that the Acting Naval Store Keeper be desired to furnish a List of the Storos, now here, belonging to the Dispatch Brig as sent to him by the Admiral.
Ordered that the List, received from Major Kyd, of Bills of Exchange, drawn upon the Government, be transmitted to the Accountant General.
Ordered, on the subject of Major Kyd's Letter, relative to his own and Lieut! Welle's Allowances, that, before any decision be passed thereon, the Secretary lay before the Board a statement of the respective Allowances, as they stand at present.

Page #421

OCTOBER, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
1794. No. X.
Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board. Secry, Hospital Bd Dated 7th Ap! 1794.
To John H. Harrington Esq! Sub Secretary.
Sir, I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the enclosed Copy of List of Necessaries which they have received from M: David Wood acting Surgeon to the Andamans, which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council and to acquaint him that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to furnish the necessaries required.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obed! humble Servant Fort William Hosp! Board Office, (Signed) A. Campbell, Secretary.
the 7th March 1794.
Indent for Necessaries for the use of the Sick belonging to the Settlement and Cruisers at Port Cornwallis.
1 Maund Sago
10 Dozen Madeira Win
3 Dozen Lime juice
2 Dozen Vinegar
Bags of Flour
4
3 Maunds of Sugar
3 Maunds of Bazar Oil
Pieces of Bandage Cloth
6
6 Fomentation Cloths
Hosp! Board Office, the 7th March 1794.
413
A true Copy (Signed) D. Wood, Acting in a Med! Capacity.
Agreed that the Hospital Board be desired to direct the Purveyor to Furnish the Articles required in the above Indent, and to send them to the Andamans in the Snow Daphne.
1794. No. XI.
Fort William 14th April 1794. The following Letter was received from the Garrison Storekeeper on the 8th Instant and Orders were issued to him to purchase the Stores mentioned in the Copy of the Indent transmitted from the Superintendant of the Andamans to be forwarded to that Station on the Cornwallis Snow.
Garrison Store Keeper 8 April 1794.
Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Having received an Indent, Copy of which is enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, which the Superintendant there has requested may be sent on the Snow Cornwallis I request that you will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, and communicate to me his Orders whether the Indent shall be complied
with.
Fort William Garrison Store Keeper's Office 8th April 1794,
I have the honour to be &c
(Signed)
G. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
Indent No 7 To Lieut. Geo. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper -Fort William.
Total root!
відое 10 May 1793.
Names of Stores.
Balance remaining in Store.
Artioles Indented
For what purpose wanted.
for
Maunds!
400 100
Do
For the Subsistance of the Set
tlers at the Andamans.
Rice Dholl
... Ghee ... Sugar ... Tamerinas ...
Do !!
For Occasional Passengers re
turning to Bengal.
I do hereby Certify that the Articles specified in this Indent are indispensably Necessary for the purposes Abovementioned, after the most carefull Examination. Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Joseph Stokoe, Acts Commissary. 19th March 1794. A true Copy (Signed) G. A. Robinson, Garrison Storekeeper.
1794. - No. XII. Fort William 14th April 1794. Statement of Major Kyd's Allowances &c. The Secretary, According to the Boards Orders given at their last Meeting, lays before them a Statement of the porsonal Allowances at present drawn by Major Kyd, and Lieut! Wells, in their Respective Situations at the Andamang.
Major Kyd as Superintendant receives for his established Allowance Sicca
Rupees 1000 or Sonat Rupees .... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1045 9 0 and the full Batta of Lieut: Colonel which is 8! R: 20 per Diem or p? Men
sem of 30 Days ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 600 0 0
1645
9
0
Besides which he draws the Ordinary pay of his Rank in Army, which is
R: S: 6 per diem or p! mengem
Th. Allowances of Lieut Wells are as follows: Pay & Additional Allowances 3 Rs. p! day Batta... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Gratuity ... ... ... ... ... ... Add to this the Sum allowed to him as Commissary of Stores and Provi
sions at the Andamans 250 Sicca Rs. p? Month ... ... ... ..
180 OC 1825 90 9000 120 0 0 24 00
262 8 0
Sonat Rupees... 496 8 0 Govt Gen Minute. Fort William 21 April 1794. The Governor General delivers in the following Minate.
Governor General. The Cornwallis Snow being nearly ready for dispatch to the Andamans, I have looked back to the Proceedings of Government in order to ascertain what gubjects of Reference or Application, from Major Kyd are now before the Board, that our decisions upon them may be cominunicated to him by the present Opportunity,

Page #423

OCTOBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY.
415
Major Kyd in his Letter of the 10th of March, represents the great want of some public Officer in Calcutta, who would take the care of procuring the various Classes of Artificers and Workmen required from time to time for the supply of the Settlement; to take charge of the Sepoys and others returning, Occasionally, either on leave of Absence, or for the Recovery of their Health, and to procure them Passages, and to Superintend their Embarkation on their Return or Recovery, to pay to the Families of the Settlers which remain in Bengal, the portion of Allowances which the different Settlers allot to them, for their subsistence, and also to furnish and send down a great Variety of small Articles which are not kept in the Company's Stores, and recommends Lieutenant Sandys the Fort Adjutant in Fort William as a fit Person, from his Situation, to be selected for these, and similar duties connected with the Island.
Being satisfied from the Enquiries I have made, that such a Superintendence here is necessary as well for the purposes mentioned, but more especially for Superintending the Embarkation of the Convicts sentenced to be transported to the Andamans Recommend that Lieutenant Sandys should be appointed to perform the several duties above specified, excepu the Provisions of any Articles of Supply for the Settlement which should be furnished, as other Supplies, on Indent, upon the Garrison Storekeeper, - It was my intention to have proposed an Allowance to Lieutenant Sandys proportioned to the trouble of these additional Duties which are not without expence to him; he has for some time performed them gratuitously.
But on a review of the Duties annexed to the Adjutanoy of Fort William compared with his Staff Allowances I think it proper to point out to the Board that whilst the former are greater than those of any Adjutant in the Army his Staff Allowances are less than those of an Adjutant of an European Battalion. The detail of the Troops at the Presidenoy including European Infantry Seapoys and Artillery is kept by the Adjutant of Fort William he attends Parades and the Relief of the Guards He is also under the Orders of the Fort Major and in this Capacity has many constant Services and immediate Daties to execute - I therefore propose that I trust the Board will deem Reasonable and Just that the Staff Allowances to the Fort Adjutant should be increased 150 Rupees per Month, which addition is to be considered as including a Compensation for the trouble and expence of the Duties of the Andamans as above detailed.
Major Kyd in his Letter of the 20th of March, having informed the board of the permission granted to Lieutenant Wells to return to Bengal, on account of his Health, and of Lieutenant Wells' desire to resign the Office of Provision and Store Keeper, I conclude that his Resignation thereof will be Accepted, and Major Kyd's Nomination of Ensign Stokoe to act therein be confirmed from the 1st of May next, until further Orders.
Major Kyd forwards an Application from Lieutenant Wells, claiming some Staff Allowances for the time he had Charge of the Settlement and I was prepared to have made a proposition to the Board relative to the Situation of Lieut! Wells, in respect to his Allowances while the Charge of the Settlement devolved upon him, in the absence of Major Kyd ; bat I decline doing it, for the present, as I have understood that Lieutenant Wells has & Specific Claim to prefer on that Account.
The next Subject lying over for Consideration relates to an Application from Major Kyd for an encroase of his own Allowances, which he declares after the experience of One Year have not been adequate to the Absolate Necessary Expences of his Situation. The Secretary wac desired on the 7th Instant to prepare a Statement of the personal Allowances of Major Kyd and of Lieutenant Wells which he laid before the Board at a last Meeting, and from thence it appears that Major Kyd receives as Superintendant at the Andamans Ropees 1,000 per Monthand altho' this may seem at first sight, a very Liberal Allowance, yet when it is considered that every Article of Life (except Fish) must be procured from Bengal, and that in s Society so very confined, the whole expence of keeping a General Table must naturally devolve

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416
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
upon the Superintendant, being in fact the only Person whose Situation will enable him to procure and keep up a Stock for daily Consumption, I have no hesitation in giving the fullest credit to the Assertion, that it must require the whole of the above Allowances to defray his unavoidable Expences there, and I am persuaded that under the Circumstances of that Sacrifice to the public Service, which Major Kyd is making by an almost entire Seclusion from Society, it will not be deemed unreasonable to grant him a Table allowance of 20 Rupees per Diem, that he may be enabled to effect some savings out of his personal Allowances and that this Table Allowance should commence from the date of his last return and resuming the Superintendence at Port Cornwallis.
Agreed to the Propositions contained in the above Minute.
1794.No. XIII.
Fort William 21st April 1794. Agreed that the following Letter be written to Major Kyd. Major Kyd 21st April 1794.
To Major Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir,We have received your Letters of the 20th and 30th of March.
We are sorry to observe that the situation of Port Cornwallis has proved so unfavourable to the Health of the Settlers, but as we entertain Hopes that the place will become more salubrious in proportion as it is cleared, and as our experience is at present insufficient to form a decided Opinion on this Subject, we shall wait with Anxiety your future Opinion and Report apon it.
In forming your Opinion on the probable Healthiness of the Situation you will discriminate as well as your experience admits how far the Causes which may be supposed to have had an Influence in this Respect are of a permanent Nature or of such as may be removed by Industry and exertion, and we recommend that in your future Report you attend to every Circumstance that may enable us to form an Opinion on the Eligibility of presenting (sic) the object for which the Station of Port Cornwallis was chosen.
Having consented to your proposition for visiting Prince of Wales Island in the Month of July or August next as scon as you may judge it convenient We send enclosed a Copy of our Resolutions, pointing out the several Objects of your Investigation there.
Such Articles of Supply for the Settlement as you may want will be furnished as usual by the Garrison Store Keeper on Indent, and the Adjutant of Fort William is instructed to perform the other Duties mentioned in your Letter for which and upon Consideration of the inadequacy of his Staff Allowances in general an addition has been made to them of .150 Rupees per month.
We have accepted Lieutenant Wells' Resignation of the Office of Provision and Store Keeper and confirm your Nomination of Ensign Stokoe to act therein from the first of next month until further Orders.
The Governor General having understood that Lieutenant Wells intends to prefer a specific Claim for extra Staff Allowance during the time he had Charge of the Settlement in your Absence we have for the present deferred coming to any Resolution on that head.
With respect to an encrease of your own Salary which you declare inadequate to the Absolute necessary Expences of your Situation, we have determined that you shall receive Twenty Rupees per Diem as an Allowance for your Table, and that it shall commence from the date of your last return and resuming the Superintendence at Port Cornwallis.
The Secretary will forward to you a list of Consignments by the Snow Cornwallis. We are, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servants (Signed) Gov Gen! in Council.
Fort William the 21st April, 1704.

Page #425

OCTOBER, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
417
1794. - No. XIV. . Fort William 20 May 1794. Read the following Letter and Enclosure from Lieutenant Wells.
Lieutt Wells 1st May 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have the honor to forward the enclosed Bill and to request you will be pleased to submit it to the Honorable the Governor General in Council At the same time I must beg you will please to solicit the Board's Consideration on the following transcripts Viz!
"Extract from the Proceedings of the Governor Genl. in Council February 14t 1794."
"Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to order n Detachment of Sepoys to be commanded by a carefull and entillegent Officer of Infantry, who shall assist Captain Kyd in making his various arrangements, and take Charge of the Settlement in the Event of his temporary Absence from it."
"Extract from Instructions of the Governor General in Council, to Captain A. Kyd dated 18th February 1793.
Paragraph 21. In the case of your occasional Absence from the Andamans or in the Event of any accident depriving the Settlement of your Services, the Powers and Duties of the Superintendant as specified by your Commission and these Instructions, are to devolve to Lieut. Edmund Wells, or the next Senior Officer."
The Appointment thus conferred on me, as ventual (sic) Superintendant of the Settlement of the Andamans having no precise Salary annexed to it I presume to conclude it to have been the intention of Government, that whenever the Station and Duties might devolve to me, I should become entitled to the Salary & Allowances appertaining to the Office, and I have accordingly made out my Bill on that principle which I hope will be approved.
I have the Honor to be with due Respect, Sir, Fort William,
Your most Obedient humble Servant May 1* 1794.
(Signed) Edmund Wells, Lieut The Honorable Company ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ! 1793/4 To my Salary as Superintendant of the Settlement at the Andamans
whilst acting in that Capacity from 19 July 1793 to the 28th of February 1794 being Eight Months at Sicca Rupees 1,000.0.0 p!
Month ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 8,000.0.0 To established Allowance for Writer's Stationary & Office Charges for the same period at Sioca Rupees 250.0.0 p!MO ... ... ... ... 2,000.0.0
Total Ten Thousand S Rupees.., 10,000.0.0
(Signed) Edmund Wells. The Board do not consider Lieutenant Wells either from the terms of his Appointment or from the General Rules of the Service entitled to draw the personal and other Allowances annexed to the Station and Establishments of the Superintendant of the Andamang, These Allowances have been already drawn by Major Kyd and as his Title to them in the Opinion of the Board is indisputable it supercedes the Claim of Lieutenant Wells for the same allowances.
Ordered therefore that the Bills be rejected.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
1704. – No. XV. Fort William 29 May 1794. Read & Letter & Enclosure from Captain Smith Commander of the Snow Daphne.
Capt. Smith 21st April 1794. E. Hay Esq! Secs to the Gov!
Sir, I beg leave to inform you that the Pilot is at this Moment leaving the Daphne, the whole Number of People on board for Port Cornwallis is in the enclosed List they are all well at present we have had a long Passage down owing to the blowing Weather and the Vessel being Struok by Lightning on the 18th Instant at Kedgeree in a serve [? severe) Squall which Shattered the Foreinast & hurt soveral of the People only one badly who is now recovering in consequence of this Accident I was detained 24 Hours to secure the mast which is now completely done it still blows fresh from the Southward but I am in hopes of a speedy Passage.
I have the honor to be with respect &c. Snow Daphne
(Signed) Mathew Smith. 21 April 1794. List of Passengers on board the Snow Daphne for Port Cornwallis April 21 1794.
1 Havildar 15 Seapoys 4 Women 4 Children 60 Convicts 12 Mechanics 1 Child
97 Total
(Signed) Mathew Smith,
1794. - No. XVI. Fort William 29 June 1794. Read the following Letters from Major Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Supt at Andamans dated 15th and 19th May 1794 No. I. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - A few days ago a small Sloop put into this Port, which had been fitted out by the Bencoolen Government, to convey Public Dispatches to Bengal, but meeting with extreme bad Weather and the Vessel being in all respects both from her Constraction and equipment unfit for keeping the Sea, in the Bay of Bengal during the South W! Monsoon, the Commander has represented to me the impossibility of his proceeding, I have therefore thought it a duty incumbent on me to forward this Packet, and have ordered the Sea horse Brig to be held in readiness for that purpose and shall dispatch her, as soon as the weather, which is at present very tempestaous is sufficiently Settled.
I am happy to inform you of the Arrival of the Cornwallis Snow, on board of which was My Bedduck a Surgeon for the Settlement; As this Vessel left Bengal a considerable time after the Daphne which has not yet made her appearance, I am much afraid that during the late Violent Weather she has suffered in her Masts, and has been obliged to bear up for Chittagong or Aracan.

Page #427

OCTOBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
419
The Rainy Season has commenced much earlier than it did last Year, but it has not Set in with so much Violence and as the people of all classes are much better Accommodated, I am in hopes that we shall not suffer so severely by Sickness, altho' the intermitting Fevers are already beginning to make their appearance; we have lost another of the Artillery Men, and the few men that are left are in so Sickly a state that I have thought it best to send them to Bengal on the sea horee.
We have met with a very great loss in the death of M! Heman Clack, our Beach Master who was a Sober worthy and useful man and who cannot be easily replaced.
I herewith transmit my Account Current with the Company brought up to this period Accompanied with the Necessary Vouchers, but have not given credit for the Treasure arrived on the Cornwallis as it has not yet been examined with the Cash that I may expect to get from individuals for drafts on Government, at the issuing of Pay, I should hope that we shall have Specie enough for the use of the Settlement, for Six Months from the 1 Instant.
Indents for the necessary Supply of Provisions and Stores are forwarded by the Commissary and as we shall be deprived of a great many Necessary Articles of Supply both Public and private, Should the Daphne unfortunately not Arrive I have to request that the Sea horse may be dispatched with as little delay as possible.
It is unnecessary at this time to Answer Any part of the Public dispatches by the Cornwallis.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient Servant Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd. 15th May 1794.
Superintendant Andamans. P. 8. Accompanying is a List of Bills that I have drawn on Government for Cash received into the Treasury here which I have given Credit for in my Account Current, only the last Bill the Cash for which has been received, since the Account was closed.
I have the honor to be &c. 18th May 1794.
(Signed) A. Kyd.
Sup! at the Andamans No. II. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Since I did myself the honor of Writing to you on the 15th Instant M: Wilson Commanding the Bencoolen Sloop who I advised to proceed to the Prince of Wales Island for which the Winds and Season is favorable has reported to me, that on laying the Vessel on Shore to Stop her Leaks, he has found her in so rotten a State, that he deems it very hazardous to proceed to Sea; without a very Considerable repair, I therefore desired Captain Wales, and Lieu! Lawrence of the Cornwallis attended by the Head Carpenter of the Settlement to Survey her; and from their Report of the State of her Hull and Rigging it appears that it would require a Repair and Equipment to render her fit for the Sea, which it is not in our power to give. I have therefore desired Mr. Wilson to give me an Inventory of her Stores, and Provisions which I will take charge of, and have permitted him to proceed to Calcutta on the Sea Horse, on Board of which I have also sent the Seamen belonging to the Indiamen As it. is most probable that the Owners of this Vessel will have claims on the Company for her Value, if she is not returned them, and as I am Certain it will be much less expensive to pay it, than to repair and fit her out, to be sent again to Bencoolen ; I have directed the above named Gentlemen in Conjunction with the Commander, to Affix a Value upon her; and by the next dispatch I will send a Copy of the Survey Report and the Valuation which the Board may probably think adviseable to transmit to the Bencoolen Government.

Page #428

420
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
I am very happy to Acquaint you that the Daphne arrived last Night the great length of her Passage has been principally owing to her Foremast, having been struck with Lighting before she left the River.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obeds. Serve Port Cornwallis,
(Signed) A. Kyd 19th May 1794.
Superintendant Andamans. Ordered that the Account Current and Vouchers transmitted by Colonel Kyd be sent to the Auditor General for examination and Report.
The Register of Bills is to be sent to the Accountant General.
Ordered that a copy of Major Kyd's letter dated the 19th of May relating to the Vessel sent from Fort Maribro' be communicated to the Deputy Governor and Council of that Settlement by the first Opportanity and that a copy of it be also recorded in the Fort Marlbro' Proceedings of this date.
1794. - No. XVII. Fort William ad June 1794. Read the following letter from Lieut: Wells.
Lieut! Wells 13th May 1794. To C. Shakespear Esq! Sal Secretary to Government.
Sir, - Yesterday I was honored with your Letter under date the 5th Instant, containing the decision of the Governor General in Council upon the Claim which I lately submitted.
I should not have obtruded any thing further upon the subject, had not the Tenor of your Letter led me to believe that in justification of the Motives which actuated me in the Transaction, it is requisite I should disavow all Intention of encroaching upon the Rights of Major Kyd, as seems to have been understood. And that on the contrary, I first addressed him with a communication of my intended application to Government, which he not only approved of but I did believe, that he had also recommended it to their attention.
· I must intreat you will do me the favor to lay this Letter before the Hon ble the Governor General in Council, as I am most anxious to Stand acquitted in the Judgement of the Board, of any sinister or mercenary Design. From the nature of my appointment I imagined that I possessed a Right to Allowances equivalent to those attached to the Duties of the superintendant, whilst I stood in that Capacity; but I am much concerned to find, by the Award of Government that I so far misunderstood the nature of my Station, as to have been induced to make a Claim which is deemed inadmissible, and I hope these reasons will be accepted as a Sufficient apology for the Trouble I have given. Fort William
I have the honor to be &c May 13th 1794.
(Sigued) Edmund Wells Lient. Ordered that Lieutenant Wells be informed that the Governor General in Council entirely approves of his conduct as Acting Superintendant at the Andamans during Major Kyd's absence, but that the Board could not grant him the allowances of the Station as they had with the Sanction of Government already been drawn by Major Kyd.
1794. - No. XVIII. Fort William 30th June 1784. Read a Letter and its Enclosures from the Secretary to the Military Board.
Seory to the Military Board 23 June 1794. Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have the honor to enclose two Letters, addressed to the Military and Provision Storekeeper at the Andamans, which with the approbation of Government, I request may be forwarded to that Officer by the earliest Conveyance.

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OCTOBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
421
I have further the honor to enclose for the Information of the Supreme Board, Copies of the two Indents for Provisions, which have been passed, and forwarded to the Garrison Storekeeper, who has been informed that he should apply to the Company's Salt Golah keeper, for the Article Salt.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant. My Bd Officer
(Signed) Isaac Humphrys Sec! My B the 23rd June 1794. Enclosed in the Letter from the Secry to the Mily Board 23 June.
Indent No. 1. To G. A. Robinson, Garrison Store Keeper, Fort William.
Names of Stores.
Articles indented for
For what purposes wanted.
Admitted by the
Board.
59
Doll ... Ghee... Rice ... Salt ...
... Maunds ... DO ... DO
201
T 200
To complete 5 Months Subsistence to 138 Convicts at Port Cornwallis.
A true Copy (Signed)
Joseph Stokee Acts Com
Provisions.
Port Cornwallis 13th May 1794.
Indent No. 2. To Lient G. A, kobinson, Garrison Store Keeper Fort William
Names of Stores.
Artioles indented for
For what purposes wanted.
Admitted by the
Board.
100
Dholl... ... Maands Ghee ... ... D: Rice ... Salt ... ... DO Salted meat ... Casks
For the Babsistence of the Settlers
at the Andamang.
It is particularly recommended the Ghee may be sent down in Casks or Jars. Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Joseph Stokoo, 12th May 1794.
Acts. Comy. Provisions, Andamans, A true Copy (Signed) Isaac Humphrys, Secy. My. Bd. Ordered that the Letters received from Secretary to the Military Board for the Military and Provision Storokeeper at the Andamans be forwarded by the Seahorse, on her return to that Settlement.

Page #430

422
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
1794. — No. XIX. Fort William 4th July 1794. The following Letters were received yesterday from Ganjam.
Acts Rosiit at Ganjam 27th June 1794. To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Accompanyiug this I bave the honor to forward a Packet for the Honble the Governor General delivered in by Captain Mathew Smith Commander of tho Snow Daphne, who was unfortunate y wrecked about Seventy Miles to the Southward of this place on the 24th Instant, I am happy to add no lives are list.
I have the Honor to be Sir Your most Obedient Servant Ganjam
(signed) wm Gortton 27th June 1794.
Act Resident. Capt. Smith 34 July 1794. Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - It is with the greatest Cuncern I now address you, to inform you of the loss of the Snow Daphno which unfortunately happened at 1/4 before 11 P. M. of the 26th Instt p? Long, about 20 Miles S. W. of Ganjin, I left Port Cornwallis the 17th Iustant having on board 53 Possengers of different descriptions discharged from the Island besides Captain Bartea of His Majostios 78 Regt. I had a very good passage across the Bay and on the 2441 Instant was in intl 18° 47 Noly a very good Dble Altitude, and in Long! by Account 839.2 bast, by which I was about 31 Miles from the Land not Seeing the land at Sunset, which may be Seen 15 Lengues off on this part of the Coast induced me to stand on during the night, it was very clear at Sunset, & I remained myself on Deck till a few Minutes before 10 the water was not at that time in the least discoloured, and at 1/4 after 10 (the Chief Officer informed me after I got upon Deck) he have a Cast of the Lead and bad no ground 35 from [fathom P] I had 2 Men luoking out forward and one in the Waste at 1/4 before 11 they Called out Breakers ahead -the Holm was put down im inedintely, but before she could be got round, unfortunately She Struck and was soon drove far out of the possibility of being got off by Day light and a little after she was nearly full of Water Every Person on board was got Safe on Shore in the Morning. The Packet of Dispatches was saved which M! Gordon has forwarded in Company with this & I am in hopes to save great part of the Wreck, I am happy to say that I have received every attention and assistance possible from every Gentleman near the Spot I had fattered myself with the hopes of finishing my Charter Party with Government with Satisfaction to them and Credit to myself but unfortunately it has proved the reverse.
I sincerely hope this unfortunate Accident will be looked apon by Gorernment in a favor able manner, as I assure you all I did was for the best to the best of my Judgement and it has totally destroyed all my future Prospects.
lam sir with great respect Your Most Obedient Humble Servant Ganjam
(Signed) Mathew Smith. 27th Jun 1784.
I am now at Ganjam, where I arrived this Morning to make out the necessary Papers and shall return to the wreck this lveuing or to Morrow Morning.
1794. -- No. XX. The following Dispatches from the Superintendant at the Andamans were received with the foregoing, and Circulated for the Perusal of the Nembers of the Board.
Suporintondant at Andamans 16 June 1794. To Edward Hay Esy! Secretary to the Government.
sic. - On Exmining the Amount of Provisions and Stores Now at this Settlement, and udenlasting our expenditures, with the Supplies that the two Company's Vessels at present

Page #431

October, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
423
imployer can convey us, I conceive that the Services, of the Daphne may be dispensed with I have therefore dispatched that Vessel to Calcutta, as Speedily as her Foremast could be replaced which had been Shattered by Lightning on the passage dow); in order that Sho may be discharged if the Board think fit. On her I have sent Passengers, a few Artificers and Laborers, who the Surgiou have thought it proper to recommend being Sent to Bengal.
I am very happy in having it in my power to acquaint the Board, that altho intermitting Fevers are yet frequent amongst all the Classes of people, that the Settlement is generally speaking much more healthy than it was last Seasou, which I imagine is principally owing to the people being better accommodated and the Space they Occary being some what extended and cleared of felled timber and decayed Vegetables, which gives hopes, that in proportion as we cicar away the Situation will become more healthy.
I beg you will be pleased to inform the board that I have been honored with their letter of the 21st April and that the instructions there in contained shall be paid the utmost attention to.
I have thu húnor to be Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant, Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd 15th June 1794.
Superintendant Andamang. P. S. Accompanying I send a Copy of the letters that have passed respecting the small Vessel that brought the Packet from Boncoolon to this place.27
1794. - NO, XXI. Fort William 4th July 1994.
Superintendant at the Andamans 15th June 1794. Colin Shakespear Esq! Snb Secretary.
Sir, I have been honored with your letter of the 14th April 1st, Conveying the directions of the Governor General in Council, that the Accounts of this Settlement from the beginning of May of this year are to be kept in Sicca Rupees, which shall be duly attended to.
I have the Honor to bo Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd 15th Juce 1794.
Sup! Andamans. 1794. - No. XXII. Fort William 7th July 1794.
Mr. Shaw. Read a Letter from Mr Shaw. To Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council.
Honble Sir. - The Snow Daphne, Mathew Smith Commander, and owner, in the employ of the Honble Company to carry Stores &c to the Andamans I am sorry to inform your Honble Board was wrecked near Ganjam, on the night of the 24th Ultimo on her return to this Port.
As the Constituted Attorney of Captain Smith I have received from the Marine paymaster, the freight of the Vessel, up to the first day of June, but on application for payment for the Month of June, the Marine paymaster informs me I must Obtain an order from your Honble Board to enable him to discharge the freight due.
From this Unfortunate Accident Captain Smith has been deprived of the little property, he is possessed [of], the Block of his Vessel, not being fully insured, he is a man of good Character and I believe has given perfect satisfaction in the employ, to Major Kyd.
37 These letters are very long and have no direct bouring on the Audamans, they are therefore omitted

Page #432

424
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
If your Hon ble Board should bave occasion to continue another Vessel, in the same employ, I humbly hope yon will consider his Misfortune, and give him a preference as his Friends will in that case, procure him a Vessel.
I trust your Honble Board will be pleased to order payment of the freight for the Daphne for the Month of June.
. I am, Honble Sir, Your Most Obedient humble Servant Calcutta
(Sig!) J. Shaw the 4th July 1794.
Attorney to Mathew Smith. Agreed that an Order be issued to the Acting Marine Paymaster to pay the Amount Freight due to Captain Smith the owner of [the] Daphne for the Month of June.
1794. - No. XXIII. Fort William 14th July 1794.
Letter from the Military Auditor General with an enclosure from Ensign Stokoo, with regard to that Officer's pay as Superintendant of Public Works at Port Cornwallis. The Board "agree to pass Lieut, Stokoe's Bills for So Rs. 1094.")
1794. - No. XXIV. Fort William 14th July 1794.
Milty Aud? Genl. The Honble Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General &o &o &o in Council Military Dept.
Honble Sir, - I received a few days ago from the Military Paymaster General Copy of a Statement which at his request had been furnished to him, by the Accountant General of Disbursements made on Account of the New Settlement at the Andamans, wherein is included all advances of Cash to Major Kyd, up to the 1st of the present Month, amounting to Current [Rs.] 198,664, 7., 8.
In the Accountant Generals Letter to the Paymaster General respecting the abovementioned Statement he says "you will perceive the impracticability of ascertaining what Sums appertain to " the Military Department and what to the General Department and the consequent impossibility of
my debiting you for the Former." As the advances have been made either upon order on the General Treasury, or by Single Bills of Exchange drawn by the Superintendant or his Assistant, the Vouchers could not be transmitted to you, even under a supposition of the other difficulty being romoved, with depriving those officers of them, to whom they are indispensible.
Owing to the difficulty mentioned in the preceeding quotation the amount which ought to be carried to the debit of Major Kyd, on account of the Military Department, cannot now be ascertained, and several of his accounts having recently been passed, a balance is exhibited, to his Credit, on the Military Books, to a considerable amount which I apprebend can only now be adjusted by the Accountant General, on the General Books, by Crediting Major Kyd, for the amount passed to the debit of Military Charges on account of the Audamans in 1798/4, and debiting the Military Department for an equal amonnt, leaving the Balance on the General Books to be adjusted in the Department, to which it belongs.
But as it is of essential importance, in order to preserve perspicuity and accuracy, that the accounts instead of being blended, in the manner mentioned by the Accountant General should be kept separate and distinct in Departments, I beg leave to recommend that thu Superintendant at the Andamans be directed to take up distinct advances, whether by Bills or Receipts on account of the Military Departraent, the amont of which shall remain at his persoal Debit untill written off by Military Charges, duly audited; and that instroctions, be sent to this effect, by the earliest opportunity.
I have the honor to be with great respect, Hon'ble Sir,
Your most faithful and Obedient humble Servant Military Aud! Genl Office,
(Sigd) John Morris, 80:April 1749.
My A: General

Page #433

UCTOBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
425
Agreed that directions be sent to the Superintendant at the Andamans to take up distinct Advances whether by Bills or Receipts on account of the Military Department the amount of which is to remain at his Personal Debit until written off by Military Charges duly Audited.
This Resolution is to be communicated to the Military Auditor General.
The Secretary informs the Board that he has received some corrected accounts for May from the Superintendant at the Andamans which he has requested may be Substituted in lieu of those Originally [?].
Ordered that they be forwarded to the Military Auditor General.
The following Letter was with the approbation of the Governor General this day forwarded to Major Kyd.
To Major Kyd. To Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamane.
Sir, I received on the 80 Instant your letters to the Sub Secretary and myself of the 15th Ultimo, accompanied by one from the Commander in the Snow Daphne, which I am sorry to acquaint you was unfortunately wrecked near Ganjam on the Night of the 25th of last month. A Copy of Captain Smith's Letter reporting this Accident to the Vessel is enclosed for your Information.
The Governor General in Council has desired me to say that he observes with Satisfaction that the Settlement has been in general much more healthy than it was in the last Season, and he hopes that as the Timbers &c are cut down and removed you will have further reason to believe that the Sickness in that year was principally owing to the Woody State of the Country near Port Cornwallis.
The Board adverting to their Letter of the 21st of April and noticing that accidentally no mention has been made in it of your suggestion concerning the dispatched Brig I have Orders to acquaint you that if the Vessel can be made Serviceable to the Settlement, and is wanted there, and if apon Considration of the Expence of putting her into repair and fitting her out, for the Station, you should think that it would be better for the public Service to comply [convert ?] her in this manner than to dispose of her at Prince of Wales Island or any other Place, for whatever the Sale of her may produce, without putting the company to any Expence but such as may be absolutely necessary to navigate her to any of these Places you are at Liberty to adopt a Discretion and to act upon it.
I enclose a List of the Consignments made to you by the Sea horse, now returning to Port Cornwallis and a Copy of the Sailing Orders to the Commander Captain Thomas. Fort William
And am Sir Your most Obed humble Servant, July 1794
[not signed] 1794.-No. xxv. Fort William 4th August 1794. The following Letters were received from the Superintendant at the Andamans on the 2 Instant upon the Arrival of the Snow Cornwallis.
Supdt at the Andamans, 14 July 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to Government.
Sir, - Accompanying I have the honor of transmitting you the Account Current of this Settlement for the Months of May and Jane last with the Various Vouchers therein referred to which according to the directions of the Governor General in Council of the 14th April last is kopt in Sicca Rupees.
Enclosed is a List of Bills of Exchange I have this Day Drawn on Government, for Cash rooeived here, which is carried to the Public Credit in the account Ourrent.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd 19 July 1794.
Superintendant Andaman,

Page #434

426
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans in Account Current
with the Honb!e Company.
Dr
C!
S. Rs. 2. p.
161
1090 4 4
NO 2
...
58 2...
7821110
588..
1794 Dollars S: Rs. 2. p.
Dolly May To Balance in hand
May By the Cost of Ten Six pounder 16th as per account
Guns for the Sea Horse Brig closed yesterday ... 1860 7042 8... purchased by the Orders of Sow
Cornwallis conveyed to me by Cap!
George Robinson as per Bill No 1 ... 17th To Cash received
| 17th Paid Sirian Pistano Master of al from the Treasury
Pegu Vessel Yams for the use of Fort William by
of the Europeans and Hospital as the Cornwallis
per Bill ... Snow ..
15000.......24+ Paid Captain John Wales for
Provisioning Passengers from
Calcutta on the Cornwallis as per 18! To my Drafts on
Bill... ... ... ... NO 3 ... Government in
June By advance made to sundry people in favour of sundry
Calcutta sent from Port Cornwallis Individuals as per
on the Cornwallis and Daphne per List and Letter of
Bill
.. ... NO 4 advice to M: Secry
By Sundry Articles furnished for Hay of this date... ... 16000..... the use of the ospital and in the
Prov! Department by my Orders
as per En Stokoes Bill ... NO 5 July By Conviots Charges for May and 16 June as per Bill ... ... NO 6
By Pay of Public Establishment of
Artificers and Labourers as per Returns and abstracts for May
and June ... ... .. NO7 Pay of Gun Lascars for May and
June as per abstracts ... No 81 Pay of the Commissarys Establish-||
ment Do. Do. Do.... N: 9 Pay & allowance to En Stokoe for
May and June as per Bill...No 10 Magazim Serjeant Whites Bill for
May and June ... ... No 11 Pay of the Sepoy Detachment for
May & June as per Return and
Abstracts... ... ... NO 12 By Superintendants Salary for May
and June, Pay and Batta for Ditto and arrears of Table allowance
as per Bill ... ... NO 13 ** Pay to M: David Wood Surgeon
for May and June and Hospital Servants for the same Months as per Bill ... ... ...NO 14 ***
1222
4648 2...
569 5 6 1088 15 2 800 101 57 68
4076 610
1457 10 2
882 7.
July By Balance 186
in hand Dollars &
8. Rs. 1860
22816 9 7 17725 95 40042 -3...
Dollars & S4 Rs. 1860 400428
Errors Excepted.
Port Cornwallis February 1" 1794.
(Sig!) A. Kyd Superintendant
Andamana

Page #435

OCTOBER, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
427
Ordered that a copy of the abovo Account Current be sent with its Vouchers to the Military Auditor General for his Report thereon - and that the accountant General be furnished with the List of Bills of Exchange, onclosed in Major Kyd's Letter of the 10t. Ultirao.
1794. - No. XXVI.
Bup! Andamans. Dated 20th July 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to Government.
Sir, - As the time we had reason to expect the return of the Sea Horse Brig is rather past, and as we will soon be in want of Many articles of Provision and Stores, I have thought it prudent to Dispatch the Cornwallis Snow for Calentta, and have directed the Commissary to transmit the necessary Indents to the Military Board.
I before requested you would obtain the Governor General in Councils directions respecting the Dispatch Brig that Admiral Cornwallis left here, I beg now that you will be so good as to acquaint the Board that I have had that Vessel examined and find that she is exceedingly fine and well built of the best materials and well provided with rigging and all kind of Stores except Sails which the Admiral carried away - I have therefore hawled her on shore and am proceeding to pat her in perfect repair, and have now indented on the Marine Store Keeper for a Suit of Sails and other little necessary articles of Stores to complete her for Sea which I hope the Board will please direct to be complied with — I beg leave to observe that this Vessel will answer for the present purposes of the Settlement Nearly as well as one of the large Pilot-Vessels - and will not be at more than half the
xpence of Sailing - I beg therefore that I may have the Boards permission to fit her out which shall be done in the most acconomical Manr. It will appear evident, that if she is even to be sold or applied to any other purposes of Government, that she must at all events soon be proved [? moved] from this place when left exposed to the weather without repair she would soon become of no Value.
I am very happy to have it in my power to acquaint the Board, that the Settlomont has as yet been infinitely more healthy this season than the last, which I imagine has been owing to the Rains being less Severe and the People of every class being better accommodated. Port Cornwallis
I have the honor to be &c 20th July 1794.
(Sigd.) A. Kyd Supat Andamans.. The Governor General in Council observes upon the Subject of the above Letter that an authority to Equip and employ the Dispatch Brig was given to Major Kyd in the Letter written to him by the Secretary to the Government on the 14th of July and that with respect to the Sails belonging to the Brig, they were sent by the Sea Horse.
But the Secretary acquainting the Board that he has been advised by the Master Attendant that they were in bad condition, the Acting Naval Store Keeper is to be authorized to provide the New Sails indented for by Major Kyd. He is also to farnish the other Articles required by the Superintendant to complete her for Sea.
1794. - No. XXVII.
80ory to the Hospital Board. 2nd August 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board. To I. H. Harrington Eaq! Sub Secretary.
Sir, I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the Enclosed Copy of a List of necessarys which they have received from Mr. Robert Reddick Assistant Surgeon to the

Page #436

428
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OOTOBAR, 1909.
Andamans which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council and to acquaint him that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to furnish the necessarys required. Fort William Hospital Board Office
I have the honor to be &c. the 20 August 1794.
( Sig!) A. Campbell Seoty Indopt for nocossaries for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis. Madeira Wine ...
... Twelve Dozen. Brandy ... "". . .. ... ... Three Dozen.
... Three Dozen. Vinegar ...
Four Dozen. Lime guice (sic)...
... Three Dozen. Stationary for Indents report, Wax Candles ... ... ... ... ... Twelve Seir. Sago ... ... ...
... Half Maund.
Arrack ...
...
***
( Sig! ) Bob: Reddiok Port Cornwallis
Ase! Surgeon. 20th July 1794.
(Sigo) A. Kyd
Supdt Andamans. Hospl. B 1. Office
(a true copy) the 24 [Aug.] 1794.
(Sig!) A. Campbell, Sec!y Agreed that the Hospital Board be authorized to direct the purveyor to furnish the Articles Mentioned in the above Indent and to have them sent by the Cornwallis Snow, which will return to the Andamans in a very few days.
1794. - No. XXVIII. Fort William 8th August 1794. Read a Letter from Lieutenant Wales.
L! Wales. 5th August 1794. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government,
Sir, -Having left Mr. William Somervill at Port Cornwallis at the particular request of Major Alexander Kyd, to take Charge of the Dispatch Brig and fitt her out for Sen, until the determination of the Government became known with respect to her being employed, and understanding from you that, that determination is left to Major Kyd, I have the pleasure to inform you that he squainted me, he wished much to put her in Commission as such Vossel would be absolutely necessary to guard against any accident that might happen to either of the other two; of course he will equip her on the Sea horse's arrival there, by which means the Cornwallis under my Command will be in want of a Second Lieutenant; will you be so good as to represent this to the Board, in order that they may appoint an Officer to fill up the vacancy. Calcutta
I have the honor to be Your most Obed: Humble Servant August 5th 1794,
(Signed) Jno. Wales. Agreed that the Subject of Lieut: Wales's Application shall lie over for the present.
(To be contirued.)

Page #437

OCTOBER, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
429
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M. A
(Oontinued from p. 391.) Colombo; 8. . 182, ii, 8. o. Cobily Mash, 172, Comari; ann. 1298: 8. o. Comorin, Cape, 184,
i; ann. 1343: 8.0. Ginger, 287, i ; ann. 1672: i, 8. . Delly, Morint, 230, i. . . Trincomalee, 715, ii; ann. 1777: . o. Comatee; ann. 1716: 8. o. Sallabad, 593, ii. Coco-de-Mer, 178, i; ann. 1884 : 6.v. Cabook, - Comatteepoora Forest Road; 8. v. Foras Lands, 769, ii ; ann. 1860 : 8.v. Cabook, 106, 1, 8. v. 272, ii. Laterite, 390, i.
Comaty ; 8. v. Comotay, 184, ii, Colon ; 569, ii, footnote ; ann. 1510: 8.9. Quilon, Cómaty; 8. v. 183, i. 570, i.
Combaconam ; 8. v. Combaconum, 183, ii. Colonbio; ann. 1322 : 8. v. Quilon, 570, i. Combaconum; 8. o. 183, ii. Coloquinti ; ann, 1843: 8 r. Porcelain, 549, i. Combaconum Sarungs; 156, i, footnote. Colorado; ann. 1880: 8. o. Corral, 200, ii. Combalak;' 472, ii, footnote. Coloran; ann. 1553: 8.v. Coleroon, 181, ii; ann. Combarband ; ann. 1616: s. . Cummerbund,
1713 : 8. v. Cole-oon, 781, ii; ann, 1780 : 216, ii. 8. v. Coleroon, 181, ii, twice.
Combay ; ann. 1727: 4. v. Loonghee, 396, ii. Colum; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Cyrus, 224, ii; ann. Combea ; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Cambay, 115, i. 1698 : 8. v. Coolung, 194, i.
Combeia; ann. 1510: 8. v. Choul, 163, ii, 8. 1. Columba; 8. v. Quilon, 569, ii.
Room, 581, i. Colombia Root; ann. 1782: 8.0. Columbo Root, Combly; ann. 1673 : * v. Cumbly, 216, i. 781, ii.
Comboli mas; ann. 1841: 4. v. Cobily Mash, Colambo; 8. v. Berberyn, 66, i ; 8. v. Negombo, 172 ii, twice.
476, ii, twice; ann. 1930: *. v. Quilon, 570, Comboy ; s. v. 183, ii, 781, ii, 8. v. Cambays, 115, i; ann. 1517 : 8. v. Colombo, 182, ii'; ann. i, s. r. Patola, 520, ii. 1518 : 8.0, Galle, Point de, 275, i ; ann. 1553: Combru ; ann. 1622 : : . Gombroon, 294, ii. 8. v. Colombo, 183, i, twice; ann. 1747 : 8.v. Comby; ann. 1675: 8. v. Tiger, 703, i. Leaguer, 819, i ; ann. 1778: 8. v. Soursop (b). Comedi; ann. 1514: 8. v. Cael, 108, i. 650, ii ; ann. 1779: 8.v. Columbo Root, 183, Comedis ; ann. 1514: 8. v. Malabar, 412, ij.. i, twice.
Comelamash; ann. 1727: 8.0. Cobily Mash, 172, ii. Columbo Root; 8. v. 183, 1, 781, ii,
Comers; ann. 1727: 8. v. Bashaw, 53, ii. Columbum; 8. v. Colombo, 182, ii, 8. o. Lingait, Comercolly; 8. v. Adjutant, 4, ii.
894, ii, 8. v. Quilon, 569, i and ii ; ann, 1328 Comeri ; ann. 1567: .. v. India of the Portuand 1348: 8. o. Quilon, 570, i ; ann. 1850 : guese, 333, i. 8. . Modelliar, 435, i.
Combay; ann. 1543 : s. v. Cochin-China, 174, ii. Columbus; ann. 1321 : 8. v. Supára, 663, i. Cominham; ann. 1563: 8. v. Benjamin, 65, ii. Colys; ann. 1666: 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii.
Comj ; ann. 1505 : 6. v. Narsinga, 474, i. Colyytam ; ann. 1498 : 8. . Sultan, 656, ii. Comlaka ; ann. 1520 : 8. v. Nanking, 472, i. Comadres; ann. 1578: 4. v. Daye, 233, i. Comley; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Cumbly, 216, i. Comalamasa; ann. 1678: 1. v. Oobily Mash, Commerbant; ann. 1638 and 1648: 3. u. Cum172, i.
merbund, 216, ii. Comanh; ann. 1799: 8. . Khāsya, 367, i. Commercolly; &, v. 183, ií. Comanian ; 6. o. Baxee, 109, i.
Commercolly Feathers; 8. o. 183, ii. Comenica; ann. 1246: 8. v. Mussalman, 462, i. Commel mutch ; ann. 1813 : 8.0. Cobily Mesh, Coma plank; ann. 1791 : 8. o. Shinbin, 627, i. 172, ii. Comar; 8. v. 183, i, ... Camboja, ann. 1817: Commeres; ann. 1598: 8. v. Palankeen, 508, ii. 8. o. Comorin, Cape, 184, ii.
Commissioner ; o. v. 188, ii, twice ; ann. 1871: Comarbādos ; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Cummerband, 8. v. Collector, 182, i, ann. 1880: 8. v. Eura216, ii
1 sian, 262, ii.

Page #438

430
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
Commissioner, Chief; 8.0. 184, i, 4 times. Compass; 8. v. Kampáss, 378, ii, twice. Commissionership ; 8. v. Concan, 189, ii. Compendor; ann. 1840: 8.0. Compradore, 189, i. Comunitty; ann. 1627: 8. v. Cómaty, 183, i. Competition-wala; 8.. Competition-wallah, Commorino; ann. 1615: 8.». Pesuaria, 531, i. 185, i. Como ; ann. 1474 : s. v. Bazaar, 56, ii.
Competition-walla ; 8. r. Walla, 739, ii. Comolanga; ann. 1510: 8. v. Conbalingua, 189, i. Competition-wallah ; 8. v. 185, i, 781, ii; ann. Comolinga ; ann. 1690 : 8.v. Conbalingua, 189, i. 1804 and 1807 : 8. v. 185, ii. Comorio ; ann. 1614: 8. v. Gombroon, 294, ii, Competition-Wallah ; ann. 1878: 8. v. 185, ii. twice.
Compidore ; ann, 1754 : 8.0. Compradore, 188, ii. Comori; ann. 1572: 8. v. Comorin, Cape, 184, ii. Compodore ; s. v. Compradore, 188, ii. Comorim; ann. 1572 : 8, r, Beaclala, 57, ii. Compost ; ann. 1877: 8. v. Compound, 189, i. Comorin ; s. v. Bison, 73, ii, 8. v. Coast, The, Compound ; 8. v. 186, i, twice and footnote, 186.
172, i, 8. v. Comar, 1€3, i, twice, 8. v. Coro! ii, a, b and c (3 times), 187, ii, twice, and mandel, 198, ii, 8. v. Mucoa, 454, i, 8. v. Rui footnote, 188, i, 781, ii, 8. v. Chinchew, 154, i, Cliffs, 575, i ; ann. 1511:8, r. Kling, 373, 8. v. Darwaun, 256, ii, see 263, ii, footnote; ii; ann. 1514: 8. v. Cael, 108, i, 8. v. ann. 1679 and 1696: 8. v. 782, i ; ann. 1772 : Malabar, 412, ii; ann. 1543 : 8. r. Chilno,
8. v. 188, i; ann. 1779 : 8. v. Aya, 759, i; ann. 777, ii; ann. 1514: 8. v. Tuticorin, 721, i : 1 1781 (twice), 1788 and 1793 : 8. v. 188, i ; ann. ann. 1549 : 8. v. Malabar (B), 413, i; 1810 : 8. v. 188, i (twice) and ii; ann. 1817 aun. 1552 : 8 r. Beadala, 57, ii, 8. v. Canara, and 1824 (twice): 8. 9. 188, ii ; ann. 1848 : 118, i, twice ; ann. 1553: 8. v. Concan, 189, 8. v. 782, i; ann. 1860 : 8. v. 188, ii ; ann. ii; ann. 1554: , v. Jam, 810, i; ann. 1563 : 1880: 8. v.782, i. 3. v. Eagle-wood, 258, ii; ann. 1572 : 8. 6. Comprador ; s. r. Compradore, 188, ii; ann. Beadalo, 57, ii, 8. v. Cumorin, Cape, 184, ii, 1615: 8. v. Compradore, 782, i; ann. 1782 : 3 times ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. India of the Por- #. . Compradore, 189, i. tuguese, 383,i ; ann. 1689 : 8. v. Gallevat (d), Compradore ; 8. v. 188, ii, twice, 782, i; ann. 277, i ; ann. 1763 : 8. v. Collery (np.), 182, 1533, 1711 and 1760-1810: 8. v. 188, ii; ann. i; ann. 1770 : 6. r. Hindostan (a), 316, ii ; 1789 : 8.r. Butler, 102, ii; ann. 1876: 8. v. ann. 1789: 8. v. Circars, 171, i ; ann. 1803 : 189, i, twice ; ann. 1882: 8. v. 189, i (twice), $. v. Muck, 15, ii; ann. 1810: 8. v. 8.0. Cumshaw, 217, i, 8. v. Shroff, To, 680, ii. Lubbye, 399, ii; ann. 1817: 8. v. Comorin, Compradoric ; 8. r. Compradore, 782, i. Cape, 184, ii, twico; aun, 1881: 8. v. Tutico- Comprar ; 8.1. Compradore, 188, ii. rin, 721, ii.
Compadour ; ann. 1785 : 8.. Compradore, 189, i. Comorin, Cape ; 8. v. 184, i, twice.
Comsas ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Betteela, 68, i. Comorinum ; ann. 1544 : 8. o. Badega, 34, ii. Con capulam; ann. 1544: 8.v. Conicopoly, 190, i. Comoro ; *. r. Ginger, 286, ii; ann. 1553 : 8. v. Conakapules : ann. 1726 : 8 r. Conicopoly, 190, i. Zanzibar, 746, ii.
Conaut; 8. v. Canaut, 118, ii, 8. v. Surrapurda, Comory; ann. 1600 : a. v, Pescaria, 531, i.
666, ii. Comoryn; ann. 1562: 6. v. Beadala, 57, ii ; Conbalingua; 8. . 189, i; ann. 1554: ,,?. ann. 1691 : 8. v. Galle, Point de, 275,
Brinjaul, 87, i. Comotaij : ann. 1558 : , v. Comotay, 185, i. Concam china; an, 1516 : *.. Cochin-China, Comotay ; 8. v. 184, ii; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Bor- 174, i.
rampooter, 101, ii; ann. 1596 : 8.0, Cooch Concan; s. r. 189, i, 8. v. Bamboo, 40, ii., 8. r. Behar, 191, i.
Birds' Nests, 72, ii., 8. v. Bora, 80, i, s.r Compadore ; ann. 1810: 8. v. Compradore, 189, i. Chonl, 162, ii, 8. r. Corcopali, 196, ii, s. r. Company; 8. v. John Company, 811, ii ; ann. Coromandel, 199, ii, 8. v. Hilsa, 314, ii, 8. .
1803 : 8. v. John Company, 811, ii, twice. Custard. Apple, 221, ii, 8. v. Deccan, 239, i, Company's Rupee ; 8. v. Rupee, 586, i (footnote) r. Henry Kendry, 314, i, s. r. Jarool, 345, ii,
and ii, s. v. Sioca, 682, ii, twice, 8. 1. Pardao, 8. v. Tana, 681, i; ann. 1300 : 8.0. Malaber, 840, i.
412, i; ann. 1391 : $. v. Goa, 290, i; ann.

Page #439

OCTOBER, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
431
1552 : & v. Canara, 118, i, twice; ann. 1553: Conimal; ann. 1501 : 8. v. Canhameira, 771, ii. 8. v. 189, ii; ann. 1810: 8. o. Lubbye, 339, Conimere; 8. v. Canhameira, 771, ii. ii; ann. 1813: 8. v. 189, ii.
Conjee; 8. v. Congee, 190, i. Concanese; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Canara, 118, i. Conjee caps ; ann. 1781 : 8. v. Banyan (2), Concani; ann. 1885 : 8.. Guana, 808, ii.
49, ii. Conch : ann. 1875 : 8. v. Pial, 538, ii.
Conjee-House ; 8. v. 190, ii. Concha ; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii; ann. 1781 : 8.v.
Conjee Voram : ann. 1680: 8. v. Congeveram, Kunkur, 379, i.
782, ii. Conch-shells; ann. 545 : 8, v. Chank, 141, i, 6. o. Conjemeer; ann. 1727: 8.v. Canhameira, 772, i. Cauvery, 135, ii.
Conjeveram ; s. 0. Dravidian, 251, ii, 8. . Condanore : ann. 1753 8. u. Souba, 649, ii,
Talaveram, 504, ii, A. v. Perumbaucum. 531 Condapilly; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii.
i; ann. 1679 : 8. v. Triplicane, 716, i. Conde; ann. 1681 and 1726 : 8. v. Candy, 119, ii. Conjiveram ; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Aumildar, 759, i. Condrin; ann. 1615: 8. v. Candareen, 119, ii. Conker ; 8. v. Kunkur, 879, i. Conecopoly ; 8. v. Boy, 83, i.
Conkur; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Kunkur, 379, i. Confirmed ; 8.0. 189, ii ; ann. 1866: 8. v. 189, ii.
Connab ; 8. v. Khanna, 366, i, twice ; ann. Confucian; 628, i, footnote.
1784: 8.0. Bungalow, 99, i. Confucianism; ann. 1878: 8. v. Shintoo, 628, i. Connajee Angria ; ann. 1727: 8.0. Hendry KenCon-fu-tzee ; ann. 1788: 8.v. Mandarin, 422, i.
dry, 314, i. Cong; 8. v. Congo-bunder, 782, ii, 3 times; ann. Connaught ; 8. v. Canaut, 118, ii.
1683, 1685 and 1727: 8. o. Congo-bunder, Connaut; ann. 1825 : 8. v. Canaut, 118, ii. 783, i.
Connegoe; ann. 1758: 8. v. Canongo, 772, i. Conga; ann. 1705 : 8. v. Cangue, 771, ii, twice. Connestabel; ann. 1659 : 8. v. Cassowary, 131, i. Congá; ann. 1705: 8. v. Cangue, 771, ii. Connymere ; ann. 1727 : 8.v. Canhameira, 772, i. Conganies; ann. 1803 : 8, 9. Lascar, 389, ii. Connys; 5. v. Cawney, 136, i. Congee ; 8. v. 190, i, 782, i, twice ; ann. 1673 : Conquenijs; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Canara, 118, i.
8. v. 190, i ; ann. 1784: 8. v. Mulligatawny, Consoo ; 3. v. 783, ii. 456, ii.
Consoo House ; 8. v. 190, ii. Congee-House; ann. 1835: .. v. Conjee-House, Constantinople ; 8. v. Arsenal, 27, i, .. o. Cacouli, 190, ii.
106, ii, 3. v. Caique, 109, ii, 8. v. Carat, 123, Congeveram ; 8. v. 782, ii.
ii... v. Cheenar, 143, i, 8. o. Chicane, 146, ii, Congi-medu; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Canhameira, 772, i. ns. Coffee, 179, i, 8. v. Hulwa, 327, i, s. r. Congimer; ann. 1753 : 8. o. Canhameira, 772, i. Kareeta, 368, ii, see 466, ii, footnote, r'. Congo ; ann. 1553 : 8.0. Fetish, 267, il : ann. Room, 581, i, see 608, ii, footnote, ..".
1598: 8. v. Cayman, 136, i ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Shaman, 620, ii, 8.v. Tope-khana, 713, i ; anu. Sofala, 646, i ; ann. 1673: 8. v. Bassadore, 53, 1332 : s. v. Umbrella, 725, ii; ann. 1541 : ii; ann. 1677: 8. o. Congo-bunder, 783, i, 8. r. Peking, 526, i ; ann. 1553 : 8. v. Room, 4 times ; ann. 1726 and 1745 : 8. v. Bohea, 581, ii ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Sherbet, 625, ii; 691, i; ann. 1747 : 8.0. Bussora, 769, i; ann. 1555 : 8. v. Room, 581, ii; ann. 1560: ann. 1772 : 4, v. Hyson, 691, ii.
8. v. Goolail, 802, ii ; ann. 1563 and 1616 : Congo-bunder ; 8. o. 782, ii.
5. v. Room, 581, ii; ann. 1615: 8. v. Tobacco, Congoed ; ann. 1696 : 8. v. Cangue, 120, ii. 705, i; ann. 1618 : 8, v. Cossack, 203, ii; ann. Congoes; ann. 1727 : 8. o. Cangue, 120, ii; 1637: 8. v. Coffee, 180,1; ann. 1648: '. ann. 1765: 8. v. Canongo, 121, i.
Goa, 290, ii ; ann. 1678 : 8. o. Pyke (a), 567, Congou ; 8.2%. Tea, 691, i, 692, i.
i; ann. 1683 : 8. o. Gour (c), 298, ii; ann. Congoun : ann. 1727: 8.0. Congo-bunder, 789, i. 1687: 8.0. Tope-khana, 863, ii ; ann. 1737 : Congue; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Congo-bunder, 783, i. 8. v. Overland, 495, i; ann. 1782 : o. . Conicopoly; 4. v. 189, ii, 783, i ; ann. 1694 : Muxadabad, 463, ii.
s. v. Salaam, 592, i ; ann. 1719 : 8. v. Gentoo Constellation Junk ; 8. v. Junk, 360, ii. (b), 281, ii.
Consuma; 8. v. Khass, 366, ii.

Page #440

432
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOB
1902.
Consumah; 8. v. 190, ii, twice, 788, ii, ., v. Coolpahar ; 8. v. Seer, 611, i.
Khansama, 366, i; ann. 1782: 8. v. Ayah, 81, Coolung ; 8. 198, ii, twice, 783, ii. ii, & ». Zenana, 749, i, s. v. Kitmutgar, Cooly ; 8. v. 192, i (4 times) and ii, .. . Mate, 814, ii.
480, i, s. 0. Ramasammy, 573, i, see 609, ii, Consumer ; 8. v. Consumah, 190, ii.
footnote, 662, i, footnote, 3. v. Tazees, 688, i, Consummah ; ann. 1782: 8. v. Bheesty, 765, i. 8. . Typhoon, 722, i, 8. o. Dangar, 788, i, Conta ; ann. 1791: 8. v. Baboo, 759, ii.
8. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, i; ann. 1675 : Contenijs; 8. v. Cuttanee, 224, i; ann. 1648 : ... Firefly, 798, ii ; ann. 1716: 8.0. Roundel, 8. . Alcatif, 7, i.
583, i; ann. 1780: 8.0. Parish, 515, i ; ann. Convolvulus Batatas; •. •. Sweet Potato, 672, ii. 1789 : 8. o. 193, i; ann. 1816: 8. o, Tiff, To, Convolvulus batatas ; 1. v. Cuuntry, 206, ii. 701, i ; ann. 1875: 8. o. 198, ii. Cooch; 8. v. Sonyásee, 662, i.
Coombie ; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Hammaul, 897, ii. Cooch Azo; 8. v. 191, ii, 788, ii.
Coomkee; 8. . 194, i. Cooch Beha; 6. v. 191, i, 8.0, Oomotay, 184, ii; I Coomky; 8. . Koomky, 375, i.
ann. 1590 : 8.0. Burrampooter, 101, ii. Coomry; 4. 0. 194, i, 8. v. Coomkee (), 194, Coochuck; ann. 1759: 8. v. Parwanna, 564,i. i, 8. 9. Jhoom, 351, ii. Coo-ee; 8. v. Hoowa, 824, i.
Coonemorro; ann. 1680 : 8. . Canhameira, Cooey ; 6. . Cucuya, 215, i.
772, i. Cooja; 8. v. 191, ii ; ann. 1883 : 8. . 191, ii. Coonoor ; 8. o. 194, ii. Cook-boat ; ann. 1860: 6. u. Pulwah, 558, i. Coopees; 8. o. Piece-goods, 586, i. Cookie Mountains; ann. 1763 : & v. Munnee- Cooraboor; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Canbameirs, 772, i. pore, 827, i. .
Coorg; 8. v. 194, ii, twice, 8. D. Dravidian, 251, Cook-room ; 8. v. 191, ii; ann. 1758: . . 191, ii, e. v. Pagoda, 499, ii.
ii; ann. 1784: 8. v. Pucka, 255, ii ; ann. Coorge; 8. v. Corge, 197, i. 1878: 8. v. 191, i.
Coorsy ; 8. v. 194, ii, 788, ii. Cooleurnee; .. •. 191, ii ; ann. 1833 : . . Coos-Beyhar; ann. 1791: ... Cooch Behar, Ramoosy, 573, i.
191, ii. Coolee ; ann, 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, 544, i. Coosumba; 8. o. 194, ii. Coolees ; ann. 1616: 8. o. Cooly, 192, ii ; ann. Cootub, The ; 3. v. 194, ii. 1813 and 1817: 8. v. Cooly, 193, i.
Copaiva; 8. v. Wood-oil, 741, ii. Coolen ; 8. o. Coolung, 198, ii, twice.
Copal ; 8. v. Dammer, 228, ii, twice, s. v. Jackass Cooley; ann. 1681 : 8.0. Dustoor, 793, ii; ann. Copal, 339, i and ii, both twice.
1711: .. . Hommaal, 327, i ; ann. 1755 : Copang ; 8. v. Tael, 675, ii ; ann. 1813: .. v. .. 0. Cooly, 193, i; ann. 1860: &, v. Gow, Mace (b), 405, i. 299, i.
Copara ; ann. 1711: 6., Maand, 432, i. Cooleys; ann. 1711: 8. o. Cooly, 193, i. Copass; ann. 1753 : 8. o. Capass, 772, ii. Coolicoy ; 8. v. 191, ii ; ann. 1784: 8... 192, i. Copeck ; 8. . 195, i, s. v. Tanga, 682, ii ; ann. Coolie ; ann. 1825 and 1878: 8. o. Cooly, 198, 1655 and 1783 : . v. 195, ii; ann. 1888: 8. v.
ii; ann. 1876 : o. o. Jennyrickshaw, 351, i, Budgrook, 768, i. twice.
Copers; ann. 1727: s. v. Coprah, 196, i, ., D. Coolies; &, v. Bheel. 69, ii, &, v. Boy (b), 83, i, 1 Jaggery, 341, i..
8. v. Datara, 231, i ; ann. 1673: 8.o. Boy (b), Copha; ann. 1628 : 8. o. Coffee, 179, ii. 84, i, o. v. Cooly, 193, i, twice ; ann. 1680 and Cophine ; ann. 1555 : 8. v. Horse-keeper, 324, i, 1765: 5, v. Cooly, 198, i ; ann, 1789: 8.. Coppersmith; 8. . 195, ;ann, 1862 and Bangy (), 46, i; ann. 1815: 6. D. Bish, 78, ; 1879: 8. o. 195, ii ; ann. 1888: 8. v. 196, i. ann. 1867, 1871, 1878 and 1875: 6. r. Cooly, Copra ; , v. Coco, 175, ii ; ann. 1563, 1578, 198, ii; ann. 1882 : 5.0. Compradore, 189, 1, 1598, 1860 and 1888 (8 times): 8. v. Ooprah, 8. . Flying-Fox, 271, ii.
196, i. Coolin ; 8... 783, ii.
Coprah; 3. . 196, i. Coolitcayo ; ann. 1784: 8.0, Coolicoy, 199, i. Copra oil; ann. 1578: 3. D. Coprah, 196, i.

Page #441

OCTOBER, 1902.]
MISCELLANEA.
433
Copt; 8. v. Maund, 431, i; ann. 1888: s.. Coraçoni; ann. 1563 : $. v. Tola, 707, ii, 6. d.
Afghan, 5, i ; ann. 1867: 8. v. Soodra, 647, ii. Nizamaluco, 830, ii. Coptic ; 8. v. Supára, 663, i.
Corah; 8. o. Piece-goods, 536, i; ann. 1786 : Coptis Teeta; 8. o. Mamiran, 419, i.
8. v. Allahabad, 8, i. Coq de Turquie ; ann. 1653 : 8.0. Turkey, 864, ii. Coralls; ann. 1880: 8. v. Corral, 200, ii. Coq-d'Inde; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Turkey, 864, ii. Coral-tree; 8. v. 196, ii. Coq d'Inde ; 8. r. Turkey, 719, ii.
Corassam ; ann. 1550 : 8.. Kizilbash, 815, i ; Coque ; 8. v. Coco, 175, ii, 8. v. Coprah, 196, i. ann. 1559: 8. v. K zzilbash, 380, i. Coquer-nuts; ann. 1598: 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. Coraygaum; ann. 1803 : 8.». Pucka, 556, i. Coquer nutt; ann. 1678:8.v. Coco-de-Mer, 178,i. Corchorus capsularis ; s. v. Jute, 362, i. Coquo; ann. 1498-99 and 1561 : 8, v. Coco, 176, Corchorus olitorius; 8. o. Jute, 362, i.
i; ann. 1598 and 1690 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. Corcopal ; ann, 1510: 8. t. Corcopali, 196, ii. Coquodrile; ann. 1328 : 8. v. Crocodile, 213, i. Corcopali ; 8. v. 196, ii. Coraal; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Corral, 200, ii; ann. Cordova olives; ann. 1563 : 8.0. Jamoon, 1726 : 8, v. Corle, 197, ii.
343, i. Corabah; ann, 1800 : s.v. Carboy, 125, i. Corea; 8. v. Ginseng, 288, ii ; ann. 1614: 8.v. Coracias Indica; 8. v. Jay, 349, i.
Peking, 526, i; ann. 1627: 8. v. Monsoon, Coracle ; 8. v. Caravel, 124, ii.
442, ii. Coraçon; ann. 1563: 8. o. Opium, 489, ii, 8. v. Corean ; 8. 1. Numerical Affixes, 882, i and ii ; Tola, 707, ii.
ann. 1617: 8. v. Satsuma, 602, ii. Coraçone ; ann. 1525: 8.0. Room, 581, i, s.o. | Corfu ; s. v. Firefiy, 268, ii.
Sind, 634, ii; ann. 1563: 8. v. Hindostan (a), Corg; ann. 1615: 8. v. Beiramee, 61, ii, s. t. 316, ii, 8. v. Mogol, 436, i.
Corge, 197, i, 3 times.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. A MODERN INSTANCE OF THE BELIEF IN 1 It may be noted that the person charged with WITCHCRAFT.
witchcraft is a Medrasi. The petitioner himself BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE.
is a Bengali, and all the witnesses named are IN 1875, No. 2021 (now ex-convict), Pedatåla North-country Indians, including one Musalman, Lachigadu arrived in Port Blair from Madras as Bâbu 'Ali, the rest being Hindus. These Northa life.convict for killing an infant with arsenic country people knew the South Indian wizard by while trying to poison a man. The character sent the name of Lachhmana. I need hardly say that with him was that he was a poisoner and a person villages in the Penal Settlement of Port Blair are "skilled in witchcraft." In 1900 he was abso- made up of the most mixed population possible, lutely released and allowed to settle in Port Blair drawn from every class. caste and nationality as a free man, under the rules relating to well- in the whole Indian Empire, and many persons behaved, convicts. As long as he was a convict are only able to converse with neighbours in the his proclivities seem to have been dormant, but he peculiar variety of Hindustani, which has become returned to his old habits of practising "witch the lingua franca of the Settlement. craft" as soon as he was released. At any rate, his neighbours considered he had done so, for, in
From the evidence it would appear that the March, 1902, I received the following petition
strict and noisy performance of religious cerefrom them, through the Officer in charge of the monies and a reputation for witchcraft are all Garacherama Sub-division, in which they resided.
that is necessary to constitute a village wizard in
India, combined, of course, with a more or lesa The petition is given verbatim, and so is the open assertion of magical powers. So wily a evidence collected by this Officer, in order that personage as the life-convict ordinarily is would students may have the facts as presented to me be sure to take advantage for his own benefit of unvarnished.
such a situation.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1902.
Petition.
As people are in great trouble or distress on The most humble petition of ex-convict account of this wretched man in the village ; No. 15037 Munda of Protheroepore Village. Most therefore, petitioner respectfully prays that, after respectfully Sheweth-That your poor petitioner, recording the separate statement of the following in behalf of the following villagers of Protheroe- villagers, your honor will do justice in the case by pore, respectfully begs to state that petitioner and removing him from the Settlement, for his being other villagers are in great trouble by the mis- a mischievous great magician and dishonest and chieves and misbehaviors of one Lachhmana, who troublesome man, as they cannot bear to live is well known as a native medicine-supplier to further with him. And for which act of kindness the people and a magician.
and charity petitioner shall as in duty bound ever That his usual babit is to say publicly that if
рғау.
His x Mark. some presents are not made to him he will make them suffer a great loss (by sickness) by mantar
Signature of petitioner. [incantations) and bhata [spirits), and people | Dated 7th March, 1909. thus being afraid, give him whatever he wants :for instance he [the petitioner) gives below a
Statements of Villagers. few examples showing how he (Lachhmana) Babů 41, on Solemn Affirmation, states that compels people and forcibly derive money from accused since his release defies everyone and them :
states he can do anything he pleases; he performs (i) If any man's cow calf he (Lachhmana) prijs and dries up the milk of cows belonging will go to him and tell him to give him
to those villagers against whom he has a grudge. the milk of the newly-calved cows, Ráma, No. 17922 ex-convict, -on Solemn Affirm. otherwise he will doprive the cows of ation, states that all he knows about the accused the milk by his mantara, etc.
with reference to the charge is, that he blows a (ii) That he openly tells to the women, conch (sankh bajata hai) at nightfall.
seeing their infants somewhat uneasy, Dia. No 18919 a commit-on Solemn "That your children have been trou.
Affirmation, states, his wife spoke to accused about bled by evil ghosts, shaitáns [devils]
doing puja and asked him to stop doing so. and bhats, and if he [i, e., you) will
Accused thereupon got angry with his wife give me money (for sacrificing hen
and made her ill for a month. When she got or goat and presenting paja (cere
a little better, accused told her that it was he that money of worship) for evil ghosts, etc.)
had caused the illness. She is not quite well yet. I will soon relieve them of all the troubles, else they will die", and these
Dhannst, No. 13235 ex-convict,-on Solemn ignorant women, believing his state- Affirmation, states, accused since his release has ment, soon give him what he wants. been a regular plague to the village. He has That most of good milch cuw have stopped the cows from giving milk, and does been died and still fell sick by his
nothing, but abuses everyone. All are afraid of (Lachhmana's) wickedness.
him. That since one Haji Karim of Garachorama, Sabu Singh, No. 18863 ex-convict-on Solemn whose fame had obtained a wide spread in the Affirmation, states, everyone is afraid of accused; Settlement and who was noted as a great magi- he makes the cows of the village ill and cian and poison supplier, has been punished, turns their milk into blood and dries them no one came forward to gain the same fame but up. He gets intoxicated on tar [toddy), and the above named Lachhmana.
abuses every one; he performs půjd, and if reThat he being a low caste man and shows him
fnsed a glass of milk when asked for, he threatens self a big pandit or Brahman by using sankh |
to harm the cows of those who refuse. He is a noise both in morning and evening, and women
plague to all villagers. and rude people being frightened by his threaten- Padna, No. 18633 ex-convict, -on Solemn ing deeds, that he will make all slaitáns and evil Affirmation, states, accused quarrelled with him ghosts to attack on them, who are in his (Lachh- and threatened to burn him up, and blow him mana's) possessions by means of mantars, magic, away from the earth. He is therefore very eto., use to give him whatever he demands. frightened. Accused always performs půjd. Blowing a conch.
? A looal settler, who has never been a convict.

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OCTOBER, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
435
anniasi, No. 20620 6x-conviét,on Solemn ! Notes by the Sub-Divisional Officer. Affirmation, states, accused abuses everyone in Accused denies the charge and states it is a the village and threatens to burn everyone in false and unjust one. He states he prays to his the village one by one; he perform púja, and gods morning and evening and does paja, but intimidates veryone in the village. He was all he has never done anyone harm or intimidated right until released.
anyone. Female Ram Data-on Solemn Affirmation, Enquiry from the chankid.ir (village watchstates, that accused took a dislike to her and made
man) and the rest of the villagers concerning her ill by making jadú (magic) against her. He this man elicited that they all admit that accused also stopped her cows from giving milk. performs prija; but beyond this he has never
Rim Khilwan,on Solemn Affirmation, done them any harın. Accused has resided ten states, he knows that accused performs půjd, but years in Protherocpore Village, and bcurs a good knows nothing else about him.
character.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HINDU CHILD MARRIAGES.
think of this practice or transaction, which is in (Part of a Petition sent by a prominent Bombay vogue at present and comes daily under our Citizen to the Gae kwar of Baroda.)
observation ? The practice of selling their daughters It is neither a religious nocessity nor a or own girl offsprings prevalent amongst the stringent duty to be performed in accordance various Hindu communities of Gujarat, with the Shastras ; but, on the contrary, disKathiawar and Cutch for the time, circum- posing of girls in such a way for money considerastances, and status of the social conventionalism tion is strictly prohibited by the Shastras. This have reached to such a climax that, unless some is simply a prevailing practice made available for thorough and substantial arrangements towards the satisfaction of self-interest by low-minded reformation be not made, the corruption would be avaricious parents amongst many Hindu comtoo heart-rending to describe. We daily come in munities, but which is abhorred by other respectcontact with numerous fresh examples of innocent able and more intelligent persons of the communidaughters falling prey to the giant custom, and ty, though allowed by them to pass off unprotested heartless parents offering them as sacrifices for want of joint co-operation with a Luther-like before the altar of their discontented avarice. Is start. Hundreds of girls, as soon as they are sold there no remedy fo eradicating this most dis- in marriage, have to deplore the loss of their old graceful and cruel custom ? Could anything be husbands, fit to be their grand-fathers, in the done towards the amelioration of the degenerat. primo of life, and many a widow is pining in ed and disgraceful state of the country and the loneliness and sorrow on account of this most people wherein this giant and inhumane custom barbarous custom. All the refined men of educa. of Kanaya Vikraya is prevalent P Hundreds tion and intelligenco pity these scenes, which and hundreds of instances can be quoted and are most horrible to depict. Corruption is rising verified in which poor innocent girls have been to its extreme, and has overstepped the bounds cruelly thrown into the abyss of destruction and of morality. Sins reproduce sins, immorality and ruin by their money-loving parents amongst degeneration reign throughout in such communiseveral Hindu communities inhabiting the above ties: no alternative left ; no redress given; Nature mentioned parts of the country. Is not this prac- must predominate. It is not necessary to be more tico an open dealing or trade in human life? explicit. The sins of commission and results The sale of girls practice, in many parts of Guja- ensuing from such enforced child-widowhood rat, Kathiawar, and Cutch, is worse than slave- may be more easily imagined than described. trade, which has been prohibited by our benign Generally, persons marrying on a third or fourth British Government. When we practically see a occasion are well-to-do and they can only afford girl of eight or twelve years offered as bride by her to pay high prices for girls, and the consequence cruel avaricious parents or nearest authoritative is that these rich widows, in a very short time relatives to the highest bidder, never mind what after the death of their husbands, are led astray his age may be, fifty, sixty or seventy, what do we by some self-interested and debaucherous persons, SA free woman, never a convict.
51. 6., first on ticket of-leave and then as a released • A free man, never a vonvict.
(ex-) convict.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and the crimes they commit are horrible to describe. The cases of infanticide are so numerous in such communities, that, if careful and stringent enquiry were to be made, the result would be most horrible and terrible. The root and cause of all this catastrophe is the prevailing custom of Kanaya-Vikraya, sale of girls in marriage by their parents. A girl amongst such communities is considered to be an article of trade, viewed by the parents as a price-fetching jewel, by the brokers or mediators as a commodity for speculation, and by the buyers as a thing handy and at the command of their money. Can we not safely attribute the emaciated condition, unhealthy constitution, and premature deaths to this glaring evil, observed in various communities in which this cruel, immoral, and inhumane practice of selling girls in marriage, without the least consideration being paid to the equality of age, is prevalent ?
DESTEMALS, SGARDERBERAL, &c.
IN Mandelslo's Travels (1638), speaking of Pâtan in North Gujarât, we read,The city of Pettan was formerly more than six leagues in circumference, and was defended by a good freestone wall, which is now ruined in many places since the trade began to fall away. The inhabitants are for the most part Benjans, and are engaged in making silk-stuffs for home use, and cotton cloths, but these are coarse, and only such as are called Destemals, sgarderberal, longis,
Allegiens, &c.'
The translation of this passage in Harris's Collection of Voyages and Travels (fol. Lond. 1744), Vol. I, p. 765, is very slip-shod, and omits altogether the names of the cloths. Col. Yule does not seem to have used Mandelslö; but longis is simply long-cloth (loongi),-can any one identify and describe destemals, agarderberal, and Allegiens ? Alleja is, perhaps, the same as Allegiens (Yule, p. 756).
In Van Twist's Generale Beschrijvinge var Indien (Amsterdam, 1648), p. 16, the same statement occurs in Dutch: indeed, Wicquefort and Ogilby seem both to have copied from this work, which is valuable for the information it affords respecting Gujarât in the early part of the 17th century. There we read "De Inwonders haer gheneerende met het maeeken van alderley syde Hoffen; . . mede vallen hier schoone Pettolen ofte syde Chindes, mitsgaders eenighe groove lijnwaten, als Oestemaels ofte neusdoee
.
1 A world-wide superstition. In the Hebrides a child born with a tooth, or which out its first tooth in the upper
[OCTOBER, 1902.
ken,.. Tulbanden, Sgaderberael, Longis, Allegiens, &c."
Here we have Oestemaels or 'handkerchiefs' where Wicquefort has Destemals-evidently for the Hindustâni Dastmal; and Tulbanden is turbans,'-but Sgaderberael is unexplained.
J. BURGESS.
Edinburgh, 6th March 1902.
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUTHRA SHAHIS. THE story goes:-A boy was born with its teeth already cut and its parents exposed it, as a child so born is unlucky. The tenth Gurû of the Sikhs, Hargobind, happened to find the child, and told his disciples to take it up, but they refused, saying it was kuthrâ, or dirty. The Gurú replied it was suthra, or clean, and they then obeyed. This boy was the founder of the Suthra Shahi Sect.
This story is noteworthy as showing how unlucky children were exposed, or possibly given to faqirs. The poet Tulsi Dâs was born in Abhukta-mála, at the end of the asterism Jyêshtha and in the beginning of that of Mala, and he was in consequence abandoned and probably picked up by sidhús. The Jôgis, according to one legend, originated in a similar way. For another instance in Kumaon Folk-Lore, ef. Saturday Review, May 12th, 1877 (North Indian Notes and Queries, III. p. 30). It would be interesting to know how far the various sects of faqirs are recruited from unlucky children, or from children vowed to the gods.
The above notes suggest a point for enquiry. Are unlucky children devoted to the gods? If so, is a child born under particular circumstances devoted to a particular deity? For example, would a child born with its teeth already cut be ipso facto dedicated to any special deity or in the Panjab to theSuthrâ Shahi Sect? The Panjabi custom of giving an unlucky child to a Brahman and then buying it back again may have originated in this way.
Further, is there any custom by which children are vowed to a deity, or to (what perhaps comes to the same thing) the sect of faqirs or devotees who worship that deity? There is one wellknown instance of such a custom in the Panjab according to the received explanation. But is the custom general ?
H. A. ROSE,
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab. 22nd April 1902.
jaw, will be a bard. Folk-Lore, March, 1902, page 32. 2 Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 265.

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NOVEMBER, 1902.)
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
487
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
BY BABU P. O. MUKHARJI.
REPORT No. I. - DECEMBER, 1898. Y REACHED Patna on the 7th December, 1896, under orders from Government, with general 1 instructions to consult Mr. Mills, P.W.D. Engineer, from time to time. Making a prelimiDary inspection and studying Dr. Waddell's Report and other papers on the subject, I commenced work on the 11th, on the south bank of the Kallu Pokhra, Kumrahar, where I traced vestiges of old brick-walls; and on the 13th, excavation was commenced on the north-west corner of the Chaman Talao, Kumrahar, where some brick-walling, which appeared to be rotten, being as soft as the surrounding earth, was exhumed before long. On the 15th, I began excavating the mound known as Laskari Bibi; so called, because her grave crowns it; where, on the second day, I came down upon some walls. Being successful so far, I made bold to break ground on a fourth mound, about a mile south of the Bankipore Railway Station, where, on a preliminary visit on the 17th, I saw two large stones (sandstone of the Chunâr type), which appeared to be rough-hewn architraves, belonging to some baildings, most probably of the Asoka period. A letter from Dr. Waddell directed my attention to Buland Bagh, Sandalpur, where, in 1895, a colossal capital, carved with ornaments of the Asôka period, was found. Here I commenced excavations, as also at the field and garden on the south of the Chaman Talâo, where, under a big tamarind tree, I saw a carved coping stone (Fig. 1) that originally belonged to a Buddhistic rail.
FIG.
COPING STONE
The excavations at these places fully occupied my attention all the month; for keeping in view my intention to produce the best results at the least cost, I gaided the workmen daily, and did not allow them to dig unnecessarily, for which reason the contractors grumbled. The contract system did not satisfy me, the coolies breaking bricks and small relics now and then, and the contractors being careless, my strict injunctions notwithstanding; so I soon had recourse to daily labour. I had no time to explore other ancient sitos, except the Dargah and the Jamuna Dhih, west of the Bankipore Railway Station.
The extensive Dargâh, which stands on the high ground, on the north side of the large and rather sacred tank, called Gunsar or Sagar, appoars to contain several relics of the Mauryan period. In the passage of the inner entrance I saw the carved side of severi rails placed opside down. I secured two relics here une a rail post, with a husband and wife in an amatory attitude under a tree carved, and the other a winged but headless lion, whose tail, now gone, was that of a makara (crocodile). On a mound west of the Dargah, which is crowned with some Muhammadan graves, is a tall pillar of stone, nicely carved with ornaments, which is inscribed with shell characters, that are known to have always marked the Aska and Gupta monuments.
The results of the excavations.
The stúpa-like mound, which contains the grave of Luskart Bibi, showed walls on its north-eastern face on the second day of excavation, which, however, yielded pure earth above

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488
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
and below. This fact shows that this stúpa was originally formed of earth, and that subsequently some walls were added at the middle height to strengthen it, and probably also to make snall cells for the Buddhist monks to live in, or perhaps to serve as shrines for the statues of the Buddha. Close by is a large well, apparently ancient, whose diameter is 9'6"; and on the north is an elevated piece of ground, rectangular in plan, which also contains some Muhammadan graves. The sketch plan and section below (Fig. 2) will make my meaning clear.
FIG. 2.
STUPA
EXCAVATION
786
XCAVATION
LAMIN
enih
LULES
ALLE
WEL
GRAV4
EXCAVATION
12x5x
WW
B
ROUGH SKETCH & PLAN
SITE OF A BUDDHISTIC
VIHARA
ALL
Finding the Laskari Bibf mound to be not so promising as the others, I stopped work at this point. Close to the Laskari is another mound, at Jagipura, whence a carved stone of the Asoka period was exhumed in 1895.
IT
The large mound, about a mile south of the Bankipore Station, was opened; the two architraves, and a large wall with cross ones, was brought to light, Altogether this field appeared to be very promising. But as my excavations began to damage the standing crops, I had to stop work.
III. The third place of excavation was at Bulandi Bagh. Here two portions of a large terrace, or rather two terraces, i.e., brick floors, were cleared ; and a large briek-wall, which appeared to be massive, was touched.

Page #447

NOVEMBER, 1902.)
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
489
IV. The fourth place, yielding important results, was at Kumrahar. The following rough sketch plan from memory (Fig. 3) will serve to illustrate my descriptions.
i . FIG. 3
LARGE BRICK WALL 10F! BELOW PRESENT GROUND LEVEL. KUMRÅHAR
RDEN
VILLAGE
TERRACE EXPOSED
1 COPING STONE
OF A BUDOWISTIC RAILING
Will
•
.
CHAMAN TANK NOW DRIED UP AND TURNED
INTO A POTATO FIED
Andrew
ere
PARCO
UN
W.
BIG MOUND COVERED WITH GRAVES.
S
w
PATERRACES
.
Art WE -----
PAL
M
MUNAMMADAN TOME
FIELD
6 ARDEN
FRAGMENTS OF THE ASOKA PILLAR
5 WELL SHOWING
WALLS INSIDE
KALLU POKHAR (TANK)
NOW ORIED UP.
RAIL WAV Commencing with the southern portion of the sketch map, I drove a trench, north to south at right angles to an old one, dug in 1895, in the garden of the beadman of the Kamråhar village. Below 10 feet I found portion of a large wall, made of bricks, each I'l" X 0 10" XO' 4 in dimensions. The portion of the wall exhumed was 8 feet in length by about 4 feet in breadth. Clearing round it and going down further about 2 feet I found clear earth, and no continuation, of the brick-work. So I stopped following up what Dr. Waddell and I thought to be part of the remains of the Mauryan palace proper. It would be necessary to study the ground a fresh before making another trial-trench in order to trace the missing connection.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVIMBEE, 1902.
On the south of the village, not shown in the sketch, is a large earthon well, inside which is visible a brick-wall about 8 feet below the present level of the ground. In a new well close by, which was then dug, a bluish-white sandy earth was found about 12 feet below the sarface, which belongs only to the bed of the Ganges. This fact shows that one of the channels of this river need to flow over this spot at some prehistoric period. And just below this Ganges silt, when the sub-soil water was reached, that is, at 19 feet, was found a block of sál-wood rotten with age, which might have belonged to the palisade of Palibothra (Patalipatra), mentioned by Megasthenes. I secured some pieces of it for the proposed local Museum. In the neighbourhood were other indications of ancient remains.
North of the garden, where I found the wall of the Mauryan palace, I came across a terrace or brick floor, about 36 by 10 feet, two feet below the present fieid, which I cleared. And just West or it, and under a big tamarind tree, was a very interesting piece of coping stone, which once crowned a Buddhistic railing surrounding a stúpa, most probably the one mentioned by Hinen Tsiang. This coping stone was carved on one face with three human figures, three birds and two trees--now worshipped by the villagers as a sylvan deity (800 Fig. 1 above). So it was not possible to secure it for museum purpuses. That the stúpa was here is evident. not only from what the Chinese traveller recorded, but from the archeological indications traceable in this place and its neighbourhood,
v.
On the north-west of the Chaman Taldo (see Fig. 4), I went deeper into an @Icavation of 1895; and, cutting in different directions, north and south, east and west, I brought to light some walla composed of large bricks, the parpose of which is not yet clear, They were 10'8" below the
HOT SAMVES
FIG. 4. west side mound,
HACE & TERRACE down which I went 4' 3" deeper, AS
74 ACC sbown in sketch section below.
SECTION FROM EARTH Below three feet or so. in the middle of the west bank, was a brick terrace, 13 0 X 13 G', whose end walls were not then discovered. Going about 7' 6" down still, I came across what appeared to be & floor, just above some thing which looked like an & riched
- - - - ! drain. Digging 4' 3"
PLAN yot deeper, I exposed the walls, which wore so soft with age that it required the greatest care to expose them eatire,
85
4.
6
$
oo
SAVES
1.
1
-

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Page #450

Indian Antiquary.
EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA, 1896.
PLATE I.
FRAGMENTS OF A SOKA PILLAR FOUND HERE
7-6
WWW
VIIMT
ASOKA PILLAR
PLAN.
EXCAVATIONS ON THE SOUTH BANK OF THE KALLU POKHRA.
LONGITUDINAL SECTION
Uuuu -
---
BES. PRESS, LITHO.
P.C.MUTNA
CROSS SECTION AT A.B.
, DEL.

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NOVEMBER, 1902.
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
.
441
I also cleared another terrace on the west of the Chaman Talao (flower-tank), where, in 1895, long tronches were out without apparently any definite rosalta, but the walls were not found.
VI.
The most important results were obtained from the excavations on the south bank of the Kallu Pokhra, where a portion consisting of a number of rooms or rather cells) of a vihdra or of the out-houses of the palace were brought to light. The construction was peculiar; for, as will be seen in the sketch plan on Plate I., double walls and projecting bricks at the foundation were visible. Assuming the two parallel walls on the south to be those of a drain, it did not appear to be continuous, and there were others also parallel to the cross and the northern walls. So that the drain theory cannot hold good, and I cannot yet explain them otherwise. The meaning will most probably be clearer on extending the area of excavation, which was then already about 100 X 20 X 15 feet on the average. There were three kinds of bricks - one was 1-6X0-114 X0-14'; A second was 1 - 6X0-11) XO-21'; and a third, which was on the higher portion of the walls, was smaller in every dimension than the other two. The larger of the bricks were not four-square, bat were curved like a bow, owing probably to age and to unequal pressure from the superstructure, of which the roof appeared to be gabled and tiled. Encla tile had a hole in it to hold what appeared to be a knob on that immediately below it. This kind of tiling is not prevalent in Bengal at the present day, so far as I have seen.
Midway and just below the lowest brick of the northern wall, I discovered a large but semi-circular piece of an Abbka pillar in granite, of which the surface appeared to be quite fresh and polished. Innumerable other fragments of smaller Bize were also found, though no inscribed portion was secured. The diameter of this portion of the shaft appears to be 2'4', and the existing girth (presumably half) is 3' 51". From the position of the pillar I conclade that the structure was built subsequently to the breakage of the Asôka pillar, which act of vandalism, we learn from Higen Tsiang, was performed by Raja Sasanka Deva in the 6th century A.D.
IW
Position of the Abóka pillar relic
under the foundation wall.
Finds. I secured a few coins and mary other interesting things, beads, terra cottas, &c. But unfortunately I only recorded the main results up to the 31st December 1890.
A relic from Komáhar.
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
NOVEMBER, 1902.
NOTES ON A COLLEOTION OF REGALIA OF THE KINGS OF BURMA
OF THE ALOMPRA DYNASTY.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE. Wars in Mandalay from 1887 to 1890, I procured a native drawing, showing all the Regalis of the Court of King Thibaw set out in the orthodox order. To each article was attached its name, and there were also notes on the dates whən some of the articles were added to the Regalia, Afterwards, when I found that there was a convict carver at Port Blair, who had been about the Burmese Court and was well acquainted with the Regalia, I took advantage of his presence to have the who e of them carved for me in model to scale by him and other convicts. These Notes are made with a view to illastrating the collection of models and also in the hope that further information will be forthcoming about them.
In the drawing, the Regalia are arranged with the Throne in the centre and in front of it a row of flags and fans. This may be called the central division. The other articles are arranged on either side of the Throne on the right (le'yd law) and left (le'wedaw). Level with the Throne on either side stand the umbrellas and great fans. In front of these, in two rows separated by railings, are placed on either side a number of miscellaneous articles of household use.
I give below a list of the articles with their names in the vernacular, with the traditional translation as explained to me, and here and there a note. I shall be very much obliged if any reader of this Journal will be so good as to communicate further information, or corrections of that now given. The subject is of some interest, and knowledge of it at first hand is not likely to survive for many years more.
I Le'yldew-Royal Right Hand.. Umbrellas ---Tibyúdaw - Royal White Umbrella. Kambu Tibyúdaw (PAli kampa, (?) trembling). Şinda Tibyûdaw (Pali chanda, moon). Kamba, Tibyadaw Thamôgda Zalingaw (P. kampa, plus samuddachhalanga, (?)
ocean of the six qualities). Withagyó Tibyûdaw (P. Visakrum for Visvakarma, the celestial architect-ride
ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 325). Large Fans
Ya'màdaw, Great Royal Fan.
Do. do. do do. Regalia of 1188 B. E. (1826 4. D.):
Påndaung-gyi, Great Flower-vase. Kadaong Kungwet, Betei-box (with a glass and 2 bowls). Nagagàn Kungwet, Dragon Betel-box. Salingya-gyî, Great Candelabra. Salingyi-nge, Pickled-tea Bowl. Kunlaung-gyî, Betel-box (with packets of betel). Kungyat Thôngzin, Three-tray Betel-box. Kundaung-gvi, Great Betel-bowl.

Page #453

လာတော်
N
ဖ၏တော်
III
ယမားစ
ကတော်)
mgထိမြို့တော်
။
။ ။
မတော်
နိုး
မ၏အမည်
not
e
s
| te
| www
sha few
- H၏
(
* ww
miny
--- လယ်အလံနက် -ရေ-အိနု စကင်အလံ
- ကဌ
၌
your US
w၂ပါဒန္တh-)
The Throne of King Thibaw and the Founding Regalia from an original Burmese drawing and in 1909.

Page #454

Leyadaw-right hand.
လကံရှာတော်)
| သ ကြတာ
ကမ္မဖြူစတော် သမုဒ္ဒရာလည်း
Large White Umbrellas to the Right of the Throne.
Indian Antiquary

Page #455

NOVEMBER, 1902.)
REGALIA OF THE KINGS OF BURMA.
As
Second Line. Nanswè-Ok, Pickled-tes Bowl. Magingnya, Begging-bowl (P. Makara, Capricorn). Obyit, Water-vessel. Thaukye-tin, Water-pot stand. Pyadó, Scent-box (over this is written "mashi"). Tagaung, Water-vessel.
Pali, Golden Bowl. Begalis of 1227 B. E. (1865 A. D.):
Myûdî, Flower-pot. Do. do. (over these two is written “masht).
II.
Centre,
Mingandaw - The Royal Throne. Fans :
Yat, Fan. Do. do. Do. do.
Do. do. Flags - Alan -(YOk, Emblem):
Myaukyðk Shwêniyaung-alàn : Gold, Monkey. Galồnyők Ngwêlàn : Silver, Eagle (P. Garuda). Baldyők Awäbyau-alàn : Pale-yellow, Demon, Daungyök Alan-net : Black, Peacock. Chinthèyók Alanzeng : Green, Lion, Sinyôk Alàn-ni : Red, Elephant. Nagâyök Alanwâ: Yellow, Dragon.
III. Le'wèdaw - Boyal Left Hand. Umbrellas - Tibyúdaw - Royal White Umbrella. Kanekkadan Tibyûdaw (P. kanaka, gold). Thüriya Tibyadaw (P. Suriya, Sun). Padumd Tibyadaw (P. paduma, lotus).
Thamudi Ttbyûdaw (P. samuti, (?) uplifted). Large Fans :
Ya'madaw, Great Royal Fan.
Do. do. do. do.

Page #456

444
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Regalia of 1188 B. E. (1826 A. D.):
Let-tingya Kungwet, Pillow and Arm-rest. Chinthègàn Kungwet, Lion Betel-box. Kunlaung-nge, Small Betel-box (with packet of betel). Thalat, Begging-bowl (over this is written " mashi"). Thalin-myaung, Fruit and Food Vessel. Thit-taing, Pot for the nyaungbin (Bodht) tree. Kyat-sha, Rice-bowl.
Second Line. Khyênin, Stand for the Queen's shoes. Panat, Stand for the King's shoes, Thâmyiyat, Yak's-tail Fan. Thàn-hlet, Silver Spear. Taongwe, Sceptre. Chinthègàn-kaya, Lion Tea-pot. Obgit, Water-vessel. Mêdauk, Chin-rest. Tidàndagyi Khyêlingaw, Clothes-stand (P. tedandachhalanga, the three staves of
the six qualities). Regalia of 1227 B. E. (1865 A. D.):
Msuda, Flower-vase.
Do. do. (over these two is written "mashi"). The date for the soquisition of some of the Regalis is ascertained as follows: Over the second row of the articles on either side is a note, which occurs twice on the left side. It runs thus in the Burmese:-Yedanapaya sadốttà Mô-đà Mintagũ letet 1888 khá hat tiếng, which I take to mean "acquired in 1188 B. E. (1826 A. D.) in the time of the King that built the fourth City of Ratanapura," i. e., King Bagyldaw (1819-87), who lived at Ava or Ratanapura. The other date is found in a note written over the four myldd or flower-vases on either side of the throne. The Burmese runs thus :-Khamedaw pyinzand Thinga-yanddin Mintayé l'tet 1287 khá hnit theng, which I would render by acquired in 1227 B. E. (1865 A. D.) in the time of the King who convened the Fifth Synod as a royal gift." This was Mindon Min (1863-78).
The word "mashi," written over some of the articles, means, I suppose, that they were missing when the picture was drawn. I fancy the picture was drawn as a memento for some official, who was responsible for the proper place of each article.
There are 58 articles in the Regalia altogether.
THE TULA-KAVERI-MAHATMYA. BY G, R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
Снягтав II.
(Continued from Vol. xxx., p. 408.) O DHARMA VARMA! the glittering Agastya, having heard the truth-speaking Harischandra, begun thus to address bim from the midst of the sages of the land :
Your question is very excellent. Is it possible for any other than Vishnu to talk in glowing terms of the attainment of final beatitude of the man who, after bathing, rends or hears chapter or
bláka of Tuld-K'avér - Mahatmya ? You were able to gain the friendship of the wise by good deeds

Page #457

Lewedaw-left hand.
လက်တော်
ပဒုမထီးဖြူတော် -
သတိထိ ဖြူတော်
Large White Umbrellas to the Left of the Throne.
Indian Antiquary

Page #458


Page #459

NOVEMBER, 1902.)
THE TULA-KAVERI-MARATMYA.
445
in a prior incarnation. Friendship with the wise is the result of good deeds, the study of sacred texts, the performance of vratás in a good many previous existences. This friendship would lead to the rare pleasure of hearing incomparably good stories, which would put an end to the three kinds of sins. This in turn would lead to clearness of the mind, by which we would be able to meditate and centralize in the hridaya kamala all our thoughts about God. Once meditation makes one come face to face with God, what cannot possibly be attained by karnas innumerable. O King ! you have at present therefore attained mukti by this friendship with the wise, I shall narrate to you in detail Tula-Kavāri-Mahatmya which be pleased to hear.
On both sides of the Kavört the river is flooded with images of Siva as cosmic manifester, etc. The pools formed on the banks of the Kâvêrî are sacred streams in themselves, and the sand and stones are angelic hosts. The Kávêrî which rises in the Sahya mountains is therefore the best of all rivers. It is unattainable by men generally. Of what avail are other karmas while this is able to lead us to the unattainable moksha. Many a sacred stream joins it in the Tulâ month. It rids us of the five greatest sins and gives us the phala of the aboamédha (horse-sacrifice). The angels, the pitris, the great snges and others extol to the skies the Kávêrî in the Tulâ month. Who bathes in its sacred waters for three days, is rid of all his sins and on the thresh hold of Vaikunta (Paradise). He will be worshipped in the Brahmalöks. Any small gift given to a good person in a good time leads to great results. Any gift therefore of rice and water in the Talâ month multiplies & million-fold, and a Vedic text says that any oblation offered to the pitris in the shape of rice, sraddha, or water with sesamum seed lasts as long as the world. Brahma and other gods, the Seven Mothers, the Apsaric hosts, Sarasvati, Lakshmi, Gouri, Indrami, Rohiņt and other feminine angels make it a point to bathe daily in the waters of the Kavêrt in the Talá month. In days long gone by Brahmå bar created the Kåver, the best of sacred streams, to bestow on mankind food and final beatitade. Whosoever bathes in the Tulâ month in the sacred waters of the Kevêrî, the representative of all the sacred streams of the world, his parents and father-in-law attain moksha. The bath leads to the forgiveness of all sins. The inen and women born on its sacred banks are the chief onjoyers of multitudinous pleasures. Moreover, its animals, birds, trees, worms, etc., get móksha as soon as its fine soft cold breeze falls on them. What doubt is there, therefore, for people who bathe in it with bhakti to get móksha ? Is it possible for Sesha, who is able to narrate anything in detail for a thousand years, to tell its sacredness? I shall therefore relate to you briefly about it.
Is it possible for any other than the thousand-mouthed Sêsha to talk of the elegance of education, the sacredness of the Tulasi, of the Ganges, the fasting on Ekâdabl day, the worship of the idol of Siva by Tulast? Listen with mute attention to all that I tell you about the sacredness of the Kaveri. Meditating on the Kávéri, chanting its various names, seeing it, hearing while others are mentioning its name, touching it, bathing in it, etc., are the result of a life of meditation in many previous existences. It is only possible to Hari to talk of its sacredness to those intent on bathing in its crystal transparent waters.
As among rivers, the Ganges, rising from the lotus-feet of Vishņu, is regarded the best, the Tulast amongst flowers, the Ekadasi day amongst vrațds, the five great sacrifices amongst yajnas, mental clearness amongst clear things, Madhava amongst the gods, the omkdra amongat sounds, the Gayatri amongst mantras, the Sama amongst the Vedas, Sankara amongst the Budras, Arunthai amongst Brahman wives, Rama amongst womankind, feeding amongst gifts, the moon amongst the planets, the sun amongst radiant objects, sacrifice of the mind amongst sacrifices, charity amongst friends, japa amongst tapde, worship of Vishņu amongst worship generally, married life amongst dsramas, the Brahman amongst castes, the earth amonget patient objects, the Brahnyasthra amongst Asthras, Sriranga amongst sacred places, Råmasētu amongst the purifiers, the Purusha Sukta amongst the Suktas, Kamadhenu (the angelic cow) amongst cows, Kțita Yoga amongst the Yagas, learn that amongst sacred streams the Kavert is the best. Chanting the Ganges, seeing Dhanushköti, hearing the story of Rama, meditating on the Kaveri - these lead to multi. The tract of country lying between Råmasēta and Mount Kailas, wbich is one hundred thousand yojanas long and nine

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446
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBIR, 1902.
thousand yojanas broad, is known as Karmic land and would lead to a life of virtue. The others are intended only for enjoyment.
Human life is the result of good deeds in many a thousand prior incarnation. And by good deeds done in millions of previous human existences a man becomes a dvija, i, e., twice-born. Consider him an ass who, after attaining human life, the most difficult to attain, does not bathe in the Kâvêri. The man who constantly bathes in the Kavêrt in the Tuli month need not be troubled with other pralds, etc. By bathing once in the Kávêrî he becomes as Nårâyaņa. There are expiations for any shortcomings in other vratás. A thishnim bath, even without a mantra or any niyama, rids one of all sins committed in seven former births. If the same is done with niyama, the parents for seven generations attain móksha, and the bather reaches Hari. Rising in Brahma Muhúrta in the early norn, meditating on Hari, cleaning the teeth with flowers in the hand, chanting the Kávêri, worshipping Ranganatha, telling the Aghamarshana Sukta, bathing in its sacred waters, after sipping water thrice, rising on the bank, wearing a clean white cloth, with sacred ashes on the forehead, performing the daily ablutions, one should hear the story patiently, after worshipping the Brahman well versed in narrating the Purana
The people should all assemble at a particular spot, and with mute attention prepare an elevated scrupulously clean Beat with a fine soft clean cloth on it, should take the best of Brahmans, - & subduer of the senses, a patient man, & subduer of anger, an ever-clean person, a man well versed in the Vedas and Vedunas, a man fondly bent on hearing the Vedanta, an observer of the Dharma Sastras, one well conversant with the Puranas, one extremely diligent, one treading always in the path of virtue, - and adorn him with new clothes, new jewels, sandal, etc. They should consider him to be no other than the great Vyksa, and with hands uplifted should prostrate before him and inform him of their desire to hear the Kaveri Mahimya. Have mercy on us therefore and make us attain final beatitude. From beginning to end, attention must hold them mute.
The bath in the Kávērt must be taken with a niyama, as one otherwise is utterly useless. If one is unable to maintain a niyama, he may take a thoushim bath. A bath taken in the proper way leads to the attainment of starga. Anointing the head with oil, sleeping in the day, shaving, beetle-chewing, partaking of the food of the less virtuous, copulation, friendship with the vicious, useless cant, sleeping on a mat, using forbidden vegetables, receiving of gifts, taking meals in a stranger's house, going on a journey - all these are forbidden. Kúshmanda, embylic myrabolan, Bengal grem, gram, ddl, drum-stick, cucumber, etc., etc., eating in a plate, supper, eating stale food. eating at dusk, of fried food, of the remnants of food eaten by boys, cold rice, of milk of a she-buffalo and sheep, of bad food, of food not consecrated to the gods, of food which is a feminine remnant, of food filled with hair, áraddha remnants, Sudrs remnants, all these must be rejected by the bathers in the Kaveri. As móksha cannot be got except by hard and often painful application of the physique, these niyamas must be observed. A partaker of forbidden fooil with a sense of strong desire in him becomes a pig. There is hardly any doubt that the person who bathes in the Kávêri, void of all desire and of the enjoyment of previously enjoyed objects, obtains mukti. Even a non-niyamic bath parges a man of all his sins,
This mundane existence of ours, saturated with urine, etc., is a mere bubble. Yams is always pondcing on this jira of ours lying in our body. O King! Morning and evening are devourers of our life-time. We must seek for the attainment of móksha while the senses, etc., are in order and while the body is easily pliable. I tell you over and over again not to waste the day. While sacred streams are available, in the pleasant winter season, one must give up the devil like sleep, rise very early in the morning and batbe in the waters of the Kâvêri. I raise my right hand and hammer my thoughts into you. The Kávért, which would rid yon of all sins, flows on forever. It waters, therefore, sro capable of yielding excellent results anattainable otherwise. So said sage Agastya to King Harischandra, Dalbhya to Dharma Varma, and Stita to Saunake
(To be continued.)

Page #461

November, 1902.]
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES. BY M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.S., M.F.L.S.
(Continued from Vol. XXX. p. 200.)
No. 18.--The Nymph of the Wire Hill. A king had two wives: the elder wife brought forth no children, so he built a separate palace a mile distant from him for her, and lived with his younger wife, and waited, but she also had no issue. "What is the use of my waiting ?” thought be, and, handing over the kingdom to the minister to be governed in his name, he set out to a forest. In the forest there was an anchorite practising austerities. He saw the king and asked him :
"Where are you going, O King?"
"I have married two wives. Neither of them have borne any offspring, and so leaving my kingdom, I am going to distant countries."
“Why should you go to distant countries? There is a in go-tree yonder; you climb and pluck three mango fruits and give them to your wivos. They will bring forth children," said the anchorite.
Accordingly, the king went up the tree and plucked as much fruit as he chose, but only three mangoes remained with him. Again he went up and plucked as much as before, but only three remained, and for the third time he went up the tree and plucked much fruit, but, strange to say, only three remained : and with these he returned to his country and gave them to his young wife. The wife ate the fruit and threw the peel and the seed underneath l-er cot.
Now it was the duty of the senior queen's maid to go to the younger queen's pulace and bring provisions-wheat, rice, vetch, &c.-every morning for her mistress, and, as usual, the maid-servant went the morning after the arrival of the king and saw the mango peels and seeds underneath the young queen's cot.
"So the king bas brought nice fruit and given it to his youuger wife, but nothing to the elder one," thought she, and as she got the food she pat the mango peels and seeds under the grain and came to her mistress and said :
" See, Lady, the king has brought such nice fruit. He gave it all to his younger wife, and nothing to you."
"The younger wife is near him and so he gave her the fruit. I am at a distance, and so he gave me nothing," said the elder wife with great calmness, and, taking the seeds, broke them and ate the kernel and gave the husk to her maro.
In due course the king's younger wife, the senior wife, and the mare became pregnant, and in their season the king's younger wife brought forth two sons, the senior wife gave birth to a tortoise and the mare to a foal. The senior quoon was very very kind to her offspring; she would make it sleep on her cot and nurse it tenderly. Now the tortoise was no other than a human being of tender years, and when all the people were asleep he used to come out of his tortoise covering, and, taking food from the vessels, would eat thereof and then go to the Devendraloka to learn. For a long time the queen and the servant-maid were very much perplexed as to what became of the food in the vessels.
"This won't do. The thief must be caught," said the queen, and, outting open her finger and boring a little hole in a lime, put her flager into it and went to sleep.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1902.
The lad stirred out as usual, put away the tortoise-covering underneath the cot, and, partaking of some corry and rice, went to Devendraloka. His mother, smarting from the pain of Jer finger, soon awakened, and got up and found that the tortoise had gone. Her grief had better be imagined than described.
"The gods gave me a tortoise, and I did not despise the gift! And now the tortoise is taken from me," lamented the, and commenced searching about the palace and found a tortoise-covering.
"I understand now," mattered the queen, my child has gone somewhere. He will come back soon." With these words she tóre the covering to shreds and went to her slumber again.
Presently the lad returned and could not find the covering and so he aroused his mother. She got up, took him in her lap, and, impressing sweet kisses on his cheeks, upbraided him. "Sonnie dear, you have been hiding yourself for so long and have never shown yourself to these sinful eyes even for a day."
"Make me a box, mother dear," said he, "and in it keep my food. That shall be my habitation for a season, because my corering is torn." His mother did as she was bidden, and the lad stayed in the box, receiving his education in the Devendraloka.
Meanwhile the king's two sons received their instruction at the hands of a good Pandit.
One day the minister said to the king: "The palace could be made charming beyond measure if only we possessed the Nymph of the Wire Hill;" the king at once began to long for the unattainable, and became extremely uneasy, and, refusing food and drink, laid himself down on a cot in great depression of spirits. The younger wife got ready his bath and food and came and asked her husband to get up and take his bath and food.
"No, I do not want any," said he. She entreated him with tears, but it was of no avail. "I do not want anything" was all he would say to his wife's entreaties.
In the meantime the princes came and approacbed the king and spoke: "O father dear, what ails you ? why are you so depressed ? what do you want? what can we do for yon?"
"If you bring me," said the king, "the Nymph of the Wire Hill, I will look on you as brave men. If you don't, I'll have your heads off, and I'll hang them on the gateway of the fortress."
Immediately the two princes set ont, and the son of the senior queen also wanted to go; and when she questioned him, "Why do you go, Sonnie dear? you are so beautiful,"
"I must go, mother," he replied ; "if the Nymph of the Wire Hill is not brought to him, my father will die. He has refused food and drink. My brothers cannot bring her. I must go and bring her."
The queen thereupon applied some lamp-black to the boy's face in order that he might appear dark, and he set out on his winged horse, wishing his mother farewell. In due course be came to a city where the water, which issned from the baths of the daughter of the reigning king, formed into a large stream, and the princess had set up a pillar in it with an inscription to the effect that she would marry him who would jump across the stream. The two prinees had been there, but after reading the inscription had said, "Wbo could jump so large a stream," and had forded it and passed on. But the third lad examined the stream, and, saying to himself that it only issued from a bath, spurred on his horse at it, and in the twinkling of an eye leapt across it.
The princess, who was looking on from her balcony, observed the feat and said to her father:
"Two young men have forded the river, and a third one, who is following them, jumped across the stream, He is to be my husband."

Page #463

449
NOVEMBER, 1902.]
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
The king spoke by way of reply: "I saw the two young men myself. They are beautiful. Patting them aside, you say that the dark boy is to be your husband."
"Don't say that, father. He is my husband."
The king sent his minister to call the young man.
"I won't go to the king unless the two young men who preceded me come also," replied the prince, and the minister sent for the young men.
"What business has the king with us ?" said they. "It is the other young man you want; take him."
"No, no; the king wants all three of you," said the minister.
Then they came to the king, and he asked the two princes what their country was, and they replied that they were the sons of the king of their country, and then the king put the same question to the third youth, who replied, "I have no country, I am a young ascetic visiting the countries of the world." But all the same the princess was given to him in marriage. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp.
For three days the three brothers stayed in that country. On the last day the one who had been married said to his wife, "I'hear, my love, that the Wire Hill is in these parts, which is the way to it? Do you know ?"
"I do not know, my Lord," replied she, "but in the country before you there is a city, where there is a princess. If you ask her she will tell you," and, lowering her head, added, "My Lord, I see you are going to the Wire Hill. Who knows that you will come back? Suppose you meet your fate, which God forbid, what will be the sign or omen?"
"When your mangalasusram1 becomes black, you will know that I am dead, and come to the Hill," so spoke the prince, and, bidding his wife adieu, set out with his brothers and arrived at a new country.
Now in that country there was a princess, who, obtaining her father's permission, issued a proclamation that she would marry him who buys all the necessaries of life for one pie.
"Who can get all his provisions for a pie? Let it go! let it go," said the two princes and moved on their course, while the third went to the palace, and, receiving a pie from the steward, went to Bâzâr, gave the money, i. e., the pie, to a Kômati (grocer), and asked him to tie up in a bundle a specimen of every kind of food in his shop. The Kômati did so, and the young man, taking it, together with some ghi on a leaf and a faggot of wood, went to the steward, and, handing it all over to him, followed his brothers.
In the meantime the princess went to the king and said, "Father dear, the young man who is going away has bought all his provisions for a pie. My marriage with him must be celebrated."
Her father replied: "Yes, the two young men have preceded the third. The two first appear to be princes, and are beautiful; you must marry one of them."
"Father dear, said the daughter, don't say that, please. I will marry that one who acted up to my wishes as set forth in the proclamation."
The king now sent his minister to call the young man. "I will come on condition that those who are in advance of me also come," replied the prince.
The minister called them too. "What concern have you with us ?" said they. "If you want the young man, you may take him.".
"This won't do," said the minister, and made all the princes come to the palace.
1 A circular piece of gold (tal) tied round the bride's neck by the bridegroom in completion of the marriage.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
The king first of all asked the first two young men who they were, and what country they belonged to, and they told him. Tarning to the third, the king put the same questions and received replies: "I am an ascetic. I have no parents. I wander from one country to another."
In spite of this confession the princess was married by the king to the young man, who stayed for three days, and on the third day asked his wife, "Which is the way to the Wire Hiu?"
“I do not know, my Lord, but there is a princess in advance of you, who will tell you if you enquire of her," replied she; and, putting on a woe-begone appearance, added, "you are going to the Wire Hill, my Lord; suppose you come by serious harm or death, which God forbid, how am I to know it? What is the signP"
The prince gave her a flower, saying, "If this withers and becomes black, know that I am dead, and come to the Hill."
With these words, and bidding a hasty fewell to the princess, he set out. The two princes had already started, and were talking to each other: "We are so beautiful and nobody marrios os. He is dark, and every princess falls in love with him and marries bim!"
In due course they came to a fresh country, where there was a princess, who hung up on the palace walls #drawing from the Dévèndraloka, with a logond underneath in weird characters, and obtaining her father's permission sent forth a manifesta: "He who deciphers the writing under the picture and explains it, to him shall be given my hand in marriage."
The two princes went and looked at the picture, but they could not read the writing, much lese explain it. The third prince went and cast a glance at the picture, read the writing, and announcing himself to the princess, he read and explained the legend fully and lacidly.
The princess was mightily pleased and reported to the king : "Father dear, here is a young man who has read and explained the legend of the picture from the Devendraloka."
He was also pleased and at once celebrated the marriage of his daughter with the prince. For three days the prince stayed, and on the last day he spoke to his wife: “The Wire Lady is said to reside in tho Wire Hill. Which is the road to the Hill P"
The princess replied, "Great kings have come, but no one has managed to carry off the Nymph of the Wire Hill? How can you manage, my Lord ? It is impossible."
"But if I don't bring her my father will die," rejoined the prince .
“Suppose you come to grief, which God forbid ! the undertaking is so beset with porils : how am I to know it, my Lord," asked the wife, putting a woe-begone appearance.
Upon which he planted a lily and said, "If the plant dies, know that I am dead, and come to the Hill."
Then the princess gave bim the directions and said ; "If you go to the south side of the Hill you will come across & wire. If you catch hold of it, it will take you to the palace of the princess; she will come forward to embrace you, when you must say Mother, don't touch me."
Thanking his wife for the information, and wishing her good-bye, the prince came to the Wire Hill, where he saw that his brothers had already arrived and were wandering about the Hill. He enquired of them, "Why do you wonder about the Hill P" They did not reply, but said to each other," if we tell him he will marry the Nymph of Wire Hill also and carry her away." The prince muttered to himself, "80 that's it," and tothered his steed where the two prinoes bad tethered theirs, Capght hold of the wire and went up the Hill, The Nymph

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NOVEMBER, 1902.)
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
451
of the Wire Hill appeared before him and said, “You have come at last after such a long time!" and wanted to embrace him, but he said, “Mother, don't touch me." She took the hint, bathed him with hot-water bath and fed him well. After this, the Nymph of the Wire Hill in front, and the prince behind her, set out, and had almost reached the foot of the Hill, where she cried out, “My parrot cage! my parrot cage!” The prince said at once, “Mother, I will fetch it," and went up the Hill by the aid of the wire.
In the meantime the two princes saw the Nymph of the Wire Hill at the foot of the Hill. "Ho has already married three princesses, and is now carrying away the Nymph of the Wire Hill," said the brothers, greatly bewildered, and what was their astonishment to see the prince descending with the cage along the Wire Hill. "If we cut the wire he will be dead and gone," said one brother to another, and, suiting their action to the words, did as their evil minds bid them, and down came the young man with the parrot cage with a great crash, and was instantly killed. The princes, then, compelling tho Nymph of the Wire Hill to mount their steed, set out for home.
The evil omens showed themselves to the prince's wives. The first wifes mangalasuaram Decaine black. "Some mishap has befallen my husband. He asked me to go to the Hill," said she to herself in tears and set ont lamenting. The flower given to the second wife withered and darkened. “My husband had come by some harm. He asked me to go to the Hill," said she to herself and started weeping. On the road the first two wives came together. "Why do you weep?" asked the one, " Why do you weep?" asked the other. “My husband has gone to the Wire Hill. He has come by death. I am going there," said the second wife. "My husband also has gone to the Wire Hill. He has met his fate there. I am going thither," said tae first wife, " Then we are both his wives," said the two princesses after a little conversation, and started on their course with one object in common. In the meantime the third lamenting wife of the prince met them. “Why do you weep," asked they of her. “My husband has gone to the Wire Hill. He has suffered death there. I am going thither," replied she. "Your husband and our husband is one and the same. We three of us are his wives. Our goal is the same," said the two princesses, and with one object in common all three moved on and in due course reached the Hill. There they saw their husband's bones scattered.
The youngest wife askud her co-wives to collect and adjast the bones while she retired for a while. She left them and went to a cistern, and, having bathed there seven times, putting on wet clothes and standing in the attitude of half-contemplation, wept, and spread out the folds of her garments as if to receive something. Parameshwar heard her lamentations and Párbati spoke to him:-"She is crying to her gods that her husband be brought to life." Instantly Parameshwar threw a life-giving rod into the folds of the princess's garments, and she returned to her co-wives, who had by this colleoted the bones and adjusted them in their proper places. The life-giving rod: instilled life into the prince and he sat up and exclaimed - What a sweet sleep I have had slept." The next moment he saw his three wives and asked the reason of their being there, and they explained it to him.
Half an hour after this the youngest princess went again to the cistern, and, having bathed seven times, threw the life-giving rod into it and returned, and very soon afterwards the prince and his three wives set ont, and in due course reached the youngest wife's father's capital, where after staying for three days and receiving presents of elephants, horses and retinue from the king, he moved on. He reached the ogantry of the father of his second wife, where staying for three days and receiving presenta of elephants, horses and retinge, he set out again. In due Course he reached the country of the father of his first wife, where also after staying for three days and receiving similar presents of horses, elephants and retinno, he started once again, and by rapid marches renohed his own country, and pitched his camp in a garden.

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Calling his wives together he said : “My mother will come. One of you should hold the pullem, another should wash her feet and offer a seat, while the third should wipe them." With these words the prince left them and went to his mother, who, on seeing him, fell on his neck, and, shedding tears, exclaimed: "My son, my son, you have come back after all, and I have been 80 anxious." He told her that three daughters-in-law were awaiting her! She went to the princesses and was mightily pleased at their bumility and comeliness.
Meanwhile the two other princes bad reached their country with the Nymph of the Wire Hill, and their father was immensely delighted and applauded his two boys for having brought the unobtainable, and declared to the people that no two princes of equal prowess were to be found on the face of the earth. The princes also on their part went about bragging.
But the Nymph of the Wire Hill fretted, and constantly thought of the young man who bad fallen headlong from the Wire Hill, and when the king made overtures to her, she said: "I have certain Dévèndra vows to perform. If you get me some cobra lilies (ndgu-mallailu in Telugu) I will perform the vows and then marry you." Her object in asking for these lilies was to get news of the missing prince, as she was fully convinced that if any one could bring the cobra-lilies, which are only to be found seven and seven, fourteen, seas beyond the sea of milk, it would be he alone.
The king, summoning the two princes, said to them: "Your mother wants some cobra-lilies for the performance of her vows. Will you go and get them ?”
"It is not a difficult affair, father dear. We will go and bring them," said they, and, mounting their steeds, set out,
Now the third prince saw his two brothers going out to fetch the cobra-lilies and he at once ran to his youngest wife and said: "My brothers are going to bring the cobra-lilies; I will go too."
But how are they going to fetch them ?" asked she. "They are in the sea of milk which is beyond seven and seven, fourteen, seas."
• What do you advise " the prince asked in baste, and she gave him some seeds, after repeating certain incantations over them, and also a letter and said: "When you come to the sea, throw these seeds, and the sea will make a way for you, and you can walk straight on dryshod, and when you come to the sea of milk at the end of seven and seven, fourteen, seas, von will see a tortoise. Throw the letter to it, and it will take the letter to the Lord of the Serponts. The Lord of the Serpents will send back the tortoise, and you must take your seat on his back and go to the Lord of the Serpents, who will give the cobra-lilies and send you back."
Cordially thanking his wife for her help, and bidding her, his other two wives and his mother a hasty farewell, he hurriedly started, and when he came to the sea he did as he had been bidden. He threw the seeds on the sea, and the sea opened a presage for him. He passed along it and came to the sea of milk, and, seeing a tortoise, he throw the letter to it. The tortoise took the letter and ran to the Lord of the Serpents, who sent the tortoise back to bring the young man, and the prince, mounting the tortoise, went to the Lord of the Serpents, who received him with every mark of respect, and put him up at his own house and married him to his daughter, the Celestial Swan. He plucked some cobra-lilies, gave them to the prince, and said :
Here take the cobra-lilies and go safely back to your country with your wife, my daughter." And he ordered the tortoise to carry them. The tortoiso took the prince and princess on its back across the seven and seven, fourteen, seas, and set them down on the seashore of their own country.
• A small tray of gold or brass on which camphor is burnt and carried before a groat personage by his host.

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453
Now the other two princes, who set out in a bragging fashion to fetch the lilies, were at & loss, as they did not know how to cross the vast seas that lay before them, and so in their dilemma they sat down on the sea-beach, and, while they were still sitting, the prince and his wife appeared before them.
"Here he is! He is not dead, and has married yet another princess, and that bunch of flowers are doubtless the cobra-lilies. We had better get them from him," said the brothers to each other, and immediately proffered their services to the prince with great eagerness, and one of them took the bunch of flowers.
The prince did not object, and they travelled with the prince and his wife in an orderly manner as far as their own country, and then disappeared as if by magic with the bunch of cobra-lilies, and showed themselves to the king, who, on receiving the flowers, had declared that in the whole world no one had such brave sons as he. Without losing any time he repaired to the palace of the Nymph of the Wire Hill. She received them from the king, but was more than convinced in her heart that the prince was alive and so she said to her suitor :
"I will now perform tho Devendra vows. Please issue invitations to kings, princes and noblemen."
The invitations were issued, and all the neighbouring kings, princes and nobles, including the king's two sons, came and sat in the Assembly Hall. Their wives, too, including all the blood relatives, such as sisters and daughters, came and sat in the Hall in the places allotted to them. Thither also came the king's younger wife and her maids.
Casting a glance over the assembled crowd, the Wire Nymph said: "I see the younger wife of the king, but nowhere do I see his senior queen or her son in the assembly."
Whereupon the king was confused, and, muitering to himself, "How can she have a son without my knowing it?" sent for her. She came, foilowed by her son and her four daughtersiu-law, all as resplendent as the fall-moon in its glory, and took their seats.
The Wire Nymph now began her harangue: “Do you think, O King, that it was your two sons by the younger queen that brought me from the Wire Hill? Nothing of the sort. It was. your son by the senior queen. We descended the Hill together, and I cried out for my parrot cage, and quick as lightning he ran up the Hill by the wire and was returning with the cage, when the two princes at the foot of the Hill broke the wire and the young man fell headlong from the summit and was killed; but by the merits of his wives he was given a second birth. Do you want to know who brought the cobra-lilies? Your two sons you think! Nothing of the sort. I knew they could not, and that is why I required special flowers for the sham ceremony of the Devendra vows, as a test to find out whether the prince was dead or alive: for I knew that he alone could bring them. And in truth it was your son by the senior queen that had brought the flowers, and your other two sons imposed upon the prince and managed by fraud to palm them off on you as theirs."
The king changed volour, and, calling his two sons from the assembly, cried ont, "Are these things so?” They hung down their heads in shame and confusion, and proved their guilt. The king spat in their faces and bade them begone, and, calling forth the real hero, pressed him to his breast and wept, and soon after the assembly broke up. The king then embraced all his daughters-in-law and his senior wife. She at first upbraided him for his partiality to his younger wife and for forgetting her altogether! Then she unfolded to him how their son, of whom they had so much reason to be prond, was conceived after eating the kernel of the anchorite's mango, how he had at first been a tortoise, how she had nursed the animal nevertheless, and how she, tu her great joy, found one night that the tortoise was a human child under the tortoise covering. The king listened to everything in silence and astonishment.

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In due course the king married the Wire Nymph, and some days after performed the marriage of his son with the four princesses to which the fathers of the three princesses, as also the foster-father of the fourth princess - the Lord of the Serpents, were invited. They were delighted to find that their son-in-law was not the son of a humble deceased anchorite as he gave out, but of royal blood like themselves. The next thing the king did was to crown his son with all pomp and glory, and abdicate the throne in his favour.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
BELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE,
(Continued from p. 428.)
1794. - No. XXIX. • Fort William 11th August 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosures from the Secretary to the Military Board.
Seory to the Mily Board. To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government,
Sir. - I bave the honor to transmit for the Consideration of the Governor General in Council the enclosed Proceedings of the Military Board of this date as returned from Circulation, upon Indents No. 893 & 394 for Marine Stores applied for from the Andamans. The Indents accompany the Proceedings for the inspection of Government.
I have also the honor to transmit Lists of Military Storos and Provisions which have been passed on Indents No. 892 & 395. Acquainting you that the Indents have been forwarded to the Commissary of Stores and Garrison Store Keeper respectively, with instructions to prepare the Articles for dispatch on Such Ship as Government may be pleased to direct,
I farther enclose a Letter Addressed to the Military and Provision Store Keeper at the Andamans which I request may be forwarded, under the Approbation of the Supreme Board, to that Officer.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant Mily. By Office
( Bigt! Isaso Humphrys the 8th August 1794.
Sec! My Board. Proceedings of the Military Board returned from Circulation the 8th August 1794.
Indent NO 393 on the Acting Naval Store Keeper for Copper Grapenails, Vittry, &c for repairs of Vessels & Boats.
Remark The quantities of three of the articles in this Indent are left undefined.
Mily Aud? Gen! This is not an Indent of a nature that requires hasty decision -- the coppering of the long Boats being expensive, the public advantages to be derived ought to bave been stated in order that Government, whose sanction is necessary to warrant the expence might judge of the expediency of authorizing it.
If the Establishment of Vessels and Boats of all descriptions for the Service of the Andamang has been laid down by Government - the Secretary can obtain an Account of them, if not, we should be apprized of their intentions, to Guide us in passing applications of this sort if it be expected that we shoula receive them but they ought perhaps to be made to the Marine Department,
(Signed) John Murray.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY.
455
Comm of Artly & Chief Engineer. The Commandant of Artillery and Chief Engineer Subscribe to the above Minute.
Bemark. The Secretary reports that having made the enquiry proposed in the above Minute he has been informed that Government have not laid down any Establishment of Vessuls or Boats for the Settlement.
Indent No 394 on the Acting Naval Store Keeper for Sundries for the use of the Honble Company's Brig Dispatch.
Mily Audr Gen! This is certainly an Application for reference to the Marine Department - as this Board has no information that can enable us to form any Opinion whether the Articles are necessary or not.
(Signed) John Murray. Comm! of Arts & Chief Engineer, The Commandant of Artillery and Chief Engineer Subscribe to the Military Auditor General's Opinion.
Resolution. Agreed to send up for the Consideration of the Governor General in Council the two foregoing Indents with tbs Minutes upon them.
A true Extract (Signed) Isaso Humphrys
Sec, M. Board. Ordered that the Indents No 893 and 894, received from the Military Board be sent to the Acting Naval Storekeeper, with Directions to comply herewith, and that the Articles to be furnished upon the Indents NO 392 & 395 be Dispatched to the Andamang on the Snow Cornwallis which will Sail in four or five days.
Ordered that these Resolutions be notified to Lieutenant Humphrys and the Garrison Store Keeper, respectively, and that the Letter for the Military and Provision Storekeeper at Port CornWallis be forwarded by the next Dispatch.
1794. - No. XXX. Fort William 11th August 1794. Read again Lieuteng wale's Letter dated the 5th August and recorded on the Proceedings of the 8th Ditto.
The Secretary lays before the Board Note which he has received from Lieutenant Wales.
Sir, - A young Gentleman of the Name of Bied and who is an Acting Lieutenant in the Bombay Marine, is now at Calcutta, having come round as First Officer of the Pilot Snow which Lieutt, Frayer brought here, he bears an excellent Character from every person that knows him and Lieut! Frayer tells me he is a good Officer, his being a Company's Servant also recommends him to me in preference to a Country Officer as he will need no instruction with Respect to either Conduct or discipline - Will you be so obliging as to propose him as a fitt Person to fill the Station of 24 Lieutenant on board the Cornwallis.
I am, Sir, Yours Obediently 11th August 1794.
(Signed) Jno. Wales. Agreed that Mr Ried be Appointed 2! Omoer on board the Cornwallis, and that the Governor in Council at Bombay, be informed that the Board wish that Mr. Ried may have permission to serve on board one of the Company's Vessels at the Andaman Station, without prejudice to his Rank and Prospects at Bombay, in the same Manner as Similar Permission has been granted to Tienta Wales & Roper.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1794. No. XXXI.
Fort William 224 August 1794. The Honble Company's Snow Cornwallis being under dispatch to the Andamans the following Sailing orders were given to the Commander Lt Wales, and the letter which will be entered after them, was written to Major Kyd, or, in his absence, the Senior Officer in charge of the Settlement.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
To the Commander of the Cornwallis dated 21st August 1794.
To Lieutenant Wales Commanding the Cornwallis.
Sir, You are hereby ordered, winds and weather [permitting] (and the Consignments for the Andamans embarked) to weigh your anchor and make the best of your way to Port Cornwallis, where, on your arrival you are to deliver the accompanying Packet to Major Kyd, or to the Senior Officer in Charge of the Settlement, and attend to all orders you may receive from him for your future guidance.
I wish you safe and Speedy Passage, and am
Fort William
21st August, 1794.
To the Commander of the Cornwallis & to the Superintendant at the Andamans, dated 25th August 1794.
To Major A. Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans or to the Senior Officer in charge of that Settlement.
Sir, &ca
Sir, I have the Pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letters dated the 1st and 20th Ultimo by the Cornwallis Snow which imported here on the 24 August the former enclosing your Account Current for the Months of May and June last, with the Vouchers, together with a list of Bills of Exchange drawn upon this Government, orders were given for the acceptance of the latter, and the foer is under Andit, in the usual course.
- No. XXXII.
It is only necessary to observe, in answer to your letter of the 20th Ultimo, that authority to equip, and employ the Dispatch Brig was given to you in my letter of the 14th July by the Sea Horse, and that the Sails belonging to the Brig were sent by that Conveyance, but that as the Master Attendant mentioned that they were in bad condition, and is in the expectation that they would not be found, you have indented for others, directions were given to the Acting Naval Store-keeper to provide new Sails for the Vessell, and they will be sent by the present conveyance which will also take the other Articles you have applied for in your Indents to the different Offices.
I enclose a Copy of Lieutenant Wales's Sailing Orders and am
Fort William
21st August 1794.
-
1794.
Fort William 8th September 1794. Read a Letter from the Military Auditor General. Mily Aud! Gen! 1st of Sept
To the Honble Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council &c &c &c Military Department.
Sir &
Honble Sir, It is an Established Regulation that all Pay Abstracts shall be accompanied by Review Rolls of the different Discriptions of People for whom the Allowances are drawn, but as Major Kyd generally sends figured returns only of the Artificers on the Andaman Establishment, I beg

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457
leave to request that he may be desired in future to insert the Peons Names, and to remark the dates of all casualties as in the Review Rolls of the regular Corps of the Army. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect Honble Sir,
Your most Obedient faithful Servant Mily Audi Genl. Office
(Signed) John Murray 19 Sept: 1794.
Col. & Mil Aud: Gen! Ordered that Instructions be sent to Major Kyd in Conformity with the Recommendation in the above Letter from the Military Auditor General.
1794. - No. XXXIII. Read a Letter from the Secretary to the Military Board.
Secry to the Mily Board 6th Sept: 1794. To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - Herewith I have the honor to transmit for the Sanction of Government Bill No. 59 and 60 Recommended hy the Mily Board for Provisions Supplied by the Garrison Store keeper for the 2290 of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and of 7 recruits proceeding to that Settlement.
I have the honor to be &c. Agreed that Authority be given for passing the Bills abovementioned, and ordered that they be returned to the Military Board,
1794. - No. XXXIV. Fort William the 29th of Soptomber 1794. The following Letter was received frn Major Kyd on the 26th Instant, by the William Pitt.
Sup at the Andamans 15th August 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to Government.
Sir, - Accompanying I have the honor of transmitting you the Account Current of this Settlement, brought up to the present date, with the various vouchers referred to therein. You will perceive that every Establishment is paid up to the first of next Month, which I have thought advisable to do before my departure to Prince of Wales's Island, in hopes that they will not require another payment till my return. Accompanying is a List of Bills I have drawn on Government for Cash received into the Treasury here, which is carried to the Public Credit in the Acconnt now sent.
I have the honor to be &c Port Cornwallis
(Signed) A. Kyd. 15th August 1794.
Sup! Andamans. Ordered that Major Kyd's Account Current with its Vouchers, be sent for Audit to the Military Auditor General, who is also to be furnished with a Copy of his Letter enclosing them.
Ordered that the List of Bills drawn by Major Kyd, on the Governor General in Council be sent to the Accountant General's Office.
1704,- No. xxxv. Fort William 30 November 1794. The following Sailing Ordere Dated the 1 Inst. bave been given to Captain Morgotty Commanding the Drake Cruiser.
To Capt. Morgotty, Dated 19 October 1794. To Captain Morgotty Commanding the Honble Companys Cruizer Drake.
Sir, - You are hereby directed winds and weather permitting, and the Convicts for the Apdamaps being on board, to weigh your Anchor, and make the best of your way to Port

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[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Cornwallis, where on your arrival, you will deliver the accompanying Letter to Major Kyd the Superintendant, or in his absence to the Senior Military Officer at the Settlement, and having attended to his directions, with respect to landing the Convicts, you will proceed forth with to Bombay and attend to all orders that you may receive from the Governor in Council there,.....
I wish you a safe and Speedy Passage, and am &c. Fort William
(Sig!) [Blank] 10 Nov! 1794.
The following Letter Was written, on the 1 Instant, to the Superintend! at the Andaman's by the Drake.
To Major Kyd Dated 1 Nov! 1794. To Major Kyd Superintendant, or in his absence to the Senior Military Officer at the Andamans.
Sir, I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter dated the 13th of August transmitting your account Current and a List of Billa granted by you upon the Governor General in Council for Cash paid into your Treasury.
It being an Established Regulation that all Pay Abstracts shall be accompanied by Review Rolls of the Different Descriptions of people for whom the allowances are Drawn, and as you generally transmit figured Returns only of the Artificers on the Andaman Establishment, I have Orders to desire that in future you will insert the People's names and Remark the Dates of all Casualties as in the Review Rolls of the Regular Corps of the Army.
You will receive enclosed a Copy of the Sailing Orders to Captain Morgotty who Commands the Drake Cruizer now proceeding to the Andamans on her way to Bombay, and with it a return of the Provisions laid in for fifty Native Convicts sent in the Vessel to Port Cornwallis for their Supply during the Passage. Fort William
I am &c 19t of Nov! 1794.
(Sig!) [Blank] 1794. - No: XXXVI. Fort William the 7th November 1794. The following Letter was received, on the 39 Instant from Messt: Wilson Downie and Maitland, and Directions were given for receiving the Articles inentioned in it on board the Drake.
Messrs Wilson Downie & Maitland datod 99 Nov. 1794. Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir, -As Lieutenant Wales of the Cornwallis could not receive the following necessaries for the Bazar at the Andamails when he was last here which we were desired to send by that Conveyance we are very apprehensive that they may be much wanted at that Settlement, and therefore bng the favor of an order for their being received on board the Drake. Calcutta
We have the honor to be &ca 39 November 1794.
(Siga-d) Wilson Downie & Maitland. 175 Maunds Flower. 150 Maunds Sugar. 50 Maunds Ghoor. 10 Maunds Dry Mangoes. 30 Maunds Gram. 20 Maunds Massur Dhall. 10 Maunds Onions. 6 Maunds Garlick.

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NOVEMBER, 1902] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
6 Maunds Chillies.
2 Maunds Ginger.
Maund Pepper.
3 Mannds Daniah [? dânâ]. 20 Maunds Oil.
1794, No. XXXVII.
The following Letter was received, on the 4th Instant, from Lieut. Greene. Lieut. Greene Dated 4th Nov! 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq: Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Sub-Secretary shakespear's Letter of yesterday, and to Acquaint you that, pursuant to the Orders therein Conveyed the 20 Bags of Dhall have been Shipped on board the Drake Cruizer as per Accompanying Receipt from the Officer on board that Vessel.
Fort William Garrison Store the 4th NovemTM 1794.
-
Fort William
5th November 1794.
459
I have the honor to be &c (Signed) A. Greene officiating in the absence of the Garrison Store keeper.
No. XXXVIII.
1794, The following Letter was written, on the 5th Inst., to Major Kyd, and dispatched by the Drake. To Major Kyd dated 5th Nov! 1794.
To Major Kyd Superintendant or in his Absence, to the Senior Military Officer at the Andamans.
Sir, I am directed to transmit to you the enclosed Receipt for Twenty Bags of Dhall, put on Board the Drake Cruizer for the use of the Convicts proceeding to the Andamans, also a Copy of a Letter dated the 3 Instant from Messrs Wilsone, Downie, and Maitland, and to acquaint you that the Commander of the Drake has been authorized to receive Articles mentioned in it for the Use of the Settlement.
Duplicate.
Superintendant at the Andamans.
I am &c. (Signed) E. Hay Secry to the Govt
1794. No. XXXIX.
Fort William 29th November 1794. The following Duplicate Letter was received this morning from the Superintendant at the Andamans by the Brig Nautilus.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I beg you will acquaint the Honble. Governor General in Council that I arrived at this Place on the 7th Instant on the Sea Horse Brig, having left Prince of Wales's Island on the 224 of last Month.
The accompanying Letters from Mr Mannington will acquaint the Board of the unfortunate Death of Mr Light which happened on the 20th
Upon my arrival here I found that the Stock of Provisions for the Settlement was much smaller than it ever should be, I have therefore directed the Commissary to make out the necessary Indents and have now dispatched the Cornwallis Snow and Nautilus Brig and earnestly request that they may be returned without delay with the Amount of their Indents.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
During my Stay at Prince of Wales Island, I took the utmost pains to obtain information on the Various points recommended to me by the Board, and hope to have the honor of personally delivering my Report early in the next Month.
I have the pleasure to say that the Settlers here have been much more healthy this season. than the last, altho' the Rains have been more severe there having fallen from the 1" of last May to this poriod the extraordinary Quantity of 123 Inches which is more than twice t.be Quantity that falls in Bengal in the most abundant Seasons. I bave the honor to be Sir Your Most Obedient Servant
(Sig!) A. Kyd Port Cornwallis
l i te Superintendant Andamang. 10th November 1794.
W Fort William the 1 of December 1784. The following Letters were received, on the 29th Ultimo, from Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans, by the Snow Cornwallis, & Circulated for the perusal of the Members of Government.28
Superintendant at the Andamsze. 20th October 1794. W S To Edward Hay Esq Secretary to Government.
Sir, I have to request you will acquaint thé Honble. Governor General in Council, that in compliance with his instruetions of the 21 April last, & those conveyed in your letter of the 51 August; I have obtained every information in my power respecting the various points therein specified. 20 . . . . It is now my intention of proceeding to the Andamens where I shall not have occasion to stay long, & expect to bave the bonor of presenting my report in person early in Dee: 20 . .
have the honor to be Prince of Wales's Island
M 20th October 1794. Ordered that the Snow Cornwallis and Brig Nautilus be returned, as soon as possible, to the Andamans with the Supplies they are respectively to take to that Settlement.
The Commanders are to be acquainted accordingly; and notice thereof is to be sent to the Garrison Store Keeper, Fort Adjutant & Military Board - The Commanders ste, farther, to be asked how many Convicts can be accommodated on each of the Vessels, after receiving the Supplies they are both to carry.
1794. - No. XLI. Read Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board.
Seory to the Hosp! Board 29th Nov 1794. To Colin Shakespear Esq* Sub-Secretary. "
Sir, I am directed by the Hospital Board to enclose to you the Copy of a List of Necessaries which they have received from My Rob! Reddiók Assistant Surgeon to the Andamans, which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council, & to acquaint him that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to furnish the neeessaries required.
Wow
4
I hate the honor to be & M G ! Fort William Hosp! B! Office
in (Signed) A. Campbell Sect)
11 of the 20th Nov 1794. W
e ** [The Letter dated the 109 November has been already given under the consultation of the 281. Nors where it is headed sa 'Duplicate.')
=> [The portions omitted in the above Letter refer to Prince of Wales loland.
TV

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Indent for Necessaries for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
Madeira ... ........ Twelve Dozen Brandy ... ... ... Four Do Arraek ...
Six D. Lime Juice ... ... Four Do Vinegar ... ... ... Six D.
Flour ... ... ... Eight Maands i Oil Mustard Seed . Four DO
Sugar ... ... ... Eight Di Leather Skins No. 6.
(Signed) R! Reddick Port Cornwallis
Assistant Surg. 10th November 1794.
(Signed) A. Kyd
SupdAndamans. Hosp! B! Office
A true Copy the 29th November 1794. beri
(Signed) A. Campbell
Secr!
022
Agreed that the Hospital Board be. Authorized to comply with the above Indent, & desired to give Directions that the Articles may be procured, & put up immediately to be sent in the Snow Cornwallis.
The Situation of 2nd Omoer on Board the Snow Cornwallis having become Vacant by the Appointment of Mt Reid to the Jackall.
Agreed that M. Henry Pelham Davies be appointed to it. Ordered that Notice thereof be sent to Mr Davies, & the proper Officers.
TE
1794. – No. XLII. Fort William 5th December 1794. Read a Letter and Enclosures from the Secretary to the Military Board.
Seory to the Milly Board 14 December 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I request you will submit for the information of Government the enclosed Copies of Indents No. 897 & 98 by the Military and Provision Store Keeper at the Andamans, and Acquaint him that the Originals have been this Day passed by the Military Board and returned to the Garrison, Store Keeper's Office with Orders for the immediate preparation of the Articles for dispatch on Such Ship as Government may be pleased to direct. NOW MORE
I have the honor to be de han Mily By Office
(Signed) Isaac Humphrys was 19 Dec 1794.
Sec! Mily Board.

Page #476

462
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Indent No. 3. Duplicate. To Lient Geo. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper
Fort William.
Articles indented
for
Names of Stores.
Admitted by the
For what purpose wanted.
ва
For 3 Mnths Subsistence to the
Settlers at the Andamans.
400
400
250
For the Subsistence of the Live
Stock,
Arrack ... ... Leagur Dholl (Hurriah) Maunds Ghee ... ... ... Gram ... ... . Paddy Rice ... Salted Meat (Beef & Pork) Casks Salt ... ... ... Maunds Wheat ... ... ... D:
200
250 200 1200
1200
For three Months Subsistence to
the Settlers at the Andamans.
80
80
100
100
Port Cornwallis,
(Signed) Joseph Stokoe 18 Nov! 1794.
Commsry Store & Provis! Andamans. Passed by the My B! this Day
(Signed) A. Kyd 1st Dec. 1794.
Suptat Andamang. Indent N! 2. Duplicate. To Lieut G. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper
Fort William.
Names of Stores.
Artioles Indented
Purposes for which wanted.
Admitted by the Mily
Ba
Maunds
100
For three Months Subsistence to
the Convicts at Port Cornwallis.
100
Dholl Ghee Rice
...
...
25
...
"
.. .. ...
300
. ...
***
DO DO
Salt
Port Cornwallis
(Signed) Joseph Stokop 18 November 1794.
Commy Store & Provisas Andamans. The Tonnage of the Snow Cornwallis and Nautilus Brig not being adequate to that of the Stores mentioned in the above Indents, Ordered that the following Articles which the Board understand are Chiefly wanted at the Andamans for early use be shipped with a Convenient expedition Viz:

Page #477

NOVEMBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
463
Port Cornwallis, Lieut: Wales. 300 Bags of Rice. 75 Do of Dholl. 24 Maunds of Ghee. 60 Bags of Paddy. 75 DO of Gram. 40 D. of Whiet (sic). 4 Casks of Salt Provisions.
1 Leagur of Arrack. 125 Bags of Rice. 25 Do of Gram. 20 Maunds of Ghee.
1794. - No. XLIII. Fort William 12th December 1794. The following Letter was received, on the 9th Instant, from the Commander of the Nautilus Brig.
TS
Capt. Fimins. To Edward Hay Esq. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - I have the Honor to inform you that the Stores ordered from the Garrison Store Keeper for the Andamans, amounting to 150 Bags, and 5 Casks, are on board which together with the Bazar Articles Permitted to go down, will be the whole we can take and I am sorry to say we have no room for any convicts.
I am &c (Signed) Fimins
H. C. B. Nautilus. 1794. - NO XLIV. Fort William 19th December 1794. The following Letter was received on the 18th Inst. from the Secretary at Bombay.
Seory Bombay 28th November 1794. To Edward Hay Esq! Secretary at Fort William.
Sir, - I have had the pleasure to receive your Letter dated the 29th Ultimo and am desired to Acquaint Yon that the wishes of the Governor General in Council respecting Convicta being sent to the Andamans will be duly Attended to by this Government .....
I have the honor to be &c? Bombay Castle
(Signed) John Morris Secry 28th November 1794.
1794. - No. XLV. The following Minute was received from the Governor General on the [blank] and Circnlated to the Members of the Board who Concurred in the Propositions it contained, and the necessary Orders were issued accordingly.
Gov. Gen! Minute. Governor General. By the last dispatches from the Andamans it is known that the Settlement was very short of Provisions, and altho' the Indents from thence were Ordered to be Complied with in fall, the Cornwallis and Nautilus were not Compitent to Carry down the

Page #478

464
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Rice
van.7347
whole of the Supplies required, in consequence of which the following Articles remain to be dispatched, in part of the last Indents vizt
.... Mds. 650 Dholl ...
400 Ghee ...
61 Salt ...
105
8. Paddy ...
80 Wheat
20 The above Articles may be estimated at a Tonnage equal to about 700 Bags.
There are also about 100 Convicts in the Jail of the 24 Purgunnahs, under Sentence of Transportation.
A Tender has been made by Captain Copestakes of the Snow Druid (formerly freighted for a similar Purpose) who will engage to carry down 100 Convicts with their Provisions and Water for 15 Days, and 1000 Bags of Grain for the supply of the Settlement for the Sum of 8 R$ 8000, which is the same as was formerly paid him, I propose therefore that bis Offer, should be accepted, and that the following Orders should be issued in consequence.
1st To the Secretary to prepare for the Embarkation of 100 Convicts on the Draid, as soon as the Vessel may be ready to receive them.
2. To the Garrison Store Keeper to provide and Ship Provisions and Water for the Subsistence of 100 Convicts on their Passage Allowing at this Season 18 Days for their Pássage down. ***** 3. To the Garrison Store Keeper, to provide and Ship Provisions and Water for the Subsistence of 100 Convicts on their Passage, Allowing at this season 15 Days for their Passage down.
3. To the Garrison Store Keeper to Ship the Provisions due on the Indents already Passed, and to fill up the Vacant Tonnage with Rice, Dholl & Paddy equal to the 1000 Bags which the Vessel is engaged to Carry, as a further Supply for the use of the Settlement, and of the Additional Convicts to be sent there.
MED
(J. Shore. .
(Signed) P. Speke.
(wm Cowper. 1794.-Ko. XLVI. Fort William the 19th Decomber 1704. Read a Letter from Captain Copestakes. Edward Hay Esq. Secretary to Government.
B .
30.00 Sir,- The Druid will be ready to receive the Convicts on Board, as soon as the Grain and their Water' is on Board, but a Yet I have not seen any, but expect it to day Vietpart.
I am & OVOM 19th December 1794.
Stephen Copestakes. 1705. NOT Fort William, 2nd January 1795.
Secretary to the Military Board. To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have the honor to enclose for the approval of Government Bill No. 178 for Provisions sent by the Garrison Store Keeper on board the Cornwallis Snow, for Subsistence

Page #479

- NOVEMBER 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
465
of 30 Convicts Ordered to the Andamans apd to intimate the recommendation of the Military Board that it may be passed transferring the charge to the Civil Department.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient humble Servant aco
(Signed) Ianao Humphreys . Military Boards Office
Secry, Military Board. ia9th December 1794.7
Agreed that the Bull above mentioned be passed and that Lieutenant Robinson Garrison Store Keeper be instructed to present it to the Civil Paymaster for Payment."
1705. No. II.
12th January 1795. Similar letter to the above.
1795. - No. III.
Fort Willaim, 19th January 1795. Read a letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esgre, Secretary to the Government.
A Sir Accompanying I do myself the pleasure of transmitting you the accounts of this Settlement brought up to the 1st of the ensuing Month. By the last Account Current sent, you would perceive that there was but a small balance of Cash in hand, I have however by receiving money from Individuals and by giving Notes on my own Agents in Calcutta for part of the pay of almost all the different Classes of people been able to discharge every expence of the Settlements to the 1st of December for which I have drawn Bills on Government according to the accompanying List. I must however now beg that yon will acquaint the Governor General in Council that a Supply of Fifteen or Twenty Thousand Rupees in Specie Will be necessary for the next three Months Expenditure, half in Gold and half in Silver, and have to request he will be pleased to direct its being sent by the first Opportunity,
The Dispatch Brig being completely repaired and equipped, I have given Command of her to Mr John Roberts first Officer of the Cornwallis Snow, Who has been employed in fitting her out. While at Prince of Wales's Island I engaged Mr E. Gardiner as an Officer for that Vessel with the Pay of a Second Officer 88 also the necessary Europeans, and I have fixt her Establishment upon as economical a plan as possible, her expences of every kind are paid up by me to the last of December, but from that period it probably will be more convenient for Mr Roberts to indent for Pay and Provisions on the Marine Pay Master in Bengal as is practised by the other Commanders of Vessels on the Establishment
A few anys ago I sent the Dispatch to Chittagong Conceiving that at this season of the Year, it is the rendiest and cheapest place from which we can draw Provisions and Stock, and I have written to the Collector of that District requesting he will sapply the grain that the Vesset can'toke: drawing on Government for the amount of its cost which I hope will be approved of
While I was at Prince of Wales's Island the Government of Bombay sent in one of the Company's Cruizers bound to Prince of Wales's Island; Alve European Convicts to be landed at the Andamans, but the Officer Commanding there would not receive them but very properly referred the Captain of the Cruizer to me. As it struck me that it never was the intention of the Governor General in Council to send European Convicta to the Andamans, and as there appeared to me many cogent Reasons against the Mensure, I thoaght it best to request the Commander of the Cruizer to take them back to Bombay, and now enclose a Copy of the letter I wrote to the Secretary of Government at Bombay on that Subject. Toti biex I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant Jagant se
(Signed) A. Kyd Supt. Andamans. Bort Cornwallis e t
to ! TAT! 20th Novr. 1794.
C
abasset sd

Page #480

466
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1902.
Enclosure. To John Morris Esqre Secretary to Government, Bombay.
Sir. Your letter of the 26th July last by the Ship Intrepid giving Notice of five European Convicts having been sent to the Andamans by Order of the Honble the Governor in Council of Bombay was delivered me by Captain Pruen at this place. The Officer I left in Command at Port Cornwallis where Captain Pruen touched did not think it expedient to receive the Prisoners for which he has assigned to me Sufficient reasons, but referred Captain Pruen to me. I must now beg the favor of you to acquaint the Governor in Council that I do not think I can with propriety receive these Convicts at the Andamans without the particular directions of the Governor General in Council and that should be even think the banishment of European Convicts to the Andamans, & measure in itself expedient it would be necessary for me to represent that the Settlement is not yet in a Situation to accommodate them but with much convenience, but I must beg lerve humbly to observe to the Governor in Council of Bombay that I conceive the fitness of such sentence of the Court of Oyer and Terminer has not been duly considered as the Andamans cannot in any manner be applicable as a place of banishment for European Convicts.
In all cases of Transportation I presume that two points must be established the one that there is a strong local attachment from habit, Possession of fixt property; ties of consanguinity or affection, the dissolving of wbich with condemnation to hard labour constitutes the Exemplary punishment, the other that the Country chosen for the place of banishment is to derive benefit by the acquisition of even such bad subjects as was formerly the case in the Transportation of Convicts from Great Britain to its Colonies in North America and at this time to Botany Bay. In the present case neither of these objects seem to be attended to, nor are they I conceive attainable. I imagine the Sentence does not extend to hard labor, as to Europeans in a Climate pear the Equator it would be a very rigorous one entailling a certain and speedy death, if it is not to hard labor, there appears no punishment at all, for it cannot be supposed that the class of Europeans most subject to such Sentences can have cause for strong local attachments to any place in India and as they would be as well subsisted at the Andamans as at Bombay and obliged to perform no harder duty, there is no reason why they should not be quite contented with their Situation, neither can the Country reap any advantage from the acquisition of such men, they are unfit for hard labour in such a climate, they could be employed in no Office of Trust, or as Overseers to the Native labourers as it would be placing them in situations far superior to what they probably left nor could they be made to serve in a Corps of European Soldiers without giving a just canse of discontent, they could only therefore remain as Prisoners to be subsisted by Government at a greater expence than in any other part of India, as every Article of Provision must be sent from Bengal and would remain a very great incumbrance and inconvenience to the Settlement in providing them with habitations Clothing, Medical Attendance and other conveniences which humanity requires that Europeans should have in such a Climate. I hope these reasons will appear sufficient to the Governor in Council of Bombay to excuse me in his Opinion for objecting to receive these Men, and that they may Operate with the Court of Oyer and Terminer to induce it to adopt some more applicable punishment for Criminals of this class.
I have the honor to be, Your Obedient Servant
(Signed) A. Kyd Prince of Wales's Island,
Supt. Andamans. 20th September 1794.
Ordered that the Accounts of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis transmitted with Major Kyd's Letter dated the 20th November, be sent to the Military Auditor General for his report upon them, and that the list of the Bills he has drawn upon the Governor General in Council be forwarded to the Accountant General,

Page #481

November, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
407
Agreed that an Order on the Treasury for Twenty Thousand Rapees payable half in Gold and half in Silver be issued in favor of the Superintendant who is now at the Presidency, to be dispatched to the Andamans by the first Opportunities that Offer.
Agreed that Major Kyd be informed that the Board approve of his having given the Command of the Dispath Brig to Mr John Roberts, and of bis Nomination of Mr E. Gardiner to be an officer of that Vessel with the pay of a Second, and that they comission ?] with the Superintendant to lay before them the Establishment he has fixed for her.
The Board approving of the Suggestion that Mr Roberts should indent on Mr Boswell's office for the pay and Provisions required for the Dispatch subsequent to the lat of December, to which Time the Expences of the Vessel were provided for by the Superintendant, observe that Indents so made out were passed at the last meeting.
Agreed with respect to the European Conviots sent from Bombay that the Superintendant be informed that the Governor General in Council approves of his having returned them to that Presidency for the Reasons Stated, and observes that Instructions sont upon the subject, some time ago, by this to the Bombay Government will prevent the Transportation of any more European Convicts from thence to the Andamans.
1795. - No. IV. Superintendant at the Andamans dated 23rd November. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Şir,- I have the pleasure to acquaint you for the information of Government, that the Honblo. Company's Snow Drake arrived here yesterday from Bengal with Convicts but I am very sorry to find that there is no provisions on Board for them. I have particularly to request that so great a number of people may never be sent to the Settlement without the necessary precantion being taken for their Subsistence for at least four Months, as in our situation at this time it may be the occasion of very serious distress to the Settlement. I have also to observe that there were fifty one Convicts landed instead of fifty as expressed by the list sent by the Magistrate of the 24 Pergunnahs and that there are many of them, Old, Sickly and of classes of Men very unfit for labor.
I have been honored with your letter of the 1st Instant, and shall rigidly attend to the Board's direction in sepding Review Rolls with the names of the different Classes of people paid by the Public at the Andamans. As I did not at all perceive the utility of their [these] papers, I have heretofore omitted sending them, conceiving the accumulation of all unnecessary Papers as an evil which the Board would have wished me to avoid.
I have now the pleasure of sending yon Review Rolls for the Months of September, October and November the Accounts of which were made up and sent a few days ago. I have the honor te be Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant,
(Signed) A. Kyd. Port Cornwallis 23rd November 1794.
Ordered that Particular Attention be paid in future to the Supplies of Provisions for the Convicts sent to the Andamans, and that it be made the Rule that Subsistence shall be provided for them for at least four Months as the Superintendent recommends.
Ordered that the necessary directions in consequence be sont to the Garrison Store Keeper.
Ordered that an Extract from Major Kyd's letter, relating to the Number and State of the Convicts sent in the Drake be transmitted to the Judicial Department.
Ordered that Copies of the two last Paragraphs of Major Kyd's letter be forwarded to the Military Auditor Genern! with the Review Rolls to which they refer.

Page #482

468
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1902.
1795. - No. V.
Mr. Wood dated 23rd November. Read a letter from Mr. David Wood. To the Honble Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council, Fort William.
Honblo Sir, It is with great diffidence I take the liberty to address you at this time on the subject of my situation at Port Cornwallis. The precarious and temporary appointment I have filled, for npwards of four years, and the anxiety I feel on that account, will I hope apologize for my intruding my case, on your consideration.
The fifth year is now passing on, since I received the orders of the Governor General in Council to proceed to the Andamans, and execute the Medical duties at that settlement. During that time, I have filled a place, that required constant attendance, and of considerable labour. A situation, from the infant state of the settlement, by, no means enviable; upon allowances considerably reduced, and, even to the prejudice of my general health. I candidly acknowledge my acceptance of the situation, unconditionally; but had great reason to hope my services here, which I understand have been satisfactory to my commanding officers would have induced the Honble Court of Directors to confirm my rank on the Bengal establishment. The object I always looked up to and, for which I voluntarily relinquished an appointment on the Madras establishment, which, my friends had procured for me, about the time of my arrival at the Andamans.
The number of Assistant Surgeons appointed by the Honble Court of Directors this season, for the Bengal establishment, without any reference to the recommendation forwarded two years ago by the Marquis Cornwallis in my favour, fills my mind with anxiety and the dread of being again thrown upon the world, without any provision, should bad health ever oblige me to relinquish my present temporary appointment.
I have thus presumed to lay my case before you, in expectation that the peculiarity of it may induce you to forward another application to the Honble Court of Directors or to grant me rank on the Bengal establishment (until their pleasure is known as your wisdom shall best direct. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect Honble. Sir Your Most
Obedient and Most Humble Servant, Port Cornwallis, November 23rd 1794.
(Signed) David Wood. Ordered that Mr Wood be informed on the subject of his letter that the Governor General in Council will remind the Honble Court of Directors of the Recommendation submitted to them in the Year 1792 of Mr Wood to be appointed an Assistant Surgeon on this Establishment and advise him of the Answer as soon as it arrives.
1795. - No. VI. Read a letter from the commander of the Dispatch Brig Captain Roberts dated 14th January To Edward Hay Esqr, Secretary to the Government.
Sir, -Having succeeded by regular rotation in the Honble Company's Marine service to the Command of the Brig Dispatch on the Andaman Station, on the First of August last; I have to request you will do me the honor to solicit of the Governor General in Council & Commission of Captain, bearing date from that period. I have the honor to be Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) John Roberts. Agreed that the Secretary be directed to comply with the above application, and to grant Mr Roberts the Commission he requests.

Page #483

NOVEMBER, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
1795. No. VII.
Fort William 6th February 1795.
Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Military Board. Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Goverument.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit Copies of Letters which have this day been addressed to the Commissary of Stores and Garrison Store Keeper by Order of the Military Board together with a Copy of the Indent, which was sent with the former, shewing what Articles have been passed or the Arsenal.
To Lieutenant George Abercromby Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
Sir,The Military Provision Store Keeper, in an Indent which has been submitted to the board, applied for some Articles not usually known on the arsenal Books, yon are requested to indent. for them or the agent of supplies.
They are as follows
Hooks Fishing,
Jaggry.
Knives Common.
Lines Fishing.
After procuring them from Captain Collins be pleased to Ship them on such Vessel as Government may be pleased to direct.
Names of Stores.
Adzes urope Chalk
I am &ca
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys, Secry. Mily. Board. Military Board Office, the 31st January 1795.
Enclosure. Lieutenant William Golding, Commissary of Stores.
Sir,Enclosed I beg to forward to you an Indent No 1078 for Sundries for the Settlement at the Andamans, of which you are directed to prepare such as have been admitted by the Board for dispatch, on such ship as Government may be pleased to direct. The Garrison Store Keeper will receive Instructions to obtain from the Agent of Stores such articles as are not usually known on the Arsenal Books.
Military Board Office, 31st January 1795.
Firmers Inch
Hooks Fishing of Sizes Jaggry
Indent No. 8.
To Lieutenant William Golding, Commissary of Stores, Fort William,
Mannds
Dozen
-
...
Mds.
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys Secry. Mily, Board,
Enclosure.
I am Sir, Your Most Obedient humble Servant (Signed) Isaac Humphreys Secry. Mily. Board.
12
2
Artioles indented for
G
200
50
469
For what purposes wanted.
Carpenters Ditto Ditto
35
...
For the use of the Settlers...
For Masonry
Admitted by the Board.
12

Page #484

4.0
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Nov. MBER, 1902.
Names of Storer.
Articles indented
For what purpose wanted.
Admitted by the Board.
for
Knives Common ... Lanthorns Hoin .. Lines Fishing ... Needles Packing ...
Ditto Sail Oil Mustard Seed ... Ditto Lintseed Boiled Paint Black Paint Blue ... .. Ditto Yeilow Ditto White
Ditto Ditto Verdegrease... ... Ditto Scissars ..
... Pair Tarpawlins Large and Small (each
For the use of the Lascars ... Guards and Patroles For the use of the Settlers For the Store Room Enil Makers ... ... For Marry Painting Public Bailding
Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto
Ditto For the use of the Store Room For the protection of Grain and
Stores ... ... ... " For Thatching &c ... ...
AAA
10)
Twide, Jate
...
Mauude
Indent No. 4. To Lieutenant William Golding, Commissary of Stones, Fort William,
Names of Stores
Articles icdented
for
For what purposes wanted.
Admitted by the Board.
Carpenters ... Smiths Sawyers Carpenters ... Siclegurs & Cleaning Arms
Chissels of Sorts .. Viles flat large ... Ditto Pit Baw Nails, 1 Inch Oil Coconut ... Salamoniac... ... dawa Pit with Handles ... ... Silk Sewing red & blue of each
2 lbs. ... ... ... .. Thread Cotton ... .... Iba. Solder Tin ... ... Eeers
Smiths
Sawyers
Bepairs Repairs Smiths...
...
...
(Signed) Joseph Stokoo, Commissary Stores & Provisions, Andamans.
(Sigued) Thomas Remsoy Smith, In temporary charge of the Settlement. Fassed by the Military Board this day, 2nd February, 1798.
(To be continued.)

Page #485

NOVEMBER, 1902 ]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON.JOBSON.
471
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-I DIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 483.) Corge ; 8. v. 197, i, 4 times, 783, ii; ann. 1525: 1 1296 : 8. Panlarāni, 508, ii; ann. 1820 : .9.
... Surat, 664, ii; ann. 1612 : 8. r'. Balta, Mabar, 401, ii; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Oudh, 494, 35, ii, s. r. 197, i, twice; ann. 1612-13: 8. ii ; ann. 1510: 6. r. Tenasserim, 696, i ; ann. 197, i; ann. 1622 and 1670 (twice) : 8.0. 1568: .. . Sandal, 597, ii; ann. 1606 : 8. . 107, ii; ann. 1680 : R. v. Salempoory, 852, ii; Syriam 674, i; ann. 1613: 8. . Compound, 188, ann. 1704: s. v. Roomaul, 582, i ; ann. 1747: i, 8. v. Kling, 374, i; ann. 1614: 8. o. Balaghaut, 3.. 784, i; ann. 1760: 8. . 197, ii, ... Pun, 38. ii; ann. 1648: . v. Suttee, 670, i ; ann.
840, i ; ann. 1784 and 1818 : . v. 197, ii. 1678: 8. v. Patna, 520, i; an. 1681: 6. . Cori; ann. 1572: 8. v. Comorin, Cape, 184, ii. Na singa, 474, ii; ann. 1711 : 8.. Buncus, Coriander ; ann. 1554 : $. v. Drinjaul, 87, i. 97, i.; ann. 1750-60 : s. v. Cash, 128, ii; ann. Corind ; ann. 1666: 6. v. Corundum, 200, ii. 1759: ... Chuckler, 167, i; ann. 1760 : Coringa; 6.1. 197, ii, . v. Godavery, 802, i. 6. o. Candy (8.), 120, i, 8. v. Maund, 482, i ; Coris; ann. 1705: «. v. Cowry, 209, ii.
ann. 1763: 8. . Pettah, 633, i; ann. 1770 : Corjá; ann. 15.5: 8. v. Corge, 197, i,
8. l'ariah, 515, i ; ann, 1774: 8.. Sling, Corjaa; ann. 1525 : 8. v. Surat, 664, ii.
642. ii ; ann. 1779 : . . Tuddha, 91, i ; ann. Corjas; ann. 1644: 8.. Corge, 197, ii.
1782: 8. v. Malabar (B), 413, ii ; ann. 1796 : Corle ; 6. v. 197, ii ; ann. 1726 : s. v, 197, i; 8.. Guingam, 268, i; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Factory, ann. 1803 : 8. v. Dissave, 246, ii.
214, i ; ann. 1825: 8. r. Sandal, 598, i ; ann, Cormandel; 6. o. Coromandel, 200, i, 4 times. 1860: s. r. Catamarón, 188, i, . v. Doney, Cormandell ; s. r. Coromandel, 200, i.
250, 1, 8. v. Pattamar (b), 521, i, 8. v. SnakoCornac ; 8. v. 197, ii; ann. 1781: 8. v. Nair, 471, i. stone, 644, i ; ann. 1868: 8. v. Kling, 815, i. Cornaca; ann. 1085: 8. v. Cornac, 198, i. Coromandel-ebony; 4. v. Calamander Wood, Cornica; 8. v. Coruac, 197, ii.
110, i. Cornacas; ann. 1712: 8. v. Cornne, 198, i. Coromandell ; ann. 1613 : $. v. Dungaree, 255, i. Corni de' Greci ; s. v. Bendy, 63, ii.
Coromandella ; ann. 1691 : 8. v. Winter, 740, ii. Oorniole; ann 1506 : 8. v. Cambay, 115, i. Coromandel wood; *, ». Calamander Wood, Cornix; ann. 1200: 8. v. Grab, 300, i.
110, i. Coromeeter : ann. 1701 : , t. Scavenger, 606, ii. Coromandyll ; s. . Coromandel, 200, i. Corocoro; ann. 1774: 1. D. Caracoa, 122, ii. Coromondel ; •. . Coromandel, 200, i. Coromande; ann. 1588: .. . Chinapatam, Coromoria; ann. 1696 : 8. v. Sandoway, 598, i. 778, i.
Coron; ann. 1616: 8.. Deccan, 233, ii. Coromandel; s. r. 198, i and ii (twice), 199, il Corporal Forbes:
Corporal Forbes; 8. 5. 200, i ; ann. 1829 : ... and ii, both twice, 200, i, 8 times, 784, i, twice, 200, i.
Benyal, 64, i, see 108, ii, footnote, 6. v. Corral; , v. 200, ii, 4 times, 784, i, ... Keddah, Chinapatam, 158, ii, . . Circars, 170, ii, ., v. 864,i ; ann. 1270 : . v. 200, ii; ann. 1404 : Coast, The, 171, ii, 8. v. Coleroon, 181, i, 8. . 8. v. 784, i; ann. 1860: . . 200, ii, Cuddalore, 215, ii, 3. v. Factory, 264, i, ... Correa ; . . Bandel, 44, i, ... Buggalow, 94, Golown, 291, ii, 800 332, ii, footnote, 6. v. ii,... Topaz, 863, ii. 'Jaggery, 310, ii, ... Kalinga, 372, ii, o, t. Corregidor; ann. 1567: 6. p. Mocuddum, 435, i. Mabar, 401, i, see 413, i, footnote (8 times), Corsair : . . Gentoo, 280, i... v. Grab, 999, 1. v. Milk-bush, 434, i, ... Mussoola, 461,1,... ii ; ann. 1516 : . v. Honore, 321, ii; ann, Navait, 475, i, s.v. Negapatam, 476, ii, ... 1540: , . Mandarin, 421, i. Orissa, 492, ii, o. Sarong. 603, i, .. .. SCAT- Corto; . v. Corral, 200, ii. enger; 607, i, .. v. Canhameira, 771, ii, .. . Corà; ann. 1623 : 1. v. Coss, 203, ii, twice. Dengue, 7€9, i, 1. v. Pattamar, 842, i ; ann. Corumbis; ann. 1644: 1. v. Bandaree, 48, ü.

Page #486

472
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOYEMBER, 1902
Corumcul; ann. 1835: .. v. Poon, 547, i. Cossack; 8. 2. 203, ii, 784, i, m. Byde Horse Corundum ; 8. v. 200, ii.
105, i, s. r. Pindarry, 53x, i ; ann. 1366 and Corvetta ; . v. Grab, 299, i.
1618: 8. v. 203, ii ; ann. 1813: 8. . 784, ii; Corvina; 612, i, footnote ; ann. 1720: 8.. Seer- ann. 1823: 8. 5. 208, ii ; ann. 1825 : *. r. fish, 612, i.
Pindarry, 539, i. Corvus; inn. 1200 and 1690 : s. . Grab, Cossadass; ann. 1683 : 8. v. Mootauddy, 448, i.. 300, 1.
Cossae; 8. . Piece-goods, 586, i ; ann. 1785 : Coryphaona Dorado; • v. Dorado, 250, ii.
8. . Piece goods, 535, ii. Coryphaena hippurus; 6. o. Dorado, 250, ii, Cossakee; ann. 1823: .... Cossack, 203, ü. 251, i.
Cosse ; ann. 1666 : s. r. Coas, 203, ii; ann. Corypha umbraculifera; 8. v. Talipot, 679, i.
| 1763: s. . Cutcha, 223, i, twice. Cos; ann. 1623 :: v. C088, 208, ii, twice ; ann. Cusgebares ; aun. 1659 : 8. v. Cassowary, 13), i. 1638: 3. u. Baroda, 53, i.
twice, Cosacobi; ann. 1618: 1. v Cossack, 203, ii.
Cossembazar ; ann. 1752 : . . Bandanna, 48, i. Cos Assam ; 8. o. Cooch Azo, 191, ii.
Cosset ; ann. 1690 : 2. D. Cossid, 204, i. Cosbeague, ... Gorbeck, 298, i; ann. 1678 : Cossid ; . v. 204, i, 784, ii; ann. 1682 ar! 10 . 8.». Gosbeck, 298, i.
8. v. 204, i Cosbeg; ann 1727: 8. v. Gosbeck, 298, i. Cossim Ally; an. 17 6: 8.0. Sunyásee, 662, i. Cos Bbaar; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Cooch Behar, 191, i. Consimbizar; s. v. 204, 1, 784, ii, 8. v. Factory, Cose; ann. 1590: S. v. Runn, 585, i, twive, 8. v. 264, ii ; ann, 1727: 8. r. Muxadab.d, 463. ii:
Ealigram, 593, ii, 8. v. Surath, 666, i, twice; ann. 1748: 8. v. Buxerry, 104, ii; ann. 1755 : aun. 1784 : s. D. Sikh, 633, ii.
5.v. Buxerry, 769, i, .. .. Putnee, 846, ii; Cosmas ; 245, ii, footnote, twice ; ann. 545 : , v. ann, 176i: 0 Black, 765, ii. Calyan, 114, ii.
Cossumbazar : ann. 1686: . v. Jezya, 811, i. Cosmas Indicopleustes; ann, 1859: . v. Dinār, Cossy; ann. 1781 ; 8. v. Bheesty, 70, i. 245, ii,
Cossys; 8. v. 204, i, 78, ii, .. o. Khasya, 367, Cosmi; ann. 1566; 8. r. Cosmin, 201, ii.
i, 8. v. Orange, 490, i. Cosmi; ann. 1585: 8. v. Cosmin, 201, ii.. Cossyah ; ann. 1789: 3. v. Cosbya, 204, ii; ann. Cosmim, ann. 1516 and 1545: 6. D. Cosmin, 1790 : 8. r, Cosya, 78, ii.
201, i; ann. 1618 : . . Cosmin, 784, i. Cost; ann. 1563: #. . Putchock, 565, i. Cosmin ; s. 5. 200, ii, 201, i, twice, 784, i, ... Costa da Puscaris; ann. 1644: 8. o. Tuticorin,
Bassein (2), 54, i, ann. 1546 : 8. .. Dagon, 721, i. 226, ii; ann. 1570: 3. v. 201, ii, twice; anu. Coste; ann. 1670 : 8. . Gow, 2:9, ü, twice, 1586: 3, s. Negrais, 477, i; ann. 1587 : 6. v. 201, li.
Costiere; ann. 1848 : 3. v. Lac, 381, i, 4 times, Cosmym ; ann. 1554 : 8. . Cosmin, 201, i. Custo; aun. 70-80 6.0. Koot, 375, ii, ann. 1343 Cospetir ; •. •. 201, ii, twice, 784, i, 8. v. Guj- 5. v. Candy (Sugar), 120, i.
putty, 308, i, see 873, ii, footnote; ann. 1653: Costo dulce aun. 1584: 1, v. Koot, 375, ii. 1. v. 202, i, twice ; ann. 1758: 8. v. 784, i, Costum ; #. . Koot, 375, i ; B. 0. 16: ... twice.
Koot, 275, i. CORS; .. 202, 1, 784, i, .. o. Cucuya, 215, i, sv. Costums; ann. 1940: s. o. Dewaun, 240, ii.
Gow, 209, i, e. v, Khasa, 366, ii; ann, 1840 Costumado ; aun. 1768-71. 8. v. Castom, 787, ii. and 1612 : 1. v. Dawk, 232, i ; ann. 1614: 6.v. Costus; . o. 204, i, .. . Jo tick, 354, i, 4.v. Jask, 846, i, twice; ann. 1648: 8. v. Coss, Koot, 375, i, 8. o. Putchock, 564, ii, twice; 203, ü; ann. 1983: 8.». Jul.bdar, 357, ii; app. 80.90 : . . Indigo, 334, i; anp. 90: ann, 1706-7 : 4.. Pindarry, 539, 1; 0). 3. v. Bdelliam, 67, i; ann. 1563 : . *, Koot, 1766: 6. v. Sunyásee, 662, i ; ann. 1785 : 8.0. 375, ii, ... Putchock, 565, i ; aan. 1681 : Ghurry, 285, i ; ann, 1788 : ... Nuggurcote, 8. o. Putchock, 565. i. 483, ü; ann. 1813: 8. o. Kitmutgar, 371, i ; Costus dulcis; ann. 1711: 6.v. Patcheck, 565, i. aun. 1866: 6. v. Tumtum, 717, ii.
Custus indicus ; s.v. Putehock, 564, ü.

Page #487

NOVEMBER, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
473
Costus verus; 8. . Putchock, 564,ii.
Couchin; ann. 1727: 8. v. Quilon, 570, ii. Cot; 8.0. 204, ii, 4 times, 784, ii, 8.». Compound, Coulaba ; ann. 1793 : 8.0. Bungalow, 99, i.
188, i ; ann. 1678 and 1690 : 1.0. 205, i; ann. Coulam ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Cael, 108, i, 8. v. 1780 : 8. v. Buggy, 95, i; ann. 1824: 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, i ; ann. 1553: 8. v. 205, i.
Travancore, 714, ii ; ann. 1572 : 8. v. Quilon, Cota; ann. 1554: 8.0. Cowry, 209, ii, twice. 570, ii; ann. 1666: 9. v. Factor, 263, i. Cota Malmulco; ann. 1553: 8.0. Cotamaluco, CAlám; ann. 1516: 8. v. Quilon, 570, i. 783, i,
Coulandi ; 8. v. Pandarāni, 508, ii. Cotamaluco ; 8. v. 784, ii, 8. v. Madremaluco, Coulao ; ann. 1572 : 8. o. Quilon, 570, ii.
821, ii; ann. 1543 and 1558 (twice) : 8.0. Coulão; ann. 1516: 8.0. Sambook, 596, i ; ann. 785, i.
1543 : 8.0. Pagoda, 500, it ; ann. 1552: 8. v. Cotão; 8. v. Cotton, 785, i.
Anchediva, 20, ii; ann. 1572: 8. v. CranCotch; ann. 1759 : s. v. Catechu, 133, ii, 8. v. ganore, 211, ii. Hurtaul, 328, i.
Coulees; ann. 1630 : 8. v. Gentoo, 280, ii. Cote Caungrah ; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Nuggurcote, Coulete ; s. Pandarāni, 508, ü. 831, i.
Couley; ann. 1785 : 8. o. Cooly, 198, 1. Coteka ; ann. 1633 : 8.». Cattack, 224, i. Couli; ann. 1759: 8. v. Sepoy, 614, i : ann. Cotia; 8. v. 205, ii ; ann. 1552 and 1602 : 8.8. 1790 : . v. Chullo, 780, i. 205, ii.
Coulies; ann. 1630 : 8. v. Cooly, 192, ii; ann. Coton ; 8. v. Cotton, 785, i,
1727: 8. v. Cooly, 193, i. Cotone; 8. v. Cotton, 785, i.
Conlis; ann. 1791: 8. v. Cooly, 193, i. Cotoneaster acuminata ; 8. v. Rowce, 583, ii. Counsellor ; 8. o. Counsillee, 785, i. Cotoneaster bacillaris ; 8. v. Rowce, 583, i. Counsillee ; s. v. 785, i. Cotonei ; . v. Cotton, 785, i.
Country; 8. . 206, i and ii (twice), 785, i, 8. 1. Cotoxa; ann. 1538 : 8. o. Xercansor, 868, i, Beor, Country, 60, , , ». Europe, 262, ii, 8. v. 3 times.
Scavenger, 606, ii, 8. v. Rogue's River, 849, ii; Cott; ann. 1673 : 8, . Cot, 205, i; ann. 1688: ann. 1420 : 8, d. Ginger, 287, i ; ann. 1516:
#. 0. Gentoo, 280, ii ; ann. 1685 and 1688 : 8. v. 206, ii ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Salsette (a), 595, 8. 8. Cot, 205, i; ann. 1689 : 8.3. Bichana, i; ann. 1582: 8. 7. 206, ii; ann. 1619: 8.. 70, ii; ann. 1711: 8, . Cot, 205, i ; ann. 206, ii, 8. v. Masulipatam, 429, ii; ann. 1685: 1747 : 3. v. Bandeja, 760, ii; ann. 1794: 8.0. 8. v. 207, i ; ann. 1711: 8.0. Rogue's River, Cot, 205, i.
850, i; ann. 1747: 8. o. 785, i; ann. 1750: Cotta ; 8. v. 205, ii.
8. v. Shroff, 680, ii; ann. 1752: 8. v. 207, i; Cottah; ann. 1784: 8. o. Cotta, 205, ii.
ann. 1753: 8. v. Capass, 772, ü; ann. 1760 : Cottewanien; ann. 1651 : 8. o. Pisang, 540, ii, 8. D. Turban, 719, ii; ann. 1775: 8. o. 207, i; Cotton; 1. v. 785, i, twice, 8. v. Beiramee, 61, i, ann. 1782: 8. o. Sepoy, 613, ii, .. . Leaguer,
8. ). Khurreef, 814, i; ann. 1343 : 8. v. 819, i, 8. v. Nazzur, 838, i; ann. 1793 and Beiramee, 61, i; ann. 1498: 5, v. Bengal, 64, 1809 (both twioe): 8. v. 207, i; ann. 1810 : ii; ann. 1510: 8.0. Beiramee, 61, i; an. 3.0. Toon, 710, ii ; ann. 1817: 8. 1. 207, i; ann,
1644 : 8. v. Opiam, 833, ii; ann. 1653: .. 1825: 8. o. Country-Captain, 207, i, twioe. Goodry, 802, i; ann. 1680: 8. o. Bulgar, 96, Country almond ; 8. o. Country, 206, ii. i, ... Moonge, 824, ii.
Country-born; s. r. Country, 206, i, 8. v. Reinol, Cotton-tree; 8. v. Seemul, 610, ii.
576, ii. Cotton-Tree, Silk ; 8. v. 205, ii.
Country-Captain ; 8. d. 207, i. Cotton-works; ann. 1573 : 8. o. Muslin, 459, i. Country Captain ; ann. 1769 : , . Country. Cotwal ; 8. v. 205, ii.
207, i; ann. 1792 and 1825 (twice) : 8. . Con; ann. 1553: 8. v. Cospetir, 202, ii.
Country-Captain, 207, i. Coucal; ann. 1883: 8. o. Crow-pheasant, 214, ii. Country gooseberry ; 8. v. Country, 206, ii. Coucee ; ann. 1537: 3. v. Coss, 203, i.
Country harness; s. v. Country, 206, i, Couche ; ann. 1585 : 6. o. Cooch Behar, 191, i. Country hemp; 6. v. Sunn, 661, ii.

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474
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Country horses ; . v. Country, 206, i.
Cowpan; ann, 1599 : 8., Tael, 675, ii, twice. Country potato ; 3. v. Country, 206, ii.
Cowrey; ann. 1672: 8. v. Cowry, 209, ii. Country saffron ; 8. v. Country, 206, ii, ... Cowrie; ann. 1833 : 8.. Cowry, 210, i; ann.
Saffron, 589, i ; ann. 1563 : 3.v. Saffron, 589, ii. 1888: 8. o. Cowry, 210, ii. Country ships; & v. Country, 206, i.
Cowry; 8. v. 208, i (3 times) and ii (6 times), Coupan; ann. 1705 : s. v. Kobang, 874, i, twice. 209, i, 5 times, 210, i, footnote, 210, ii, and Coupang ; ann. 1768-71: 8. o. Kobang, 815, footnote, 785, ii and (2), 8. v. Porcelain, 548, Coupelé; ann. 1399: 8.0. Siwalik (c), 641, i. i and ii, 8. o. Pun, 558, i and ii (twice); ann. Coupole ; ann. 1300 : 8.0. Oojyne, 487, ii, twice. 943 and 1030 (twice): .. .. 209, i; ann. Courge ; 8. v. Corge, 197, i,
1030: 3. v. Maldives, 418, i; ann. 1346 : 8. v. Couries; ann. 1688 : 8. v. Cowry, 209, ii, 8.0. Coir, 180, ii; ann. 1850 : 8. r. 209, i (twice)
Maldives, 418, ii; ann. 1727: 8. . Cowry, and ii ; ann. 1554: 8. r. 209, ii, ..v. Porto
209, ii, 210, i; ann. 1753: 8.». Cowry, 210, i. l'iqueno, 550, i, twice ; ann. 1662: 8. r Naga, Courim ; ann. 1586 : 8. o. Cowry, 209, ii.
469, ii; ann. 1688: 8. v. Pun, 558, ii ; ann. Courli; ann. 1681: 8. v. Vidana, 738, ii,
1747: 3. v. 210, i, twice ; ann. 1749 : 8. v. Cournakea ; s. . Cornac, 198, i; ann. 1726 : 785, ii; ann. 1759 : 8. 7. Sunnud, 661, ii ; 3. v. Cornac, 198, i.
ann. 1760 : 8. v. Corge, 197, ii, 8. v. Pun, Courou; ann. 1665: 8.. Lack, 382, ii, twice; 846, i, 3 times; ann. 1762, 1770, 1780 and ann, 1690 : 8. r. Crore, 214, i.
1786 : 8, r. 210, i; ann. 1791 : . , 785, ii, Course ; 8. o. Coss, 202, ii, 785, i; ann. 1583 : twice ; ann. 1803 : 8. r. 210, i; ann. 1823 :
8. v. 785, i; ann. 1615: 8.0. Chittore, 157, ii ; 3. t. Dumree, 254, ii; ann. 1865 : 8 7. 210, ii. ann. 1616: 6. r. Coss, 203, i, 4 times; ann. Cowry Divahs; ann. 1080: 8. r. Maldives, 418, i. 1672: 8. v. Banyan Tree, 50, ii.
Cowryes; ann. 1683: 8. r. Cowry, 209, ii. Courtallum ; : *. 207, i.
Cow's tail; ann. 1827: 8. v. Chowry, 779, ii: Coutewael; ann. 1648 : 1, v. Cazee, 137, i. Cowtailed cow; ann. 1774: 8.v. Cowtails, 210, ii. Covado; 8.. Covid, 207, ii.
Cow-tailed cow ; s. r. Chowry, '165, ii, 8. v. Yak, Coveed ; ann. 1672 and 1760 : 8. v. Covid, 207, ii. 744, i; ann. 1774: 8. v. Cowtails, 210, ii. Coveld; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Covid, 207, ii. Cowtails ; 8. . 210, ii, 785, ii ; ann. 1528 : 8.1. Corenanted ; 8. v. Factor, 262, ii.
Siwalik, 641, ii; ann. 1665 : 8. r. 785, ii; Covenanted servant ; 8. t. Dustuck, 257, ii. ann, 1774 and 1784: 8.0. 210, ii. Covenanted Servants ; 8. v. 207, i ; ann. 1757: Cow-tails; . r. Chowry, 165, ii, s. r. Yak, 744, i ; 8. . 207, ii.
adu. 1664:8. r. Cowtails, 210, ii. Coverymanii, ann. 1780: 8. o. Cobra Manilla, Cow Tai's; anu. 1784 : . r. Cowtails, 210, ii. 173, ii.
Coxwain ; 8. r. Caksen, 110, i. Covid ; 8. 5. 207, ii; ann. 1720 (twice) and 1760: Coye; ann. 1616: 8. r. Harakiri, 312. ii. 8.1. 307, ii.
Coylang: ann. 1726 : s.r. Quilon, 570, ii. Covil; 8. r. 207, i.
Coyne; ann. 1300 : 8.0, Farárh, 266, ii. Covit; ann. 1794: 8. v. Covid, 207, ii.
Coz; ann. 1711: 8. o. Gosbeck, 298, i, ... Cowan ; ann. 1791 : &,v. Cowry, 786, ii, twice, Hummaul, 327, i ; ann. 1825: 8. r. Gosbeck, Dowcolly; *. t. 207. ii, 785, ii.
298, i. (owing ; 8. u Dumtrow, 204, ii.
Cuzbauguo; ann. 1752 and 1825: 8. r. Gosbeck, Cow-itch; 8. r. 208, i.
298, i. ('owie ; s. r. 208, i, twice, 785, ii; ann. 1611: ! Coxber: *. . Gosbeck, 802, ii; ann. 1630: 3. D.
3. v. Narsinga, 474, ii; ann. 1672: .. . Gosbeck, 298, i, 3 times. Havildar, 806, ii; ann. 1680; 8. v. Canhameira, Coxida : ann. 1554 : 8.. Arrack, 26, il. 279, i, 8. v. 785. ii; ann. 1688: 5. 7. 208. i : Crab's eyes ; 8.». Ruttee, 587, i. ann. 1719 : . v. Mosque, 452, ii; ann, 1800 Cran: 8. v. 210, ii. and 1804 : 8.0. 208, i.
Orancanor ; ann. 1535 : 8. v. Cranganore, 211, is, owlers ; ann. 1638: 1. v. Cooly, 192, ii. Cranchee ; 8. . 211,1; ann. 1878: s.o. Pa!keeCowl-staff; ann. 1638: 6. o. Cooly, 192, i.. garry, 506, ii.

Page #489

NOVEMBER, 1902.]
MISCELLANEA.
475
Oranchie; 8. v. Jutka, 862, ü.
Cranganorium ; ann. 1510: 8. v. Shinkali, 627, ii. Cranco; ann. 1343 : &'0. Sagar, 655, ii. Crangelor; ann. 1614: 8. o. Cranganore, 211, ii. Cranganor ; 8. r. Cranganore, 211, i ; ann. Cranguanor; ann 1554: 8. v. Cranganore, 211, i.
1572 : &. ', Cranganore, 211, ii, s, o. Quilon, Cranny; 8. v. 212, i, 785, ii, 8. v. Coolcurnee, 570, ii, twice; ann. 1578: s. v. Bamboo, 41, 191, ii, 8, d. Curnum, 217, ii; ann. 1348: 8.. i; ann. 1672 : $. v. Paulist, 521, ii.
Nacoda, 469, i, 8. v. Tindal, 703, ii ; ann. 1793 : Cranganore; 211, i and, ii, o. v. Factory, 264, i, .0. 212, ii; ann. 1810: 8. v. 212, ii, 8. v. 8. v. Shin kali, 627, i, see 627, ii, footnote; Duftery, 254, i. ann. 1806: 8. 6. 212.
Crany; ann. 1834: 8. o. Cranny, 212, ü. (To be Continued).
have the
MISCELLANEA. INHERITED POWER OF OURING DISEASE OR and by eating its leaves on the, sankrant of CAUSING EVIL IN THE PANJAB.
Baisakh one becomes immune from rishta-narrú BY H. A. ROSE,
(a disease) for as many years as one has eaten Superintendent of Ethnography, Panjab. leaves. The tomb also has a general power of THE Balochos have several sub-divisions, who
healing. Another Niazi sept, the Michan Khel, can stop
is descended from Michan Baba, and has three Gurchanis.. Division: Durkani.
sub-septs, the Badni, Gorki and Aka Khels, which Sub-division. Bu ani. bleeding by . .. Division: Leshari. reciting
have varying degrees of power to oure hydroSub-division: Jabrani.
phobis and snake-bite, and visits to the tomb ... Division : Jaskapi charms and Sub-division: Girani. touching the
of the Bawa also secure immunity from anakeLegharis ... Division: Hadiani.
bite. The Burá Khêl of the Bhitanni comprises Sub-division: Shahmani. wound, and Khosas ....
six or seven families claiming Sayyid descent, .. Chitar. they used to Fakir. have the
but believed to be Mullagaars, who can avert the
enemy's bullets in war, and the Shaki sept power of bowitehing the arms of their enemies
oan cure any disorder if seven members of the so thut they became useless. In his translation of
sept pray for the patient and spread a chddar or the Balochinima, Hêtu Ram says:- The Notha
sheet over him. This sept is paid for its services. nia are the Levitical section of the Bugtis and
In Tank is a sept called Taib, near Gambila, also guardians of Pir Sohri's shrine, though they have
claiming Sayyid descent, but probably of Bhitanni adınitted a Gurchani to a share in the guardian
origin, who can cause rain by their prayers, ship. Before an expedition each man passes
and avert misfortunes. Among the Gandapur under a yoke of guns (or swords) held by men
is a Musa-zâi sept which cures cataract, and of the Nothânî section. They can charm guns
another sept, called Burâ, cures pains by strik so that the bullets shall be barmless and get (or
ing the part affected with an iron implement. claim) a share of all crops grown in the Bugti
Three visits must be made. A third sept, the country,' The Ugranås of Khai Bhara in Kull
Ibrazii, can cure a disease called dur, by blowchi Tahsil have similar powers.
ing on the wound two days, the cure resulting on Numerous Pathan sections also have similar the third. Among the BAbars is a scpt, Akhandpowers. In Ms Khel, in Dôra Isma'il Khân,
zal, of the Bawan-zis, who ean eure snake bite the descendants of Murat, of the Moi Khel, can and hydrophobia : they write a charm in three cure burns by applying their epittle to the wooden vessels, wach off the writing with water, wound, and reciting the formula, Bi'sm-j-Ua-ir.
and make the patient drink it. Tbis must be Rahm in-ir-Rahim. The power was conferred done by them gratis, but the carpenter who makes by Hindustani fagir. The Khwaja Khel the bowls may be paid, and an essential condition received a similar power from an Indian faqir, is that no other treatment, before or after, may and can cure pain of any kind by blowing be tried. The Ushtarani Pathans, by origin in a piece of salt or sweetmeat and giving Sayyids, can give immunity from weapons in it to the patient. Among the Niazis is a sept, battle, and the Hari-pal sept of the Shirannis called Sarang, who cure jaundice by blowing on have a similar power, and claim a similar descent, vrains of white jiwar, which the patient ents. Finally, some of the Qasrinis practise divination This power was bestowed by Man Khwaja Salib from the shoulder-blades of goats, and take of Mian Bagh, at whose shrine is a sarinh tree, auguries from the cries of birds.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1902.
Various other tribes have similar septs with Pháphil Raja R&m in Jhólamoure boils on these curative powers. The Shêkhs of Gandi children's heads gratis, by first filling the mouth Umr Khan in Tabell Kuldebt cure ulcers by with salt and then spitting on the sore, and the reciting a charm and touching the part. The head of the Paswal Gojars at Jakkar in that Mahar Jate in Bahawalpar can cure sore throats District cures a skin disease which causes by rubbing salt with the ashes of cow dung on baldness by pulling out a single hair. He the patient's neck. The cure is instantaneous, practises on one Sunday in the month and must and the belief said to be general in the Panjab. not accept any fee, because that condition was "The Ganglis of Khan Bell have a similar power. made by the fagfr who conferred the power some A Hindu Arüså of the Chugh gôt can cure chuk generations ago. Thus, too, the Khatris of the or pain in the loins by pushing the sufferer Asrf section at Sankhatra in Sialkot can cure from behind. If a Chugh is not on band, it is snake bite by reciting charms and touching the sufficient to go to his house and rub one's back person bitten with drek leaves. Among the Játs against the wall. Chugh may be derived from the Saléria of Sidhwan in Tahsil Zafurwal can chuk, because the tribe has this power, but per- cure ulcers by administering pepper charmed by haps the idea is simply that a Chugh bas power them on a Sunday or Tuesday. Sadha Ram Das over chuk. Imitative magic finds scope in the conferred this power on them. In Patiala the following rite: If your field be suffering from BAt Khatris of Bhiwanigash cure enlarged múla or blight, call in a man named Male Mal or glands by touching them with a pen dipped in MOA Râm and drive him from the field, beating ink. And the males of the Sungal got of the him with shoes a tergo. Then as MolA runs away, Banias of the same truct can curo sores by touchwith lamentations, so, too, will the blight depart. ing them with salt. Among the Sônkbla Rajputs The Dus section of the Aropas have also an of Una Tahkil the descendants of one Sanga have inherited power of curing a sprain in the back
wer of curing a sprain in the back the power of curing small-pox by inoculation. or loins by touching the part affected. The pain The power was conferred by a faqtr. The Nagidcalled chuk may also be cured by this section DA or NangiAnA (the play on the words någ, anake, which uses the following charm :-Dud afth bark, land nangd, naked, causes constant confusion in phalon bhdyt dari, bhanne chat (wajet) karendi i beliefs) of Shabpur are also believed to be able drf.' The charm is read over a cloth and this is to cause injury. The popular derivation is from then applied thrice to the part, a push being nág, because they have that power. The Ghiraths finally given to it to expel the pain. The power have & section, called Rihkra, which has herediwas conferred on Seth Hari, the ancestor of the tary power to inflict evil. section, by faqirs. It is also said to be essential
The above instances of bereditary supernatural that the patient should go straight home without
or supernormal powers have been collected in the looking back. The power is exercised gratis
Panjab. It would be of interat to know if similar But there powers, though most common in the septs or clans exist in other parts of India, and south-west of the Panjab, are by no means con- what explanations are given of the transmission fined to that area. For instance, the Patháls of of the power from father to son.
NOTES AND QUERIES. CHEE-CHEE.
half-caste. But is it after all use of those words HERE is a quotation of some importance for belonging equally to the East and West Indies ! the etymology of this word, from The Times If so, & new etymology will have to be sought Weekly Edition of May 16, 1902, Supplement, for it. p. iii, in an article entitled Personal Reminiscences
R. O. TENPLE. of St. Pierre (Martinique) -
"Here the Ches-chee, or patois, was nigger- CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH. French,' indeed the most common of the two
HINGAIN-ANGLE-IRON. patois throughout the Leeward and Windward ANTE, Vol. Xxx, p. 320, I quoted an instance Islands, and still the language of the back popu- where the English term anglo-Iron had become lation in St. Lucia and in Dominica."
hangling in the mouths of Indian builders. But Now Choochoo is, according to all authori- I have since heard hingain, which has a very Hindi ties, an East Indian word, denoting the language look about it, and is far away from the orixinal. first, and then the personality of the East-Indian
R. C. TEMPLE IA child born feet foremost can cure pain in the loine by kicking the part affected. Was the progenitor of the Dul Arůris so born? In Hisade this section of the Arols may not wear blae langha (trouser).

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THE SUKRITASAMKIRTANF
ARISIMHA.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OF THE LATE PROFESSOR G. BÜHLER, C.L.E., LL.D., VIENNA
BY E. H. BURGESS, UNDER THE DIRECTION OF JAS. BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D.
[Tus paper, of which the following is a translation, appeared in the Sitzungsberichte of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Vienna (Vol. CXIX., 1889), and some copies of it were struck off in a separate form, chiefly for distribution to friends. There are many scholars, both in Europe and India, who are interested in the subject of the paper but are not familiar with the German language; to them the following translation is offered in order to make its contents accessible. - J. B.]
TN my Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1879-80, p. 5, I announced the discovery of 1 & historical poom which beers the title Sakritasam kirtana, and was composed by Arisinha in honour of his patron, the Jaina Vastupala, who served the Vaghela prince RanakaViradhavals of Dholka and his son Visaladeva as minister from Vikrama-Samvat 1278 to 1296 or 1297. Although since then, hy the publication of Someśvara's Kirtilaumudi, the most important source concerning the origin of the power of the Vaghela dynasty of Gujarat, has become generally accessible, yet a discussion of the contents of Arisimha's poem will not be superfluous. For this touches on several details about which Someśvara is silent, and gives new and in part valuable accounts of other incidents. The manascript which I have used for the following examination is No. 302 of my collection in the library of the India Office. This was copied in August 1880 from the same original in Ahmadâbâd from which No. 415 of the Dekhan College Collection of 1879-80 was taken ; and it was then carefully collated with No. 411 of the Dekhan College Collection of 1880-81. It is therefore, with the exception of the confusion between the sibilanta, between a and i, ra and ri, as well as ta and tha, - pretty free from errors, and the text is almost throughout easily intelligible.
The character and arrangement of the work. The Bukritasathkirtana is, as the inscription of each canto intimates, a Mahdkávya or artistic poem, composed according to the rales of prosody, and it contains 11 Sargas with 553 verses. Five verses at the end of each Sarga are due not to Arisimha but to Amarapandita. It says, I. 46 : -"In this work which Arisimha composed, Amarapandita wrote these four last verses canto by canto." The number refers to the preceding four verses 42-45, and the fifth, which is repeated at the end of each Sarga, is not reckoned. These verses have no close connection with the contents of the preceding parts. The first three either contain general praises and blessings upon Vastupala or mention incidents not described by Apisimha. The fourth always names Apisimlia as the author of the work and praises his poetic skill. The titles of the separate cantos are as follows: I. - Chapotlafánvayavarnana, Description of the Châpotkata dynasty (of Gujarat),
46 verses ; principal metre: Vasantatilaka. II. — Chaulukyanvayavarnana, Description of the Chaplokys dynasty of Gujarat),
56 verses ; principal metre: Upajâti. III. - Mantriprakdía, Appearance of the ministers, 67 verses ; principal metre:
Anushtabh.
1 The German original in noompanied by the Sanskrit text of the pumgen that are translated in this paper,

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IV. - Dharmopadesana, Instruction in the holy law, 49 verses ; principal metre:
Rathoddhata. V. - Saunghaprasthana, Departure of the (Jaina) congregation, 55 verses ; principal
metre: Vamastha. VI. - Suryodayavarnana, Description of the sunrise, 40 verses ; principal metre :
Målini. VII. - Satrunjayadarkana, Visit to Satramjaya, 48 verses ; principal metre: Svågatå. VIII. - Sri-Nemidarsana, Visit to the shrine of) the divine Nemintha, 48 verses ;
principal metre: Pramitakshara. IX. - Shadrituvarnana, Description of the six seasons of the year, 36 versos; principal
metre: Drutavilambitâ. X. - Purapraresa, Entrance into the town (Dholka), 47 verses; the metres vary every
two verses or still more freqnently. XI. - Enumeration of Vastupala's buildings, 41 verses ; principal metre : Vasantatilaka.
Besides the metres already mentioned, the following also occur in single verses: Arya, Indravajra, Upendravajra, Pushpitágra, Mañubhâshini, MandAkranta, 'Sardûlavikridita, Sikhariņi and Sragdhara.. Amarapapdita usually begins his first verse in the metre with which Arisimha ceases. In spite of the pains both poets have taken with the versification, it often happens that the first and third foot of a verse stop in the middle of a simple word. And although; the really distinguished poets often use the weak cæsura by ending the first padas of a half verse with one part of a compound, yet they avoid dividing simple words. This abuse first occurs in later poetasters. The more difficult feats of art, like Pratilomânuloma, Gomatrikå, etc., neither Arisimha nor Amarapandita has tried. On the other hand, there are numerous anuprásas or alliterations, and - although more seldom - even yamakas or rhymes. As for the diction, one easily perceives the zealous striving to vary the turnings of the classical models and to find new expressions or figures. The resnlt is not a brilliant one, however, and the Sukritasankirtana nowhere rises above the level of the mediocre. At some points one may doubt whether the authors are quite sound in grammar. Once, I. 44, the MS. gives the form asisnapat, and again VII. 38, asasnapat. It is possible, however, that these are clerical errors. In another place, VII. 43, there Tr the incorrect form pratildbhita. One peculiarity is the abrupt commencement of the poem which has neither an introduction nor a long mangala. The mangala is represented only by the word, Sri with which the first verse begins.
The author and his time.
All that we learn from the poem about Arisimha is that bis father was called LÂvanyesimha, VIII. 48, or Lavanasimha, X, 26. The latter is, of course, the form really used in ordinary life. We may further infer from the whole manner of representation that the poet belonged to the Jaina sect. Since his own and his father's name both end in siha, it is probable that they were both Rajputs. We learn something more about him from his assistant Amarapandita or Amarayati, whose full name is Amarachandra, and from the later Prabandhas of the Jainas. Amarachandra, pupil of Jinadattasûri, was the author of a series of works, among which the Balabharata, published in the Pandit of 1869 ff., the instruction for poets, called Kávyakalpalata (Kaviákshd), and the Karyakalpalataparimalas have been known for a long time. In the introduction to the second work he says that the aphorisms in it are composed partly by himself, partly by Arisimha. It is said there, I. 2: -"Whilst I esteem
That the third work, a super-commentary to the second, comes from Amarchandra himself; it says at the end of Karyakalpalata, I. 5. etachchhlokoktavarnyánash višeghantarani karicamayodharani materitakavyakalpeiatparimaldj jeyani.

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the Kavi. asya of the excellent post Arisimba, who, like the full moon, causes the great ocean of the nectar of poetry to swell, on account of extempore composition, I shall comment upon the aphorisms composed partly by me, partly by him." From this it follows, first, that Arisimha wrote a handbook of poetry with the title Kavitárahasya, and, secondly, that the text of the Kavyakalpalaid was written by him and Amarachandra in common.
More is contained in Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosha, in which the thirteenth part is dedicated to the poet Amarachandra. It is narrated there that Amarachandra, pupil of Jinadattasari, received the charm called Siddhasárasvata from an unnamed Kaviraja, i. e., from a man who bore the title poet-prince. Through the proper use of the same, Awarachandra compelled the goddess of eloquence to appear to him, and obtained grace from her to become a perfect poet, honoured by all princes. He then wrote the first and second of the above-named works as well as the Chhandoratnávali, the Súktaratnávalt, the Kaldkaldpa, and later, upon the word,' i. e., at the desire of a patron, the Kaushthágárika Padma, the Sastra called Padmananda. Rajasekhara farther records that Amarachandra, after various adventures, arrived at the court of Visaladeva, king of Dholků, and won his favour. Once, it continues, the king asked him : 'Who is thy teacher in the fine arts P' Amara said: The poet-prince Arisim ha.' Then bring him to me to-morrow morning' answered the king). The following morning Amarachandra led the poet before the king. The king sat leaning on his sword and asked : 'Is this the poet-prince?' He answered: Om. Then the king said: "Recite something suitable to the occasion. Thereupon Arisimha recited four verses in which he praised Visaladeva's sword. The prince was so charmed that he bestowed a permanent appointment and a high salary upon the poet. Soon afterwards the salary was doubled because he sang in a masterly manner of a blade of grass which the king held in his hand.
Like the records of most of the Prabandhas, this one also contains, besides what is undoubtedly correct, much that is not so. In the first place it is true that Amarachandra wrote a work called Padmánanda. Peterson found it and bought it for the Bombay Government (see First Report, p. 126, No. 285). From the extracts given there from the Cambay Library MS., it appears that it bears also the title Jinendracharita and is a Nahá kávya, containing 12 Sargas (cf. also Peterson, loc. cit. p. 58).
The statement, then, that Arisimha was the teacher of Amarachandra in the fine arts agrees with the contents of the above second verse of the Kavyakalpalata. The reverential way in which Amarachandra expresses himself in his verses about Arisimha speaks for the same thing:
I. 45. - "Arisińha, a lion for his elephant-like opponents, composed this work, which, like the glances of the ever-gracions Vastupala, dispenses rivers of neotar."
VIII. 48. — "This work, a flood of beams from the moon of the face of Lavanyasimba's son, which draws off the swarms of bees from those waterlilies, the faces of the unworthy, produces mighty waves in the milk-ocean of fame of the excellent minister and prince Vastapala."
Only a pupil speaking of his teacher, or a client of his patron, would express himself thus.
* See Aufrecht, Catalogus cod. 8. M. Bibl. Bodleians, p. 2104. In the beginning of the second Pada, MS. No. 119 of my colleotion has matyd instead of nutud and I translate accordingly. Compare also Bh&pdArkar, Report on the Search, eto., 1883-84, p. 6.
• The swarms of boos are the admirers, who formerly hnng upon the lips of the bad poets, but now turn to Arisimha,

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On the other hand, the Prabandha is incorrect in stating that Amarapandita and, through him, Arisimha came to the court of Dholkâ only during the reign of Visaladeva, circa Vikrama-Samvat 1296 to 1318. For soon after Visaladeva's accession Vastupala lost bis high position and died, as Narachandra had prophesied, in the Vikrama year 1998. From the Suksitasankirtana it is apparent, however, that it was written when the minister was in the zenith of his power. This is proved, for instance, by two verses at the end of the first and second cantos :
I. 42. - Daily, illustrious prince of the council, Vastupala, the Brahmans cry blessings on you : Long may you live !'-the bard princes: May you attain the age of Brabmü !' - and noble women : May, you never grow old and be immortal!' But I will also say something : *May you rejoice in your life as long as your far-reaching fame dances in the sky.”
II.52.-"Heavenly (wishing) cow, (paradise) trees, (wish-fulfilling) precious stones! Why hide ye yourselves in the tottering rocks of the divine mountain (Mera)P Adomn the earth; nobody demands you! May the illustrious minister Vastapals alone live for ever!"
It is hence certain that both poets stood in close relation to the minister who served Visaladeva's father, and their connection with him, according to the last verse, is scarcely doubtfal. For when an Indian poet praises the generosity of his hero in the above manner, it is & certain sign that he has either experienced the same or hopes to do so. There are, however, a number of other passages which make it still clearer that Amarachandra and probably also Arisimha belonged to Vascapula's suite of poets which the Praband has often mention. The next vers, II. 54, onght to suffice to convince the most incredulous. It says: - "Poverty has resignedly deserted so completely those men who continually rejoice in praising Vastapâla that she, indolent in spite of the command of the gods, does not even cross the threshold of their neighhours' honses." That is to say, in simple prose, that the singer and other poets were well paid by Vastupala. If one must accept from this that Rajasekhara places the prime of Amarachandra and Arisimha too late, it need not therefore be concluded that they had no connection with Zealadeve. It is very possible that they kept themselves in favour at the Court of Dholki after Viradhavala's death and the fall of Vastupala.
As to the exact date of oomposition of the poem we need not be content to ascribe it merely in general to the period of Vikrama-Barvat 1276-1296 or 1297, during which Vastupila occupied his high position. It will be seen later, from the comparison of his statements concerning Vastupâla's buildings with the inscriptions, that it was probably written about the Vikrama year 1285. It is probably some years younger than the Kirtik aumuds. The Sukritasankirtana seems never to have found much esteem even with the Jainas. Neither Rajasekhara in the Prabandhakosha, nor Jinaharsha in the Vastupalacharita, quotes it, although the latter gives long extracts from older sources. Both follow Somebvara's Kirtilaunuudi, the greater fame of which put the poem of the less distinguished Arisimha in the shade. Its anthor Arisinha is perhaps mentioned in Sarigadbara's Paldhati, where & verse of a certain Arasl-Thakkura, No. 76 (Peterson's edition), is mentioned. Arast stands for Arist, and is a quite correct Prakrit form of Arisimhs (see Ueber das Navaadhasánkacharita, p. 39), which 8 still frequently used in Gujarat. The identity of the two persons is, of course, by no means roved by the similarity of their names, but is only a possibility.
• Kirtikaumudt, PP. xviii-xix; Irabandhakosha, p. 288:- Sre-Vastupalo jvardrwy llena podstastijalıp dlarla sputrapautrani saputranh cha jayantarinhabhaahata !
vatsah Sri-Narachandrashribhirialadharibhil 1887 Farahd Bhadrapada bads 10 din divagama nesamay
vayamukta
mantrin 1998 wargarohanan bhavishyati Il.
• As a further proof of this, it may be mortioned that the Oambay MS. of the Padmananda-Kavya was written in the Vikrama year 1297.

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Notes on the history of the Chaudas and Chaulukyas. The first Sargs, which contains the genealogy of the Chapotkata or Chanda kings, gives the following Dames : I. - Vanaraja
Verses 1-26 II. — Yogaraja
27-28 - Batnaditya
29-30 IV. Vairisinha
31-32 V. - Kshemaraja
38-34 VI. - Chamunds....
85-36 VII. - Rahada ...'
87-38 VIII. - Bhabhata ...
39-41 l'he verses dedicated to these kings contain almost nothing but conventional flatteries in which no historical events are mentioned. Vanaraja and Bhabhata are the only exceptions. As regards the first, it is mentioned in verse 9 that he founded the city of Anahilapataks or Aphilvad, and verse 10 that he built there the temple of Panchasara-Parsvanátha. Both statements are found in most of the later Jains Prabandhas, and are therefore of no special interest. On the other hand, the statement, verse 41, that Bhabhata ruled the earth long, is of some significance and also the arrangement and nomber of the Cbåndå kings. For both entirely disagree with the statements in Kţisliņåjt's Ratnam ald, in some M88. of Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, and in later works, like Jinamaņdana's Kumarapdlacharita, Jinaharsha's Vastupdlacharita, and Dharmasågara's Pravachanaparikshd.
All these works recognise only seven instead of eight Ohanda kings, whose succession differs from the above, ad they ascribe to the last a reign of only seven years. On the other hand, our list is almost identical with that contained in Moratanga's Therdpali, and in the Bombay edition of the Prabandhaa hintamani, pp. 85-98. In the Thardvali there are differences only with regard to the names of the seventh and eighth kings. The former is called not BAhada, bat Thaghada or Ghaghada, and tbe latter not Bhabhata but Panda. Panda is donbtless a olerical error for BhQyada or Bhuvada, which is the usual Apabhramba form for Bhabhata in the Prabandhal. Instead of Thàghada or Ghåghada, Baghada is to be read, which may be the same as Bahada if the original form of the name be Raghavabhata 10 The edition of the Prabandhachintamani has the form Akads, which differs still more strongly. On the other hand, it gives for Bhubhata the form Bhagacia, 11 which one expects.
The reign of this last prince extended to 19 years according to the Therdvali, whilst the Prabandhachintamani edition gives even 97. The latter number would, of course, agroe best with the expression chiram, 'long. In comparison with the apparently more authentio traditions of Krishnaji (which, moreover, have been printed from bad M88.) the statements of the Therávali have hitherto received no consideration. The narrative of the seven Chauda kings, the last of whom is said to have been murdered after a seven years' reign by Malaraja,
Thus No. 196 of my oollootion and BhAQ Daji'. M88., Jour. B. Br. R. A. Soc., Vol. IX, p. 157. Seo Jour. Bo, Br, R. 4. Soc. loc. cit.
• The p ago in in parenthesla in the edition. Also the narrativo which follows in the text shows that the MS. which forms the groundwork diffon considerably from the other known ones.
2. It is quite possible to And for the seventh Chands bag in the Sulpitasamblatans a name which comes very near the Alade given in the published edition of the Prabundhachintamani. We can divide L. 87, prabalafatrwatah saldika rrahur Shada itt, by which means the form Ahada is obtained. This much may be said for this division, that wo main thereby a construction exaotly corresponding to that in OTROS 87, 81, 85, eto., and also that the word Ahade, which might stand for the Sanskrit Ahavabhata (comparo Lhavamalla), would be quite a suitable opted for
king. Nevertheless I hold it probable that the name was BAbade, for I do not believe that the poet would have lighted upon the alliteration 'rdhurdhadal if the name had not begun with rd. Then the certainly corrupt forms Tulghada and Ghaghada tond to prove that the initial ww consonant.
11 Or Bh@yagada.

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his sister's son, and of the Cbaulukya prince Beji, is unhesitatingly accepted, though it contains the absurdity of Raji's marriage having taken place and his son having grown up, within these seven years. It is plain from Arisimha's statements that the Therdvoli does not stand alone in its representations, but rests upon older traditions. Since Krishna's Ratnamáld is perhaps as old as the Suksitasankirtana, the two contradictory accounts of the Châudd kings existed at least in the thirteenth century, and probably earlier still. It must be left to the future to establish their real history when authentic documents are found. For the present we must be content with the conclusion that the version current in India, throngh Forbes's Rås Mald, has no particular claim to be received and was not uncontested in the older tradition.
The notes about the Chaulukya kings in Sargs II, are considerably fuller. Of the first king Malaraja it is related that he particularly venerated Somanaths, and it is said, verse 3:" Which hero (Mularaja), plainly proving his veneration, prostrated himself every Monday before Somanaths and obtained great splendour and fame from the hot flames out of the eye on the forehead of that god."
Possibly Arisimha knew the absurd legend of the Prabandhachintamani, p. 43, according to which Malarija made a pilgrimage every Monday to Somanathapattana near Verával, until the god, to please the king, settled first nearer Ambilved in Mandalt or Mandal, and at last came even into the capital. Malaraja's worship of Siva is proved besides by his presentation of land. The following verse 4 seems to refer to the erection of the Tripurushaprasada in Anhilvåd. From among the military undertakings of Mälaraja, the victories over Barapa and Laksha, king of Kachh, are mentioned. The former is made a general of the king of Kanyakubja. Of the next king Chamande, vy. 8-9, Arisimha has nothing positive to say. On the other hand, a victory of Vallabha ja over the king of Malvi is celebrated in verse 18, and in verse 14 the remark is made that Vallabha had the biruda of Jagaijhampana, which does not oocar elsewhere. The Kirtilaumudi, which also mentions the probably apocryphal victory, II. 11, gives him the biruda of Jagatkampane. It says of Durlabhanja, vv. 15-16, that he was very modest, and was ashamed when his court poets compared him to Krisbņa. In the Kirtikawa wdf also Durlabha is praised for this virtue. Of his successor Bhima I. we are told only that he conquered the celebrated king, Bhoja of Dhárl. This statement agrees again with that of the Kirtilaumudi, II. 17-18, and also with those of the later Prabandhas, whilst it does not ocour in Hemachandra's Duydiraya. Bhima's son Karpa, vv. 20-23, is praised for his beauty, mentioned also by Homachandra in the Prasasti to his Grammar, verse 17, in the Ratnamdid and in the Kirtikaumudi, II. 21. Then Arisimha states that Karpa conquered the king of MÁlva and brongbt home from there a statue of Nuskantha or Siva. It says, verse 23:" Who (Karna) conquered the king of Malve with his army and truly brought with him Nilukepths; the fame of him for whom the number of paths through the river on the head of this god was multiplied, be extended in the three worlds."
Most Prabandhas and even Hemachandra's Dvydóraya mention no kings during Karna's reiga. The latest discoveries, however, show that this silence is by no means justified. Bilhada's drama, Karnasundarf, which was found by Papļit Durgaprasad and published in the Bombay Kávyamdid, speaks of a fortunate war with the Muhammadan princes of Sindh and Ghazn. Since Bilhana was in Anhilvåd during Karna's reign, and probably made an unsuccessful attempt to become the court poet of that king, his statement deserves oredit. Then Somesvara, Arisimhs's contemporary, Darrates, in the Surathottava, 18 found by Dr. Bhandarkar, that his ancestor Ama, house-priest of king Karna, compelled an evil spirit (krityd) raised by the housepriest of the king of Dhåri, to kill its originator. The reason why the Paramira prince's priest sought to destroy the Chaulukys ruler was that the latter had invaded the dominion
11 I Arut drow attention to this atrocious Dondente in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. pp. 181-189. 1 Report on the Bearch, oto., 1888-84, p. 30.

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of MÁlva. Somebvara then without hesitation confirms Arisimha's assertion, and we may accept it as a fact that the feud between Malvå and Gujarat did not rost during Karna's reign.
Of Jayasimha's deeds it is related, vv. 23-38, that his cavalry bathed their horses in the Ganges (v. 82), that the air-walker Barbaraka' carried him about in the atmosphere (v. 88), that he took prisoner Yalovarman, king of Dhârâ (v. 84), that he had the tank called Siddhasaras dug (v. 35), and a high pillar of victory (kirtistambha) built (v. 37). All these points are sufficiently known. It is only of interest that Barbaraka has here, as also in most of the other Praband has, become. & purely mythical being. Verse 36 speaks of Jayasimha's worship of his mother, and alludes indeed to the narrative (Prabandhackintamani, p. 139), according to which the king, at the request of Mayanalladevi, remitted a tax imposed on pilgrims going to Somanathapattana by the officials at Bahuloda.
Verses 39-43, referring to Kumarapala, first praise the favouring of the Jaina religion by this king, who abolished the confiscation of the goods of tradesmen dying without male heirs, and caused viháras to be built in every city.14 Then his victories over the Jangaleba, i. e, Arnoraja of Sakambhart or Sambhar, and over the Kannkana emperor, i, G., the Kadamba king Mallikarjuna, who ruled over the Konkan (Kirtikaumudi, II. 47-48), are celebrated. With respect to the latter, Arisimha gives a note which contradicts Somebvara's reports, but shews on the other hand that the representation of the later Prabandhachintamani is correct. It says, verse 43:-“What is wonderful in this strong one's (Kumkrapala's) conquering even the Jaigala princes, seeing the ruler of the marshland, the Kannkaņa emperor, was defeated by his very tradesman (banij) ? "
Somesvara, in the Raumudi, ascribes both victories to the king himself; in the Prasasti of Tejalpåla's temple at Åbu (vv. 35-86) on the other hand, the first is ascribed to the Paramara Yasodhavals and the second to his son Dhardvarsha. Merutunga, on the other hand, records in the Prabandhachintamani, p. 201 ff., that the SrimAl-yņia Amrabbata, son of the counsellor Udayana, 15 advanced twice against the king of the Konkaņ.. At first he suffered defeat, but in the second campaign he is said to bave slain. Mallikarjuna.
Kamarapala's successor is called in verse 44, Ajayadeva instead of Ajnyapala. This form of the name is also found elsewhere (see Ueber das Leben des J. M. Homachandra, g. 55, note 6). Like all Prabandhas, the Sukesitasankirtana mentions with praise that the king sent him as a tribute from Sapadalaksha in Eastern Rajputana, a golden mandapika, i. e., a little ornament in the form of a mandapa or pillared ball. Not less known is the victory which (v. 46). Ajayadeva's son Malardja II. gained over the Turushkas, s. e., over Muhammad Shahabuddin Thorl. The Muhammadan authors (see Elliot, History, Vol. II. p. 294) confirm this information, which is found also in the Prithvirájanijaya (Kasmir Roport, pp. 62-63).
Mach more important as that part of the work (Sarga II. 48-67, Sarga III. 1-62) which follows next, relating to Bhimadeva II., representing his relation to Levanaprasada and his son Viradhavala, the Rank of Dholka, and stating how. Vastupala became minister. to the latter. Arisimha gives an account here, which differs markedly from Someávara's narrative in the Kirtilaumudi. It will therefore be as well to give the most important verses of this part word for word:
II. .48. Now, his (MOlaraja's) brother, the illustrious Bhimadeva, whose invincible, terrible arm, like the post of a gate, destroyed all his enemies, wears the amulet of the sphere for which the shores of the oceat furnish the pearls.
49. His whole life long he held fast to the retleotion : This seat of the gods (Mount Meru) ought not to disappear through my liberality, which lasts but for a moment,
#8 Blihler, Dober das Leben des J. W. Homachandra, Bd. 89-40. 16 See Nober das Leben der J. K. Homach andra, 8. 9 ard note *8.
LL

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and so he abstained from tprooting the golden mountain (Mern) in order to distribute gifts of gold.
II. 50. That beggars always experienced his liberality we hear from the songs of the pleasure-seekers (nymphs) who settled in the neighbourhood of his palace on the goldmountains terraced for pleasure, in the belief that these were spurg of Mount Mera.
51. Bhima the husband of the earth, whose entire riches had disappeared through continual and too liberal gifts, - whose brilliant glory had departed, whose kingdom was bit by bit violently devoured by the barons, -ate his inmost heart ont in long-accumulated cares.
III. 1. All at once, the prince, whose whole possessions had become small, saw in a dream at the end of the night a glorious and splendid god.
12. Therenpon the god poured upon the lord of the earth, who was as it were the root of the creeper of his love, the nectar-waves of his eloquence as follows:
13. "I, thy grandfather, 16 king Kumarapala, who have won the bliss of heaven through the laws of Arhat, am come because I love thee in thy misfortune.
14. "Son, I will give thee a prond governor of the kingdom, through which thou obtainest great glory, as fire does by wind.
15. "The great-armed Arnordja, son of the illustrious Dhavala, was an elephant in the forest of the Chaulukya-stem, an eagle for the serpents, his enemies.
18. “This man of adventurous spirit, who was the cause of my glory, was made by me, whose heart he won by his courage, lord of the city of Bhimapalli.
19. “When evil counsellors opposed thee, this strong one made thy accession the means of repaying my favour for ever.
20. "His son is Lavanyaprasada, whose arm, brandishing the sword - one would think it was his tongue - prepares to destroy his enemies in fight."
23. "If thou make this ornament of the sphere lord of all (sarvesvara) thou wilt become the husband of Fortuna and rest in happiness like Vishnu in the Ocean.
24. "He has a son Viradhavala, who for the sake of the battle wishes to perform again the oath of the descendant of Bhrigu (Parasurama) to destroy the Kshatriya-race.”
27. "Give this strong-armed one, whose shining too-nails have become jewels on the heads of hostile kings, the rank of heir to the throne (yauparájya), and thyself wilt role yet a long
time.
28. "Still more! save thou the Jaina-faith which helped me to attain unhindered to the fields of heaven, and which now almost sinks into the Kali-(period)."
29. When the king heard this, he embraced smiling the lotus-feet (of the god) as if he wished to hold in his bands the Fortuna that lives in the water-lilies.
80. Honouring him graciously, the god, lovingly attached to him, laid his hand which resembled the Lotus, the house of the Kamala, on his hend.
31. When in the morning the sound of the trumpet announced the sunrise to the ruler of the world, sleep, which closed his lotus-eyes, departed, like the night which closes the eye-like water-lilies.
32. When the prince saw with astonished gaze the light of the lamps, (he said): There is indeed visibly a god!' and then qnickly he left his bed,
88. Then the husband of the earth, who had accomplished the duties of the morning, visited his hall, whose thick buttresses of jewels streamed forth rich splendour,
35. The ruler caught sigbt of the devoted barons among the company, shining like sparks of their courage.
36. The father and the son whom the god pointed ont, the king anointed lords over all, with his eyes which were like nectar-jars.
16 II Kumarapala calls himself Bhima's grandfather, the expression, as is often tho 640 with the indication of graden of relationship, is very likely only indefinitely need. For Kumbrapala was, according to all the Prabandhas, the great upole of Bhima, whose grandfather's name was Mahipals (on Forbes's Kdo Mald, p. 158).

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III. 37. Thereypon the king directed joyfully this gracious speech before the nobles to Lavanyaprasada :
38. Through thy father, the terror of his enemies, I was set up (as king) in this kingdom; do thou therefore increase my diminishing prosperity.
39. "Accept from me, thou great in war, the rank of a lord over all; Viradhavala, who shines in virtue, shall be my successor."
40. Thus requested by the king, himself worthy to be entreated in a matter in which they ought to have been the suppliants, the two spake joyfully : Your Majesty's command is law to us.'
41. Laying his hollow hands together as if he held in them the fluttering Butterfly (Fortuna), Viradhavala turned again towards the husband of the earth (and suid):
42. "Master, I am in need of an adviser; without one, the brave lion springs at the thunder-cloud, taking it for an elephant and suffers a great fall.
43. "Give me such a counsellor, distinguished by extraordinary virtues, acquainted with the use of weapons, with books, with the acquisition of wealth and with battle."
44. Greatly delighted by this speech, which was like a stream of nectar poured out to invigorate the liana-creeper) of his happiness, the master of the world thought a little and then said :
45. “Once upon a time was Chandapa, fiery in his splendour, a branch of the ever-fresh lians of fame of the distinguished Prågvata lineage, a servant (of the king) in this realm.
47. "His son, named Chandaprasada, was furnished with skill and affability, ... 49. “To him was born a son named Soma, who flooded the firmament with his glory, 50. "Who had no master but king Siddha and no god but the lord of the Jinas.
51. "His descendant Abvaraja made the universe splendid with his glory; he who accomplished seven pilgrimages to escape the seven hells.
53. His beloved wife was Kumaradevi, who, though the first among the Jina-believing (women), worshipped the husband of Gauri.
54. "To these two were born three sons, whose power made their enemies tremble...
55. "First among them, Malladeva is famous as a treasury of wisdom; he who obtained autocracy in his kingdom by the will of his preceptor.
56. "His younger brother is the wise Vastupala, a dwelling-place of the fine arts, whose feet the later-born Tejahpals daily worships.
57. "These two, like w&nds to whirl about the ocean of deeds, like paths leading to conjunction with Fortuna, I will give you for counsellors; but they protect their friends."
58. As Viradhavala rejoiced at this speech, the husband of the earth called to these two Bons of one mother, who bowed their heads, (and said): -
59. "May you, who alone have crossed the ocean of state affairs, be clothed with the dignity of counsellors of the great Viradhavala.
60. "His courage will attain to sight, if you serve him as eyes ; unceasingly vigilant may he trample down all my enemies.
61. "Yet more-may you two, who hang on the feet of the Jina-prince, like bees on a lotus, glorify the faith in the lord of the Jinas; this great wish of king Kumarapala, which be entrusted to me in a vision, must of necessity be fulfilled."
62. When the king had given these instructions, to which a good invisible god called out his approval - falsely taken for the echo from the vault of the audience chamber, - he gave over the two to the heroic Viradhavala."
If we compare this narrative with that given concerning these events by Somebvara in the Kirtikaumudi, a considerable difference, especially in the role allotted to Bhina II., is unmistakable. According to Someśvara's representation, the Gûrjararajalakshmi, tue Fortuna or protectress of the kings of Gujarât, appeared in a dream to Lavanaprasada, the Rag of

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Dholká, and called upon him, with the help of his son, to save the kingdom which had fallen into decay in the unskilled hands of Bhima.17 Someśvara further states that he himself was called before Lavanaprasada on the following morning and asked concerning the meaning of the vision. He convinced his master, he assures us, that he was appointed by Providence to save his fatherland and induced him to obey the command of the goddess.18 Thereupon Lavaņaprasada entrusted to his son the execution of the daty laid upon him. A short time afterwards, Vasta pala and Tejahpåla were appointed his ministers." 20 If we reject the mythological additions in this record, which someśvara, as a good court poet and artist, held himself bound to put in, it merely says that Bhima was a weak and unskilful ruler, and that Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala made use of his weakness in order to found a kingdom of their own. To this understanding we are led particularly by the circumstance, that Somesvara, in the description of the kings of Anhilvad, expresses himself by no means respectfully concerning Bhima II., when he says (Kirtikaumudi, II. 61): "Powerful ministers and barons gradually divided the kingdom of this young and foolish (bálasya) ruler," and elsewhere again (ibid. II. 4) he gives the king the same not very complimentary epithet bála. On the other hand, there is nowhere a question of Lavanaprasada's service, and in the numerous inscriptions in the temples built by Vastupala and Tejabpala on Girnår and Âbû, and in other places, any mention of the suzerain of Gujarât is entirely wanting. On the other hand, in the Girnar inscriptions, which were written V.-S. 1288, ten years before Bhima's death, -Viradhavals receives the title of Maharajadhiraja, as if he were an independent ruler. Such a disregard of the forms which Indian etiquette prescribes for Vassal-princes and their servants, shews that Bhims did not stand in great esteem at the court of Dholka, and that he was not powerful enough to force from Lavanaprasada and Viradhavals the respect due to him. In spite of this it was probable, before the discovery of the Suksitasash kirtana, that Someśvara's account did not quite correctly represent the true relation of his master to Bhima II. For Merutunga says in the Prabandhachintamani, p. 250
Bombay edition), quite clearly, - Srimad Bhimadevarájyachintákári Vyághrapalliya-sushketaprasiddhah srimad- Anákanandanaḥ śrf-Lavanaprasádas chirak rájyasi chakára, 91 - the administrator of the illustrious Bhimadeva, the illustrious Lavanaprasáda, son of the illustrious ÂnÂka (Arporaja) Burnamed Vaghrapalliya (Vaghela), ruled a long time. This note led me in my first discussion of Somesvara's works (Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. 187 ff.) to suppose that Lavanaprasada, was for a time in Bhima's service, and that he only later, when Bhima's folly, to this day proverbial in Gujarât, his arrogance and extravagance, convinced him that there was no help for it,-undertook to found a kingdom of his own. As the date of this defection, I thought proper to fix the Vikrama year 1276, in which, according to the Girnar inscriptions, Vastupala was appointed minister. Arisimha's account, which, coming from a contemporary, possesses 88 much authority as Somesvara's, coptırms only a part of these suppositions, wbilst he makes it necessary to modify another part of the same. We learn from him that Bhima II., through his inability to keep the Vassals in order and through various difficulties, was forced to seek help and support, and that he himself chose bis relative. The choice was prompted partly by Lavanaprasada's personal qualities, the description of which agrees with that of other sources, partly through his father Arnoraja's having (v. 18 above already done no portant service to Kumarapala and having been helpful to Bhima himself in obtaining the throne (vv. 19 and 88 above). The title Sarvesvara, Lord over All,' which Lavanaprasada, according to Arisimba's representation, received, has much the same meaning as Merutunga's expression ájyachintákarin, and hints that Lavanaprasada's position was a very independent one. The further tatement that Viradhavala was at the saine time named heir to the throne (Yuvardja), takes for ranted that Bhima had no sons. Nor do the Prabandhas make any mention of such. It must,
• 11 Kirtikaumudi, II. 89-107. 1 Kirtikaumudf, 11. 83-86, 108-118. Kirli kemud, IL. 114-115.
30 Kirlikaumudi, III. 51. compare also II. 112, where Some vers accentuate to his lord the necessity of ppointing oapable advisers.
11 The edition and MSS. of my colleotion writo, evidently incorrectly : Vydghrapalliaan. Lavanaprosidalis the reading of I.O. L. B. S. M9, No. 206, instead of the Lavananthapraaddas of the published edition.

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Lowever, be remarked also that neither is Viradhavala's appointment anywhere mentioned. In any case it remained without practical consequences, for Viradhavala died several years before Bhima. Also, in the statement that Bhima gave the brothers Vastupala and Tejahpala to his Sarvesvara for counsellors, Arisimha stands alone. Someśvara says nothing particular at all as to how the two Jainas acquired their dignity. In the third Sarga of the Kirtikaumudf he gives first a description of their genealogy which agrees with that given by Arisimha (vv. 45-56 above) and adds (vv. 51 and 52) that the two at once occurred to the prince who desired to win able men: he considered their great qualities and then sent for them. Further on, bis address and Vastupala's answer are given in full, without, however, affording any possibility of learning anything from them of the earlier circumstances of the latter. The later Prabandhas, Rajasekhara's Vastupalaprabandha and Jinaharsha's Vastupálacharita, state that the brothers had come accidentally to Dholká on their return from a pilgrimage to Satrumjaya, and were immediately engaged by Lavanaprasads and Viradhavala who had just seen the supernatural appearance mentioned by Somebvara. These statements, like a great deal more, seem to be borrowed directly from the Kirtikaumudi d are hence of no value. Somesvara's representation is, however, certainly defective, for he leaves it uncertain how Vastupala and Tejahpala had so distinguished themselves that Lavaņaprasada could take them for suitable instruments for his plans. On the other hand, if one accepts, as Arisimha bints (vv. 57 and 59 above), that they had both been already in the royal service, this difficulty disappears. The probability of these statements is also support.d by the circumstance mentioned by Someśvara (Kirt. III. 14) and by Arisitinha (v. 50 above), that their grandfather Soms bad held a high position under Jayasimba. In the case of the brothers having been in royal service, however, Bhima's consent was naturally necessary to their entering Lavaņaprasada's service. Thus we must declare Arisimha's account to be the more worthy of credit. We can only doubt whether Vastupala received his appointment at the same audience at which Lavanaprasada was appoiuted Sarvesvara. The date of the former event is fixed, as already mentioned, by the Girnår inscriptions, where it is repeatedly said that, from the [Vikrama] year [12]76, in Dholka and other cities, he sealed “affairs with the seal." 22 The acceptance of Arisimha's statements makes it, of course, necessary to reject the suppositions expressed on a former occasion (Indian Antiquary, loc. cit.) that the appointment of Vastupala and Tejahpala marks the period when Lavanaprasada deserted Bhima and began to found s kingdom of his own.
The new discoveries made since 1877 render it doubtfal whether the Sarpesvara or his son ever was anfaithful to his master. It appears rather as if Lavepaprasada, in his relation to the latter, although he practically ruled independently over the southern part of the Gurjara kingdom, yet conducted himself at least outwardly as a vassal, and that Professor V. A. Kathvati is quite justified in comparingas his relation to Bhima with that of the Maratha Peshvas to the court of Batara. Of special significance for this point is the Lekhapanchasikd,24 discovered by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, which, as he correctly acknowledges, was composed in the Vikrama year 1288, that is, twelve years after Vastupala's appointment as minister and during Phima's reign. This little work gives formulæ for letters and documents of different kinds. Among the latter there is a gift of land, dated V.-S. 1288, in which the Mahamandalesvarddhipati, the great overlord of the tributary princes," Râņa Lavanyaprasada, is named as giver. Before his name stands the whole genealogy of the Chaulukya kings of Anhilvåd, and it is remarked that, by the grace of his master Bhima IT., he possessed the Khelaldhdrapathaka, the district of Kaira, 35 Then the 'same work contains, as
n Arch. Reports of Western India, Vol. II. p. 170. Vastupils walls himself in this, and in corresponding pusages in other inscriptions, Sarvesvara; bis brother, on the other hand, Mahdidiya. 21 Kirtikaumudl, P. XIV.
* Report on Search for Banskrit M88., 1882-83, p. 28 ff. and p. 222 f. 18 This should be written p. 293 for khet karapathake, and p. 224 for khotakadhdripathake. As in other passages of the formulary, the expression is incorrect. For ahara originally corresponded approximately to the modern silla and pathaka to taluka. Moreover, similar combinations of the two expressions are found in real prosentations of land in later times,

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an example of a state treaty, an agreement of the same date between the Mahamandalesvara Râņa Lavanyaprasada and Simbaņa (Simghaņa), the Mahardjadhirdja of Devagiri, in which both contracting parties respectively promise to respect the other's boundaries, to keep peace and to help each other. Although the first of these two documents is evidently nothing more than & formula, and of the second nothing can be certainly proved as to whether it is a copy of a real treaty, yet their value remains considerable. Then, as the author of the Lekhapañchášiká was a contemporary of Lavanaprasáda, we may take for granted that he describes the political relations in general correctly. We may believe him on the one hand that in the Vikrama year 1288 Lavaņaprasada was authorised to make treaties with foreign princes and consequently possessed a high degree of independence. On the other hand we must admit, that if Lavanaprasáda at that time made gifts of land, he employed the form ordinarily used by tributary princes and acknowledged the overlordship of Bhima. If this be correct, there can be no question of a defection on the part of Lavanaprasada, at least until V.-S. 1288. The relation must rather have been as Arisimha gives it. Lavaņaprasada stood higher than all other rulers of districts, and governed the kingdom his master in the strength of the trust committed to him. However free and high may have been his position, he had not become a rebel. The confirmation, which Arisimha's statements receive through the Lekha panchásikd, make it advisable, in the representation of this period of the history of Gujarat, to trust him more than the insinuations of Somesvara.
In concluding the discussion of this part of the Sukritasankirtana, the mythological clothing must still be Eventioned. In the treatise by Zachariae and myself on the Navasdhasdikacharita, p. 48, I shewed that the court-poets often deemed it suitable, at crises in the history of their heroes, to make the gods actively interfere. When Arisimha then makes the spirit of Kumarapala descend from the fields of heaven to move Bhima to the appointment of Lavanaprasada as his Sarvesvara, it is not difficult to see what moved him to make use of this deus ex machina. Kumarapala was well known as the adherent and protector of the Jaina faith. After his death a Brahmaņ reaction took place under Ajayspåla; and though Ajayapâla reigned only a short time, the Jaina sect seems not to have regained its former importance under his sons Mülaraja and Bhima II. Only when Vastapala and Tejahpâla became ministers in Dholká, did it again raise its head. Both belonged to one Jaina family and were filled with great enthusiasm for their religion. They spent a great part of their rich incomes on the erection of temples, asylums and benevolent institutions, so that at least the outward lustre of the name of the Jainas was restored. Arisimhs tried to unite the two prosperous periods of his sect by representing Kumarapala as the intellectual originator of the second. In doing 80, he has not refrained from putting words into king Bhima's mouth which he certainly never spoke, when he makes him call upon Vastupala and Tejahpala (v. 61 above) to glorify the belief on the lord of the Jainas. According to all we know of Bhima, he favoured exclusively the Brahmaņs, and especially the Saivas, to whom he made many presents. To excite Vastupala's enthusiasm for his faith was, however, absolutely unnecessary.
Vastupala's pilgrimage to Satrumjays and Girnar. In the fourth Sargs Arisimha turns to the description of the sukrita or pious works of Vastupala, by which he adorned the Jains religion. First he mentions shortly that Viradhavala. with the help of his minister, soon conquered the ocean-girt earth and put down all wrong and violence (vv. 1-7). Then he relates how in that happy time Tejahpala came to his brother, praised his successes, and advised him to keep in mind the king's command and support the Jaina religion (vv. 8-13). Vastupala agreed and declared he would at once visit his spiritual director to hear his preaching and begin his works of piety according to his advice (vv. 14-26). On this occasion the succession of the monks of the Nagendra gachchha is gone over, which, since the time of Chandape, had served the family as spiritual advisers. The names are precisely the same as those in the Prasasti of Tejahpâla's temple on Mount Åbů 36: -(1) Mahendrasûri (vv. 15-16);
* Kertikaumudi, App. A., PP. 9-10.

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(2) Såntisüri (vv.:17-18); (3) (a) Anandasúri and (6) Amarasûri (who received from king Jayasimha the title of honour vyáyhrasisukau, the young tigers,' because even in early youth they were able to withstand proud disputants resembling fiery elephants (vv. 19-21); (4) Haribhadrasuri (vv. 22-23); and (5) Vijayasena (Vastupala's spiritual counsellor, vv. 24-26). Next we are told how Vastupala went into the monastery with his brother and offered his homage to Vijayasens.
The sermon following by the latter (which fills vv. 33-43) commends, as the most meritorious | undertaking, a pilgrimage, and extols, as happy above all others the sasághddhipati, the leader of pious pilgrims. The consequence is naturally that Vastupala resolves to undertake a pilgrimage of the congregation to the holy places in Kathiâvâa.
The fifth Sarga then describes (vv. 1-6) the preparations for this journey. Vastu pala, it says, sent letters to the believers in every town to invite them. He visited personally the monks in the monasteries and invited them respectfully. For those who responded he cared in every way. Whoever had no carriage, he gave him one ; whoever wanted provisions for the journey, got them; and for those who had no servants be provided them. Medicines and physicians also were not forgotten, Bo that those who sickened by the way might have assistance. When all preparations were completo. he had himself solemnly consecrated by his Guru as Sanghddhipati, and set out surrounded by a wonderful army of carriages' (vv. 7-8). In verses 10-13 the names of soine distinguished monks who took part in the pilgrimage are mentioned: - Narachandrasûri, Jinadattasûri of the Vayata gacocha, Santisūri of the Sanderska gachcbs, and Vardhamånasûri the sun of the Gallakas.' In Kasahrada. which is probabiy identical with the modern Kasandra or Kasandhra near Gimph, * a balt was made, and (v. 16) a great festival was instituted in the temple of Rishabba. Of other stations by the way nothing is said. The Sarga closes with the arrival of the pilgrims at the foot of Mount Satrunjaya, where Vastupala pitohed a great tent-camp (v. 41) and distributed rich presente, especially of provisions, to all in want. He cared not for himself, it says, until he had assured himself by means of his heralds that no one wanted anything.
After, in the sixth Sarga, a conventional description of sunrise, which in a Mahákávya must not be wanting, there follows in the seventh the description of the ascent of the mountain and the festivities engaged in there. The ascent took place on the morning after the arrival. The first shrine which the pilgrims reached was that of the Yaksha Kapardin (v. 12). Vastupala offered his homage and celebrated him in a song of praise (vv. 13-16). Then be hastened to the tumple of Adinatha, whither the pilgrims followed him in crowds (v. 17). Still covered with the dust of the way, Vastupâla fell down outside before the lord of the Jainas (v. 26), and praised him in a hymn (vv. 27-33). Only then did be purify himself, the pilgrims following his example, and then he entered the Chaitya with them amid the performance of dances and songs (vv. 34-37). Thereupon he washed the image, as the rule prescribed, with saffron-water, rubbed it with musk, and wreathed it with flowers. The pilgrims barnt at the same time so much incense that the temple was wrapped in thick darkness. And at last the drdtrika was performed, numerous lamps being swung to and fro before the statue (vv. 38-42). The following verge 43 tells us that the stay on the mountain and the worship lasted eight days. Then the prince of counsellors, after bestowing rich gifts upon the monks, descended from Mount Satrunjaya, performed the auspicions ceremonies for the journey and longed to bring his homage to the divine Neminátha on Girnar.
Instead of hrada, tank,' draha oooun in the Prikrit, so that Kloadraha would correspond exactly to the Sanakrit Knahrade. The further corruption conforms to the rules of Gujarati phonetion. Kandra lies (ne Trig. Suru. Maps, Gu. Ber. Nr. 88), in 72° 16' W. long and 92° 19' N. lab., pretty nearly on the direct route from Pholka to PAltan. In the text Klebrada is onlled. pattana, 'town. The modern Karandra is village of about 400 inhabitante..
This note, found Snota Jinaharsha's Vastuudlacharita, ha. A particular interest, bonos Jaina pilgrims never paun the night on the mountain now.

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According to Sarga VIII. 1, the procession did not go directly to Junagadh, but first to Devapattana or Somanatha on the south coast of Sorath. There he, who possessed terrible power, worshipped the conqueror of Káma, the (god) characterised by the moon, he who is beautiful to look upon,' i. e., Siva-Somanatha. Soon, however, the ocean, pure through its shell-mark and blue as the indranila-stone,' reminded Vastupåla, by these its qualities, of Neminátha (v. 10), and drove him to go further. Mount Raivataka (Girnar) came in sight, and it seemed to the minister as if the creepers of its woods, swayed by the wind, performed a joyful dance in honour of the arrival of the holy con. gregation (v. 11). This sight inspired Vastupala to a song of praise (vv. 12-16). After his arrival he had a camp pitched at the foot of the mountain and celebrated the arrival by a festival. On the next morning the pilgrims ascended Girnar (v. 28). The description which now follows of the worship of Neminatha (vv. 29-42) is only a repetition of the scenes in the temple of Adinatha. In conclusion, it says that the halt on Girnår lasted, like that on Satramjaya, eight days. It is worthy of note that Vastupala, on leaving, is said to have offered his homage to the Brahman gods Amba, Sambs, Pradyumna, and the rest, who had temples on the mountain.
The ninth Sarga is, like the sixth, a purely poetical addition without any historical element whatever. It gives a description of the six seasons, which the prince of the wise, whose wishes were fulfilled, saw on the slopes of the mountain.
The tenth Serga is occupied with the return of the congregation from Girnår to Dholka. Immediately after the descent Vastupala gave the pilgrims a magnificent banquet and distributed rich gifts among them (vv. 1-5). Then he set out for Vamanasthall, the modern Vanthli, on the way from Junagadh to Devapattana, and made & Bolemn entry into the town. Formerly it was forbidden to Jaina pilgrims to enter the city. Vastupala, however, had "the godless writing" destroyed (v. 6). Concerning the further course of the journey, all that is related is that in every village incense was offered to the Tirthamkaras (v.7). When the procession reached the neighbourhood of Dholka, not only Vastupâla's relations, but also Vîradhavala, with the citizens, came out to meet him. In the midst, between the Râna and his brother Tejahpala, like a Siva represented in the manner of the Tripurusbas" (v. 11). he entered the town amid the praises of the bards (vv. 14-29) and the passionate expressions of joy of the women (vv. 81-42).
Vastupala's pilgrimage is mentioned in the inscriptions in his temple on Girnar as well as in Somebvara's Kirtikaumudi. The inscriptions2 state quite briefly that "Vastupala, in the year 77 (V.-S. 1277), attained the dignity of Sanghadhipati or head of the congregation by the grace of the illustrious over-god of the gods, who, in consequence of the mighty working of the festive pilgrimage undertaken to Satrumjaya, Ujjayanta (Girnar) and other shrines, revealed himself." Somesvara, on the other hand, dedicates the whole of the last Sarga of his poem to the pilgrimagu, and his description of it agrees on the whole with that given by Arisinha. Yet there are the following differences. The halt in Kâsahrada is not mentioned. It is said on the other hand (Kirt. IX. 19, 20), that the route followed by the minister could be traced by means of the restored old temples of the Jinas and the freshly dog tanks, as also that the pilgrims offered homage in all the temples to which the procession came. On Batrumjaya, Vastapâle stopped according to Someśvara (Kirt. IX. 36), only
two or three days.' In spite of this, it is said immediately before (IX. 30-36) that he presented . flag of yellow-white stuff to the temple of Adinatha, that he built two temples to Neminatha and ParbvanAtha, and had a large tank dug. It is not doubtful that the last two notes refer to a later time. Further on, in the course of his report, Sonieśvara (IX. 66-69), places the visit to Girnar before that
* J. Burgess, Archaolog. Burney of Western India, No. 2-Memorandum of the Antiquities at Dabhoi, etc., p. 32, 1.4 11., p. 23, L 11 ff., eto., and Arch. Report, Western India, Vol. II. P. 170.-- San. 77 varshe Sri-Sa trunjayoj. jayantaprabhritimahAtfrthayatrostavaprabhavaririhita frimauderddhidmapraadddsaditasonghd. dhipatyona .. Brf-Vastupalona. The nome date V. 8. 1877 is rightly given by Moratungs in the Prabandhachintamani, p. 254

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to Dovapattana or Prabhasa (IX. 70-71). He states also that Vastupala was many days' on Girner, and that in Devapattans he worshipped, besides Siva-Somanátha, 30 the Jaina Tirthamkats Chandraprabhu. Probably this contradiction is explained, in that two visits to Devapattana took place. Arisim ha hints at this when he says the pilgrims went to Vâmanasthall on their returnjourney. Vâmanasthalt or Vanthit lies about nine miles south-west of Girnar and on the direct road to Devapattana. Whoever travels by Vanthli on the return from the Girnar cannot readily take any other way afterwards towards the mainland of Gnjarât than that which leads from Devapattana first along the south and then along the east coast of the peninsula. This seems to have been in early times the ordinary route for caravans and pilgrimages, 31
Vastupala's buildings and pious institutions.
The eleventh and last Sarga begins with the statement, that Vastupala, after he was made lord of the town of Stambhatirtha by Virad havala, began to build temples (kirtanáni) which resembled embodiments of his fame on earth, and in verses 2-34 forty-three buildings, restorations and institutions of different kinds are enumerated. This list is much more modest than those which occur in the later Prabandhas of Rajasekbara and Jinaharsha. It contrasts also advantageously with the absurd boastfulness of the Girnêr inscriptions, in which it is said 32 that Vastupala and Tejah pala caused new places of religion (dharmasthánání), i. e., temples, asylums, abodes for the performance of perpetual vows, tanks and so on, to the number of ten millions (kolisah), and also caused very many restorations to be made. Arisimha gives the following details :
I. In Apahilapuri or Anhilvad-Patan :
1. The restoration of the temple of Panchâsara-Parávanátha which Vadaraja (p. 481 above) had caused to be built (S. XI. 2). With this agrees Jinabarsha in the Vastupálacharita VII. 66, whore it is added that the building took place when Vastupala visited Pâtan after a battle against the Muhammadans at Abû, which he won by the help of Dhârâvarsha of Chandravati. Muhammadan authors mention nothing of attacks upon Gujarât in the first half of the 13th century. At the same time it is possible that during or after Shamsuddin Altamsh's expedition against Ranthambor, A. D. 1226,34 parts of the victorious army may have come as far as Abû and attempted an invasion of Gujarat. If Jinaharsha's note be correct, we may perhaps accept that the restoration of the temple in Anbilvad took place in the year A. D. 1226 or 1227.
II. - In Stambatirtha or Cambay:
2. The erection of a golden, i, e., a gilded, flag-staff and knob on the temple of Bhi in oss (S. XI. 3). The Vastupálacharita (IV, 720) gives the same note, and has, instead of the vague ketu (literally banner"), the plainer expression dhrajadanda.
3. The erection of an Uttanapata before Bhatçêditya and of a golden wreath on his head (S. XI. 4). The Vastupalacharita, IV. 719, speaks of an Uttanapada (?) in the temple of Bhattaditya. The technical meaning of Uttanapatta is unknown to me.
4. The excavation of a well in the temple-grove (pájanavana) called Vahaka of Bhattárks (S. XI. 5).
5. The erection of a mandaya or vestibule overlaid with stucco (sudhama dhura) before the temple of the sun-god called Bakula (s. XI. 6). The Vastupdlacharita (IV. 721) speaks of rangamandapa or painted vestibule before the temple of Bakolasvâmideve.
* The worship of Biva, unfitting for Jaina, is also admitted by Jinabaraha - V. Char. VI. 635.
In the Vastup dlacharita, VL. 516 f, the way is more minutely desoribed and the stations between Batrunjaya and Girakr are: (1) TAladhvaja or TAIAA, (2) Kotinfri or KodinkT, (8) Devapattana, and (6) Vamanathali or Vanthalt.
n Arch. Rep. Western India, Vol. II. p. 170, 1. 5, transcription. # Elliot, History of India, Vol. II. p. 324.

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6. The restoration of the mandapa and of the temple of Siva-Vaidyanatha (S. XI. 7). The Vastup dlacharita (VI. 718) says more plainly 4 : - "The temple of the god Vaidyanatha, together with the mandapa, he made new again to the everlasting safety of his king."
7. The erection of high-walled enclosures for the sale of sour milk (takra, S. XI. 8). Both Somesvara (Kirt. IV. 17) and Jinaharsha (V. Ohar. IV, 716) mention this. The wohchai hpada or vedibandha must, as Prof. A. V. Kathvate in the notes to the Kirtikaumudi says, have been erected for the purpose of protecting the wares from contamination by people of low caste.
8-9. The erection of two asylums (upáórayas) for Jaina monks (S. XI. 9). Somebvara (Kirt. IV. 36) speaks of many paushad hasdlds, which Vastupala caused to be erected in Cambay.
10. The erection of a drinking-hall with round windows (gavdksha) on two sides (S. XI. 10). Someávara (Kirt. IV. 33) again speaks of many such.
III. - In Dhavalakkaks or Dholks: -
11. The building of a temple of Adinatha (S. XI. 11). According to V. Unar. III. 45, this temple was called Satramjayâvatara.
12-13. The erection of two asylums (updórayas) for Jaina monks (S. XI. 12). 14. The restoration of the temple named Rånaka of Bhattâraka (Siva) (S. XI. 13). 15. The construction of a vápi or a square covered water-reservoir (S. XI. 18). 16. The erection of a pump-room (prapd) (S. XI. 14).
IV. -At Satrumjays near Palitang: -
17. The erection of an indramandapa before the temple of Âdinátha (w. XI. 15): compare V, Char. VI. 630.
18-19. The erection of a temple of the Jina of Ujjayanta, i. c., of Neminátha, and of a temple of the Jina of Stambhana, i. e., of Parsvanatha (S. XI. 16). Somescara (Kirtikaumudi IX. 31-33)! and Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI. 681-632) also mention both temples, and the former calls the two Jinas by the usual names.
20. The erection of a statue of the goddess Sarasvati (s. XI. 17). Neither Somesvara nor Jinaharsha mention this. It is, however, probable, for Vastupala says, in the Girnar inscriptions, that he erected in Girnar a prasastisahita-Kaimindvataru-Sarasvatimúrti.
21. The erection of statues of his ancestors (S. XI. 18); compare also Kirtikaumudi, 1X. 34, and V. Char. VI. 633. According to the latter passage, these statues, 48 well as those named further on, were set up in the temple of Pårsvanatha. This statement agrees with the actual state of things found in Tejahpåla's temple on Abû, where the statues stand in an annex (balanaka, Kirtikaumudi, App. A., v. 61) to the right of the adytum.
22. The setting up of three statues on elephants: his own, that of Tejahpala, and that of Viradhavala (S. XI. 19). With this, Jinabarsha (V. Char. VI, 688-684) agrees entirely ; Somebvara (Kirsikaumudi, IX. 35) says the three personages were on horseback, which is certainly a mistake. • 28-26. The erection of sculptures representing the four mountain summits consecrated to Avalokana, to Ambå, to Samba and to Pradyumna (S. XI. 20). Jinaharsha says (V. Char. VI. 631) that these sculptures were found in the above-mentioned templo of Norninátha,30 The four peaks might be those of Mount Girnâr, now named after Ambá, Gorakhnath, Dattatreya, and Kalika Mata : compare also the Gimnår inscriptions, Arch. Sur. Rep. W. Ind. loc. cit. 1. 6. and above p. 490.
# Vaidandthasya dovasya mandiranh mandapottaram
Sroyane nijabhabhartus tone yana punar navam 11 38 Arch. Report W. Ind., loc. cit. 1. 6. * Tatrambikdvalokandfdmbapradyumnafanubhihi
Saha Raivatatirthendor adau chatyam astrayal II

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27. The preparation of a torana before the temple of the Jinapati, 1. e., probably of Adinatha (S. XI. 21). Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI, 629)07 speaks of a torana over the western door of the Indramandapa, which last stood before the temple of Adinatha.
28-29. The erection of temples of Suvrata of Bhrigupura or Broach and of Vira of Satyapura or Sáchor (S. XI. 22).28 Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI. 656-658) says the two temples stood right and left of the temple of Adinatha, and that the first was built for the welfare of Vastupala's first wife Lalitâdevi, and the other for the welfare of the second, Saukhyalatâ or Sokhuka.
30. The erection of a prishthapatta, i. e., of a tablet, behind the statue of Jina (Adinatha ?) of gold and precious stones, which seemed to give the statue a halo (bhamandala) (S. XI. 23).
31. The raising of a golden torana (S. XI. 24).30 V. - In the neighbourhood of Padaliptapura or Palitan :
82. The excavation of large tank (sarah, S. XI. 26), mentioned also by Somesvara (Kirtikaumudi, IX, 36) and by Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI, 677). In the latter passage it is ad.led, that the tank lay near Vagbhatapura, the place built by Kumarapala's minister Vägbhata, and bore the name of Lalitasarah in honour of Vastupala's first wife.
33. The erection of an asylum (upasraya) for Jaina monks (S. XI. 27). 34. Of a pamp-room (prapd, S. XI. 28). VI.- In the village of Arkapalita or Ankavaliya :
35. The digging of a tank (taddga, S. XL. 29). Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI. 690) adds, that Vastupala had this tank dug for his own welfare. According to the same author, he erected in the Game place a pump-room for the benefit of his mother, a sattra or alms-house for the benefit of both his parents, and further, a temple of Siva (purabhido devasya), and a rest-house for travellers. There are several villages in Kathiâvâd with the name of Ankavaliya. Probably the one meant here is that which lies eastward from Bhimnath, 71° 59' E. long. and 22° 15' N. lat. (Trigonometrical Survey Map, Kath. Ser. No. 14) on the river Lilka. There is a large tank, and the village lies on the old road from Dholka to Satrumjaya.
VII.-On Mount Ujjayanta or Girnar :
36-37. The erection of two temples of PârsvanAtha of Stambhana and of Adinatha of Satrajaya (S. XI. 30). These two temples are mentioned in the Girnar inscriptions (Arch. Rep. W. 1. Vol. II. p. 170, 1. 6) first among the baildings erected there. Jinaharsha (V. Char. VI. 695) speaks only of the temple of Adinatha.
VIII. - In Stambhana :
38. The restoration of the temple of Parsvanatha which was adorned with statues of Adinatha and Neminátha (S. XI. 31). Jinaharsha says (V. Char. VI, 518) that Vastupala deposited 1,000 dindras in the treasury of Parsvanátha for the purpose of the restoration, not that he himself had it done.
39-40. The erection of two pump-rooms (prapd) near the temple of Parsvanatha (S. XI. 32). IX. - In Darbhavati or Dabhof :
41-42. The placing of gold capitals on the temple of 'Siva).Vaidyanatha, because the old ones were carried off by the king of MÁlava; and the erection of a statue of the sun-god (S. XI, 33). Jinaharsha mantions those (V. Char. III. 371), but ascribes them to Tejah pâla. 31 Pratyagdedragatas chandrakaldsitahillataik 1
tatrendramandape mantri torans uyarfrachat Il
SAchor now belongs to Jodhpur in Rajpatan A, and lies to the North-East of Tharid. It is still a holy place of the dainas and famous for its temple, it is in 25° 11' N. lat., 71° 55' E. long.
In verno 25 the author says that he would be able to describe all the buildings erected on the Batranjaya if the creator had given him a place in the firmament like the teacher of the gods (the planet Jupiter).'
44 This place lay, as is often mentioned in the Arabandhaa, on the river Sedut or Bhedhi, and thus in the eastern part of the present collectorate of KhodA. Peterson's identification of it with Stambhattrths or Cambay (Third Roport, p. 26) is intenable, for the Bhedet is more than 30 miles distant from Oambay, and Stambhaas is named along with Stambhattrtha in the Girnde inscriptions. (Stambhana is an old name for Th&maa on the Sodhi, 10 miles month-west from Thkerd in Anand taluka, lat. 22° 43' N., long. 78°9' E.-J. B.]

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X. - On Mount Arbuda or AbQ:
43. The building of a temple of Malladeva (by whom may be meant Mallideva or Mallinatha) for the benefit of his brother Malladeva (S. XI. 34). In the V. Char. VIII. 76, it is stated that the temple for the benefit of Maladeva was built on Satrumjaya, Since only one temple of Neminátha, built by Tejahpala, is found on Åbû, and its position makes it improbable that a second ever existed, the mistake may be on Arisimha's side.
In this list of Vastupâla's buildings the restorations of Brahman temples, as well as of the decoration of such buildings, bave a special interest. They prove, as does also his worship of SivaSomanatha in Derapattans (p. 491 above), that he was no exclusive Jaina, but was rather lax in his religious views, and thereby confirm some hints in the later Prabandhas on this point (see Kirtikaumudi, p. xxii.). The reason for his lax view may have lain partly, as Professor A. V, Kathvate says, in the passage quoted, in his familiar intercourse with the high priest Someávara and other Brahman savants, but may partly be due to his position at the Brâhman court of Dholka. The latter is hinted at by Jinabarsha also. He adds apologetically, on mentioning the worship of Siva-Somanatha in Devapattana, that Vastupala performed this act to please his king. He also says further on, that the minister, at the coramand of his master,' prepared a mundamáld, or skull-chain' or 'tiara,' adorned with rubies, for Siva. These well-authenticated pieces of information have their significance in the judgment of cases where something similar is stated of court Jainas, as, for instance, of Hemachandra, in works less worthy of credit.
The second interesting point in the catalogue is the mention of only two temples on Girnar. This shews plainly that the great threefold temple, which now forms the principal ornament of the mountain, was not yet finished, perhaps not yet begun. The date of the six inscriptions, identical in their first parts, in the Vastupalavibara, is Vikrama-Samvat 1288, Phålguna sudi 10, which, according to Jacobi's calculation, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII. p. 151 f., corresponds with 3rd March A. D. 1282. The Sukrita sankirtana must therefore have been written before that time, and we must not put its authorship earlier than Vikrama-Samvat 1285. From a comparison of the list of Vastu pâla's buildings in the Kirtikaumudi it is further clear that the latter work was written a little earlier than the Suksitsasinkirtana. For in the Kittikaumudi the buildings on Satrunjaya are mentioned, but not the two temples on Girnar.
Notos on vastupals's warliko doods.
While Arisimba, true to his plan, sings only of the sukritas - the pious deeds of Vastupala, Amarapandita endeavours to acquaint posterity also with the heroic deeds of his patron. He ovidently knows of only one, the victory of Vastupala over Satgråmasimba, the son of Sindhuraja, who seems to have been a petty vassal-prince or village chief in Vatakupa near Cambay, and over his ally Sankba. He says, I. 44: “They call him a Jaina ; but the illustrious minister Vastupala is devoted also to Siva. He washed the master who wears the form of air (i. e., goes naked) with the water of shining fame wbich he took from Bankha." Further, VIII. 46: "Thy sword, illustrious Vastopala, beautiful in rising and brandishing, valiant in deed, defeated in the world that Samgramasinha." And X. 45: “Thy glory, O Vastupala, which shines by thy victory over Sindhuraja, is like the moon in the sky, since the spot in it is certainly the face of Sindharkja, which was blackened by his deep shame."
41 7. Char. VI. 656-588:
Sri-Viradhavaladh iadutohtohahatau 1 Jomaromer tadanarcha mantri dndvidh Archanaian 585 Norondrldofato mantat somandthamahefitus I
Xanilyakhachith musdam alam ayam allrayat 11 538 il 438oo Ueber das Leben des Jains-Monches, Homachandra, 8.27 1.

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Vastupala's feud with Samgramasimha and Sankha is related at length by Somesvara in the Kirtikaumudi, IV-V, and Someávara also is unable to report any other warlike deed of his friend. Since, then, we possess two eulogies, which, although otherwise independent of each other, mention only this one exploit, we may conclude that the accounts in the later Prabandhas of the numerous heroic deeds of Vastupala and Tojahpala, in the beginning of their career, deserve no great confidence.
In conclusion, it may be mentioned that Amarapandita twice addresses Vastupala by the name of Vasantapala. This was his poet-name, under which he wrote the Narandrdyandnandakávya, which I found in Anhilvad in 1875.43
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
BY BABU P. O. MUKHARJI.
(Continued from p. 441.)
REPORT No. II. - JANUARY, 1897. The promising results of the work in December 1896 were sustained during January 1897. The excavations at Kumrahar and Jamuna Dhih brought to light valuable structural remains and relics, chiefly terra-cottas at the latter place,
At Jamuna Dhih on the West of the Bankipore Railway Station, and on the south bank of the old and now dried-up bed of the Sôhan, a channel of which used to flow at the spot in ancient times. I commenced work in the beginning of January (see Plate II.). In a few days I exhumed several large vases (nando) and some walls, made of large bricks, on the east side of the mound. On the north side, where I began excavating a week later, some rooms and more nánds were brought to light; and, continuing the work during the whole month, other rooms and several walls projecting in different directions were traced out, the nánds or jars appearing everywhere. In the last week of the month I commenced tapping the north-west corner ; but beyond some uninteresting vessels and terra-cottas, no architectural remains were found. As to terra-cotta figures and vessels, several were discovered. The terra-cotta figures consisted of horses and other interesting playthings. The vessels were innumerable, exhibiting some graceful forms. Regarding stone-work, innumerable fragments of stools and pestles and mortars (sil-16dhá) were recovered, as also several round stones, between 3 and 4 inches in diameter. As to fragments of sculpture, defaced base of statne, and a half circular slab, which showed some peculiar ornaments, and the back of which was rounded, was brought to light:
On a close examination of the mound I found that it was not a Raja's fort, as marked in Dr. Waddell's map. It appeared to be the site of a village that at first had mud houses (which
accounts for the raised level of the land), where, during the period of the Mauryan Emperors, the villagers, chiefly Gawalas and potters, becoming a little richer, built brick and tiled houses.
The large bricks, about 1' 6" X 10' X 2' or 8", and the great " .
numbers of the nands and other vessels lead to that conclusion. On the north-east corner of the mound is an elevated spot dedicated to Gaurayya Devf, containing a statue of Gauri Shankar, rather defaced, which shows the goddess seated on the lap of the four-armed Mahadeva in the style commonly seen. Here I secured a statuette of a Devi, about 8 inches in height, seated on a lion, and holding in her right band a lotus, and in ber left a vessel (Fig. 1). These relics show that there was a temple here. The nanda were used for feeding the cattle, and the larger ones for storing the produce of the fields. I also obtained some metallic relics (obiefly copper), consisting of some coins (maddhu sdi), and square pieces, a few diminative sticks called sildi for applying surind to the eyes, and a knife in iron - all very much
injured by age. - A copy of the work is in the Dakban College Collection of 1876-77, No. 731.
II

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. II. At Kallu Talao, Kumrahar or Kumbharaj, originally known as Némapar, I exposed more walls and rooms on the west side and the south-west corner, the fragments of the Aboka pillars appearing everywhere, - 80 much so that in one room the mud floor was fairly covered with smaller pieces of it. Assuming that the original position of the great pillar was somewhere between the exposed vihára (monastery) and the Dargah, I commenced excavating on the north side of the latter, towards which I was also working from the western portion of the vihara which I had exposed. No inscribed fragments were found. In the new digging at the Dargah I exposed two walls, running west to east.
III.
At the Chaman Taldo I drove two tunnels under the LATER WALL.
highest mound in order to follow the double wall, six feet in thickness, which comes from the west. It appeared to be large drain, once emptying its contents into the tank. Over and at right angles to it was built another double wall, at which place it
had gone to ruin. Wherever the latter structure had fallen down, DRAIN ELEVATION
all the bricks had been taken out and removed for subsequent building purposes, only a few bricks being left at the edges to tell its talo. East of and parallel to it was found another wall. On the east side I also followed the drain by driving a tunnel; but on this side the drain terminated after a short distance. The
two parallel tunnels, following the two sides of the drain, went LATER WALL
west about 25 foot, where I joined them. I also commenced excavating on the south and north sides of the mound, in order
to determine the nature of the original structure, of which the DRAIN SECTION.
débris is now turned into a Muhammadan graveyard. See sketcb-plan with rough measurements in Plate III. attached.
IV. In the garden of the headman of the village, where I reported in December 1896 the finding of & portion of a large wall, 10 feet below the present level of the ground I exposed brick terrace, about 200 feet east of it, at which place I found also two fragments of the Aboka pillar. About 20 years ago here was discovered a very interesting Buddhist statue, which is now worshipped as Durukhia Devt by the villagers of Nawatola.1
v.
On the south of the village of Kumrahar I discovered a log of sal-wood in a new well, 19 feet below the present level of the field. It was dug out in pieces, amidst sandy clay, bluish and whitish in colour, the silt found only in the bed of the Ganges. Most probably a portion of the wood-work to which it belonged is still in situ. The importance of this find will be understood, if it belonged to the ancient palisade of Pataliputra, described by Megasthenes. Since palisades have also been discovered on the north of Kumraher, as reported by Dr. Waddell, this village, with the extensive debris around it, represents the site of Pataliputra, as be assumes very rightly. There is a tradition, still remembered by the oldest of the villagers, that this was the town of NandalAll (evidently the Nanda king), about 3,000 years ago.
On the east of the village I dag a trial-trench in the compound of a Gawali's house, and found only a little fragmentary wall and terrace, about 8 feet below the surface. The excavated earth here. as elsewhere, consisted of brick and rubble. Terraces were also exposed at several places; bat working at their edges I could not trace any walls. This fact shows that the bricks of the walls have been removed long ago, perhaps about a thousand years before the prosent land surface was formed.
VI. On the south of the village and near the well, at which pusce I found the remains of an ancient block of sdl-wood, I saw slight signs of a wall in another well, known as KhArt KOA; and here
1 Drawn and described it in my second Bihar Roport in 1894,

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ECEMBER, 1902.]
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
I dug deep into the soil, down to about 20 feet, and exposed what I at first supposed to be the portion of an ancient bastion. Clearing it all round I found that the circular wall did not, however, continue towards the north-east and south-east; but on its west face, two reservoirs or cells, about 6 feet square at about 10 feet down, and 5 feet square at 17' 6" below the present level of the ground, were traced out. The slope of the bastion wall, of which 12′ 6" remains now, from the bottom apwards, is 1' 4" on its western face. On its east and north-east face are other walls at right angles to it, of which I did not clear the northernmost. On the south of the cell is a terrace and a little bit of a wall at about 6 feet below the present ground level; and on the south-east corner is a large jar or nánd, about 10 feet below.
WELL
TERRACE
NAND
PLAN.
F16.3.
$10
SECTION.
SKETCH PLAN AND SECTION OF EXCAVATION AT KHARI KUAN.
East of it, at the place marked with a cross on the sketch-plan (Fig. 3), and with dots on the section, I exhumed a great number of very interesting bricks (Figs. 5 and 6). I at first thought that they must have belonged to a structure close by, for which I searched, but could not find. The bricks commenced to appear at about 8 feet, and terminated at about 16 feet below the present ground-level.
They were roughly placed in irregular layers; but though I carefully worked from the sides, I could find no architectural form, nor a kiln in which they might have been burnt. Two bricks of the semi-circular form were also discovered on the west of the well, and more might be exhumed. The most interesting relic found among the large number of bricks is a fragment of an Asoka pillar (Fig. 4), at 10 feet below the present level of the ground, as also a flat piece of stone. The bricks are very large and of different forms (Fig. 5), One is curved, being limited by two concentric curves, of which the ends have been cut in the radii. One is about one foot square and 2 inches in thickness. Some are rectangular, varying from 1 foot to 8 inches in width and from 6 inches to 3 inches in thickness, the length being generally 1' 6". The most interesting, however, are the semi-cylindrical bricks, the like of which I have not seen elsewhere in India. They are from 1' 5" to 1' 9" in length, and from 6 to 7 in depth, and from 8 to 10" in width. These semi-cylindrical bricks are of two 'sorts: One, the section of which is less than a semi-circle and the breadth about 10 inches (Fig. 6).

Page #512

398
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1902.
The other class has a cross-section, which is more than a semi-circle; their breadth is about 94 inches, of the former class, one has a corner bevelled off, as shown in the sketch (Fig. 6); half of it is broken length-wise. While on the subject of bricks, I would mention another peculiar brick with an og eo pection, found in the south-west room of the vihára, I exhumed at the Kalla Taldo (Fig. 7). Among the number of bricks in the deep excavations at Khári Kan I found some pieces of plaster which show comice and other linings.
FIG. 4
F16.5
ASOKA FRAGMENT.
0.102
SPERIMEN OF BRICKS FROM KÁR KÜAV, KUMRÁNAR
N
ig! F16.6.
F16.7
F16.8
CS FROM KNARÎ KUAN.
F169
BRICK FROM KALLU TALÃO. CORNICE PLASTER FROM KHART KUAN.
VII. On the west of the village of Kumraher, and in the fields, I examined all the wells, new and old, and in many of them I detected remains of walls. In a ruined one, I commenced excavations and exposed some thick walls. On the east of Kumraher are also extensive ruins and a big tank, now dried up. About half a mile west of Kumrahar, and on the east bank of an ancient tank, now known by the name of Waris 'All Khan's Tank, is a high mound, now covered with Muhammadan graves. Thinking it to be a Bhuddhist stripa, I began excavating its western face, and exposed both Muhammadan and anterior Hindu walls. It was most interesting to see the different layers of débris, one above the other. The excavation showed a ghát (Alight of steps), which Waris All Khân repaired about hundred years ago, with two octagonal bastions at the two ends. See sketch, Fig. 9.
VIII. North of this tank is the high road, to the north of which is a small brick-field. On the roadside, where the brick-makers had made a deep pit in order to obtain clay, they exposed the old bed of the channel of the Sahan, which used to flow here in ancient times, as evidenced by the deep layer of yellowish sand - whence the Sóhan was called by Sanskrit writers Hiraṇya-båhu, the golden-armed, Towards and underneath the road ditch is visible a large portion of a wall, made of large bricks. A little north of the brick-field is the railway line, and about 200 yards still further north is the Baland Bagh, where Dr. Waddell locates a dhára. The importance of this bit of wall will therefore be understool.
(To be continued.)

Page #513

**FARE 3/1⁄2
SECTION ON AB.
BIG JAR WITH SIDE ONES
PC.MUKHARI, DEL.
EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA, 1897
PLATE
426.
SECTION ON C.D.
SHOWING TWO WALLS ONE OVER THE OTHER
f
ROUGH PLAN OF EXCAVATIONS ON THE JAMUNA DHIN.
Indian Antiquary
B
B.E.3. Paz Lithe
RIVER

Page #514

Anetien Ausrywery
EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA, 1897.
PLATE II.
WINDSON
TERRACE.
SECTION ON C.D. SNOWING THE DRAIN & LATER WALL.
_22.-- WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW
81 -
---
NATIN NAWWWWW
LAUN
...
WWWW
6-0
--13-02 ATV -.30- -
TYA AMW ho
W ARRANTY --- - --- 10 --
---
he
21
MM
SECTION ON AB. SKETCH PLAN & SECTION, SHOWING EXHUMED WALLS & DRAINS.
CHAMAN TALÃO, KUMRÁHAR. P. C.MUKHARI, DEL.
3. ES. PRESS Lithe.

Page #515

DECEMBER, 1902.)
CHAPTERS OF THE PRITHIRAJ-RASO.
499
ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHAPTERS OF THE PRITHIRAJ-RASO.
BY SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A. Since the publication of the Prithiraj-raso has been definitely undertaken by the Nigariprachêrini Sabha of Benares, it seems desirable that the arrangement of its chapters be finally decided upon before proceeding farther with the work. When the Asiatic Society of Bengal commenced to bring out an edition of this book, Mr. Beames published in the Society's Journal an arrangement of its chapters. But since that time our knowledge about Chand's great work has increased to some appreciable extent, and I think we are now in position to reconsider the question of that arrangement.
In the course of the search for Hindi Manuscripts, which I am deputed by the Nagarlprachárini Sabha to institute under the patronage of the Government of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, and of which the Reports for 1900 and 1901 have been submitted to the local Government for consideration and publication, I have come across several manuscripts of this epic, and I give below a tabular arrangement of the chapters as found in the different manuscripts. For the sake of comparison I have also added the arrangement of Mr. Beames and of the author of Prithviraj-charitra, a Hindi bcok said to give the biography of Prithiraj as based on the facts of the Rdso. This arrangement will, I am sure, be useful to any scholar desirous of making a study of the great epic. I have put the chapters in numerical order as they seemed best to me. At the end I have also given the names of three chapters in regard to which I have certain doubts.
I need bardly state here that doubts are still entertained in some quarters as to the genuineness of Chand's epic, bat it must be remembered that it has not yet been sufficiently studied to warrant any of the sweeping remarks against it that have been made in several instances. I have collected some material, which, I am sure, will facilitate the solution of this question. A portion of it has been embodied in my first Annual Report on the Search for Hindi Manuscripts, and the rest I propose to utilize later on, as soon as I am able to give more time and attention to it. Anyhow, I am confident the publication of my first Report, which, I am glad to state, is now in the hands of the printers, will bring again into prominence the question of the genuineness of the Raso, and I only pray that scholars may give their attention to the satisfactory Bolntion of the problem. In any case, the publication of the Rdao, researches in connection with it, and the subsequent discovery of new manascripta, will, I hope, add still more to orr knowledge of this, the oldest extant book in Hindi.
One fact remains to be mentioned in connection with the following tabular arrangement. I have not attempted to show the differences which occur in the nomenclature of the different chapters as contained in different manuscripts. Besides Mr. Beames' order and that given in the Prithvir dj-charitra, I have taken four other manuscripts as my gaides. The first two are in the possession of Pandit Mohanlal Vishnu Lal Pandya (Mathura), the third is in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and the fourth belongs to the Royal Asiatic Society.
Arrangement of Chapters.
Number. Serial
Names of Chapters.
Beames' Order.
Prithviraj. charitra
M. V. Pandia's
48 of
1803 A. D.
1 M.V.Pandia's MS. of 1585 A. D.
Asiatio
Society's
Caulfield vs.
'SX
0
Adi Parts Dasam Parta... Dill Ki Katha
16
es
to
8
co
-

Page #516

500
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1902.
Xames of Chapters.
Seris) Namber.
Beames' Order.
Prithvirkj. charitra.
M.V. Pandia's
MS, of 1802 A. D.
M.V.Pandia's
MS. of 1585 A. D.
Asistio
MS.
Lohano Ajanbihu Samaya ... Kinhpatti Samaya ... ... Akhetak Birbardân Katbû Nahar Raya Kathî ... Mewâti Yugal Katha Husen Katha... ... Akhetaka Chůka Varnan Chitrarekha Samaya... Bhola Raya Samaya... Salakh juddh Samaya Inchchhini Vyah Magal juddh Prastava Pandira dâhimf Vyah Bhami supan Prastava Dilli dân Prastáva ... Müdho Bhat Katha ... Padmavati Vyah Samaya Pritha Vyah ... Holi Katha ... ... . Dip Mal Katha ... ... Dhan Kathî... ... Shashierati nệm Prestiva Deragiri Samaya Rewa tat Samaya ... Anangpal Samaya ... Ghaghar nadi ki larat Karnati pätra Samaya Pipa jaddha Prastáva
85

Page #517

DICE
, 1902.)
CHAPTERS OF THE PRITHIRAJ-RASO.
501
Nomes of Chapters.
Beamer' Order.
Prithviraj
M.V. Pandia's 1802 A. D.
M.V.Pandia's
1585 A. D.
Asistio Society's MS.
... ... 33 (84) ... 54 (85) 34 ... 35 (36) 85 ... 36 (87) 36 ...87 (88) 37 ... 88 (39) 38 ....99 (40) ... 40 (41) ... 41 (42)
Samarsi ráj or Indrawati Vyaheja ... Indravati Vyah ...
... Jait Rava jaddha Kângara jaddh Hansavatt Vyah Påhar Rai Samaya Baran Kathi ... ... ... Soma Badh ... Pajjana chhogini Prastáva ... Pasjûna Chålukya Prastáva Chand Dwarika Gaman Kaimis juddha ... Bhima Bedha ... Sanjogit& purba Katha Sanjogita Vinaya Mangal Shuk Vamana ... .. BAloká Rai Samaya ... Pang Jagya Viddhyana Praatira... Sanjogitâ nem Prastara .. Pratham Hansi jaddha Dwitlya Hânsi juddha Paijûn Mahobe Pajjûn pâtisáh jaddha ... Samant pang jaddha Samar pang fuddha Kaimåsa Badha Dargai Ked&r Samaya Dilli Varnens
... 43(44) 43 ... 44 (45) 44 ....45(46) 45 ... 45(46) 46 ... 48 (47) 47 ... 47(48) 48 ... 48(49) ... 49(50) ...150(51)
... 51 (52) ... 52 (53) ... 58 (54) ... 54 (55) ... 55(56) ... 56 (57) ... 57 (58)
58
88

Page #518

5002
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART..
(Daemm, 1902.
Name of Chapter
Serial
Beamer Order.
Prithvirkjcharitra.
M.V. Pandia' 1. M8. of
1808 A.D. M.V. Pandia MS. of 1585 A. D.
Asistio Society's MS.
Caldeld Y8.
--- 58 (50)
Jangam Katha Shat rita Varnane Kanavajja jaddha ... Sbuka Charitra Åkbetak Chakh Shrip Dhirpandir ... Vivah Samay Bart Larul Banbedh Rayanas!
... 64(65)66466 ... 65 (66) ...66(67) 68
69
.
Doubtful Chapters.
| Alha Udal ...
..
*
.**
... 68 (69)
Birbhedra Karbedå Rapak
EXTRAOTS FROM THE BENGAL OONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIJITH CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS,
BY SIR BIOHABD O. TEMPLE. (Continued from A 470.)
1708. No. VIII.
Fort William 20th February 1795. Read a letter and its enclosure from the Baperintendant at the Andamano To Collin Shakespear Degr., Sub Secretary.
Sir, +I have roopived your letter of the 19th of Jawat Month with an order on the Treasury for Twenty Thongand Rupees to be dispatched to Port Commallis by the first opportunity.
I have now the pleasure of Complying with the Governor General in Council's desire by transmitting the Establishment that I fixed for the Brig Dispatob. I beg you will inform the Governor General in Council, that Vessel on her Pasange from Port Cornwallis towards Chittagong to which place I before acquainted bim i bad sent her experienced long Calms and
The m ain given in the index attached to the Mandortpt, but the chapter itself, being at the very end of the third volume, in missing, and gets to hpve been torn off by some one.

Page #519

Dwota, 100% ]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE IVIIT CENTURY.
50B
Violent Currents, till her provisions and Water wus nourly expended when the Commander found it necessary to bear up for Bengal; as there was a Great quantity of the Provisions indented for pot yet conveyed to the Settlement I immediately requested the Gharrison Store Keeper, to load the Dispatoh, and have now the pleasure to acquaint you that she is ready to sail -- on board of this Vessel I have Shipped Five Thousand Rupees for the immediate use of the Settlement, and sball send the remaining part of the Cask in my hands on the Bos Horse and Nautilus both of which Vespls will soon be ready to sail with Provisions and Stores.
I also beg leave to acquaint you for the Information of the Board that the Oornwallis Snow is arrived from Port. Cornwallis, having left that place on the 15th of last Month, and I have the pleasure to say that the officer in command there acquaints me that the Settlers are at this season very healthy, and that tour Convicts who had absoonded, hare returned of themselves in a Miserable Starving State and two of them Soverely wounded by the Natives, which
res hope that this example will deter any of them from attempting a dangerous an experiment again.
I have the honor to be don
(Signad) A. Lyd, Superintendant Andamans. Caloutta th February 1708.
15 19
.
..
...
Batablishment of the Honble Company's Brig Dispatch. 1. Commander @ Current Rapers 878 pr Month т офсет
Ditto 100 pr Month 1 Gunner
@Sicon Rapees 40 Ditto 4 Quarter Masters Ditto 98 ench 1 Serang 1 Tindal 1 Cassab 12 Lascars 1 Cook 2 Captain's Servants...
8 each 1 Officer's Servant ...
(Signed) 1 Igd. Arrood that the abovo Establishment fixed by the Superintendent at the Andamans, bo approved, and ordered that a copy of it be sent to the Acting Marino Pay Master for his Information,
och
:
1795. - Xo. IX.
-20th February 1795. Read the following Letter and its Enclosure from the Commissary of Stores To Edward Hay Esqr... Secretary to Government.
Sir, I herewith have the honor to forward List of two Bills of Lading for Stores shipped on the Sea Horno Lieutenant George Thomas Commander for the Andaman Islands.
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) William Golding Commissary of Stores, Fort William 10th Tobruary 1796.

Page #520

504
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECH MX, 1907.
12
Enclosure. List of Stores dispatched by order of Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council, on the Honble Company's Brig Sea Horse Captain George Thomas Commander for the Andamans; and goes consigned to the Commanding Omour there.
Fort William 19th February 1795. Files Round
- 74 Nails Tacks or Pump Country
10000 Serewe Iron 2 Inch
864 Ditto 1 Inch Sin one Mangoe box
864 Locks Door Iron
12 Belt Leather Pouch Vices hand Looks Door Iron Pad Ditto
in one Ditto Chissels Pirmer Files Flat Ditto Pitsaw Scissars
Pairs Sulder Pewter
Seers Silk Sowing in one Ditto
Do. Thread Cotton White Nenaudal
Dod Needles Packing
12
Do.
Sail
Iron Wineplate, in 6 Bundles
Msands 16. 38.6 Oil Mustard in 13 Casks with Iron hoops ...
Maunds 50. Tow in one Bale
Ditto 1. Netts Fishing large
in 3 Bales... Nails Europe 2d. .. ... ... ...
Maand Chalk in one bag
Ditto 1, Oil Coconut
in one Cask with 4 Iron hoops Ditto Oil Lintseed in 3 ditto ditto ditto
Ditto Tarpawlins Small in 4 Bales ... ... ... Twine Jute in 5 Ditto ... ... Lanthorns Horn in One Mangoe Chest
Package. Bags Gunny ... ... ... * Boxes Mangoe ... Casks with Iron hoops ... Chests Mangoe ... Gunny Chutties Nails Europe, 10d.
Seers - 1. Okum ... ...
Ditto - 8. - Rope Jute Lashings ...
Sksins 10 Twine Bengal ...
Seers - 1.8 Charges Shipping Sonat Rupees 2.3.2.
(Bigned) William Golding, Commissary of Stores, Ordered that a copy of the enclosure in the above Jotter be sent to the Superintendant at the Andamaps.

Page #521

DECEMBER, 1902.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIITH CENTURY.
505
1705. - No. IX. (a)
Fort William 6th March 1795. Road a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans To Edward Hay Esqr., Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have to request that you will acquaint the Governor General in Council that the Leeboard & Schooner, belonging to the Honble. Comp., has just arrived from Port Cornwallis, The accompanying Letter from the Officer Commanding there will aqnaint you with the reasons that induced him to send as Prisoners the Frenchman suspected as a spy and the Commander of the small Pegu Vessel which conveyed him there.
From the private accounts I have had from Lieutenants Ramsay and Stokoe of this Circumstance it appears to me that, they had just grounds for acting as they have done, Altho' from an Examination of the Prisoners as well as from their papers that have been transmitted to me it is very doubtful whether the Frenchman made his appearance there with any evil intention, As however Antoine Charles Cimetere, the man in question has been distinguished during this war, by several dering enterprizes doubtful if justifiable by the rules of War ; I will beg leave to state what I have been able to colleet from his Papers and from the Conversation I have had with bim - Cimetere appears to bave served in the French Navy during the wbole of the last war, and obtained the rank of Lieutenant - on the 3rd of July 1792 He makes his appearance, as Captain of the Ship L'Auguste Victoire Atted out at Pondicherry, evidently for Commercial Purposes as appears by the Commission or Passport granted him by Monsieur Defrogne Commandant of Pondicherry and Memers Mottel and Fontaine Commissaries, which Commissions or Passport appears to me equivalent to those granted by other Governments to Trading Vessels, but by no means analogous to what is termed a Letter of Marque nor indeed could be, as it was granted in the time of profound Peace.
It appears that he navigated the Indian Seas in Commercial persuits till the 6th May 1793 when, being obliged to put into Soringa Bay in very bad weather with his Ship maeh damaged he heard of the war, between Great Britain and France, when he immediately boarded and Seized the Phoenix Ketch of Calcutta the property of Mr Tyler, Sailed for Bimlipatam, Here finding the Dutch nation was also engaged in the War, and his own Ship being at the point of Sinking he shifted his Crew with every thing of Value from her to the Phoenix on which he sailed for Pegu, where he arrived on the 6th of July - It does not appear by any of his Papers, when he left Pega, but by the accompanying letter from Mr Tyler, I find he sailed for Tarray where his Ketch was seized by the Government of that place.
Oimetere appears again at Tarray on the 15th of March 1794 in command of a small Privetoer named La Fortune ou la Mort, with a Crew of 12 men, from whence he sailed to Mergui, and on the 8th of the same Month, entered the Port in their Boat in the Night, boarded and carried of the Penang Skooner, of Prince of Wales's Island, oommanded by Richard Thompson which Vessel it would appear was carried to the coast of Pedier and sold - Here I lose sight of Cimetere, till by « Journal of his own Keeping he embarks on board of a Grab Snow at Nanoowry in the Nicobars, that was taken on her Voyage from Surat to Siam with a rich Cargo by the French Privateer Revenge; On board of this Prize he seems to have been employed as Second Officer, and on the death of the Captain as first, - After repeated attempts in opposition to t.be Monsoon to make their passage to Mauritius they were obliged to bear away to Pegu and arrived at Bossein in the end of October.
From this time I have only to depend on his own Account, He says that, they endeavoured to Kquip and Provision the Grab at this Port in order to proceed on their Voyage to Mauritius, that the Captain and him having been engaged in some Counterband Commerce were detected and Seised

Page #522

806
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBR, 1902.
by the Governor of Bassein who loaded them with Irons and threw them into Prison, that the Captain by bribing high, was released, but that he was left in that deplorable Situation that however he indneed hia Guard by a Bribe to take off his fetters - and hearing of the sailing of a small Vessel for the Andamans with an adventure of Provisions, he contrived to make his Escape in her, determined to give himself up as a Prisoner of War to the English Government and that on bis arriya! at Port Coruwallis he did not endeavour to conceal that he was a Frenchman, and tried as well as he could thro' the median or a vad Portugueze Interpreter to tell his Story as above relatedon the other hand the Gentlemen ut Port Cornwallis declare that he concealed his Name, Saying that be was an Italian, offering his Service in any Capacity that the Portugueze endeavoured to purchase twu Brass Guns; and Gun Powder from the Drued and offered money to the Europeans for any Plan of the Harbour, which they conceived could only be for Cimetere ; This gave them a Strong Suspicion of his Character, -- they therefore watched him narrowly and took every means to find out why he was which they soon did, and siso learning tire Circumstance of the French Vessels being at Bussein, they naturally conceived that he was come as a spy, with an intention of returning immediately to give information whether it was likely they could succeed in surprizing the place -- they cherefore very properly seized him and his Papers, and the Portugueze who appeared to be an Aocomplice and thinking that the information of a Privateer being fitting out at Bassein, of consequence for Government to be made atquainted with the Leeboard a very small and insecure Vessel was fitted out which Mr Leek the Chief Mate of the Druid with a Quarter Master of the same ship and five Lascara belongiag to the Settlement, navigated to Calcutta - In support of the justness of this opinion it is remarkable that the Leeboard was chased by this Grab, near the Cocos, which has an appearance buat she was Croizing there for the return of the small Pega Vessel with Cimetere after having mode his observations, on the other hand he declaros that this encounter was quite fortuitons, and that the Grab was then on her Voyage to the Mauritius, to Corroberate whicb'; there is amonget some letters taken from the Portuguize, one of which I subjoin a Copy) from 's Captain Tayler Commanding an English Ship at Bassein to Captain Turner, where it appears that the Grab was to sail for Mauritius early in February, - which was about the time the Leeboard and her fell in, - Cimetere also declares that she was only manned with seven Europeans and ten Lascara, was not armed and in every respect unfit to be employed on an enterprize of this nature and it also is to be observed that this letter dated so late as the 20th January, takes no notice of her being fitted out as a Privateer, which one would think was an intelligence, Captain Tayler woald have given. Bassein is not « Port either where a Vessel could be manned and equipped for the purposes of War: -- I think it is therefore most probable that the Vessel was really on her passage to the Mauritius
The small Pegu Vessel appears to be the property of a Mr Dawley an Englishman at Bassein whose instructions to the Master appears directing him to proceed to the Andamans and Nicobars, and from thance back to Pegu; & very common Voyage. The Master says she kails under English Colours, but as she can only have a Passport from the Pegu Government and is manned with Burmabs she must in fact be esteemed a Pegu Vessel,
As the Loeboard was built by Mr Blair of green wood and is now in a very bad state I do not think it would be safe at this Season to send her back to Port Cornwallis nor is her value near equivalent to the expence that it would occasion, I would therefore recommend that she should be delivered to the Master Attendant to be disposed of, if not wanted for any purposes of Government, Mr. Leek who undertook to conduct ber to Calcatta, and the Quarter Master of the Druid will expect and deserve some coinpensation from Government which probably the Master attendant will be beat able to fix.
Should the Governor General in Council think it proper to send back the Portnguize to his Vessel, and order her to be released, I beg leave to acquaint you that the Nautilus Brig will be ready to sail for the Andamane with Provisions and stores in a very few days; anu ww board of bet he may be sent.

Page #523

DECEMBER 1902]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
507
Oimetere's Papers are in my Possession, and I request I may have the Board's Instructions respecting them; should he only be considered a Prisoner of War, it dous not appear that it is of consequence to withold them from him -- but if he is to be considered as & spy, or lis former conduct in cutting off the Phoenix Ketch and, Perang Skooner is to be attended to, the Commission auder which he acted and his Journals, stating the facts, are I imagine Papers of Consequence to return.
I have the honor to be &ca.
(Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant Andamans. Caloutta 4th March 1798.
P.S. -I omitted to mention that on the Vessels arrival I immediately wrote to the Town Major requesting him to take charge of the Prisoners who are now confined in Fort William,
(Signed) A. Kyd.
Enclosure jor Alexander Kyd, Superintendeni at the Andamans, Fort William,
Sir, I have the honor to acqnaint yon for the information of the Governor General in Counci. that the Druid Captain Copestakes arrived in this Port on the 24th of last Month, in rounding the North East point of Chatham Island Bhe unfortunately struok upon the roof extending off that point; the succeedistide of Mood she was got off but it was found expedient to lay her on Shore to examine the exte..t of her damage, which I am happy to inform you was confined to her Stem and is now nearly repaired. Of the Convicts sent on the Draid two died on board and Man of the name of Muddeen from Burdwan sentenced for theft was not sent on board.
On the 28th of January a Schooner oame in here from Basseen nominally Commanded by Portuguise of the name of Bonivest or Bonivene, she had on board Mr. Antoine Charlos de Cimetore a Frenchman, who I suspected as a spy and thought it expedient to search kis Papore, amongst which I found sufficient proofs of his guilt to induce me to send him a Prisoner to Calcutta without delay I have been able to find and shall also send up as a Prisoner the Portuguize Uommander and shall detain the Schoover and Crew till I receive orders from you or the Board how to dispose of them. As the l'ortnguize and Frenchman both declare that Mr. Darley or Dowley sent them here and intends following himself in a short time I wish to know whether he is to be detained and sent as a Prisoner to Ouleutta should he make his appearance at this Port.
Captain Copestakes has been so obliging as to lend me his first Officer Mr. Leet and two Europeans to assist in navigating the Leeboard to Bengal and I venture to hope his readiness to assist on this occasion will entitle him to the approbation of the Board.
I remain with mach respect &ca. (Signed) Thomas Rammy 24ontenant In temporary charge of the Settlement, Port Cornwallis 3rd February 1790,
Enclosure No. %. dir,- As it is the auty of every Englishman to give intelligence concerning interesting matters that may occur between opo another, I do hereby inform you that your Grab arrived in the Port of Bassein wearing Trench National Colours on the first November 1794 whereof Capt, Langlad is Commander and has on board for Chief omoor a Man in the name of Xongeur Cimetere who cut Lightins and Bobinsons of Pulo Penang Skooner out of the Port of Morgee and sold her on the coast of Pedier.
I have further to inform you that Uaptain Langlad and his 2nd Moner, Cimetere have sold and disposed of opwards of (25000) Twenty five Thousand Ropees worth of the said 'Grab's Cargo.
The said Grab will smil for the Tale of France on the 1st or 10th February.

Page #524

509
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1902.
I wish it was in my power to give you any more intelligence in part of the said Grab it certainly should willingly be sent from
Sir your very Obedient Servant
(Signed) John Tayler of the Ship Commerce Bassein 20th January 1794. To the Honble. Captain Turner or the Naoods of the Grab Snow that was taken of • Pule Verelle by the Revenge Privateer Pulo Ponang.
Enclosure No. 8.
My Dear Sir,- The Person you mention is the same man who carried off the Ketch. Phoenix belonging to me from the road of Coring. He proceeded with her to Bimlipatan a Dutch Settlement not knowing that Holland V8 engaged in the War, bct on finding no Safety there, he immediately directed his course to Pegue, wbere he found protection and encouragement for a time but whether the representations I made to the Minister alarmed him or not, he sailed from thence taking with him Several of his own Nation upon another piratical Cruize of which the Minister of Pegue made some mention in one of his letters to the Governor General, I think in the words or to the effect following. "Mr Tylers Ketch is now at Tavay, she was cut off Coringa by a Frenchman named Cimetere, from Tavay be manned his Boat and proceeded in the night to Merger where he cut off a small Schooner from Penang, belonging to Captain Thomas Wolff.”
The Governor of Tavoy Stopped my Ketch and sent party to seize the Frenchman, but Cimotere and his associates got clear off with the Schoouer, and as I understood had gone to the Nicobars since then I have not heard of him, the I know to certainty that some of his parts carried – Vessel to and arrived at the Mauritius
I have also lately understood that some of the same party have been seen here, but tho I have failed in ascertaining the fact suficiently to enable me to identify their persons, yet I do not doubt it.. and I think it may be well worth your enquiry, as it would not be so difficult to a few such fellows to surprize sorrich laden Vessel bound out of the River.
Yours very Obediently
(Signed) Geo.. Tyler. Monday 2nd Dec .15. Major Kyd.
Agreed under the circumetances stated in Major Kyd's Letter of the 4th Instant. that Monsieur Antoine Charles Cimetore, be detained in his prosent Confinement, till furtber urders, and that the Governor General be requested to give the necessary Directions to the Town Major accordingly instructing him further to apply to major Kyd, for Monsieur Cimeterren papers to keep them under his Charge to be referred to if Occasion should require.
Agreed further that the Portuguese be discharged from his present Confinement. and that the Superintendant at the Andamans be instructed to send him back to that place, by the Nautilus, considering him at large, and to give orders for releasing his Vessell
Ordered that Major Kyd be directed to deliver over the Leeboard to the Master Attendant: and to the Master attendant to receive Charge of the Vessel till she be sold, and that the Vendue Master be directed to dispose of her and her Stores at public Auction, and that reference be made to the Master Attendant with respect to the compensation that ought to be made to Mr Leek & the Quarter Master of the Drued who conducted the Schooner from the Andamans to Calcutta
(To be continued.)

Page #525

DECEMBER, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 475.)
Crape; s. v. 212, ii, 3 times. Crassa; ann. 1430: s. v. Quilon, 570, i.
Crease; 8. v. 212, ii, twice, 786, i; ann. 1850-60: 8. v. 213, ii.
Crease, To; s. v. Crease, 213, ii.
Creased; s. v. Crease, 218, ii. Credere, Del; s. v. 213, ii; ann. 1813: 8. v. 218, ii.
Creek Hongs; ann. 1889: s. v. Chop, 161, i. Creligo; ann. 1498: 8. v. Shereef, 626, i. Creole; s. v. 218, ii, 786, i, s. v. Castees, 132, ii; ann. 1782: 8. v. 786, i; ann. 1880 s. v. Home, 320, ii.
Créole; s. v. Creole, 213, ii.
Crêpe; s. v. Crape, 212, ii.
Crese; ann. 1586-88: s. v. Crease, 213, i. Creseau; s. v. Kerseymere, 365, i.
Crespe; s. v. Orape, 212, ii.
Cress; 8. v. Dam, 228, i; ann, 1727: s. v. Crease, 213, i.
Cresset; ann. 1686: 8. v. Crease, 213, i. Crete; ann. 865: a. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Criadas; s. v. Creole, 786, i.
Criadillo s. v. Creole, 218, ii. Criado; s. v. Creole, 213, ii. Criados; s. v. Creole, 786, i, twice. Cric; ann. 1690: 8. v. Crease, 213, i. Cricke; ann. 1580 8. v. Crease, 218, i. Cricopus; s. v. Green Pigeon, 302, ii. Crimea; 8. v. Buxee, 103, i. Criollo; 8. v. Creole, 213, ii, twice. Oris; 8. v. Crease, 212, ii, 218, ii, 786, i, twice; ann. 1515 s. v.,Crease, 786, i, twice; ann. 1552, 1602 and 1610: s. v. Crease, 213, i; ann. 1770. v. Crease, 218, ii. Crisada; s. v. Crease, 213, ii; 8. v. Cucuya, 215, i.
Crise; ann. 1584: . . A Muck, 14, i; ann. 1586: a. v. Suttee, 669, i..
Crises; ann. 1572: 8. v. Crease, 213, i, s. v. Malacca, 416, i; ann. 1634:. v. Crease, 213, i.
509
Crisocola; ann. 1563: s. v. Tincall, 708, i... Oristapa; ann. 1672: . v. Naik (c), 470, ii. Orisees; ann. 1591 s. v. Crease, 218, i.
Crocheteurs; ann. 1610: 8. v. Boy (b), 84, i. Crockadore; arm. 1705: 8. v. Cockatoo, 175, i, 8 times. Crocodile; 8. v. 213, ii, s. v. Alligator, 8, ii, 5 times, 8. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, 8. v. Muggur, 456, i, . v. Flying-Fox, 799, i, twice, s. v. Gavial, 800, ii; ann. 943 and 1013: s. v Sindabür, 685, i; ann. 1552 and 1568: s. v. Alligator, 9, i; ann. 1578: 8. v. Bamboo, 41, i; ann. 1590: 8. v. 213, ii; ann. 1591 and 1596. v. Alligator, 9, i; ann. 1598 s. v Cayman, 136, i; ann. 1611: 8. v. Muggur 456, i; ann. 1672: 8. v. Cayman, 136, i;, ann. 1673 8. v. Alligator, 9, i, 8. v. Guana, 304, i; ann. 1769: 8. v. Seychelle, 618, i; ann. 1780. v. Guana, 304, ii; ann. 1809: 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii; ann. 1879 and 1881: 8. v. Muggur, 456, i.
Crocodile-fish; ann. 1611: s. v. Muggur, 456, i. Crocodillos; ann. 1613: s. v. Alligator, 9, i. Crocodilo; 8. v. Alligator, 8, ii; ann. 1631 8. v. Cayman, 136, i.
Crocodilus biporcatus; s. v. Muggur, 456, i, s. v. Gavial, 800, ii.
Crocodilus gangeticus; ann. 1809: 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii.
Croco Indiaco; s. v. Saffron, 589, i. Crocus hortulanus; s. v. Safflower, 589, i. Crocus sativus; 8. v. Saffron, 589, i. Croiser; 8. v. Kerseymere, 365, i, twice. Crongolor; ann. 1516: s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii. Crore; s. v. 213, ii, twice, s. v. Lack, 882, i, see 843, ii, footnote; ann. 1315: 8. v. 214, i, 4 times; ann. 1590 s. v. Sircar (c), 688, i; ann. 1594: 8. v. Lack, 382, i; ann. 1757: 8. v. 214, i; ann. 1790: 8. v. Cash, 128, ii, 8. v. Canteroy, 772, i; ann. 1797: 8. v. 214, i; ann. 1808: 8. v. Dubber, 258, ii; ann. 1879: .. 214, ii, twice, s. v. Lack, 888, i, twice, s. v. Nirvána, 481, i. Orotalaria juncea; s. v. Sunn, 661, ii. Crotchey; s. v. 214, ii.
Crou; ann. 1609: s. v. Orore, 214, i, twice, Crow-pheasant; s. v. 214, ii; ann. 1878 and 1888: a. v. 214, ii.

Page #526

510
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1902.
Cruly; ann. 1608: 8. v. Deccan, 233, ii. Cucurbitae ; ann. 1690: 8. v. Conbalingua, 189, i. Crusaders; 8. v. Chicane, 146, ii.
Cucuya ; 3. v, 215, i. Crusades ; 6. v, Lemon, 391, ii.
Cucuyada; 8. v. 786, i, 8. v. Cucuya, 215, i, twice; Crusado ; ann. 1498 : 8. r. Malacca, 415, ii, ann, 1525 and 1543: 8. o. 786, ii. 3 times.
Cadapah ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Souba, 649, ii. Cruse; ana, 1598: 8.0. Goglet, 292, ü.
Cuddalore; 3. v. 215, ii, 8. o. Factory, 264, i, .0. Crusna; ann. 1588: 8. v. Godavery, 291, i; ann. Scavenger, 606, ii, 8. o. Gingi, 801, i; ann. 1553 : 8. v. Hidgelee, 814, ii.
1685: 8. v. Tashreef, 686, ii; ann. 1746: 8.0. Cruzado; 8. v. Budgrook, 92, i, 8. v. Pardao, 838, Peon, 528, ii; ann. 1747 : 8. v. Sepoy, 613, i,
ii, twice, 839, i, footnote, 839, ii and footnote twice ; ann. 1754 : 8.0. Stick-Insect, 652, i ; (3 times); ann. 1497: 8. v. Malum, 418, ii; ann. 1809: 8. v. Factory, 264, i. ann. 1498 : *. v. Benjamin, 65, ii, twice, Cuddapah; 8. v. 215, ii, 786, ii, 3. v. Ceded 8. v. Fanám, 266, i, s. v. Pegu, 525, i, 8. v. i Districts, 137, i. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. 1502 : 8. v. Batta, Cuddoo; 8.0.215, ii. 762, ii, 763, i; ann. 1507: 1. v. Batta, 763, i; | Cudduttum ; 8. o. Parabyke, 512, i, twice. ann. 1510: 8. u. Pardao, 840, ii, 3 times; ann. Ouddy; 8. v. 215, ii, 786, ii, 8. v. Gudda, 806, 1511: 4. o. Batta, 763, i; ann. 1539 : 8. v. ii, twice; ann. 1769 : s. 0. 215, ii ; ann. 1848 : Mace (b), 404, ii; ann. 1540: 8. v. Tael, 675, 8. o. 786, ii. ii, s. v. Xerafine, 867, ii ; ann. 1554 : s. v. Cudgeri ; ann. 1811: 8. v. Kedgeree-pot, 365, i. Batta (b). 55, ii, twice; ann. 1563: 8. v. Çudra; ann. 1858: 8. v. Soodra, 647, ii. Opium, 489, ii, 8. v. Tola, 707, ii; ann. 1574: Cujaven ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Pagoda, 500, i. 8, v. Pundit, 560, ii; ann. 1591: 8. v. Boy | Culgah ; ann. 1759: 8. v. Culgee, 786, i, (b), 83, i; ann. 1644 : . v. Doney, 250, i ; Culgars; ann. 1690 : 8.v. Alleja, 8, i. Ann. 1675 : 8. D. Xerafine, 743, ii.
Culgee; 8. v, 215, ii, 786, ii; ann. 1715: 3. v. Cruzado d'ouro; 8. v. Pardao, 838, ii.
215, ii. Crysed; ann. 1604; 8. v. Crense, 213, ii. Cullam; v. v. Coolung, 193, ii; ann. 1813: Cryses, ann. 1598: 8. v. Crease, 213, i.
8. v. Coolung, 194, i. Oryana; ann. 1525: 8. v. Jacquete, 889, ii. Culmureea ; 8. v. 216, i. Crystna ; ann. 1525 : 8. v. Jacquete, 339, ii. Oulpee ; ann. 1762 : 8.0. Zemindar, 868, i. Ctesiphon ; 8. v. Teak, 692, ii.
Culsee ; ann. 1819 : 8. v. Jowaur, 355, i. Cuama; ann. 1616: 8. v. Pangara, 509, ii; ann. Culsey ; 8. v. 216,1; ann. 1813: 8. v. 216, i ; 1727: 8. o. Sofala, 646, i.
ann, 1819 : 8.0. Jowaur, 355, i. Cuaquem ; ann. 1526 : 8. v. Suakin, 858, i. Culsy ; s. o. Culsey, 216, i. Cuba; 8. v. Papays, 511, ii,
Culua; ann. 1380: 8.0. Sofala, 645, ii. Cubeb; 4. u. 214, ii; ann. 943 : &, v. 214, ii ; | Culy ; ann. 1807 : 8. v. Cawney, 186, i, 3 times.
ann. 1150 : 8. v. Mace (a), 404, i ; ann. 1298, Colymuty; ann. 1524: 8. v. Maistry, 821, ii, 1928, 1940, 1390, 156, 1572, 1612 and 1874: Cambly; 8. v. 216, i. a, v, 215, i.
Cumda; ann. 1554: 8. o. Sunda, 659, ü. Cubabe ; 8. v. 786, i, twice ; ann. 1298: 8. v. Cumduryn; ann. 1554: 6. v. Candareen, 119, i,
Java, 847, ü; ann. 1516: 8. v. Java, 848, i. twice, 8. v. Mace (b), 405, i, twice. Cabeer Burt; 8. . 215, i.
Oumorim; ann. 1741 : 8. v. Trichinopoly, 715, ii. Cubbs; ann. 1738 : 1, v. Aloove, 755, i. Camly; 4, v. Cambly, 216, i; ann. 1800: 3. v. Cucaracha; 8. v. Cockroach, 175, i, twice.
Cambly, 216, ii. Cuchin; ann. 1503 : 8. v. Pandarāni, 509, i. Cummerband ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Cummerbund, Cucin ; ann. 1510: 8, v. Cocbin, 174, i.
216, ii. Cuckoo ; . v. Jack, 338, i, 8. v. Koël, 874, i ;
Cummerbund; 3. v. 216, ii. ann. 1711: 8. v. Gecko, 280, i,
Cummer-bund; ann. 1810: . v. Cummerbund, Cuculus melanoleucos; 157, i, footnote.
216, i. Cucumeris; ann. 1690: 4 v. Conbalingua, 189, i. Cummeroon; ann. 1630: . . Gombroon, 294, ü. Cucurbita Oitrullus; 8. D. Pateca, 518, ü. Cummin; ann. 1563: 4. o. Congee, 190, i.

Page #527

DECEMBER, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
511
Cummin-seed ; 465, ii, footnote.
Curcuma longa ; . v. Mamiran, 419, i. Cummul; 8. v. Cumbly, 216, i.
Curcuma Zedoaria ; 8. o. Zedoary, 747, i. Cumquot; 8. v. 216, ii.
Curia ; ann. 1510: 8. v. Corge, 197, i, twice. Cumra; 8. v. 216, ii.
Caris Murin; s. v. 217, i ; ann. 1527, 1535 and Camrunga ; s. v. 216, ii ; 8. v. Blimbee, 75, ii. 1540: 8. v. 217, i ; ann. 1553: 8. v. Rosalgat, Cumshas; ann. 1882: 8. v. Cumshaw, 217, i. 582, i. Cumshaw; 8, v. 216, ii, 786, ii.
Curmoor; ann. 1813: 8. v. Florican, 270, ii. Cunarey ; 8. , Headry Kendry, 314, i.
Curnum ; 8. v. 217, ii, 786, ii ; ann. 1800 : 8.0. Cuncam; ann. 1563: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i, , . Shambogue, 856, i; ann. 1827: . v. 786, ii.
Nizamaluco, 830, ii; ann. 1598 : s. 0. India Curounda ; 8. v. 217, ii. of the Portuguese, 333, i; 400. 1688 : . . Carra Curra ; ann. 1613 : &, v. Orankay, 492, i. Vanjārās, 88, i.
Curral ; 8. v. Corral, 200, ii. Cunchunee; 8. o. 217, i, 8. o. Dancing-girl, 229, Çurrate ; ann. 1510: 8. D. Surat, 664, ii; ann. i, twice.
1518: 8. o. Winter, 866, ii ; ann. 1528 : 8. v. Çunda ; ann. 1526 : s. v. Sunda, 659, ii.
Surat, 664, ii. Candapore ; ann. 1814: 8. D. Bacanore, 34, i. Currees; ann. 1750-1760: 8. v. Curry, 219, i. Cundra; ann. 1727: 8. v. Hendry Kendry, 314, i.Currie8. o. Carry, 218, -, twice, 8. v. "og-plum, Cundry ; 6. o. Hendry Kendry, 314, i.
820, i ; ann. 1794-1797, 1860 and 1874: 8. Cunha; ann. 1572: 8. v. Chalia, 189, ii, twice. Curry, 219, i. Cunhalemarcar ; ann. 1536 : s.v. Pandarāni, 509, i. Curried ; 8. v. Chitchky, 156, ii. Cunhet; ann. 1563 : 8. v. Saffron, 589, ii. Currumshaw Hills ; 8. v. 786, ii. Ounjur ; 8. v. Hanger, 312, i.
Currut; B. v. Parabyke, 512, i. Cunkam; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Deccan, 233, ii. Parry ; 8. v. 217, ii, 3 times, 218, i, 7 times, 787, Cunkan; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Concan, 189, ii.
i, s. o. Chitchky, 156, ii, 8. v. Country-Captain, Cunnaca; ann. 1727: 8. o. Pomfret, 545, i. 207, i, o. o. Curry-stuff, 219, i, 8. v. Fogass, Çuny; ann. 1558 : . v. Sheeah, 625, i.
271, ii, 8. v. Hiug, 318, i, 8. 8. Horse-radish Cupang; ann. 1727: 6.0. Kobang, 374, i.
tree, 325, i, 8. v. Moley, 440, i, ..v. Pillau, Cupão; ann. 1554: . v. Mace (b), 405, i.
537, ii, 6. v. Popper-cake, 548, i, 8. o. Çupara; ann. 1538 : $. v. Sapára, 663, ii.
Semball, 612, ii ; ann. 1560 and 1598: 8. D. Cupk; ann. 1814: 8. o. Chickore, 149, i.
218, ii ; ann. 1681, 1781 and 1794-1797: Cupõe ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Mace (b), 405, i.
8. 5. 219, i; ann. 1848 : 8. v. Chilly, 150, Oupola ; s. o. Alcove, 7, ii, .. o. Oojyne, 487, i, ii, 8. . 219, i; ann. 1849 : 8. o. Gram
8 times; ann. 1806: 8. u. Dagoba, 226, i. fed, 301, i; aan. 1866 : 8. v. Mugg, 456, i; Capola of the Earth; ann. 930 : s. . Oojyne, ann. 1873: 8., Mulligatawny, 456, ii. 487, i.
Curry-paste ; 8. v. Curry-staff, 219, i. Capong; ann. 1554 : .. v. Candareen, 119, i. Carry-powder ; 6. . Carry-stuff, 219, i. twice.
Curry-staff ; 8. v. 219, i, &. o. Mussalla, 459, ii; Cupressus torulosa ; s. v. Deodar, 286, ii.
ann. 1809 : 8. v. 459, ii; ann. 1860: 3. . Cura; ann. 1554 : 1. v. Arrack, 26, ii, twice; 219, ii.
ann. 1563 : 1. v. Arrack, 26, ii, 8. v. Fool's Curyate; ann. 1525 : 8. v. Sarat, 664, ii. . Rack, 272, i, &. v. Jaggery, 341, 1, 8. v. Sura, Cusba; ann. 1536 : 8. v. Salsette (a), 594, ii 663, ii.
twice; ann. 1538: v. Supára, 668, ii; ann. Curate; ann. 1516: 6. 0. Surat, 664, ii.
1554: ... Parell, 513, i; san. 1590 : 8. v. Curati Mangalor; ann. 1516: .. 0. Sürath, Sircar (c), 638, i ; ann. 1594: 3. u. Lack, 665, ii.
382, i. Curcuma ; &. v. Saffron, 589, i ; aun. 645: 4. o. Cusbah ; 8. v. 219, ii ; ann. 1044-45: .... 219, ii.
Hing, 818, i ; ann. 1020: 3. v. Mamiran, 419, Cuscus; 8. v. Tatty, 687, i, . v. Vettyver, 866, i. ii; ann. 1568 : .. . Baffron, 589, ii; ann. Ongous8; . . 219, ii, 787, i. 1582 : 6. u. Mamiran. 419. ii; ann. 176: Cushoush ; ann. 1818: 4. D. Jowane 355. i. 8. v. Saffron, 58A, ii.
Cushtaes; 8. . Piece-goods, 536

Page #528

512 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBBB, 1902. Cusle-Bashee; ann. 1678: 6. v. Kuzzilbash, Cutcha Road; 8. v. 222, i. 380, i.
Outcha Roof; s.p. 223, i. Ouspadeira ; 8. v. Caspadore, 220, i.
Catchs Scoundrel; 6. . 223, i. Cuspadore ; s. v. 220, i, 787, i; ann. 1785 and Cutcha Seam ; 223, i. 1775: 8. v. 220, i.
Cutcha Seer; 8. 7. 222, i. Cuspidoor-bearer ; ann. 1672 : .. v. Caspadore, Cutcha Settlement ; 8. o. 222, i. 787, i.
Cutcheree ; ann. 1783 : 8... Cutcherry, 223, ii. Cuspidor ; 8.v. Caspadore, 220, i.
Cutcherry; 8. o. Cutcherry, 223, i, 8. v. Dufter, Cuspidore-bearer; ann. 1672 : 8. . Naik (o), 253, ii, s. v. Jyshe, 362, ii, s. v. Omlah, 486, 470, ii.
i; ann. 1673: 3. o. Kedgeree, 364, i; Cuspir ; 8. o. Cuspadore, 220, i.
ann, 1762 : 1. . Black, 766, i; ann. 1763 : Cos8; 8. 7. Cuscuss, 219, i.
8. v. Outcherry, 223, i and ii ; ann. 1782 : 8. . Cusseah ; ann. 1780: 8. v. Cossya, 204, ii. Leaguer, 819, i; ann. 1801: 8. v. Shambogue, Cusselbash; ann. 1678: 8. v. Kuzzilbash, 880, i. 621, i ; ann. 1827: 8. v. Curnum, 786, ii; ann. Cussom; ann. 1813: 8. v. Safflower, 589, i. 1 1860 : 8. v. Catcherry, 224, i; ann. 1866 : 8. v. Custard-Apple; 8. v. 220, i (4 times) and ii Mooktear, 443, i; ann. 1889 : 8. n. Outcherry,
(5 times), 221, i, twice, 221, ii, footnott; ann. 224, i ; ann. 1885: 8.0. Talook, 861, i. 1690, 1838 and 1878: 3. . 221, ii.
Cutcherry ; 8. v. 223, i. Custard-apple; 8. v. 787, i, 8. . Anayas, 19, ii, Catchery; ann. 1765: 8. . Catcherry, 283, ii
8. . Soursop (a), 650, i; ann. 1875: 8, . ann. 1848 : 8.9. Pale Ale, 504, ii, Wood-apple, 741, i, 3 times.
Cut'chery; 8. o. Catcherry, 223, i. Custom ; 8. v. 221, ii, twice, 787, i; ann. 1683 : Cutch Gundava; s. v. 222, ii. 8. 0. 787, i.
Cutoh-nagger; ann. 1727: 8. v. Outch, 222, ii. Customer; 8. v. 222, i; ann. 1682: 8.0. 222, i. Cutchner; 8. v. 224, i. Cutch ; s. . 222, i (n. p. and s.), 8. v. Catechu, Catia; ann. 1680 : 8.0. Ootia, 205, ii.
133, i, twice, 8. o. Dammer, 228, ii, 8. v. Catmurál; 8. o. Catamarán, 132, ü, Factory, 264, i, o, o. Gambier, 277, ii, s. . Cutmurram ; 8. v. Catamarán, 132, ii. Jacquete, 389, ii, 8. o. Runn, 585, i; ann. Outs-nagore; ann. 1611: o. o. Outoh; 222, i, 1726 : 8.0. Jacquete, 839, ii; ann. 1842: 8,0. 8. o. Sind, 634, ii., Baggalow, 94, ii; aun. 1868 : 8.. Bora, Cattab Minar; ann, 1825: 8. o. Cootab, The, 80, ii.
195, i. Catcha; 8. . 222, ii, &. v. Beegah, 59, i, 8. v. Cuttack ; 8. o. 224, i, 8. o. Chowdry, 164, ü, s.r. Confirmed, 189, ii, 8. v. Pice, 534, i, 8. o.
Pyke, 566, ii, see 718, i, footnote; ann. 1568: Pucka, 565, , 556, i, 3 times, 8. o. Seer, 611, 8. v. Delhi, 284, ü ; ann, 1803 : 8. o. Cowry, i; inn. 1943 : s. . Porcelain, 549, i ; ann. 210, i ; ann. 1860 : 8. o. Malabar (B), 413, ii. 1868: 8. v. 228, i; ann. 1866 : 8. o. Packa, Cuttanee; . v. 224, i, twice, 787, ii ; ann. 1673: 556, i, 8. o. Puckerow, 556, ii.
8. 0. Atlas, 29, i; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Alleja, 8, i. Cutcha Account; 8. . 222, i.
Cattannees ; 8. D. Cuttanee, 224, i, 8. o. PieceCatcha Appointment; 8. o. 222, i.
goods, 536, i. "Cutcha Brick ; 6. o. 222, i.
Cattarri; ann. 1764: 8. o. Kuttanr, 816, i. Cutcha Colour ; 8. o. 222, i.
Cutter ; s.. Catar, 134, ü, 3 times, s. v. Gallevat, Cutcha Cose ; 8. o. 222, i.
275, ii; ann. 1742 : 8. o. Cator, 135, i, twice. Catcha Estimate; 3. o. 222, i.
Oattery; ann. 1630: .. . Cuttry, 224, i. Cụteha Fever; . . 222, i.
Cattry; 4. o. 224, i. Outcha House; 8. v. 222, i.
Cutwahl; ann. 1808 : 8. . Bangle, 45, ii. Cuteha Major; 8. v. 282, i.
Catwal; ann. 1812: 4. o. Cotwal, 206, i. Cutsha Maund; 8. o. 222, i.
Cutwal; ann. 1785 : 6. p. Lamballie, 883, i. Cutcha Pice; 8. v. 222, i.
Catwall; ann, 1616: 8. . Cotwal, 206, i... Cutoha pice ; 8. ». Pice, 534, i.
Catwater; ann. 1588: 8. o. Catamarán, 192, ii. Outcha-pucka; 3. . 223, i.
Cutwanl; . v. Cotwal, 205, ii,

Page #529

DECEMBER, 1902.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
518
Cutway; ann. 1748 : 8. o. Buxerry, 104, ii, s. v. Dabba ; . v. Dub, 252, ii. Plassey, 844, ii.
Dabbah ; 8. o. Dubber, 253, i. Cuzzanna; ann. 1683 : 8. v. Kuzzanna, 816, i. Dābhol; 6. o. Dabul, 224, ii. Cybium; 8. v. Seer-fish, 611, il.
Dabir ; 8. D. Dabbeer, 253, i. Cybium guttatuin ; 612, i, footnote.
Daboia elegans ; 6. v. Polonga, 545, i. Cycladatus ; 8. o. Suclát, 653, i.
Daboia Russellii ; •. . Cobra Manilla, 173, i.. Cyclades; ann. 865: 8. o. Gallevat (a), 276, i; Dabou; ann. 1790 : 8. o. Dub, 793, i. ann. 1884: 8.0. Ryot, 588, i.
Dabul; s. 9. 224, ii ; ann. 1502 : 8.0. 224, ii ; Cyclas; s. 0. Suclát, 653, i.
ann, 1508 : ... Bombay, 766, ii ; ann. 1516 : Cymbal; 8. o. Seemul, 610, ii.
8. v. 225, i, 8. . Sanguicer, 853, ii ; ann. 1539 : Oymbaris : ann. 865 : a. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. . v. Buggalow, 94, ii; ann. 1580: 8. D. Ginger, Cymde; ann. 1525 : 8. . Room, 581. ii, ... 287, i; ann. 1602 : $. v. Tanadar, 861, i; Sind, 634, ii.
ann. 1727: 8. v. Sanguicer, 854, i. Cymiter; ann. 1610: 8. v. Scymitar, 608, ii. Dābal; ann. 1554 : . v. Dabul, 225, i. Cynaras; ann. 1631: 1.. Ananas, 19, i. Dából; ann. 1554 : s.v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii. Cyngilin; ann. 1921: 8,0. Pandarāni, 508, ii ; | Dabuli; ann. 1504-5: 8. v. Pardao, 840, ii; ann. ann, 1330 : 8. n. Shinkali, 627, ii.
1510 : s. o. Dabul, 224, ii, 8. o. Goe, 290, i. Cynkalan; ann. 1349: 8. v. Macheen, 406, i. Dabull; ann. 1610: 8. v. Nacoda, 469, i. Cynkali; ann. 1349: 3. o, Shinkali, 627, i. Dabyl; ann. 1475: 8. o. Dabul, 224, ii. Cynocephala ; ann. 80-90 : 8.0. Tiger, 702, i. Daca ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Dacca, 225, i, 787, ii. Cynodon dactylon ; 8. o. Doob, 250, i.
Dacan; ann. 1516 : 8. . Delhi, 234, ii. Cynosurus Coracants ; . o. Raggy, 571, i. Dacani ; ann. 1517: 8. v. Deccan, 233, i. Cyphi; ann. 390 : 8. . Musk, 458, ii.
Dacca ; 8. v. 225, 1,787, ii, 8. v. Jennye, 350, ii, Cypraea moneta ; 8. o. Cowry, 208, i.
8. v. Mahseer, 410, ii, s. v. Rupee, 586, ii, Cypraeidae ; 8. o. Porcelain, 548, i and ii.
twice, . o. Sunyásee, 662, i, and footnote, 8. v. Cypress ; 8. ., Mendy, 488, ii.
Adawlut, 753, i and ii, 754, i; ann. 1679 : Cyprus ; 8. 0. Apricot, 24, i, 2. o. Deodar, 236,
8. v. Tootnague, 711, i, twice ; ann. 1682: 8. v. ii, 8. v. Deva-däsi, 237, ii, 8. v. Mendy, 433, ii,
Assam, 28, ii; ann. 1686 : Jezya, 811, i, twice ; twice, 8. v. Elephant, 796, i; ann. 1843 : 8. v.
ann. 1727: 8. v. Chittagong, 167, i ; ann. 1748 : Outcry, 494, ü, 8. v. Sugar, 655, ii, twice; 8. o. Hurcarra, 327, ii; ann. 1762: $. v. ann. 1575: s. 7. Typhoon, 864, ii.
Dewann, 790, ii; ann. 1763: 4. . Fakeer, Cyromandel; . v. Coromandel, 199, ii.
798, i, twice, s. ). M eepore, 827, i; aan. Cyrus; 6.0, 224, ii, 787, ü, 8. o. Chicane, 146,
1764: 4. v. Impale, 329, i ; ann. 1766 : s. . ü, 8. v. Syras, 678, ii, twice; ann. 1807: 8.0.
Sunyásee, 662, i; ann. 1778: s. v. Sebundy, 224, ii; ann. 1809 : 8. 1. Coolung, 783, ii;
609, ii; ann. 1782: ... Palwah, 846, i; ann, 1813 : 8. v. Bendameer, 63, i; ann, 1840:
ann, 1791: 8. o. Cowry, 785, ii; ann. 1793 : 3. v. 787, ii.
8. v. Cazee, 776, i; ann. 1810 : ... Doob, Cytisus Cajan ; 8. o. Cajan, 109, ii.
250, ., 8. v. Tonjon, 709, ü ; ann. 1885: 8. o. Cytor; ann. 1615: 4. v. Chittore, 157, i.
Talook, 860, ji. Czar; ann. 1584 : . v. Serai ), 855, ii.
Dacca ; . o. Factory, 264, ii. Dacca muslin; s. v. Dacca, 225, i. Dachanabadēs; an. 80-90 ; 4. v. Tiger, 702, -i. Dachanos : ann. 80-90 : . v. Deccan, 288, ii,
twice, 8. o. Tiger, 702, i. Daatzerom; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Ganny, 308, ü. Dacbem; 6. o. Acheen, 3, i; ann. 1554: . v. Dab; ann. 1872: 6. o. Badgeer, 84, ii,
Datchin, 230, ii, twice ; ann. 1697: . . Dabass; ann. 1554 : s.v. Dubber, 253, ii. Acheen, 3, ii ; 8. o. Pegu, 525, ii, twice ; ann, Dabag; ann. 1503: . v. Java, 348, i, twice. 1599 : 8. . Acheen, 8, ii. Dabara ; s. . Dubber, 259, i.
Dachin; . . Datchin, 230, ii. Dabaro ; •. . Dabber, 253, i.
D'Achin; , o barenin, 280, ü.

Page #530

514
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1902.
Dachinabádēs; ann. 80-90: 8. v. Deccan, 283, Dagbail; s. . 225, ii. ii, twice.
Dāgh-i-bel; 8. o. Dagbail, 225, ii. Dacin; ann. 1586: 8. . Battas, 763, i.
Daghope ; ann. 1823 : 8. v. Dagoba, 226, i. Dacoit; 8. v. 225, i; ann, 1812: 8. 9. 225, 1, Dagoba; 3. . 225, ii, 8. v. Boro-Bodor, 81, i, .8.0. Pergunnahs, The Twenty-four, 530, ii ; 3 times, 8. v. Dagon, 226, i (twice) and ii, 8. o.
ann, 1879; , . Puggy, 557, i; ann. 1881: Pagoda, 498, ii, twice, o. . Pra, 551, i, .. 8.. Tonga, 709, i.
Tee, 693, ii ; ann. 1834 and 1855: 8.9. 226, i. Dacoity ; . o. Dacoit, 225, i ; ann. 1817: 8. v. Dágoba ; ann. 1858 and 1872: 8.0. Dagoba, 226, i.
Dacoit, 225, i ; ann. 1872: 8.0. Dacoit, 225, ii. Dagan; 8. v. 226, i; 6. D. Rangoon, 574, i; ann. Dacoo; . D. Dacoit, 225, i.
1546 : 8.0. Dala, 227,i; ann. 1755: 8. o. 226, ü. Dadney : 8. v. 767, ii; ann. 1748: 8. v. 787, ii, Dagôn ; 8. v. Dagon, 226, i and ii.
twice ; ann. 1772: 8. . Dadny, 225, ii. Dagoon; ann. 1755 : 8. v. Dagon, 226, ii. Dādní ; s. . Dadny, 225, ii.
Dagop; ann. 1834, 1835, 1886 and 1872 : 8. D. Dadny; 8. 9. 225, ii, 8. o. Cossimbazar, 204, i; Dagoba, 226, i. ann. 1683 : 8. v. 225, ii.
Dagroian ; 8. o. Sumatra, 657, i. Daeck; ann. 1612: 8. v. Dacca, 225, i.
Da-gun ; 8. v. Rangoon, 574, i. Daee ; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Daye, 233, i.
Dah ; ann. 1869 : 6., Mohurrum, 439, ii. Daemonorops; 8. v. Rattan, 574, ii.
Daha ; ann. 1869 : 8. D. Mohurrum, 439, ii. Daf'adār; 8. o. Duffadar, 253, ii.
Dabgání; ann. 1850 : 8. v. Bargany, 761, ii. Daftar ; 8. o. Dewaun, 239, i, 8. v. Dufter, 253, ii, Dahi; 8. v. Tyre, 724, ii.
254, i, 4 times ; ann. 1590: 8. o. Dafter, 254, i. Dahnasari; ann. 1590 : s. v. Tenasserim, 696, i. Daftardār; 6. o. Dufterdar, 254, i, 4 times. Dāi; 8. v. Daye, 232, ii. Daftari ; 8. o. Doftery, 254, i.
Daibul ; 8. v. 226, ii, 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, i, 8. o. Daftar-khāna; 8. 9. Dafter, 253, ii.
Larry-bunder, 387, ii. Dāgaba ; s. v. Dagoba, 225, i.
Daimio; 8. o. 787, i. Dagana ; 8. v. Dondera Head, 249, i.
Daimio-ship; 8. v. Satsuma, 602, ii: (To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. HOBSON-JOBSON IN LITERATURE. | ignorance forms the sole claim that a whole article ALTHOUGH Yule called his celebrated Anglo-In a first-class English Review has to the serious Indian Glossary “Hobaon-Jobson," it is well regard of students of Oriental subjects, in that it known that he had no literary quotation to provides a bond fide literary quotation for a wellproduce in support of what was really a soldier's known colloquialism, and sailor's expression.
Passing on to the article itself we find that it Here is one at last, however, from about the commences thus:last place in which one would look for it, and used unconsciously too, in this year of Grace "THE HOBSON-JOBBON.' 1902.
To-morrow is the day you ought to have been The Nineteenth century, No. 302, April 1902, at the docks,' said the Captain to our host. You p. 581: title of article VI, The Hobeon-Jobson,' would have seen the Hobson-Jobson.' by Miss A. Goodrich-Freer. The whole article is
And what is the Hobson-Jobson P' written evidently without any suspicion on the part of the author or editor that there is any. Well, it's some sort of a holiday that the thing particularly interesting in the title of the Hinda [!! ED.) sailors keep every year. This year article or the expression used : without a hint of it will be extra good, they say, because the either of them having ever heard of a very cele. Jelunga and the Manora and the Mombassa all brated book on Oriental subjects under the same being in docks at the same time, there'll be eight title: in entire unconsciousness that their naive or nine hundred of them for the processions and
1 All steamers belonging to the British India Steam Navigation Company.-30.]

Page #531

DECEMBER 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
515
dances, and so they are extra keen about it. sions as these are the half-forgotten memories of They've done no work for nearly a week, and miracle and morality playe dating from times they've been at their performances ever since when the stage was the book of the unlearned Sunday morning.'
, and religion was taught by activities of body as
well as of mind, so are the mysteries of the * But what is it? What do they do ?'
Hobson-Jobson' full of deepest meaning, . I don't know what it is, but I can tell you didactic and commemorative. what they do. For weeks they have been collecting every bit of colored paper, and rags, and
Indeed, we may go further. While Count tinsel, and wood, and cardboard, they could lay Gobinean, formerly Minister of France in Teheran hands on, and they've been rigging up fancy and Athens, and therefore well qualified to speak dresses for themselves and making models--sort
with authority in regard to Greece and Persia of pagoda things-and they've been carrying
alike, ranks this occasion with the Greek drama them about, and dancing and acting, these three
in its hold upon the life of the people, Matthew days. But to-niorrow is the great day, and Arnold finds what he considers a more fitting everything will have to give way to it. We shall parallel in the Passion play of Ober-Ammergau. get nothing done on board ship, and the docks
After this the article gives a rough description will have to be just given up to them. It is
of the ordinary performances at the Indian worth seeing, if you don't mind the noise and
Muharram as gone through by the vulgar, interthe dust.'
larded with quotations from old books as to their The next day, the 30th of April last, was one
meaning and origin, but she has not studied of those bright hot days which the early spring
her subject much and has not apparently ever sometimes borrows from summer, and which
heard of Sir Lewis Pelly or one Dr. Herklots. of late years she has paid back with such liberal
But she can nevertheless write in a good literary interest. On the chance of seeing a new play,
style, and so her half knowledge is permitted zet borrowed from a familiar novel, nor plagia
to grace many pages of such a periodical as the rised from the French, we were prepared to mind
Nineteenth century. A typical instance of the nothing, and to the docks we went.
almost contemptuous ignorance of things Indian
on the part of English literary personages. Oh, yes, I shall just have to look in at the
R. C. TEMPLE. docks,' said one in authority to our host, and I'll order your lunch; but couldn't you take the ladies to see the boats some other day? It is not fit for anyone this morning. It is the Hobson-Jobson,
UNLUCKY AND LUCKY CHILDREN, AND you know.'”
SOME BIRTH SUPERSTITIONS. Then follow 13 pages of Mazagine writing of One or two notes on the magical powers of the superior sort, in the most approved style, on the first-born child in India were given, ante, 2 subject of which the writer evidently knows p. 162, and a few more are now added. nothing personally, though she seems to think that she has made some discoveries concerning
The First-born. it worth placing before the public. Witness the following from p. 585 f.:
In the Panjab the first-born son of a wife is
peculiarly uncanny, especially subject to magical "The accident of a north-country upbring. influences and endowed with supernatural powers. ing suggested to the present writer some pos- On the one hand his hair is useful in witchcraft, sible analogy between the obvious, if not very and on the other its possession would give a intelligible, order of what we had seen and the wizard power over him. He himself possesses mumming plays of certain districts in Yorkshire considerable magic powers, for he can stop bail and elsewhere, the mysterious drama of Alexander by throwing a stone backwards from, or by and the King of Egypt' performed on Ohristmas cutting a bail-stone with a knife, and he can stay Eve, the morris dancing of New Year's Day, the a dust-storm by standing naked in front of it. merry-makings of Handsel Monday, and the He is also peculiarly subject to lightning, and is processions of Plough Monday, Shrove Tuesday, not allowed to go out on a rainy day. Snakes and May Day. The analogy, though accidental, also become torpid in his presence : (fuller notes is, in its degree, correct; for just as such occa on this or similar ideas would be welcome).

Page #532

516
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
DECEMBER, 1902.
A first-born child, whether a boy or girl, and his nose is drilled, like a girl, or he is given should not be married in Joth' (or, one account away to a low-caste man (a Barar or a Chuhra), adds, in Magb), nor should the mother eat first, from whom the child is redeemed by the parente fruits in that month (because se she devours them, by paying money or grain. so too will the fates devour her first-born). The
The Pokha. -(i) Of three male children born position of the first-born is probably due to the
one after the other, the middle one is said to be fact that, it a son, his father is born again 10 bum, lacky. Of three successive female children the so that the father is supposed to die at his birth,
middle one is considered unlucky. and in certain Khatri sections, e.g., the Kochhar, his funeral rites are actually performed in
(i) A boy following and preceding a
girl is
A girl following and the fifth month of the mother's pregnancy. regarded as inauspicious. Probably herein lies an explanation of the dev-kdi preceding a boy is believed to be lucky. or divine nuptials, a ceremony which consists in An inanapicious child is termed bhdrd-pokhi# formal remarriage of the parents after the wald, while an auspicious one is called halka birth of their first son. The wite leaves her pokhd-wodid. When a woman commences to grind husband's house, and goes, not to ber parents' wheat, to spin, or to churn milk, she will not house, but to the house of a relative, whence she allow one or the former to stand by her, because is brought back like a bride. This custom pre- she believes that the presence of such a child will vails among the Khanna, Kapar, Malhotra, Kakar render the work difficult or impossible. She will and Chopra, the highest sections of the Hindu either send him away or ignore his presence. On Khatris.
the other hand, the presence of one of the latter These ideas are as almost logical outcome of
children is considered a good omen, and women che doctrine of the metempsychosis, and item
I believe that their work will be easily finished if inevitably results that if the first-born be a girl,
girl. such a child be sitting by them. she is peculiarly ill-omened.
Birth Superstitions. Twins.
There are some curious customs connected
with births at particular times or after certain There appears to be no superstitions in the
periods. For instance, a child (unlike a call) born Panjab connected with twins (dala or jonlori),
in the month of Bhadon is lucky, while one born but in one part of the Kangra District the child
in Katik is inawapicious. In the latter case it is born after twins is called laukha or 'little.'
considered sinful to keep the mother in the The Bequence of Births.
house, and she should be expelled from it, but There is little to be added to the notes already instead she may be made over, temporarily, to kiven, but the following details may be of in. Brahman and afterwards redeemed from him. terest :-In Kangra a child of one sex bom after two of the other sex is called trolar." and, with
According to the Shastras'a wife who has no
child for some years is called rundh; one who does that primitive confusion of thought which makes no distinction between that which is holy and
not bear a child for 10 years, Inaj budhia; and that which is accursed, we have the proverb -
after 21 or 24 years, sut budhia. It then she bears
a child, a fire of dried oow-dung is burnt in front Trelar rele ya sangele,' i. e. 'a trelar' either
of the house, and the woman is sent away out of brings Ovil or good fortune.'
the village to live for 40 days ( period called the In the same district a child of one sex born purmut) in a thatched hat, after which Brahmans
ter three of the other is called cholar, and is, are fed and she is allowed to return, especially if a boy, propitious. As such he is presumably an object of jealousy to the fateo,
H. A. Rose 1 But, woording to the Math-Khatra Granth, sloks retam and promines her propent of jewelry, where 15, of Bhardwaj Rikhi, it is only necesary to avoid apon the son sents to come baok home. marriage in Jet L, il both parties bejthas, ..., born in
Should a wifo bear 90 children (!), she must also be Jith; or, if it is not possible to avoid Jath, the ceremony
married to her boeband. This ceremony of tomarriago should not be held in the Kirt Nakshatra during that is precisely the same that of a fire marriage, but it is month.
performed on the root of the house.
. .
The Mahan Gadhidk Sheikhs of Jholam also retain 1 According to one nocountKoohbar wifo in the it. It costs about half as much as rich marriage. sixth month of her pregnancy pretends to be dieplonged Tyl's third ploughing.'Jukes, Western Punjabi And goes away from bur home. Her husband have his Dictinary: ... head, beard, eta, and your after her with low me of Pokhus in Maltanian omen or augury-Jukos, bis brotherhood. Os finding bot, be outroata ber to Western Pwyabi Dictionary. Av.

Page #533

INDEX.
444
...
Abhayaghosha, son of Abhayakumâra (Jaina). 71 | Alompra Dynasty of Burma, regalia of, abhijana, 'a place where one's ancestors have dwelt;' in contrast with nirása, q. v. Abhayakumara, son of Kunika (Jaina) 'a Brogpa Dard, 398, Shina
described, 442 ff.; date of acquisition alphabet, learning the, among the Singhalese. 379 Alvarez, Jorge, 60; his ship in Canton in 1521. 14 Alvarez, Vicente (or Vasco) in Canton in
1521
=
aBrongbyung-rogpo, the yak "aBruguma, discussion on the name as a word, 147 f.:-is the daughter of brTanma, 35; the donkey's mother... 'aBum-khri-rgyalmo is the wife of dBangpo
...
***
....
***
www
www
rgya-bzhin
aBum-kbri-rgyalpo Adam's Bridge, 134; modern geography of 340 adhivdsin, used in the technical sense of
...
www
www
...
...
***
vástavya, q. v....
www
331
...
Adinatha, Vastapala's visit to the temple of... 489 'aDre-lha-btsan-bog: bDud. Affonso, Martim, in Canton (in 1521) Affonso de Mello, Martim, 63; arrives in Canton in 1522
36 14
Agastyatirtha, a sacred place in Gujarat 256 Agglutinative Languages, the term defined... 179 Agu dPalle
Agu Khromo, the here
***
**
***
331 71 398 32
www
* ** ** ******g
...
www
***
Aimol, an old Kuki dialect Aioi, the country of the, discussed, 344:? Haianmen of the Chinese, 349; = South Travancore...
33
35
Agu Pasang-ldan-ru-Skyes, a Tibetan hero... 400 Agu Za, the hero
***
35
Ague, the...
Ahalya Bål, her temple and image at Gaya... 72 Ahuna Vaerya Prayer, the
28
33
Ahuramazda, the mighty God, 299:- Mazda Ahura
375 f.
www
36
36
302
aitao
Ajayadeva Ajayapala Ajayapala Chaulukya ... Akkana, an ancient agrahára, still existing, in Vizagapatam Alchi Monastery, the song of the, in Ladakh...
253
209
...
32 Anandapura, an ancient town
344 64
483
483
93 f. 340 436
Alikara on the Malabar Coast
=
allegien alleja Allen, Captain, owner of the Phoenix, Snow ... 141, 145, 245 f. Alleppy, the mud bank at, modern formation of
***
200
allowances at the Andamans, 1794 ... Almeida, Antonio d', his death, 1522 almagiving ceremony among the Singhalese... 382
339 414 f. 13
...
Ama, house-priest of Karna Chauluk ya Amarachandra, pupil of Jinadattasûri Amarapandita, his share in the Sukritasankirtana..
***
Amb, Ambê, in Nâsik; ancient Ambaka Ambaka, Amb, Ambê, in Nasik Ambatry scale of Madagascar amelcage....
=
ampochi
Amman, the goddess, Kali...
Ammas (Mothers), the Seven of the Singha
lese
***
ancha ngancha, a Chinese official = anchagi anchiangi...
13
... 482 479 ... 477 218 218 ...112 12
Anahilapataka founded Vanaraja Châuḍa Anal, an old Kuki dialect Anamese, Theory of Universal Grammar applied to
anchugi
Andaman, Great... Andaman, Little...
***
...
...
...392
...379 14
... 481 4
167 f. 333 n. 60 16, 24, 64 14 13 50
50
...
239
...
Andamanese, Blair's description of, 239:instructions as to treating the, in 1793, 78: slave trade amongst the (1793) Andamans, the, in the 18th Century, 40 ff., 76 ff., 137., 233 ff., 197 ff., 267 ff., 311 ff., 383 ff., 412 ff., 454 ff., 502 ff.:-general chart of, by Blair (1793), 233; East Coast of, Blair's description of, 233 ff.; List of, Blair's maps and plans of, in 1793, 83; chart of North (1993) steel plate, 271 f.:-object of the original Settlement in 1793, 76; in the 18th Century, convicts at the, 139; object of sending convicts to the, in 1793, 71:establishments at the, in 1798, 47 ff., 79 ft., 241 ff., 267 ff.; Superintendent's office establishment, 1793, 48:- the accounts of the Settlement (1793), 147; (1794) 382 ff.:agent for the, in Caleutta, in 1794, 319alarming sickness at (1793), 275f.; great sickness in the, in 1794, 318:- fear of attack by French privateers (1793), 249 f. preparation for war, in 1793, 243 ff, 248 f.

Page #534

518
defence arrangements in 1793, 268:- slave trade in the, in the 18th Century, 78:timber in the, in 1793, 237:-a light-house advocated in 1793
www
...
...
...
Andhe Bandhe, the eighteen andor sedan chair
Andrade, Simão d', in Canton in 1521 Ane-bKur-dman-mo is the wife of dBangpo
rgya-bzhin, 35; is the heavenly queen angára, a tattooing design ... Ankavaliya near Satrumjaya; ancient Arka
pålita ... 493 Annapurna, origin of her shrine at Gaya 74 Antaravalli, an ancient village in the Nizam's
...
ww.
...
...
...
Dominions ... 221 Antrôli-Chhârôli plates of A. D. 757; the places mentioned in them, identified Anu, a Southern Chin dialect..
Apsley, Mr. A. (1793)... Apasundara, Asundar in Baroda... Arakanese is a Burmese dialect
Arasi-Thakkura is (?) Arisitaha Arbuda, Mount Abu
...
...
INDEX.
929 45 ...142 ...254 5 480 494
240
33
27
13
Archipelago (Ritchie's) in the Andamans in
235
**
1793 argellia cocoanut (Cosmas Indiko-pleustes)
60.
uriary ar-rial Spanish dollar in Madagascar ... Ariel Island in Port Cornwallis Arisimha, the Sukritasamkirtana of, tran
slated from the German of the late Dr. Bühler, 477 ff.;-pupil of the Jaina Vastupala, 477; the times of
305 293
...
109 ff. 237
www
478 Arkapalita, Ankavaliya near Satrumjaya.. 493 arms in China, in 18th Century
21 f. 183
...
Arnoid, Thos., of the Doddington Arnoraja of Sakambhari defeated by Kumarapala Chaulukya artificers in the Andamans (1793), 144; establishment of, at Port Cornwallis in 1793 ...46 f. Ashanti, Theory of Universal Grammar applied to
...
347
483
296 280 505 ... 376
Asundar in Baroda; ancient Apasundara Atalanta Bay in Port Cornwallis atéran, a tattooing design ... Auburey, Thomas, Commissary Auguste Victoire, a French ship (1795) Aura Mazda Ahura Mazda Avesta, a discussion on the, 301, 365:- as a source of the history of Zarathushtrian religion, 371 f.age of the, conflicting evidence, 372 ff.; its language, a test of its age, 374 ff.; has a high antiquity, 377 f.; earliest portions date 800 B. C., 378:
168 254 237
...
evidence of politics in, 376 f. :- discovery of the Avva, the Tamil poet Awabakal, Theory of Universal Grammar applied to Aynameha = Anungboy Aynacha Hainan Aynancha Anunghoy Aynão = Hainan aytao
...
...
...
***
***
***
...
...
...
...
Babbiyana, Baben in Baroda Baben in Baroda; ancient Vavviyana, Babbiyana... Badami mentioned in early records as Bâdavi, Bâdâvi, Vatapi, and Vâtapi. 364 and n., 365 Badavi, Badavi, intermediate form of the name of Badâmi 364, 365 Bagumrå in Baroda; ancient Umbara, Umvara, 397; remark on the prefix bag, 397 f.; the two sets of plates of A. D. 915; the places mentioned in them, identified
...
100
...
***
www
2
395
...
70 51 ... 483
Bagyidaw, King, of Burma, adds to the regalia, 444 Bahad, a shrine of Gautama at baharre, a weight of 420 lbs. Bahuloḍa, Jayasimha remits the toll at Bahunadasvan, Bonad in Baroda... ...256 Bakan Yast, the, is nearly complete... ... 365 Bakan Yast Nask, the, remarks on the ...303 Bako Nask, the remarks on the ... 302 Baladevapattanam of Variha Mihira ... 345 Balésar, Baleshwar, in Baroda; ancient Billisvara, Villisvara
... 256 Balisa, Valis, = Waness in Baroda 397 Bamroli in Baroda; probably the ancient Brahmanapallikâ Bânatirtha, a sacred pool near Rajagiri (Jaina) Banda
...
Banjogi, a Central Chin dialect Bankipore, excavation near
...
... 437
banksale banksall Banksall, the (1793)
... 191
=
... 279 Bâradapallika, Bârdôli in Surat ... 396 Barapa of Kanyakubja defeated by Malaraja Chaulukya
...
...
!!!!!
100
...
366 405
53
27, 61 24
172 25
29
...
ww
397
397
364
71 63 3
...
=
482 Barbaraka, the air-walker ... 483 Bar-btsan the Earth, 35; is red in colour, 35: Barbtsan, the white frog Bardoli in Surat; ancient Baraḍapallika, Varadḍapallika; also styled Bhadrapali "bark," a medicine in 1793 Barkare near Quilon
32
396 ... 278 ...339

Page #535

INDEX.
619
...
36
222
Barlow, G. H., Register to the Nizamut bida, 'a halting place, a camp, an abode;'
Adawlat ... ... ... ... ...84 f. the word often figures as a place.name ... 222 Barodu; perhaps mentioned by the ancient Billisvara, = Balèsar, Baleshwar, in Baroda ;
name of Vadapadraka ... ... ... 333 it was the chief town of a forty-two district. 256 Barren Island ... ... ... ...
50 Bir; Bee Bią ... ... ... ... ... 222 Barton, Capt., H. M.'s 76th Regt. ...
Bintão = Bantam ... ... ... ... 17 Basgo, important rock.carvings near
Bird Island, 180, 222 ff.; bebaviour of the Bason, North, in Port Cornwallis ...
crew of the Doddington on, 191; birds and Bason, South, in Port Cornwallis ...
eggs on, 120:- birds' nests, edible, menBasura, Basuri, Vasura, sangha ...
tioned by Blair in 1793 ... ... 52, 235 bathing, efficacy of ... ... ..
birth customs among the Singbalese, Batoi, the country of the, of Ptolemy, dis
378 f.:- superstitions at, in the Panjab, cussed ... ... ..
.. ... .
.. ... 814 516; sequence of, in Panjab superstition, batta, of a Major and of a Lt.-Colonel, 318; 516 "second" .. ... ... ... 453 full ... ... ... ... ... ... 47
47 Kur-dman-rgyalmo, wife of dBangpo-rgyaBauddha, used to denote the Muhammadans. 66 bzhin ... .. .. .. ... ... 35 Bauddha remains at Gaya described by a Blair, his description of the Andamans, 233 ff.; Jaina, 73:- imagea named Mahaders ...
his description of the Andamanese, 239; his Bauddhas, the, in Magadhadoba (= survey of Old Harbour, Port Blair, 233 :Muhammadans) ... ..
a list of his maps and plans of the AndaBaungahe - Lai... "
... ...
mans and Nicobars in 1793, 89; his general bDud, the Tibetan Devil ...
chart of the Andamans (1793), 210 f., Beach Mister, an appointment ... 273, 818 233 :- his accounts, 273: - sells the Beazley, Robert, of the Doddington ...
225 ff.
Union to Government, 138, 243; builds Beer; Bee Bid ... .. .. ...
the Leeboard ... ... ... ... ... 506 Bell, John, on the Cocos, in 1793 ... ... 209 blood, propitiates serpent demons in the Belluvalla, - the Beļvola country ... ... 865 Khasia Hills ... ...
... ... 328 Beluvala, = the Belvola country ... .. 865 Bodh-Gayinsoriptions of MahAnAman; the Belvola country mentioned as Belluvalla,
two records are nearly contemporaneous, Beluvala, Vellu valla, and Velvalla ... 366 but are records of two separate persone ... 193 Bencoolen, the sloop (1794) ... ... ... 419 body, parts of the human, in Kuki-Chin "Bencoolen Government in 1794 ... ... 418 Languages ... ... ... ... .. Bentão Bantam ... ..
.... 16 | Bonad in Baroda; ancient Babunad aivan, Bêté, an old Kuki dialect ...
Vahanadasvan Bhadrapalt, a fanciful name of Bardolt in Surat. 398 | Bonivese, # Portuguese, who commanded Bhagalpur, the Jaina temple at ... . 1 Oimetere's ship
. . .. 507 Bhagavata-purdna mentions Gokarnam ... 342 Boojum Rock off the Andamana described in Bhairava Lala, a Jaina god ... ... ... 68 1793 ... ... ... ... ... ... 239 Bhargavakshetram, old name for Malabar ... 838 Borne = Borneo... ... ... ... ... 17 Bharthanaka, = Bharthana in Baroda ... 363 Boswell, Bruce, Marine Paymaster in Calcutta Bharukachchha, Broach ... ... ... 994 in 1793 ... ... ... ... ... 86, 212 Bheer; see Bid ... ... ... ... ... 222 Botelho, Jorge, receives letter from China, Bhima Chaulukya ... ... ... ... 482 cire. 1520 ..
. ... ... 10 Bhima Chaulukya II... akya . . .
Bothwell, Neale, of the Doddington .. 115f., 223 f.
485 f. Bhimadeva Chaulukya II. ... ... ... 483 Brahmakund, a hot spring near Rajagiri ... 70 Bhimakavi, the "poet of abuse," 280; the age Brahmanapallika, probably = Bamroli in of ... .. ... ... ... 229 ff.
Baroda ... ... ... ... ... 364 Bhir, Bheer; see Bią ... ... ... ... 222 Brahmavetas, the, do not submit to the Bhitart Seal, the... ... ... ... ... 261 • Brahmans ... .... ... .. 402 ff. Bhoja of Dhara defeated by Bhima Chaulakye. 482 breasts, painful, folk-cure for... ... ... 291 Bhubhata Chauda ... ... ... ... 481 Brittridge, Mr, Engraver ... ... ... 271 bhutavns, the sylvan deities of the Palliyârs.. 391 brother, mother's, son of, among the SinghaBhayada = Bhabhata ... ... ... ... 481 lese is the favourite bridegroom, 380 :- in Bia, in the Nizam's Dominions; perhape the Panjab .. ... .. .... ... 292
formerly known w Uppalikabida ... ... 222 brTanma = Skyabe-bdun ... .. ... 35
h
.. 256
in

Page #536

520
INDEX.
brTanpa is the husband brTanma ... ... 88 bTsan-rta-dinar-chung is the brTanma's horse .. ... ..
... ... .. 35 Buddha described by a Jaina, 73 :- known to
the local populace as Mah&deva ... ... 73 Buddhist names in Tibet ... ... ... 149
...149 Buddhist record, a, of A, D. 867 ... ... 254 Buland Bagh, excavations at, near
Patna ... ... ... ... 437 f., 495 f. .Bundehish, the, remark on the ... ... 303 Buttong, North and Middle, in the Andamans
(1793) ... .. . ... ... ... 234
***
- 239
..
12
cadjan-pea = ddl seed ... ... ... ... 111 Caftre, 15;-=black boy ... ... ... 31 Calleputt (Ceylon) Calobothras = Kérals ruler ... Calomba and Oalombo = Colombo ... ... 186 Calvo, Diogo, his ship, 17:-receives letters
from Ohina, circ. 1520, 10; survivors of his ship, 1522, 13 :- Calvo, Vasco, 60, 65 his letters from Canton, 10 ff. :-in Diogo Calvo's ship, 1522, 13; - travels in Thome Pirez's ship, 18:-called Cellamen by the Chinese... ... ... .. . ... 18 Cambay; ancient Stambhatirtha, 491;
remarks on a detail in the Cambay plates
of A. D. 930 ... ... ... ... ... 393 Camcheu = Changchau = Chinchew ... camel, the, in tattooing designs .. сатрап = kupong . . Campbell, A., Mr. (1793), 142, 246, 279
Secretary, Hospital Board (1794) .... . camphire julep, a medicine in 1798 ... ... cance: 'cancerous growth) in 1793 ... ... 278 Cangin = Shansbi ... ... ... ... 19 Cancheufu = Kwangebaufu = Canton ... 13, 24 Cancy = Shanshi - ... ... 19, 27 Candies, King, = King of Oandy (Ceylon) ... 184 Cantão =Canton, 10:- the five-storied tower
in, in 16th Century ... ... ... ... 30 Canton, province of, described in 16th Cen
tury, 20 £., 60 f.,, map of, 61:- boats of, 20; cotton cloths in, 25; cordage in, 35; fleets of, 25; horses in, 27; iron in, 26; rhubarb in, 25; silk in, 36; thread in, 35:letters from, in 1534-6 ...
...53 ff. capas =P capados se eunuch,..
... 14 capin = cupine > kupong . .. capital, Vêmana's writings against ... ... 405 car-festival in Travancore Carnarvon, the (1755)... ... Carnicobars, the ... ...
. 148 cartigo, a strong-house...
... 29
Castanheda, Hernan Lopez de, bis MS.
account of Malabar ... ... .. . 339 caste, restitution to, among the Singhalese,
381:-Vemana's writings against ... ... 408 Casuarina Bay in the Andamans, described
in, 1793... ... ... .. Cauchi = Cochin-China ..
.. .. 19 Cauchim = Cochin-China .. . 19, 61 cehi ... ...
... 24 Ceilâo = Ceylon ... . Dellamem, Chinese nickname for Vasco Calvo. 18 penhitupi ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 Central Provinces, superstitions in the ...291 f. Ceuhi, a mandarin of Canton, 1522 ... ... 18 peuy ... ... ... ... ... ... 64 Chamunda Chanlukya ... ... ... ... 482 Chaman Taldo, excavations at, near Patna. 437,440 Chandapa of the Nagendra Gachchha .. 488 Chandi = KALI ... ... ... .. .. 68 Chandler, Capt., Edward, of the Rose, Galley.190 f. Chandraprabba Tirthankara ... .. .. 66 Oh&potkata kings; notes on their history. 481 ff. Chaqueam = Chehkiang ... ... ... 63 charms, tattooing designs as protective ... 297 Chatham Island in Port Cornwallis, 43, 138, 287; arrangements for the defence
of, 1793 ... ... .. .. ... 249 ff. Chatra Sinha of Rajagiri (Jaina) ... ... 72 Chaturvedins, communities of, at various
places ... ... 217, 329, 333, 334, 336, 361 Ohâud kings; notes on their history... 481 ff. charkhandd, a form of legitimacy, note on ... 359 Chaulukya kings of Gujarât ; notes or their
history ... .. *** .. .. 48. Obauvet, I. L, Mr. (1793) .. ... ... 142 Ohaw, an old Kuki dialect ... ... ... 4 Cheamcy, a division of China (Shenshi) ... 18 chee-chee, the term used for patois in the
West Indies .. ... ... ... ... 476 Chennabasava Pindna, a chief source of the
Lingait movement . ... .. . 404 chenos = "chen, a market town
21 cheos = chau = district Chequeam, a division of China (Chehkiang)... 18 Chêra = Kêra ... . .. ... ... 348 Oheuquymfd Shauking-fu ... ... ... 27 Ohbáróli in Burat; ancient sthavarapallik&;
See also Antrôli-Ohhåroli ... ... 329, 330 Chicacole plates of Nandaprabhasjanavar
man; the places mentioned in them, identiSed ... ..
.. .. ..263 child, the eightb, unlucky in the Panjab ... 184 children, witchcraft relating to ... ... 494 childhood, early, customs during, among the Singhalese -
... ... .
51
...
"... 191

Page #537

INDEX
521
***
..
... 235
...
27
.
17
est
***
... 111
..
.
***
19 4
chimchaos... ... Chimola = Kumari = Cape Comorin ... 349 Chin Languages are polytonic, 2:- Central
Dialects, 3; Northern dialects, 3; Southern
Dialects ... .. .. .. . 9 1. Chin = Ohina .. ... ... ... ... 23 Ohina in the 16th Century, 53 ff. :-Portu
guese in, 1534-6, 10 ff.; divisions of, according to the Portuguese in the 16th Century, 18; the book of the 15 provinces of, 61:China, cities of, in 16th Centary, 23 t.; towns of, 23 f.; villages of, 23 f. ; commerce of, 25; arms in, 21 1.; land-tenure in, 22.; courts of justice, 24; administration of justice in, in 16th Oentury, 21; capital punishment, 22; porcelain in, 25; roadside rest-houses, 23; Chinbôn, a Southern Chin
dialect ... ... ... ... ... ... Chinbôk, a Southern Ohin dialect ... ... Chiñchavibarajha, = More Chinchora in Ahmadnagar ... ... . ...
... 220
. Chinchoreh Moreen in Ahmadnagar; ancient Chitchaviharajhs .. ..
220 Chinese Christian, a, in 1624 ... Ohinme, a Southera Chin dialect ... ... 4 Chiquiño = Ohehkiang... ... Chiru, an old Kuki dialoot ... Chisholme, Nathaniel, Qr. Mr. of the Dodding
ton ... ... ... ... ... 191, 925 . Chithradal, the, remarks on the ... ... 303 Chokhad in Baroda; ancient Chokkhakuti... 254 Chokkarája the Chålukya ... ... ... 231 Chokkhakuti, = Chokhad, in Baroda ; the
places mentioned in the grant of A. D.
867, identified ... ... ... ... ... 254 chilas defined ... ... ... ... .. Chônavars = Jônaka M&pillas... .. Choranda in Baroda; ancient Chörundaka Chorundaka, = Ohoranda in Baroda... choupim ... ... .. choypi ... ... ... ... ... ... 24 Christian, a Chinese, in 1524 ... ... chuckler, a shoemaker ... ... ... ... 81 chyrotta (chiretta), a medicine in 1793 ... 278 Cigtan, village of, in Ladakh ... ... ... 92 Cimetere, M. Antoine Charles de, 507;
confined by order of Governor-General, 508;
a French spy (1795), his doings ... 505ft. Olack, Heman, Beach Master at Port
Cornwallis, his death ... ... ... ... 419 Clengh Passage (1793) in the Andamans ... 238 Cliff Island in the Andamans (1799) ... ... 238 Cobra-lilies as a fabulous flower
452 cocar nutt Cocoonut
136 Odobi = Cochinchina .... ... ... . ... 25
Cochin = Kochi, modern origin of ... ... 340 cocoanut oil manufactory on the Cocos
in 1793 ... .. .. .. .. 20 cocoanuts on Poel Island in the Andamans,
in 1793 ... ... .. .. . * coconuta = coooanuts ... ... ... ... 143 Cocos, the Settlement on the, in 1793...50, 209, 239 Coicheufa = Chiuehaufu, 57; of Sri Prakaadditya ... ...
... ... 263 coins unpublished, Ma'abar, 231 .:- Oojaca
= Khoja Khan ... ... .. .. 17 coker nut = cocoanut ... ... ... ... 133 Obljay ... .. ... . Collett, Mr., of the Doddington, 114, 119, 121,
185, 189, 228 ft. :- his death ... ... 191 colours of the earth in Tibet ... ... ... 86. Columbo = Colombo ... ...
... 134 Commerce, the Ship Commander John Tayler. 808 compim ... ... ** ** *** comgom . ... ... .. ... comquis ... ... . . *** conch, blowing a sign of a magician Oonchefaa Kwangchaufu = Canton ... 54 Concongepapi ... ... ... *** Congo-pea dal seed ... ... .. congom ... . .. .. conjunctor, referent, term denned ... connector, term defined ... convicts in the Andemans in 18th Century,
189; origin of sending them, 77; at the Andamans (1794), 415, 457, 469 #.; from Bombay (1794), 463 1., European, at, from Bombay (1795), 465 it. :-attempted escape of, in 1795, 508 :- changes of, for May, 1794, 426; sent to Port Oornwallis, 421 :at Port Cornwallis in 1793, 280; at Port
Oornwallis (1794) .. ... .817, 819, 320 Copestake, Mr. (Capt.), 312 f.; owner of the
Pigot, 283, Captain of the Druid, Snow ... 464 Coral Bank in the Andamane (1795) = Western Bank ...
... ... 239 Corfield, F., Military Auditor General (1794). 394 Cormadell = Coromandell ... ... ... 134 Cornwall, the, Schooner .. ... 45, 81 Cornwallis, Earl (Marquesa), Governor
General... ... ... .. .. ... 50 Cornwallis, Commodore (brother of the
Governor-General), 41:- Admiral (1793)... 24R Cornwallia, Port, 283; described (1793), 236 .:
sailing directions for ships bound for (1798), 240 chart of, steel plate, 80 copies of, 872:--the length of the rains (1793), 816 :- Settlement in, in 1792, 43; Native Infantry Detachment at, 45; establishment at, in 1798, 197 ff. - alarming sickness
... 165

Page #538

522
at (1793), 275 f.; (1794), 318, 415, 419; health in 1794 improves 428, 460 Cornwallis, the, Snow, 84, 148, 244, 385, 413, 417 f., 425, 457, 464; the, Snow, invoice of stores, 1793, 282 f.: a pilot vessel, 41:Mr. H. Pelham Davies, Commander Corwmbo Island (Maldives) Couchin Cochinchina Cowper, William, Member of Council,
1793
=
...
...
...
www
***
...
...
...
cowry, the, in Madagascar cows, witchraft relating to cradle, rocking a, unlucky Craggy Island in the Andamans (1793) Cranganore Muziris... Crawley, Captain, of the Cornwallie... cremation among the Singhalese cross, the, Ladakhi stúpa in the form of cryptogram, a date in a
...
cupine kupong cure of disease, an hereditary power, in the Panjab currency; see money Curulugu bDud
***
=
custom, force of, in India 403 Ouycheu, a division of China (Kweichau) ... 18 cyclone in Port Cornwallis in 1792... 42
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... 461 193 12
...
...
...
...
***
...
...
142 f. *.303 842 230
...
Dabbhellanka, Dâbhel in Baroda... D&bhel in Baroda; ancient Dabbhellanka Dabhoi in Baroda; ancient Darbhavati Daignet, a Southern Chin dialect Dakota, Theory of Universal Grammar applied to Damdat, the, remarks on the... Damurike Limurike... Dânauripala father of Vimaladitya... Daphne, the, Snow, 313 f., 315 f., 319, 385; the, struck by lightning off Kedegree (1794), 418; the, Snow, wrecked near Ganjam... 422 ff. Darbhavati,= Dabhol in Baroda ... 493 Dard = 'aBrogpa ... ... 398 Darley, Mr., of Bassein = Dawley Danapura, = Dasôr, Mandasôr, in Malwa Dasôr, Mandasôr, in Malwa; ancient Dasapura Davies, H. Pelham, Commander of the Cornwallis Dawley, Mr., an Englishman living at Bassein in 1795 *** ... 506 Dayak: = Olo Ngadju dBangpo-rgya-bahin is the king of the sTanglha Heaven, 35; Indra 38 death ceremonies among the Singalese ***381
169
***
...
...
100
50, 284
113 434 291
...
...
INDEX.
***236 339, 342 41, 43 f. ...382 a... 399
346
51
475 1 109 ff.
36
...
...
...
..
...
254
25 493
5
507 332
332
481
Defresne, M., Commandant of Pondicherry, 1795 Delagoa Bay (1755)
Dendularu, in the Gôd&vart district; ancient Lendulara
=
Denham Robert, seaman
destemal, derivation of, 436: oestemael dastmal handkerchief...
436 Devada in Vizagapatam, ancient Deyavâța... 253 Devapattana Somanatha ... 490
...
Devendra (= Indra), his dispute with Gautama (Jaina Legend)...
70
... 452
Devendra vows, the (a practical joke) Devendraloka, the, 447; a writing from the... 450 "devil" ceremonies among the Singhalese. 382 Deyavata, Devada in Vizagapatam 253 dhdi sird trikhal 164 Dhahaṭṭha, Dhawat in Baroda, 361 and n., 362, 363 Dhakart should be read Takart, g. v. ... 335 n. Dharavarsha, son of Yasodhavala Paramára.. 483 Dhavalakkaka, Dhôlka in Ahmedabad 492 Dhawat in Baroda; ancient Dhahaṭṭha Dhôlka in Ahmedabad; ancient Dhavalakkaka ... *** ... 492 Diamond Island, 42, 145; as a source of turtle in the 18th Century Diamper Udayamperår on the Malabar Coast
362
386
...
Digambara, term explained ... Diligent Strait (1798) in the Andamans Dinkart, the, remarks on the ...
339 ... 66 ... 234 301 f.
diseases, terminology of, in 1793 disguise in folklore, hero as a tortoise
... 391 ... 32
...
291 f.
... 278 ... 448 Dispatch, the, Brig, 386, 425, 427 1., 465, 468, 503 f. divorce among the Palliyårs... dKarmo, the bitch Doddington, wreck of the ...114 ff., 180 ff., 222 ff. dog, folklore relating to the.... Dollar Scale of Madagascar Dolphin, wreck of the, in 1748 Dongrub, the giant, 33- Kesar, 35:son of the king of the sTang-lha Heaven... 35 Donldan, son of the king of the sTang-lha Heaven ... *** 35 Donyod, son of the king of the sTang-lha... 35 doob grass, a note on doop = dub, grass Dowley, Mr., of Bassein Downie, R. (1793) Drake, the, Snow, 47, "cruizer" 201 ... 457 Dromo, the ewe ... 32 Druid, the, Snow, 464, 506;- Commander Captain Copestakes p... 507
***
www
***
... 215 215 Dawley ... *** 507 ... 274 459, 467; called a
600
***
...
...
...
505 190
www
218
43
... 113 ... 117

Page #539

INDEX.
523
52
Drumbu-brang-dkar, the puppy Dulien Lash&i ... ...
8 Dundass Point in Port Cornwallis ... Durlabharaja Chaulukya ...
482 Dutch and English, war between, in 1793 ...
237
fraud, folklore methods of detecting ...291 f. Frayer, Lieut, commands the Pilot, Snow... 455 fruit (mango) given to produce sons ... 417 functions of words defined ... ... ... 173 funeral ceremonies among the Singhalese,
382; among the Palliyars ... ... ...
248
Eagle, the... ... East Island in the North Andaman (1793) ... 238 Egg Island ... ... . ... ... 121 Elphinstone Harbour in the Andamang
described in 1793 ... ... ... ... 286 Eluvan caste, the, Palliyårs claim to be
sprang from ... . .. . 391 English, corruptions of... ... ... ... 476 erananbatry = pea seed, in the Malagasy currency ... ..
.. 12 Erathânı, = Erthan in Baroda .... ... 256 Erthân in Beroda; ancient Erathens ... 258 Euclid, the Skr. version of ... ... ... 215 Evil Eye, molo a protection from the, 293 :
in the Panjab... ... ... ... 475 1. explicator, term defined
*** . .. 165
... 274
Fairlie Reed & Co. of Calcutta (1793) fan jin does not represent firingi = frangi ... 359 farantaa = french fivo-frano piece in
Madagascar ... .... .. 109 ff. fever, "remitting," in 1793, 278 ; quotidian in
1793, 278 ; tertian in 1793, 278; medicines
for, in 1793 ... ... ... ... ... 278 Fimins, Capt, of the Brig Nautilus ... ... 468 fire, folklore of ... ... ... ... ... 291 fire-walking festival in Travancore Firingi folk
** ***
... 11 Firingis, 64; the king of the ... ... ... 10 first-born, the, unlucky in the Panjab. 162 1.,515 f fish design in tattooing, origin of ... 295 . flags, on Ladakht stúpas ... ... ... 399 Aux (= dysentery) in 1793 ... ... ... 278 folklore in the Central Provinces, 291 t.,
447 ff.; Ladakh, its non-Buddhistic character, 34 ; its mythology not Bonpo in origin,
34: - Indian attitude towards ... 327 f. fone = fung = seal of appointment (chop) ... 18 Fontaine, M., Commissary of Pondicherry
(1795) ... .. .. .. ... . 505 Fogue = Fokien
.. .. .
... 19 Foquem Fokien ... ... .. 19, 59, 61 Foquiem, a division of China (Pokien) ... 18 Formative Languages, the term defined ... 179 f88 = fandos = fananır ... .. .. 55 Foym - Fuhiun... ... ... ... 17, 25 France and England, war between (1793) ... 248
Gadhadhara, a temple to, at Gayà.... 72 Gama, Dom Estevão da ... ... ... 60 Ganges water, places for procuring ... ... 68 Gardiner, Mr. E., of the Dispatch ...
... 465 Gathas, the, of the Avesta, remarks on the
303 f.: - a collection of songs containing
the Zoroastrian doctrine of redemption, 367 ff. Gautama, his shrine at Bahad, 70:-his con
nection with Vaibhara hill (Jaina), 71; remains at Gohun (Jaina), 71; described as a
Saiva Brahman (Jaina Legend) ... 70 Gaya, description of, by a Jaina, 72 ff. :
Jaina remains about .. ... ... 65 ff. Gay&wAlA Brøbmans, a description of ...73 t. Gejuravåvi, = Givaroi, Givrai, Gevrai, in the
Nizam's Dominions ... ... ... ... 221 gelfa = gelva = shallop ... ... ... 17 Gevrai, in the Nizam's Dominions; ancient
Gejaravavt ... ... ... ... ... 221 Ghôdégrama, Ghðrêgaon in Ahmadnagar. 220 Ghoregaon in Ahmadnagar; ancient Ghode
grama ... ... ... ... ... ... 220 Gillett, Mr., Surveyor ... ... ... .. 814 Girinagara, = Junagadh in Kathiếwar ... 362 Giripur = Rajagiri ... ... Givaroi, Givrai, in the Nizam's Dominions ;
ancient Gejuravávf ... ... ... ... 221 Glass, John, of the Doddington ... ... gLing, the name discussed, 162 ff.; the
Earth (continent) ... ... ... ... gLing-chos = the pre-Buddhist religion of
Ladákh, 899;= mythology of gLing, 34:the general position, 40: - cosmology of the 34 f.; animism in the, 89; the holy-tree of
the ... ... ... ... ... ... gNya-kbri-brtanpo, first king of Ladakh ... 89 Goes, Lopo de, in Canton in 1521 ... Gogzalhamo gives birth to Kesar ... ... Gohun = Gautamapura ... ... ... 70 Gökarnam ... .. ... .. Golding. Lt. William, Commissary of Stores,
Calcutta, in 1793-4 ... ... 269, 385, 469 Gólika, an ancient village in Baroda... 361, 368 Gorehgaon, in Ahmadnagar; pacient Ghôde
grama ... ... .. Grab Snow, a kind of ship grdh, a tattooing design
... 293
...
... 220 ... 505

Page #540

524
.
INDEX.
15
Graham, Thoma, Member of Council, 1793... 50 Hobson-Jobeon, the term in Literature ...514 f. Grammar, Theory of Universal, definition of Hobson-Jobson, cross index to, 106 ff., 157 ff., terms used in, 166; -notes on, 165 4.:
213 ff., 284 ff., 322 A., 853 ff., 387 ff., 429 ff., applied to English ... ... ... .. 166
471 4., 5.09 . Green, A., of the Military Board (1791) ... 385 Homem, Pedro, 28, 64; his ship in Canton Greene, A., Garrison Storekeeper, Calcutta in 1521 ... ... . .. * "* 15 (1794) ... ... ...
... ... 559 Honão, a division of China (Honan)... . 18 grindstone, use of, to detect theft ... ... 291 Hood Point in Port Cornwallis ... ... 237 grummet ... ... ..
Hor, King of, the ... ...
... 307 Gudimetta near Nandigama in the Kistna Hottentots (10th Centary) ... ... 117, 187
District.. ... ... ... ... ... 231 Humphrya, Isaac, Seey, Military Board(1794).421 Gupsár Tank near Bankipore, excavations Hungarian, Theory of Universal Grammar
. . ... 437 |
B pplied to
applied to ... ... ... ... ... 166 Gupta, Chandra I., date of death of ... 257, 260 Hutchinson, Capt, of the Carnarvon (1755)... 191 Gupta, Chandra II., date of death of 260 Gupta, Kumára, date of accession of, 260;
death of, date of ... ... ... ... 262 ibex in Tibetan rock-oarvings... ... ... 400 Gupta, Maharja, date of ... ... ... 258 illustrator, term defined ... ... ... 165 Gupta, Para ... ... ... ... ... 261 impossible task as a preliminary to Gupta, Samudra, date of accession of... 257, 259 1. marriage ... ... ... Gupta Skanda ... ... ... ... ... 261 indicator, term defined... ... Gupta, Sri PrakasAditya, coins of ... ... 263 Indotthåna, apparently =Raula or WakhGupta Dynasty, the Early or Imperial; its tano in Baroda .. .. chronology, revised ... ..
257 4. infanticide arong Hindus, cause of... Gupta era, commencement of ... ... ... 257 Ingramrudoo Island (Maldives) ... Gur-dkar, king of Hor ... ... ... 36 inscriptions :
Achæmenide
Bhitari pillar Hadha Manthraio books, a note on the ... 309 the Bibar (Gupta) ... Hadokhta Nask, the remarks on the, 303;
Girnar of Vastupala
... 490 greater part preserved
Indôr (Gupta) . hair (human) propitiates serpent demons in
Jánågaph (Gupta) ... ...
... 262 the Khasia Hills ..
Kahâu (Gapta) ...
... 262 Hallam, an old Kuki dialoot ...
Kanagiri of Potarija in Saka 1122 ... 231 handmill, use of, to detect theft ... ...
LadAkht .. .. .. .. - 399 hangling = angle iron ... ... ...
Mahinaman at Bodhgaya
192 ff. Happy Deliverance, story of the, 180 ff.; integer, term defined ...
... 165 launch of the ... ..
.. . 131 Interview Passage in the Andamans, Harivamia mentions the Kerala ... ... 342 described in 1793 ... .. . ... 239 Harrington, J. H., Sub-Secretary .. ... 413 Intrepid, the, Ship ...
... 463 harvest festival in Ladakh ... ... 101 ff., 399 introducer, term defined . Havelock Island in the Andamans, described intromutation, the term defined in 1799 ... ... ..
. . ... 235 Island of Trade, the .. ..
... 11 Haynáo Haidan .. ... ... .. 19 haytao ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 Hechend, a division of China (Szechuan) ... 18 Jackall, the, Mr. Reid goes to 'be ... ... 461 Hermippon, his account of the Masdayasnian Jackson Ledge off the Andamans (1793) ... 238
religion... ... ... ... ... ... 800 Jagajjhampana, a title of Vallabharaja ... 482 Herodotus on the religion of the Persians... 299 1. Jagat Sétb, #Jains merchant of Makhs. Hinduism, two antagonistio tendencies in,
dAbad ... .. .. ... . .. 66 401 f. : Vemana's writings against the con Jagatkampana, title of Vallabhardja... ... 489
ventions of ... ... ... ... ... 405 Jagipura, mound near Patna, excavations Hiroi-Lamgang, an old Kuki dialect... ... 4 at .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 488 history, want of feeling for, in India, 403; Jaina remains about Gayl ... .. ... 65ff.
dooumenta, Indian, the mythology ... 488. I JAmbasarasthane, Jambhaar in Bronoh... 330
261
261
262
... 165 ... 173

Page #541

INDEX.
525
... 256
... 483
Jamuna Dhih near Bankipore, excavations Kaphleta; see Kapletha ... ... 255, 393 n. at
... ... 497, 495 f. K&pika, = KAvi in Broach ... ... 394 Jancangem, & town ... ... ... ... 29 kdping, Malay coin and weight ... ...518. Jangalesa = Arnordja of Sakambhart ... 483 Kapletha, Raphleta, in Baroda; ancient janéo, the, es worn by jogle, 216; in the Kampilyatirtha ... ... ... 255, 898 n. Panjab ... ... ... ... ...
... ... 216 ... 216
Karai, Pliny's South Tinnevelly ... ... 344 Jangehên = probably Thado ... ... ... 3 Karan in Baroda ; ancient Kuruna ... Jaravadra, the name used in a spurious Karañjavasahika, an ancient place in Baroda. 364
record for Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baroda .. 398 Karda, Kardlah; 868 Kharda ... ... 220 Javalakúpaka, = Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baroda ... 898 Karmabhumi, old name for Malabar, 338:Jaraya, a village near Madhuvanam ... ... 67 the term discussed ... ... ... ... 341 Jayasinha Cbaulukya ... ... ...
Karmanêya, = Kamrej in Baroda ... ... 396 Jharkand, a jungle near Madhuvanam ... 67 Karmäntapura, perhaps = Kamrej in Baroda. 396 Jinadattasari, master of Amarachandra 479 Karna, son of Bhima Chaulukya ... ... 482 jindlayan, Jaina temple near Madhuvanam ... Karnakubja, an alleged former name of jimindar = jemadar
142 Junagadh ... ... ... ... 362 n. Johanna in Madagascar .. .. 191 Karohaņa, = Kárván, Kårvån, in Baroda ... 361 Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baruda; ancient Javalakd- Karoli in Baroda; ancient Kalupallika ... 254
paka, and also mentioned as Jaravadra ... 398 Karoura, capital of Limurike, 342; Jônagar = Yarana
Karar . ... ... ... ... .. Jônaka = Jônagar ... ... ... . 350 Kárván, Kårvåņ, in Baroda; ancient KayavaJönaka Mapillas, the ... ...
350 tåra and Karóhans ... ... ... ... 361 Jones, Mr., of the Doddington .. ... 225 Karir, capital of the Kerala kingdom... ... 343 Johnson, Capt. F., of the Persia Merchant ... 132 Kabakala, Kabakla, district; a territory Jorwa; see Jolws .. *.. .. . ... 398 between the Tapti and the Kim ... ... 380 Junkigadh in Kathia war; ancient Girinagara, Kshth&mandapa, Kath Mandva in Baroda. 864
862,- its alleged former names according K&shtbapurl, Kathôr in Surat ... 329, 830
to the Girnar Mahatmya .. . 362 n. Kath Mandva in Baroda; ancient Kashth&Juno, the, 42: - Snow, wreck of the... 43, 140
mandapa ... ... .. .. ... 364 juribasso = interpreter... ... ... ... 18 Kathôr in Surat ; ancient Klahthapuri ...329, 330
Katlang = Jangehên ... ... ... ... 3
Kaveri, the mahatmya of the Tula festival Kácba, probably another name of Samudra of the River ... ... ... ... 445 .
gupta ... ... ... ... ... ... 259 K&vi in Broach; ancient Kapika, Kavik & ... 894 Kadakara on the Malabar Coast ... ... 339) K&vik, = Kåvi in Broach .. .. ... 895 Kafir, Theory of Universal Grammar applied Kavirakshasc = Bhimakavi ... ... ... 280
to ... ... ... ... ... 168 f. Kåyåratára, = Karvan, Karvan, in Baroda. 861 Kaira in Gujarat; ancient Khotaka. 333 n., 363, 898 kebean = kupong... ... .. . ... 52 Kairs district held by Lavanaprasad ... ... 483 Keenugaon, in the Nizam's Dominions; anKalns, Kalas-Budrakh in Ahmadnagar ... 335 cient Kinibigrama ... ... ... 221, 333 n. Kalinga, Nandaprabhasjanavarman, king of... 253
Kêmaj, Kimaj, Kimôj, in Broach; ancient KalapallikA, = Karoli in Baroda ... ... 254 Kemajju, Kévafija ... ... ... ... 394 Kalinga Gangu of Sajjanagara, 230: his Kêmajja, Kemaj, Kimaj, Kimôj, in Broach. 394 connection with Bhimpkavi ... ... ... 230
keping, Malay coin and weight ... ... 51 1. Kallada was near Quilon ... ... ... 342 Keprobothras of the Periplus ... ... ... 342 Kallu Pokhra, excavations at, near Patna. 137, 141 Kéra = Chera ... ... ... . .. 843 Kamaniya, = Kâmrêj in Baroda ... ... 398 Kerabothras = Keralaputra ... Kammaņijja, = Kamrój in Baroda ... 396, 397 Kerala kingdom, extent of, 348:- the term Kâmpilyatirtha,= Kapletha, Kaphleta, in
discussed, 841 1.; origin of the name ... 848 f. Baroda ... ... ... ... ... 255, 393 n. 1 Keralam, old name for Malabar . .. 338 Kamrój in Baroda; ancient Kammanijjs,
Keralaputra mentioned in the Agôka edicta... 342 396, 397 ;- and Karmanêya, Kamanty, and
Kéraļotpatti = Karfr... ... ... ... 344 perhape Karmântapur ... ... ... 396
Kera!õtpatti, the... ... ... ... ... 346 Kanaya-vibraya, the custom of (sale of girls Kesar King Kesar of gLing, 85:- birth in marriage) ...
. .. ... 495 t. stories of, 82; a story of his child, 83

Page #542

626
INDEX.
... 381
speaks from his mother's womb, 32: -
& representation of ... ... ... ... 899 Kesar Saga, Spring Myth of the, 32 st., 87:
ita widespread over Asia, 40; pre-Baddhist origin of, 89 f. ; sources of the, 84:- the mytbology of, 84:- philologioal notes on the, 147, discussion on the proper Damer
in ... ... ... ... ... 149 ff. Kovalija, Kemaj, Kimaj, Kimõj, in Broach. 394 Khairôda, = Khêrwa in Surat ... 329, 330 Khami, a Southern Chin dialect ... ... 4 Kharda plates of A. D. 972; the places men
tioned in them, identified ... ... ... 220 Khasi, Theory of Universal Grammar applied
. ... .. 167 Kbarwa in Surat ; ancient Khairoda ... 829, 390 Khêtaka, Kaira in Gujarat, 393 n. 963, 998;- in A. D. 930, the Khetaka province
was included in the Lata country .... ... 893 Khlangam = Jangahen... ... ... ... 3 Khongzai =Thado ... .. ... Klweymi, an incorrect form of Khami . 4 Khyang, =Sho Kim river in Gujarat; perhaps its ancient
name was KÅsa or K&så ... ... ... 380 Kimaj, Kimôj, Kemaj, in Broach ; ancient
Kemajju, Kêvanja ... .. .. .. 894 Kinagaon, in the Nizam's Dominions; ancient
Kiņihigrams ... ... ... ... 221, 828 n. Kinihigrima, Keenagaon, Kinagaon, in the
Nizam's Dominions ... ... ... 291, 838 n. King, John, of the Doddington
225 #. Kirtikaumudi of some vara... ... 485 1. Klamo = Nagin ...
. ... .. 85 Kodungallar = Cranganore ... ...
... 849 Koireng, an old Kuki dialet ... Kolapus, Lakshmi SenechAry,
priest ... .. .... ... ... .. 66 Kolkhoi, Pliny's, disonased ... ... ... 844 Kolon Koireng ... ... ... ... 4 Kom, an old Kuki dialect Konbți Rayi, a Jain (or Buddhist) image
Nellore... ... ... ... ... ... 252 koopang = kupong ... ... ... ... 52 Koral, Koral, in Baroda; ancient KôrillA ... Korilla, = Koral, Koral, in Barods ... Korthors on the Malabar Coast - Kothar ... Kotang Jangshen ... ... ... ... 8 Kouroula of Ptolemy disonseed Karikal ... 344 Krunhusse, the rat ... ... ... ... 32 Kubotrapala, a Jaina guardian deity... ... 87 Ktorina, his account of Mardayaanian reli
gion .. .. .. ... . ...299 1. Kādalashgam, the confluence of the Krishna
and the Pafiahgang at Karundwild ... 895
Kuki Language, there is no, 5:-Old Dialecta. 81. Kuki-Ohin Languages, 1 ff. : - spread of, 1;
the group re-arranged, 2 ff.:- affinity to the Naga group, 1:- express only concrete ideas, 1; nature of the adjectives, 2; no relative and no interrogative pronouns, 2 ; have no gender, 1; have no verbe proper, 11. ; expression of negatives, 2; their treatment of parts of the human body, 1;
suffixes ... .. ... ... ... " kula kanand, ceremony of restitution to caste
among the Singhalese ... Kumarapala Chaulukya... ... ... ... 483 Kumarikoddu Comorin, note on ... ... 340 Ktmi, an incorreot form Khami ... ... Kumrábar, excavations at, near Patna, 487,
439, 495 t. Kun, a Southern Chin dialect. ... ... 5 Kanika, son of Srenika Maharaja (Jaina) ... 71 Kúpaka, as a termination of place-names,
becomes kuva, kua ... ... ... ... 398 Kopa Kingdom, extent of ... ... ... 346 kupong, Malay coin and weight ... ... 51 f. Kuruņa, Karan in Baroda.... .. .. 256 Karandaka, Kurundw&d in the Southern
Maratha Country ... ... ... ... 395 Kurupuswami, the chief deity of the Palliyars. 391 Kuvala country of Arya Perumal, extent of... 346 Kwangtung Strait in the Andamana described
in 1793... ... .. .. .. . 235 Kyan = Ohaw ... ... ... ... Kyd, his appointment to the Andamans, 1793, .45 1.; his Commissio- dated 18th February
1793, 50 f.; his instructions dated 18th February 1793, 78: Was Surveyor General, 89: his clain for an addition to his salary (1794), 386: visita Penang ... ... ... 457
1
and 1, interobanges of; in KalopallikA,
Karoli, 256; - and Jolwa, Jorwa ... ... 999 Ladakh,kingdom of, ancient, 398:- songs of,
374 1. :-prominent characteristics of the dialect of Lower, 148;- rock-carvings in
Lower .. .. .. . .. 998 ff. Ladakhi songs, 87 1.:- their metre, 87, 1. :orthography of, dinoneaed, 89:- age of,
discussed. ... ... ... ... ... 88 f. Ladoux, Daniel, of the Doddington .... ... 228 Laertius Diogenes, his account of the Mar
daya nian religion ... ... ... ... 800 La Fortune ou la Mort, a French privateer
(1795) ... ... .... Lahaul, an Aryan tribe in ...
... 998 Lai, Central Ohin dialect ...
***
* 805

Page #543

INDEX.
527
...
3
...
26
... 26
Lakher, a Central Chin sub-dialect ... ... S luck, folklore of, in Indian female tattooing Laksha, king of Kachh, defeated by Mulardja
designs ... ... ... .."
... 297 Ohanlukya . ..
. .. 482
lucky children in the Panjab ... ... 515f. LAlbėgts, a note on the sect of the ... 959f. Lushai = Lushdi ... lamp, continuously burning in Travancore, Lushéi, a Central Chin dialect... ... .... 3
royal faneral ceremonies ... .. . ... 252 land-tenure in China in 16th Oentury ... 22f. Laudfall Islands in the Andamans (1743) ... 288 Ma'abar, the term discussed ... .. ... 349 Lange = Shans... ..
Mackenzie, Col. Colin, his Pandit's journal Langrong, an old Kuki dialect
... 3 in 1820 ...
... ... ... 65 ff. Lungus = Langis .. .. ..
... 28 Madegascar, currency of ... ... 109 ff. Langueas - Langãs ... ... ..
Madavi, = the MindhAla, MidAgri, Mindhola, Laskari Bibl, excavations at the mound of, or Miņdhold river in Gujarat .. ... 254
near Patna, 437; result of the excavations at.4371. Madhuvanam, the Jaina shrine at ... ... 85 LAța country; it included Kamrej in 4. D.
Madhyaddía countr. included a bhatta915, ... 395, 397; -and the Khêtaka pro
village named Takkarika ... ... ... 835 vince in A. D. 930, .. 393; -also Kar Madras, letters from, in 1669 ... ... 132 ff. vân, Kårv&n, q. ., 861,- Trilôchanapala Magbi = Arakanese ... .. .. .. 5
of LâţA ... ... ... ... ... ... 255 Magiane, early teaching of the ... ... 800 Latin, Theory of Universal Grammar applied Magic squares in Tibetan rock-carvings 400
to ... ... .. .. ... ...1661. Magio, sympathetic, shown in tattooing deLavanaprasada, the VaghelA, 4861. ; his rela
signs ... ... ... ... ... ... 298 tion Bhimadeva Chaulukya II. ... ... 483 | Mahabharata, the, Question, 5 ff. ; - recenLawrence, Lieut., of the Cornwallis ... ... 419 sions of the, 5 ff.; - discussion on the date Lawrence, Henry, Island in the Andaman
of, 91; - discussion on the uniformity of described in 1793 ... ... ... ... 235 f. the, 71.-mentions Kerala and Gokarnam. 341 Lawrence, John, Island in the Andamans Mahadeva, as a name for Buddha, 73; for
described in 1793 .. ... .. . 285 Bauddha images .. ... .. ... 69 1Oogpo is king of Yogklu ........ ... 85 | Mahanaman, the inscriptions of, at BodhLee-board, the, Schooner, 42, 505; & "very Gaya; the two records are nearly contem.
small and insecure Vessell," 506 :- built by poraneous, but are records of two separate
Blair, 506; sold by the Government ... 508 persons ... ... .. .. ... ... 193 . Lencheu Lienchau in Hainan ... ... 58 MahAnAman of the Bodhgays inscription. Lenduļdra Dendolaru in the Godavart his identity discussed, 1921. he is not district ... . ** ***
the author of the Mabávaxia ... ... 193 Lequeos > Laun.us .. .. ... 59, 63 Mahd-updaika does not translate pinthagu. Lester, John, of the Doddington ... 225 ff.
gyi ... ... ... ... ... ... 360
... 12 | Mahi river; the country between the Maht Light of Penang, Mr., death of, 1794
and the Narmada ... ... ... 363, 864 Limurike of the Periplus, 342:- Dravida = Mahichhaka, an ancient place
Tamil-Malayalam country ... ... * 842 Mahoys River ... ... ... ....... 190 Liagad in Baroda; ancient Lingavata-Siva ... 256 MakhsudAbad = Murshidabad ... Lingait movement, chief sources of the ... 484 MAkni in Baroda; ancient Mańkanika ... Lingavata-Siva, = Lingad in Baroda
Makotai = Kodungullar .. lioness, the white, of Tibet = the glacier Malabar, a kind of boat ... .. ... 136
personified ... ... .. ... .. 399 Malabar = sailor ... ... ... ... 56 Lõhagrama, = Lohogaon in Ahmadnagar ... 220 Malabar, the term discussed, 847; = MalavaLohogaon in Ahmadnagar; ancient Löhe- ram Piedmont, the foot of the hills... 350 gráma ... ... ..
..
... 220 Malabar, M8- Acoount of, by Castanheda, 999:Lokapalas, list of, in Tibet ... ... ... 38 old names for, 338; Baropean names for, lông = long-cloth . . . ... 436 1 348; Muhammadan names for, 348:-placelotus, the, in tattooing designs .. 293 . names of, notes on, 338 ft. :-country due to Loychen = Liuchau in Hainan ...
... 58
volcanio action ... ... .. .. 338 Lubbay Mapilla ... .... ... ... 350 Malagasy, Theory of Universal Grammar Luchim = Ouchim Ooohinchina ... ... 27 applied to
.. . . . 169
libanco
*
death of, 1794

Page #544

528
INDEX
254
332 549
847
Malai-nádu = "hill country"
Mazda yanian religion described ... 198 1. Malanadu, old names for Malabar ... ... 847 | McDoull of the Doddington ... ... 226 ff. Malankara, old name for Malabar ... ... 847 MoDowel = McDoull ... ... ... 277 Malaya = the Western Ghata in Malayalam. 848 Meadowe, Port in the Andamans (1798), 284; Malayalam, the term discussed, 847, 850;
in 1794 ... ... ... ... ... 419, 461 Malabar ... .. ... ... ... 338 medical necessaries in 1793, 279, 278; MeghaMaldives, king of the ... ... ... ... 133 varna of Ceylon, date of
date of
... .. . 257 Male, the, of Oosmas Indikopleustes... ... 347 Meithei Manipuri, 2; & Kuki-Chin LanMAlkhed in the Nizam's Dominions; ancient
guage ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 Mânyakheta, 219, 221, 395;- its exact Melkynda of Ptolemy ... ... ... ... 342
position... ... ... ... ... ... 395 Melo, Diogo de ... ... ... ... 28, 64 Mallikarjuna Kadambe dedented by Kuma- Melo, Martim Affonso de; see Affonso de
rapêla Chaulukya ... ... ... ... 483 Melo, Martim ... ... ... .. . 14 Manchadpa, an Aryan tribe in LAhaul ... 398 Mergulbão, Father in Canton, in 1521 ... 13 Mandakint, the Mindhála, Midagri, Min- mestrey = master workman... dhôla, or Mindhold river in Gujarat
Mhår, an old Kuki dialect ... Mandalt, Arisimha's home ... ... ...
MidAgri or Mindhála river in Gujarat; anmandarin clerks ... . ..
cient names MandAkini and MadAvi ... 254 mandarins in China in 16th Century... 21 Middle Strait in the Andamans (1798) ... 234 Mandasôr, Dasór, in Malwa; ancient Da Middleton, Roger ... ... ... ... 132 pura .. ... ... ... .
milkmaid design of tattooing, origin of ... 296 Mangalapuram, the .. ..
Mindhála or MidAgri river in Gujarat; ancient Manibár, al-, = Malabar... ...
names Mandåkint and MadAvi ... ... 254 Manikya Ohand, a Jaina merchant ...
Mindhole, Mindhold, or Mindhála river in Manikyagiri near Rajagiri ... .. . 71 Gujarat; ancient names Mandakint and Manipur is a language of the Ohin stook,
Medavi ... ... ... ... ... ... 2x = Meithei ... .. ...
Mindon Min, king, of Barma, adds to the Mankanika, Makni in Baroda ... ... 384 regalia ... .. . ... ... ... 444 Mannar, Island of ... ... ... ... 340 Minerva, H. M. S. ... ... 42, 88, 137, 145 Mannington, Mr., of Perang
Minerva Bank in the Andamans (1793) ... 235 Manyakhba, MAlkhed in the Nizam's Minerva Bay in Port Cornwallis ... ...
Dominions, 219, 221, 395;- its exact posi- Miuylem = Meiling = Plum Pass = Yun. tion ... .. .. . . .. 895
ling Range ... ..
." Mapilla, the term discussed, 349 1. - = Mi-yul = Bar-btsan, 35; represents Chandani Muflih = cultivator ... ... ... ... 348
= Venus ... ... ... ... ... 293 Marfchipattanam - Muzeris ... ... ... 345 Mogalika, an ancient place in Baroda ... Markandeya-purana mentions Kerala and Mole, a protection from the Evil-eye, 293;
Gokarnam ... ... ... ... ... 342 Molokiucha = Malayakata = Malabar ... 348 Márkinda hill-fort in Nasik; ancient Maya- Monar = Mannar ... ... ... 134
rakhapdi ... ... ... ... ... 217 money, chip, in Madagascar, 109:- by weight Marlbro', Fort ...
.. ... 311, 420 in Madagascar... ... ... ... ... 109 marriage ceremonies, place of the mother's Monggach, Lieut., Storekeeper, 1793... ... 46
brother in, in the Panjáb, 292:-Among the Mongir, the sacred pools (Jaina) near ... 89 Palliyårs ... ... ...
. 891 montross = matroas = gunner ... .. 225 marriage song, a Tibetan .. .. . 810 Moore, Capt. Hagh, commands the Phania, marriages, Hindu child, a native view of,
Snow ... ... .... ...142, 145, 244 435 f.:-- among the Singhalese,380; of first Mopla = Mapilla = Maflih = Fellah = culcousing among the Singhalese are the most
tivator ... ..
.. .. ... 350 favoured .. . ... ... ... 880 Morandavía Road in Madagascar ... ... 191 Matsya-purana mentions Kerala and Gókar- More Chifohort in Ahmadnagar; ancient
nam ... ... ... ... ... ... 342 Chifobaviharajba ... .. .. .. Maurya, palace of the, at Patna ... 489 4. Morgotty, Capt., of the Drako... ... ... 457 Mayarakhandt, MArkiņda, & hill-fort in Morris, J., Secretary at Bombay (1794) ... 463 Nasik ... ... ...
... 217 Mortlook Islands, language of, Theory of UniMazda Ahura = Ahura Mazda - 876 . i veraal Grammar applied to ... .. . 171

Page #545

INDEX.
529
lied
to
67
... 408
104
Mota, Theory of Universal Grammar applied Nasrant Mapillas, the ... ... ... to ..
... ... 171 | Native Infantry Detachment at Port CornMotu, Theory of Universal Grammar applied wallis ... ... ... .
45 ... ... 170 Nausart plates of A. D. 708; the places Mottel, M.,Commissary of Pondicherry (1795). 505 mentioned in them, identified, 361;- and Moulem = Miuylem ... ... ... ... 19 the places mentioned in the plates of Mozenbeys (Mozambique) ... ...
A. D. 817 ... .. ... ... ... 863 Mru is a Burmese, not a Kuki-Ohin dialect... 5 Nautilus, the, Brig ... 274 ff., 459, 468, 508 m Thsalmig, the lamb... ..
". 32
Navagash, a village near Madhuvanam Muhammad Shahabuddin Ghori defeated by Nayhay = Nanhai ... ... ... ... 54 Molarija Chauluk ya II. ... ...
Neacyndon of Pliay was near Quilon ... 342 Muhammadans described as Bauddhas ... 68 Negrais, Cape ... ... ... ... ... 41 mukat, Kaņhayya's, a tattooing design ... 297 Neill Island in the Andamana described in múla = dhai sira ...
1793 .. ... ... ...
235 Molaraja Chaulukya II. ... ... 481, 489 Neminátha, Vastupâla's worship of, at Gimar. 490 Murray, John, Military Auditor General New Harbour = Port Cornwallis ... ... 140
(1794) ... ... ... ... ... ... 454 Ngenté, a Lusbai sub-dialect... ... ... 3 Mashaka = part of the Malabar Coast ... 345 Nicobars, List of Blair's maps and plans of, Murshidabad, the Jaina merohants of ... in 1799, 83:- as a source of fruit in the Mshika kingdom, extent of ... ... . 846 XVIIIth Century .. ... .. Muziris mentioned by Pliny, 342:-=Cran- Nikams of Ptolemy = Negapatam ...
ganore, 339, 342 f. :- = Marichipattanam Nilakantha = Siva .. ... ...
of Vardha Mihira ... .. ... .. 345 Nilkanda of Pliny was near Quilon ... Myers, Thos., Dy. Acct. General (1793) ... 212 Nimmo, Oapt., at the Andamans (1793) Mythology in Indian bistorical documents, the 488 nir gata, used in the technical sense of
vinirgata, q. V.... ... .. .. ... 331
nipdea, a place where a man is dwelling Nadida, Nadida, in Baroda; ancient Nandi- now at the present time;' in contrast with tataks... ..***
. ...
397 .
abhijana, 9.0. ... lice in
... ... ... Någamba, Någåmva, ancient village in
... 331
wivdain, used in the technical sense of vdatavya, Baroda ... ... ... ... ... ... 256 q. v. ... ... ... ... ... 331, 332 n. Naga Group of languages, affinity to the | niddatavya, used in metre for vástavya, q. 3.... 331
Kaki-Chin Languages ... .. 1 Nimmat Adawlut, the ... ... ... ... 311 Nagas and Naginis in Tibet, 35; are protectors no-eye = ddl seed ... ... ...
... 111 of the Buddhist faith
North East Harbour, chart of, steel plate = Nagendra Gachchha, the succession of the ... 488 Port Cornwallis
... 272 wails (human), propitiate serpent-demone Northwest Island in the Andamans (1793) ... 238
in the Khasia Hills .. ... ... ... 328 North Reef Island in (1793) in the Andamans. 289 Namquy, a division of China (Nanking) ... 18 Nouro of the Periplus ... ... ... ... 342 Nandaprabhajanavarman, the Chicacole Nufor, Theory of Universal Grammar
plates of; the places mentioned in them, applied to ... ... ... ... ... 169 identified
... ... ... .. 253 Nyemo, important rock-carvings near ... 398 Nanditatêka, NAdida, Nadida, in Baroda... 397 Nyopas, the ... .. ... .. .. 311 Nannaya Bhatta, a predecessor of Bhimakavi. 231 Nanquim = Nanking ...
... 10, 18 Nanto =P Nanking ... .. ... 14, 25, 58
Old Harbour = Port Blair ... ... -2, 84 Näoquim = Nanking ...
Olo Ngadju, Theory of Universal Grammar Naquim = Nanking .. .
applied to . .. ... ..
169 €. Nãquy = Nanking ... ... .. ... 31 omens, evil ... ... ... ... Narasimhagupta, remarks on the coins of ... 268 orthography of Western Tibetan ...
... 148 Naroandaam = Naroondam ... ... ... 50 Oyster Bay in Shoal Bay (1793) Narmada river; the country between the
Mahi and the Narmada ... ... 363,364 Nasika country included the Vatanagara Pacē= P Bassein ... ... ... 59, 63 district .... .. ..
... 217 pachoncy ...
18 13
*
... 451

Page #546

530
INDEX.
m...
...
...
5
... 141
380
Padaliptapura, = PAlitâns ... .. .. 493 Pequim = Peking ... ... ... 10, 18 Padmanala, a village in the Vatanagar Pequy, a division of China (Peking)... ... 18
district ... ... ... ... ... 217, 218 Pequym - Peking ... ... ... ... 19 Padma-purana mentions Gökarnam... .. 342 Perez, Fernio, arrives in China, 10; in China Paget Island in the Andamans described in (1520) ... ... ...
.. ..
.. 10 # 1793 ... ... ...
Perreau, Agent for Fort Marlbro'... 34 f. Paith, a Northern Chin dialect .
Perseverance Point in Port Cornwallis ... 237 Palaganj near Madhuvanam...
Persia Merchant, wreck of the 17th CenPalibothra ; see Pataliputra ...
tury) ... ...
... ... 132, 135 PAlitAna; ancient Padaliptapura ... .. 493 Phoenia, the Ketch, 508; -of Calcutta seized Pallaing, a Southern Chin dialect ...
by Cimetere... ... ... ... ... 505 Pallitavada, & village in the Vatanagara Phoenia, the, Snow, 142, 244 ff.; proceeds to
district ... ... ... ... ... 217, 218 the Andamans (1793) Palliyars, note on the life of the, 391 f. :-the phal, a tattooing design ... ... ... 293
habitat of the, 391:- are nomads without pigeon-pea = ddl seed ... ...
houses, 891:- have no cultivation ... 392 Pigot, the, Ship ... ... ... ... 284, 312 pambakulika = pinthagugyi ... ... ... Pilot, the, Snow... ... panch, the, a tattooing design .. .. 293 Pim = Peking ... ..
... 11 Pancha Tirtha near Gaya ... ... .. Pina, Tristão de, confused with Christovão panda, a proprietor of a sacred spring
Vieyra ... ... .. .. ... ... 18 Pandava Saga, the .. ... .. ... 81. Pinquim Peking .. .. ... ... Pangarika, Pangry in the Nigam's Dom- pinthagugyi, derivation of ... .. inions .. .. ..
.
pio ... .. ... ... ... ... 16 Pankhu, a Central Chin dialect, 3 =Purali
Pippalachchha, an ancient village in Surat... 330 Travancore ... ..
... ... .. 344
Piquim Peking ... ... ... ... 10 Pasalia, the, of Pliny, discussed, 844:
piracy about Canton in 16th Century ...25 f. parallelism in Ladékhi songs ... ... 87 Pirez, Thoine, was a "Captain Major," 18; paraos = prows ... ... ... ... ... 59 in Canton in 1520, 12, 29; his ship's comParafurima, the part he played in S. India. 340 f.
pany .. .. Parasuramakshetram, old name for Malabar... 838 Pistano, Sirian, master of a Pegu vessel ... 426 PÅrsvanth, Mt., a visit to, described ... 75 Pit Island in Port Cornwallis... ... 43, 237 Parávanátha, an image of ... ... ... 68 | Pitman, Capt. of the Ranger ... ... ... 138 Parávanátha Kshetram, the, near Madhuvanam. 67 Plutarch, his knowledge of the MazdayasParsvanatha Tirthankara ... ... .. 66 njau religion ... ... ... ... ... 300 Parsvasena, son of Visakha RAJA ... 69 f. pochacy ... ... ... ... ... ... 12 Passage Island in Stewart Sound (1793) ... 236
pochangi ... ... ... ... ... 16, 24 Pataliputra, Patna in Bebar, mentioned in a pochuncy ... ... ...
... 13 record of A. D. 918 ... ... ... ... 395 Pocook Island in the Andamana (1793) ... 298 Pataliputra, the palisade of, remains of ... 440 Podoperoura on the Malabar Coast = UdaPatane = Patani ... ... ... 13, 17, 63 yamperur ... .. Patna, eroavations at ... ... ... 487, 495 f. pokhr, the, defined ... .. Paundravardhana, an ancient town in Bengal. 220 Ponhaem = Pwanyü ... ... Pausanias, his allusion to the religion of the ponsey = pdñsui
... 215 Magians ... .. .. . .. 301 poot = putta, a weight, 51 ; son of RajendraPÅvápuri near Bahad ... ..
... 70 chóla, his inscription at Kanagiri ... ... 231 Paxton, Cookerell, Trail & Co., of Oaloutta Popham, Capt. (1793) ... ... ... ... 211
(1793) ... ... ... .. ... ... 272 porcelain in China in 16th Century ... . Peck, Mr. Robert, ship-owner (1793)... ...85 €. Port Andaman in 1793 ... ... ... Pecook Island = Pocock Island ... ... 238 Port Blair = Old Harbour, Blair's survey of, Pedir ... ... ... .. . ...
63
233 :-removal of Settlement in 1793 ... 84 Pedro, a Christian Chinese in 1524 ...
Porta Nova = Porto Novo (East Coast of Peel Island in the Andamans described in
India) ... .. .. . .. ... 134 1793 .. .
... 235 Portuguese, the, in China, in 16th Century,
*** peer padri ... ...
359 1. 10 ff. :-in Canton in 1521, list of, 14 f.:Penang, the, Schooner ... ...
.505 505 Cape
Captives in Canton, 1534-36... ... 10 ff.
239
...
17

Page #547

INDEX.
531
... 481
so
... 731
possession, demon (girls), among the Singha
lese ... ... ... .. ... ... 380 Pộtaraja of Gudimetla, 231:- Powell, Samuel,
5th mate of the Doddington... 185, 191, 225 fr. Prabhasa Devapattana = Somanath ... 491 Prabhulingaltla, the, a chief source of the
Lingait movement ... ... ... ... 404 PrakasAditya, remarks on the coins of 263 predicator, term defined ... ... pregnancy customs among the Binghalese ... 378 Preparis Islands, the ... ... .. Preta SHa Hill near Gaya ... ... Prince of Wales Island (Penang), visit to
(1794) ... ... ... ... ... 416 Prithvirdj-charitra, the ...
... 499 Prithiraj-ráso, notes on the ... ... 499 ff. privateering in Bay of Bengal (1794)... ... 317 pro = pio... ... ... ... ... ... 14 puberty customs (girls) among the Singhalege ... .. ...
** ** .. 380 Pudu Vaippa, native name for the Island of Vypeen ... en...
... . ...
.. .. . .. 339 Pulindå river, the Unand& nullah in Nasik, 218 Pulo Penang, the, Schooner = Penang, the... 507 Pundavardhana, an ancient town in Bengal... 220 Puragupta was probably a brother and suc
cellor of Skandagupta ... ... ... 264 Pariet, = the Pärnâ river in Gujarat
... 255 Pärnå river in Gujarat ; Ancient Par&v ... 255 Param, an old Kuki dialect ... ... putra, Malay coin and weight, 51 f. :-patah. 52
Raivataka, Mt. = Girnir ... ... ... 490 Raj@giri = Rajagriha, 71 - a modern de
scription of, 70 ff. :-Brahmans at ... 72 R&janarendra, the Chalukya ... ... 230 f. RAji Chaulukya ... ... ... .. RAlte, a Northern Chin dialect ... ... 3 Råma Sita Hill near Gaya ... ... ... 73 Ramakund, a cold spring near Mongir ... 69 Råman, Point, modern geography of ... 340 Råmapurt, the modern RAhurt in Ahmad
nagar, 220;- it was the chief town of a
Beven-hundred district ... ... 219, 220 Ramayana, a list of recensions of the, 352 f.:
a modern native" criticism" of the, 351 :mentions Kerala and Gokarnam ... ... 341 Ramsay, Lieut., in com inand at the
Andamang ... ... ... ... ... 386 Ránaka-Vfradharala of Dholka ... ... 477 Rangat Bay in the Andamans described in 1793 ... ..
.. . ... ... 236 Ranger, the, Schooner ... ... ..
... 82 Ranger, the, Snow ... ... 41 f., 137 f., 148 Ranger Ledge off the Andamans (1793) ... 238 Rångkhôl, an old Kuki dialect Raso, the, = Prithviraj-raso ... ... ... 499 RATAjan, RAtanjan, in Ahmadnagar; ancient
Rattajjuna ... ... ... .. .. 335 Rattajjuna, R&tâjan, Ratanjan, in Ahmad negar .
.. .. ... ... ... ... 335 Raula or Wakhtana in Baroda; apparently =
the ancient Indotthåna ... ... ... 256 Reddick, Robert, Assist. Surgeon at the
Andamans (1794) ... ... 418, 427, 460 reduplication, the term defined ... ... 173 Refuges, the Three, of Buddhism as tused
among the Singhalese ... .. .. 381 Reid, Mr., goes to the Jackall (Bee Ried) ... 461 religion, the force of, in India ...
401 f. rest-houses in China in 18th Century ... 23 Revenge, the, a French Privateer ... ... 505 "review rolls" in 1795 ... ... ... ... 467 rGya-byin edBangpo-rgya-bzhin rhyme, by sentences, in LadAkht Songs ... Ried, an Acting-Lieutenant of the Bombay
Marine (1794), 455:- 2nd officer of the
Cornwallis (1794) (see Reid) ... ... rithlen, spirit possessed in Khasia Hills ... Kyang-byung-dbyerpa the foal ... ... rK yangbyung-khadkar the horse ... .. 32 Roberto, John, commands tbe Dispatch ... 465 Robinson, C. A., Garrison Storekeeper
(1798-5) ... ... ... 144, 821, 469 rock-carvings in Lower Ladakh, 398 ff.:-- sites of, 401; the age of, discussed, 898 f. ; - an Aryan Art in the Himalayas .. 398
...
Quancheu = Kiungchau in Hainan ... Quancheofu = Quancheu ... ... Quançy, a division of China (K wangeht) Queancy, a division of China (Kiangobt),
27:- = Shanghi ... .. Quèncy = Queancy ... ... ... Quantão, a division of China (Canton) Quiency = Shenshi ... ... .. quintei = kéngtie = ploughed land
32
and 1, interchanges of; in Kalapallika, Károli, 254 ; and Jolwa, Jorwa ... ... 398 Rádbanpur plates of A. D. 808; note on the
place Tigavi mentioned in this record ... 335 n. RAbada Chånda.. ... .. ... ... 481 RAburt, in Ahmadnagar; ancient Ramapuri... 220 rain, bringing ... ... ... ... ... 291 rainfall at Port Cornwallis in 1794 (123
inches in 5 months) ... ... ... ... 460 Raivataka, t. peak of the Girnar mountain in Kathi wår . .. .. ... ... 362
... 362

Page #548

532
INDEX.
rock-carvinga in Tibet, two styles of, 400:
the object of, in Tibet ... ... ... 400 rod, the life-giving ... ... ... ... 451 Rodriguez, Francisco, his ship in Canton
in 1521 ... ... ... ... ... ... 14 Rôhini, the wife of the Moon... ... ... 293 Rôbftalla, = Roitalla in the Nizam's Dom
inions . ... ... ... ... ... 221 Roitalla, in the Nizam's Dominions; ancient
Rohitalla ... ... .. . *** Roper, Lieut., of the Eagle, 42; in command
of the Nautilus, Brig, 276; commands the Union, Snow, 243, 315; commands the
Viper ... .. ... .. . 118, 110 Rose, the, Galley (1755) ... ... 190, 276 Rosenburry of the Doddington ... 115 1., 223 Ross, Lt.-Col. (1793) ... ... ... 84, 137 Ross Island in Port Cornwallis ... ... 237 rupees, the scales on the Company's origin of,
294:- Sonant (1793)...
.
.
.221
sacrifice, human, in modern India ... ... Saddle Peak in the Andamans (1793) . 236 Sadbli in Baroda ; ancient Sraddhika agrd.
... 362
SAgar Tank near Bankipore, excavation at ... 437 Sahiņimêra, contemporary of Bhimakavi ... 281 Bajjanagara = Sajjapura near Peddapur
in the Godavari District ... ... 230 Sajjôdaka, an ancient village in Baroda ... 364 Sak = That ... ... ... ... ... 6 Salabhadra, son of Svênika Maharaja's treu
surer (Jaina) ... ... ... ... ... 71 Saline mixture, a medicine in 1793 ...
198 . .. 278 Sambandbi, Samdhi in Baroda ... ... 364 Samdhi in Baroda ; ancient Sambandhi ... 364 Sumngamakbêtaka, SankhedA in Baroda ... 392 SamgamikA, = Sangwi in Ahmadnagar ... 335 n. Sathgrimasinha, son of Sindhurája, defeated
by Vastupala ... ... ... ... 494 f. Samipadraka, = Sondarna in Baroda ... 362, 363 Samoan, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to ... ... ... ... 171 f. Samudragupta; his accession to be placed in
A. D. 325 or 326, . . 259;- he probably
had also the name of Kacha ... ... 259 sanchayanan, ash-sifting ceremony in royal
funerals in Travancore ... ... ... 251 Saney, a division of China (Shanshi) ... 18 Bandalpur, near Patna, excavations at ... 437 Sandys, Lieut., Fort Adjutant of Fort William,
Agent for the Andamans at Calcutta, 1794, 319 :-- in charge of the convicta at the Andamans ... ... ... ... ... 415
Sangamner in Ahmadnagar; ancient Samga
managara, not Samgamikå ... ... 335 n. Sangli plates of A. D. 933; the places men
tioned in them, identified ... ... ... 219 Sangwi in Ahmadnagar; ancient Sanga
mika ... ... ... ... ... 335 n. Sankaracharya, a monastery of his followers
at Gaya... ... ... ... ... 72 Sánkba defeated by Vastopala ... 494 f. Sankh8d6 in Baroda; ancient Sargamakhe
taka ... ... ... ... ... ... 332 Sanki, an ancient village, still existing, in
Baroda ... ... ... ... ... ... 398 Sapadalakshs in Eastern Rajputana ... ... 383 Sarapalli, an ancient town in Vizagapatam ... 253 saroyboura = sarung-burung = edible birds'
nests ... ... ... ... ... ... 52 Sarth tailAtakiya forty-two, an ancient terri
torial division in Baroda ... ... ... 255 sat-sird=dhdi sira ... ... .. ... 164 Satya Dharma, a Vaishnava priest at Gaya... 72 science, Indian attitude towards ... 327 f. scurvy at the Andamans in 1793 ... ... 244
Digps =bDud... ... ... .. 36 sea of milk, the ... ... ...
... 452 Seahorse, the (1798-5), 314, 317, 418, 459, 503 :- Brig = the Seashore Schooner and Snow, 269, 271 :- Schooner (1793), 269: Snow, 209 :-the, sent to Port Blair in 1793 to remove the Settlement ... ...
84 Seal Island ... ... ... ... .. 129 seas, the seven ... ... ... ... ... 452 seede, magic ... ... ...
452 Semne on the Malabar Coast = Chembu... 339 Sengge-dkarmo-yyu-ral-can, the glacier, 38 :
the "white lioness" of Tibet ... ... 399 sentence, the, as the unit of language ... 165 Sera Metropolis = Tiru Vaõji capital of
Kerala ... ... ... ... ... ... 343 Seralls, Sorulla, in the Nizam's Dominions ;
ancient Silshere ... ... ... ... 221 Sêram = Chêram = Kesara ... ... ... 349 serpent-worship in modern India ... ... 328 serpents, the lord of the ... ... ... 452 sgarderberal, a cloth, derivation unknown ... 436 Bhagg Rock ... ... ... ... ... 122 Shakespear, Colin, 246, 274:- Sub-Secretary
in 1798 .. .. .. .. 211, 382 shaving of children, customs among the
Singhalese, 379:- of young men, customs
among the Singhalese .. ... .. 380 Sheh, the Castle of, in Ladakh ... ... 101 Shepdu is not properly a name for a
language ... ... ... .. ... 5 Shikshinshum = Jangehên ... ... ...

Page #549

INDEX.
533
398
... 303
278
491
32
Shina='aBrogpa .. .. ***
Speke, Peter, Member of Council, 1793 ... 50, 284 Shingeol Jangehen ... ... ... ... 3 | Spend, the, remarks on the .. . Sho, a Southern Chin dialect ... ... ... 4 spider, the, in tattooing designs ... 298 Shoal BJ (S. Andamans) in 1793 ... ... 234 spirit of the dead among the Singhalese ... 382 Shoal Bay in Port Cornwallis (1793)... ... 237 spitting, folklore of ... ... ... ... 291 Shore, Sir John, Governor-General spleen, induration of, a disease in 1793 ...
(1793-4) ... .. ... 284, 316, 883 Sraddhika agrahara, = Sadhli in Baroda ... Shunkla = Tashon ... ... ... ... 3 Srar Pass, a song about the ... ... ... 307 Siddharti Raja of Kshettrikend, a Jaina Sreņika Maharaja, a Jaina king of Rajagiri, king ...
.. ... 69 66:- founds Rajagiri, 71:-- his temple at Siddhasaras tank, the, dug by Jayasinha Bhagalpur .. ... .. .. ..
lukya .. ... .. .. .. 483 | Srinpo =bDud ... ... ... ... ... 36 Silahare,= Seralla, Scrulla, in the Nizam's Srub-lha, a pre-Buddhist harvest festival in
Dominions ... ... ... ... ... 221 Ladakh ... ... ... ... ... 399 Singhalese, social life of the ....... 378 ff. St. George - Madras ... .. sister, father's, son of, among the Singhalese St George Island in Port Cornwallis (1793). 237
is a favourite bridegroom ... ... ... 386 St Lucia River ... ... ... ... 180 f. Sitakund, a hot spring near Mongir, 69:- St Mary's Island ...
.. ... ... 190 a sacred pool of the Jainas near Madhuve- Tanglha-Heaven, the, 34 :-is white in nam .. ... ... ... ... 67 colour ... ... ... .
... 35 Sita Ramaswami, a Jaina temple at Vaidya Stambhana, = Th&: ina in Kaira ... ... 493 nath ... .. .
... ... .. 68 Stambhatirtha, = Oambay ... ... Siyin, a Northern Chin dialect ... ... 3
Stanglha, the golden frog . .. Skandagupta was probably succeeded by a Staota Yesnya = Stot Yasht, 302:- is com
brother, Puragupta ... ... ... ... 264 plete ... ... ... ... ... ... 365 8Kyabs-bdun = the Earth Mother ... ... 35
stem, the term defined ... ... ... ... 173 8Kyer-rdzong-anyanpo=dBangpo-rgyabzhi. 85
Stewart Sound in the Andamans, described Kyurbuchan, Harvest festival at, Ladakh...101 f.
in 1793 ... ... ... ... ... ... 236 slave trade in the Andamans ... ... .. 289 Sthavarapallika, Chhårôli in Surat... 329, 330 small-pox, purification after, among the Stick, use of a, to detect theft ... ... 295
Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... 379 Stokoe (Ensign), Lieut. Joseph, appointed to Smith, Matthew, owner and Commander of
the Andamans, 1793, 47, 249; succeeds the Snow Daphne .. ... .. 313, 422 Lt. Wells, 417 takes over the stores, Smith, Ralph, of the Doddington .. ... 226 386 :- his defence arrangements for the Smith, Thomas Ramsay, in charge of the Andamans, 1793 ... ... ... ... 208 Andamans ... .. .. .. .. 470
Stot-Yasht, foundation of the Zoroastrian Soarez, Bertholameu, in Canton in 1521 ... 13
Scriptures, 302 :- remarks on the... ... 302 Sokte, a Northern Chin dialect ... ... 3
Strabo, his account of the Mazdayasnian Soma, grandfather of Arisimha and Somes
religion... ... .. .. ... vara ... ... .. ... ... .. 487 Strait Island in the Andamans (1793) ... 234 Sômana, a Niyogi Brahman ... ... ... 230 stúpa, evolution of the Lad&khi form of ... 399 Somanátha, Vastupala's visit to ... ... 490
Substitute, referent, term defined ... ... 165 Somervill, William, commands the Dispatch,
Sukritasamkirtana, the, of Arisimha, transBrig ... ... ... ..
lated from the German of the late Dr. Somerville, Mr., of the Union ... ... ...
Bühler, 477 ff. ;-character of the work, Sondi in Ahmadnagar; ancient Sonnabí ... 220
477 :- date of, 480:- the historical verses Sonant Rupees ... ...
quoted in full ... ... ... ... 483 ff. Sondarna in Baroda ; ancient Samipa.
Sumedhaparvattam near Madhuvanam ... 65, 67 draka .. .. .. .. ... 362, 363 Surat sometimes spoken of as Suratapura and Sonnahi, Son&i in Ahmadnagar ... ... 220 Suryapura, 397; - the places mentioned in Sonuee in Ahmadnagar; ancient Sonnahf ... 220 the Surat plates of A.D. 1051, identified... 255 Sorulla, Seralla, in the Nizam's Dominions ; Suratapura, a fanciful name of Surat ... 397
ancient Silahare ... ... ... .. 221 Surjaka Nadi, a stream on the SumedhaSound Island in Stewarts Sound (1793) ... 236 parvata Hill ... ... ... ... ... 69 Soyão = Siam .. .
Suryapura, a fanciful name of Surat ... 397
... 301

Page #550

584
INDEX
14
..
29
Suthra ShAhts, origin of the ... .. 496 Tenna, = Ten in Baroda ... ... Sutkar, the, remarks on the ... ..
Th&do, a Chin dialect ... ... .. ... 3 Suvarnagiri near Rajagiri ... ...
Thâmna in Kaira; ancient Stambhana ... 493 svastika in Tibetan rock-carvings, 400; an That, a Southern Chin dialect ... .. 5
emblem of the Bon Religion of Tibet ... theft, folklore methods of detecting ... 291 f. Svētdmbara, term explained .. ...
Thelkheir of Ptolemy discussed = Nagar ... 344 Svētåmbara merchant of Murshidabad, a
Theopompos, his account of the Mazdayasgwan, the celestial
nian religion ... ... ... ... ... 300 Sya = Siam ... ...
Therapanthi, a Digambara sect ... 66 Syam = Siam ... ..
thlen, a serpent-demon in the Khasia Hills ... 328 Syao = Siam ... ..
... 26 Thomas, Lieut. George, Commander of the Sylveira, Eytor da ...
53 & n. Ranger, 45, 82:- commands the Seahorse. 269 symbolism, Orienta.., as shewn in tattooing Thornhill, Capt., Andamans (1793) ... ... 238
designs ... ... ... ... ... ... 297 Thornhill, Cudbert, Master Attendant, Cal. Syntactical Languages, the term defined ... 179
cutta (1793) ... .. ... ... 86, 314 Synthetic Languages, the term defined ... 179 Thealdang, the mare ... ... ... .. 32 Syon = Siam ... ... ... ... ... 18 Thseringskyid, the song of, Lad&kh ... ...95 f.
thunder, Tibetan folklore of ... .. .. 305 Tigavi, an ancient place ... ... 335 n.
Tikkana, a successor to Bhimakavi ... ... 231 Table Islande, the, in the Andamans (1793). 237 f. Timbarwa in Surat; ancient Tembardka, Tácoa = Tungkwan ... . ..
Pemvaraka ... ... ... . . 256 Takári, a bhatta-village ... ... ... 335 Timings, Mr., of the Nautilus... ... ... 280 Takkara, apparently an ancient place ... 335
tiqos ... ... ... ... ... ... 24 Takkårika, a bhatta-village in the Madhya- Tirthankaras, residences, escribed to the ... 65
désa country ... ... ... ... ... 335 Tirukkårår in North Travancore ... 343 f. Talapadraka, = Talodra in Baroda ... ... 256 Tlantlang, a Central Ohin sub-dialect ... 3 Talkhair, in the Nizam's Dominions; perhape
togi... .. ... .. .. . ... 24 formerly known as Vavrulatalla ... ... 222 toddy ... ... ... ... ... ... 133 tallaco ... .. . ... ... ... 55 Tog, the ancient name of the village of Stock Talodra in Baroda; ancient Talapadraks ... 256 in Ladakh ... ... ... ... .. Tanção = Tungkiang ... .. ...
Tolejaks, an ancient place in Baroda... .. 398 Tantikk, = Táti Jagra in Baroda ..
Tombelle, John (1793) ... ... ... ... Tapovang, a jungle near Bånatirtha (Jaina)... 71 tomeçi ... ... ... ... ... Tarkariká, an ancient place ... ... ... 835 tomegy ... .. ... . Tarray = Tavay =Tavoy ... ...
... 505
Tomq. = Tungkiang ... ... Tashữn, a Ceptral Chin dialect ...
Topping, Richard, Carpenter of the DoddingTati Jagra in Baroda; ancient Tantika ... 256
ton. ... ... ... ... ... 225 ff. tattooing designs, their value to the Ethno- Toringoi, the country of the, Paralia,
graphist ... ... .. .. .. 297 344:- = Sora = Chola ... ... ... 344 tattooing, female designs in India, 293 ff. :- tortoise, born to a woman ... ... ... 447
caste designs, 297 ; Taungtha, a Southern totems, obsolete, preserved in Indian female Chin dialect .. .. *
tattooing designs ..
... .297 Taylor of the Doddington .. ..
town-major, the ... ... Taylor, John, Commander of the Commerce. 508 | Trade, the Island of ... ... ...
*.. ... 1 Taza = Tartar ... ..
Travancore, royal funeral ceremonies in, teições ... ... ... ... ... ... 24
251 f. :- mixture of Christian and Hindu telcr = trikbal ... ... ... ... ... 164 custom ... ... ... ... ... ... 251 Telu Râm, the name explained ... ... 164 tree, holy, of the gLing-chos ... ... Telugu Literature, milestones in ... 229 ff., 401 ff. Tree of the World, in Tibetan folklore Tembardka, Temvaruka, = Timbarwa in Surat. 256 Tregenbar = Tranquebar ... ... temple found in the Andamans, described tralar defined, 516; = trikhal... ... in 1793 ... ... ... ... ... ... 239
Trenna, = Ten in Baroda ... . Ten in Baroda ; ancient Treyanna, Treyanna, Trevisa, Jonathan ... ... ...
Trenna, Tenna ... ... ... ... 396 Treyanna, Treyanna, = Ten in Baroda ... 396
... 15 ... 27
115
...
... 141
19

Page #551

INDEX
535
...
32
335
16
trident, the, on Ladakht stápas
... 399 trithal, the .. ..
163 t. trikhalskanti, a ceremony
183 €. Trilôchanapala of Låta ...
... 255 Tsetse-ngangdmar, the kid ... Tsetse-ngangdmar, the she-goat Ttakâri,= Takart ... Tuão Alemançet = Tuan 'Ali Muhammad ... Tuo Healie > Tuan "Ali ... ... ... 16 Tuko Mafame = Tuan Muhammad ... ... 16 tulbanden = turban ...
... .. 436 Tula-Kaveri-Mahatmya, the ... ... 444 f. Tuļu kingdom, extent of ... ... ... 346 Tulukkar Turk ...
... .. 350 buto ... ... . .. ... 16, 24, 27 tutuão ... ... ... ... ... ... 17 twins in the Panjab, unlucky, 162:- a child
born after, is unlucky and called lantha
(Panjab) ... ... ... ... ... 515 Tyndis of the Periplus, 342:- = Kadalundi
near Beypore ... ... ... ... ... 342
... 495
Udayachala hill near Vaibhâra hill (Jaina). 71 Uddandakavi = Bhimaksvi ... .. .. Udubaraghara, = Udumbaragpiha, and per
haps = Udumbaragahvars ... ... ... 897 Udumbaragahvara, an ancient place, 333 n. ;
perhaps mentioned as Udubaraghara ... 397 Umbara, Umvara, = Bagumra in Baroda ... 897 Unand& nullah, in Näsik; ancient Pulinda ... 218 Union, the, Snow, 42, 85, 138, 143, 315; Brig
= Snow, 277 ; belongs to Blair, 138; sold by Blair to the Government ... ... 243 Union Ledge off the Andamans in 1793 ... 238 unlucky children in the Panjab, 162,515 1.:
as founders of sects ... ... ... ... 436 Uppalika three-hundred, an ancient territorial
division in the Nizam's Dominions or in
Ahmadnagar ... ... ... ... 221, 222 Urjayat, peak of the Girnar mountain in Kathiâwâr ...
.. ... ... 362 utéran, a tattooing design ... ... ... 296
Valisa, = Wanesa in Baroda ... ... ... 397 Vallabharaja, victory over the king of
Malva ... ... .. ... ... .. 482 V&manasthall (Vanthlt) visited by Vastupala. 490 Vanarkja ChaudA founds Anahilapataka ... 481 Valiji near Cranganore, 343; the capital
of the Kerala kingdom ... .. .. Valijull, = Walijoli in Ahmadnagar... .. Váradapallik, = Bardoli in Surat ... ... 396 Vardhamana Swami (Jaina), 70;- son of
Siddhartha Raja ... .. ... .. 69 Varikhêda, = Warkhed, Warkhed, in
Nasik ... mariraiventy = rice seed, in the Malagasy
currency ... ... ... ... ... 111 Varstmausar, the, remarks on the ... ... 302 vásaka, halt, a camp' ... .. 253 n. Vasantapala = Vastupala ... .. Vashtap-Nask, remarks on the ..
... 303 vastavya, dwelling at;' the technical use and
bearing of the word, 331 ff. ;- apparently used in one place as a noun meaning & place of residence,' 331 ;-a curious case in which it is used, 838 ;-& particular in
stance of the use of it ... ... ... 393 Vastupala, Jains, patron of Arisimha, 477 :minister to Virad havala, 483 ; appointed minister, 488;- his buildings and foundations, 491 ff.; his exploita, 494 f.; his pilgrimage to Satrunjaya and Girnar, 488 ff.;
his death ... ... ... ... ... 480 Vasupaiya Tirthankara... ... .. .. 68 Vasura, Basura, Basuri, sangha ... ... 865 Vatanagara, the modern Wadner in Nasik,
218;- it was the chief town of an ancient
district ... ... ... ... ... ... 217 Vatapadraka, = Wardala in Baroda... ... 256 Vatapi, V&tâpl, early form of the name of
Badami... ... ... ... ... 364 n., 365 Vattara, an ancient village in Surat... ... 330 Vavviyana, Babbiyana, = Baben in Baroda... 397 Vavvulatalla twelve, a group of villages... 221, 222 Vcheu = Wuchaufu ... ... ... ... 27 veins, varicose, folklore of ... ... ... 291 Velluvalla, Velvalla, = the Beļvola country... 365 Vemana was & Brahmavêtta, 403; was a kápu or farmer, 403; born in the Cuddapah district, 403 :- as a recognised gurd, 404:essentially a radioal, 408 :- tomb at Katarapalli, 404 :- the age of, 401 ff.; affected by the Lingait movement, 404 ; identifies Siva with God, 404 :- verses attributed to, 401 ff.; extant writinge doubtful, 405; writings against caste distinctions, 405; Brown's Ed. of .. ... ... ... 405
... 486
Vadapadraka, an ancient village in Baroda;
perhaps Baroda itself ... ... ... 333 Vadavura, a village in the Vatanagars
district ... ... ... ... ... 217, 218 Våghrapalliya = Vågb81A ... Vahunadaívan, = Bonad in Baroda ... ... 256 Vaibhara hill, its connection with Gautama (Jaina) ... ... ...
... ... 71 Vaidyanath near Madhuvanam ... ... 67 f. Vaidyanath Swami uyam w umi
...
.. . .. ... 68 Valabhf, = W A, Wall, or Walên, in Kathis
war .. .. ... .. .. ... 833

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536
INDEX.
Vemulavadin near Dräkabârâms in the Goda
Cormall, 81; commands the Commoallis, very Distriot, birth-place of Bhimakavi... 230 271, 279, 419:-deputed to examine the Vendidad, the, remarks on the, 303 :- the, is
ports from Diamond Island to Acheen a law-book, 366; the, is complete, 365; tbe, Head for provisions ... ... ... ... 244
contents of the ... ... .. ...369 f. Wanesa in Baroda ; ancient Balisa, Valisa ... 397 " Vendue Master," the ordered to sell tho Wani plates of A. D. 807; the places men
Leeboard ... ... ... ... ... 508 tioned in them, identified ... ... ... 217 Vengi, the capital of the Eastern Chalukya WAñjoli in Ahmadnagar; ancient Vañjuli ... 220
kings; its position ... ... ... ... 218 Wardala in Baroda ; ancient Vatapadraks ... 256 Venus, the, Brig (1793)... ... ... ... 248 Waris Ali Khan's tank at Kumrhbar, excavibhiti, a tattooing design ... ... ... 293 vations at ... .. ... ... .. 495 viece (viss), a weight ... ... ... 51 Warkbôd, Warkhed, in Nasik; ancient VariVieyra, Christovão, confined Tristo de Pins, kheda ... ...
. ... ... ... .. ***
... 218 18:— travels in Thome Pirez's ship, 18; his Webh, nidshipman of the Doddington...191, 226 . letters from Canton, 10 ff.; a letter from, in weighta, scale of, in Madagascar, 109; stan
China ... ... ... ... ... 58 ff. dard Troy in Madagascar .. .. .. 109 Vijayasôna, Vastupâla's spiritual advisor ... 489 Welaung, a Southern Chin dialect ... ... 4 Villisvara, = Balésar, Baleshwar, in Baroda; Wells, Lt Edmund, Commissary of Stores at
it was the chief town of a forty-two district. 256 the Andamans (1794), 44, 385:- CommisVinão, a division of China (Hunan) ... .. 18 sary of provisions, Port Cornwallis (1794), vinirgata,' gone out from, come forth from;' 314, 321; commands the Native Infantry the technical use and bearing of the word, Detachment at the Andamans, 45:- 2nd-in381 f.;- apparently used in one place as Command at the Andamans in 1793, 78:a noun ineaning 'a place of departure, in charge of the Andamans (1798), 272, 391;- a curious case in which it is used... 338
275:-resigns his appointment at the Viper, the, Snow, 138, 143; sent to Port Andamans (1794), 885, 417 :- his claim for
Blair in 1793 to remove the Settlement ... 84 Rs. 10,000 allowances rejected, 417 f. :-his Vipulagiri near Vaibhôra hill ... ... ... 71 claim for "Staff allowances" (1794) ... 386 f. Viradhavala, son of Lavaņaprasada ... 483, 486
Welsh, Mr. Edmund, Commissary ... ... 218 virginity, the tokens of, among the Singha- Western Banks described in 1793 ... ... 239 lese .. ... ..
..
381 Wharf Island in Port Cornwallis ... ... 237 Visakha Râjâ, an Ugravamsa (Jaina) king William Pitt, the (1794) . ... ...
457 of Vasakhapur ... ... ... ... 69 Wilson, Mr., Commander of the Bencoolen ... 419 Visaladeva, son of Rånaka-Viradhavala of Wilson Island = Round Hill in the Anda
Dholka ... ... ... ... ... 471, 480 mans (1798) ... ... ... ... 234 f. Vishnupada temple at Gaya ... ... ... Wilsone, Harrington, and Downie, the firm Vishtasp-Shasto, the, remarks on the ... 808 of, in 1793 ... . ... ... 82, 210 Vispanthi, a Digambara sect ... ... ... 66 Wilsone, Downie and Maitland, Calcutta firm Vispered, the, an invocation book ..
of ... ... ... ... ... 412, 458 l'istasp Yasht, the, remarks on the .. ... 303 Wire Hill, the Nymph of the, a folktale ... 449 ff. Voamena scale of Madagascar, 113 :- the Witchcraft, modern Indian belief in ... 433 f.
mint of currency in Madagascar... 109 ff. Women of India, determined enemies of Volunteer "sepoys" at the Andamana in
reform ... ...
... ... ... 406 1793 ... ... ... ... ... 2481., 268 Wood, Mr. David, Surgeon, Medical Officer Vypeen, Island of, 338 f.; formed in 1341 at the Andamans, 1793, 47 f., 139, 247:A. D. ... ... ... ... ... ... 389 reports on the health of the Andamans
(1793), 3761., 315:- report on the sick state
of the Settlement, 1794 ... ... ... 387 Wanêr in Nåsik; ancient Vatanagara... 217, 218 Wakhtana or Raula in Barods; apparently Xantão, a division of China (Sbantung) ...
= the ancient Indöttbâng ... ... ... 256 zopas = sheupa = handkerchiefs ... ... 13 WaJA, Wald, or Walex, in Kathiâwâr; ancient Xuntaeim = P Shuntak
Valabhi... ... ... ... ... ... 333 Wales, Lieut. (Capt.) John, commands Yuflapatam, (Ceylon) ... ... ...
the Ranger, 42, 44, 233, commands the Yahow, Central Ohin sub-dialect ... ... 3
... 366

Page #553

INDEX.
587
".. 134
... 488
Yashts, the, are sacrificial hymns, 366; com
prise the poetical fact in the Avesta ..., 370 Yasna, the, a ritual exclusively .. ... 366 Yabodharala Paramara Yaíðvarman of Dhard taken prisoner by
Jayasinha Ohaalukya ... ... ... 483 Yates, midshipman of the Doddington ... 226 1. Yindu, a Southern Chin dialect ... .... 4 Yogklu is the underworld, 35; is blue in
colour, 35:- the blue frog ... ... ... 32 yoni, a tattooing design ... ... 295 f.
Zahao, a Central Chin sub-dialect ... Zarathushtrian ; see Zoroastrian ... ... 299 Zelon = Ceylon Zend is a commentary on the Avesta ... 301 Zend-Avesta, origin of the term, 301:- dis
cussion of the, 801 ff. :-of the Sassanides,
a discussion on the ... ... ... 301 ff. Zoroastrian religion, 365 ff.:-theology, Plu
tarch's account of the, 800:-law books,
value of the ... ... ... ... Zoroastrianism, origin of ... ... 298 ff.
..300

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Page #555

ERRATA P. 66, 1.11, for my a Zamindar, read by a Zamindar. 'Kapletha' of the Postal Directory of the P. 66, 1. 6 from bottom, for Vispanhti, read Bombay Circle (1879), and see p. 303 below, Vibpuntht.
note 1. P. 69, 1. 8, for Uatteribahini, read Uttarabahini. P. 256, line 6 from the bottom, for Indotthana, P. 69, note, 1.3, for mumber, read number.
read Indotthena. P. 75, 1. 17, for Dec. 1872, read Dec. 1827. P. 333, line 5, road Waléri, WalA, or Wa!A. P. 221, last line, for Gevrai', read Gavrái'. P. 477, 3rd line, for E. E. BURGESS, read E. K. P. 255, line 28, read the Kaphlets' of the BURGESS.
Atlas and Trigonometrical Sheets, and the P. 492, line 12, for Dholka, read Dholka,

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